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                    <text>Why Separate Slovak Politics?&#13;
&#13;
Long before the putsch of February 1948, the com­munists of Czecho-Slovakia labeled all Slovaks who opposed them as Fascists and Nazis. When they came into power -by the graces of Beneš and Stalin -they got rid of all opposition in the usual Red manner. &#13;
On the other hand, the followers of the ruinous policies of Dr. Edward Beneš call the Slovaks "Fascists and Nazis," because they insist on a separate Slovak state, the renewal of the Slovakia that they had proclaimed an independent state before World War II began. Lately they are going a bit farther than that; they have decided to prove that the Slovaks who had anything to do with the Slovak state, -the Hlinka Home Guard, and the Slovak People's Party -also collaborated with the Communists, especially during the 1946 parliamentary elec­tions. That, or course, is just plain silly, because it was not the Czechs or the followers of Beneš, but the Slovaks and the followers of Hlinka and Tiso, who openly opposed the Communists. Not only since 1948, but during the life of the first and second republics as well. &#13;
The Slovaks are through with all forms of Czecho-Slovakia. They have had their fill of Magyars, Czechs and Germans. They are determined to fight for an independent Slovak state within or without a European federation. The Slovak Republic was destroyed against their will and illegally by the United Nations, and they still want to know why. &#13;
Czecho-Slovak opponents of Slovak independence qualify the formation of the Slovak state as a betrayal of the Czechs and Czecho­Slovakia. They have no facts to prove that. They rest satisfied that Beneš had said so. What about the Slovaks themselves? Have they nothing to say about a matter that vitally concerns them? When all facts are considered in the light of the truth, we shall have to come to the conclusion that it was not the Slovak leaders who betrayed the Czechs and Czecho-Slovakia, but the Czech leaders - the Czech Socialists, especially the Czech Nazis (Czech National Socialists) headed by Dr. Edward Beneš.  &#13;
The difficult situation of Czecho-Slovakia in 1938-1939 is still fresh In our minds. What was responsible for that situation? It was the ruinous policy of Dr. Edward Beneš, who served many years as Foreign Minister and then President of Czecho-Slovakia. The Slovak deputies often cautioned Beneš to change his course, but to no avail. That the Slovaks were able to get out of that hopeless situation and kept themselves not only above water throughout the war, but progressed immensely, that fact itself speaks In favor of the Slovak state. &#13;
Now, take the situation that Slovakia finds itself in at the present time. Who is responsible for that situation? &#13;
During the war the Slovak nation lived In the conviction that its future life after the conclusion of the war and the defeat of Germany would be able to develop only alongside and after the manner of the western democracies. The influence of German politics was undesirable. Let us only recall that the London broadcast was heard publicly in Slovakia and that despite the fact that it was influenced by people who had a most negative stand toward the Slovak state. It is known that many aviators of the western armies found refuge In Slovakia and even the military authorities treated them as guests. It is also known that many Czechs, fleeing to the west, found refuge and aid in Slovakia. &#13;
Cžech politicians - specifically Beneš who posed as President of Czechoslovakia - went to Moscow despite the warnings of the western powers at a time when the formation of a Polish-Czechoslovak Federation was being negotiated. It was there that they sold out the Czech and Slovak nations to communistic Moscow. The Poles were embarrassed; any federation with the Czechs became a dead issue. This was not the result of a political compromise and good will. It was a singular triumph for Gottwald and Stalin. &#13;
Then came 1944. It was evident that the end of the war was not far off. The Slovaks were preparing for a new life; pians were being made for a Christian and democratic order without the tutorship of the German Reich. A genuine Slovak revolt was included In the plans. Moscow and Beneš knew about these plans but they were determined to cross up the Slovaks. They could not allow the Slovaks, who were for an independent Slovakia and sympathized with the west, to rebel against the Germans. &#13;
Beneš planned the strategy with Stalin. Soviet soldiers and saboteurs were parachuted into the mountains of Slovakia and the fake "national" rebellion of August 1944 was prepared. The result: about 70,000 Slovak dead, persecutions by the enraged Nazis, murder and destruction by both the desperate Nazis and the Red saboteurs. Soon after the war came the "Košice Agreement" which was cooked up In Moscow, and the fate of Slovakia was sealed. &#13;
The Slovaks were disappointed. They expected a victory of right and truth, but had to be satisfied again with subordination. But they did not betray their Christian and democratic traditions and convictions. They proved that In the 1946 elections. Little Slovakia, overshadowed by the Red giant, spoke decisively in favor of the west. In Bohemia and Moravia - the CZECH lands - the Reds bested all parties; with the socialists they had a decided majority. In Slovakia, the best the Reds could do - even with the help of the Czech Reds, Beneš's spies and Secret Police, and the army - was about 32 per cent of the total vote. &#13;
The Slovak Democratic Party - led by the political unknown Dr. Jozef Lettrich - became the victorious party with about 62 per cent of the total vote. Not by any of its own merits. The followers of Hlinka and Tiso - the overwhelming majority of the Slovak population - had little choice in the matter. Their party -the largest political party in pre-war Slovakia - was outlawed by the Red regime of Beneš. They could vote only for the candidates of the Communist and the Democratic Parties and, so, chose the lesser of two evils - the Democratic Party led by Lettrich. It was a vote against Communism. Of course, the Reds were furious. &#13;
But Dr. Lettrich and other leaders of the Democratic Party failed to take advantage of the situation. They betrayed the confidence of the voters by continuing the Sovietophile policy of Beneš. The Reds of Slovakia lost the elections decisively and yet won the most important posts in the state! The voters of Slovakia had decided for a separate Slovak policy, but the leaders of the party blindly continued to follow Beneš and Moscow in their anti-Slovak policy. &#13;
A group of bankrupt collaborators with Beneš and Stalin is playing the same politics today that brought disaster to the Slovak nation in February 1948. This group has organized the "COUNCIL OF FREE CZECHOSLOVAKIA" which is anything but representative of the will of the Slovak and Czech peoples ln America, at home or elsewhere In emigration. Most of the members of this Council are former members of the NATIONAL FRONT of Czechoslovakia, a fact that they would rather not be reminded of. The Slovaks want no part of them or their Council. They despise them as Red collaborators. &#13;
After the terrible experience of the past, the Slovaks cannot trust the very people who betrayed their interests and collaborated with their enslavers. As In the elections of 1946, the Slovaks In emigration today proclaim themselves against the Council of Free Czechoslovakia that is comprised of the men who in a large measure are responsible for the unfortunate situation the Slovak and Czech nations find themselves In today. They are for a separate Slovak policy in emigration and In Slovakia. No more do they want a common policy with the Czechs. Slovak leaders have learned their lesson after living with the Czechs in a common state for 20 years; they remember Munich 1938, December 12, 1943, and the post-war period. They have lost their appetite to hazard with the life of their people. &#13;
Slovak political leaders have on many occasions in the past shown their good will to come to some sensible agreement. They pleaded, begged and threatened many times, but to no avail. The only answer they received was the gallows and the courts. Let the Czechs, therefore, not reproach them for deciding to go their own way. They gladly accept full responsibility for the outcome. The Slovaks are convinced that they can thus better safeguard Slovakia from the catastrophes and sufferings that were her lot in the past decades, when she was ruled by others. &#13;
WHO SAID IT?&#13;
"Russia is for the liberation of Czechoslovakia... Russia is the strongest Slav brother and must be regarded as such... RUSSIA IS THE SOURCE OF TRUE OEMOCRACY AND FREEDOM THAT OUR PEOPLE IS EXPECTING." Dr. Edward Beneš, Chicago ĽUDOVÝ DENNÍK, April 21, 1939. &#13;
"For Russia the importance of the (Czechoslovak-Soviet) treaty lies In the fact she has another ally whose leader, Dr. Beneš, is highly esteemed in Allied councils, and in the fact that Czechoslovakia WILL NOT participate in any European FEDERATION whose purpose is re-establishment of a policy of the cordon sanitaire. This was the second time Dr. Beneš and Czechoslovakia have blazed a trail toward amity of the Soviet Union and neighboring states in eastern Europe." - (NEW YORK TIMES, 12-13-43). &#13;
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                    <text>SLOVAKIA

7

WHY SEPARATE SLOVAK POLITICS?
{k l-) - Long before the putsch of Feb ruary 1948, the communists of Czecho-Slovakia labeled all Slovaks who opposed them as
Fascists and Nazis. When they came into power - by the graces of
Beneš and Stalin - they got rid of all oppositlon in the usual Red
manner.
On the other hand, the followers of the ruinous policles of Dr.
Edward Beneš call the Slovaks "Fascísts and Nazis," because they insist
on a separate Slovak state, the renewal of the Slovakia that they had
proclaimed an independent state before World War II began. Lately
they are golng a bit farther than that; they have decided to prove
that the Slovaks who had anything to do with the Slovak state, - the
Hlinka Home Guard, and the Slovak People's Party - also collabor ated
with the Communists, especlally durlng the 1946 parliamentary elections. That, or course, is just p lain silly, because it was not the
Czechs or the followers of Beneš, but the Slovaks and tbe followers
of Hlinka and Tiso, who openly opposed the Communists. Not only
slnce 1948, but during the life of the first and second republics as
well.
The Slovaks are through with all forms of Czecho-Slovakia. They
have had their fill of Magyars, Czechs and Germans. They are determined to flght for an Independent Slovak state withln or wlthout a
European federation. The Slovak Republic was destroyed agalnst
their will and lllegally by tbe Unlted Nations, and they stlll want
to know why.
Czecho-Slovak opponents of Slovak independence qualify the formatlon of tbe Slovak state as a betrayal of the Czechs and CzechoSlovakia. They have no facts to prove that. 'ľhey rest satlsfied that
Beneš had said so. What about the Slovaks themselves? H ave tbey
nothing to say about a matter tbat vitally concerns them? When all
facts are considered in the light of the truth, we shall have to come
to the conclusion that lt was not the Slovak Jeaders who betr ayed
the Czechs and Czecho-Slovakla, but the Czech leaders - the Czech
Soclalists, especially the Czech Nazls {Czech Natlonal Socialists)
headed by Dr. Edward Beneš.
The dlfficult situatlon of Czecho-Slovakia in 1938- 1939 is still
fresh In our mlnds. What was responslble for that sltuatlon? It was
the rulnous pollcy of Dr. Edward Beneš, who served many years as
Foreign Minister and then Presldent of Czecho-Slovakia. T h e Slovak
deputles often cautioned Beneš to change his course, but t o no aval!.
That the Slovaks were able to get out of that hopeless sltuatlon and
kept themselves not only above water throughout the war, but progressed lmmensely, tbat fact itself speaks In favor of the Slovak state.
Now, take tbe sltuatlon that Slovakla finds ltself in at the present
time. Who is responsible for that sltuation?
Durlng the war the Slovak natlon lived In the convict!on that lts
future llfe after the conclusfon of the war and tbe defeat of Germany
would be able to develop only alongslde and after the manner of the
western democracles. The lnfluence of German politlcs was undeslrable. Let us only recall that the London broadcast was heard publicly

�8

SLOVAKIA

in Slovakla and that desplte the fact that lt was lnfluenced by people
who had a most negatlve stand toward the Slovak state. It ls known
that many aviators of the western armles found refuge In Slovakla
and even the milltary authorltles treated them as guests. It is also
known that many Czechs, fleelng to the west, found refuge and ald in
Slova kla.
Cžech pollticians - speclflcally Beneš who posed as Presldent of
Czechoslovakia - went to Moscow desplte the warnlngs of the western powers at a Ume when the formatlon of a Pollsh-Czechoslovak
Federatlon was belng negotlated. It was there that they sold out the
Czech and Slovak natlons to communlstlc Moscow. The Poles were
embarrassed; any federatlon wlth the Czechs became a dead lssue.
Thls was not the result of a polltlcal compromlse and good wlll. It was
a slngular trlumph for Gottwald and Stalln.
Then came 1944. It was evldent that the end of the war was not
far off. The Slovaks were preparlng for a new llfe; pians were belng
made for a Christlan and democratlc order wlthout the tutorship of
the German Reich. A genuine Slovak revolt was lncluded In the
plans. Moscow and Beneš knew about these plans but they were determ.lned to cross up the Slovaks. They could not a llow the Slovaks,
who were for an independent Slovakia and sympathized wlth the
west, to rebel agalnst the Germans.
Bene• planned the strategy wlth Stalln. Soviet soldiers and saboteurs were parachuted lnto the mountalns of Slovakia and the fake
"natlonal" rebelllon of August 1944 was prepared. The result: about
70,000 Slovak dead, persecutlons by the enraged Nazis, murder and destruction by both the desperate Nazls and the Red saboteurs. Soon
after the war came the "Košice Agreement" whlch was cooked up In
Moscow, and the fate of Slovakia was sealed.
The Slovaks were dlsappointed. They expected a vlctory ot right
and truth, but had to be satisfied again wlth subordlnatlon. But they
did not betray their Chrlstlan and democratic traditions and convictions. They proved that In the 1946 elections. Llttle Slovakla,
overshadowed by the Red giant, spoke declsively in favor ot the
west. In Bohemia and Moravla - the CZECH lands - the Reds bested
all partles; wlth the soclallsts they had a decided majority. In Slovakia, the best the Reds could do - even with the help of the Czech
Reds, Beneš's spies and Secret Police, and the army - was about
32 per cent of the total vote.
The Slovak Democratlc Party - led by the political unknown
Dr. Jozef Lettrlch - became the victorlous party with about 62 per
cent o! the total vote. Not by any of its own merits. The followers of
Hlinka and Tlso - the overwhelming majority of the Slovak populatlon - had Jlttle choice In the matter. Thelr party - the largest
polltlcal party In pre-war Slovakla - was outlawed by the Red re•
glme of Beneš. They could vote only for the candldates of the Communist and the Democratlc Partles and, so, chose the lesser of two
evils - the Democratlc Party Jed by Lettrlch. It was a vote agalnst
Communism. Of course, the Reds were furlous.
But Dr. Leltrlch and other leaders of the Democratlc Party
failed to take advantage of the sltuatlon. They betrayed the contldence of the voters by contlnulng the Sovietophlle pollcy ot Bene•.

�SLOVAKIA

9

The Reds of Slovakla Iost the electlons declsively and yet won the
most important posts ln the state! The voters of Slovakia had declded
for a separate Slovak pollcy, but the leaders of the party bllndly contlnued to follow Beneš and Moscow in thelr anti-Slovak pollcy.
A group of bankrupt collaborators wlth Beneš and StaUn ls
playlng the same poutlcs today that brought dlsaster to the Slovak
natlon ln February 1948. This group has organlzed the "COUNCIL OF
FREE CZECHOSLOVAKIA" whlch is anything but representatlve of
the wlll of the Slovak and Czech peoples ln America, at home or
elsewhere In emigratlon. Most of the merobers of this Council are
former members of the NATIONAL FRONT of Czechoslovakia, a fact
that they would rather not be remlnded of. The Slovaks want no part
of them or their Councll. They desplse them as Red collaborators.
After the terrlble experience of the past, the Slovaks cannot trust
the very people who betrayed their lnterests and collaborated wlth
thelr enslavers. As In the elections of 1946, the Slovaks In emlgration
today proclalm themselves against the Councll of Free Czechoslovakla
that ls comprlsed of the men who In a large mea.s ure a re responslble for the unfortunate sltuatlon the Slovak and Czech nations find
themselves In today. They are for a separate Slovak pollcy In emlgratlon and In Slovakia. No more do they want a common policy with
1he Czechs. Slovak leaders have learned thelr lesson after llvlng wlth
the Czechs In a common state for 20 years; they remember Munlch
1938, December 12, 1943, and the post-war perlod. They have lost the!r
appetlte to hazard with the llfe of thelr people.
Slovak polltlcal leaders have on many occaslons In the past shown
their good wlll to come to some senslble agreement. They pleaded,
begged and threatened many times, but to no aval!. The only answer
they recelved was the gallows and the courts. Let the Czechs, therelore, not reproach them for decld!ng to go thelr own way. They gladly
a ccept full responsibllity for the outcome. The Slovaks are convlnced that they can thus better safeguard Slovak!a trom the catastrophles and sufferlngs that were her Jot in the past decades, when
she was ruled by others.

•

•

•

•

WHO SAID IT ?
"Russia 1s for the liber ation of Czechoslovakia ..• Russia is the
strong eat Slav b rothe r and must be regarded as such •• • RUSSIA IS
THE SOURCE OF TRUE OEMOCRACY AND FREEDOM THAT OUR
PEOPLE IS E X PECTING."

DENNfK, Apr!l 21, 1939.

Dr. Edward Beneš, Chicago L' UDOV'Í'

•

"For Russ1a the lmportance of the (CzechosJovak-Sovlet) treaty
lies In the fact she has another ally whose leatler, Dr. Bene•, 1s
hlghly esteemed In Allied counclls, and In the tact that Czechoslovakla
WILL NOT participate in any European FEDERATION whose purpose is re-establishment or a pollcy of the cordon sanitaire. Thla waa
the aecond t l me Dr, Be.nea and Czechoalovakia have blazed a trail
toward amlty of the Soviet Union and nelghborlng states in eaatern
Europe." (NEW YORK TIMES, 12-13-43).

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                  <text>1951, Vol. 1</text>
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                  <text>&lt;ul&gt;&lt;li&gt;Issue 1 (No. 1), May 1951.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Issue 2 (No. 2), December 1951.&lt;/li&gt;
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              <text>Why Separate Slovak Politics?&#13;
&#13;
Long before the putsch of February 1948, the com­munists of Czecho-Slovakia labeled all Slovaks who opposed them as Fascists and Nazis. When they came into power -by the graces of Beneš and Stalin -they got rid of all opposition in the usual Red manner. &#13;
On the other hand, the followers of the ruinous policies of Dr. Edward Beneš call the Slovaks "Fascists and Nazis," because they insist on a separate Slovak state, the renewal of the Slovakia that they had proclaimed an independent state before World War II began. Lately they are going a bit farther than that; they have decided to prove that the Slovaks who had anything to do with the Slovak state, -the Hlinka Home Guard, and the Slovak People's Party -also collaborated with the Communists, especially during the 1946 parliamentary elec­tions. That, or course, is just plain silly, because it was not the Czechs or the followers of Beneš, but the Slovaks and the followers of Hlinka and Tiso, who openly opposed the Communists. Not only since 1948, but during the life of the first and second republics as well. &#13;
The Slovaks are through with all forms of Czecho-Slovakia. They have had their fill of Magyars, Czechs and Germans. They are determined to fight for an independent Slovak state within or without a European federation. The Slovak Republic was destroyed against their will and illegally by the United Nations, and they still want to know why. &#13;
Czecho-Slovak opponents of Slovak independence qualify the formation of the Slovak state as a betrayal of the Czechs and Czecho­Slovakia. They have no facts to prove that. They rest satisfied that Beneš had said so. What about the Slovaks themselves? Have they nothing to say about a matter that vitally concerns them? When all facts are considered in the light of the truth, we shall have to come to the conclusion that it was not the Slovak leaders who betrayed the Czechs and Czecho-Slovakia, but the Czech leaders - the Czech Socialists, especially the Czech Nazis (Czech National Socialists) headed by Dr. Edward Beneš.  &#13;
The difficult situation of Czecho-Slovakia in 1938-1939 is still fresh In our minds. What was responsible for that situation? It was the ruinous policy of Dr. Edward Beneš, who served many years as Foreign Minister and then President of Czecho-Slovakia. The Slovak deputies often cautioned Beneš to change his course, but to no avail. That the Slovaks were able to get out of that hopeless situation and kept themselves not only above water throughout the war, but progressed immensely, that fact itself speaks In favor of the Slovak state. &#13;
Now, take the situation that Slovakia finds itself in at the present time. Who is responsible for that situation? &#13;
During the war the Slovak nation lived In the conviction that its future life after the conclusion of the war and the defeat of Germany would be able to develop only alongside and after the manner of the western democracies. The influence of German politics was undesirable. Let us only recall that the London broadcast was heard publicly in Slovakia and that despite the fact that it was influenced by people who had a most negative stand toward the Slovak state. It is known that many aviators of the western armies found refuge In Slovakia and even the military authorities treated them as guests. It is also known that many Czechs, fleeing to the west, found refuge and aid in Slovakia. &#13;
Cžech politicians - specifically Beneš who posed as President of Czechoslovakia - went to Moscow despite the warnings of the western powers at a time when the formation of a Polish-Czechoslovak Federation was being negotiated. It was there that they sold out the Czech and Slovak nations to communistic Moscow. The Poles were embarrassed; any federation with the Czechs became a dead issue. This was not the result of a political compromise and good will. It was a singular triumph for Gottwald and Stalin. &#13;
Then came 1944. It was evident that the end of the war was not far off. The Slovaks were preparing for a new life; pians were being made for a Christian and democratic order without the tutorship of the German Reich. A genuine Slovak revolt was included In the plans. Moscow and Beneš knew about these plans but they were determined to cross up the Slovaks. They could not allow the Slovaks, who were for an independent Slovakia and sympathized with the west, to rebel against the Germans. &#13;
Beneš planned the strategy with Stalin. Soviet soldiers and saboteurs were parachuted into the mountains of Slovakia and the fake "national" rebellion of August 1944 was prepared. The result: about 70,000 Slovak dead, persecutions by the enraged Nazis, murder and destruction by both the desperate Nazis and the Red saboteurs. Soon after the war came the "Košice Agreement" which was cooked up In Moscow, and the fate of Slovakia was sealed. &#13;
The Slovaks were disappointed. They expected a victory of right and truth, but had to be satisfied again with subordination. But they did not betray their Christian and democratic traditions and convictions. They proved that In the 1946 elections. Little Slovakia, overshadowed by the Red giant, spoke decisively in favor of the west. In Bohemia and Moravia - the CZECH lands - the Reds bested all parties; with the socialists they had a decided majority. In Slovakia, the best the Reds could do - even with the help of the Czech Reds, Beneš's spies and Secret Police, and the army - was about 32 per cent of the total vote. &#13;
The Slovak Democratic Party - led by the political unknown Dr. Jozef Lettrich - became the victorious party with about 62 per cent of the total vote. Not by any of its own merits. The followers of Hlinka and Tiso - the overwhelming majority of the Slovak population - had little choice in the matter. Their party -the largest political party in pre-war Slovakia - was outlawed by the Red regime of Beneš. They could vote only for the candidates of the Communist and the Democratic Parties and, so, chose the lesser of two evils - the Democratic Party led by Lettrich. It was a vote against Communism. Of course, the Reds were furious. &#13;
But Dr. Lettrich and other leaders of the Democratic Party failed to take advantage of the situation. They betrayed the confidence of the voters by continuing the Sovietophile policy of Beneš. The Reds of Slovakia lost the elections decisively and yet won the most important posts in the state! The voters of Slovakia had decided for a separate Slovak policy, but the leaders of the party blindly continued to follow Beneš and Moscow in their anti-Slovak policy. &#13;
A group of bankrupt collaborators with Beneš and Stalin is playing the same politics today that brought disaster to the Slovak nation in February 1948. This group has organized the "COUNCIL OF FREE CZECHOSLOVAKIA" which is anything but representative of the will of the Slovak and Czech peoples ln America, at home or elsewhere In emigration. Most of the members of this Council are former members of the NATIONAL FRONT of Czechoslovakia, a fact that they would rather not be reminded of. The Slovaks want no part of them or their Council. They despise them as Red collaborators. &#13;
After the terrible experience of the past, the Slovaks cannot trust the very people who betrayed their interests and collaborated with their enslavers. As In the elections of 1946, the Slovaks In emigration today proclaim themselves against the Council of Free Czechoslovakia that is comprised of the men who in a large measure are responsible for the unfortunate situation the Slovak and Czech nations find themselves In today. They are for a separate Slovak policy in emigration and In Slovakia. No more do they want a common policy with the Czechs. Slovak leaders have learned their lesson after living with the Czechs in a common state for 20 years; they remember Munich 1938, December 12, 1943, and the post-war period. They have lost their appetite to hazard with the life of their people. &#13;
Slovak political leaders have on many occasions in the past shown their good will to come to some sensible agreement. They pleaded, begged and threatened many times, but to no avail. The only answer they received was the gallows and the courts. Let the Czechs, therefore, not reproach them for deciding to go their own way. They gladly accept full responsibility for the outcome. The Slovaks are convinced that they can thus better safeguard Slovakia from the catastrophes and sufferings that were her lot in the past decades, when she was ruled by others. &#13;
WHO SAID IT?&#13;
"Russia is for the liberation of Czechoslovakia... Russia is the strongest Slav brother and must be regarded as such... RUSSIA IS THE SOURCE OF TRUE OEMOCRACY AND FREEDOM THAT OUR PEOPLE IS EXPECTING." Dr. Edward Beneš, Chicago ĽUDOVÝ DENNÍK, April 21, 1939. &#13;
"For Russia the importance of the (Czechoslovak-Soviet) treaty lies In the fact she has another ally whose leader, Dr. Beneš, is highly esteemed in Allied councils, and in the fact that Czechoslovakia WILL NOT participate in any European FEDERATION whose purpose is re-establishment of a policy of the cordon sanitaire. This was the second time Dr. Beneš and Czechoslovakia have blazed a trail toward amity of the Soviet Union and neighboring states in eastern Europe." - (NEW YORK TIMES, 12-13-43). &#13;
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                    <text>THE CAUSES OF CZECHOSLOVAKIA'S DISINTEGRATION &#13;
(k) - "The Slovaks, dissatisfied with autonomy within the framework of a diminished Czechoslovak state, went after independence as their ultimate goal. For that their leaders were accused of treason. I doubt whether that was in place...." (John F. Montgomery, for­mer U. S. Ambassador to Hungary: "Hungary, the Satellite against its own W111.") &#13;
The disintegration of Czechoslovakia in 1939 and her agony in the fall of 1938 will form interesting chapters in the history of the Europe created by treaties from 1919-1920. During that memorable 1938 and the spring that followed the Munich "capitulation" of the western democracies before German expansion, it was not only a state that collapsed, but also the whole European political and strategic system - a legal and moral system. &#13;
In Slovakia some of the foremost personalities were executed, thousands exiled and other thousands were jailed because they were accused of "causing the collapse of Czechoslovakia." But some of the Slovak leaders were fortunate to escape from their country. They were tried in absentia, sentenced to the gallows or hard labor for many years. Czech propaganda, favoring the followers of the late Dr. Beneš, refers to those Slovaks as traitors, fascists and nazis even today. &#13;
Will the accusation stand up before the objective judgment of history, or at least before the impartial criticism of factors who are better acquainted with the causes of the European drama of 1938­J939 and followed the whole struggle for peace, or who in some cases had even taken part in it? &#13;
There is no doubt that Slovak political leaders did not even think of playing so important a role as is ascribed to them. While they had participated in the drama, their action was only a reaction to the phenomenon for which they were not responsible: they simply defended the natural rights and principles that were the foundation of an order that was the subject of a struggle between the great powers. &#13;
To ascribe to Slovak politicians such great importance. therefore, is unreal, and, as far as Czechoslovakia 1s concerned, 1t would be overestimating the interna] causes of her disintegration if her ruin were ascribed exclusively to internal phenomena and the centrifugal efforts of the discontented nations and nationalities that comprised Czechoslovakia. &#13;
Czechoslovakia did not collapse only because of internal troubles. The causes of her ruination rest above all else on the fact that she was a part of the political order that Germany and several Danubian states, who had lost the first World War, were determined to ruin. It was the political order that the western European creators could not defend at the time. &#13;
The causes of the disintegration of Czechoslovakia must be sought in the European situation, especially In the moral and political crisis of Europe and in the change in the forces and presuppositions on which the European order was being built in 1919-1920. &#13;
The blunders of Czech political factors in foreign and domestic politics hastened the disintegration and it was these blunders that were responsible even for the internal centrifugal efforts among the majority of inhabitants of Czechoslovakia. An analysis of the European political situation, as well as a closer look at the conditions in Czechoslovakia during its entire existence, leads us to that conclusion. &#13;
According to Dr. Edward Beneš, "a fatal blow was dealt from the outside" at Munich, where four great powers - England, France, Germany and Italy - decided on September 29, 1938, to annex the Sudetenland of Czechoslovakia to Germany (See: Dr. E. Beneš, NOVÁ SLOVANSKÁ POLITIKA -The New Slovanic Policy -Prague, 1946, pg. 48). &#13;
In reality the consequences of the Munich conference, at which of representatives of the Prague government could only listen to the decision of the four great powers and silently yield to their decision or start a war against Germany forsaken by all allies -were the beginning of the end of the state that was the pillar of the political order of central Europe, the state that defended this system even when real political sense demanded that it be changed. Munich forced this system to fall and with it collapsed also Czechoslovakia. The na­tions situated between Germany and Russia had to suffer the conse­quences of this reality. &#13;
Nobody in the capitals of Europe doubted this in 1938. "All is lost," cried Winston Churchill in his parliamentary speech only six days after Munich. "Let us not try to conceal this reality from ourselves In this regard. We must now assume as certain, that all the states of central and eastern Europe will try to obtain from the triumphant Nazi power the best conditions that they shall be able to get. The system of alliances of central European states, which France thus far regarded as a guarantee of its security, was swept away, and I do not see any possibility of renewing lt." &#13;
He said that the road along the Danube basin to the Black Sea, the road to Turkey, was open. Militarily and economically the states of Europe will be, in fact if not formally, drawn into the circle of a wide system of the political power of Berlin. He predicted that would happen without much resistance and probably without a shot being fired. "You shall see," said Churchill, "how from day to day, from week to week, these countries shall become hostile to us....." &#13;
It was just as clear In Paris what Munich meant to France and her Danubian allies. "Germany once again is master of central Europe," André Tardieu wrote in his book "L'année de Munich" (pg. 168). And the last French ambassador in Berlin, M. Coulondre, said in his political report on March 19, 1939: "The Munich Pact, complemented by the German-British and Franco-German declarations, according to the German conception means the right of the Reich to organize Central and Southeastern Europe as it pleases with the unexpressed agreement or at least with the tolerance of the great western powers" &#13;
That the Germans felt that Munich gave them a free hand in Central Europe was soon demonstrated, when the great powers failed to protest the Magyar and Polish seizure of Czechoslovak territory only a month after Munich. And Munich, according to Chamberlain, had guaranteed no further territorial changes: "I believe that under the present system of guarantees the New Czechoslovakia will find greater security than she has ever enjoyed In the past." &#13;
Germany actually was absolute master of the Danube basin. The confusion created by Munich In the southeastern states of Europe worked to the advantage of the Reich (G. Gafencu, former Rumanian minister, In bis book "The Last Days of Europe.) The prestige of Geneva fell, and there was no time to organize a new system of collective security. As far as America and the Russians were con­cerned, the former were too far away, and the latter preferred not to intervene. &#13;
But Munich had far-reaching effects even from another standpoint, especially as far as the politics of Russia was concerned. Russia was isolated by Munich; the Kremlin was not invited to participate at Munich. With the annexation of the Sudetenland, the strategic posi­tion of Czechoslovakia was ruined. According to Walter Lippman's "USA Foreign Policy," England and France sacrificed their alliance with Russia when they surrendered Czechoslovakia to the mercy of Hitler. &#13;
We mention these things, because Munich did affect what happened later In the Danubian states and the politics of its leading statesmen after 1938. As far as Slovakia ls concerned, the stand of Russia after Munich ls especially interesting. &#13;
Soviet Russia not only recognized the Independent Slovak Republic and established regular diplomatic contacts with her, but the Russian ambassador G. Pushkin, handing over bis credentials to the president of Slovakia, Dr. Joseph Tiso, said: "Handing over to you the documents that accredit me as special ambassador and minister plenipotentiary to your Republic, nominated by the Presidency of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, I can tell you with joy that the nations of the Soviet Union have taken note of the establishment of diplomatic contacts between the Soviet Union and the Slovak Republic with deep satisfaction. As a result of war in Europe, the establishment of these contacts transcends the framework of mutual interests of both our states." &#13;
II &#13;
MUNICH AND CZECHOSLOVAKIA &#13;
When the British Prime Minister Chamberlain was confronted with the German demands relative to the Sudetenland at Godesberg, he replied to Hitler by letter on September 26 saying that "the national and economic independence of Czechoslovakia automatically would disappear if the German pian were accepted." &#13;
On September 29, 1938, this pian was accepted, nevertheless, and not only by the four powers -England, France, Italy and Germany ­who participated in the Munich Conference, but on September 30 also by the Prague Government which was headed by Dr. Edward Beneš. &#13;
Was Chamberlain right about the destruction of the independence of Czechoslovakia.? &#13;
If the Czechoslovak Republic formally preserved the character of an Independent state even after Munich, in reality the new situation limited free decisions by the Prague Government In internal as well as in foreign policy. Furthermore, there hung over the rump state, like a dark cloud, the knowledge that even the new situation was only temporary and that it depended entirely on the Germans when new situations would arise. &#13;
"The population of Czechoslovakia,'' wrote Graham Hutton in a book published in the spring of 1939, "reduced to less than 10 million people, is completely under the political, economic and military control of Germany. The new policy of the State is already working entirely in the Interest of Germany and to the disadvantage of the western powers, Poland, Rumania and other Slovanic states. Its human re­sources are as much at the disposition of Germany as are its economic resources and the production of weapons. . . . The new Czechoslovakia has come under the rule of Germany and her borders cannot be regarded otherwise than as German borders." (Les Nouveaux destine du Danube, pgs. 46, 52). &#13;
Of course, it was clear to every sober observer of German policy that the Germans did not consider this advantageous situation as a definite solution. The successes of Hitler’s regime after the occupation of the Rhineland In 1936, attained without great difficulties. could only encourage the Germans in their "Drang nach Osten,'' because for such a policy, especially as far as Czechoslovakia was concerned, they already had allies In the Magyars, but also in the over-all order of conditions in the Danube basin after 1918. The liquidation of the Czechoslovak Republic, therefore, could be clearly fore­seen In 1938, and the British ambassador in Berlin, Sir Neville Henderson, wrote In his book "Failure of a Mission" (1939) that the decision to occupy Czechoslovakia was reached on March 12. &#13;
Winston Churchill, too, knew what Munich meant for Czechoslovakia, because he said in Parliament on October 5, 1938: "AU is over. Silent, mournful, abandoned, broken, Czechoslovakia recedes into the darkness. . . . I venture to think that In the future the Czechoslo­vak state cannot be maintained as an Independent entity. I think you will find that in a period of time which may be measured In years, but may be measured only by months, Czechoslovakia will be engulfed In the nazi regime....." &#13;
Seton-Watson, one of the greatest admirers of the Czech nation and the former Czechoslovak Republic, remarked bluntly: "Churchill was only too true a prophet." He noted, too, that "In this period the process of disintegration was continued from within." &#13;
Even Seton-Watson regarded Munich as "the surrender of a key position to the Pan-Germans." In his "History of the Czechs and Slovaks," he goes on to say that the borders of Bohemia, one of the oldest boundaries of Europe and never changed even In the darkest days of national decline, suddenly became defenseless and the whole Danube region was surrendered to the mercy of the Germans. &#13;
In his pro-Czech and anti-Slovak "Czechoslovakia in European History," Prof. S. H. Thomson of the University of Colorado wrote: "The n1mp of Czechoslovakia was obviously incapable of independent economic or political existence" (pg. 348) and that "after Munich the only hope for the country's survival lay in complete reorientation toward Nazi Germany'' (pg. 350), while "In the domain of economics the maimed state was completely at the mercy of Germany (pg. 352). &#13;
We could, thus, continue to quote almost indefinitely the views of statesmen, politicians, history professors and publicists, who saw in the Munich decision the end of Czechoslovakia and giving the Germans a free hand in central and southeastern Europe. &#13;
After the loss of the Sudetenland, the fertile Slovak valleys, Tešín and the strategic heights on the north and the Slovak border, nay even a few kilometers of land not far from Bratislava (Devin), the territory of Czechoslovakia in reality would have been able to exist independently only if every inhabitant would exert all his strength to hold the state and if maimed and demoralized Czechoslovakia had not been a small island in the German sea, which the Germans wanted to liquidate, since no one - not even the allies and creators of Czechoslovakia in Versailles - wanted to prevent them in doing that. &#13;
It was the British Prime Minister himself who said only a week after Munich that even with the greatest sympathies toward Czechoslovakia, he could not allow the British Empire to become enveigled in war under any circumstances "because of a quarrel in a faraway country between people of whom we know nothing." We know that France became a second rate military power after the Germans occupied the Saar. And disunited internally, France did not even want to shed blood for Czechoslovakia. It was thus that the Cze­choslovak-Franco-Russian Treaty of 1936 became ineffective. The Soviet Union "regretted," but it could come to the aid of Czechoslovakia only if France first defended the Beneš republic. &#13;
Czechoslovakia did not get any help from the outside before Munich, and after Munich she definitely could not expect it. The English publisher, Graham Hutton, in the book quoted above (pg. 143), did not hesitate to express the view that Czechoslovakia finds herself So dependent on Germany, economically, that undoubtedly ft would be better for her, from a purely objective standpoint, to establish a complete custom and exchange union with Germany, than to try to hold to the view of nominal and false independence. &#13;
That no outside help would be forthcoming was quite clear in Prague itself. Dr. Ivan Derer, the greatest Czechoslovak of Slovak origin, in a broadcast from Prague said among other things: "The Munich Pact not only means that France and England will not help us in the event of war, but it also means that we would find our­selves at war with Germany, because we did not want to give up the Sudeten-German territory. In this war France and England would be obligated to help the Germans and not us." &#13;
The Czechs were the chosen people of Czechoslovakia, even though they formed less than half the population. They always Jived In the historical past, boasting of the glory of their kings and the "historical lands" of the Bohemian Crown. Their minds were on the enterprises, the factories and the lands which Munich gave their three neighbors. Masaryk and Beneš had continued the legend of Libuša and Přemysl, that the Czech people was a ruling nation and the other peoples of Czechoslovakia - the Slovaks. Germans, Magyars, Poles, Ukrainians and Rusins - existed only to serve the needs of the Czechs.. They really got a build up from 1918 to 1938, not only at home but also abroad by Beneš's propaganda machinery. The sorry part of it for them was that they had begun to believe the "stories." When the first grave crisis appeared and their great Beneš chose to resign and flee, the Czechs even forgot they had a well• equipped army and the Škoda works. They were soon broken even morally. &#13;
The rapid disintegration within the Republic encouraged the Germans to go ahead with their plans of aggression. Beneš's "Island of Democracy" collapsed without offering the slightest physical resistance to the Nazis. The Czechs were not taught by Masaryk and Beneš to fight for freedom and democracy, but only to be the "rul­ing nation," whereas the other nations of the Republic could not see why they should fight for a system and a state that had ex­ploited and mistreated them. &#13;
III &#13;
SLOVAK POLITICS AFTER MUNICH &#13;
Under such circumstances, there remained for the nations comprising Czecho-Slovakia nothing else to do but accept the conse­quences of that given situation and to work In their own interests to save whatever could be saved. In reality the politics of Prague, and to a certain extent even that of Slovak leaders, changed after Munich. In the foreign field Prague informed Moscow that it no longer regarded the Russo-Czecho-Slovak agreement as valid. The Little Entente finished In the same fashion and great changes took place also in internal politics. &#13;
Slovakia and her political factors, however, acted in a positive manner toward the state and the Czech nation even after Munich. After a 20-year fight with Prague centralism, after innumerable injustices perpetrated against the Slovak Nation, the existence of which they even denied, the Slovaks did not say "Goodbye! " to Prague, but only demanded the fulfillment of the Pittsburgh Pact, on the basis of which they had entered into the single state with the Czech nation In 1918. &#13;
The demands -formulated in the Žilina Manifesto, signed by the representatives of all political parties in Slovakia, excepting the Communist and Social Democratic parties - in no way exceeded the framework of the Pittsburgh Pact, nay not even the obligations of Dr. Beneš during the Peace Conference, where he proclaimed: "It is the intention of the Czecho-Slovak Government to organize the state by accepting as the basis of national rights the principles applied in the constitution of the Swiss Republic, that is, to make of the Czecho-Slovak Republic a second Switzerland. .. . " -D. H. Miller, MY DIARY, pg. 69). &#13;
Finally, even the motion for the autonomy of Slovakia -passed November 18, 1988, by the Prague Parliament by a vote of 144-25 ­did not go so far as Dr. Beneš had assured the Peace Conference and noted the adhesion of the Slovaks to the Czecho-Slovak Republic. &#13;
In attaining autonomy Slovakia saw the realization of its twenty-year struggle and the removal of the causes that had placed it in opposition not only to Prague, but had also dug a chasm between the Czechs and the Slovaks. "The old Czecho-Slovakia," said Dr. Martin Sokol in Parliament on the day Slovak autonomy became law, "in no small measure fell also because there was no agreement and sincere cooperation between the Slovak and Czech nations. if we wish the new, smaller Czecho-Slovakia to be healthy and capable of life, wo must build it not only with new methods, but also with a new spirit of mutual, fraternal understanding." &#13;
At the session of Parliament on December 14, 1938, Dr. Nicholas Pružinský said among other things: "We have faith in the new Government because of objective reasons, too. We have here before our eyes the fulfillment of the legal demands of Slovakia. To the Government that stands back of the autonomy of Slovakia belongs the trust of the Slovaks and Slovakia." &#13;
The Slovaks voted unanimously for the successor of Dr. E. Beneš, Dr. Emil Hácha, on November 30, 1988, as they had voted for Dr. Beneš In 1935, on the basis of the promises given. &#13;
From the expressions of their representatives it is plainly evident that the Slovaks wanted a new, healthy Czecho-Slovakia, hoped for a mutual, fraternal understanding with the Czechs and expressed their confidence in the government which backed the autonomy of Slovakia, but only to such a government and as long as it backed that autonomy. &#13;
But the Czechs, it seems, regretted granting autonomy to Slovakia after they had recovered from the first shock of Munich. They were exceedingly sorry that they had "given" the Slovaks what rightfully was theirs and began to plot against the autonomy of Slo­vakia. They sought legal and illegal means of circumventing the law that gave Slovakia autonomy. Czech political leaders were determined again to prove that Slovakia was not able to live an autonomous life. "At the same Ume they acted systematically to squeeze Slovakia against the wall economically and financially." (Dr. Ďurčanský: POHĽAD na slovenskú politickú minulosť, pg. 218). &#13;
As a result of this policy of Czech representatives and after considering the international situation, more and more voices began to cry out against such autonomy. The first to protest was Dr. V. Tuka, who, after serving 9 years of a 15-year term given him by a Czech court for "treason," never became reconciled with Prague. Dr. Tuka, a university professor was sentenced without sufficient proof, with the aid of false witnesses and only on indictments. When the verdict was pronounced In 1929, Dr. Tuka said: "On this verdict shall be laid the foundations of the Slovak state for a hundred and hundred future years." It was the same Dr. Tuka who previously (in 1924) had proclaimed that Slovakia was mature for independence. &#13;
In their contacts with the Third Reich, especially with its economic representatives, Slovak representatives learned early In 1939 that the Germans were preparing for new political deals with their Magyar allies against the Czecho-Slovak Republic in the spring. About the middle of February one of the foremost factors of the Third Reich, Dr. Vehnsenmayer notified several Slovak political representatives that Hungary wants to occupy the territory of Slovakia on March 15, and indicated that an eventual proclamation of the independence of Slovakia could forestall this action. &#13;
In the meantime, Czech leaders "were unbelievably shortsighted and haughty In their treatment of the Slovaks," as Sir Neville Henderson wrote ("Failure of a Mission," pg. 232). The Prague government went so far as to ask Berlin how German circles would regard military intervention In Slovakia. Berlin answered that such action was entirely an internal affair of Czecho-Slovakia. Encouraged by Berlin, the Czechs prepared to liquidate Slovak autonomy. And on March 10th, writes Henderson, "the Czech president deposed the Slovak Prime Minister, Dr. Tiso, from his office and occupied Bra­tislava with the Czech army and gendarmery and by force installed a new government there." &#13;
The story, however, is not complete without stating the fact that Slovak soldiers were disarmed and put under guard in barracks, the military commissioner of the Slovak government was deprived of his function, 300-400 outstanding Slovak men were arrested at night and taken into Moravia and university students also were disarmed and incarcerated, etc. &#13;
This act of the Prague Government was the coup re grace for the Czecho-Slovak Republic that suffered in agony since Munich. This was too favorable an opportunity to be missed by Hitler's opportunism; disregarding the consequences, he decided to pull the right plan out of bis brief-case and act with lightning speed, Henderson writes and adds: "My warning ambassador Mastný that his Government (that is the Prague Government) was playing into the hands of Hitler and that its foolhardiness would end in catastrophe fell upon deaf ears.... The Czech Government persevered in its stubbornness . ... (Opus cit., pg. 233). &#13;
If any other nation were confronted with a situation such as the Slovaks were faced with In 1939, how would it have acted? And what did the Slovaks do? &#13;
This sounds like an irony of fate, but they did only what Dr. Beneš considered as correct in 1936 when he told Count C. Sforza, the Italian statesman: "... I would turn to Berlin and accept any compromise I could to preserve the independence of my country.... (Vd ILLUSIONS ET RÉALITÉS de L'EUROPE, Fribourg, 1944). Nay, while Dr. Beneš wanted to do that willingly, the Czechs forced the Slovaks into the situation and made Hitler call Msgr. Dr. Joseph Tiso to Berlin on March 13, 1939.  - (S. N., 1949). &#13;
•  •  •  •  &#13;
WHO SAID IT?: - Masaryk on Collaboration With USSR. - Broadcasting to Czechoslovakia, on November 8, Jan Masaryk congratulated the Soviet people on their anniversary. He said that the Russian revolution produced a new type of state. War was necessary to convince the world that there could be no peace without the Soviet Union. Therefore, collaboration with the Soviet Union will be sought The Soviet Union having no imperialistic aims, Stalin has again stressed the independence of other States. Czechoslovakia fears nothing because her traditional characteristics of democracy and pro­gress are respected by Russia, with whom Czechoslovakia will colla­borate on an equal basis. The Soviet Union accepts the friendship of the Slav nations, respects their independence, and seeks the collabo­ration of Britain and the United States for peace. The Soviet-Czecho­slovak Treaty, protecting Czechoslovakia from German aggression, guarantees our internal freedom and State independence, Masaryk concluded." - (News Flashes From Czechoslovakia, Chicago, III., November 27, 1944). </text>
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                  <elementText elementTextId="206">
                    <text>10

SLOVAKIA

THE CAUSES OF CZECHOSLOVAKIA'S
DISINTEGRATION
I
(k)- "The Slovaks, dissatlsfied with autonomy within the framework of a diminished Czechoslovak state, went after independence
as their ultlmate goal. For that their leaders were accused of treason.
I doubht whether that was in place. . . ." (John F. Montgomery, former U. S. Ambassador to Hungary: "Hungary, the Satellite agalnst
its own W111.")
The disintegratlon of Czechoslovakia In 1939 and her agony in the
fall of 1938 will form interesting chapters in the history of the Europe
created by treaties from 1919- 1920. Durlng that memorable 1938
and the sprlng that followed the Munich "capltulatlon" of the western democracles before German expansion, it was not only a state
that collapsed, but also the whole European political and strategic
system - a !ega! and mora! system.
In Slovakia some of the foremost personalitles were executed,
thousands exiled and other thousands were jailed because they were
accused of "causing the collapse of Czechoslovakia." But some of
the Slovak Ieaders were fortunate to escape from their country. They
were tried in absentia, sentenced to the gallows or hard labor for
many years. Czech propaganda, favorlng the followers of the late Dr.
Beneš, refers to those Slovaks as traitors, fascists and nazis even
today.
Will the accusation stand up before the objecttve judgment of
history, or at least before the impartial criticism of factors who are
better acquainted with the causes of the European drama of 1938J 939 and followed the whole struggle for peace, or who in some
cases had even taken part in it?
There ls no doubt that Slovak political leaders d!d not even
th!nk of playing so !mportant a role as is ascrlbed to them. While
they had partlcipated in the drama, their action was only a reaction
to the phenomenon for which they were not responsible: they slmply
defended the natural r!ghts and pr!nciples that were the foundation
of an order that was the subject of a struggle between the great
powers.
To ascribe to Slovak politicians such great !mportance. therefore,
is unreal, and, as far as Czechoslovakia 1s concerned, 1t would be
overestlmating the interna] causes of her dlslntegratlon if her ruin
were ascribed exclusively to interna! phenomena and the centrifugal
efforts of the dlscontented natlons and natlonalitles that comprised
Czechoslovakia.
Czechoslovakia did not collapse only because of interna! troubles.
The causes of her ruinatlon rest above all else on the fact that she
was a part of the political order that Germany and several Danubian
states, who had lost the flrst World War, were determined to ruln. It
was the political order that the western European creators could not
defend at the tlme.
The causes of the dlslntegration of Czechoslovakla must be sought
in the European sltuatlon, especlally In the mora! and polltlcal crlsls

�SLOVAKIA

11

of Europe and in the change in the forces and presuppositlons on
whlch the European order was being built in 1919-1920.
The blunders of Czech polltlcal factors in foreign and domestic
politics hastened the disintegration and it was these blunders that
wer responsible even for the interna! centrlfugal efforts among the
majority of lnhabltants of Czechoslovakia. An analysls ot the European
political situation, as well as a closer look at the conditions in Czecho
slovakia during its entlre exlstence, Jeads us to that concluslon.
Accordlng to Dr. Edward Beneš, "a fatal blow was dealt from the
outside" at Munich, where four great powers - England, France, Germany and Italy - declded on September 29, 1938, to annex the Sudetenland of Czechoslovakla to Germany (See: Dr. E. Beneš, NOVÁ
SLOVANSKÁ POLITIKA - The New Slovanlc Policy - Prague, 1946,
pg. 48).
In reality the consequences of the Munich conference, at whlch
of representatives of the Prague government could only listen to the
decision of the four great powers and silently yield to thelr declslon
or start a war agalnst Germany forsaken by all allies - were the be•
glnnlng of the end of the state that was the piliar of the politlcal
order of centra! Europe, the state that defended thls system even
when real polltlcal sense demanded that 1t be changed. Munlch forced
this system to fall and with it collapsed also Czechoslovakla. The nations sltuated between Germany and Russla had to suffer the consequences of thls reality.
Nobody In the capitals of Europe doubted thls in 1938. "All is
Jost," eried Winston Churchill in bis parllamentary speech only six
days after Munlch. "Let us not try to conceal thls reality from ourselves In thls regard. We must now assume as certaln, that all the
states of centra! and eastern Europe will try to obtain from the
triumphant Nazl power the best conditions that they shall be able
to get. The system of alliances of centra! European states, whlch
France thus far regarded as a guarantee of its securlty, was swept
away, and I do not see any posslbillty of renewlng lt."
He sald that the road along the Danube basln to the Black Sea,
the road to Turkey, was open. Mllitarily and economically the states
of Europe w!Jl be, in fact if not formally, drawn lnto the clrcle of a
wide system of the polltlcal power of Berlin. He predlcted that would
happen without much reslstance and probably wlthout a shot belng
fired. "You shall see," sald Churchlll, "how from day to day, trom
week to week, these countrles shall become hostile to us. . . .."
It was just as clear In Parls what Munlch meant to France and
her Danublan allies. "Germany once again is master of centra! Europe,"
André Tardleu wrote In hls book "L'année de Munlch" (pg. 168). And
the Iast French ambassador In Berlin, M. Coulondre, said in hls poJitical report on March 19, 1939: "The Munich Pact, coroplemented
by the Gerroan-Brltlsh and Franco-German declarations, accordlng to
the German conception means the right of the Relch to erganlze Centra! and Southeastern Europe as it pleases wlth the unexpressed
agreement or at least with the tolerance of the great western powers"
That the Germans felt that Munlch gave them a free hand in
Centra! Europe was soon demonstrated, when the great powers falled
to protest the Magyar and Polish selzure of Czechoslovak territory
only a month after Munich. And Munlch, accordlng to Chamberlaln,

�12

SLOVAKIA

had guaranteed no further terrltorlal changes: "I believe that under
the present system of guarantees the New Czchoslovakla will flnd
greater security than she has ever enjoyed In the past."
Germany actually was absolute master of the Danube basln. The
confuslon created by Munlch In the southeastern states of Europe
worked to the advantage of the Reich (G. Gafencu, former Rumanlan
minister, In bis book "The Last Days of Europe.) The prestlge of
Geneva fell, and there was no tlme to organize a new system of colIective security. As far as Amerlca and the Russians were concerned, the former were too far away, and the latter preferred not
to lntervene.
But Munlch had far-reachlng effects even trom another standpolnt,
especlally as far as the polltlcs ot Russla was concerned. Russla was
lsolated by Munich; the Kremlln was not lnvlted to partlclpate at
Munlch. W!th the annexatlon of the Sudetenland, the strategic position of Czechoslovakia was rulned. Accordlng to Walter Lippman's
"USA Fore!gn Policy," England and France sacrlflced the!r alllance
with Russla when they surrendered Czechoslovak!a to the mercy
ot Hitler.
We mention these thlngs, beca.use Mun!ch dld affect what happened later In the Danublan states and the polltlcs of lts leadlng
sta.tesmen after 1938. As far as Slovakia ls concerned, the stand of
Russla after Munlch ls especlally lnterestlng.
Soviet Russla not only recognlzed the Independent Slovak Republlc and establlshed regula.r dlplomatic contacts wlth ber, but the Russian a.mbassador G. Pushkin, handlng over bis credentlals to the
presldent of Slovakla, Dr. Joseph Tis o, sald: "Handlng over to you
the documents that accredlt me as speclal ambassador and minister
plenlpotentiary to your Republlc, nomlna.ted by the Presldency of the
Supreme Soviet of the USSR, I can tel1 you wlth joy that the natlons
ot the Soviet Union ha.ve ta.ken note of the establishment of dlplomatlc
contacts between the Soviet Union and the Slovak Republlc with deep
satlsfactlon. As a result of war in Europe, the establishment of these
contacts transcends the framework of mutua.I interests of both our
sta.tes."
II
MUNICH AND CZECHOSLOVAKIA

When the Brltlsh Prime Minister Chamberlain was confronted
wlth the German dema.nds relatlve to the Sudetenland at Godesburg,
he replled to Hitler by letter on September 26 saylng that "the natlonal and economlc lndependence ot Czechoslovakia automatlcally
would dlsa.ppea.r lf the German pian were accepted."
On September 29, 1938, thls pian was accepted, nevertheless, and
not only by the four powers - England, France, Italy and Germany who partlclpated in the Munlcb Conference, but on September 30 also
by the Prague Government whlch was headed by Dr. Edward Beneš.
Was Chamberlaln rlght a.bout the destructlon of tbe lndependence
of Czechoslovakla.?
Jf the Czechoslovak Republic forma.By preserved the character
of an Independent state even after Munlch, In reality the new sltuatlon
limited free declslons by the Prague Government In lnternal as well as
In foreign policy. Furthermore, tbere hung over the rump state, llke

�SLOVAKIA

13

a dark cloud, the knowledge that even the new situation was only
temporary and that it depended entlrely on the Germans when new
situatlons would arise.
"The populatlon of Czechoslovakla,'' wrote Graham Hutton in a
book publlshed in the sprlng of 1939, "reduced to less than 10 million
people, Js completely under the polltlcal, economlc and military control
of Germany. The new pollcy of the State is already worklng entlrely
in the Jnterest of Germany and to the disadvantage of the western
powers, Poland, Rumanla and other Slovanlc states. Its human resources are as much at the dlsposltlon of Germany as are lts economic
resources and the productlon of weapons. . . . The new Czechoslo•
vakia has come under the rule of Germany and her borders cannot
be regarded otherwlse than as German borders." (Les Nouveaux destlns du Danube, pgs. 46, 52).
Of course, it was clear to every sober observer of German
pollcy that the Germans dld not consider this advantageous sltuation
AS a definite solution. The successes of Hltler's reglme after the occupatlon of the Rhineland In 1936, attained wlthout great dlfflcultles.
could only encourage the Germans in their "Drang nach Osten,''
because for such a policy, especially as far as Czechoslovakia was eon
cerned, they already had allles In the Magyars, but also in the
over-all order of condltlons in the Danube basln after 1918. The llquidatlon of the Czechoslovak Republlc, therefore, could be clearly foreseen In 1938, and the Britlsh ambassador in Berlin, Sir Neville Henderson, wrote In hls book "Failure of a Mlssion" (1939) that the declsion to occupy Czechoslovakla was reached on March 12.
Wlnston Churchtll, too, knew what Munich meant for Czechoslovakla, because he said in Parllament on October 5, 1938: "AU is over.
Sllent, mournful, abandoned, broken, Czechoslovakla recedes lnto the
darkness. . . . I venture to thlnk that In the future the Czechoslovak state cannot be maintalned as an Independent entity. I thlnk
you will flnd that in a perlod of Ume which may be measured In
years, but may be measured only by months, Czechoslovakia will be
engulfed In the nazl reglme. . . .."
Seton-Watson, one of the greatest admirers of the Czech natlon
and the former Czechoslovak Republic, remarked bluntly: "Churchlll
was only too true a prophet." He noted, too, that "In thls period the
process of dislntegration was continued trom wlthin."
Even Seton-Watson regarded Munlch as "the surrender of a key
posltlon to the Pan-Germans." In hls "History of the Czechs and
Slovaks," he goes on to say that the borders of Bohemia, one of the
oldest boundaries of Europe and never changed even In the darkest
days of national decllne, suddenly became defenseless and the whole
Danube reglon was surrendered to the mercy of the Germans.
In his pro-Czech and anti-Slovak "Czechoslovakla in European
History," Prof. S. H. Thomson of the University of Colorado wrote:
"The n1mp of Czechoslovakla was obviously incapable of independent
economic or polltlcal existence" (pg. 348) and that "after Munlch
the only hope for the country's survlval lay in complete reorlentatlon toward Nazl Germany'' (pg. 350), while "In the domain of economlcs the malmed state was completely at the mercy of Germany (pg. 352).
We could, thus, contlnue to quote almost !ndeflnltely the views

�14

SLOVAKIA

of statesmen, pollticians, hlstory professors and publlclsts, who saw
In the Munlch decision the end of Czechoslovakia and giving the
Germans a free hand in central and southeastern Europe.
After the loss of the Sudetenland, the fertile Slovak valleys,
Tešin and the strategic heights on the north and the Slovak border,
nay even a few kilometers of land not far from Bratislava (Devin),
the territory of Czechoslovakia in reality would have been able to
cxist independently only lf every inhabitant would exert all his
strength to hold the state and if malmed and demoralized Czechoslovakia had not been a small island in the German sea, wh!ch the
Germans wanted to llquidate, slnce no one - not even the allles
and creators of Czechoslovakia in Versailles - wanted to prevent
them in doing that.
lt was the British Prime Minister himself who said only a week
after Munich that even with the greatest sympathles toward Czecho•
slovakia, he could not allow the Brit!sh Empire to become enveigled
In war under any c!rcumstances "because of a quarrel in a faraway
country between people of whom we know nothlng." We know that
F rance became a second rate mllitary power after the Germans
occupied the Saar. And disunited internally, France did not even
want to shed blood for Czechoslovakia. It was thus that the Czechoslovak-Franco-Russian Treaty of 1936 became ineffectlve. The
Soviet Union "regretted," but lt could come to the ald of Czecho•
slovakia only if France first defended the Beneš republlc.
Czechoslovakia did not get any help from the outslde before
Munich, and after Munich she deflnitely could not expect it. The
Engl!sh publisher, Graham Hutton, in the book quoted above (pg.
143), dld not hesitate to express the view that Czechoslovak!a flnds
herself So dependent on Germany, economically, that undoubtedly ft
would be better for her, from a purely object!ve standpoint, to establish a complete custom and exchange union with Germany, than to
try to hold to the view of nominal and false independence.
That no outside help would be forthcoming was quite clear in
Prague itself. Dr. Ivan Derer, the greatest Czechoslovak of Slovak
origin, in a broadcast trom Prague sald among other things: "The
Munich Pact not only means that France and England w!ll not help
us in the event of war, but it also means that we would find ourselves at war with Germany, because we did not want to glve up the
Sudeten-German territory. In tbls war France and England would be
obligated to help the Germans and not us."
The Czechs were the chosen people of Czechoslovakia, even
though they formed less than half the population. They always
Jived In the hlstorical past, boast!ng of the glory of the!r klngs and
the "histor!cal lands" of the Bohemian Crown. THeir mlnds were on
tbe enterprises, the factorles and the lands which Munich gave
tbeir three neighbors. Masaryk and Beneš had continued the legend
of Libuša and þÿ P Y e m ythat
s l , the Czech people was a rullng natlon and
the other peoples of Czechoslovakla - the Slovaks. Germans, Magyars, Poles, Ukralnlans and Ruslns - exlsted only to serve the
needs of the Czechs.. They really got a bu!ld up from 1918 to 1938,
not only at home but also abroad by Beneš's propaganda machinery.
The sorry part of lt for them was tbat they had begun to belleve the
"stories." When the first grave crisis appeared and thelr great Beneš

�SLOVAKIA

15

chose to resign and flee, the Czechs even forgot they had a well•
equipped army and the Škoda works. They were soon broken even
morally.
The rapid disintegration wlthln the Republlc encouraged the
Germans to go ahead wlth thelr plans of aggresslon. Beneš's "Island
of Democracy" collapsed wlthout offerlng the slightest physical reslstance to the Nazis. The Czechs were not taught by Masaryk and
Beneš to fight for freedom and democracy, but only to be the "ruling nation," whereas the other natlons of the Republlc could not
see why they should fight for a system and a state that had exploited and mistreated them.
III
SLOVAK POLITICS AFTER MUNICH

Under such circumstances, there remalned for the natlons comprlslng Czecho-Slovakia nothing else to do but accept the consequences of that given sltuation and to work In thelr own interests
to save whatever could be saved. In reality the politics of Prague,
and to a certaln extent even that of Slovak leaders, changed after
Munich. In the foreign field Prague lnformed Moscow that it no
longer regarded the Russo-Czecho-Slovak agreement as valid. The
Little Entente flnlshed In the same fashion and great changes took
place also in interna! polltics.
Slovakia and ber polltical factors, however, acted in a posltlve
manner toward the state and the Czech nation even after Munich.
After a 20-year fight wlth Prague centrallsm, after innumerable
lnjustices perpetrated against the Slovak Natlon, the exlstence of
which they even denied, the Slovaks did not say "Goodbye ! " to
Prague, but only demanded the fu lfi llment of the Pittsburgh Pact,
on the basis of which they had entered into the single state with
the Czech nation In 1918.
The demands - formulated in the Žilina Manlfesto, signed by
the representatives of all politlcal partles in Slovakla, excepting the
Communist and Social Democratic partles - in no way exceeded
the framework of the Plttsburgh Pact, nay not even the obllgations
of Dr. Beneš during the Peace Conference, where he proclaimed:
"lt is the intention of the Czecho-Slovak Government to organize the
state by accepting as the basis of national rlghts the principles applied in the constitution of the Swiss Republlc, that is, to make of the
Czecho-Slovak Republic a second Switzerland. .. . " - D. H. Miller,
MY DlARY, pg. 69).
Finally, even the motion for the autonomy of Slovakia - passed
November 18, 1988, by the Prague Parliament by a vote of 144-25 did not go so far as Dr. Beneš had assured the Peace Conference and
noted the adheslon of the Slovaks to the Czecho-Slovak Republic.
In attaining autonomy Slovakla saw the realizatlon of its twentyyear struggle and the removal of the causes that had placed it in
opposltlon not only to Prague, but had also dug a chasm between the
Czechs and the Slovaks. "The old Czecho-Slovakia," sald Dr. Martin
Sokol in Parliament on the day Slovak autonomy became law, "in no
small measure fell also because there was no agreement and sincere
cooperatlon between the Slovak and Czech natlons. lf we wlsh the

�16

SLOVAKIA

new, amaller Czecho-Slovakla to be healthy and capable of llfe, wo
must bulld lt not only wlth new methoda, but a lao wlth a new spirit
of mutual, fraternal understanding."

At the sesslon of Parliament on December 14, 1938, Dr. Nlcholas
Pružlnský said among other thlngs: "We have falth in the new Government becauae of objectlve reasona, too. We have here before our

eyes the fulfillment of the legal demands of Slovakia. To the Government that standa back of the autonomy of Slovakla belongs the
trust of the Slovak• and Slovakla."

The Slovaks voted unanlmously for the successor of Dr. E. Beneš,
Dr. Emil Hácha, on November 30, 1988, as they had voted for Dr.
Beneš In 1935, on the basls of the promlses glven.
From the expresslons of thelr representatlves lt ls plalnly evldent
that the Slovaks wanted a new, healthy Czecho-Slovakia, hoped for a
mutual, fraternal understandlng wlth the Czechs and expressed thelr
confidence in the government whlch backed the autonomy of Slovakia,
but only to such a government and as long as lt backed that autonomy.
But the Czechs, lt seems, regretted grantlng autonomy to Slovakla after they had recovered from the flrst shock of Munlch. They
were exceedlngly sorry that they had "glven" the S lovaks what
rightfully was thelrs and began to plot against the autonomy of Slovakia. They sought legal and lllegal means ot clrcumventing the law
that gave Slovakla autonomy. Czech political leaders were determlned
agaln to prove that Slovakla was not able to live an autonomous
llfe. "At the same Ume they acted systematically to squeeze Slova•
kla agalnst the wall econom!cally and flnancially." (Dr. Ďurčanský:
POHL'AD na slovenskú politickú mlnulose, pg. 218).
As a result of thls pollcy of Czech representatlves and after eon•
slderlng the lnternatlonal sltuation, more and more voices began to
cry out agalnst such autonomy. The flrst to protest was Dr. V.
Tuka, who, after serving 9 years of a 15-year term glven bim by a
Czech court for "treason," never became reconciled wlth Prague. Dr.
Tuka, a unlverslty professor was sentenced wlthout sufficient proof,
with the ald of false wltnesses and only on lndlctments. When the
verdlct was pronounced In 1929, Dr. Tuka sald: "On thls verdlct
shall be lald the foundations of the Slovak state for a hundred and
hundred future years." It was the same Dr. Tulca who previously (In
1924) had proclalmed that Slovakla was mature for lndependence.
In thelr contacts wlth the Thlrd Relch, especially wlth lts eco•
nomlc representatives, Slovak representatives learned early In 1939
that the Germans were preparlng for new politlcal deals wlth thelr
Magyar allies agalnst the Czecho-Slovak Republlc In the sprlng.
About the mlddle of February one of the foremost factors of the
Thlrd Relch, Dr. Vehnsenmayer notlfled several Slovak polltical rep•
resentatlves that Hungary wants to occupy the terrltory of Slovakla
on March 15, and lndlcated that an eventual proclamation of the lndependence of Slovakla could forestall thls actlon.

In the meantlme, Czech leaders "were unbelleva.bly shortslghted
and haughty In thelr treatment of the Slovaks," as Sir Neville
Henderson wrote ("Fallure of a Mlsslon," pg. 232). The Prague government went so far as to ask Berlin how German clrcles would
regard milltary lntervention In Slovak.ia. Berlin answered that such
actlon was entirely an lnternal affalr of Czecho•Slovakla. Encouraged

�SLOVAKIA

17

by Berlln, the Czechs prepared to llquidate Slovak autonomy. And on
March 10th, wrltes Henderson, "the Czech president deposed the
Slovak Prime Minister, Dr. Tiso, from his office and occupied Bratislava with the Czech army and gendarmery and by force installed
a new government there."
The story, however, is not complete without stating the fact that
Slovak soldiers were disarmed and put under guard in barracks, the
military commlssioner of the Slovak government was deprived of bis
functlon, 300-400 outstanding Slovak men were arrested at night
and taken into Moravia and universlty students also were disarmed
and lncarcerated, etc.
This act of the Prague Government was the coup re grace for the
Czecho-Slovak Republic that suffered in agony slnce Munich. Th!s
was too favorable an opportunity to be mlssed by Hitler's opportunism; disregarding the consequences, he decided to puli the right
pian out of bis brief-case and act wlth lightning speed, Henderson
writes and adds: "My warning ambassador Mastný that his Government (that is the Prague Government) was playing into the hands
of Hitler and that its foolhardiness would end in catastrophe fell
lipon deaf ears. . . . The Czech Government persevered in its stubborness. . . . (Opus cit., pg. 233).
If any other nation were confronted with a situation such as
the Slovaks were faced with In 1939, how would lt have acted? And
what did the Slovaks do?
This sounds like an irony of fate, but they dld only what Dr.
Beneš considered as correct in 1936 when he told Count C. Sforza,
the !talian statesman: " . . . 1 would turn to Berlin and accept any
compromise I could to preserve the independence of my country... .
(Vd ILLUSIONS ET RÉALITÉS de L'EUROPE, Fribourg, 1944).
Nay, while Dr. Beneš wanted to do that willingly, the Czechs forced
the Slovaks lnto the situation and made Hitler call Msgr. Dr.
Joseph Tlso to Berlin on March 13, 1939. - (S. N., 1949) .

•

•

• •

WHO SAID IT?: - Masaryk on Collaboration With USSR. Broadcastlng to Czechoslovakia, on November 8, Jan Masaryk con•
gratulated the Soviet people on their anniversary. He said that the
Russian revolution produced a new type of state. War was necessary
to convince the world that there could be no peace without the Soviet Union. Therefore, collaboration with the Soviet Union will be
sought The Soviet Union having no imperialistic aims, Stalin has
again stressed the independence of other States. Czechoslovakia fears
nothing because her traditional characteristics of democracy and progress are respected by Russia, with whom Czechoslovakia will collaborate on an equal basis. The Soviet Union accepts the frlendshlp
of the Slav nations, respects their independence, and seeks the collaboration of Britain and the United States for peace. The Soviet-Czechoslovak Treaty, protecting Czechoslovakia from German aggression,
guarantees our internal freedom and State independence, Masaryk
concluded." (News Flashes From Czechoslovakia, Chicago, III.,
November 27, 1944).

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              <text>THE CAUSES OF CZECHOSLOVAKIA'S DISINTEGRATION &#13;
(k) - "The Slovaks, dissatisfied with autonomy within the framework of a diminished Czechoslovak state, went after independence as their ultimate goal. For that their leaders were accused of treason. I doubt whether that was in place...." (John F. Montgomery, for­mer U. S. Ambassador to Hungary: "Hungary, the Satellite against its own W111.") &#13;
The disintegration of Czechoslovakia in 1939 and her agony in the fall of 1938 will form interesting chapters in the history of the Europe created by treaties from 1919-1920. During that memorable 1938 and the spring that followed the Munich "capitulation" of the western democracies before German expansion, it was not only a state that collapsed, but also the whole European political and strategic system - a legal and moral system. &#13;
In Slovakia some of the foremost personalities were executed, thousands exiled and other thousands were jailed because they were accused of "causing the collapse of Czechoslovakia." But some of the Slovak leaders were fortunate to escape from their country. They were tried in absentia, sentenced to the gallows or hard labor for many years. Czech propaganda, favoring the followers of the late Dr. Beneš, refers to those Slovaks as traitors, fascists and nazis even today. &#13;
Will the accusation stand up before the objective judgment of history, or at least before the impartial criticism of factors who are better acquainted with the causes of the European drama of 1938­J939 and followed the whole struggle for peace, or who in some cases had even taken part in it? &#13;
There is no doubt that Slovak political leaders did not even think of playing so important a role as is ascribed to them. While they had participated in the drama, their action was only a reaction to the phenomenon for which they were not responsible: they simply defended the natural rights and principles that were the foundation of an order that was the subject of a struggle between the great powers. &#13;
To ascribe to Slovak politicians such great importance. therefore, is unreal, and, as far as Czechoslovakia 1s concerned, 1t would be overestimating the interna] causes of her disintegration if her ruin were ascribed exclusively to internal phenomena and the centrifugal efforts of the discontented nations and nationalities that comprised Czechoslovakia. &#13;
Czechoslovakia did not collapse only because of internal troubles. The causes of her ruination rest above all else on the fact that she was a part of the political order that Germany and several Danubian states, who had lost the first World War, were determined to ruin. It was the political order that the western European creators could not defend at the time. &#13;
The causes of the disintegration of Czechoslovakia must be sought in the European situation, especially In the moral and political crisis of Europe and in the change in the forces and presuppositions on which the European order was being built in 1919-1920. &#13;
The blunders of Czech political factors in foreign and domestic politics hastened the disintegration and it was these blunders that were responsible even for the internal centrifugal efforts among the majority of inhabitants of Czechoslovakia. An analysis of the European political situation, as well as a closer look at the conditions in Czechoslovakia during its entire existence, leads us to that conclusion. &#13;
According to Dr. Edward Beneš, "a fatal blow was dealt from the outside" at Munich, where four great powers - England, France, Germany and Italy - decided on September 29, 1938, to annex the Sudetenland of Czechoslovakia to Germany (See: Dr. E. Beneš, NOVÁ SLOVANSKÁ POLITIKA -The New Slovanic Policy -Prague, 1946, pg. 48). &#13;
In reality the consequences of the Munich conference, at which of representatives of the Prague government could only listen to the decision of the four great powers and silently yield to their decision or start a war against Germany forsaken by all allies -were the beginning of the end of the state that was the pillar of the political order of central Europe, the state that defended this system even when real political sense demanded that it be changed. Munich forced this system to fall and with it collapsed also Czechoslovakia. The na­tions situated between Germany and Russia had to suffer the conse­quences of this reality. &#13;
Nobody in the capitals of Europe doubted this in 1938. "All is lost," cried Winston Churchill in his parliamentary speech only six days after Munich. "Let us not try to conceal this reality from ourselves In this regard. We must now assume as certain, that all the states of central and eastern Europe will try to obtain from the triumphant Nazi power the best conditions that they shall be able to get. The system of alliances of central European states, which France thus far regarded as a guarantee of its security, was swept away, and I do not see any possibility of renewing lt." &#13;
He said that the road along the Danube basin to the Black Sea, the road to Turkey, was open. Militarily and economically the states of Europe will be, in fact if not formally, drawn into the circle of a wide system of the political power of Berlin. He predicted that would happen without much resistance and probably without a shot being fired. "You shall see," said Churchill, "how from day to day, from week to week, these countries shall become hostile to us....." &#13;
It was just as clear In Paris what Munich meant to France and her Danubian allies. "Germany once again is master of central Europe," André Tardieu wrote in his book "L'année de Munich" (pg. 168). And the last French ambassador in Berlin, M. Coulondre, said in his political report on March 19, 1939: "The Munich Pact, complemented by the German-British and Franco-German declarations, according to the German conception means the right of the Reich to organize Central and Southeastern Europe as it pleases with the unexpressed agreement or at least with the tolerance of the great western powers" &#13;
That the Germans felt that Munich gave them a free hand in Central Europe was soon demonstrated, when the great powers failed to protest the Magyar and Polish seizure of Czechoslovak territory only a month after Munich. And Munich, according to Chamberlain, had guaranteed no further territorial changes: "I believe that under the present system of guarantees the New Czechoslovakia will find greater security than she has ever enjoyed In the past." &#13;
Germany actually was absolute master of the Danube basin. The confusion created by Munich In the southeastern states of Europe worked to the advantage of the Reich (G. Gafencu, former Rumanian minister, In bis book "The Last Days of Europe.) The prestige of Geneva fell, and there was no time to organize a new system of collective security. As far as America and the Russians were con­cerned, the former were too far away, and the latter preferred not to intervene. &#13;
But Munich had far-reaching effects even from another standpoint, especially as far as the politics of Russia was concerned. Russia was isolated by Munich; the Kremlin was not invited to participate at Munich. With the annexation of the Sudetenland, the strategic posi­tion of Czechoslovakia was ruined. According to Walter Lippman's "USA Foreign Policy," England and France sacrificed their alliance with Russia when they surrendered Czechoslovakia to the mercy of Hitler. &#13;
We mention these things, because Munich did affect what happened later In the Danubian states and the politics of its leading statesmen after 1938. As far as Slovakia ls concerned, the stand of Russia after Munich ls especially interesting. &#13;
Soviet Russia not only recognized the Independent Slovak Republic and established regular diplomatic contacts with her, but the Russian ambassador G. Pushkin, handing over bis credentials to the president of Slovakia, Dr. Joseph Tiso, said: "Handing over to you the documents that accredit me as special ambassador and minister plenipotentiary to your Republic, nominated by the Presidency of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, I can tell you with joy that the nations of the Soviet Union have taken note of the establishment of diplomatic contacts between the Soviet Union and the Slovak Republic with deep satisfaction. As a result of war in Europe, the establishment of these contacts transcends the framework of mutual interests of both our states." &#13;
II &#13;
MUNICH AND CZECHOSLOVAKIA &#13;
When the British Prime Minister Chamberlain was confronted with the German demands relative to the Sudetenland at Godesberg, he replied to Hitler by letter on September 26 saying that "the national and economic independence of Czechoslovakia automatically would disappear if the German pian were accepted." &#13;
On September 29, 1938, this pian was accepted, nevertheless, and not only by the four powers -England, France, Italy and Germany ­who participated in the Munich Conference, but on September 30 also by the Prague Government which was headed by Dr. Edward Beneš. &#13;
Was Chamberlain right about the destruction of the independence of Czechoslovakia.? &#13;
If the Czechoslovak Republic formally preserved the character of an Independent state even after Munich, in reality the new situation limited free decisions by the Prague Government In internal as well as in foreign policy. Furthermore, there hung over the rump state, like a dark cloud, the knowledge that even the new situation was only temporary and that it depended entirely on the Germans when new situations would arise. &#13;
"The population of Czechoslovakia,'' wrote Graham Hutton in a book published in the spring of 1939, "reduced to less than 10 million people, is completely under the political, economic and military control of Germany. The new policy of the State is already working entirely in the Interest of Germany and to the disadvantage of the western powers, Poland, Rumania and other Slovanic states. Its human re­sources are as much at the disposition of Germany as are its economic resources and the production of weapons. . . . The new Czechoslovakia has come under the rule of Germany and her borders cannot be regarded otherwise than as German borders." (Les Nouveaux destine du Danube, pgs. 46, 52). &#13;
Of course, it was clear to every sober observer of German policy that the Germans did not consider this advantageous situation as a definite solution. The successes of Hitler’s regime after the occupation of the Rhineland In 1936, attained without great difficulties. could only encourage the Germans in their "Drang nach Osten,'' because for such a policy, especially as far as Czechoslovakia was concerned, they already had allies In the Magyars, but also in the over-all order of conditions in the Danube basin after 1918. The liquidation of the Czechoslovak Republic, therefore, could be clearly fore­seen In 1938, and the British ambassador in Berlin, Sir Neville Henderson, wrote In his book "Failure of a Mission" (1939) that the decision to occupy Czechoslovakia was reached on March 12. &#13;
Winston Churchill, too, knew what Munich meant for Czechoslovakia, because he said in Parliament on October 5, 1938: "AU is over. Silent, mournful, abandoned, broken, Czechoslovakia recedes into the darkness. . . . I venture to think that In the future the Czechoslo­vak state cannot be maintained as an Independent entity. I think you will find that in a period of time which may be measured In years, but may be measured only by months, Czechoslovakia will be engulfed In the nazi regime....." &#13;
Seton-Watson, one of the greatest admirers of the Czech nation and the former Czechoslovak Republic, remarked bluntly: "Churchill was only too true a prophet." He noted, too, that "In this period the process of disintegration was continued from within." &#13;
Even Seton-Watson regarded Munich as "the surrender of a key position to the Pan-Germans." In his "History of the Czechs and Slovaks," he goes on to say that the borders of Bohemia, one of the oldest boundaries of Europe and never changed even In the darkest days of national decline, suddenly became defenseless and the whole Danube region was surrendered to the mercy of the Germans. &#13;
In his pro-Czech and anti-Slovak "Czechoslovakia in European History," Prof. S. H. Thomson of the University of Colorado wrote: "The n1mp of Czechoslovakia was obviously incapable of independent economic or political existence" (pg. 348) and that "after Munich the only hope for the country's survival lay in complete reorientation toward Nazi Germany'' (pg. 350), while "In the domain of economics the maimed state was completely at the mercy of Germany (pg. 352). &#13;
We could, thus, continue to quote almost indefinitely the views of statesmen, politicians, history professors and publicists, who saw in the Munich decision the end of Czechoslovakia and giving the Germans a free hand in central and southeastern Europe. &#13;
After the loss of the Sudetenland, the fertile Slovak valleys, Tešín and the strategic heights on the north and the Slovak border, nay even a few kilometers of land not far from Bratislava (Devin), the territory of Czechoslovakia in reality would have been able to exist independently only if every inhabitant would exert all his strength to hold the state and if maimed and demoralized Czechoslovakia had not been a small island in the German sea, which the Germans wanted to liquidate, since no one - not even the allies and creators of Czechoslovakia in Versailles - wanted to prevent them in doing that. &#13;
It was the British Prime Minister himself who said only a week after Munich that even with the greatest sympathies toward Czechoslovakia, he could not allow the British Empire to become enveigled in war under any circumstances "because of a quarrel in a faraway country between people of whom we know nothing." We know that France became a second rate military power after the Germans occupied the Saar. And disunited internally, France did not even want to shed blood for Czechoslovakia. It was thus that the Cze­choslovak-Franco-Russian Treaty of 1936 became ineffective. The Soviet Union "regretted," but it could come to the aid of Czechoslovakia only if France first defended the Beneš republic. &#13;
Czechoslovakia did not get any help from the outside before Munich, and after Munich she definitely could not expect it. The English publisher, Graham Hutton, in the book quoted above (pg. 143), did not hesitate to express the view that Czechoslovakia finds herself So dependent on Germany, economically, that undoubtedly ft would be better for her, from a purely objective standpoint, to establish a complete custom and exchange union with Germany, than to try to hold to the view of nominal and false independence. &#13;
That no outside help would be forthcoming was quite clear in Prague itself. Dr. Ivan Derer, the greatest Czechoslovak of Slovak origin, in a broadcast from Prague said among other things: "The Munich Pact not only means that France and England will not help us in the event of war, but it also means that we would find our­selves at war with Germany, because we did not want to give up the Sudeten-German territory. In this war France and England would be obligated to help the Germans and not us." &#13;
The Czechs were the chosen people of Czechoslovakia, even though they formed less than half the population. They always Jived In the historical past, boasting of the glory of their kings and the "historical lands" of the Bohemian Crown. Their minds were on the enterprises, the factories and the lands which Munich gave their three neighbors. Masaryk and Beneš had continued the legend of Libuša and Přemysl, that the Czech people was a ruling nation and the other peoples of Czechoslovakia - the Slovaks. Germans, Magyars, Poles, Ukrainians and Rusins - existed only to serve the needs of the Czechs.. They really got a build up from 1918 to 1938, not only at home but also abroad by Beneš's propaganda machinery. The sorry part of it for them was that they had begun to believe the "stories." When the first grave crisis appeared and their great Beneš chose to resign and flee, the Czechs even forgot they had a well• equipped army and the Škoda works. They were soon broken even morally. &#13;
The rapid disintegration within the Republic encouraged the Germans to go ahead with their plans of aggression. Beneš's "Island of Democracy" collapsed without offering the slightest physical resistance to the Nazis. The Czechs were not taught by Masaryk and Beneš to fight for freedom and democracy, but only to be the "rul­ing nation," whereas the other nations of the Republic could not see why they should fight for a system and a state that had ex­ploited and mistreated them. &#13;
III &#13;
SLOVAK POLITICS AFTER MUNICH &#13;
Under such circumstances, there remained for the nations comprising Czecho-Slovakia nothing else to do but accept the conse­quences of that given situation and to work In their own interests to save whatever could be saved. In reality the politics of Prague, and to a certain extent even that of Slovak leaders, changed after Munich. In the foreign field Prague informed Moscow that it no longer regarded the Russo-Czecho-Slovak agreement as valid. The Little Entente finished In the same fashion and great changes took place also in internal politics. &#13;
Slovakia and her political factors, however, acted in a positive manner toward the state and the Czech nation even after Munich. After a 20-year fight with Prague centralism, after innumerable injustices perpetrated against the Slovak Nation, the existence of which they even denied, the Slovaks did not say "Goodbye! " to Prague, but only demanded the fulfillment of the Pittsburgh Pact, on the basis of which they had entered into the single state with the Czech nation In 1918. &#13;
The demands -formulated in the Žilina Manifesto, signed by the representatives of all political parties in Slovakia, excepting the Communist and Social Democratic parties - in no way exceeded the framework of the Pittsburgh Pact, nay not even the obligations of Dr. Beneš during the Peace Conference, where he proclaimed: "It is the intention of the Czecho-Slovak Government to organize the state by accepting as the basis of national rights the principles applied in the constitution of the Swiss Republic, that is, to make of the Czecho-Slovak Republic a second Switzerland. .. . " -D. H. Miller, MY DIARY, pg. 69). &#13;
Finally, even the motion for the autonomy of Slovakia -passed November 18, 1988, by the Prague Parliament by a vote of 144-25 ­did not go so far as Dr. Beneš had assured the Peace Conference and noted the adhesion of the Slovaks to the Czecho-Slovak Republic. &#13;
In attaining autonomy Slovakia saw the realization of its twenty-year struggle and the removal of the causes that had placed it in opposition not only to Prague, but had also dug a chasm between the Czechs and the Slovaks. "The old Czecho-Slovakia," said Dr. Martin Sokol in Parliament on the day Slovak autonomy became law, "in no small measure fell also because there was no agreement and sincere cooperation between the Slovak and Czech nations. if we wish the new, smaller Czecho-Slovakia to be healthy and capable of life, wo must build it not only with new methods, but also with a new spirit of mutual, fraternal understanding." &#13;
At the session of Parliament on December 14, 1938, Dr. Nicholas Pružinský said among other things: "We have faith in the new Government because of objective reasons, too. We have here before our eyes the fulfillment of the legal demands of Slovakia. To the Government that stands back of the autonomy of Slovakia belongs the trust of the Slovaks and Slovakia." &#13;
The Slovaks voted unanimously for the successor of Dr. E. Beneš, Dr. Emil Hácha, on November 30, 1988, as they had voted for Dr. Beneš In 1935, on the basis of the promises given. &#13;
From the expressions of their representatives it is plainly evident that the Slovaks wanted a new, healthy Czecho-Slovakia, hoped for a mutual, fraternal understanding with the Czechs and expressed their confidence in the government which backed the autonomy of Slovakia, but only to such a government and as long as it backed that autonomy. &#13;
But the Czechs, it seems, regretted granting autonomy to Slovakia after they had recovered from the first shock of Munich. They were exceedingly sorry that they had "given" the Slovaks what rightfully was theirs and began to plot against the autonomy of Slo­vakia. They sought legal and illegal means of circumventing the law that gave Slovakia autonomy. Czech political leaders were determined again to prove that Slovakia was not able to live an autonomous life. "At the same Ume they acted systematically to squeeze Slovakia against the wall economically and financially." (Dr. Ďurčanský: POHĽAD na slovenskú politickú minulosť, pg. 218). &#13;
As a result of this policy of Czech representatives and after considering the international situation, more and more voices began to cry out against such autonomy. The first to protest was Dr. V. Tuka, who, after serving 9 years of a 15-year term given him by a Czech court for "treason," never became reconciled with Prague. Dr. Tuka, a university professor was sentenced without sufficient proof, with the aid of false witnesses and only on indictments. When the verdict was pronounced In 1929, Dr. Tuka said: "On this verdict shall be laid the foundations of the Slovak state for a hundred and hundred future years." It was the same Dr. Tuka who previously (in 1924) had proclaimed that Slovakia was mature for independence. &#13;
In their contacts with the Third Reich, especially with its economic representatives, Slovak representatives learned early In 1939 that the Germans were preparing for new political deals with their Magyar allies against the Czecho-Slovak Republic in the spring. About the middle of February one of the foremost factors of the Third Reich, Dr. Vehnsenmayer notified several Slovak political representatives that Hungary wants to occupy the territory of Slovakia on March 15, and indicated that an eventual proclamation of the independence of Slovakia could forestall this action. &#13;
In the meantime, Czech leaders "were unbelievably shortsighted and haughty In their treatment of the Slovaks," as Sir Neville Henderson wrote ("Failure of a Mission," pg. 232). The Prague government went so far as to ask Berlin how German circles would regard military intervention In Slovakia. Berlin answered that such action was entirely an internal affair of Czecho-Slovakia. Encouraged by Berlin, the Czechs prepared to liquidate Slovak autonomy. And on March 10th, writes Henderson, "the Czech president deposed the Slovak Prime Minister, Dr. Tiso, from his office and occupied Bra­tislava with the Czech army and gendarmery and by force installed a new government there." &#13;
The story, however, is not complete without stating the fact that Slovak soldiers were disarmed and put under guard in barracks, the military commissioner of the Slovak government was deprived of his function, 300-400 outstanding Slovak men were arrested at night and taken into Moravia and university students also were disarmed and incarcerated, etc. &#13;
This act of the Prague Government was the coup re grace for the Czecho-Slovak Republic that suffered in agony since Munich. This was too favorable an opportunity to be missed by Hitler's opportunism; disregarding the consequences, he decided to pull the right plan out of bis brief-case and act with lightning speed, Henderson writes and adds: "My warning ambassador Mastný that his Government (that is the Prague Government) was playing into the hands of Hitler and that its foolhardiness would end in catastrophe fell upon deaf ears.... The Czech Government persevered in its stubbornness . ... (Opus cit., pg. 233). &#13;
If any other nation were confronted with a situation such as the Slovaks were faced with In 1939, how would it have acted? And what did the Slovaks do? &#13;
This sounds like an irony of fate, but they did only what Dr. Beneš considered as correct in 1936 when he told Count C. Sforza, the Italian statesman: "... I would turn to Berlin and accept any compromise I could to preserve the independence of my country.... (Vd ILLUSIONS ET RÉALITÉS de L'EUROPE, Fribourg, 1944). Nay, while Dr. Beneš wanted to do that willingly, the Czechs forced the Slovaks into the situation and made Hitler call Msgr. Dr. Joseph Tiso to Berlin on March 13, 1939.  - (S. N., 1949). &#13;
•  •  •  •  &#13;
WHO SAID IT?: - Masaryk on Collaboration With USSR. - Broadcasting to Czechoslovakia, on November 8, Jan Masaryk congratulated the Soviet people on their anniversary. He said that the Russian revolution produced a new type of state. War was necessary to convince the world that there could be no peace without the Soviet Union. Therefore, collaboration with the Soviet Union will be sought The Soviet Union having no imperialistic aims, Stalin has again stressed the independence of other States. Czechoslovakia fears nothing because her traditional characteristics of democracy and pro­gress are respected by Russia, with whom Czechoslovakia will colla­borate on an equal basis. The Soviet Union accepts the friendship of the Slav nations, respects their independence, and seeks the collabo­ration of Britain and the United States for peace. The Soviet-Czecho­slovak Treaty, protecting Czechoslovakia from German aggression, guarantees our internal freedom and State independence, Masaryk concluded." - (News Flashes From Czechoslovakia, Chicago, III., November 27, 1944). </text>
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                    <text>SLOVAKIA

33

The Slovaks fared better even during the last war than they had
at any tíme during the past 1000 years. They managed their own
household and loved lt. Their homes really became their castles. They
breathed and lived as free men, even though forced into war and all
its hardships.
Whosoever denies the Slovaks the right to their own way of life,
- to freedom, independence and statehood denies the law of God and
nature and betrays the ideals of true democracy.

•

•

*

•

RED TRAITORS
(h) - We have pointed to the danger of Communlsm for many
years in our paper. We have also cautioned the gentlemen in Washington about thls enemy of human freedom and dignity. lt ls not our
fault lf some of the gentlemen preferred to listen to Beneš and hls
underlings and paid no attention to American citizens.
We have, however, saved many of oor countrymen, whom the
Reds wanted to ensnare with nice and enticing mottos. We can say,
therefore, that the Slovaks kept away from Communlsm. They dld
not want to have anything to do wlth it.
But such was not the case wlth the so-called "Czechoslovaks."
When the professional revolutionists could not galn the Slovaks, they
became friendly wlth Communists and paved the way for them to get
to Washington.
It is to the credit of American Slovaks that they dld not play
second flddle to the Communists, that they dld not collaborate with
them and that they did not allow them among themselves.
The Czechoslovaks, however, are deslgnated as collaborators with
Communism. The NEW YORKSKÝ DENNÚ{ (New York Daily) and
the Czech NEW YORKSKÉ LISTY (New York News) even imported
communist editors. And they even published many, many artlcles
of communist wr!ters. This they cannot deny, because lt ls all perpetuated black on white. These journals were no better than the
communist ĽUDOVli: NOVINY (People's News) or the Canadian
ĽUDOVÉ ZVESTI (People's Tidings).
Today it is difficult to distingulsh between a Commun!st and a
Czechoslovak, because both are so closely united. Both walked along
the same road, both spoke and wrote the same thlngs. Both villified
the Slovaks, because they exposed their dirty plans. Even Washington is fina\ly noting whence the wind is blowlng.
The aim of the Communists !s clear, because it was stated by
Stalin in simple words. Twenty-two years ago Stalin told us who was
an internatlonalist. He said: "An internatlonallst 1s a person who unconditionally, without hesitation and without limitation is willing to
defend the USSR, because the USSR (Union of Soviet Socialist Republics) is the foundation of the world revolutlonary movement, and to
defend this movement, make lt progress is not posslble wlthout the
protection of the USSR. Who WQUld defend the world revolutionary
movement wlthout and against the USSR. that person goes agalnst
the revolution, that person necessarlly falls into the camp of the
enemles ot the revolutlon."

�34

SLOVAKIA
lt is not long ago that the ĽUDOVÝ DENNll{ (today the shrunken

ĽUDOVl!l NOVINY) wrote:

"We are internatlonalists." And Stalin
explained what internationalists are. That means that Communists
must defend and work for Russia even against the interests of their
own country.
In the past several months several of these loyal servants of
Moscow, who betrayed our atomic secrets, were apprehended in
America. Just recently Julíus Rosenberg was arrested. Before he was
taken, Harry Gold, David Greenglass and Alfred Slack had been apprehended.
There are more of the same kind of communist scamps around.
Not every one had the opportunity to betray but every one of them
is Ioyal to Moscow. lf the opportunity presents itself, they will sabo•
tage, strike, and probably even murder. The Communlsts form the
interna! Fifth Column which is more dangerous than an armed, open
enemy. These Flfth-Columnists conceal themselves and work like
thieves and gangsters.
We must be on our guard against these evil-doers, especially
now. It is the duty of every Citizen to report all Communlsts to the
FBI. The latter will then see to it that these interna! enemles are properly inveslgated. - (SLOVENSKÁ OBRANA, Scranton, Pa., 7-25·50) .

• •

•

WHO SAID IT?
"Dr, Benei never faltered . . . . He wa.s party to no sch~e to di·
vide the n.atural enemles ot fascist aggresslon. Dr. Benei 1tood with
hl1 people. He stood and he stands today for right to govern themselves and to make democra.tic social progresa." - (Congressman
Hugh De Lacy, THE SLAVONIC MONTHLY, Sept. 1945) .

•

"CZECH COMMUNISTS ARE FRIENDS OF THE USA - AH
m&amp;mbeľ1! o! the Communlst Party in Prestice, a town in southern
Boh&amp;mla, became members ot t.he society "Friends o! the Unlted
States." - (HLASATEL, Chicago, Ill., 6-13-47) .

•

"We know that without Russia's fr lendshlp none or her small
neigilbors can r&amp;vert to independent natlonal Ufe. In negotiating the
treaty we have jwit signed, I DID NOT SELL OUT TO RUSSIA. We
lntend to live our own life i n our own way and WE KNOW THAT
RUSSIA WILL RESPECT OUR WAY OF LIVING. . . You and we

are golng to contlnue our pollcy of collaboration, trlendship, confi·
äence In and good falth towards Soviet Russla. I am never golng to
undertake anything - and neither are you - wblch could be in any
way against the interests ot the vitally nec&amp;asary collaboration." (Jan Masaryk, Dinner speech, Russian War Rellef, lne., NEW YORK
TIMES, 12-21-43).

•

" There ls definitely no Iron curtain in Czechoslovakia. Forelgn
correspondents are free to travel about the country and write as they
please, and the people are not afrald to volce their oplnion1. The
CZECHS are a hard-worklng people and POLITICALLY AND ECONOMICALLY THEY ARE MAKING A SPLENDID RECOVERV."

(Laur&amp;nce A. Stelnhardt, NEW YORK TIMES, 2-1-47).

�</text>
                  </elementText>
                  <elementText elementTextId="233">
                    <text>SLOVAKIA

33

The Slovaks fared better even during the last war than they had
at any tíme during the past 1000 years. They managed their own
household and loved lt. Their homes really became their castles. They
breathed and lived as free men, even though forced into war and all
its hardships.
Whosoever denies the Slovaks the right to their own way of life,
- to freedom, independence and statehood denies the law of God and
nature and betrays the ideals of true democracy.

•

•

*

•

RED TRAITORS
(h) - We have pointed to the danger of Communlsm for many
years in our paper. We have also cautioned the gentlemen in Washington about thls enemy of human freedom and dignity. lt ls not our
fault lf some of the gentlemen preferred to listen to Beneš and hls
underlings and paid no attention to American citizens.
We have, however, saved many of oor countrymen, whom the
Reds wanted to ensnare with nice and enticing mottos. We can say,
therefore, that the Slovaks kept away from Communlsm. They dld
not want to have anything to do wlth it.
But such was not the case wlth the so-called "Czechoslovaks."
When the professional revolutionists could not galn the Slovaks, they
became friendly wlth Communists and paved the way for them to get
to Washington.
It is to the credit of American Slovaks that they dld not play
second flddle to the Communists, that they dld not collaborate with
them and that they did not allow them among themselves.
The Czechoslovaks, however, are deslgnated as collaborators with
Communism. The NEW YORKSKÝ DENNÚ{ (New York Daily) and
the Czech NEW YORKSKÉ LISTY (New York News) even imported
communist editors. And they even published many, many artlcles
of communist wr!ters. This they cannot deny, because lt ls all perpetuated black on white. These journals were no better than the
communist ĽUDOVli: NOVINY (People's News) or the Canadian
ĽUDOVÉ ZVESTI (People's Tidings).
Today it is difficult to distingulsh between a Commun!st and a
Czechoslovak, because both are so closely united. Both walked along
the same road, both spoke and wrote the same thlngs. Both villified
the Slovaks, because they exposed their dirty plans. Even Washington is fina\ly noting whence the wind is blowlng.
The aim of the Communists !s clear, because it was stated by
Stalin in simple words. Twenty-two years ago Stalin told us who was
an internatlonalist. He said: "An internatlonallst 1s a person who unconditionally, without hesitation and without limitation is willing to
defend the USSR, because the USSR (Union of Soviet Socialist Republics) is the foundation of the world revolutlonary movement, and to
defend this movement, make lt progress is not posslble wlthout the
protection of the USSR. Who WQUld defend the world revolutionary
movement wlthout and against the USSR. that person goes agalnst
the revolution, that person necessarlly falls into the camp of the
enemles ot the revolutlon."

�34

SLOVAKIA
lt is not long ago that the ĽUDOVÝ DENNll{ (today the shrunken

ĽUDOVl!l NOVINY) wrote:

"We are internatlonalists." And Stalin
explained what internationalists are. That means that Communists
must defend and work for Russia even against the interests of their
own country.
In the past several months several of these loyal servants of
Moscow, who betrayed our atomic secrets, were apprehended in
America. Just recently Julíus Rosenberg was arrested. Before he was
taken, Harry Gold, David Greenglass and Alfred Slack had been apprehended.
There are more of the same kind of communist scamps around.
Not every one had the opportunity to betray but every one of them
is Ioyal to Moscow. lf the opportunity presents itself, they will sabo•
tage, strike, and probably even murder. The Communlsts form the
interna! Fifth Column which is more dangerous than an armed, open
enemy. These Flfth-Columnists conceal themselves and work like
thieves and gangsters.
We must be on our guard against these evil-doers, especially
now. It is the duty of every Citizen to report all Communlsts to the
FBI. The latter will then see to it that these interna! enemles are properly inveslgated. - (SLOVENSKÁ OBRANA, Scranton, Pa., 7-25·50) .

• •

•

WHO SAID IT?
"Dr, Benei never faltered . . . . He wa.s party to no sch~e to di·
vide the n.atural enemles ot fascist aggresslon. Dr. Benei 1tood with
hl1 people. He stood and he stands today for right to govern themselves and to make democra.tic social progresa." - (Congressman
Hugh De Lacy, THE SLAVONIC MONTHLY, Sept. 1945) .

•

"CZECH COMMUNISTS ARE FRIENDS OF THE USA - AH
m&amp;mbeľ1! o! the Communlst Party in Prestice, a town in southern
Boh&amp;mla, became members ot t.he society "Friends o! the Unlted
States." - (HLASATEL, Chicago, Ill., 6-13-47) .

•

"We know that without Russia's fr lendshlp none or her small
neigilbors can r&amp;vert to independent natlonal Ufe. In negotiating the
treaty we have jwit signed, I DID NOT SELL OUT TO RUSSIA. We
lntend to live our own life i n our own way and WE KNOW THAT
RUSSIA WILL RESPECT OUR WAY OF LIVING. . . You and we

are golng to contlnue our pollcy of collaboration, trlendship, confi·
äence In and good falth towards Soviet Russla. I am never golng to
undertake anything - and neither are you - wblch could be in any
way against the interests ot the vitally nec&amp;asary collaboration." (Jan Masaryk, Dinner speech, Russian War Rellef, lne., NEW YORK
TIMES, 12-21-43).

•

" There ls definitely no Iron curtain in Czechoslovakia. Forelgn
correspondents are free to travel about the country and write as they
please, and the people are not afrald to volce their oplnion1. The
CZECHS are a hard-worklng people and POLITICALLY AND ECONOMICALLY THEY ARE MAKING A SPLENDID RECOVERV."

(Laur&amp;nce A. Stelnhardt, NEW YORK TIMES, 2-1-47).

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                  <text>The Slovak League of America</text>
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                  <text>&lt;ul&gt;&lt;li&gt;Issue 1 (No. 1), May 1951.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Issue 2 (No. 2), December 1951.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;/ul&gt;</text>
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                  <text>&lt;ul&gt;&lt;li&gt;&lt;a href="https://n2t.net/ark:/13960/s261hfmshm7" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"&gt;&lt;span&gt;ark:/13960/s261hfmshm7&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/li&gt;
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              <text>SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
33&#13;
&#13;
The Slovaks fared better even during the last war than they had&#13;
at any tíme during the past 1000 years. They managed their own&#13;
household and loved lt. Their homes really became their castles. They&#13;
breathed and lived as free men, even though forced into war and all&#13;
its hardships.&#13;
Whosoever denies the Slovaks the right to their own way of life,&#13;
- to freedom, independence and statehood denies the law of God and&#13;
nature and betrays the ideals of true democracy.&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
*&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
RED TRAITORS&#13;
(h) - We have pointed to the danger of Communlsm for many&#13;
years in our paper. We have also cautioned the gentlemen in Washington about thls enemy of human freedom and dignity. lt ls not our&#13;
fault lf some of the gentlemen preferred to listen to Beneš and hls&#13;
underlings and paid no attention to American citizens.&#13;
We have, however, saved many of oor countrymen, whom the&#13;
Reds wanted to ensnare with nice and enticing mottos. We can say,&#13;
therefore, that the Slovaks kept away from Communlsm. They dld&#13;
not want to have anything to do wlth it.&#13;
But such was not the case wlth the so-called "Czechoslovaks."&#13;
When the professional revolutionists could not galn the Slovaks, they&#13;
became friendly wlth Communists and paved the way for them to get&#13;
to Washington.&#13;
It is to the credit of American Slovaks that they dld not play&#13;
second flddle to the Communists, that they dld not collaborate with&#13;
them and that they did not allow them among themselves.&#13;
The Czechoslovaks, however, are deslgnated as collaborators with&#13;
Communism. The NEW YORKSKÝ DENNÚ{ (New York Daily) and&#13;
the Czech NEW YORKSKÉ LISTY (New York News) even imported&#13;
communist editors. And they even published many, many artlcles&#13;
of communist wr!ters. This they cannot deny, because lt ls all perpetuated black on white. These journals were no better than the&#13;
communist ĽUDOVli: NOVINY (People's News) or the Canadian&#13;
ĽUDOVÉ ZVESTI (People's Tidings).&#13;
Today it is difficult to distingulsh between a Commun!st and a&#13;
Czechoslovak, because both are so closely united. Both walked along&#13;
the same road, both spoke and wrote the same thlngs. Both villified&#13;
the Slovaks, because they exposed their dirty plans. Even Washington is fina\ly noting whence the wind is blowlng.&#13;
The aim of the Communists !s clear, because it was stated by&#13;
Stalin in simple words. Twenty-two years ago Stalin told us who was&#13;
an internatlonalist. He said: "An internatlonallst 1s a person who unconditionally, without hesitation and without limitation is willing to&#13;
defend the USSR, because the USSR (Union of Soviet Socialist Republics) is the foundation of the world revolutlonary movement, and to&#13;
defend this movement, make lt progress is not posslble wlthout the&#13;
protection of the USSR. Who WQUld defend the world revolutionary&#13;
movement wlthout and against the USSR. that person goes agalnst&#13;
the revolution, that person necessarlly falls into the camp of the&#13;
enemles ot the revolutlon."&#13;
&#13;
34&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
lt is not long ago that the ĽUDOVÝ DENNll{ (today the shrunken&#13;
&#13;
ĽUDOVl!l NOVINY) wrote:&#13;
&#13;
"We are internatlonalists." And Stalin&#13;
explained what internationalists are. That means that Communists&#13;
must defend and work for Russia even against the interests of their&#13;
own country.&#13;
In the past several months several of these loyal servants of&#13;
Moscow, who betrayed our atomic secrets, were apprehended in&#13;
America. Just recently Julíus Rosenberg was arrested. Before he was&#13;
taken, Harry Gold, David Greenglass and Alfred Slack had been apprehended.&#13;
There are more of the same kind of communist scamps around.&#13;
Not every one had the opportunity to betray but every one of them&#13;
is Ioyal to Moscow. lf the opportunity presents itself, they will sabo•&#13;
tage, strike, and probably even murder. The Communlsts form the&#13;
interna! Fifth Column which is more dangerous than an armed, open&#13;
enemy. These Flfth-Columnists conceal themselves and work like&#13;
thieves and gangsters.&#13;
We must be on our guard against these evil-doers, especially&#13;
now. It is the duty of every Citizen to report all Communlsts to the&#13;
FBI. The latter will then see to it that these interna! enemles are properly inveslgated. - (SLOVENSKÁ OBRANA, Scranton, Pa., 7-25·50) .&#13;
&#13;
• •&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
WHO SAID IT?&#13;
"Dr, Benei never faltered . . . . He wa.s party to no sch~e to di·&#13;
vide the n.atural enemles ot fascist aggresslon. Dr. Benei 1tood with&#13;
hl1 people. He stood and he stands today for right to govern themselves and to make democra.tic social progresa." - (Congressman&#13;
Hugh De Lacy, THE SLAVONIC MONTHLY, Sept. 1945) .&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
"CZECH COMMUNISTS ARE FRIENDS OF THE USA - AH&#13;
m&amp;mbeľ1! o! the Communlst Party in Prestice, a town in southern&#13;
Boh&amp;mla, became members ot t.he society "Friends o! the Unlted&#13;
States." - (HLASATEL, Chicago, Ill., 6-13-47) .&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
"We know that without Russia's fr lendshlp none or her small&#13;
neigilbors can r&amp;vert to independent natlonal Ufe. In negotiating the&#13;
treaty we have jwit signed, I DID NOT SELL OUT TO RUSSIA. We&#13;
lntend to live our own life i n our own way and WE KNOW THAT&#13;
RUSSIA WILL RESPECT OUR WAY OF LIVING. . . You and we&#13;
&#13;
are golng to contlnue our pollcy of collaboration, trlendship, confi·&#13;
äence In and good falth towards Soviet Russla. I am never golng to&#13;
undertake anything - and neither are you - wblch could be in any&#13;
way against the interests ot the vitally nec&amp;asary collaboration." (Jan Masaryk, Dinner speech, Russian War Rellef, lne., NEW YORK&#13;
TIMES, 12-21-43).&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
" There ls definitely no Iron curtain in Czechoslovakia. Forelgn&#13;
correspondents are free to travel about the country and write as they&#13;
please, and the people are not afrald to volce their oplnion1. The&#13;
CZECHS are a hard-worklng people and POLITICALLY AND ECONOMICALLY THEY ARE MAKING A SPLENDID RECOVERV."&#13;
&#13;
(Laur&amp;nce A. Stelnhardt, NEW YORK TIMES, 2-1-47).&#13;
&#13;
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                <text>Slovakia, Vol. 1, No. 1 (1), May 1951&#13;
pp. 33-34</text>
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                    <text>SLOVAKIA

35

"CZECHOSLOVAK" DEMOCRACY
(SP) - No one in the world boasted as much about "people's
democracy" as the Czechs and Slovak Czechs (the so-called "Czechoslovaks"). The Soviet fraud wlth people's democracy seemed to be
made to order accordlng to the pattern of Zenkl, Beneš, Lettrich and
cthers of the same pollt!cal camp. They ldentifled themselves wlth
thls idea rlght after the war, because it expressed thelr stand toward
the people, polltics and the management ot the state. The idea represented them; they were people's democrats before Soviet propaganda
discovered the expression "people's democracy" !
How else can we explain what happened after an lnsigniflcant
camariJJa, placed at the helm ot the shlp of state wlth the aid ot
forelgners and really drunk wlth power, proclaimed a "people's democracy" and lts lmmense advantages? All we have to do !s take
the newspapers and parllament records from 1945-1948 and we'll
see that the Czechoslovaks used every occaslon to publlcly pralse the
"people's democracy." Western powers could flnd a Jot of interestlng
materlal there about the "democratic" sentiment of the people who
today are golng from door to door In Washington and London clalming they are martyrs to the cause of democracy.
Czechoslovaklsm (Czech lmperiallsm) was the hlstorlc vanguard
and predecessor ot "people's democracy." Today we au know that
"people's democracy" is a denlal ot democracy and slgnifles a polltlcal
police system whlch prohlblts free expresslon ot an oplonlon and
demands of all an uncondlt!onal acceptance of the ideas and platforms
of the rullng ca.ste. "People's democracy" outrages the oplnlon of the
majority and forces lt to adapť itself to the minority; lt 1s brutal
in the means lt uses to force assent wlth lts ideas and program.
The Czechoslovaks were péople's democrats already durlng the
first Czecho-Slovak republic: because the Slovaks wanted to be free
they persecuted them with ruthless police methods; they dld not
respect the oplnlon of the vast majority of the Slovaks and forc1&gt;d tbe
wbole Slovak natlon to live In polltlcal, economlcal and cultural subjection; as good "people's democrats" they lntroduced In Slovakla
methods ot economlc exploltatlon and by arttrlclal means kept the
whole of Slovakla In a mlserable social posltlon; they were forclng
the Slovak nat!on to regard Czecho-Slovakla as lts bome at a Ume
when they were maklng that state a prlson for Slovaks. Of course,
that dld not work out as planned.
It was not strange at all that Czechoslovak circles accepted "people's
democracy" with enthusiasm In 1945. That klnd ot democracy helped
them to occupy Slovakla. In Slovakla lt gave them the power' 1. to
murder, dlspossess, dlsfranchlse and exile au pol!t!cal opponents; 2. to
persecute Slovak patrlotlsm as "tasclst"; 3. to abol!sh democratlc
freedoms and install a government ot suppresslon and terror; 4. to
suppress every free expresslon In Slovakia and persecute every effort
of the Slovaks to free themselves trom a sltuatlon forced on them;
5. to estabUsh concentratlon ca.mps and present the Slovaks. f!ght!ng
for the freedom of thelr natlon, as fascists and enemles of democracy; and, 6. to falslfy the actual condltlons prevaillng in Slovakla.
After tbelr departure from the so-called "people's democracy'' of

�36

SLOVAKIA

Czecho-Slovakia, these "superdemocrats" continued in the work they
were taught to do by Beneš. They are stlll propagating the !ie that
the Slovaks do not want their own state, but prefer Czechoslovakia;
they are vilifying the Slovaks and telling the west that the Slovaks
are backward culturally, economically and politically and lacklng In
democratlc traditions. The Slovaks, accordlng to them, are possessed
by psychic complexes of an inferlor mass.
According to the Czechoslovaks it is democratic to bave tbe Slovaks
1. the Czechs have the rlght to rule Slovakia; 2. Slovakia must be
again annexed to Czech lands, because Czech interests - whlch is to
them the supreme measure of democracy - demands it; 3. whatever harms Czech imperialism In its relationship to Slovakia is undemocratic, non-progressive and reactionary.
Acordlng to the Czechoslovaks it is democratlc to have the Slovaks
live under Czech rule and acoept the Czech concept that the Slovaks
do not exist, that polltically the Slovak natlon is immature and incapable, and that lt should let itself be Jed on a leash which the
Czechs thrust around its neck out of "love" and for "protection."
According to the "people's democrats" it would be utterly undemocratlc to grant the Slovaks the right of self-determination, the right
to their own state, the rlght to declde thelr own fate, and the rlght
to live in their own fashion accordlng to thelr own means. These enemies of tbe Slovak natlon know that the S lovaks are almost to a man
for an independent Slovak state, so they sound the alarm that the
renewal of the Slovak Republic would be a threat to democracy.
They are determined to carry on their propaganda of lles to deceive
the western democracles just as Beneš had done so effectlvely for
some 30 years.
But the Slovaks are determined, too - especially now more than
ever before - to expose and flght the Czechoslovak pseudodemo•
crats. The Slovak nation rid itself of the Magyar cancer and it shall,
with the help of God, also rid !tself of the Czecboslovak ulcer. The
western powers are gradually beglnning to realize that Zenkl, Papánek, Ripka, Lettrich and company are masked enemles of democracles
and are, in fact, responsible in a large measure for the conditions
prevailing in Czechoslovakia today. And also, the world must soon
realize that Czechoslovakism was the handmald of Communism and,
as such, the enemy of true democracy.

• • • •
WHO SAI D IT?

"Czeohoslovakia was THE ONLY COUNTRY in Europe tha4 had
a hlgh consistent leadership of suob men as Masaryk an"d Benes. . . .
Czechoalovakia could not trust the countriea wh ich betrayed her, Britain and F rance. She was compelled to cast her lot under t,he overpowering mlght of Russla. But I am not at all alarmed at the prospect.
The Anglo-Saxon countrles wlll always stand for LIBERTY AND
LOY ALTY to the prlnclples or rellgion. They alwaya fail, however,
In the matter of economic justice and racia! brotherhood. RUSSIA
STANDS ALWAYS FOR THESE TWO THINGS. 1 belleve that Czechoslovakla wlll play a Jarge part In helplng to keep Russla loyal to
the Charter or the Unlted Nations." - (Dr. Sherwood Eddy, THE
SLA VONJC MONTHLY, Sept. 1945).

�</text>
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                    <text>SLOVAKIA

35

"CZECHOSLOVAK" DEMOCRACY
(SP) - No one in the world boasted as much about "people's
democracy" as the Czechs and Slovak Czechs (the so-called "Czechoslovaks"). The Soviet fraud wlth people's democracy seemed to be
made to order accordlng to the pattern of Zenkl, Beneš, Lettrich and
cthers of the same pollt!cal camp. They ldentifled themselves wlth
thls idea rlght after the war, because it expressed thelr stand toward
the people, polltics and the management ot the state. The idea represented them; they were people's democrats before Soviet propaganda
discovered the expression "people's democracy" !
How else can we explain what happened after an lnsigniflcant
camariJJa, placed at the helm ot the shlp of state wlth the aid ot
forelgners and really drunk wlth power, proclaimed a "people's democracy" and lts lmmense advantages? All we have to do !s take
the newspapers and parllament records from 1945-1948 and we'll
see that the Czechoslovaks used every occaslon to publlcly pralse the
"people's democracy." Western powers could flnd a Jot of interestlng
materlal there about the "democratic" sentiment of the people who
today are golng from door to door In Washington and London clalming they are martyrs to the cause of democracy.
Czechoslovaklsm (Czech lmperiallsm) was the hlstorlc vanguard
and predecessor ot "people's democracy." Today we au know that
"people's democracy" is a denlal ot democracy and slgnifles a polltlcal
police system whlch prohlblts free expresslon ot an oplonlon and
demands of all an uncondlt!onal acceptance of the ideas and platforms
of the rullng ca.ste. "People's democracy" outrages the oplnlon of the
majority and forces lt to adapť itself to the minority; lt 1s brutal
in the means lt uses to force assent wlth lts ideas and program.
The Czechoslovaks were péople's democrats already durlng the
first Czecho-Slovak republic: because the Slovaks wanted to be free
they persecuted them with ruthless police methods; they dld not
respect the oplnlon of the vast majority of the Slovaks and forc1&gt;d tbe
wbole Slovak natlon to live In polltlcal, economlcal and cultural subjection; as good "people's democrats" they lntroduced In Slovakla
methods ot economlc exploltatlon and by arttrlclal means kept the
whole of Slovakla In a mlserable social posltlon; they were forclng
the Slovak nat!on to regard Czecho-Slovakla as lts bome at a Ume
when they were maklng that state a prlson for Slovaks. Of course,
that dld not work out as planned.
It was not strange at all that Czechoslovak circles accepted "people's
democracy" with enthusiasm In 1945. That klnd ot democracy helped
them to occupy Slovakla. In Slovakla lt gave them the power' 1. to
murder, dlspossess, dlsfranchlse and exile au pol!t!cal opponents; 2. to
persecute Slovak patrlotlsm as "tasclst"; 3. to abol!sh democratlc
freedoms and install a government ot suppresslon and terror; 4. to
suppress every free expresslon In Slovakia and persecute every effort
of the Slovaks to free themselves trom a sltuatlon forced on them;
5. to estabUsh concentratlon ca.mps and present the Slovaks. f!ght!ng
for the freedom of thelr natlon, as fascists and enemles of democracy; and, 6. to falslfy the actual condltlons prevaillng in Slovakla.
After tbelr departure from the so-called "people's democracy'' of

�36

SLOVAKIA

Czecho-Slovakia, these "superdemocrats" continued in the work they
were taught to do by Beneš. They are stlll propagating the !ie that
the Slovaks do not want their own state, but prefer Czechoslovakia;
they are vilifying the Slovaks and telling the west that the Slovaks
are backward culturally, economically and politically and lacklng In
democratlc traditions. The Slovaks, accordlng to them, are possessed
by psychic complexes of an inferlor mass.
According to the Czechoslovaks it is democratic to bave tbe Slovaks
1. the Czechs have the rlght to rule Slovakia; 2. Slovakia must be
again annexed to Czech lands, because Czech interests - whlch is to
them the supreme measure of democracy - demands it; 3. whatever harms Czech imperialism In its relationship to Slovakia is undemocratic, non-progressive and reactionary.
Acordlng to the Czechoslovaks it is democratlc to have the Slovaks
live under Czech rule and acoept the Czech concept that the Slovaks
do not exist, that polltically the Slovak natlon is immature and incapable, and that lt should let itself be Jed on a leash which the
Czechs thrust around its neck out of "love" and for "protection."
According to the "people's democrats" it would be utterly undemocratlc to grant the Slovaks the right of self-determination, the right
to their own state, the rlght to declde thelr own fate, and the rlght
to live in their own fashion accordlng to thelr own means. These enemies of tbe Slovak natlon know that the S lovaks are almost to a man
for an independent Slovak state, so they sound the alarm that the
renewal of the Slovak Republic would be a threat to democracy.
They are determined to carry on their propaganda of lles to deceive
the western democracles just as Beneš had done so effectlvely for
some 30 years.
But the Slovaks are determined, too - especially now more than
ever before - to expose and flght the Czechoslovak pseudodemo•
crats. The Slovak nation rid itself of the Magyar cancer and it shall,
with the help of God, also rid !tself of the Czecboslovak ulcer. The
western powers are gradually beglnning to realize that Zenkl, Papánek, Ripka, Lettrich and company are masked enemles of democracles
and are, in fact, responsible in a large measure for the conditions
prevailing in Czechoslovakia today. And also, the world must soon
realize that Czechoslovakism was the handmald of Communism and,
as such, the enemy of true democracy.

• • • •
WHO SAI D IT?

"Czeohoslovakia was THE ONLY COUNTRY in Europe tha4 had
a hlgh consistent leadership of suob men as Masaryk an"d Benes. . . .
Czechoalovakia could not trust the countriea wh ich betrayed her, Britain and F rance. She was compelled to cast her lot under t,he overpowering mlght of Russla. But I am not at all alarmed at the prospect.
The Anglo-Saxon countrles wlll always stand for LIBERTY AND
LOY ALTY to the prlnclples or rellgion. They alwaya fail, however,
In the matter of economic justice and racia! brotherhood. RUSSIA
STANDS ALWAYS FOR THESE TWO THINGS. 1 belleve that Czechoslovakla wlll play a Jarge part In helplng to keep Russla loyal to
the Charter or the Unlted Nations." - (Dr. Sherwood Eddy, THE
SLA VONJC MONTHLY, Sept. 1945).

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                  <text>&lt;ul&gt;&lt;li&gt;Issue 1 (No. 1), May 1951.&lt;/li&gt;
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              <text>SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
35&#13;
&#13;
"CZECHOSLOVAK" DEMOCRACY&#13;
(SP) - No one in the world boasted as much about "people's&#13;
democracy" as the Czechs and Slovak Czechs (the so-called "Czechoslovaks"). The Soviet fraud wlth people's democracy seemed to be&#13;
made to order accordlng to the pattern of Zenkl, Beneš, Lettrich and&#13;
cthers of the same pollt!cal camp. They ldentifled themselves wlth&#13;
thls idea rlght after the war, because it expressed thelr stand toward&#13;
the people, polltics and the management ot the state. The idea represented them; they were people's democrats before Soviet propaganda&#13;
discovered the expression "people's democracy" !&#13;
How else can we explain what happened after an lnsigniflcant&#13;
camariJJa, placed at the helm ot the shlp of state wlth the aid ot&#13;
forelgners and really drunk wlth power, proclaimed a "people's democracy" and lts lmmense advantages? All we have to do !s take&#13;
the newspapers and parllament records from 1945-1948 and we'll&#13;
see that the Czechoslovaks used every occaslon to publlcly pralse the&#13;
"people's democracy." Western powers could flnd a Jot of interestlng&#13;
materlal there about the "democratic" sentiment of the people who&#13;
today are golng from door to door In Washington and London clalming they are martyrs to the cause of democracy.&#13;
Czechoslovaklsm (Czech lmperiallsm) was the hlstorlc vanguard&#13;
and predecessor ot "people's democracy." Today we au know that&#13;
"people's democracy" is a denlal ot democracy and slgnifles a polltlcal&#13;
police system whlch prohlblts free expresslon ot an oplonlon and&#13;
demands of all an uncondlt!onal acceptance of the ideas and platforms&#13;
of the rullng ca.ste. "People's democracy" outrages the oplnlon of the&#13;
majority and forces lt to adapť itself to the minority; lt 1s brutal&#13;
in the means lt uses to force assent wlth lts ideas and program.&#13;
The Czechoslovaks were péople's democrats already durlng the&#13;
first Czecho-Slovak republic: because the Slovaks wanted to be free&#13;
they persecuted them with ruthless police methods; they dld not&#13;
respect the oplnlon of the vast majority of the Slovaks and forc1&gt;d tbe&#13;
wbole Slovak natlon to live In polltlcal, economlcal and cultural subjection; as good "people's democrats" they lntroduced In Slovakla&#13;
methods ot economlc exploltatlon and by arttrlclal means kept the&#13;
whole of Slovakla In a mlserable social posltlon; they were forclng&#13;
the Slovak nat!on to regard Czecho-Slovakla as lts bome at a Ume&#13;
when they were maklng that state a prlson for Slovaks. Of course,&#13;
that dld not work out as planned.&#13;
It was not strange at all that Czechoslovak circles accepted "people's&#13;
democracy" with enthusiasm In 1945. That klnd ot democracy helped&#13;
them to occupy Slovakla. In Slovakla lt gave them the power' 1. to&#13;
murder, dlspossess, dlsfranchlse and exile au pol!t!cal opponents; 2. to&#13;
persecute Slovak patrlotlsm as "tasclst"; 3. to abol!sh democratlc&#13;
freedoms and install a government ot suppresslon and terror; 4. to&#13;
suppress every free expresslon In Slovakia and persecute every effort&#13;
of the Slovaks to free themselves trom a sltuatlon forced on them;&#13;
5. to estabUsh concentratlon ca.mps and present the Slovaks. f!ght!ng&#13;
for the freedom of thelr natlon, as fascists and enemles of democracy; and, 6. to falslfy the actual condltlons prevaillng in Slovakla.&#13;
After tbelr departure from the so-called "people's democracy'' of&#13;
&#13;
36&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
Czecho-Slovakia, these "superdemocrats" continued in the work they&#13;
were taught to do by Beneš. They are stlll propagating the !ie that&#13;
the Slovaks do not want their own state, but prefer Czechoslovakia;&#13;
they are vilifying the Slovaks and telling the west that the Slovaks&#13;
are backward culturally, economically and politically and lacklng In&#13;
democratlc traditions. The Slovaks, accordlng to them, are possessed&#13;
by psychic complexes of an inferlor mass.&#13;
According to the Czechoslovaks it is democratic to bave tbe Slovaks&#13;
1. the Czechs have the rlght to rule Slovakia; 2. Slovakia must be&#13;
again annexed to Czech lands, because Czech interests - whlch is to&#13;
them the supreme measure of democracy - demands it; 3. whatever harms Czech imperialism In its relationship to Slovakia is undemocratic, non-progressive and reactionary.&#13;
Acordlng to the Czechoslovaks it is democratlc to have the Slovaks&#13;
live under Czech rule and acoept the Czech concept that the Slovaks&#13;
do not exist, that polltically the Slovak natlon is immature and incapable, and that lt should let itself be Jed on a leash which the&#13;
Czechs thrust around its neck out of "love" and for "protection."&#13;
According to the "people's democrats" it would be utterly undemocratlc to grant the Slovaks the right of self-determination, the right&#13;
to their own state, the rlght to declde thelr own fate, and the rlght&#13;
to live in their own fashion accordlng to thelr own means. These enemies of tbe Slovak natlon know that the S lovaks are almost to a man&#13;
for an independent Slovak state, so they sound the alarm that the&#13;
renewal of the Slovak Republic would be a threat to democracy.&#13;
They are determined to carry on their propaganda of lles to deceive&#13;
the western democracles just as Beneš had done so effectlvely for&#13;
some 30 years.&#13;
But the Slovaks are determined, too - especially now more than&#13;
ever before - to expose and flght the Czechoslovak pseudodemo•&#13;
crats. The Slovak nation rid itself of the Magyar cancer and it shall,&#13;
with the help of God, also rid !tself of the Czecboslovak ulcer. The&#13;
western powers are gradually beglnning to realize that Zenkl, Papánek, Ripka, Lettrich and company are masked enemles of democracles&#13;
and are, in fact, responsible in a large measure for the conditions&#13;
prevailing in Czechoslovakia today. And also, the world must soon&#13;
realize that Czechoslovakism was the handmald of Communism and,&#13;
as such, the enemy of true democracy.&#13;
&#13;
• • • •&#13;
WHO SAI D IT?&#13;
&#13;
"Czeohoslovakia was THE ONLY COUNTRY in Europe tha4 had&#13;
a hlgh consistent leadership of suob men as Masaryk an"d Benes. . . .&#13;
Czechoalovakia could not trust the countriea wh ich betrayed her, Britain and F rance. She was compelled to cast her lot under t,he overpowering mlght of Russla. But I am not at all alarmed at the prospect.&#13;
The Anglo-Saxon countrles wlll always stand for LIBERTY AND&#13;
LOY ALTY to the prlnclples or rellgion. They alwaya fail, however,&#13;
In the matter of economic justice and racia! brotherhood. RUSSIA&#13;
STANDS ALWAYS FOR THESE TWO THINGS. 1 belleve that Czechoslovakla wlll play a Jarge part In helplng to keep Russla loyal to&#13;
the Charter or the Unlted Nations." - (Dr. Sherwood Eddy, THE&#13;
SLA VONJC MONTHLY, Sept. 1945).&#13;
&#13;
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                <text>Slovakia, Vol. 1, No. 1 (1), May 1951&#13;
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                    <text>SLOVAKIA

37

THE CZECHOSWVAKS AND ANTI-SEMITISM
( JK ) The Czechoslovaks (Czech Slovaks) apparently are getting a bit jittery. While the democratlc peoples gradually are findlng
out the truth about Czecho-Slovakla and its former Jeaders, who talked
democracy but collaborated with Stalin and the Czech Reds, the socalled "Czechoslovaks" are sweating in a desperate attempt to smear
all freedom-loving, patriotic Slovaks.
Take the NEW YORKSKÝ DENNO&lt; ("Czechoslovak daily pub·
lished in Slovak language" ! ) , for example. For the lack of better arguments it has threatened to expose the Slovak patriots - who always
fought against Communlsm and for the lnherent and God-given rlghts
of their people to freedom and lndependence - as antl-Semites. For
the Czechoslovaks, there are no exceptions: all Slova ks, who believe
their nation has a right to be free and independent, are collectively
and tota lly supposed to be anti-Semites.
For those who are familiar with the Slovak questlon, such an
accusation is just a plain lie. But while we are on the question of
anti-Semitlsm, leťs look at the record of leading Czechoslovaks and see
how these recently born "superdemocrats" (People's Democrats) stood
on the Jewlsh question in Slovakla.
The Czechoslovaks mmally get up in the morning and go to bed
at night with the name of T. G. Masaryk on their lips. What he taught,
what he wrote and what he said, that for them ls like the Gospel.
Well, how did T. G. Masaryk, the so-called "founder" of the
Czecho-Slovak Republic, regard the J ews?
Dr. Vavro Šrobär wrote a book in 1946. He was one of Masaryk's
most loyal servants in Slovakia and one of the leaders of the so-called
"glorious Slovak national rebellion" (1944), during which the Slovak
public for the flrst time found out that so many of the present
"eminent" Czechoslovaks existed. The book, published in Prague, is
called "Z môjho života" (From My Life). Masaryk - the teacher, the
model and ideologist of the Czechoslovaks - accordlng to the book:
"reproached the Jews, because in a Christian world they did not know
how to free themselves from the O!d Testament, the Talmud and the
Ghetto. T hey are lsolating themselves from all the subjugated natlons
and are slding, according to religious precept, wlth the ruling natlons;
a.nd in our country that means they are Germanlzlng and Magyarizing."
And the teacher and model of Lettrich, Papanek, Slävik and other
Slovak renegades continued ln thls manner: "The Jews ot the ghetto
are alien to us with their faith, thelr llves, their views, philosophy
and sociology; they are isolating themselves so, that we do not understand them, we fear them and do not llke them" (pg. 245).
Masaryk, according to Šrobär, "acknowledged that tbe fight
agalnst J ewlsb greed, usury and materlalism, agalnst thelr alllance with
our enemles, is justified, especlally in Moravia and Slovakla, where
in the villages they bave become the ruín of the nalve, gulllble people.
Here tbe privlleges of the tavern trades should be taken away from
tbem, or tbere sbould b e a Jaw passed which would protect the people
agalnst the temptation of alcohollsm and against Jewisb usury" (op.
cit. pg. 246).

�38

SLOVAKIA

And in like manner argued a ll the "salon anti-Semltes." The socalled vulgar antl-Semltes reallzed these salon vlews only la ter on.
Šrobár bimself admits in bis book that wben "tbe farmers came to
my office to ask me to talk, on sucb occaslons we used to talk pollUcs
and I spared nelther omces nor tbe government, not even the Jews"
{pg. 383). For Šrobár tbe Jews were the same red clotb as Magyar
omces In government. And that is quite a strong word! And the socalled Czechoslovaks (Czecb S lovaks!) in exlle negotlated with sucb
an anti-Semite durlng the "revolution" and even after lt!
But T. G. i\lasaryk and Vavro šrobár were not the only Czecboslovaks who felt t ha t way about the Israelltes in Slovakia. Dr. J osepb
Lettrlch, Vlce-President ot th e Councll of Free Czechoslovakla and
former Chairman of both the Slovak Natlonal Councll and the socalled Democratlc Party ot Slovakia, felt ll ke tbat about the J ews, too.
In 1945-1946, by Presldentlal decrees the Magyars and the Germans in Czechoslovakia were robbed not only ot tbelr civil rights, but
also ot thelr entire wealtb. Naturally, their properties were conflscated
wlthout compensatlon. The fate ot the Magyars and Germans was
In no manner envlable: they were placed outslde the law, bunted llke
wlld beasts and dellvered to tbe rldicule and brutality ot the n ew
" P eople's democratlc" admlnistratton. Decent people anywhere could
not want such a rate to overtake even thelr worst enemy.
At that Ume Dr. Joseph Lettrlch, as presldent ot the Slovak National Council, demanded that the Jews be dealt witb In the same
manner as the Germans and Magyars. In 1945, he proclalmerl:
"We must endeavor to drive out of our country wlthout mercy the
Magyars and Germans. The Jewa, w ho by their sentiment• and thelr
language show ay mpathy t o t he Ger mana o r Magyars, we ahall rega rd
those Jews as Germa ns a nd Ma gyars and they w lll have t o auffer the
fat e of Germans and M agyars."
The pettlfoggery of Mr. Lettrich was perfidlous: the great majority of J ews In Slovakla, as a result of the tralning ot previous reglmes, used German and Magyar as thelr languages in thelr homes
and buslnesses. The greatest part of the J ews In Slovakla has traditlonal sympathles for the culture and way of llfe ot the Magyars and
the Germans. Accordlng to Lettrich's statement In 1945, the overwhelming majority ot the Jews had to be drlven out ot Slovakla. Is
it any wonder, then, that some zealous partners ot Lettrlch saw in
thls proclamatlon dlrectlves on how "to get rid ot the J ews"?
Actually in 1945- 1946, one could often read in the forelgn press
a bout "antf-Semltic deeds in Slovakla." In reality nothing else was
happening except that the mentloned directfves ot Lettrich were belng applled by bis zealous followers. However, slnce such expresslona were unpleasant to the reglme, they simply blamed all ot tbls
on Slovak "tascists."
It ls slgnlflcant that not one ot the leadlng politlclans ot tbat
reglme In Slovakla - who are now in emlgratlon organized in tbe
Councll ot Free Czechoslovakla - dld not conslder lt necessary to
protest agalnst thls antf-Semltlc exploslon of Mr. Lettrlch. And tbere
are among them even Ruch people who not only were not bis partfsans,
but were also bis competltors In seeklng and galnlng for themselves the
favor of tbe Prague governments.

�SLOVAKIA

39

Slnce the "NEW YORKSKÝ DENNÍK (New York Dally) seems t o
be the organ ot the Czechoslovaks, maybe some of h ls people could
offer a plau sible explanatlon for Lettrlch's statement. Or dld they
agree In the lnnermost parts of thelr souls wlth Lettrich? They were
partlclpan ts of power and every polltlcal chlld recognizes the prlnclple: Sllence means agr eement.
Before th e 1946 elections Lettrlch's polltlcal campaigners dld not
hesltate to use antl•Semltlc slogans just to gain votes tor Lettrlch. For
example In the Žilina dlstrlct, Lettrlch' s men scattered leaflets t hat
were tltled: " On ly Jews and dogs vote for Communi11t11.'' In Llplany
L ettrlch's dlstrlct secretarlate issued a flyer entltled: "Death to the
Jews !" In H rabkov bis followers lssued leaflets th at began wlth th e
words: " We w ant S lovakia without the Jewa." S lmilar antl-Semltlc
slogans were used by Lettrlch' s followers In many other Slovak t owns
and vlllages.
It ls strange that Dr. Lettrlch never publlcly condemned such
utterances and slogana of the election b attle even though the Slovak
press polnted to them several tlmes. And lt ls lnterestlng that even
other so-called polltlclans of that reglme - and here we a re not
thlnklng of some of the pr esent servants of the New Yorkský Dennlk,
(such as Beh arka, Blaho and others) - dld not utter a slngle word
of protest agalnst the use of antl-Semltlc lnstlncts ln the pre-electlon
campalgn of 1946. - (J-9-6-50) .

•

•

•

WHO SAID I T?

" I have looked with a great deal of satiafaction upon the accomp.
li1hment1 of Prealdent Benes and the people of Czechoslovakia shou ld
be congra tulated In havlng auch a reaourceful, capable and loyal
c it izen, who has CONSE NTEO to continue In servlce. . . . Under his
leadershlp the country attained a reputation for SOL IDARITY and
aeh ieved 1uccess UNEQUALLEO by any other FREE natlon.'' ( Congressman Adolph J . Sabath, T H E SLAVONI C MONTHLY, SepLember 1945).

•

" l never deamed Lhat llttle country (Czecho-Slovakla) would fall
inlo the clutches or the Communlsts. The CZECHS a lw ays looked to
Rusala. . . Russla was the ONLY country trylng to save tbem
from Hitler at Munlch. . . . When the Russlan anny drove out Lhe
Nazis and Benes was abl e to return. the country was In a serious condltion. The Gennans h ad looted a nd destroyed. Benes dld EVERY·
T H ING posslb le, but some peoole were stlll dissatis!led. Tbe Communists took advantage and promisetl they could do better. They
made ralse promises:• - (Representative Adolph Sabath, THE WASHINGTON P OST, 3-H -48).

•

"Dr. Hubert Rlpka, Czecbos lovak Minister or Fore ign T rade, told
a rarewell press conference bere (London) today that he did not eon
slder the Western Allies' apprebenslon11 that bis country MIGH T BECOME A VASSAL OF THE SOVIET UNION were grounded . . . . He
sald lt waa natural t hat Czechoslovakla sbould seek be r secunty pr lmarlly In rrlendsb lp w ltb the Soviet Union . . . " - (NEW YORK
TIMES. 4-15-45) .

�</text>
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                    <text>SLOVAKIA

37

THE CZECHOSWVAKS AND ANTI-SEMITISM
( JK ) The Czechoslovaks (Czech Slovaks) apparently are getting a bit jittery. While the democratlc peoples gradually are findlng
out the truth about Czecho-Slovakla and its former Jeaders, who talked
democracy but collaborated with Stalin and the Czech Reds, the socalled "Czechoslovaks" are sweating in a desperate attempt to smear
all freedom-loving, patriotic Slovaks.
Take the NEW YORKSKÝ DENNO&lt; ("Czechoslovak daily pub·
lished in Slovak language" ! ) , for example. For the lack of better arguments it has threatened to expose the Slovak patriots - who always
fought against Communlsm and for the lnherent and God-given rlghts
of their people to freedom and lndependence - as antl-Semites. For
the Czechoslovaks, there are no exceptions: all Slova ks, who believe
their nation has a right to be free and independent, are collectively
and tota lly supposed to be anti-Semites.
For those who are familiar with the Slovak questlon, such an
accusation is just a plain lie. But while we are on the question of
anti-Semitlsm, leťs look at the record of leading Czechoslovaks and see
how these recently born "superdemocrats" (People's Democrats) stood
on the Jewlsh question in Slovakla.
The Czechoslovaks mmally get up in the morning and go to bed
at night with the name of T. G. Masaryk on their lips. What he taught,
what he wrote and what he said, that for them ls like the Gospel.
Well, how did T. G. Masaryk, the so-called "founder" of the
Czecho-Slovak Republic, regard the J ews?
Dr. Vavro Šrobär wrote a book in 1946. He was one of Masaryk's
most loyal servants in Slovakia and one of the leaders of the so-called
"glorious Slovak national rebellion" (1944), during which the Slovak
public for the flrst time found out that so many of the present
"eminent" Czechoslovaks existed. The book, published in Prague, is
called "Z môjho života" (From My Life). Masaryk - the teacher, the
model and ideologist of the Czechoslovaks - accordlng to the book:
"reproached the Jews, because in a Christian world they did not know
how to free themselves from the O!d Testament, the Talmud and the
Ghetto. T hey are lsolating themselves from all the subjugated natlons
and are slding, according to religious precept, wlth the ruling natlons;
a.nd in our country that means they are Germanlzlng and Magyarizing."
And the teacher and model of Lettrich, Papanek, Slävik and other
Slovak renegades continued ln thls manner: "The Jews ot the ghetto
are alien to us with their faith, thelr llves, their views, philosophy
and sociology; they are isolating themselves so, that we do not understand them, we fear them and do not llke them" (pg. 245).
Masaryk, according to Šrobär, "acknowledged that tbe fight
agalnst J ewlsb greed, usury and materlalism, agalnst thelr alllance with
our enemles, is justified, especlally in Moravia and Slovakla, where
in the villages they bave become the ruín of the nalve, gulllble people.
Here tbe privlleges of the tavern trades should be taken away from
tbem, or tbere sbould b e a Jaw passed which would protect the people
agalnst the temptation of alcohollsm and against Jewisb usury" (op.
cit. pg. 246).

�38

SLOVAKIA

And in like manner argued a ll the "salon anti-Semltes." The socalled vulgar antl-Semltes reallzed these salon vlews only la ter on.
Šrobár bimself admits in bis book that wben "tbe farmers came to
my office to ask me to talk, on sucb occaslons we used to talk pollUcs
and I spared nelther omces nor tbe government, not even the Jews"
{pg. 383). For Šrobár tbe Jews were the same red clotb as Magyar
omces In government. And that is quite a strong word! And the socalled Czechoslovaks (Czecb S lovaks!) in exlle negotlated with sucb
an anti-Semite durlng the "revolution" and even after lt!
But T. G. i\lasaryk and Vavro šrobár were not the only Czecboslovaks who felt t ha t way about the Israelltes in Slovakia. Dr. J osepb
Lettrlch, Vlce-President ot th e Councll of Free Czechoslovakla and
former Chairman of both the Slovak Natlonal Councll and the socalled Democratlc Party ot Slovakia, felt ll ke tbat about the J ews, too.
In 1945-1946, by Presldentlal decrees the Magyars and the Germans in Czechoslovakia were robbed not only ot tbelr civil rights, but
also ot thelr entire wealtb. Naturally, their properties were conflscated
wlthout compensatlon. The fate ot the Magyars and Germans was
In no manner envlable: they were placed outslde the law, bunted llke
wlld beasts and dellvered to tbe rldicule and brutality ot the n ew
" P eople's democratlc" admlnistratton. Decent people anywhere could
not want such a rate to overtake even thelr worst enemy.
At that Ume Dr. Joseph Lettrlch, as presldent ot the Slovak National Council, demanded that the Jews be dealt witb In the same
manner as the Germans and Magyars. In 1945, he proclalmerl:
"We must endeavor to drive out of our country wlthout mercy the
Magyars and Germans. The Jewa, w ho by their sentiment• and thelr
language show ay mpathy t o t he Ger mana o r Magyars, we ahall rega rd
those Jews as Germa ns a nd Ma gyars and they w lll have t o auffer the
fat e of Germans and M agyars."
The pettlfoggery of Mr. Lettrich was perfidlous: the great majority of J ews In Slovakla, as a result of the tralning ot previous reglmes, used German and Magyar as thelr languages in thelr homes
and buslnesses. The greatest part of the J ews In Slovakla has traditlonal sympathles for the culture and way of llfe ot the Magyars and
the Germans. Accordlng to Lettrich's statement In 1945, the overwhelming majority ot the Jews had to be drlven out ot Slovakla. Is
it any wonder, then, that some zealous partners ot Lettrlch saw in
thls proclamatlon dlrectlves on how "to get rid ot the J ews"?
Actually in 1945- 1946, one could often read in the forelgn press
a bout "antf-Semltic deeds in Slovakla." In reality nothing else was
happening except that the mentloned directfves ot Lettrich were belng applled by bis zealous followers. However, slnce such expresslona were unpleasant to the reglme, they simply blamed all ot tbls
on Slovak "tascists."
It ls slgnlflcant that not one ot the leadlng politlclans ot tbat
reglme In Slovakla - who are now in emlgratlon organized in tbe
Councll ot Free Czechoslovakla - dld not conslder lt necessary to
protest agalnst thls antf-Semltlc exploslon of Mr. Lettrlch. And tbere
are among them even Ruch people who not only were not bis partfsans,
but were also bis competltors In seeklng and galnlng for themselves the
favor of tbe Prague governments.

�SLOVAKIA

39

Slnce the "NEW YORKSKÝ DENNÍK (New York Dally) seems t o
be the organ ot the Czechoslovaks, maybe some of h ls people could
offer a plau sible explanatlon for Lettrlch's statement. Or dld they
agree In the lnnermost parts of thelr souls wlth Lettrich? They were
partlclpan ts of power and every polltlcal chlld recognizes the prlnclple: Sllence means agr eement.
Before th e 1946 elections Lettrlch's polltlcal campaigners dld not
hesltate to use antl•Semltlc slogans just to gain votes tor Lettrlch. For
example In the Žilina dlstrlct, Lettrlch' s men scattered leaflets t hat
were tltled: " On ly Jews and dogs vote for Communi11t11.'' In Llplany
L ettrlch's dlstrlct secretarlate issued a flyer entltled: "Death to the
Jews !" In H rabkov bis followers lssued leaflets th at began wlth th e
words: " We w ant S lovakia without the Jewa." S lmilar antl-Semltlc
slogans were used by Lettrlch' s followers In many other Slovak t owns
and vlllages.
It ls strange that Dr. Lettrlch never publlcly condemned such
utterances and slogana of the election b attle even though the Slovak
press polnted to them several tlmes. And lt ls lnterestlng that even
other so-called polltlclans of that reglme - and here we a re not
thlnklng of some of the pr esent servants of the New Yorkský Dennlk,
(such as Beh arka, Blaho and others) - dld not utter a slngle word
of protest agalnst the use of antl-Semltlc lnstlncts ln the pre-electlon
campalgn of 1946. - (J-9-6-50) .

•

•

•

WHO SAID I T?

" I have looked with a great deal of satiafaction upon the accomp.
li1hment1 of Prealdent Benes and the people of Czechoslovakia shou ld
be congra tulated In havlng auch a reaourceful, capable and loyal
c it izen, who has CONSE NTEO to continue In servlce. . . . Under his
leadershlp the country attained a reputation for SOL IDARITY and
aeh ieved 1uccess UNEQUALLEO by any other FREE natlon.'' ( Congressman Adolph J . Sabath, T H E SLAVONI C MONTHLY, SepLember 1945).

•

" l never deamed Lhat llttle country (Czecho-Slovakla) would fall
inlo the clutches or the Communlsts. The CZECHS a lw ays looked to
Rusala. . . Russla was the ONLY country trylng to save tbem
from Hitler at Munlch. . . . When the Russlan anny drove out Lhe
Nazis and Benes was abl e to return. the country was In a serious condltion. The Gennans h ad looted a nd destroyed. Benes dld EVERY·
T H ING posslb le, but some peoole were stlll dissatis!led. Tbe Communists took advantage and promisetl they could do better. They
made ralse promises:• - (Representative Adolph Sabath, THE WASHINGTON P OST, 3-H -48).

•

"Dr. Hubert Rlpka, Czecbos lovak Minister or Fore ign T rade, told
a rarewell press conference bere (London) today that he did not eon
slder the Western Allies' apprebenslon11 that bis country MIGH T BECOME A VASSAL OF THE SOVIET UNION were grounded . . . . He
sald lt waa natural t hat Czechoslovakla sbould seek be r secunty pr lmarlly In rrlendsb lp w ltb the Soviet Union . . . " - (NEW YORK
TIMES. 4-15-45) .

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                  <text>&lt;ul&gt;&lt;li&gt;Issue 1 (No. 1), May 1951.&lt;/li&gt;
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              <text>SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
37&#13;
&#13;
THE CZECHOSWVAKS AND ANTI-SEMITISM&#13;
( JK ) The Czechoslovaks (Czech Slovaks) apparently are getting a bit jittery. While the democratlc peoples gradually are findlng&#13;
out the truth about Czecho-Slovakla and its former Jeaders, who talked&#13;
democracy but collaborated with Stalin and the Czech Reds, the socalled "Czechoslovaks" are sweating in a desperate attempt to smear&#13;
all freedom-loving, patriotic Slovaks.&#13;
Take the NEW YORKSKÝ DENNO&lt; ("Czechoslovak daily pub·&#13;
lished in Slovak language" ! ) , for example. For the lack of better arguments it has threatened to expose the Slovak patriots - who always&#13;
fought against Communlsm and for the lnherent and God-given rlghts&#13;
of their people to freedom and lndependence - as antl-Semites. For&#13;
the Czechoslovaks, there are no exceptions: all Slova ks, who believe&#13;
their nation has a right to be free and independent, are collectively&#13;
and tota lly supposed to be anti-Semites.&#13;
For those who are familiar with the Slovak questlon, such an&#13;
accusation is just a plain lie. But while we are on the question of&#13;
anti-Semitlsm, leťs look at the record of leading Czechoslovaks and see&#13;
how these recently born "superdemocrats" (People's Democrats) stood&#13;
on the Jewlsh question in Slovakla.&#13;
The Czechoslovaks mmally get up in the morning and go to bed&#13;
at night with the name of T. G. Masaryk on their lips. What he taught,&#13;
what he wrote and what he said, that for them ls like the Gospel.&#13;
Well, how did T. G. Masaryk, the so-called "founder" of the&#13;
Czecho-Slovak Republic, regard the J ews?&#13;
Dr. Vavro Šrobär wrote a book in 1946. He was one of Masaryk's&#13;
most loyal servants in Slovakia and one of the leaders of the so-called&#13;
"glorious Slovak national rebellion" (1944), during which the Slovak&#13;
public for the flrst time found out that so many of the present&#13;
"eminent" Czechoslovaks existed. The book, published in Prague, is&#13;
called "Z môjho života" (From My Life). Masaryk - the teacher, the&#13;
model and ideologist of the Czechoslovaks - accordlng to the book:&#13;
"reproached the Jews, because in a Christian world they did not know&#13;
how to free themselves from the O!d Testament, the Talmud and the&#13;
Ghetto. T hey are lsolating themselves from all the subjugated natlons&#13;
and are slding, according to religious precept, wlth the ruling natlons;&#13;
a.nd in our country that means they are Germanlzlng and Magyarizing."&#13;
And the teacher and model of Lettrich, Papanek, Slävik and other&#13;
Slovak renegades continued ln thls manner: "The Jews ot the ghetto&#13;
are alien to us with their faith, thelr llves, their views, philosophy&#13;
and sociology; they are isolating themselves so, that we do not understand them, we fear them and do not llke them" (pg. 245).&#13;
Masaryk, according to Šrobär, "acknowledged that tbe fight&#13;
agalnst J ewlsb greed, usury and materlalism, agalnst thelr alllance with&#13;
our enemles, is justified, especlally in Moravia and Slovakla, where&#13;
in the villages they bave become the ruín of the nalve, gulllble people.&#13;
Here tbe privlleges of the tavern trades should be taken away from&#13;
tbem, or tbere sbould b e a Jaw passed which would protect the people&#13;
agalnst the temptation of alcohollsm and against Jewisb usury" (op.&#13;
cit. pg. 246).&#13;
&#13;
38&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
And in like manner argued a ll the "salon anti-Semltes." The socalled vulgar antl-Semltes reallzed these salon vlews only la ter on.&#13;
Šrobár bimself admits in bis book that wben "tbe farmers came to&#13;
my office to ask me to talk, on sucb occaslons we used to talk pollUcs&#13;
and I spared nelther omces nor tbe government, not even the Jews"&#13;
{pg. 383). For Šrobár tbe Jews were the same red clotb as Magyar&#13;
omces In government. And that is quite a strong word! And the socalled Czechoslovaks (Czecb S lovaks!) in exlle negotlated with sucb&#13;
an anti-Semite durlng the "revolution" and even after lt!&#13;
But T. G. i\lasaryk and Vavro šrobár were not the only Czecboslovaks who felt t ha t way about the Israelltes in Slovakia. Dr. J osepb&#13;
Lettrlch, Vlce-President ot th e Councll of Free Czechoslovakla and&#13;
former Chairman of both the Slovak Natlonal Councll and the socalled Democratlc Party ot Slovakia, felt ll ke tbat about the J ews, too.&#13;
In 1945-1946, by Presldentlal decrees the Magyars and the Germans in Czechoslovakia were robbed not only ot tbelr civil rights, but&#13;
also ot thelr entire wealtb. Naturally, their properties were conflscated&#13;
wlthout compensatlon. The fate ot the Magyars and Germans was&#13;
In no manner envlable: they were placed outslde the law, bunted llke&#13;
wlld beasts and dellvered to tbe rldicule and brutality ot the n ew&#13;
" P eople's democratlc" admlnistratton. Decent people anywhere could&#13;
not want such a rate to overtake even thelr worst enemy.&#13;
At that Ume Dr. Joseph Lettrlch, as presldent ot the Slovak National Council, demanded that the Jews be dealt witb In the same&#13;
manner as the Germans and Magyars. In 1945, he proclalmerl:&#13;
"We must endeavor to drive out of our country wlthout mercy the&#13;
Magyars and Germans. The Jewa, w ho by their sentiment• and thelr&#13;
language show ay mpathy t o t he Ger mana o r Magyars, we ahall rega rd&#13;
those Jews as Germa ns a nd Ma gyars and they w lll have t o auffer the&#13;
fat e of Germans and M agyars."&#13;
The pettlfoggery of Mr. Lettrich was perfidlous: the great majority of J ews In Slovakla, as a result of the tralning ot previous reglmes, used German and Magyar as thelr languages in thelr homes&#13;
and buslnesses. The greatest part of the J ews In Slovakla has traditlonal sympathles for the culture and way of llfe ot the Magyars and&#13;
the Germans. Accordlng to Lettrich's statement In 1945, the overwhelming majority ot the Jews had to be drlven out ot Slovakla. Is&#13;
it any wonder, then, that some zealous partners ot Lettrlch saw in&#13;
thls proclamatlon dlrectlves on how "to get rid ot the J ews"?&#13;
Actually in 1945- 1946, one could often read in the forelgn press&#13;
a bout "antf-Semltic deeds in Slovakla." In reality nothing else was&#13;
happening except that the mentloned directfves ot Lettrich were belng applled by bis zealous followers. However, slnce such expresslona were unpleasant to the reglme, they simply blamed all ot tbls&#13;
on Slovak "tascists."&#13;
It ls slgnlflcant that not one ot the leadlng politlclans ot tbat&#13;
reglme In Slovakla - who are now in emlgratlon organized in tbe&#13;
Councll ot Free Czechoslovakla - dld not conslder lt necessary to&#13;
protest agalnst thls antf-Semltlc exploslon of Mr. Lettrlch. And tbere&#13;
are among them even Ruch people who not only were not bis partfsans,&#13;
but were also bis competltors In seeklng and galnlng for themselves the&#13;
favor of tbe Prague governments.&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
39&#13;
&#13;
Slnce the "NEW YORKSKÝ DENNÍK (New York Dally) seems t o&#13;
be the organ ot the Czechoslovaks, maybe some of h ls people could&#13;
offer a plau sible explanatlon for Lettrlch's statement. Or dld they&#13;
agree In the lnnermost parts of thelr souls wlth Lettrich? They were&#13;
partlclpan ts of power and every polltlcal chlld recognizes the prlnclple: Sllence means agr eement.&#13;
Before th e 1946 elections Lettrlch's polltlcal campaigners dld not&#13;
hesltate to use antl•Semltlc slogans just to gain votes tor Lettrlch. For&#13;
example In the Žilina dlstrlct, Lettrlch' s men scattered leaflets t hat&#13;
were tltled: " On ly Jews and dogs vote for Communi11t11.'' In Llplany&#13;
L ettrlch's dlstrlct secretarlate issued a flyer entltled: "Death to the&#13;
Jews !" In H rabkov bis followers lssued leaflets th at began wlth th e&#13;
words: " We w ant S lovakia without the Jewa." S lmilar antl-Semltlc&#13;
slogans were used by Lettrlch' s followers In many other Slovak t owns&#13;
and vlllages.&#13;
It ls strange that Dr. Lettrlch never publlcly condemned such&#13;
utterances and slogana of the election b attle even though the Slovak&#13;
press polnted to them several tlmes. And lt ls lnterestlng that even&#13;
other so-called polltlclans of that reglme - and here we a re not&#13;
thlnklng of some of the pr esent servants of the New Yorkský Dennlk,&#13;
(such as Beh arka, Blaho and others) - dld not utter a slngle word&#13;
of protest agalnst the use of antl-Semltlc lnstlncts ln the pre-electlon&#13;
campalgn of 1946. - (J-9-6-50) .&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
WHO SAID I T?&#13;
&#13;
" I have looked with a great deal of satiafaction upon the accomp.&#13;
li1hment1 of Prealdent Benes and the people of Czechoslovakia shou ld&#13;
be congra tulated In havlng auch a reaourceful, capable and loyal&#13;
c it izen, who has CONSE NTEO to continue In servlce. . . . Under his&#13;
leadershlp the country attained a reputation for SOL IDARITY and&#13;
aeh ieved 1uccess UNEQUALLEO by any other FREE natlon.'' ( Congressman Adolph J . Sabath, T H E SLAVONI C MONTHLY, SepLember 1945).&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
" l never deamed Lhat llttle country (Czecho-Slovakla) would fall&#13;
inlo the clutches or the Communlsts. The CZECHS a lw ays looked to&#13;
Rusala. . . Russla was the ONLY country trylng to save tbem&#13;
from Hitler at Munlch. . . . When the Russlan anny drove out Lhe&#13;
Nazis and Benes was abl e to return. the country was In a serious condltion. The Gennans h ad looted a nd destroyed. Benes dld EVERY·&#13;
T H ING posslb le, but some peoole were stlll dissatis!led. Tbe Communists took advantage and promisetl they could do better. They&#13;
made ralse promises:• - (Representative Adolph Sabath, THE WASHINGTON P OST, 3-H -48).&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
"Dr. Hubert Rlpka, Czecbos lovak Minister or Fore ign T rade, told&#13;
a rarewell press conference bere (London) today that he did not eon&#13;
slder the Western Allies' apprebenslon11 that bis country MIGH T BECOME A VASSAL OF THE SOVIET UNION were grounded . . . . He&#13;
sald lt waa natural t hat Czechoslovakla sbould seek be r secunty pr lmarlly In rrlendsb lp w ltb the Soviet Union . . . " - (NEW YORK&#13;
TIMES. 4-15-45) .&#13;
&#13;
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                    <text>40

SLOVAK]A

CZECH C.APITULATION TO COMMUNISM
The ease with which the communists came into absolute power
In Prague, with the assent of Dr. Beneš and tbe participation of Jan
Masaryk, surprised even many lnformed people in Europe and the
western world. Mucb had been written about the political maturity
of the Czecb nation, its loyaJty to democracy and western culture and,
therefore, many were willing to believe that Prague actually was a
bastion of western democracy. Some expected tbat it would be a
bridge between the East and tbe West. Otbers tbougbt tbat tbe
Czechs were called to perform an lmportant mlssion in the contemporary tense situation of tbe world.
But before the people of America and Europe had a chance to
rub their eyes after reading the reports about the crisis in Prague,
the bubble about the loyalty of the Czechs to democracy and the
story of their world m.ission burst. The Communists had no trouble
at all in taklng Prague. There was not a slngle person in tbe entlre
state of tbis "mature, democratic nation" to offer any notlceable
resistance to the communist putsch.
History had repeated itself. Ten years before tbere was not a
single Czech who dared to defend the independence of the Czech
nation and Beneš's "democratlc" state by flrlng even a single shot at
the nazls.
In tbe Czech nation there could not be found a Petkov or a
Maniu, and much less a Tiso, who preferred the gallows to nego•
tiating wltb communism and serving the communlsts.
And this fact probably stunned the western world more than it
did the people of centra! Europe, because the people of the former
were really taken in by Beneš's high-geard propaganda machine.
The European and American public was suddenly faced with the fact
that Dr. Beneš not only did not offer any resistance to the communist minority, but that he even gave the communlst putsch a legal
form and a democratic appearance. And lt was the same Dr. Edward
Beneš who had publlshed the book "Democracy 'ľoday and Tomorrow,"
wherein he portrayed himself as a piliar of European democracy!
Another well-known representative of "Czech democracy," Jan Masaryk, even accepted a posltion In the "people's democratic government" of tbe Russian gaulelter, Klement Gottwald.
The former French Foreign Minister, Georges Bidault, compared
what happened with such llghtning speed in Prague In 1948 with what
happened in 1938 in Munlch, when Dr. Edward Beneš, bis government and the whole Czech nation accepted without reslstance the
factual surrender of the Czechoslovak Republic to Hitler.
As far as the role of Dr. Beneš is concerned, there is without
debate a great simllarity between bis polltics of 1938 and 1948. And
especially the results were similar.
In 1938, Dr. Beneš not only surrendered unconstltutlonally a plece
of Czechoslovak terrltory to Germany, but also advised to make concesslons to the Germans, when threatened by bis own people and refuslng to collaborate with Hitler he fled to England. And so it was
even In 1945, when unconstltutlonally he surrendered Ruthenla to
Moscow and made concesslons to bolshevism.

�SLOVAKIA

41

But thls tíme, lf we do not want to talk about the cleverness of
Moscow, fate wanted Dr. Beneš to play the role of Dr. Hácha, who
in the spring of 1939 had to accept the German protectorate and sanction the end of the Czechoslovak Republlc after Beneš had fled.
Today practically no one doubts that Dr. Beneš formally surrendered
Bohemia and Slovakia into the hands of Moscow and bolshevlsm when
he surrendered the Government into the hands of Gottwald and the
Czech communists.
And Beneš did that without offering any reslstance. He did not
even attempt to defend fľeedom, democracy and Christian traditions.
There is in all this a bit of tragedy as far as the Czech nation
and even Beneš himself are concerned. But it was the logical consequence of the Czech politics of Dr. Beneš. Even the most clever
fraud and most deceitful player cannot get away all the time wlth his
frauds and deceptlon. A time comes when he gets caught and
rapped. And so it is even in politics.
Dr. Edward Beneš and a great part of the Czech politicians based
their interna! and foreign policies on intrigues on the assumption
that they could deceive their partner. T. G. Masaryk himself w rote
about this in his better years in "The Czech Problem," saying: "If
one Jooks at our public life a bit carefully, he shall see not only
weak beggary, but he shall a lso meet up with a particular type of
lntriguers. Intriguery !s poisoning our entire all!ed life, because
people who cannot be lions are becoming foxes, and those who cannot
be heroes are becoming lackeys and are helping themselves by mans
of Iackey intr!gue. And the ideal of these numerous people is
'politics'."
Dr. Beneš was a prototype of such a "politician." This is not
the opinion of Siovaks only. Lloyd George said as much in his book
"The Truth About the Peace Treaties" which he published in 1938:
" Of the many misfortunes that befell Austrla in the day of her
great calam!ty, one of the worst was that Czecho-Slovak!a was represented at the Peace Conference not by her wise leader, President
Masaryk but by an impulsive, clever but much Iess sagacious and
more short-sighted politician, who did not foresee tbat the more he
grasped, the Iess could he retain."
Today it would be undoubtedly in place to remark that Beneš's
pollcy was a great calamity not only for Austria, but also for the
so-called "Third" Czechoslovak Republic.
Dr. Edward Beneš always had a pian. To make certa!n that he
would rule over Slovakia, tbe Sudeteners and German property, he
flew to Moscow already in 1943 to negotlate a pact with Russla. Of
course, on the assumption that later on he could circumvent it and
break it - as he had done in the case or the Pittsburgh Pact in 1918,
at the Peace Conference in 1918 when he promised that Czechoslovakia would be a confederation, and in other lnstances as well.
Moscow, however, was wlse to Dr. Beneš. The little man with a
pian seemed to forget that he was deallng wlth the master in the art
or deceptlon and broken pacts. And so lt was that Dr. Beneš, because
or his extreme amb!tlon and imperiallstlc tendencies, brought the
Czech natlon to the brink of disaster twice with!n a decade.
But tbis t!me the catastrophic consequences of his polltlcs artect
not only the Czech natlon, but his capltulation to bolshevtsm has an

�42

SLOVAK.IA

lmmeasurable slgnlficance for the whole of Europe, and already today
is fatal for the Slovak natlon which today is without the servlces ot
Dr. Tiso to save it !rom bolshevism, as he once saved it trom nazlsm.
A handful of communists had llttle trouble In overpowering Slovakia
and subjecting it to its totalltarian dlctatorshlp only because they had
the support of Prague - the same Prague that had prevlously ordered
to kill, jali and deport the elite ot the Slovak nation and placed morally irresponsible and politically immature puppets Jn charge of Slovakia.
The Slovaks shall never forget the terrible and wanton destructlon of Slovak lives and property caused by the 1944 rebellion whlch
was planned by Beneš and hls followers and executed by the so-called
Czechoslovaks (Czech Slovaks ! ) and the communists.
lf proper steps are not taken In tíme, the results of the Czech
capitulation to bolshevism shall be just as immeasurable for Europe.
Czechoslovakia now is in fact a hive of communism and a most im•
portant air base of Moscow. Bohemla and Slovakla have great stra•
tegical signlficance even though mllitary techniques have changed.
And more so today than ever before, because Europe from the Czech
borders to the West is ruined, defenseless and disorganized. Bis•
marcťs "who rules Bohemla, rules Europe" did not !ose its signifi•
cance completely.
Of course some one could say - and Beneš's polltical followers
in exlle are repeatlng it almost lncessantly - that the Czech capltulatlon to bolshevlsm was caused by the over-all world situatlon. We
still remember that Czech propaganda tried to convlnce the world
after 1938 that the West had betrayed Czechoslovalda, even though
that country dld nothing to save itself.
But the song of bankrupt Czech polltlcians "we had to capltulate"
sounds a bit off key today. We have had Ume to consider what Beneii
and his tollowers had done, written and said slnce 1938. We know that
the Bene§ government rejected the Marshall Pian and that his representatlve in the United Natlons. Jan Papanek, always voted as the
USSR delegate did. Iťs all a matter of record.
In hls message to the Provislonal Natlonal Assembly, October 28,
1945, Dr. Beneš said: "We are the allles of the Soviet Union and
shall remaln faithful to that alllance . . . and we sha.ll pursue sin•
cerely the new Slav pollcy."
DNEŠEK (Today), Dr. Beneš's perlodical, wrote on July 17, 1947:
"The tundamental plllar of our foreign pollcy is our allled agreement
ot frlendshlp and mutual asslstance with the Soviet Union of Decem•
ber 12, 1943. In that year we had decided to adhere to the East. And,
therefore, even lf the present economlc war should become so acute
that we would not be able to get even one wagon of cotton from the
West, we shall stm remaln loyal to the East."
And Jan Masaryk, talklng about hls Moscow trip (Marshall Pian),
told a. correspondent of the London DAILY MAIL: "Any talk ot
threats or an ultlmatum agalnst Czecho-Slovakia ls sllly. We made
a declslon whlch I cannot but conslder the rlght one under the circumstances."
Saplentl aat l

�</text>
                  </elementText>
                  <elementText elementTextId="251">
                    <text>40

SLOVAK]A

CZECH C.APITULATION TO COMMUNISM
The ease with which the communists came into absolute power
In Prague, with the assent of Dr. Beneš and tbe participation of Jan
Masaryk, surprised even many lnformed people in Europe and the
western world. Mucb had been written about the political maturity
of the Czecb nation, its loyaJty to democracy and western culture and,
therefore, many were willing to believe that Prague actually was a
bastion of western democracy. Some expected tbat it would be a
bridge between the East and tbe West. Otbers tbougbt tbat tbe
Czechs were called to perform an lmportant mlssion in the contemporary tense situation of tbe world.
But before the people of America and Europe had a chance to
rub their eyes after reading the reports about the crisis in Prague,
the bubble about the loyalty of the Czechs to democracy and the
story of their world m.ission burst. The Communists had no trouble
at all in taklng Prague. There was not a slngle person in tbe entlre
state of tbis "mature, democratic nation" to offer any notlceable
resistance to the communist putsch.
History had repeated itself. Ten years before tbere was not a
single Czech who dared to defend the independence of the Czech
nation and Beneš's "democratlc" state by flrlng even a single shot at
the nazls.
In tbe Czech nation there could not be found a Petkov or a
Maniu, and much less a Tiso, who preferred the gallows to nego•
tiating wltb communism and serving the communlsts.
And this fact probably stunned the western world more than it
did the people of centra! Europe, because the people of the former
were really taken in by Beneš's high-geard propaganda machine.
The European and American public was suddenly faced with the fact
that Dr. Beneš not only did not offer any resistance to the communist minority, but that he even gave the communlst putsch a legal
form and a democratic appearance. And lt was the same Dr. Edward
Beneš who had publlshed the book "Democracy 'ľoday and Tomorrow,"
wherein he portrayed himself as a piliar of European democracy!
Another well-known representative of "Czech democracy," Jan Masaryk, even accepted a posltion In the "people's democratic government" of tbe Russian gaulelter, Klement Gottwald.
The former French Foreign Minister, Georges Bidault, compared
what happened with such llghtning speed in Prague In 1948 with what
happened in 1938 in Munlch, when Dr. Edward Beneš, bis government and the whole Czech nation accepted without reslstance the
factual surrender of the Czechoslovak Republic to Hitler.
As far as the role of Dr. Beneš is concerned, there is without
debate a great simllarity between bis polltics of 1938 and 1948. And
especially the results were similar.
In 1938, Dr. Beneš not only surrendered unconstltutlonally a plece
of Czechoslovak terrltory to Germany, but also advised to make concesslons to the Germans, when threatened by bis own people and refuslng to collaborate with Hitler he fled to England. And so it was
even In 1945, when unconstltutlonally he surrendered Ruthenla to
Moscow and made concesslons to bolshevism.

�SLOVAKIA

41

But thls tíme, lf we do not want to talk about the cleverness of
Moscow, fate wanted Dr. Beneš to play the role of Dr. Hácha, who
in the spring of 1939 had to accept the German protectorate and sanction the end of the Czechoslovak Republlc after Beneš had fled.
Today practically no one doubts that Dr. Beneš formally surrendered
Bohemia and Slovakia into the hands of Moscow and bolshevlsm when
he surrendered the Government into the hands of Gottwald and the
Czech communists.
And Beneš did that without offering any reslstance. He did not
even attempt to defend fľeedom, democracy and Christian traditions.
There is in all this a bit of tragedy as far as the Czech nation
and even Beneš himself are concerned. But it was the logical consequence of the Czech politics of Dr. Beneš. Even the most clever
fraud and most deceitful player cannot get away all the time wlth his
frauds and deceptlon. A time comes when he gets caught and
rapped. And so it is even in politics.
Dr. Edward Beneš and a great part of the Czech politicians based
their interna! and foreign policies on intrigues on the assumption
that they could deceive their partner. T. G. Masaryk himself w rote
about this in his better years in "The Czech Problem," saying: "If
one Jooks at our public life a bit carefully, he shall see not only
weak beggary, but he shall a lso meet up with a particular type of
lntriguers. Intriguery !s poisoning our entire all!ed life, because
people who cannot be lions are becoming foxes, and those who cannot
be heroes are becoming lackeys and are helping themselves by mans
of Iackey intr!gue. And the ideal of these numerous people is
'politics'."
Dr. Beneš was a prototype of such a "politician." This is not
the opinion of Siovaks only. Lloyd George said as much in his book
"The Truth About the Peace Treaties" which he published in 1938:
" Of the many misfortunes that befell Austrla in the day of her
great calam!ty, one of the worst was that Czecho-Slovak!a was represented at the Peace Conference not by her wise leader, President
Masaryk but by an impulsive, clever but much Iess sagacious and
more short-sighted politician, who did not foresee tbat the more he
grasped, the Iess could he retain."
Today it would be undoubtedly in place to remark that Beneš's
pollcy was a great calamity not only for Austria, but also for the
so-called "Third" Czechoslovak Republic.
Dr. Edward Beneš always had a pian. To make certa!n that he
would rule over Slovakia, tbe Sudeteners and German property, he
flew to Moscow already in 1943 to negotlate a pact with Russla. Of
course, on the assumption that later on he could circumvent it and
break it - as he had done in the case or the Pittsburgh Pact in 1918,
at the Peace Conference in 1918 when he promised that Czechoslovakia would be a confederation, and in other lnstances as well.
Moscow, however, was wlse to Dr. Beneš. The little man with a
pian seemed to forget that he was deallng wlth the master in the art
or deceptlon and broken pacts. And so lt was that Dr. Beneš, because
or his extreme amb!tlon and imperiallstlc tendencies, brought the
Czech natlon to the brink of disaster twice with!n a decade.
But tbis t!me the catastrophic consequences of his polltlcs artect
not only the Czech natlon, but his capltulation to bolshevtsm has an

�42

SLOVAK.IA

lmmeasurable slgnlficance for the whole of Europe, and already today
is fatal for the Slovak natlon which today is without the servlces ot
Dr. Tiso to save it !rom bolshevism, as he once saved it trom nazlsm.
A handful of communists had llttle trouble In overpowering Slovakia
and subjecting it to its totalltarian dlctatorshlp only because they had
the support of Prague - the same Prague that had prevlously ordered
to kill, jali and deport the elite ot the Slovak nation and placed morally irresponsible and politically immature puppets Jn charge of Slovakia.
The Slovaks shall never forget the terrible and wanton destructlon of Slovak lives and property caused by the 1944 rebellion whlch
was planned by Beneš and hls followers and executed by the so-called
Czechoslovaks (Czech Slovaks ! ) and the communists.
lf proper steps are not taken In tíme, the results of the Czech
capitulation to bolshevism shall be just as immeasurable for Europe.
Czechoslovakia now is in fact a hive of communism and a most im•
portant air base of Moscow. Bohemla and Slovakla have great stra•
tegical signlficance even though mllitary techniques have changed.
And more so today than ever before, because Europe from the Czech
borders to the West is ruined, defenseless and disorganized. Bis•
marcťs "who rules Bohemla, rules Europe" did not !ose its signifi•
cance completely.
Of course some one could say - and Beneš's polltical followers
in exlle are repeatlng it almost lncessantly - that the Czech capltulatlon to bolshevlsm was caused by the over-all world situatlon. We
still remember that Czech propaganda tried to convlnce the world
after 1938 that the West had betrayed Czechoslovalda, even though
that country dld nothing to save itself.
But the song of bankrupt Czech polltlcians "we had to capltulate"
sounds a bit off key today. We have had Ume to consider what Beneii
and his tollowers had done, written and said slnce 1938. We know that
the Bene§ government rejected the Marshall Pian and that his representatlve in the United Natlons. Jan Papanek, always voted as the
USSR delegate did. Iťs all a matter of record.
In hls message to the Provislonal Natlonal Assembly, October 28,
1945, Dr. Beneš said: "We are the allles of the Soviet Union and
shall remaln faithful to that alllance . . . and we sha.ll pursue sin•
cerely the new Slav pollcy."
DNEŠEK (Today), Dr. Beneš's perlodical, wrote on July 17, 1947:
"The tundamental plllar of our foreign pollcy is our allled agreement
ot frlendshlp and mutual asslstance with the Soviet Union of Decem•
ber 12, 1943. In that year we had decided to adhere to the East. And,
therefore, even lf the present economlc war should become so acute
that we would not be able to get even one wagon of cotton from the
West, we shall stm remaln loyal to the East."
And Jan Masaryk, talklng about hls Moscow trip (Marshall Pian),
told a. correspondent of the London DAILY MAIL: "Any talk ot
threats or an ultlmatum agalnst Czecho-Slovakia ls sllly. We made
a declslon whlch I cannot but conslder the rlght one under the circumstances."
Saplentl aat l

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              <text>40&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAK]A&#13;
&#13;
CZECH C.APITULATION TO COMMUNISM&#13;
The ease with which the communists came into absolute power&#13;
In Prague, with the assent of Dr. Beneš and tbe participation of Jan&#13;
Masaryk, surprised even many lnformed people in Europe and the&#13;
western world. Mucb had been written about the political maturity&#13;
of the Czecb nation, its loyaJty to democracy and western culture and,&#13;
therefore, many were willing to believe that Prague actually was a&#13;
bastion of western democracy. Some expected tbat it would be a&#13;
bridge between the East and tbe West. Otbers tbougbt tbat tbe&#13;
Czechs were called to perform an lmportant mlssion in the contemporary tense situation of tbe world.&#13;
But before the people of America and Europe had a chance to&#13;
rub their eyes after reading the reports about the crisis in Prague,&#13;
the bubble about the loyalty of the Czechs to democracy and the&#13;
story of their world m.ission burst. The Communists had no trouble&#13;
at all in taklng Prague. There was not a slngle person in tbe entlre&#13;
state of tbis "mature, democratic nation" to offer any notlceable&#13;
resistance to the communist putsch.&#13;
History had repeated itself. Ten years before tbere was not a&#13;
single Czech who dared to defend the independence of the Czech&#13;
nation and Beneš's "democratlc" state by flrlng even a single shot at&#13;
the nazls.&#13;
In tbe Czech nation there could not be found a Petkov or a&#13;
Maniu, and much less a Tiso, who preferred the gallows to nego•&#13;
tiating wltb communism and serving the communlsts.&#13;
And this fact probably stunned the western world more than it&#13;
did the people of centra! Europe, because the people of the former&#13;
were really taken in by Beneš's high-geard propaganda machine.&#13;
The European and American public was suddenly faced with the fact&#13;
that Dr. Beneš not only did not offer any resistance to the communist minority, but that he even gave the communlst putsch a legal&#13;
form and a democratic appearance. And lt was the same Dr. Edward&#13;
Beneš who had publlshed the book "Democracy 'ľoday and Tomorrow,"&#13;
wherein he portrayed himself as a piliar of European democracy!&#13;
Another well-known representative of "Czech democracy," Jan Masaryk, even accepted a posltion In the "people's democratic government" of tbe Russian gaulelter, Klement Gottwald.&#13;
The former French Foreign Minister, Georges Bidault, compared&#13;
what happened with such llghtning speed in Prague In 1948 with what&#13;
happened in 1938 in Munlch, when Dr. Edward Beneš, bis government and the whole Czech nation accepted without reslstance the&#13;
factual surrender of the Czechoslovak Republic to Hitler.&#13;
As far as the role of Dr. Beneš is concerned, there is without&#13;
debate a great simllarity between bis polltics of 1938 and 1948. And&#13;
especially the results were similar.&#13;
In 1938, Dr. Beneš not only surrendered unconstltutlonally a plece&#13;
of Czechoslovak terrltory to Germany, but also advised to make concesslons to the Germans, when threatened by bis own people and refuslng to collaborate with Hitler he fled to England. And so it was&#13;
even In 1945, when unconstltutlonally he surrendered Ruthenla to&#13;
Moscow and made concesslons to bolshevism.&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
41&#13;
&#13;
But thls tíme, lf we do not want to talk about the cleverness of&#13;
Moscow, fate wanted Dr. Beneš to play the role of Dr. Hácha, who&#13;
in the spring of 1939 had to accept the German protectorate and sanction the end of the Czechoslovak Republlc after Beneš had fled.&#13;
Today practically no one doubts that Dr. Beneš formally surrendered&#13;
Bohemia and Slovakia into the hands of Moscow and bolshevlsm when&#13;
he surrendered the Government into the hands of Gottwald and the&#13;
Czech communists.&#13;
And Beneš did that without offering any reslstance. He did not&#13;
even attempt to defend fľeedom, democracy and Christian traditions.&#13;
There is in all this a bit of tragedy as far as the Czech nation&#13;
and even Beneš himself are concerned. But it was the logical consequence of the Czech politics of Dr. Beneš. Even the most clever&#13;
fraud and most deceitful player cannot get away all the time wlth his&#13;
frauds and deceptlon. A time comes when he gets caught and&#13;
rapped. And so it is even in politics.&#13;
Dr. Edward Beneš and a great part of the Czech politicians based&#13;
their interna! and foreign policies on intrigues on the assumption&#13;
that they could deceive their partner. T. G. Masaryk himself w rote&#13;
about this in his better years in "The Czech Problem," saying: "If&#13;
one Jooks at our public life a bit carefully, he shall see not only&#13;
weak beggary, but he shall a lso meet up with a particular type of&#13;
lntriguers. Intriguery !s poisoning our entire all!ed life, because&#13;
people who cannot be lions are becoming foxes, and those who cannot&#13;
be heroes are becoming lackeys and are helping themselves by mans&#13;
of Iackey intr!gue. And the ideal of these numerous people is&#13;
'politics'."&#13;
Dr. Beneš was a prototype of such a "politician." This is not&#13;
the opinion of Siovaks only. Lloyd George said as much in his book&#13;
"The Truth About the Peace Treaties" which he published in 1938:&#13;
" Of the many misfortunes that befell Austrla in the day of her&#13;
great calam!ty, one of the worst was that Czecho-Slovak!a was represented at the Peace Conference not by her wise leader, President&#13;
Masaryk but by an impulsive, clever but much Iess sagacious and&#13;
more short-sighted politician, who did not foresee tbat the more he&#13;
grasped, the Iess could he retain."&#13;
Today it would be undoubtedly in place to remark that Beneš's&#13;
pollcy was a great calamity not only for Austria, but also for the&#13;
so-called "Third" Czechoslovak Republic.&#13;
Dr. Edward Beneš always had a pian. To make certa!n that he&#13;
would rule over Slovakia, tbe Sudeteners and German property, he&#13;
flew to Moscow already in 1943 to negotlate a pact with Russla. Of&#13;
course, on the assumption that later on he could circumvent it and&#13;
break it - as he had done in the case or the Pittsburgh Pact in 1918,&#13;
at the Peace Conference in 1918 when he promised that Czechoslovakia would be a confederation, and in other lnstances as well.&#13;
Moscow, however, was wlse to Dr. Beneš. The little man with a&#13;
pian seemed to forget that he was deallng wlth the master in the art&#13;
or deceptlon and broken pacts. And so lt was that Dr. Beneš, because&#13;
or his extreme amb!tlon and imperiallstlc tendencies, brought the&#13;
Czech natlon to the brink of disaster twice with!n a decade.&#13;
But tbis t!me the catastrophic consequences of his polltlcs artect&#13;
not only the Czech natlon, but his capltulation to bolshevtsm has an&#13;
&#13;
42&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAK.IA&#13;
&#13;
lmmeasurable slgnlficance for the whole of Europe, and already today&#13;
is fatal for the Slovak natlon which today is without the servlces ot&#13;
Dr. Tiso to save it !rom bolshevism, as he once saved it trom nazlsm.&#13;
A handful of communists had llttle trouble In overpowering Slovakia&#13;
and subjecting it to its totalltarian dlctatorshlp only because they had&#13;
the support of Prague - the same Prague that had prevlously ordered&#13;
to kill, jali and deport the elite ot the Slovak nation and placed morally irresponsible and politically immature puppets Jn charge of Slovakia.&#13;
The Slovaks shall never forget the terrible and wanton destructlon of Slovak lives and property caused by the 1944 rebellion whlch&#13;
was planned by Beneš and hls followers and executed by the so-called&#13;
Czechoslovaks (Czech Slovaks ! ) and the communists.&#13;
lf proper steps are not taken In tíme, the results of the Czech&#13;
capitulation to bolshevism shall be just as immeasurable for Europe.&#13;
Czechoslovakia now is in fact a hive of communism and a most im•&#13;
portant air base of Moscow. Bohemla and Slovakla have great stra•&#13;
tegical signlficance even though mllitary techniques have changed.&#13;
And more so today than ever before, because Europe from the Czech&#13;
borders to the West is ruined, defenseless and disorganized. Bis•&#13;
marcťs "who rules Bohemla, rules Europe" did not !ose its signifi•&#13;
cance completely.&#13;
Of course some one could say - and Beneš's polltical followers&#13;
in exlle are repeatlng it almost lncessantly - that the Czech capltulatlon to bolshevlsm was caused by the over-all world situatlon. We&#13;
still remember that Czech propaganda tried to convlnce the world&#13;
after 1938 that the West had betrayed Czechoslovalda, even though&#13;
that country dld nothing to save itself.&#13;
But the song of bankrupt Czech polltlcians "we had to capltulate"&#13;
sounds a bit off key today. We have had Ume to consider what Beneii&#13;
and his tollowers had done, written and said slnce 1938. We know that&#13;
the Bene§ government rejected the Marshall Pian and that his representatlve in the United Natlons. Jan Papanek, always voted as the&#13;
USSR delegate did. Iťs all a matter of record.&#13;
In hls message to the Provislonal Natlonal Assembly, October 28,&#13;
1945, Dr. Beneš said: "We are the allles of the Soviet Union and&#13;
shall remaln faithful to that alllance . . . and we sha.ll pursue sin•&#13;
cerely the new Slav pollcy."&#13;
DNEŠEK (Today), Dr. Beneš's perlodical, wrote on July 17, 1947:&#13;
"The tundamental plllar of our foreign pollcy is our allled agreement&#13;
ot frlendshlp and mutual asslstance with the Soviet Union of Decem•&#13;
ber 12, 1943. In that year we had decided to adhere to the East. And,&#13;
therefore, even lf the present economlc war should become so acute&#13;
that we would not be able to get even one wagon of cotton from the&#13;
West, we shall stm remaln loyal to the East."&#13;
And Jan Masaryk, talklng about hls Moscow trip (Marshall Pian),&#13;
told a. correspondent of the London DAILY MAIL: "Any talk ot&#13;
threats or an ultlmatum agalnst Czecho-Slovakia ls sllly. We made&#13;
a declslon whlch I cannot but conslder the rlght one under the circumstances."&#13;
Saplentl aat l&#13;
&#13;
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                    <text>SLOVAKIA

43

THE POLITICS OF HLINKA'S PARTY IN THE
SLOVAK REPUBLIC
(jk) - On October 6, 1938, representatlves of all SLOVAK polltical parties and branches of au CZECH polltical partles - excepting th e Communist and the Social Democratlc parties - met in Žilina,
Slovakia. There it was agreed to accept the program of Hllnka's Slovak People's Party (HSPP).
The same representatives met in Bratislava on November 8, 1938,
and, in the natlonal lnterest, decided to unite all polltical forces In a
single party under the name of the Party of Natlonal Unity (PNU).
No coerclon of any kind was used to brlng about this accompllshment. The representatlves of all Slovak and Czech parties were hapPY that representatlves of the vlctorlous autonomlstlc movement did
not resort to reprlsals, but gave all of them a chance to take part
in the pol!tlcal llfe of Slovakia.
Autonomy or Slovakla was the polltlcal program of Hllnka's Slo•
vak People's Party and Rázus's Slovak National Party (SNP) excluslvely. National interest and interna! and forelgn polltlcal de·
velopments led the representatlves of Slovak autonomy to unlte all
polltlcal parties In Slovakla in the Party or Natlonal Unity. After a
twenty-year fight, Prague was forced to grant Slovakla autonomy and,
so, to capitulate In the matter of the fiction of a united "Czechoslo·
vak" nation (ethnlcally speaklng). AII polltlcal partles in Slovakia exceptlng the parties of Andrew Hlinka and Martin RAzus - also
capltulated by jolnlng the Party of National Unity, because they had
stood centrallsm and dld not recognize the exlstence of the Slovak
natlon.
Unity was not forced on any political party, as was later clalmed
by the enemles of the Slovak Republic. We repeat: all political partie• of Slovakia realized that lt was in the natlonal lnterest to unite
all political forces in 1938 and, therefore, joined the Pai-ty of National Unity voluntarily.

The news that this feat was accompllshed was joyously acclalmed by the whole of Slovakla. At that Ume, Dr. Joseph Tlso
wrote ln the "SLOVÁK":
"The Slovak natlon has become united in the spirit of Bernolák
and Štúr, ln the spirit of Moyses and Kuzmány, and ln the spirit of
Hlinka and Rázus. Class dlstinctlons bave ceased and we now have
only the united Slovak natlon."
Representatives of other polltical parties (naturally, excluding
the Communists and Social Democrats, whose partles were dlssolved)
thought, spoke and wrote along the same llnes. The Executive Commlttee of the Slovak National Party, assembled at Žilina, December
15, 1938, lssued a proclamation ln whlch lt sald:
"The adherents of the Slovak National Party recognlze the nec·esslty of unltlng all Slovaks in one polltlcal party and wholeheartedly offer to work for the welfare and happlness of the whole natlon.
We are convinced that thls unlty shall evoke In all Slovaks - at
horne and abroad - the greatest joy and satisfactlon. Long live the
unlted Slovak natlon ! "

�44

SLOVAK:IA

In its Christmas message, published in the NA TIONAL NEWS,
the SNP spoke even more clearly and forcefnlly:
"Political reconclllation has come to our nation. We have declded
to build our new future in the fleld of politics united on a natlonal
program. This fact was received wlth joy by the Slovak public, because in these uncertaln times lt assures the most reliable and safest
way to save our national individuality and its validation to the fullest
extent in public life."
The message was underslgned by. Dr. Emil Stodola. Dr. Ján Paulíny-T oth, Dr. Miloš Vančo, prof. Vladlmlr Cernák, Senior Otto Škrovina, Senior L'udovit Šenšel, Ing. Štefan Kada, and Dr. Martin Kvetko.
Not only polltlcal clrcles felt the need for politlcal unlty and joyously welcomed lt when it was realized, but literary and cultural
clrcles as well. One needs only to refer to the journals and newspapers of that tíme to convince hlmself of that fact. Irregardless of
political affiliation or creed the vast majority of the Slovak natlon
approved politlcal unity. Naturally, there were a few dlssenters in the
Services of Czech imperlallsm who could not see any posslblllty of
playlng a leading role In the new Slovak life. But even these did
not make themselves heard at that tlme; in the new formulatlon of
Slovak polltical life they dld not see "the successlon of fasclsm
and the death of democracy" and they did not defend thelr "democratlc" convictions.
Such was the polltical atmosphere to March 1939. In March 1939
national unlty was a bit s haken when the Czech army occupied Bratislava and some polltlcal leaders of former Czech political parties
agaln offered thelr services to Czech imperiallsm and jolned wlth it.
But the shock was or very short duratlon and did not bring any
changes In the polltlcal life of Slovakia, b ecause the representatlves
of Czechoslovaklsm did not know how to fight for their convlctlons.
They always served the regime in power and, acted accordingly even
after the proclamation of the Independent Slovak Republlc.
Naturally, the prestlge of Hllnka's party only increased wltb these
events, because not only Slovak autonomy. but even the Slovak State
was, above all, tbe result of the fight of HSPP and lts leadership.
The Party's 20-year struggle against Czech efforts to assimiliate the
Slovaks nationally and gain political and economic control of Slovakla - alded only by Rázus's Slovak National Party - Jed to the
autonomy of Slovakla and then, by the law of evolution and logic,
to independence. The Slovak State was the result of the organlzed
wlll of the Slovak nation. While others were deaf to the pulse of the
tlmes and based thelr politics on fiction, Hllnka's Slovak People's
Party - sprlnging ldeologlcally from the Slovak earth and the heart
of the Slovak natlon, set out on the road that Jed to political and
state lndependence. (Vd. Tiso, SLOVÁK - No. 32, 1941, and Klrschbaum, NÁSTUP - No. 19, 1939).
It was only natural, then, that HSPP remalned at the head of
political llfe even In the Slovak Republlc, especially slnce there were
no other political parties when lndependence was proclalmed and no
serious attempts were made to create them. Tbe Magyars and the
Germans, as natlonal mlnoritles, had thelr own political parties, so
that trom the beglnnlng to the end ot the Slovak Republlc there were
three parties that were protected by the Constitution and duly rep·

�SLOVAKIA

45

resented in Parliament by their own representatlves. Even the small
minortly of the Ukrainian-speaklng population had its own representatives within the fold of the HSPP.
After the proclamation of indendence of Slovakia, Hllnka's
Slovak People's Party - the opposition party that had fought for Slovak autonomy up to October 1938 - ,s uddenly became the ruling party,
the Government, and almost exclusively became responsible for the
building of the State and for the fate or the Slovak nation. After the
revolutlon it still retained the name or the Party of National Unity.
Up to 1938 HSPP had few paid workers In its ranks; most of t he
work was done voluntarlly by zealous, untlrlng young Slovak patriots
fired with the idea of freedom and independence. After March 14,
1939, the leaders of the HSPP were confronted with the arduous task
of settlng up the State admlnistratlon to serve the politlcal, economic
and social needs of the Slovak Republlc. The task was entrusted to
the younger lntelllgentsia of the HSPP that had proven its loyalty in
the struggle for lndependence and worked selflessly and courageously
in the interest or t he Slovak people. This accession of younger people
into high functions in the political and state life of Slovakia was,
however, a general prenomenom. It was necessitated by the fact that
the older members of the HSPP were in government and parllament
positions, the diplomatlc corps, etc.
Tnto the organlzation apparatus were taken young representatlves
or the other civic parties that exlsted before 1939. Along with outstanding workers of the HSPP, ther,e were in responsible positions
also adherents or the former parties of Hodža, Rázus, the National
Democratlc Party, nay, even workers wlth soclal-democratic tend encies. They were not only in the Centra! Committee, but in the
branch organlzations also.
But even under the conditions and events that had been caused
by the revolution of March 1939, the ldeology and the program
of the HSPP did not have to undergo any changes. The Party's program in the past followed the interests of the Slovak nat!on, stood
on the Christian and social principles both in the spiritual and
materlal regard, and defended the presldent of the Party, could rlghtfully say even in the Slovak Republic:
"Here we stand with our ideology, with which we have for
centuries long struggled in the past, so that we might keep golng
and organizlng under the great motto: For God and Natlon. Therefore: No declination from ou r old !deology, because we would then
deviate from the root. The building of the Government and State
l.fiall go along with the same party, based on the very same
program that has led us in the past so that by our polltlcal and
structural activity we might lead the nation along the lines t hat
would safeguard its future. We need not b ring into the natlon values
and ideals of foreign orlg!n, but we must develop our old spirit"
(SLOVAK, 1940, No. 189).
The stand of the younger generation was clearly formulated on
the eve of the tirst meeting of the Party which took place October 1,
1939. Tn the "NÁSTUP" (Accession) , No. 19. 1939, we flnd the following:
"It 1s our good fortune that the basic principles of our ideology,
which had Jed our Party in the struggle, need not be altered even
now after vlctory. After adding to the organlzatlonal structure of

�SLOVAKIA
the Party, !t w!ll be necessary only to glve form to this ideology and
apply !t to every phase of our state and natlonal l!fe. We were true
to ourselves In the struggle and we shall rema!n true to ourselves
also In work. Th!s healthy realism, whlch has told us to come out
of the natlon and turn all attentlon and work to its welfare, must
be the characterlstlc symbol of every act ot our pol!t!cs even now."
Just as the pres!dent of the Party, so the younger generatlon in
the leadershlp ot the Party stressed that forelgn models need not
be lmitated. When Dr. Jose,p.h Klrschbaum became the General Secretary of the HSPP, he sa!d:
"In these changing tlmes we shall have ,to organlze our Party
in such a way so that !t could sateguard the !nterests of the Slovak
nation under any polltlcal changes - Interna! or forelgn. The Party
will, therefore, have to develop accord!ng to g!ven, polit!cal Slovak
relations, working and organizatlon prem!ses, ,such as preva!l in
Slovakia, and it shall have to suff!ce for our natlonal character.
No klnd or senseless copylng could help us, lf we did not bave any
psychic and factual premlses for so doing" (NÁSTUP - AprU 1, 1939).
Naturally, the roles of the Party in Slovakia lncreased. lt became
"the only bearer of the polltlcal wlll of the natlon" and was supposed
to be "the connecting llnk of all those forces that are partaking in
the polltlcal and economic bullding of the state" ("SLOVÁK," No. 98,
1939). The Party ·became "the oll and the brains In the state apparatus, the bearer of polltical consciousness; it provlded the program and became the foundation ot State authority" (SLOVÁK, No.
99, 1940).
What klnd of program d!d the Party give tl·e nat!on?
Here are several noteworthy points:
"For labor we want a social justice which reconciles our wage
policy. We want to validate it for the remalning ranks of the natlon
for the wbole worklng class of Slovak people, especially for tbe
agronomlsts. The farmers certalnly deserve to have thelr patr!otic
patlence ot past years respected and that !ncreased attentlon be
given thelr needs.
"Our tradesmen and buslnessmen shall be insured against old
age, invalidity or unemployment. A healthy undertaklng and an adequate wage must be our gu!de for regulatlng employer-employee
relationsh!ps."
Furthermore, the Party demanded "a true management of public
mon!es, lncreased wages for the lower categorles to a measure that
would enable the establishment and upkeep ot a fam!ly and do away
w!th offic!al graft and corrUPtlon."
To lmprove the llvlng standard of the Slovak people, the Party
demanded regulatory and melloratlve projects, the harnesslng ot
water power and the electrification ot industria!, trade and agrlcultural projects, bolstering and bu!lding up of domestlc lndustry,
of homes, various schools, etc. (SLOVÁK, No. 13, 1941). In a word,
lt dld just about everychlng to convlnce the people that it can fare
well economlcally, soclally and culturally only In a state of lts own,
one In whlch the natlon ltself manages lts own affalrs.
The HSPP endeavored to do all this tor the natlon as a whole,
wlthout regard to polltical or religlous aftlllation in the past. Dr.
Joseph Tlso, presldent ot the Party, proclalmed categorlcally:

�SLOVAKIA

47

"Hlinka'a Slovak People's Party in lts struggle for the rights
of the Slovak nation has never made a partisan affalr ot the great
idea ot the nation. It has always tried to unite all Slovaks into the
union which we have now achleved. And as in that fight, so now in
the building of free Slovakla, we do not exclude a single Slovak,
but conversely, we invite every one who thinks sincerely and well
with the Slovak nation, because we want all Slovak minds and all
Slovak hands to work together ror the welfare of the Slovak natlon"
(TISOVA NÁUKA, dr. Štefan Polakovič, page 214).
It was in this spirit that tbe Party actually began the buildlng
of the new Slovakia. No one was driven from public li!e - not even
tbe Slovaks who for twenty years served forelgn lnterests for persona! gain - nor were tbe adherents of the Communlst Party de'Prived of bread. AU got a chance to do somethlng and acqulre
property, sometbing they could never have even dreamed to get in
the Czecboslovak Republic.
This spirit or Christian conciliation and national tolerance carried witbin itself, of course, certaln dangers, as was demonstrated
later. Wbat the Party and its leadersbip did in 1939 In the interest
of the unlty of the nation, many former servants of Prague centrallsm
a international communism regarded as a weakness and began to
upset the nlce ldeas of the new Slovak llte, belng aided In thls work
by some dlssatisfied elements in tbe ranka of the HSPP ltselt.
After an objective study of tbe program, ideology and practlcal
policy or the HSPP, !s it posslble to say truthfully that the Party
was a rasclst or Nazi party, which necessarlly means also an anti·
Chrlstían party? Did it imitate foreign models or dld it grow out of
non-Slovak traditlons and needs? There ls only one truthtul answer
to these questions: Certalnly not!
During the war even the propagandists of Dr. Edward Beneš
were qulte careful what they said publicly about tbe HSPP. Only
the reglme of Lettrlch and Husák Jabeled the HSPP as fascist and
nazl so that they could have an excuse for confiscating the property
o r the HSPP and for persecuting its representatives.
Dr. Kúnoši, present Ambassador or Czechoslovakia to Buenos
Aires, published a book about the Czecho-Slovak problem wlth an
introductlon by Lord Cecil. In it this -son of former commlssar Béla
Khun reluctantly proves that the Party was not nazi or fascist by
quotlng from speeches of leading factors of the HSPP. For example,
he quotes the following from a speech of Dr. Joseph Tlso (3-16-40):
"We want to attaln not what we admire In other natlons, but
what happens In the circumstances to be J)08Sible. When the poductive
conditions of each ciass are different, we do not mechanically bring
all classes to a common denomlnator: we introduce a corporatlve
system."
About the time when the HSPP and the HG (Hlinka Guard)
fought bitterly for the leadership in the nation and state, Kúnoši
writes:
"Whlle Mach claimed for the Guard the directorship of the Gov•
ernment, Dr. Kirschbaum, as the Party's Secretary General, was saylng: The party sees to lt that polltlcal and ideologlcal development
should not depart from tbe Slovak natlonal tradltlon and that by
means or the party the people should take part in dlrectlng the pollcy

�48

SLOVAKIA

of the State" (A. Kú noši, THE BASIS OF CZECHOSLOVAK UNITY,
London, 1944, pages 63, 76).
And Kúnoši quotes otber expressions whicb teli us tbat tbe HSPP
did not change its Christian-National program even after t he proc Jamation of Slovak independence. Quotlng trom an Interview which
tbe Secretary General (K!rschbaum) of the HSPP had with the editor
of the "Hrvatska Straž" (The Croatian Guard) on Marcb 13, 1940,
Kúnoš! writes:
"The programme of the Hlinka Populist Party has not altered
even after the dizzy changes which brought about the declaratlon of
our independence. Just as Andrej Hl!nka embodled the aims of tbe
party in the slogan 'For God and Nation,' so th!s doctrine has been
taken over by the party's present leader, Dr. T!so" (Idem, page 64)Cer tainly, because of the d!fficult war situat!on and the pressure
exerted by Germany on the wbole of E urope, the HSPP and its
leadership were not always successful in making Slovak politics in
the interest of the nation as they wished. But, on the whole, the
HSPP kept Slovakia away from every ideological influence which
was not compatible with Christianity and Slovak traditions. After
Salzburg (July 1940) , the HSPP had at first very little influence
on practical policy of the Government and, tberefore, cannot be held
respons!ble for !t. But the HSPP and its president Dr. Joseph Tiso
certainly deserve credit for the fact that even the most del!cate
problems were solved in Slovakia in a mu ch more humane manner
than in the other states of centra! Europe. It is also to the credit
of the HSPP and Tiso that nazism did not spread among tbe Slovaks
more than it did. And the HSPP certa!nly was responsible for the
fact that Slovakla, despite the tense international situation, not only
fared well and safeguarded persona! and property rights, but in fact
enjoyed more freedom and democracy than she did under the reg!me
of Dr. Beneš and Dr. Lettrlcb after 1945.
"Not a single political execution took piace in the Slovak State,''
we read in a booklet issued by Lettrich's Bureau of Information in
1946. And the International Committee of the Red Cross has it recorded in an official report that "at definite periods Slovakia was
actually regarded as a relative asylum for J ews, especially those
trom Poland. The J ews that remained in Slovakia were comparatlvely
safe until tbe revolt which took place at the end of August 1944"
(Revue Internatlonal de la Croix Rouge, 1947, N. 348, pgs. 957-959).
Therefore, considering the difficult war conditions and the sltuatlon in which the Slovak nation was left by Dr. Beneš in 1938, lt
can be sald quite frankly ,that the HSPP actually d!d more than was
expected of it. The party saved the nation and its substance at a
Ume when !t was faced wlth physical and spir!tual ruín.
After bis flight from "l!berated" Czecho-Slovak!a that was also
admitted by one of the leaders of Lettrich's regime, who wrote
confidentially:
"The fact remains, that a sign!ficant part of the pol!t!c!ans of
the Slovak People's Par ty and especially its the populace was not
incl!ned to fascism and lt prevented its spread so effectively that,
exceptlng retaliations against J ews and Commun!sts, no speclal
act!ons were undertaken against tbe vast majority of the people.
"And so, with regard to the fact that Slovak people managed tbe
affairs in Slovakia, we can hardly speak of treason and collabora-

�SLOVAKIA

49

tion - like the Communlsts tried to do in order to frighten the
people and create chaos, so that they could come to power."
Nevertheless, Lettrlch's regime planted a forest of gallows instead of trees of freedom, and Hllnka's Slovak People's Party was
not only outlawed, but its members were exposed to the most cruel
persecution recorded In Slovak hlstory.

• •

•

•

THE SLOVA.KS AND COMMUNJSM
KAROL SIDOR

For ages our Slovak program has been identical both at home and
in Amerlca. Only the forms and the Ume of lts reallzatlon change.
The basis of our program remalns the adherence to God as the
Creator of heaven and earth on Whom all thlngs depend. We do not
recognize any reglme or state in which God has no place, or which
enacts laws that are dlrectly opposed to God and the falth.
That ls why we proclalm ourselves agalnst Bolshevlsm and
agalnst everythlng that leads to lt. We are agalnst Bolshevlsm for
fundamental reasons and not because Bolshevlsm has taken our
properties, driven us from our homes, or because it has imprlsoned
or kllled some members of our famllles.
To America have come such polltlclans who praised Bolshevism
and co-governed with Bolshevlks. But wben Bolsbevism deprlved tbem
of polltical power and materlal wealtb, in a word when Bolshevlsm
harmed tbem materlally, only tben dld they take a stand against lt.
These men oppose Communlsm for material reasons, whereas we
Slovaks stand opposed to lt for ldeologlcal reasons, for rellglous
reasons.
Our own Louis Stur wrote in bis work "The Slovanlc Peoples
and tbe World ot the Future" - written over a bundred years ago,
in 1849:
"Communism has arrived at the same goal as atheism and apostacy from Christlanity. In every form of Communism the outlook on
llfe !s gloomy, bereft of every tender joy. lt leads to the most cruel
slavery. Communism, let it pretend and endeavor as !t will to make
mankind sbare in all rlghts, nevertheless knows notbing about
humanity. It degrades buman belngs. lt belongs among the most
senseless lnnovations thus far hatched out of the human mlnd."
After the first world war when Bolshevlsm came into power
Iu Russia, Pope Plus XI wrote Quite clearly In bis "Quadrageslmo
Anno" that llberalism had helped social democracy come lnto the
world. He sald: "Let us bear In mlnd that tbe parent of thls cultural
Soclallsm was Llberallsm, and that lts offsprlng was Bolshevlsm."
The Holy Father warned the rulers of the world when he further
sald: "We cannot contemplate wlthout profound sorrow the heedlessness of those who seem to make llght ot these lmmlnent
dangers and wlth stolld lndlfference allow the propagatlon far and
wlde ot tbose doctrlnes whlch seek by violence and bloodshed the
destructlon of all soclety. Even more severely must be condemned
the foolhardlness of those who neglect to remove or modlfy such
condltlons as exasperate tbe mlnds of the people, and so prepare the
way for the overthrow and ruln of the social order."

�</text>
                  </elementText>
                  <elementText elementTextId="257">
                    <text>SLOVAKIA

43

THE POLITICS OF HLINKA'S PARTY IN THE
SLOVAK REPUBLIC
(jk) - On October 6, 1938, representatlves of all SLOVAK polltical parties and branches of au CZECH polltical partles - excepting th e Communist and the Social Democratlc parties - met in Žilina,
Slovakia. There it was agreed to accept the program of Hllnka's Slovak People's Party (HSPP).
The same representatives met in Bratislava on November 8, 1938,
and, in the natlonal lnterest, decided to unite all polltical forces In a
single party under the name of the Party of Natlonal Unity (PNU).
No coerclon of any kind was used to brlng about this accompllshment. The representatlves of all Slovak and Czech parties were hapPY that representatlves of the vlctorlous autonomlstlc movement did
not resort to reprlsals, but gave all of them a chance to take part
in the pol!tlcal llfe of Slovakia.
Autonomy or Slovakla was the polltlcal program of Hllnka's Slo•
vak People's Party and Rázus's Slovak National Party (SNP) excluslvely. National interest and interna! and forelgn polltlcal de·
velopments led the representatlves of Slovak autonomy to unlte all
polltlcal parties In Slovakla in the Party or Natlonal Unity. After a
twenty-year fight, Prague was forced to grant Slovakla autonomy and,
so, to capitulate In the matter of the fiction of a united "Czechoslo·
vak" nation (ethnlcally speaklng). AII polltlcal partles in Slovakia exceptlng the parties of Andrew Hlinka and Martin RAzus - also
capltulated by jolnlng the Party of National Unity, because they had
stood centrallsm and dld not recognize the exlstence of the Slovak
natlon.
Unity was not forced on any political party, as was later clalmed
by the enemles of the Slovak Republic. We repeat: all political partie• of Slovakia realized that lt was in the natlonal lnterest to unite
all political forces in 1938 and, therefore, joined the Pai-ty of National Unity voluntarily.

The news that this feat was accompllshed was joyously acclalmed by the whole of Slovakla. At that Ume, Dr. Joseph Tlso
wrote ln the "SLOVÁK":
"The Slovak natlon has become united in the spirit of Bernolák
and Štúr, ln the spirit of Moyses and Kuzmány, and ln the spirit of
Hlinka and Rázus. Class dlstinctlons bave ceased and we now have
only the united Slovak natlon."
Representatives of other polltical parties (naturally, excluding
the Communists and Social Democrats, whose partles were dlssolved)
thought, spoke and wrote along the same llnes. The Executive Commlttee of the Slovak National Party, assembled at Žilina, December
15, 1938, lssued a proclamation ln whlch lt sald:
"The adherents of the Slovak National Party recognlze the nec·esslty of unltlng all Slovaks in one polltlcal party and wholeheartedly offer to work for the welfare and happlness of the whole natlon.
We are convinced that thls unlty shall evoke In all Slovaks - at
horne and abroad - the greatest joy and satisfactlon. Long live the
unlted Slovak natlon ! "

�44

SLOVAK:IA

In its Christmas message, published in the NA TIONAL NEWS,
the SNP spoke even more clearly and forcefnlly:
"Political reconclllation has come to our nation. We have declded
to build our new future in the fleld of politics united on a natlonal
program. This fact was received wlth joy by the Slovak public, because in these uncertaln times lt assures the most reliable and safest
way to save our national individuality and its validation to the fullest
extent in public life."
The message was underslgned by. Dr. Emil Stodola. Dr. Ján Paulíny-T oth, Dr. Miloš Vančo, prof. Vladlmlr Cernák, Senior Otto Škrovina, Senior L'udovit Šenšel, Ing. Štefan Kada, and Dr. Martin Kvetko.
Not only polltlcal clrcles felt the need for politlcal unlty and joyously welcomed lt when it was realized, but literary and cultural
clrcles as well. One needs only to refer to the journals and newspapers of that tíme to convince hlmself of that fact. Irregardless of
political affiliation or creed the vast majority of the Slovak natlon
approved politlcal unity. Naturally, there were a few dlssenters in the
Services of Czech imperlallsm who could not see any posslblllty of
playlng a leading role In the new Slovak life. But even these did
not make themselves heard at that tlme; in the new formulatlon of
Slovak polltical life they dld not see "the successlon of fasclsm
and the death of democracy" and they did not defend thelr "democratlc" convictions.
Such was the polltical atmosphere to March 1939. In March 1939
national unlty was a bit s haken when the Czech army occupied Bratislava and some polltlcal leaders of former Czech political parties
agaln offered thelr services to Czech imperiallsm and jolned wlth it.
But the shock was or very short duratlon and did not bring any
changes In the polltlcal life of Slovakia, b ecause the representatlves
of Czechoslovaklsm did not know how to fight for their convlctlons.
They always served the regime in power and, acted accordingly even
after the proclamation of the Independent Slovak Republlc.
Naturally, the prestlge of Hllnka's party only increased wltb these
events, because not only Slovak autonomy. but even the Slovak State
was, above all, tbe result of the fight of HSPP and lts leadership.
The Party's 20-year struggle against Czech efforts to assimiliate the
Slovaks nationally and gain political and economic control of Slovakla - alded only by Rázus's Slovak National Party - Jed to the
autonomy of Slovakla and then, by the law of evolution and logic,
to independence. The Slovak State was the result of the organlzed
wlll of the Slovak nation. While others were deaf to the pulse of the
tlmes and based thelr politics on fiction, Hllnka's Slovak People's
Party - sprlnging ldeologlcally from the Slovak earth and the heart
of the Slovak natlon, set out on the road that Jed to political and
state lndependence. (Vd. Tiso, SLOVÁK - No. 32, 1941, and Klrschbaum, NÁSTUP - No. 19, 1939).
It was only natural, then, that HSPP remalned at the head of
political llfe even In the Slovak Republlc, especially slnce there were
no other political parties when lndependence was proclalmed and no
serious attempts were made to create them. Tbe Magyars and the
Germans, as natlonal mlnoritles, had thelr own political parties, so
that trom the beglnnlng to the end ot the Slovak Republlc there were
three parties that were protected by the Constitution and duly rep·

�SLOVAKIA

45

resented in Parliament by their own representatlves. Even the small
minortly of the Ukrainian-speaklng population had its own representatives within the fold of the HSPP.
After the proclamation of indendence of Slovakia, Hllnka's
Slovak People's Party - the opposition party that had fought for Slovak autonomy up to October 1938 - ,s uddenly became the ruling party,
the Government, and almost exclusively became responsible for the
building of the State and for the fate or the Slovak nation. After the
revolutlon it still retained the name or the Party of National Unity.
Up to 1938 HSPP had few paid workers In its ranks; most of t he
work was done voluntarlly by zealous, untlrlng young Slovak patriots
fired with the idea of freedom and independence. After March 14,
1939, the leaders of the HSPP were confronted with the arduous task
of settlng up the State admlnistratlon to serve the politlcal, economic
and social needs of the Slovak Republlc. The task was entrusted to
the younger lntelllgentsia of the HSPP that had proven its loyalty in
the struggle for lndependence and worked selflessly and courageously
in the interest or t he Slovak people. This accession of younger people
into high functions in the political and state life of Slovakia was,
however, a general prenomenom. It was necessitated by the fact that
the older members of the HSPP were in government and parllament
positions, the diplomatlc corps, etc.
Tnto the organlzation apparatus were taken young representatlves
or the other civic parties that exlsted before 1939. Along with outstanding workers of the HSPP, ther,e were in responsible positions
also adherents or the former parties of Hodža, Rázus, the National
Democratlc Party, nay, even workers wlth soclal-democratic tend encies. They were not only in the Centra! Committee, but in the
branch organlzations also.
But even under the conditions and events that had been caused
by the revolution of March 1939, the ldeology and the program
of the HSPP did not have to undergo any changes. The Party's program in the past followed the interests of the Slovak nat!on, stood
on the Christian and social principles both in the spiritual and
materlal regard, and defended the presldent of the Party, could rlghtfully say even in the Slovak Republic:
"Here we stand with our ideology, with which we have for
centuries long struggled in the past, so that we might keep golng
and organizlng under the great motto: For God and Natlon. Therefore: No declination from ou r old !deology, because we would then
deviate from the root. The building of the Government and State
l.fiall go along with the same party, based on the very same
program that has led us in the past so that by our polltlcal and
structural activity we might lead the nation along the lines t hat
would safeguard its future. We need not b ring into the natlon values
and ideals of foreign orlg!n, but we must develop our old spirit"
(SLOVAK, 1940, No. 189).
The stand of the younger generation was clearly formulated on
the eve of the tirst meeting of the Party which took place October 1,
1939. Tn the "NÁSTUP" (Accession) , No. 19. 1939, we flnd the following:
"It 1s our good fortune that the basic principles of our ideology,
which had Jed our Party in the struggle, need not be altered even
now after vlctory. After adding to the organlzatlonal structure of

�SLOVAKIA
the Party, !t w!ll be necessary only to glve form to this ideology and
apply !t to every phase of our state and natlonal l!fe. We were true
to ourselves In the struggle and we shall rema!n true to ourselves
also In work. Th!s healthy realism, whlch has told us to come out
of the natlon and turn all attentlon and work to its welfare, must
be the characterlstlc symbol of every act ot our pol!t!cs even now."
Just as the pres!dent of the Party, so the younger generatlon in
the leadershlp ot the Party stressed that forelgn models need not
be lmitated. When Dr. Jose,p.h Klrschbaum became the General Secretary of the HSPP, he sa!d:
"In these changing tlmes we shall have ,to organlze our Party
in such a way so that !t could sateguard the !nterests of the Slovak
nation under any polltlcal changes - Interna! or forelgn. The Party
will, therefore, have to develop accord!ng to g!ven, polit!cal Slovak
relations, working and organizatlon prem!ses, ,such as preva!l in
Slovakia, and it shall have to suff!ce for our natlonal character.
No klnd or senseless copylng could help us, lf we did not bave any
psychic and factual premlses for so doing" (NÁSTUP - AprU 1, 1939).
Naturally, the roles of the Party in Slovakia lncreased. lt became
"the only bearer of the polltlcal wlll of the natlon" and was supposed
to be "the connecting llnk of all those forces that are partaking in
the polltlcal and economic bullding of the state" ("SLOVÁK," No. 98,
1939). The Party ·became "the oll and the brains In the state apparatus, the bearer of polltical consciousness; it provlded the program and became the foundation ot State authority" (SLOVÁK, No.
99, 1940).
What klnd of program d!d the Party give tl·e nat!on?
Here are several noteworthy points:
"For labor we want a social justice which reconciles our wage
policy. We want to validate it for the remalning ranks of the natlon
for the wbole worklng class of Slovak people, especially for tbe
agronomlsts. The farmers certalnly deserve to have thelr patr!otic
patlence ot past years respected and that !ncreased attentlon be
given thelr needs.
"Our tradesmen and buslnessmen shall be insured against old
age, invalidity or unemployment. A healthy undertaklng and an adequate wage must be our gu!de for regulatlng employer-employee
relationsh!ps."
Furthermore, the Party demanded "a true management of public
mon!es, lncreased wages for the lower categorles to a measure that
would enable the establishment and upkeep ot a fam!ly and do away
w!th offic!al graft and corrUPtlon."
To lmprove the llvlng standard of the Slovak people, the Party
demanded regulatory and melloratlve projects, the harnesslng ot
water power and the electrification ot industria!, trade and agrlcultural projects, bolstering and bu!lding up of domestlc lndustry,
of homes, various schools, etc. (SLOVÁK, No. 13, 1941). In a word,
lt dld just about everychlng to convlnce the people that it can fare
well economlcally, soclally and culturally only In a state of lts own,
one In whlch the natlon ltself manages lts own affalrs.
The HSPP endeavored to do all this tor the natlon as a whole,
wlthout regard to polltical or religlous aftlllation in the past. Dr.
Joseph Tlso, presldent ot the Party, proclalmed categorlcally:

�SLOVAKIA

47

"Hlinka'a Slovak People's Party in lts struggle for the rights
of the Slovak nation has never made a partisan affalr ot the great
idea ot the nation. It has always tried to unite all Slovaks into the
union which we have now achleved. And as in that fight, so now in
the building of free Slovakla, we do not exclude a single Slovak,
but conversely, we invite every one who thinks sincerely and well
with the Slovak nation, because we want all Slovak minds and all
Slovak hands to work together ror the welfare of the Slovak natlon"
(TISOVA NÁUKA, dr. Štefan Polakovič, page 214).
It was in this spirit that tbe Party actually began the buildlng
of the new Slovakia. No one was driven from public li!e - not even
tbe Slovaks who for twenty years served forelgn lnterests for persona! gain - nor were tbe adherents of the Communlst Party de'Prived of bread. AU got a chance to do somethlng and acqulre
property, sometbing they could never have even dreamed to get in
the Czecboslovak Republic.
This spirit or Christian conciliation and national tolerance carried witbin itself, of course, certaln dangers, as was demonstrated
later. Wbat the Party and its leadersbip did in 1939 In the interest
of the unlty of the nation, many former servants of Prague centrallsm
a international communism regarded as a weakness and began to
upset the nlce ldeas of the new Slovak llte, belng aided In thls work
by some dlssatisfied elements in tbe ranka of the HSPP ltselt.
After an objective study of tbe program, ideology and practlcal
policy or the HSPP, !s it posslble to say truthfully that the Party
was a rasclst or Nazi party, which necessarlly means also an anti·
Chrlstían party? Did it imitate foreign models or dld it grow out of
non-Slovak traditlons and needs? There ls only one truthtul answer
to these questions: Certalnly not!
During the war even the propagandists of Dr. Edward Beneš
were qulte careful what they said publicly about tbe HSPP. Only
the reglme of Lettrlch and Husák Jabeled the HSPP as fascist and
nazl so that they could have an excuse for confiscating the property
o r the HSPP and for persecuting its representatives.
Dr. Kúnoši, present Ambassador or Czechoslovakia to Buenos
Aires, published a book about the Czecho-Slovak problem wlth an
introductlon by Lord Cecil. In it this -son of former commlssar Béla
Khun reluctantly proves that the Party was not nazi or fascist by
quotlng from speeches of leading factors of the HSPP. For example,
he quotes the following from a speech of Dr. Joseph Tlso (3-16-40):
"We want to attaln not what we admire In other natlons, but
what happens In the circumstances to be J)08Sible. When the poductive
conditions of each ciass are different, we do not mechanically bring
all classes to a common denomlnator: we introduce a corporatlve
system."
About the time when the HSPP and the HG (Hlinka Guard)
fought bitterly for the leadership in the nation and state, Kúnoši
writes:
"Whlle Mach claimed for the Guard the directorship of the Gov•
ernment, Dr. Kirschbaum, as the Party's Secretary General, was saylng: The party sees to lt that polltlcal and ideologlcal development
should not depart from tbe Slovak natlonal tradltlon and that by
means or the party the people should take part in dlrectlng the pollcy

�48

SLOVAKIA

of the State" (A. Kú noši, THE BASIS OF CZECHOSLOVAK UNITY,
London, 1944, pages 63, 76).
And Kúnoši quotes otber expressions whicb teli us tbat tbe HSPP
did not change its Christian-National program even after t he proc Jamation of Slovak independence. Quotlng trom an Interview which
tbe Secretary General (K!rschbaum) of the HSPP had with the editor
of the "Hrvatska Straž" (The Croatian Guard) on Marcb 13, 1940,
Kúnoš! writes:
"The programme of the Hlinka Populist Party has not altered
even after the dizzy changes which brought about the declaratlon of
our independence. Just as Andrej Hl!nka embodled the aims of tbe
party in the slogan 'For God and Nation,' so th!s doctrine has been
taken over by the party's present leader, Dr. T!so" (Idem, page 64)Cer tainly, because of the d!fficult war situat!on and the pressure
exerted by Germany on the wbole of E urope, the HSPP and its
leadership were not always successful in making Slovak politics in
the interest of the nation as they wished. But, on the whole, the
HSPP kept Slovakia away from every ideological influence which
was not compatible with Christianity and Slovak traditions. After
Salzburg (July 1940) , the HSPP had at first very little influence
on practical policy of the Government and, tberefore, cannot be held
respons!ble for !t. But the HSPP and its president Dr. Joseph Tiso
certainly deserve credit for the fact that even the most del!cate
problems were solved in Slovakia in a mu ch more humane manner
than in the other states of centra! Europe. It is also to the credit
of the HSPP and Tiso that nazism did not spread among tbe Slovaks
more than it did. And the HSPP certa!nly was responsible for the
fact that Slovakla, despite the tense international situation, not only
fared well and safeguarded persona! and property rights, but in fact
enjoyed more freedom and democracy than she did under the reg!me
of Dr. Beneš and Dr. Lettrlcb after 1945.
"Not a single political execution took piace in the Slovak State,''
we read in a booklet issued by Lettrich's Bureau of Information in
1946. And the International Committee of the Red Cross has it recorded in an official report that "at definite periods Slovakia was
actually regarded as a relative asylum for J ews, especially those
trom Poland. The J ews that remained in Slovakia were comparatlvely
safe until tbe revolt which took place at the end of August 1944"
(Revue Internatlonal de la Croix Rouge, 1947, N. 348, pgs. 957-959).
Therefore, considering the difficult war conditions and the sltuatlon in which the Slovak nation was left by Dr. Beneš in 1938, lt
can be sald quite frankly ,that the HSPP actually d!d more than was
expected of it. The party saved the nation and its substance at a
Ume when !t was faced wlth physical and spir!tual ruín.
After bis flight from "l!berated" Czecho-Slovak!a that was also
admitted by one of the leaders of Lettrich's regime, who wrote
confidentially:
"The fact remains, that a sign!ficant part of the pol!t!c!ans of
the Slovak People's Par ty and especially its the populace was not
incl!ned to fascism and lt prevented its spread so effectively that,
exceptlng retaliations against J ews and Commun!sts, no speclal
act!ons were undertaken against tbe vast majority of the people.
"And so, with regard to the fact that Slovak people managed tbe
affairs in Slovakia, we can hardly speak of treason and collabora-

�SLOVAKIA

49

tion - like the Communlsts tried to do in order to frighten the
people and create chaos, so that they could come to power."
Nevertheless, Lettrlch's regime planted a forest of gallows instead of trees of freedom, and Hllnka's Slovak People's Party was
not only outlawed, but its members were exposed to the most cruel
persecution recorded In Slovak hlstory.

• •

•

•

THE SLOVA.KS AND COMMUNJSM
KAROL SIDOR

For ages our Slovak program has been identical both at home and
in Amerlca. Only the forms and the Ume of lts reallzatlon change.
The basis of our program remalns the adherence to God as the
Creator of heaven and earth on Whom all thlngs depend. We do not
recognize any reglme or state in which God has no place, or which
enacts laws that are dlrectly opposed to God and the falth.
That ls why we proclalm ourselves agalnst Bolshevlsm and
agalnst everythlng that leads to lt. We are agalnst Bolshevlsm for
fundamental reasons and not because Bolshevlsm has taken our
properties, driven us from our homes, or because it has imprlsoned
or kllled some members of our famllles.
To America have come such polltlclans who praised Bolshevism
and co-governed with Bolshevlks. But wben Bolsbevism deprlved tbem
of polltical power and materlal wealtb, in a word when Bolshevlsm
harmed tbem materlally, only tben dld they take a stand against lt.
These men oppose Communlsm for material reasons, whereas we
Slovaks stand opposed to lt for ldeologlcal reasons, for rellglous
reasons.
Our own Louis Stur wrote in bis work "The Slovanlc Peoples
and tbe World ot the Future" - written over a bundred years ago,
in 1849:
"Communism has arrived at the same goal as atheism and apostacy from Christlanity. In every form of Communism the outlook on
llfe !s gloomy, bereft of every tender joy. lt leads to the most cruel
slavery. Communism, let it pretend and endeavor as !t will to make
mankind sbare in all rlghts, nevertheless knows notbing about
humanity. It degrades buman belngs. lt belongs among the most
senseless lnnovations thus far hatched out of the human mlnd."
After the first world war when Bolshevlsm came into power
Iu Russia, Pope Plus XI wrote Quite clearly In bis "Quadrageslmo
Anno" that llberalism had helped social democracy come lnto the
world. He sald: "Let us bear In mlnd that tbe parent of thls cultural
Soclallsm was Llberallsm, and that lts offsprlng was Bolshevlsm."
The Holy Father warned the rulers of the world when he further
sald: "We cannot contemplate wlthout profound sorrow the heedlessness of those who seem to make llght ot these lmmlnent
dangers and wlth stolld lndlfference allow the propagatlon far and
wlde ot tbose doctrlnes whlch seek by violence and bloodshed the
destructlon of all soclety. Even more severely must be condemned
the foolhardlness of those who neglect to remove or modlfy such
condltlons as exasperate tbe mlnds of the people, and so prepare the
way for the overthrow and ruln of the social order."

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              <text>SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
43&#13;
&#13;
THE POLITICS OF HLINKA'S PARTY IN THE&#13;
SLOVAK REPUBLIC&#13;
(jk) - On October 6, 1938, representatlves of all SLOVAK polltical parties and branches of au CZECH polltical partles - excepting th e Communist and the Social Democratlc parties - met in Žilina,&#13;
Slovakia. There it was agreed to accept the program of Hllnka's Slovak People's Party (HSPP).&#13;
The same representatives met in Bratislava on November 8, 1938,&#13;
and, in the natlonal lnterest, decided to unite all polltical forces In a&#13;
single party under the name of the Party of Natlonal Unity (PNU).&#13;
No coerclon of any kind was used to brlng about this accompllshment. The representatlves of all Slovak and Czech parties were hapPY that representatlves of the vlctorlous autonomlstlc movement did&#13;
not resort to reprlsals, but gave all of them a chance to take part&#13;
in the pol!tlcal llfe of Slovakia.&#13;
Autonomy or Slovakla was the polltlcal program of Hllnka's Slo•&#13;
vak People's Party and Rázus's Slovak National Party (SNP) excluslvely. National interest and interna! and forelgn polltlcal de·&#13;
velopments led the representatlves of Slovak autonomy to unlte all&#13;
polltlcal parties In Slovakla in the Party or Natlonal Unity. After a&#13;
twenty-year fight, Prague was forced to grant Slovakla autonomy and,&#13;
so, to capitulate In the matter of the fiction of a united "Czechoslo·&#13;
vak" nation (ethnlcally speaklng). AII polltlcal partles in Slovakia exceptlng the parties of Andrew Hlinka and Martin RAzus - also&#13;
capltulated by jolnlng the Party of National Unity, because they had&#13;
stood centrallsm and dld not recognize the exlstence of the Slovak&#13;
natlon.&#13;
Unity was not forced on any political party, as was later clalmed&#13;
by the enemles of the Slovak Republic. We repeat: all political partie• of Slovakia realized that lt was in the natlonal lnterest to unite&#13;
all political forces in 1938 and, therefore, joined the Pai-ty of National Unity voluntarily.&#13;
&#13;
The news that this feat was accompllshed was joyously acclalmed by the whole of Slovakla. At that Ume, Dr. Joseph Tlso&#13;
wrote ln the "SLOVÁK":&#13;
"The Slovak natlon has become united in the spirit of Bernolák&#13;
and Štúr, ln the spirit of Moyses and Kuzmány, and ln the spirit of&#13;
Hlinka and Rázus. Class dlstinctlons bave ceased and we now have&#13;
only the united Slovak natlon."&#13;
Representatives of other polltical parties (naturally, excluding&#13;
the Communists and Social Democrats, whose partles were dlssolved)&#13;
thought, spoke and wrote along the same llnes. The Executive Commlttee of the Slovak National Party, assembled at Žilina, December&#13;
15, 1938, lssued a proclamation ln whlch lt sald:&#13;
"The adherents of the Slovak National Party recognlze the nec·esslty of unltlng all Slovaks in one polltlcal party and wholeheartedly offer to work for the welfare and happlness of the whole natlon.&#13;
We are convinced that thls unlty shall evoke In all Slovaks - at&#13;
horne and abroad - the greatest joy and satisfactlon. Long live the&#13;
unlted Slovak natlon ! "&#13;
&#13;
44&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAK:IA&#13;
&#13;
In its Christmas message, published in the NA TIONAL NEWS,&#13;
the SNP spoke even more clearly and forcefnlly:&#13;
"Political reconclllation has come to our nation. We have declded&#13;
to build our new future in the fleld of politics united on a natlonal&#13;
program. This fact was received wlth joy by the Slovak public, because in these uncertaln times lt assures the most reliable and safest&#13;
way to save our national individuality and its validation to the fullest&#13;
extent in public life."&#13;
The message was underslgned by. Dr. Emil Stodola. Dr. Ján Paulíny-T oth, Dr. Miloš Vančo, prof. Vladlmlr Cernák, Senior Otto Škrovina, Senior L'udovit Šenšel, Ing. Štefan Kada, and Dr. Martin Kvetko.&#13;
Not only polltlcal clrcles felt the need for politlcal unlty and joyously welcomed lt when it was realized, but literary and cultural&#13;
clrcles as well. One needs only to refer to the journals and newspapers of that tíme to convince hlmself of that fact. Irregardless of&#13;
political affiliation or creed the vast majority of the Slovak natlon&#13;
approved politlcal unity. Naturally, there were a few dlssenters in the&#13;
Services of Czech imperlallsm who could not see any posslblllty of&#13;
playlng a leading role In the new Slovak life. But even these did&#13;
not make themselves heard at that tlme; in the new formulatlon of&#13;
Slovak polltical life they dld not see "the successlon of fasclsm&#13;
and the death of democracy" and they did not defend thelr "democratlc" convictions.&#13;
Such was the polltical atmosphere to March 1939. In March 1939&#13;
national unlty was a bit s haken when the Czech army occupied Bratislava and some polltlcal leaders of former Czech political parties&#13;
agaln offered thelr services to Czech imperiallsm and jolned wlth it.&#13;
But the shock was or very short duratlon and did not bring any&#13;
changes In the polltlcal life of Slovakia, b ecause the representatlves&#13;
of Czechoslovaklsm did not know how to fight for their convlctlons.&#13;
They always served the regime in power and, acted accordingly even&#13;
after the proclamation of the Independent Slovak Republlc.&#13;
Naturally, the prestlge of Hllnka's party only increased wltb these&#13;
events, because not only Slovak autonomy. but even the Slovak State&#13;
was, above all, tbe result of the fight of HSPP and lts leadership.&#13;
The Party's 20-year struggle against Czech efforts to assimiliate the&#13;
Slovaks nationally and gain political and economic control of Slovakla - alded only by Rázus's Slovak National Party - Jed to the&#13;
autonomy of Slovakla and then, by the law of evolution and logic,&#13;
to independence. The Slovak State was the result of the organlzed&#13;
wlll of the Slovak nation. While others were deaf to the pulse of the&#13;
tlmes and based thelr politics on fiction, Hllnka's Slovak People's&#13;
Party - sprlnging ldeologlcally from the Slovak earth and the heart&#13;
of the Slovak natlon, set out on the road that Jed to political and&#13;
state lndependence. (Vd. Tiso, SLOVÁK - No. 32, 1941, and Klrschbaum, NÁSTUP - No. 19, 1939).&#13;
It was only natural, then, that HSPP remalned at the head of&#13;
political llfe even In the Slovak Republlc, especially slnce there were&#13;
no other political parties when lndependence was proclalmed and no&#13;
serious attempts were made to create them. Tbe Magyars and the&#13;
Germans, as natlonal mlnoritles, had thelr own political parties, so&#13;
that trom the beglnnlng to the end ot the Slovak Republlc there were&#13;
three parties that were protected by the Constitution and duly rep·&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
45&#13;
&#13;
resented in Parliament by their own representatlves. Even the small&#13;
minortly of the Ukrainian-speaklng population had its own representatives within the fold of the HSPP.&#13;
After the proclamation of indendence of Slovakia, Hllnka's&#13;
Slovak People's Party - the opposition party that had fought for Slovak autonomy up to October 1938 - ,s uddenly became the ruling party,&#13;
the Government, and almost exclusively became responsible for the&#13;
building of the State and for the fate or the Slovak nation. After the&#13;
revolutlon it still retained the name or the Party of National Unity.&#13;
Up to 1938 HSPP had few paid workers In its ranks; most of t he&#13;
work was done voluntarlly by zealous, untlrlng young Slovak patriots&#13;
fired with the idea of freedom and independence. After March 14,&#13;
1939, the leaders of the HSPP were confronted with the arduous task&#13;
of settlng up the State admlnistratlon to serve the politlcal, economic&#13;
and social needs of the Slovak Republlc. The task was entrusted to&#13;
the younger lntelllgentsia of the HSPP that had proven its loyalty in&#13;
the struggle for lndependence and worked selflessly and courageously&#13;
in the interest or t he Slovak people. This accession of younger people&#13;
into high functions in the political and state life of Slovakia was,&#13;
however, a general prenomenom. It was necessitated by the fact that&#13;
the older members of the HSPP were in government and parllament&#13;
positions, the diplomatlc corps, etc.&#13;
Tnto the organlzation apparatus were taken young representatlves&#13;
or the other civic parties that exlsted before 1939. Along with outstanding workers of the HSPP, ther,e were in responsible positions&#13;
also adherents or the former parties of Hodža, Rázus, the National&#13;
Democratlc Party, nay, even workers wlth soclal-democratic tend encies. They were not only in the Centra! Committee, but in the&#13;
branch organlzations also.&#13;
But even under the conditions and events that had been caused&#13;
by the revolution of March 1939, the ldeology and the program&#13;
of the HSPP did not have to undergo any changes. The Party's program in the past followed the interests of the Slovak nat!on, stood&#13;
on the Christian and social principles both in the spiritual and&#13;
materlal regard, and defended the presldent of the Party, could rlghtfully say even in the Slovak Republic:&#13;
"Here we stand with our ideology, with which we have for&#13;
centuries long struggled in the past, so that we might keep golng&#13;
and organizlng under the great motto: For God and Natlon. Therefore: No declination from ou r old !deology, because we would then&#13;
deviate from the root. The building of the Government and State&#13;
l.fiall go along with the same party, based on the very same&#13;
program that has led us in the past so that by our polltlcal and&#13;
structural activity we might lead the nation along the lines t hat&#13;
would safeguard its future. We need not b ring into the natlon values&#13;
and ideals of foreign orlg!n, but we must develop our old spirit"&#13;
(SLOVAK, 1940, No. 189).&#13;
The stand of the younger generation was clearly formulated on&#13;
the eve of the tirst meeting of the Party which took place October 1,&#13;
1939. Tn the "NÁSTUP" (Accession) , No. 19. 1939, we flnd the following:&#13;
"It 1s our good fortune that the basic principles of our ideology,&#13;
which had Jed our Party in the struggle, need not be altered even&#13;
now after vlctory. After adding to the organlzatlonal structure of&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
the Party, !t w!ll be necessary only to glve form to this ideology and&#13;
apply !t to every phase of our state and natlonal l!fe. We were true&#13;
to ourselves In the struggle and we shall rema!n true to ourselves&#13;
also In work. Th!s healthy realism, whlch has told us to come out&#13;
of the natlon and turn all attentlon and work to its welfare, must&#13;
be the characterlstlc symbol of every act ot our pol!t!cs even now."&#13;
Just as the pres!dent of the Party, so the younger generatlon in&#13;
the leadershlp ot the Party stressed that forelgn models need not&#13;
be lmitated. When Dr. Jose,p.h Klrschbaum became the General Secretary of the HSPP, he sa!d:&#13;
"In these changing tlmes we shall have ,to organlze our Party&#13;
in such a way so that !t could sateguard the !nterests of the Slovak&#13;
nation under any polltlcal changes - Interna! or forelgn. The Party&#13;
will, therefore, have to develop accord!ng to g!ven, polit!cal Slovak&#13;
relations, working and organizatlon prem!ses, ,such as preva!l in&#13;
Slovakia, and it shall have to suff!ce for our natlonal character.&#13;
No klnd or senseless copylng could help us, lf we did not bave any&#13;
psychic and factual premlses for so doing" (NÁSTUP - AprU 1, 1939).&#13;
Naturally, the roles of the Party in Slovakia lncreased. lt became&#13;
"the only bearer of the polltlcal wlll of the natlon" and was supposed&#13;
to be "the connecting llnk of all those forces that are partaking in&#13;
the polltlcal and economic bullding of the state" ("SLOVÁK," No. 98,&#13;
1939). The Party ·became "the oll and the brains In the state apparatus, the bearer of polltical consciousness; it provlded the program and became the foundation ot State authority" (SLOVÁK, No.&#13;
99, 1940).&#13;
What klnd of program d!d the Party give tl·e nat!on?&#13;
Here are several noteworthy points:&#13;
"For labor we want a social justice which reconciles our wage&#13;
policy. We want to validate it for the remalning ranks of the natlon&#13;
for the wbole worklng class of Slovak people, especially for tbe&#13;
agronomlsts. The farmers certalnly deserve to have thelr patr!otic&#13;
patlence ot past years respected and that !ncreased attentlon be&#13;
given thelr needs.&#13;
"Our tradesmen and buslnessmen shall be insured against old&#13;
age, invalidity or unemployment. A healthy undertaklng and an adequate wage must be our gu!de for regulatlng employer-employee&#13;
relationsh!ps."&#13;
Furthermore, the Party demanded "a true management of public&#13;
mon!es, lncreased wages for the lower categorles to a measure that&#13;
would enable the establishment and upkeep ot a fam!ly and do away&#13;
w!th offic!al graft and corrUPtlon."&#13;
To lmprove the llvlng standard of the Slovak people, the Party&#13;
demanded regulatory and melloratlve projects, the harnesslng ot&#13;
water power and the electrification ot industria!, trade and agrlcultural projects, bolstering and bu!lding up of domestlc lndustry,&#13;
of homes, various schools, etc. (SLOVÁK, No. 13, 1941). In a word,&#13;
lt dld just about everychlng to convlnce the people that it can fare&#13;
well economlcally, soclally and culturally only In a state of lts own,&#13;
one In whlch the natlon ltself manages lts own affalrs.&#13;
The HSPP endeavored to do all this tor the natlon as a whole,&#13;
wlthout regard to polltical or religlous aftlllation in the past. Dr.&#13;
Joseph Tlso, presldent ot the Party, proclalmed categorlcally:&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
47&#13;
&#13;
"Hlinka'a Slovak People's Party in lts struggle for the rights&#13;
of the Slovak nation has never made a partisan affalr ot the great&#13;
idea ot the nation. It has always tried to unite all Slovaks into the&#13;
union which we have now achleved. And as in that fight, so now in&#13;
the building of free Slovakla, we do not exclude a single Slovak,&#13;
but conversely, we invite every one who thinks sincerely and well&#13;
with the Slovak nation, because we want all Slovak minds and all&#13;
Slovak hands to work together ror the welfare of the Slovak natlon"&#13;
(TISOVA NÁUKA, dr. Štefan Polakovič, page 214).&#13;
It was in this spirit that tbe Party actually began the buildlng&#13;
of the new Slovakia. No one was driven from public li!e - not even&#13;
tbe Slovaks who for twenty years served forelgn lnterests for persona! gain - nor were tbe adherents of the Communlst Party de'Prived of bread. AU got a chance to do somethlng and acqulre&#13;
property, sometbing they could never have even dreamed to get in&#13;
the Czecboslovak Republic.&#13;
This spirit or Christian conciliation and national tolerance carried witbin itself, of course, certaln dangers, as was demonstrated&#13;
later. Wbat the Party and its leadersbip did in 1939 In the interest&#13;
of the unlty of the nation, many former servants of Prague centrallsm&#13;
a international communism regarded as a weakness and began to&#13;
upset the nlce ldeas of the new Slovak llte, belng aided In thls work&#13;
by some dlssatisfied elements in tbe ranka of the HSPP ltselt.&#13;
After an objective study of tbe program, ideology and practlcal&#13;
policy or the HSPP, !s it posslble to say truthfully that the Party&#13;
was a rasclst or Nazi party, which necessarlly means also an anti·&#13;
Chrlstían party? Did it imitate foreign models or dld it grow out of&#13;
non-Slovak traditlons and needs? There ls only one truthtul answer&#13;
to these questions: Certalnly not!&#13;
During the war even the propagandists of Dr. Edward Beneš&#13;
were qulte careful what they said publicly about tbe HSPP. Only&#13;
the reglme of Lettrlch and Husák Jabeled the HSPP as fascist and&#13;
nazl so that they could have an excuse for confiscating the property&#13;
o r the HSPP and for persecuting its representatives.&#13;
Dr. Kúnoši, present Ambassador or Czechoslovakia to Buenos&#13;
Aires, published a book about the Czecho-Slovak problem wlth an&#13;
introductlon by Lord Cecil. In it this -son of former commlssar Béla&#13;
Khun reluctantly proves that the Party was not nazi or fascist by&#13;
quotlng from speeches of leading factors of the HSPP. For example,&#13;
he quotes the following from a speech of Dr. Joseph Tlso (3-16-40):&#13;
"We want to attaln not what we admire In other natlons, but&#13;
what happens In the circumstances to be J)08Sible. When the poductive&#13;
conditions of each ciass are different, we do not mechanically bring&#13;
all classes to a common denomlnator: we introduce a corporatlve&#13;
system."&#13;
About the time when the HSPP and the HG (Hlinka Guard)&#13;
fought bitterly for the leadership in the nation and state, Kúnoši&#13;
writes:&#13;
"Whlle Mach claimed for the Guard the directorship of the Gov•&#13;
ernment, Dr. Kirschbaum, as the Party's Secretary General, was saylng: The party sees to lt that polltlcal and ideologlcal development&#13;
should not depart from tbe Slovak natlonal tradltlon and that by&#13;
means or the party the people should take part in dlrectlng the pollcy&#13;
&#13;
48&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
of the State" (A. Kú noši, THE BASIS OF CZECHOSLOVAK UNITY,&#13;
London, 1944, pages 63, 76).&#13;
And Kúnoši quotes otber expressions whicb teli us tbat tbe HSPP&#13;
did not change its Christian-National program even after t he proc Jamation of Slovak independence. Quotlng trom an Interview which&#13;
tbe Secretary General (K!rschbaum) of the HSPP had with the editor&#13;
of the "Hrvatska Straž" (The Croatian Guard) on Marcb 13, 1940,&#13;
Kúnoš! writes:&#13;
"The programme of the Hlinka Populist Party has not altered&#13;
even after the dizzy changes which brought about the declaratlon of&#13;
our independence. Just as Andrej Hl!nka embodled the aims of tbe&#13;
party in the slogan 'For God and Nation,' so th!s doctrine has been&#13;
taken over by the party's present leader, Dr. T!so" (Idem, page 64)Cer tainly, because of the d!fficult war situat!on and the pressure&#13;
exerted by Germany on the wbole of E urope, the HSPP and its&#13;
leadership were not always successful in making Slovak politics in&#13;
the interest of the nation as they wished. But, on the whole, the&#13;
HSPP kept Slovakia away from every ideological influence which&#13;
was not compatible with Christianity and Slovak traditions. After&#13;
Salzburg (July 1940) , the HSPP had at first very little influence&#13;
on practical policy of the Government and, tberefore, cannot be held&#13;
respons!ble for !t. But the HSPP and its president Dr. Joseph Tiso&#13;
certainly deserve credit for the fact that even the most del!cate&#13;
problems were solved in Slovakia in a mu ch more humane manner&#13;
than in the other states of centra! Europe. It is also to the credit&#13;
of the HSPP and Tiso that nazism did not spread among tbe Slovaks&#13;
more than it did. And the HSPP certa!nly was responsible for the&#13;
fact that Slovakla, despite the tense international situation, not only&#13;
fared well and safeguarded persona! and property rights, but in fact&#13;
enjoyed more freedom and democracy than she did under the reg!me&#13;
of Dr. Beneš and Dr. Lettrlcb after 1945.&#13;
"Not a single political execution took piace in the Slovak State,''&#13;
we read in a booklet issued by Lettrich's Bureau of Information in&#13;
1946. And the International Committee of the Red Cross has it recorded in an official report that "at definite periods Slovakia was&#13;
actually regarded as a relative asylum for J ews, especially those&#13;
trom Poland. The J ews that remained in Slovakia were comparatlvely&#13;
safe until tbe revolt which took place at the end of August 1944"&#13;
(Revue Internatlonal de la Croix Rouge, 1947, N. 348, pgs. 957-959).&#13;
Therefore, considering the difficult war conditions and the sltuatlon in which the Slovak nation was left by Dr. Beneš in 1938, lt&#13;
can be sald quite frankly ,that the HSPP actually d!d more than was&#13;
expected of it. The party saved the nation and its substance at a&#13;
Ume when !t was faced wlth physical and spir!tual ruín.&#13;
After bis flight from "l!berated" Czecho-Slovak!a that was also&#13;
admitted by one of the leaders of Lettrich's regime, who wrote&#13;
confidentially:&#13;
"The fact remains, that a sign!ficant part of the pol!t!c!ans of&#13;
the Slovak People's Par ty and especially its the populace was not&#13;
incl!ned to fascism and lt prevented its spread so effectively that,&#13;
exceptlng retaliations against J ews and Commun!sts, no speclal&#13;
act!ons were undertaken against tbe vast majority of the people.&#13;
"And so, with regard to the fact that Slovak people managed tbe&#13;
affairs in Slovakia, we can hardly speak of treason and collabora-&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
49&#13;
&#13;
tion - like the Communlsts tried to do in order to frighten the&#13;
people and create chaos, so that they could come to power."&#13;
Nevertheless, Lettrlch's regime planted a forest of gallows instead of trees of freedom, and Hllnka's Slovak People's Party was&#13;
not only outlawed, but its members were exposed to the most cruel&#13;
persecution recorded In Slovak hlstory.&#13;
&#13;
• •&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
THE SLOVA.KS AND COMMUNJSM&#13;
KAROL SIDOR&#13;
&#13;
For ages our Slovak program has been identical both at home and&#13;
in Amerlca. Only the forms and the Ume of lts reallzatlon change.&#13;
The basis of our program remalns the adherence to God as the&#13;
Creator of heaven and earth on Whom all thlngs depend. We do not&#13;
recognize any reglme or state in which God has no place, or which&#13;
enacts laws that are dlrectly opposed to God and the falth.&#13;
That ls why we proclalm ourselves agalnst Bolshevlsm and&#13;
agalnst everythlng that leads to lt. We are agalnst Bolshevlsm for&#13;
fundamental reasons and not because Bolshevlsm has taken our&#13;
properties, driven us from our homes, or because it has imprlsoned&#13;
or kllled some members of our famllles.&#13;
To America have come such polltlclans who praised Bolshevism&#13;
and co-governed with Bolshevlks. But wben Bolsbevism deprlved tbem&#13;
of polltical power and materlal wealtb, in a word when Bolshevlsm&#13;
harmed tbem materlally, only tben dld they take a stand against lt.&#13;
These men oppose Communlsm for material reasons, whereas we&#13;
Slovaks stand opposed to lt for ldeologlcal reasons, for rellglous&#13;
reasons.&#13;
Our own Louis Stur wrote in bis work "The Slovanlc Peoples&#13;
and tbe World ot the Future" - written over a bundred years ago,&#13;
in 1849:&#13;
"Communism has arrived at the same goal as atheism and apostacy from Christlanity. In every form of Communism the outlook on&#13;
llfe !s gloomy, bereft of every tender joy. lt leads to the most cruel&#13;
slavery. Communism, let it pretend and endeavor as !t will to make&#13;
mankind sbare in all rlghts, nevertheless knows notbing about&#13;
humanity. It degrades buman belngs. lt belongs among the most&#13;
senseless lnnovations thus far hatched out of the human mlnd."&#13;
After the first world war when Bolshevlsm came into power&#13;
Iu Russia, Pope Plus XI wrote Quite clearly In bis "Quadrageslmo&#13;
Anno" that llberalism had helped social democracy come lnto the&#13;
world. He sald: "Let us bear In mlnd that tbe parent of thls cultural&#13;
Soclallsm was Llberallsm, and that lts offsprlng was Bolshevlsm."&#13;
The Holy Father warned the rulers of the world when he further&#13;
sald: "We cannot contemplate wlthout profound sorrow the heedlessness of those who seem to make llght ot these lmmlnent&#13;
dangers and wlth stolld lndlfference allow the propagatlon far and&#13;
wlde ot tbose doctrlnes whlch seek by violence and bloodshed the&#13;
destructlon of all soclety. Even more severely must be condemned&#13;
the foolhardlness of those who neglect to remove or modlfy such&#13;
condltlons as exasperate tbe mlnds of the people, and so prepare the&#13;
way for the overthrow and ruln of the social order."&#13;
&#13;
</text>
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                <text>The Politics of Hlinka's Party in the Slovak Republic</text>
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                    <text>52

SLOVAKIA

ABOUT THE SLOVAK STATE
( ks) - An anonymous Slovak had an article publlshed in a Czech
paper about the origin or the Slovak State. Thaťs the way Czech Slo•
vaks (CZECHOSLOVAKS!) do buslness, and the Czechs, o! course,
gladly give them space in thelr papers. Phllosophlzlng on the subject
or the origin of the Slovak Republlc, the author ot the artlcle asks
several questlons:

1. Did the Slovak parliament decide freely (when it voted the
independence of Slovakia in March 1939)?

Yes, lt did. lt declded that freely and unanlmously. Not one
Deputy of the Slovak parllament remalned seated; all stood up and
so voted for Slovak state lndependence. No one forced them to stand
up. At Ieast one could have remained seated and so lndlcate a negatlve
vote; but, I repeat, not one Deputy remalned seated.
2. Was the "Berlin order" In line with the wlll of the nation?

No "order" was concerned. Karol Sidor, as Premier of the Slovak
Government, refused in the name of the Slovaks to execute an "order"
at that time, when he told Keppler, Seys-lnquart and Biirckel - who
had come to him to Bratislava on March 12, 1939, - that he would not
go to Berlin or to Vlenna to proclaim the lndependence ot Slovakia
by radlo. He told them that wa.s the function of the Party and the
Slovak parliament. lf Sldor would have gone to Germany and there
proclalmed the lndependence of Slovakia, that would bave been effected by German order. The Germans wanted the proclamatlon over
the radlo, whereas the Slovaks wanted thelr parllament to do the
proclalming.
Two days later the Slovaks wllled lt that thelr parllament pro•
clalm the lndependence of thelr country. The votlng in parllament
on March 14, 1939, was no klnd ot "Berlin order." lt does not matter
that the elected deputles voted for lt. That the deputies voted for it
unanimously strongly emphaslzes the fact that the Slovak natlon as
a whole, through its duly elected representatlves, voiced ltself for lts
own state.
3. Did the deputies have any right to do what they did?

The representatlves of a sovereign natlon have the rlght to do
anythlng wlthin the llmlts of the laws of the land. The only thlng
they probably could not do - as an old Slovak saylng states lt would be to make a boy out of a girl. They certainly had a greater
rlght to speak for the natlon than dld the formulators of the Martin
Declaration, the undenvrlters of the Pittsburgh Pact, or the deputles
In the Revolutlonary Natlonal Assembly, who in 1920 voted tor the
Constitutlon of the flrst Czechoslovak Republlc, or the self-styled
"deputies" of Communlsts and Democrats of 1944-45, who dlvided up
the power over Slovakia on a 50-50 basls In such a "brotherly" fashion
In the forests or Banská Bystrica.
4. How is it possibfe even now to celebrate such sorrowful annlversarles of our recent past (as the proclamatlon of the lndependence
of Slovakla)?

�63

SLOVAKIA

There are, lndeed, "sorrowful anniversarles In our recent past,"
but the 14th of March, 1939, does not belong among them. Neither formally, nor by content. Among such sad annlversarles, however, do
belong all those acts that Ued up wlth any collaboratlon with natlve
Communlsm from Chrlstmas of 1943 and wlth Moscow collaboratlon
slnce 1945. March 14, 1939, definltely is not responslble for the atrocitles and blunders commltted by and wlth the ald of Beneš and hls
Red Prague reglme slnce 1945.
Say what you wlll, In politics only successes count. The llfe of
the Slovaks after 1945 1s replete wlth sufferlngs, deportations to the
USSR, concentratlon ca.mps, dlsfranchlsements, dlspossesslons and
pol!Ucal murders.
Even the avowed enemies of Slovak freedom and lndependence former members of the NATIONAL FRONT of Czechoslovakla (Lettrich, Zenkl, Heldrlch, Ducháček, etc.) - have admltted that condl·
tlons In Slovakla are worse today than they were under the Nazis.
The Czechs, too, are worse off now than they were under Hitler. And
we belleve lt. But the Czechs have absolutely no rlght to deny the
Slovaks the same freedom and lndependence and "llberatlon" that
they themselves are clamorlng and plead!ng for today.
The Slovaks have learnt thelr lesson well. T. G. Masaryk and
Edward Beneš lgnored thelr just demands for twenty years. Today
thelr followers stlll lnslst that the Slovaks have no right to thelr own
natlonal exlstence and thelr own Independent state. So don't blame
the Slovaks for proclalming:
"NEVER DO WE WANT TO BE A PAR'ľ OF ANY OLD OR NEW
CZECHOSLOVAKIA! "

•

•

•

•

WHO SAID IT?
"The Soviet Union SINCERELY deslres a strong, consolidated,
fully homogeneous Czechoslovak republic which would be a truly good
and strong frlend and a collaborator of the Soviet people In the future
defenae of a lastlng peace In Europe. The same wish also applies to
the future of Poland. The Soviet Union not only desires good and
friendly relatlons wlth her but also a strong Pollsh-Czechoslovak

frlendship and collaboratlon." TIMES, 12-23-43.

Dr. Edward Beneš, THE NEW YORK

•

"The Czechoslovak republlc is, just a.s it had been, a democratlc
state that respects freedom of convictlons and vlewpoints, a state
that always respected and even In the future shall respect, above all
else, freedom of rellgion, the church and religlous culture. lt ls an
independent state and Independent it shall remaln. lt ls a state that
has always u,pheld, above al! else, objectivlty and full tolerance toward the convlctlons and rellglous beller or all lts cltlzens. lt ls a
state that has respected the well-known Four Freedoms of President
F. D. Roosevelt and toí:iay 1s applylng them in a practlcal way In lts

set-up. That 1s how lt 1s today and so shall lt be even In the future."
- Dr. Edward Beneš, Prague, Aprll 8, 1946. (NÁROD, 4-17-46).

�</text>
                  </elementText>
                  <elementText elementTextId="270">
                    <text>52

SLOVAKIA

ABOUT THE SLOVAK STATE
( ks) - An anonymous Slovak had an article publlshed in a Czech
paper about the origin or the Slovak State. Thaťs the way Czech Slo•
vaks (CZECHOSLOVAKS!) do buslness, and the Czechs, o! course,
gladly give them space in thelr papers. Phllosophlzlng on the subject
or the origin of the Slovak Republlc, the author ot the artlcle asks
several questlons:

1. Did the Slovak parliament decide freely (when it voted the
independence of Slovakia in March 1939)?

Yes, lt did. lt declded that freely and unanlmously. Not one
Deputy of the Slovak parllament remalned seated; all stood up and
so voted for Slovak state lndependence. No one forced them to stand
up. At Ieast one could have remained seated and so lndlcate a negatlve
vote; but, I repeat, not one Deputy remalned seated.
2. Was the "Berlin order" In line with the wlll of the nation?

No "order" was concerned. Karol Sidor, as Premier of the Slovak
Government, refused in the name of the Slovaks to execute an "order"
at that time, when he told Keppler, Seys-lnquart and Biirckel - who
had come to him to Bratislava on March 12, 1939, - that he would not
go to Berlin or to Vlenna to proclaim the lndependence ot Slovakia
by radlo. He told them that wa.s the function of the Party and the
Slovak parliament. lf Sldor would have gone to Germany and there
proclalmed the lndependence of Slovakia, that would bave been effected by German order. The Germans wanted the proclamatlon over
the radlo, whereas the Slovaks wanted thelr parllament to do the
proclalming.
Two days later the Slovaks wllled lt that thelr parllament pro•
clalm the lndependence of thelr country. The votlng in parllament
on March 14, 1939, was no klnd ot "Berlin order." lt does not matter
that the elected deputles voted for lt. That the deputies voted for it
unanimously strongly emphaslzes the fact that the Slovak natlon as
a whole, through its duly elected representatlves, voiced ltself for lts
own state.
3. Did the deputies have any right to do what they did?

The representatlves of a sovereign natlon have the rlght to do
anythlng wlthin the llmlts of the laws of the land. The only thlng
they probably could not do - as an old Slovak saylng states lt would be to make a boy out of a girl. They certainly had a greater
rlght to speak for the natlon than dld the formulators of the Martin
Declaration, the undenvrlters of the Pittsburgh Pact, or the deputles
In the Revolutlonary Natlonal Assembly, who in 1920 voted tor the
Constitutlon of the flrst Czechoslovak Republlc, or the self-styled
"deputies" of Communlsts and Democrats of 1944-45, who dlvided up
the power over Slovakia on a 50-50 basls In such a "brotherly" fashion
In the forests or Banská Bystrica.
4. How is it possibfe even now to celebrate such sorrowful annlversarles of our recent past (as the proclamatlon of the lndependence
of Slovakla)?

�63

SLOVAKIA

There are, lndeed, "sorrowful anniversarles In our recent past,"
but the 14th of March, 1939, does not belong among them. Neither formally, nor by content. Among such sad annlversarles, however, do
belong all those acts that Ued up wlth any collaboratlon with natlve
Communlsm from Chrlstmas of 1943 and wlth Moscow collaboratlon
slnce 1945. March 14, 1939, definltely is not responslble for the atrocitles and blunders commltted by and wlth the ald of Beneš and hls
Red Prague reglme slnce 1945.
Say what you wlll, In politics only successes count. The llfe of
the Slovaks after 1945 1s replete wlth sufferlngs, deportations to the
USSR, concentratlon ca.mps, dlsfranchlsements, dlspossesslons and
pol!Ucal murders.
Even the avowed enemies of Slovak freedom and lndependence former members of the NATIONAL FRONT of Czechoslovakla (Lettrich, Zenkl, Heldrlch, Ducháček, etc.) - have admltted that condl·
tlons In Slovakla are worse today than they were under the Nazis.
The Czechs, too, are worse off now than they were under Hitler. And
we belleve lt. But the Czechs have absolutely no rlght to deny the
Slovaks the same freedom and lndependence and "llberatlon" that
they themselves are clamorlng and plead!ng for today.
The Slovaks have learnt thelr lesson well. T. G. Masaryk and
Edward Beneš lgnored thelr just demands for twenty years. Today
thelr followers stlll lnslst that the Slovaks have no right to thelr own
natlonal exlstence and thelr own Independent state. So don't blame
the Slovaks for proclalming:
"NEVER DO WE WANT TO BE A PAR'ľ OF ANY OLD OR NEW
CZECHOSLOVAKIA! "

•

•

•

•

WHO SAID IT?
"The Soviet Union SINCERELY deslres a strong, consolidated,
fully homogeneous Czechoslovak republic which would be a truly good
and strong frlend and a collaborator of the Soviet people In the future
defenae of a lastlng peace In Europe. The same wish also applies to
the future of Poland. The Soviet Union not only desires good and
friendly relatlons wlth her but also a strong Pollsh-Czechoslovak

frlendship and collaboratlon." TIMES, 12-23-43.

Dr. Edward Beneš, THE NEW YORK

•

"The Czechoslovak republlc is, just a.s it had been, a democratlc
state that respects freedom of convictlons and vlewpoints, a state
that always respected and even In the future shall respect, above all
else, freedom of rellgion, the church and religlous culture. lt ls an
independent state and Independent it shall remaln. lt ls a state that
has always u,pheld, above al! else, objectivlty and full tolerance toward the convlctlons and rellglous beller or all lts cltlzens. lt ls a
state that has respected the well-known Four Freedoms of President
F. D. Roosevelt and toí:iay 1s applylng them in a practlcal way In lts

set-up. That 1s how lt 1s today and so shall lt be even In the future."
- Dr. Edward Beneš, Prague, Aprll 8, 1946. (NÁROD, 4-17-46).

�</text>
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              <text>52&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
ABOUT THE SLOVAK STATE&#13;
( ks) - An anonymous Slovak had an article publlshed in a Czech&#13;
paper about the origin or the Slovak State. Thaťs the way Czech Slo•&#13;
vaks (CZECHOSLOVAKS!) do buslness, and the Czechs, o! course,&#13;
gladly give them space in thelr papers. Phllosophlzlng on the subject&#13;
or the origin of the Slovak Republlc, the author ot the artlcle asks&#13;
several questlons:&#13;
&#13;
1. Did the Slovak parliament decide freely (when it voted the&#13;
independence of Slovakia in March 1939)?&#13;
&#13;
Yes, lt did. lt declded that freely and unanlmously. Not one&#13;
Deputy of the Slovak parllament remalned seated; all stood up and&#13;
so voted for Slovak state lndependence. No one forced them to stand&#13;
up. At Ieast one could have remained seated and so lndlcate a negatlve&#13;
vote; but, I repeat, not one Deputy remalned seated.&#13;
2. Was the "Berlin order" In line with the wlll of the nation?&#13;
&#13;
No "order" was concerned. Karol Sidor, as Premier of the Slovak&#13;
Government, refused in the name of the Slovaks to execute an "order"&#13;
at that time, when he told Keppler, Seys-lnquart and Biirckel - who&#13;
had come to him to Bratislava on March 12, 1939, - that he would not&#13;
go to Berlin or to Vlenna to proclaim the lndependence ot Slovakia&#13;
by radlo. He told them that wa.s the function of the Party and the&#13;
Slovak parliament. lf Sldor would have gone to Germany and there&#13;
proclalmed the lndependence of Slovakia, that would bave been effected by German order. The Germans wanted the proclamatlon over&#13;
the radlo, whereas the Slovaks wanted thelr parllament to do the&#13;
proclalming.&#13;
Two days later the Slovaks wllled lt that thelr parllament pro•&#13;
clalm the lndependence of thelr country. The votlng in parllament&#13;
on March 14, 1939, was no klnd ot "Berlin order." lt does not matter&#13;
that the elected deputles voted for lt. That the deputies voted for it&#13;
unanimously strongly emphaslzes the fact that the Slovak natlon as&#13;
a whole, through its duly elected representatlves, voiced ltself for lts&#13;
own state.&#13;
3. Did the deputies have any right to do what they did?&#13;
&#13;
The representatlves of a sovereign natlon have the rlght to do&#13;
anythlng wlthin the llmlts of the laws of the land. The only thlng&#13;
they probably could not do - as an old Slovak saylng states lt would be to make a boy out of a girl. They certainly had a greater&#13;
rlght to speak for the natlon than dld the formulators of the Martin&#13;
Declaration, the undenvrlters of the Pittsburgh Pact, or the deputles&#13;
In the Revolutlonary Natlonal Assembly, who in 1920 voted tor the&#13;
Constitutlon of the flrst Czechoslovak Republlc, or the self-styled&#13;
"deputies" of Communlsts and Democrats of 1944-45, who dlvided up&#13;
the power over Slovakia on a 50-50 basls In such a "brotherly" fashion&#13;
In the forests or Banská Bystrica.&#13;
4. How is it possibfe even now to celebrate such sorrowful annlversarles of our recent past (as the proclamatlon of the lndependence&#13;
of Slovakla)?&#13;
&#13;
63&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
There are, lndeed, "sorrowful anniversarles In our recent past,"&#13;
but the 14th of March, 1939, does not belong among them. Neither formally, nor by content. Among such sad annlversarles, however, do&#13;
belong all those acts that Ued up wlth any collaboratlon with natlve&#13;
Communlsm from Chrlstmas of 1943 and wlth Moscow collaboratlon&#13;
slnce 1945. March 14, 1939, definltely is not responslble for the atrocitles and blunders commltted by and wlth the ald of Beneš and hls&#13;
Red Prague reglme slnce 1945.&#13;
Say what you wlll, In politics only successes count. The llfe of&#13;
the Slovaks after 1945 1s replete wlth sufferlngs, deportations to the&#13;
USSR, concentratlon ca.mps, dlsfranchlsements, dlspossesslons and&#13;
pol!Ucal murders.&#13;
Even the avowed enemies of Slovak freedom and lndependence former members of the NATIONAL FRONT of Czechoslovakla (Lettrich, Zenkl, Heldrlch, Ducháček, etc.) - have admltted that condl·&#13;
tlons In Slovakla are worse today than they were under the Nazis.&#13;
The Czechs, too, are worse off now than they were under Hitler. And&#13;
we belleve lt. But the Czechs have absolutely no rlght to deny the&#13;
Slovaks the same freedom and lndependence and "llberatlon" that&#13;
they themselves are clamorlng and plead!ng for today.&#13;
The Slovaks have learnt thelr lesson well. T. G. Masaryk and&#13;
Edward Beneš lgnored thelr just demands for twenty years. Today&#13;
thelr followers stlll lnslst that the Slovaks have no right to thelr own&#13;
natlonal exlstence and thelr own Independent state. So don't blame&#13;
the Slovaks for proclalming:&#13;
"NEVER DO WE WANT TO BE A PAR'ľ OF ANY OLD OR NEW&#13;
CZECHOSLOVAKIA! "&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
WHO SAID IT?&#13;
"The Soviet Union SINCERELY deslres a strong, consolidated,&#13;
fully homogeneous Czechoslovak republic which would be a truly good&#13;
and strong frlend and a collaborator of the Soviet people In the future&#13;
defenae of a lastlng peace In Europe. The same wish also applies to&#13;
the future of Poland. The Soviet Union not only desires good and&#13;
friendly relatlons wlth her but also a strong Pollsh-Czechoslovak&#13;
&#13;
frlendship and collaboratlon." TIMES, 12-23-43.&#13;
&#13;
Dr. Edward Beneš, THE NEW YORK&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
"The Czechoslovak republlc is, just a.s it had been, a democratlc&#13;
state that respects freedom of convictlons and vlewpoints, a state&#13;
that always respected and even In the future shall respect, above all&#13;
else, freedom of rellgion, the church and religlous culture. lt ls an&#13;
independent state and Independent it shall remaln. lt ls a state that&#13;
has always u,pheld, above al! else, objectivlty and full tolerance toward the convlctlons and rellglous beller or all lts cltlzens. lt ls a&#13;
state that has respected the well-known Four Freedoms of President&#13;
F. D. Roosevelt and toí:iay 1s applylng them in a practlcal way In lts&#13;
&#13;
set-up. That 1s how lt 1s today and so shall lt be even In the future."&#13;
- Dr. Edward Beneš, Prague, Aprll 8, 1946. (NÁROD, 4-17-46).&#13;
&#13;
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                <description/>
                <elementTextContainer>
                  <elementText elementTextId="275">
                    <text>54

SLOVAKIA

A FREE SWVAK.IA IN A FEDERATED EUROPE
( EZ)

What chances have the Slovak s fo i- an indep en dent st at e?

The answer to that question depends oh one's outlook, hls knowledge or the Slovak poople and his knowledge o! Europe as a whole
The Slovak people think they have a fair chance to re-esttabllsh
the Slovak Republic. The Slovaks at home and in emigration firruly
belleve that their natlonal existence depends on establishing a free
Slovakia in a federated Europe. It is sald that every natlon has as much
treedom as lt deserves and as much as it can gain by flghtlng. Well,
the Slova.ks ait home and a,broad are willing to fight Cor their freedom and independence. They want to prove it. But they want a llttle
understandlng and encouragement !rom the democrat!c powers which
have on so many occaslons proclaimed that all nations, both large
and small, have a God-given and inherent rlght to freedom and
statehood.
In the first place, let u11 remember that the Slovaks already
have had an independent state. The Slovak R epublic e:iG!sted from
1939 to 1945, of course w!th limitatlons. But they liked lt nevertheless.
Slovakia has lts state tradition, even though lt be relatlvely a mergre
one. The Slovak ,state was recognlzed by 27 nations. And it gave a
good account of ltselr culturally, economically and socially. The
Slovaks have proved to the Czechs and thelr neighbors that they are
capable of managing their own afralrs. Every informed, objective
and unprejudiced observer wlll admlt that the Slovak Republic wa.s
democratlc, Christlan and subllme. Slovak national economy has forever refuted the thesis that the Slovaks could not maintain themselves economically_ What they did in six short years, but siic
difficul t years, practically amounts to a miracle.
A natlon which has tasted of the fruit of treedom wlll hardly be
satlsfied with less thereafter. The Slovaks are no exception. They
wlll fight to be free again ! They have been overpowered ond forced
to retreat against terrible odds. What hurts most is that the powers who sought ,to liberate all natlons trom totalitarian tyranny
arhitrarlly forced Slovakia under alien rule and the godless tyrauny
of Moscow through the pseudodemocrat Beneš.
The Slovak state wlth its ,positive achlevements has !nscnbed
itself deeply on the soul of the whole Slovak nation. Many Stovaks
who once were against Slovak statehood, (the Benes or Czech Slovaks:
CZECHOSLOVAKS!) today are for an independent Slovak Repu bllc.
If Slovaks could vote in freedom at the present time, there ls not
the least doubt that at least 95% would vote for an independent Slovak
State.
Never before did the Slovak nation have such a large number
of sons in exile as lt has today. It ls a flghtlng group of exlles, wlth
lts ,sights on a free, democratlc Slovakla. These Slovak exlles are
deeply grateful to Americans of Slovak descent. The Slovak people
at horne and non-part!san exiles In all parts of the world think
hlghly of the work of the Slovak League of America, the organizatlon which represents a solid mora! and cultural value. When this
material and spiritual potentlal is once put into motlon, lt undoubt·
edly wlll lntervene effeotively at the decisive moment. The syste-

�SLOVAKIA

55

matic work of the League in this direction and lts realistic Slovak
ou tlook are more than a promise.
What other facts portend the establishment of a Slova.k state?
Old enemies of the Slovak people have been decimated by the
bolshevik steam roller. In the second (some call it the thlrd) Czecho•
slovak Republic, ihe Czech leadership commlited many blunders
whlch have nothing in common with democracy, Christianity, humanity, and culture. Just a single example to !llustrate: the resolution
of the Sudeten question !
Furthermore, the Czechs under Beneš's leadership set up Communism in Czechoslovakia. This is becoming increasingly clear to
every obj-eetive observer. Beneš ,p repared the way for Moscow into
Czechoslovakia. When Beneš died, the press of Switzerland, France
and Italy described him as a ",traitor ot democracy, a seniLe politlcian who could not see clearly" and Jed not only his nation, but the
Slovak people also lnto bolshev!k s lavery. The legend of Czech political
reali.sm,'' on which the Czechs had counted so much, burst like a
soap bubble.
Colonies are not very fashionabLe today. Even the most backward countries are yearnlng for independellce, for statehood. De Gasperi, Italian P remier, has proclaimed more than once that the days
of colonies are gone forever; Ita\y ls through with colonizing, be·
cause it is against the spirit ot the tlmes. The Czechs have ,ex,ploited
Slovakia as their colony. The Slovaks cannot be and do not want
to be a Czech colony.
The representatlves of c·entral European nations are work!ng
for a federatlon, for a just and democratlc arrangement of the region
between Russia and Germany. This is in favor of the establishment
of an independent Slevakla. The Slovaks at horne and in exile are for
such a federatlon of which Slovakla would be an integral part. Admlttlng Czechoslovakia as a unit within such a federation would not be a
Just and democr atlc settlement of the problem of centra! Europe be•
cause the Slovaks would contlnue to be exploited and gradually exterminated natlonally by the Czechs.
Bolshevlsm is a world problem. The world will have to measure
its strength with Commun!sm sooner or later. But the Slovaks know
that they themselves must settle their problem with the Czechs and
tbe so-called "Czech Slovaks." Experience tells them not to underrate the Czechs. The Slovaks have already been "taken in" by the
Czechs several tlmes by trickery, clever propaganda and legal
hypocrisy. Czech emigration is still aggressive and financially strong.
Because of their many political, cultural and business connections, the
Czechs stlll have access to high diplomatlc circles and influential
people. They want to keep Slovakia, because it has been "such a
good milch cow" !
The Czecbs do not openly clalm that they need Slovakia as a
dumping ground for their "progressive intelligentsia, but the fact 1s
tbat in their hearts they firmly believe it. They want Slovakia, be•
cause of German pressure and fear of German reprisals for the brutalitles committed against the Sudetenlanders. The Czechs need to revitalize themselves with Slovak blood and the slnews of young Slovakla. Indeed, Beneš himself admitted that the continued existence of
Czechoslovakia is a vital interest of the Czechs, hence the Czechs

�56

SLOVAKIA

must ever oppose the creatlon ot a free and independent Slovakla.
Well, the Slovaks flgure they shall have somethlng to say about the
matter, as rightly they should have. And no one can blame them for
wantlng to live thelr own 11ves and belng masters of thelr destlny.
The Slovaks know, too, that the "Czech Slovaks" - the Slovak
traltors - are no less dangerous than the lmperlalistlc Beneli C:techs.
They are the Janlssarles. The Slovaks do not underestlmate the
Czechs, who have been and stm are pJytng a systematlc politlco·
dlplomatlc game, the goal ot whJch 1s the denlal and suppresslon of
the natural and fundamental rlghts of the Slovak natlon.
One day world CÔmmunlsm shall be llquldated. And Czechoslovaklsm, the handmald or Communlsm, must be llquldated also. The
fiction of an ethnlcal "Czechoslovak natlon" must be dlscarded for all
tlmes. Czechoslovakla was a mlstake, an llluslon, politlcally and mo•
rally an unprofltable creatlon, but for the Czechs lt stm ls a reality
and an Idea!. The Slovaks are aware of thls and are just as determlned that they shall never again be subject to the rule of the Czechs
when the plague or Communlsm ls vanquished.

•

•

•

OUR FIGHT FOR DEMOORACY AND INDEPENDENCE
DR. JOSEPH KIRSCHBAUM

Slnce 1945 Slovaks In emlgratlon have frequently stated that the
goal of thelr struggle ls a democratlc and Independent Slovakla. The
leaders of Slovak exlles can support thelr declaratlons not only by thelr
IJfetlme flght agalnst communlsm, but also by thelr reslstance to
eftorts to lntroduce the nazl system in Slovakla. The group whlch
later collaborated wlth the communlsts - the so-called "Czechoslovaks" (Czech Slovaks ! ) - cannot and should not be counted among
t.he patrlotlc Slovaks who opposed the nazl avalanche from 194Q.
Hllnka's Slovak Peoples Party, headed by Presldent Joseph Tlso,
fought agalnst nazlsm and communlsm then, and today the members of
that party in exile form the flrst flghting line agalnst communlsm.
lt ls a fact that after the meeting ln Salzburg In 1940, when the
group around Prof. Tuka attempted to force Natlonal Soclallsm on
the Slovaks In the attempt to prevent drastlc interventlon by the
Cermans In Slovak public llfe, lt was not the present adherents ot
Czechoslavakla (the so-called "Czechoslovaks") - later the self-styled
"antl-fasclst warrlors" - who lost thelr hlgh posltlons, but the leaders ot Slovak natlonal emigratlon. That the attempt to force Natlonal
Soclallsm on the Slovaks falled, that, too, cannot be credlted to those
who today denounce Slovaks In exlle as fasclsts and nazls. At that
Ume most ot the "Czech Slovaks" were busy gettlng fat jobs, waxing
rich and llving In luxury. Thelr maln worry was not to !ose the favor
ot the reglme. Thelr tlrst attempts to "revolt" dld not happen In 1939
or 1940, but only In 1944, when the outcome of the war was pretty
clear. But even then they were not lnterested In flghtlng tor democracy, but rather In flghtlng to retaln the rlches and the high
functlons they had attalned In the Slovak State. The few persons
among them who fought for democracy and Slovak lnterests are even
today flghtlng, at home and abroad, for an Independent, democratlc
Slovak republlc.

�</text>
                  </elementText>
                  <elementText elementTextId="276">
                    <text>54

SLOVAKIA

A FREE SWVAK.IA IN A FEDERATED EUROPE
( EZ)

What chances have the Slovak s fo i- an indep en dent st at e?

The answer to that question depends oh one's outlook, hls knowledge or the Slovak poople and his knowledge o! Europe as a whole
The Slovak people think they have a fair chance to re-esttabllsh
the Slovak Republic. The Slovaks at home and in emigration firruly
belleve that their natlonal existence depends on establishing a free
Slovakia in a federated Europe. It is sald that every natlon has as much
treedom as lt deserves and as much as it can gain by flghtlng. Well,
the Slova.ks ait home and a,broad are willing to fight Cor their freedom and independence. They want to prove it. But they want a llttle
understandlng and encouragement !rom the democrat!c powers which
have on so many occaslons proclaimed that all nations, both large
and small, have a God-given and inherent rlght to freedom and
statehood.
In the first place, let u11 remember that the Slovaks already
have had an independent state. The Slovak R epublic e:iG!sted from
1939 to 1945, of course w!th limitatlons. But they liked lt nevertheless.
Slovakia has lts state tradition, even though lt be relatlvely a mergre
one. The Slovak ,state was recognlzed by 27 nations. And it gave a
good account of ltselr culturally, economically and socially. The
Slovaks have proved to the Czechs and thelr neighbors that they are
capable of managing their own afralrs. Every informed, objective
and unprejudiced observer wlll admlt that the Slovak Republic wa.s
democratlc, Christlan and subllme. Slovak national economy has forever refuted the thesis that the Slovaks could not maintain themselves economically_ What they did in six short years, but siic
difficul t years, practically amounts to a miracle.
A natlon which has tasted of the fruit of treedom wlll hardly be
satlsfied with less thereafter. The Slovaks are no exception. They
wlll fight to be free again ! They have been overpowered ond forced
to retreat against terrible odds. What hurts most is that the powers who sought ,to liberate all natlons trom totalitarian tyranny
arhitrarlly forced Slovakia under alien rule and the godless tyrauny
of Moscow through the pseudodemocrat Beneš.
The Slovak state wlth its ,positive achlevements has !nscnbed
itself deeply on the soul of the whole Slovak nation. Many Stovaks
who once were against Slovak statehood, (the Benes or Czech Slovaks:
CZECHOSLOVAKS!) today are for an independent Slovak Repu bllc.
If Slovaks could vote in freedom at the present time, there ls not
the least doubt that at least 95% would vote for an independent Slovak
State.
Never before did the Slovak nation have such a large number
of sons in exile as lt has today. It ls a flghtlng group of exlles, wlth
lts ,sights on a free, democratlc Slovakla. These Slovak exlles are
deeply grateful to Americans of Slovak descent. The Slovak people
at horne and non-part!san exiles In all parts of the world think
hlghly of the work of the Slovak League of America, the organizatlon which represents a solid mora! and cultural value. When this
material and spiritual potentlal is once put into motlon, lt undoubt·
edly wlll lntervene effeotively at the decisive moment. The syste-

�SLOVAKIA

55

matic work of the League in this direction and lts realistic Slovak
ou tlook are more than a promise.
What other facts portend the establishment of a Slova.k state?
Old enemies of the Slovak people have been decimated by the
bolshevik steam roller. In the second (some call it the thlrd) Czecho•
slovak Republic, ihe Czech leadership commlited many blunders
whlch have nothing in common with democracy, Christianity, humanity, and culture. Just a single example to !llustrate: the resolution
of the Sudeten question !
Furthermore, the Czechs under Beneš's leadership set up Communism in Czechoslovakia. This is becoming increasingly clear to
every obj-eetive observer. Beneš ,p repared the way for Moscow into
Czechoslovakia. When Beneš died, the press of Switzerland, France
and Italy described him as a ",traitor ot democracy, a seniLe politlcian who could not see clearly" and Jed not only his nation, but the
Slovak people also lnto bolshev!k s lavery. The legend of Czech political
reali.sm,'' on which the Czechs had counted so much, burst like a
soap bubble.
Colonies are not very fashionabLe today. Even the most backward countries are yearnlng for independellce, for statehood. De Gasperi, Italian P remier, has proclaimed more than once that the days
of colonies are gone forever; Ita\y ls through with colonizing, be·
cause it is against the spirit ot the tlmes. The Czechs have ,ex,ploited
Slovakia as their colony. The Slovaks cannot be and do not want
to be a Czech colony.
The representatlves of c·entral European nations are work!ng
for a federatlon, for a just and democratlc arrangement of the region
between Russia and Germany. This is in favor of the establishment
of an independent Slevakla. The Slovaks at horne and in exile are for
such a federatlon of which Slovakla would be an integral part. Admlttlng Czechoslovakia as a unit within such a federation would not be a
Just and democr atlc settlement of the problem of centra! Europe be•
cause the Slovaks would contlnue to be exploited and gradually exterminated natlonally by the Czechs.
Bolshevlsm is a world problem. The world will have to measure
its strength with Commun!sm sooner or later. But the Slovaks know
that they themselves must settle their problem with the Czechs and
tbe so-called "Czech Slovaks." Experience tells them not to underrate the Czechs. The Slovaks have already been "taken in" by the
Czechs several tlmes by trickery, clever propaganda and legal
hypocrisy. Czech emigration is still aggressive and financially strong.
Because of their many political, cultural and business connections, the
Czechs stlll have access to high diplomatlc circles and influential
people. They want to keep Slovakia, because it has been "such a
good milch cow" !
The Czecbs do not openly clalm that they need Slovakia as a
dumping ground for their "progressive intelligentsia, but the fact 1s
tbat in their hearts they firmly believe it. They want Slovakia, be•
cause of German pressure and fear of German reprisals for the brutalitles committed against the Sudetenlanders. The Czechs need to revitalize themselves with Slovak blood and the slnews of young Slovakla. Indeed, Beneš himself admitted that the continued existence of
Czechoslovakia is a vital interest of the Czechs, hence the Czechs

�56

SLOVAKIA

must ever oppose the creatlon ot a free and independent Slovakla.
Well, the Slovaks flgure they shall have somethlng to say about the
matter, as rightly they should have. And no one can blame them for
wantlng to live thelr own 11ves and belng masters of thelr destlny.
The Slovaks know, too, that the "Czech Slovaks" - the Slovak
traltors - are no less dangerous than the lmperlalistlc Beneli C:techs.
They are the Janlssarles. The Slovaks do not underestlmate the
Czechs, who have been and stm are pJytng a systematlc politlco·
dlplomatlc game, the goal ot whJch 1s the denlal and suppresslon of
the natural and fundamental rlghts of the Slovak natlon.
One day world CÔmmunlsm shall be llquldated. And Czechoslovaklsm, the handmald or Communlsm, must be llquldated also. The
fiction of an ethnlcal "Czechoslovak natlon" must be dlscarded for all
tlmes. Czechoslovakla was a mlstake, an llluslon, politlcally and mo•
rally an unprofltable creatlon, but for the Czechs lt stm ls a reality
and an Idea!. The Slovaks are aware of thls and are just as determlned that they shall never again be subject to the rule of the Czechs
when the plague or Communlsm ls vanquished.

•

•

•

OUR FIGHT FOR DEMOORACY AND INDEPENDENCE
DR. JOSEPH KIRSCHBAUM

Slnce 1945 Slovaks In emlgratlon have frequently stated that the
goal of thelr struggle ls a democratlc and Independent Slovakla. The
leaders of Slovak exlles can support thelr declaratlons not only by thelr
IJfetlme flght agalnst communlsm, but also by thelr reslstance to
eftorts to lntroduce the nazl system in Slovakla. The group whlch
later collaborated wlth the communlsts - the so-called "Czechoslovaks" (Czech Slovaks ! ) - cannot and should not be counted among
t.he patrlotlc Slovaks who opposed the nazl avalanche from 194Q.
Hllnka's Slovak Peoples Party, headed by Presldent Joseph Tlso,
fought agalnst nazlsm and communlsm then, and today the members of
that party in exile form the flrst flghting line agalnst communlsm.
lt ls a fact that after the meeting ln Salzburg In 1940, when the
group around Prof. Tuka attempted to force Natlonal Soclallsm on
the Slovaks In the attempt to prevent drastlc interventlon by the
Cermans In Slovak public llfe, lt was not the present adherents ot
Czechoslavakla (the so-called "Czechoslovaks") - later the self-styled
"antl-fasclst warrlors" - who lost thelr hlgh posltlons, but the leaders ot Slovak natlonal emigratlon. That the attempt to force Natlonal
Soclallsm on the Slovaks falled, that, too, cannot be credlted to those
who today denounce Slovaks In exlle as fasclsts and nazls. At that
Ume most ot the "Czech Slovaks" were busy gettlng fat jobs, waxing
rich and llving In luxury. Thelr maln worry was not to !ose the favor
ot the reglme. Thelr tlrst attempts to "revolt" dld not happen In 1939
or 1940, but only In 1944, when the outcome of the war was pretty
clear. But even then they were not lnterested In flghtlng tor democracy, but rather In flghtlng to retaln the rlches and the high
functlons they had attalned In the Slovak State. The few persons
among them who fought for democracy and Slovak lnterests are even
today flghtlng, at home and abroad, for an Independent, democratlc
Slovak republlc.

�</text>
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&lt;li&gt;Issue 2 (No. 2), December 1951.&lt;/li&gt;
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              <text>54&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
A FREE SWVAK.IA IN A FEDERATED EUROPE&#13;
( EZ)&#13;
&#13;
What chances have the Slovak s fo i- an indep en dent st at e?&#13;
&#13;
The answer to that question depends oh one's outlook, hls knowledge or the Slovak poople and his knowledge o! Europe as a whole&#13;
The Slovak people think they have a fair chance to re-esttabllsh&#13;
the Slovak Republic. The Slovaks at home and in emigration firruly&#13;
belleve that their natlonal existence depends on establishing a free&#13;
Slovakia in a federated Europe. It is sald that every natlon has as much&#13;
treedom as lt deserves and as much as it can gain by flghtlng. Well,&#13;
the Slova.ks ait home and a,broad are willing to fight Cor their freedom and independence. They want to prove it. But they want a llttle&#13;
understandlng and encouragement !rom the democrat!c powers which&#13;
have on so many occaslons proclaimed that all nations, both large&#13;
and small, have a God-given and inherent rlght to freedom and&#13;
statehood.&#13;
In the first place, let u11 remember that the Slovaks already&#13;
have had an independent state. The Slovak R epublic e:iG!sted from&#13;
1939 to 1945, of course w!th limitatlons. But they liked lt nevertheless.&#13;
Slovakia has lts state tradition, even though lt be relatlvely a mergre&#13;
one. The Slovak ,state was recognlzed by 27 nations. And it gave a&#13;
good account of ltselr culturally, economically and socially. The&#13;
Slovaks have proved to the Czechs and thelr neighbors that they are&#13;
capable of managing their own afralrs. Every informed, objective&#13;
and unprejudiced observer wlll admlt that the Slovak Republic wa.s&#13;
democratlc, Christlan and subllme. Slovak national economy has forever refuted the thesis that the Slovaks could not maintain themselves economically_ What they did in six short years, but siic&#13;
difficul t years, practically amounts to a miracle.&#13;
A natlon which has tasted of the fruit of treedom wlll hardly be&#13;
satlsfied with less thereafter. The Slovaks are no exception. They&#13;
wlll fight to be free again ! They have been overpowered ond forced&#13;
to retreat against terrible odds. What hurts most is that the powers who sought ,to liberate all natlons trom totalitarian tyranny&#13;
arhitrarlly forced Slovakia under alien rule and the godless tyrauny&#13;
of Moscow through the pseudodemocrat Beneš.&#13;
The Slovak state wlth its ,positive achlevements has !nscnbed&#13;
itself deeply on the soul of the whole Slovak nation. Many Stovaks&#13;
who once were against Slovak statehood, (the Benes or Czech Slovaks:&#13;
CZECHOSLOVAKS!) today are for an independent Slovak Repu bllc.&#13;
If Slovaks could vote in freedom at the present time, there ls not&#13;
the least doubt that at least 95% would vote for an independent Slovak&#13;
State.&#13;
Never before did the Slovak nation have such a large number&#13;
of sons in exile as lt has today. It ls a flghtlng group of exlles, wlth&#13;
lts ,sights on a free, democratlc Slovakla. These Slovak exlles are&#13;
deeply grateful to Americans of Slovak descent. The Slovak people&#13;
at horne and non-part!san exiles In all parts of the world think&#13;
hlghly of the work of the Slovak League of America, the organizatlon which represents a solid mora! and cultural value. When this&#13;
material and spiritual potentlal is once put into motlon, lt undoubt·&#13;
edly wlll lntervene effeotively at the decisive moment. The syste-&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
55&#13;
&#13;
matic work of the League in this direction and lts realistic Slovak&#13;
ou tlook are more than a promise.&#13;
What other facts portend the establishment of a Slova.k state?&#13;
Old enemies of the Slovak people have been decimated by the&#13;
bolshevik steam roller. In the second (some call it the thlrd) Czecho•&#13;
slovak Republic, ihe Czech leadership commlited many blunders&#13;
whlch have nothing in common with democracy, Christianity, humanity, and culture. Just a single example to !llustrate: the resolution&#13;
of the Sudeten question !&#13;
Furthermore, the Czechs under Beneš's leadership set up Communism in Czechoslovakia. This is becoming increasingly clear to&#13;
every obj-eetive observer. Beneš ,p repared the way for Moscow into&#13;
Czechoslovakia. When Beneš died, the press of Switzerland, France&#13;
and Italy described him as a ",traitor ot democracy, a seniLe politlcian who could not see clearly" and Jed not only his nation, but the&#13;
Slovak people also lnto bolshev!k s lavery. The legend of Czech political&#13;
reali.sm,'' on which the Czechs had counted so much, burst like a&#13;
soap bubble.&#13;
Colonies are not very fashionabLe today. Even the most backward countries are yearnlng for independellce, for statehood. De Gasperi, Italian P remier, has proclaimed more than once that the days&#13;
of colonies are gone forever; Ita\y ls through with colonizing, be·&#13;
cause it is against the spirit ot the tlmes. The Czechs have ,ex,ploited&#13;
Slovakia as their colony. The Slovaks cannot be and do not want&#13;
to be a Czech colony.&#13;
The representatlves of c·entral European nations are work!ng&#13;
for a federatlon, for a just and democratlc arrangement of the region&#13;
between Russia and Germany. This is in favor of the establishment&#13;
of an independent Slevakla. The Slovaks at horne and in exile are for&#13;
such a federatlon of which Slovakla would be an integral part. Admlttlng Czechoslovakia as a unit within such a federation would not be a&#13;
Just and democr atlc settlement of the problem of centra! Europe be•&#13;
cause the Slovaks would contlnue to be exploited and gradually exterminated natlonally by the Czechs.&#13;
Bolshevlsm is a world problem. The world will have to measure&#13;
its strength with Commun!sm sooner or later. But the Slovaks know&#13;
that they themselves must settle their problem with the Czechs and&#13;
tbe so-called "Czech Slovaks." Experience tells them not to underrate the Czechs. The Slovaks have already been "taken in" by the&#13;
Czechs several tlmes by trickery, clever propaganda and legal&#13;
hypocrisy. Czech emigration is still aggressive and financially strong.&#13;
Because of their many political, cultural and business connections, the&#13;
Czechs stlll have access to high diplomatlc circles and influential&#13;
people. They want to keep Slovakia, because it has been "such a&#13;
good milch cow" !&#13;
The Czecbs do not openly clalm that they need Slovakia as a&#13;
dumping ground for their "progressive intelligentsia, but the fact 1s&#13;
tbat in their hearts they firmly believe it. They want Slovakia, be•&#13;
cause of German pressure and fear of German reprisals for the brutalitles committed against the Sudetenlanders. The Czechs need to revitalize themselves with Slovak blood and the slnews of young Slovakla. Indeed, Beneš himself admitted that the continued existence of&#13;
Czechoslovakia is a vital interest of the Czechs, hence the Czechs&#13;
&#13;
56&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
must ever oppose the creatlon ot a free and independent Slovakla.&#13;
Well, the Slovaks flgure they shall have somethlng to say about the&#13;
matter, as rightly they should have. And no one can blame them for&#13;
wantlng to live thelr own 11ves and belng masters of thelr destlny.&#13;
The Slovaks know, too, that the "Czech Slovaks" - the Slovak&#13;
traltors - are no less dangerous than the lmperlalistlc Beneli C:techs.&#13;
They are the Janlssarles. The Slovaks do not underestlmate the&#13;
Czechs, who have been and stm are pJytng a systematlc politlco·&#13;
dlplomatlc game, the goal ot whJch 1s the denlal and suppresslon of&#13;
the natural and fundamental rlghts of the Slovak natlon.&#13;
One day world CÔmmunlsm shall be llquldated. And Czechoslovaklsm, the handmald or Communlsm, must be llquldated also. The&#13;
fiction of an ethnlcal "Czechoslovak natlon" must be dlscarded for all&#13;
tlmes. Czechoslovakla was a mlstake, an llluslon, politlcally and mo•&#13;
rally an unprofltable creatlon, but for the Czechs lt stm ls a reality&#13;
and an Idea!. The Slovaks are aware of thls and are just as determlned that they shall never again be subject to the rule of the Czechs&#13;
when the plague or Communlsm ls vanquished.&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
OUR FIGHT FOR DEMOORACY AND INDEPENDENCE&#13;
DR. JOSEPH KIRSCHBAUM&#13;
&#13;
Slnce 1945 Slovaks In emlgratlon have frequently stated that the&#13;
goal of thelr struggle ls a democratlc and Independent Slovakla. The&#13;
leaders of Slovak exlles can support thelr declaratlons not only by thelr&#13;
IJfetlme flght agalnst communlsm, but also by thelr reslstance to&#13;
eftorts to lntroduce the nazl system in Slovakla. The group whlch&#13;
later collaborated wlth the communlsts - the so-called "Czechoslovaks" (Czech Slovaks ! ) - cannot and should not be counted among&#13;
t.he patrlotlc Slovaks who opposed the nazl avalanche from 194Q.&#13;
Hllnka's Slovak Peoples Party, headed by Presldent Joseph Tlso,&#13;
fought agalnst nazlsm and communlsm then, and today the members of&#13;
that party in exile form the flrst flghting line agalnst communlsm.&#13;
lt ls a fact that after the meeting ln Salzburg In 1940, when the&#13;
group around Prof. Tuka attempted to force Natlonal Soclallsm on&#13;
the Slovaks In the attempt to prevent drastlc interventlon by the&#13;
Cermans In Slovak public llfe, lt was not the present adherents ot&#13;
Czechoslavakla (the so-called "Czechoslovaks") - later the self-styled&#13;
"antl-fasclst warrlors" - who lost thelr hlgh posltlons, but the leaders ot Slovak natlonal emigratlon. That the attempt to force Natlonal&#13;
Soclallsm on the Slovaks falled, that, too, cannot be credlted to those&#13;
who today denounce Slovaks In exlle as fasclsts and nazls. At that&#13;
Ume most ot the "Czech Slovaks" were busy gettlng fat jobs, waxing&#13;
rich and llving In luxury. Thelr maln worry was not to !ose the favor&#13;
ot the reglme. Thelr tlrst attempts to "revolt" dld not happen In 1939&#13;
or 1940, but only In 1944, when the outcome of the war was pretty&#13;
clear. But even then they were not lnterested In flghtlng tor democracy, but rather In flghtlng to retaln the rlches and the high&#13;
functlons they had attalned In the Slovak State. The few persons&#13;
among them who fought for democracy and Slovak lnterests are even&#13;
today flghtlng, at home and abroad, for an Independent, democratlc&#13;
Slovak republlc.&#13;
&#13;
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                <text>A Free Slovakia in a Federated Europe</text>
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                <text>Slovakia, Vol. 1, No. 1 (1), May 1951&#13;
pp. 54-56</text>
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                    <text>SLOVAKIA

59

ABOUT THE COUNCll, OF FREE CZECHOSLOVAKIA
( J k) - Thirty years ago Czech political exiles adopted the motto:
"Truth Prevails." At that tíme T. G. Masaryk led the fight to establish
á common state of two legally equal natlons the Czechs and the
Slovaks. ;Masaryk, we know, was successful, and Czecho•Slovakia
was born after World War I.
After Masaryk two generatlons went to battle under this motto.
But the motto "Truth Prevails" has backflred on them. The truth did
i,revail, but at the expense of Czech emigratlon and against its intentions. Recently it happened to the Czech emigranta and their Slovak
fellow•travelers organized in tbe so-called "Council of Free Czechoslovakia."
The institution was presented by lts founders as loyal to democracy and fighting for democracy, and lts members and dlrectors
pose as martyrs of democracy.. Under tbls disguise they got into the
USA. But tbe truth will out! Some of the more serious Czech emigranta, who do not have their hands sullied by collaborating wlth
the Communistš, decided to tear the mask of lies from the faces of
the leaders of the Council of Free Czecboslovakia.
A leading Czech journalist, the eminent Dr. Helen Koželuh found
that the CFC was an undemocratic and totalitarian lnstitution and
its representatives were responsible for many crimes, as well as collaboring with Communism. She tells in detail why she did so in an
article published in "Návrat" (THE RETURN), Paris. It would be interesting to reproduce the whole article, but space In the SLOVAK
NEWSLETTER ls limited. A few paragraphs, that fully cliaracterlze
the people and the policy of the Council, ought to convince our
readers that the SN was right In its appraisal of the CFC right
from the start.
"The CFC (Council of Free Czechoslovakla) is a totalitarian and
undemocratic instltutlon," writes Dr. Koželub. "1 am a conflrmed democrat. I have no right to remain in this organlzation. I had some
justificatlon as long as I could have the lmpresslon that the will to
amend its ways did exist. Evidently the CFC had no intentlons of
amending its ways and I would have to Ile if I wanted to state that
I belleve otherwise. Certainly I am sorry that I cannot recognlze the
CFC as a uniform reslstance organ, because I know that lt would be
well if a uniform reslstance organ could exist. However, I cannot
give preference to unity before democracy, because experlence has
1aught us that we fled from uniformity and because of the loss of
democracy."
"I made a mistake - and this I confess openly - that I dld not
at first deduce the consequences from the fact that the CFC is not a
democratlc organ, but a seJf.appointed continuer of the NATIONAL
FRONT, and that not only wlth lts representatives, but with lts ideology as well. The spirit of the Košice program, agalnst whlch I
fought In valn at horne t.nd trom which I was fortunate to escape,
has conquered In the CFC. It would be not only illogical, but also
dlshonest to support that which I rightly cons!dered as the rulnation
of any natlon."

�60

SLOVAKIA

That 1s wbat Dr. Koželuh thlnks of the CFC as an lnstltulton. She
also had sometblng to say about lts representatlves:
"I wanted to belleve that the people, wbo were members ot the
Natlonal Front and had approved the Košice program, reallzed that
tbey had blundered and committed many mlstakes and tbat tbey
would endeavor to make amends for the crlmes whlch tbey h ad unanlmously a11proved elther because of thelr lnsurtlclency or thelr !nl:Ufflclent understandlng. lt is true that the full measure of responsibility for everything that has happened or is happening in our country falls on the government and polltieal faetors of the Natlonal Front.
There ia no argument about the faet that the Communist Party at
horne was in the minority and eould always have been outvoted. How-

ever, tbat dld not happen, so, we can safely say that all laws, regul atlons and decrees were passed by non-Communist votes, tbat 1s the
votes ot those (the CFC) who now want to rule here, judge us and
make declslons over us."
Dr. Helen Koželuh also says that the factors of the National
F'ront "knew well tha.t t h elr own partles could oust them from the
Jeadershlp ot th elr respectlve partles for their past catastrophic
blunders and, so, they procla.lmed themselves as personalltles Independent of thelr parttes and, therefore, unsea.table. Thls ls perhaps
the flrst ca.se In hlstory where people proclaimed themselves as
personalities because thelr work proved to be bad and rulnous for
the na.tlon. Undoubtedly, they could not expect others to do that for
them and, therefore, these bunglers by mutual agreement elevated
themselves mutually to the posltlon of personalltles. I proclalm wlth
a full knowledge ot responslblllty that thls shady undertaklng ls the
most foollsh and most transparent attempt to decelve thelr own and
other polltlcal partles that has ever happenetl and only a fool would
be taken In and belleve lt."
The above should be sufflclent to condemn the lnstttutlon ot
collaborators wlth Communlsm who are responslble for tbe bloody
tragedy of the Czech and Slovak natlons, for all the crlmes and murders commltted In Bohemla and In Slovakla slnce 1945.

•

•

•

•

WHO SAID IT?

" Benei defends tie w i th Russla. - Dec. 2ó. - Presltlent Edward
Beneš advlsed Czechos'ovak pollticians In a broad.cast last night to
avold maklng a bitter parliamentary eampaign lssue of the nation's
alllanee with Russia. The Pres!dent, relteratlng a promlse ot l'ree, sec•

ret e lectlons next spr!ng, sa!d that alllan-ce w!th Russla should be regarded as a CORNERSTONE OF CZECH OSLOVAKIA'S POLICY."
- NEW YORK TIMES, 12-26-4ó.

•

"Londo'n, Feb. 19. - The Czecboslovak Government In Exile w!ll
leave London next week for Koelce In Slovak!a, wbere a temporary
capltal wlll be establlshed unt!I Prague !s treed. The group wlll travel
via MOSCOW. T bls fact gave rise to ERRONEOUS reports tbat wbile
there P resldent Eduard Benes would consult the Soviet Government
about the eompoaltlon of his Government. Thls was flatly denled by
the Government bere." - NEW YORK TIMES. 2-20-46.

�</text>
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                    <text>SLOVAKIA

59

ABOUT THE COUNCll, OF FREE CZECHOSLOVAKIA
( J k) - Thirty years ago Czech political exiles adopted the motto:
"Truth Prevails." At that tíme T. G. Masaryk led the fight to establish
á common state of two legally equal natlons the Czechs and the
Slovaks. ;Masaryk, we know, was successful, and Czecho•Slovakia
was born after World War I.
After Masaryk two generatlons went to battle under this motto.
But the motto "Truth Prevails" has backflred on them. The truth did
i,revail, but at the expense of Czech emigratlon and against its intentions. Recently it happened to the Czech emigranta and their Slovak
fellow•travelers organized in tbe so-called "Council of Free Czechoslovakia."
The institution was presented by lts founders as loyal to democracy and fighting for democracy, and lts members and dlrectors
pose as martyrs of democracy.. Under tbls disguise they got into the
USA. But tbe truth will out! Some of the more serious Czech emigranta, who do not have their hands sullied by collaborating wlth
the Communistš, decided to tear the mask of lies from the faces of
the leaders of the Council of Free Czecboslovakia.
A leading Czech journalist, the eminent Dr. Helen Koželuh found
that the CFC was an undemocratic and totalitarian lnstitution and
its representatives were responsible for many crimes, as well as collaboring with Communism. She tells in detail why she did so in an
article published in "Návrat" (THE RETURN), Paris. It would be interesting to reproduce the whole article, but space In the SLOVAK
NEWSLETTER ls limited. A few paragraphs, that fully cliaracterlze
the people and the policy of the Council, ought to convince our
readers that the SN was right In its appraisal of the CFC right
from the start.
"The CFC (Council of Free Czechoslovakla) is a totalitarian and
undemocratic instltutlon," writes Dr. Koželub. "1 am a conflrmed democrat. I have no right to remain in this organlzation. I had some
justificatlon as long as I could have the lmpresslon that the will to
amend its ways did exist. Evidently the CFC had no intentlons of
amending its ways and I would have to Ile if I wanted to state that
I belleve otherwise. Certainly I am sorry that I cannot recognlze the
CFC as a uniform reslstance organ, because I know that lt would be
well if a uniform reslstance organ could exist. However, I cannot
give preference to unity before democracy, because experlence has
1aught us that we fled from uniformity and because of the loss of
democracy."
"I made a mistake - and this I confess openly - that I dld not
at first deduce the consequences from the fact that the CFC is not a
democratlc organ, but a seJf.appointed continuer of the NATIONAL
FRONT, and that not only wlth lts representatives, but with lts ideology as well. The spirit of the Košice program, agalnst whlch I
fought In valn at horne t.nd trom which I was fortunate to escape,
has conquered In the CFC. It would be not only illogical, but also
dlshonest to support that which I rightly cons!dered as the rulnation
of any natlon."

�60

SLOVAKIA

That 1s wbat Dr. Koželuh thlnks of the CFC as an lnstltulton. She
also had sometblng to say about lts representatlves:
"I wanted to belleve that the people, wbo were members ot the
Natlonal Front and had approved the Košice program, reallzed that
tbey had blundered and committed many mlstakes and tbat tbey
would endeavor to make amends for the crlmes whlch tbey h ad unanlmously a11proved elther because of thelr lnsurtlclency or thelr !nl:Ufflclent understandlng. lt is true that the full measure of responsibility for everything that has happened or is happening in our country falls on the government and polltieal faetors of the Natlonal Front.
There ia no argument about the faet that the Communist Party at
horne was in the minority and eould always have been outvoted. How-

ever, tbat dld not happen, so, we can safely say that all laws, regul atlons and decrees were passed by non-Communist votes, tbat 1s the
votes ot those (the CFC) who now want to rule here, judge us and
make declslons over us."
Dr. Helen Koželuh also says that the factors of the National
F'ront "knew well tha.t t h elr own partles could oust them from the
Jeadershlp ot th elr respectlve partles for their past catastrophic
blunders and, so, they procla.lmed themselves as personalltles Independent of thelr parttes and, therefore, unsea.table. Thls ls perhaps
the flrst ca.se In hlstory where people proclaimed themselves as
personalities because thelr work proved to be bad and rulnous for
the na.tlon. Undoubtedly, they could not expect others to do that for
them and, therefore, these bunglers by mutual agreement elevated
themselves mutually to the posltlon of personalltles. I proclalm wlth
a full knowledge ot responslblllty that thls shady undertaklng ls the
most foollsh and most transparent attempt to decelve thelr own and
other polltlcal partles that has ever happenetl and only a fool would
be taken In and belleve lt."
The above should be sufflclent to condemn the lnstttutlon ot
collaborators wlth Communlsm who are responslble for tbe bloody
tragedy of the Czech and Slovak natlons, for all the crlmes and murders commltted In Bohemla and In Slovakla slnce 1945.

•

•

•

•

WHO SAID IT?

" Benei defends tie w i th Russla. - Dec. 2ó. - Presltlent Edward
Beneš advlsed Czechos'ovak pollticians In a broad.cast last night to
avold maklng a bitter parliamentary eampaign lssue of the nation's
alllanee with Russia. The Pres!dent, relteratlng a promlse ot l'ree, sec•

ret e lectlons next spr!ng, sa!d that alllan-ce w!th Russla should be regarded as a CORNERSTONE OF CZECH OSLOVAKIA'S POLICY."
- NEW YORK TIMES, 12-26-4ó.

•

"Londo'n, Feb. 19. - The Czecboslovak Government In Exile w!ll
leave London next week for Koelce In Slovak!a, wbere a temporary
capltal wlll be establlshed unt!I Prague !s treed. The group wlll travel
via MOSCOW. T bls fact gave rise to ERRONEOUS reports tbat wbile
there P resldent Eduard Benes would consult the Soviet Government
about the eompoaltlon of his Government. Thls was flatly denled by
the Government bere." - NEW YORK TIMES. 2-20-46.

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              <text>SLOVAKIA 59 ABOUT THE COUNCll, OF FREE CZECHOSLOVAKIA ( J k) - Thirty years ago Czech political exiles adopted the motto: "Truth Prevails." At that tíme T. G. Masaryk led the fight to establish á common state of two legally equal natlons the Czechs and the Slovaks. ;Masaryk, we know, was successful, and Czecho•Slovakia was born after World War I. After Masaryk two generatlons went to battle under this motto. But the motto "Truth Prevails" has backflred on them. The truth did i,revail, but at the expense of Czech emigratlon and against its intentions. Recently it happened to the Czech emigranta and their Slovak fellow•travelers organized in tbe so-called "Council of Free Czechoslovakia." The institution was presented by lts founders as loyal to democracy and fighting for democracy, and lts members and dlrectors pose as martyrs of democracy.. Under tbls disguise they got into the USA. But tbe truth will out! Some of the more serious Czech emigranta, who do not have their hands sullied by collaborating wlth the Communistš, decided to tear the mask of lies from the faces of the leaders of the Council of Free Czecboslovakia. A leading Czech journalist, the eminent Dr. Helen Koželuh found that the CFC was an undemocratic and totalitarian lnstitution and its representatives were responsible for many crimes, as well as collaboring with Communism. She tells in detail why she did so in an article published in "Návrat" (THE RETURN), Paris. It would be interesting to reproduce the whole article, but space In the SLOVAK NEWSLETTER ls limited. A few paragraphs, that fully cliaracterlze the people and the policy of the Council, ought to convince our readers that the SN was right In its appraisal of the CFC right from the start. "The CFC (Council of Free Czechoslovakla) is a totalitarian and undemocratic instltutlon," writes Dr. Koželub. "1 am a conflrmed democrat. I have no right to remain in this organlzation. I had some justificatlon as long as I could have the lmpresslon that the will to amend its ways did exist. Evidently the CFC had no intentlons of amending its ways and I would have to Ile if I wanted to state that I belleve otherwise. Certainly I am sorry that I cannot recognlze the CFC as a uniform reslstance organ, because I know that lt would be well if a uniform reslstance organ could exist. However, I cannot give preference to unity before democracy, because experlence has 1aught us that we fled from uniformity and because of the loss of democracy." "I made a mistake - and this I confess openly - that I dld not at first deduce the consequences from the fact that the CFC is not a democratlc organ, but a seJf.appointed continuer of the NATIONAL FRONT, and that not only wlth lts representatives, but with lts ideology as well. The spirit of the Košice program, agalnst whlch I fought In valn at horne t.nd trom which I was fortunate to escape, has conquered In the CFC. It would be not only illogical, but also dlshonest to support that which I rightly cons!dered as the rulnation of any natlon." 60 SLOVAKIA That 1s wbat Dr. Koželuh thlnks of the CFC as an lnstltulton. She also had sometblng to say about lts representatlves: "I wanted to belleve that the people, wbo were members ot the Natlonal Front and had approved the Košice program, reallzed that tbey had blundered and committed many mlstakes and tbat tbey would endeavor to make amends for the crlmes whlch tbey h ad unanlmously a11proved elther because of thelr lnsurtlclency or thelr !nl:Ufflclent understandlng. lt is true that the full measure of responsibility for everything that has happened or is happening in our country falls on the government and polltieal faetors of the Natlonal Front. There ia no argument about the faet that the Communist Party at horne was in the minority and eould always have been outvoted. How- ever, tbat dld not happen, so, we can safely say that all laws, regul atlons and decrees were passed by non-Communist votes, tbat 1s the votes ot those (the CFC) who now want to rule here, judge us and make declslons over us." Dr. Helen Koželuh also says that the factors of the National F'ront "knew well tha.t t h elr own partles could oust them from the Jeadershlp ot th elr respectlve partles for their past catastrophic blunders and, so, they procla.lmed themselves as personalltles Independent of thelr parttes and, therefore, unsea.table. Thls ls perhaps the flrst ca.se In hlstory where people proclaimed themselves as personalities because thelr work proved to be bad and rulnous for the na.tlon. Undoubtedly, they could not expect others to do that for them and, therefore, these bunglers by mutual agreement elevated themselves mutually to the posltlon of personalltles. I proclalm wlth a full knowledge ot responslblllty that thls shady undertaklng ls the most foollsh and most transparent attempt to decelve thelr own and other polltlcal partles that has ever happenetl and only a fool would be taken In and belleve lt." The above should be sufflclent to condemn the lnstttutlon ot collaborators wlth Communlsm who are responslble for tbe bloody tragedy of the Czech and Slovak natlons, for all the crlmes and murders commltted In Bohemla and In Slovakla slnce 1945. • • • • WHO SAID IT? " Benei defends tie w i th Russla. - Dec. 2ó. - Presltlent Edward Beneš advlsed Czechos'ovak pollticians In a broad.cast last night to avold maklng a bitter parliamentary eampaign lssue of the nation's alllanee with Russia. The Pres!dent, relteratlng a promlse ot l'ree, sec• ret e lectlons next spr!ng, sa!d that alllan-ce w!th Russla should be regarded as a CORNERSTONE OF CZECH OSLOVAKIA'S POLICY." - NEW YORK TIMES, 12-26-4ó. • "Londo'n, Feb. 19. - The Czecboslovak Government In Exile w!ll leave London next week for Koelce In Slovak!a, wbere a temporary capltal wlll be establlshed unt!I Prague !s treed. The group wlll travel via MOSCOW. T bls fact gave rise to ERRONEOUS reports tbat wbile there P resldent Eduard Benes would consult the Soviet Government about the eompoaltlon of his Government. Thls was flatly denled by the Government bere." - NEW YORK TIMES. 2-20-46.</text>
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                    <text>SLOVAKIA

61

TRUTH AND LEGEND ABOUT

THE ORIGIN OF CZEOHO-SLOVA.KIA
(Jk) On October 28th some ot the Bene§ Czechs and the
so-calJed Czech Slovaks (Czechoslovaks ! ) celebrated the 32nd anniversary of the foundation of the Czechoslovak Republic. Patrlotlc
and democratlc Czechs and Slovaks, however, had nothlng to celebrate on that date. In fact, they were glad to forget about it.
And yet, less than flfteen years ago that day was a Slovak holiday. Of course, the majority of the Slovak natlon already then dld
not celebrate the event wlth enthusiasm, because the short-sighted
policy of the Prague reglmes had been unbel!evably successful in making enemies of the entlre non-Czech populatlon - the majority of the
population of Czecho-Slovakia - and especially of the Slovaks. But
even under the prevailing clrcumstances, the Slovaks still were In
favor of the Czechoslovak Republ!c. And it probably would b e safe to
say that the Slovaks at home were as much for Czechoslovakia at
that Ume as the Slovaks in the Unlted States, Russia, Italy and the
AJUed fronts were in lts establishment durlng World War I.
A State, however, is not the supreme value in the democratlc and
Christlan books of values. It is, accordlng to modern, democratlc scl•
ence on statecraft, only a means that 1s supposed to make posslble
the physlcal and splrltual Ufe of a natlon. And a natlon must not dle
wlth the support of lnstltutions whlch were ordained to preserve it.
(vd. Paul Janet, HISTOIRE DE LA SCIENCE POLITIQUE DANS SES
RAPPORTS AVEC LA MORALE, PARIS, 1887).
But the Masaryk and Beneš reglmes did place the Czechoslovak
State above the Slovak natlon. Thelr pol!cy did seek the destructlon
of the Slovak nation. Such a policy certalnly could not be expected to
galn the sympathy of the Slovak people. The Slova.ks reslsted lt resolutely. And that was only natural. The Czech professor, Dr. J. Bušek,
sald the Slovak natlon was performing a mira.cle whlch in no small
measure must be credlted to bad Czech pol!tlcs. The more Prague
oppressed lt, the more self-consclous the Slovak natlon became.
And thls enhanced the pol!tical development of the Slovaks.
The Slovak nation, whlch Dr. Bušek claimed had developed more
in the twenty years withln the framework of Czechoslovakla than 1t
had in the entlre century of Magyar domination, could not be satlsfled wlth a solutlon that prevented its spirltual and materlal expansion. lt traveled the same path taken by other Central-European natlons and wended lts way from cohabltatlon In common unlts to autonomy and then to independence. When the Slova.ks proclalmed their
independence, they were fully aware of the fact that lt was the result of a natural tendency of polltical development, and, therefore,
that they were dolng what was rlght.
October 28, 1918, was a mllestone in the national development of
the Slovaks. But only one of the mllestones marking thelr hlstorlcal
trek from !oss of thelr independence in the tenth century to tbe acqulsltlon of lt aga.In in 1939. March 14, 1939 - Slovak Independence
Day - became the State hollday. The clrcnmstances under which the
Slovak Republlc was born wlll not alter the slgnlficance of thls date
in the least. In tbe la.st centuries, all the states ot centra! and

�62

SLOVAKIA

eastern Europe or!ginated In much the same way. And so dld the
Czechoslovak Republlc.
There exlsts a varlety of legends about the orlgln of the Czechoslovak Republ!c, but the truth !s only one.
THE LEGEND ABOUT THE ORIGIN OF CZECHOSLOVAKIA

Prof. T. G. Masaryk and Dr. Edward Beneš created a legend
about the orlgln of the Czechoslovak Republlc. Accordlng to that
legend, the "Czechoslovak natlon" exlsted already ln the nlnth century. That natlon was overcome by the Germans and Hungarlans, and
the Slovak "branch" was separated from the Czech natlon. After a
thousand years of enslavement, during World War I, Czech Knlghts,
led by Masaryk and Beneš, waged a hero!c struggle against the German and Magyar tyrants and liberated the "Czechoslovak nat!on" and
reestabllshed its independence.
Thls fable was propagated as the holy truth not only at horne,
but also abroad. Here and there slight varlatlons were allowed, but
the substance of the legend always had to remaln the same: the
"Czechoslovak nat!on", after belng subjugated in the nlnth century,
yearned for a thousand years to live In lts own State; lt was llberated by the two Czech heroes, Masaryk and Beneš, who fulfllled the
anclent dream of the unlted "Czechoslovak natlon" for a common
homeland.
A cltlzen of Czechoslovakla doubt!ng thls fable was consldered
a traltor and an enemy ot the State. In bis first publlcatlon for lnternatlonal consumptlon ("Détrulsez l'Autrlche"), Dr. Edward Beneš
had stated that the Czechs and Slovaks were "ONE" natlon, the Slovaks were only a "BRANCH" of the Czech natlon and the Slovak
language was only a "DIALECT" of the Czech language, and so it had
to be, according to Masaryk and Beneš. To seek equallty and justlce
for the Slovavks was punishable, because they were destlned - by
Masaryk and Beneš - to strengthen the number of Czechs and
perish in the Czech nation so that hlstory once might write another
chapter about the heroic exploits of Masaryk and Beneš!
Llfe, however, bls dlspelled that legend. Just as !t has the rest
of the Czech attempts to falslfy history, whether "manuscripts" or
any other famous deeds were concerned which were supposed to be
the foundat!on of the greatness and clalms of some Czech generation.
Llfe does not respect historical romantlclsms and does not confuse
them with reality. It has its own laws and evolutionary ways, and
these hold even in the case of Czechoslovakia. Truth has prevalled,
lndeed, but lt was not the truth acclalmed by Masaryk, who even
"orlginated" the wlsdom that "States are preserved by the ldeas
whlch origlnated them" by borrowlng lt from Sallust!
THE TRUTH ABOUT THE ORIGIN OF CZECHOSLOVAKIA

A part of the Czech emlgration - the Beneš Czechs and the
Czech Slovaks - are trylng to revlve the fable of the orlgin of the
Czechoslovak Republic, the mlsslon of Czechoslovakla and the "Czechoslovak Republlc, the misslon of Czechoslovakla and the "Czechoslovak natlon." But the truth remalns what lt was: t he Czechoslovak
Republic did not come lnto being as the result of a 1000-year-old
struggle of the " Czechoslovak natlon", because such a nation never

�SLOVAK IA

63

existed. International conditio ns, and especially the intervention of
France, were responslble for lts origin. Of course, smooth, perslstent
propaganda has beclouded the truth and supported the legend.
The same Dr. Edwar d Beneš - w ho in 1916 pr oposed to "Destroy
Austria" and created t he fable th at Czechoslovakla was t h e result of
a 1000-year-old struggle of the "Czechoslovak nat!on" - just a few
years prior to that time wrote in his book "Le Probléme Autrich en
et la Question Tcheque" that he dld not belleve Austria would collapse, b ecause In Bohemla " they saw in independence the greatest
dange r to national existence and, with the exception of a few radicals,
this was the opinion of all sensible (Czech ) politici.ins."
This stand of the Czech natlon, no t even mentloníng that of
the Slovak nation, did not change even after Masaryk and Beneš
went ab road In 1916 to begin the cam paign for the creatlon of a
Czechoslovak Republlc. During the entire first World War, Czech
politlclans and cultural leaders contlnued to p roclaim thelr loyalty to
Austria.
"Närodni Listy," one of the leading Czech papers, wrote early in
1917: " lt is amazing how indefatigably Masaryk endeavors to defile
the honor of the Czec h nation. The enemies have lcarned that the
love of a ll Austrian peoples for their inherited dynasty and their
Fatherland is firm and unshakab le. The enemies ha ve realized that
those who abroad make contradictory statements are liars and
impostors."
Late in 1916, a ll the Czech par t!es In t he Austrlan parllament,
without a slngle exception, lssued a solem n declaration: "The basis
a nd guaranty of the national existence of the Czech people are the
dynasty, called to the throne centuries ago, and the indivisibly constituted Monarchy."
And in J anuary 1917, the assoclation of Czech members of par llament sent the following letter to the forelgn minister of AustriaH ungary: "In view of the Allied answer to Preside nt Wilson in which
the liberatlon of the Czechs figures as a war aim, we reject this lnsinuation which is based on entirely erroneous assumptions. We declare emphatically that the Czech people, as always in the past,
is convinced that it can be assured of a prosperous deve lopment only
un der th e Habsburg scepter and within the Habsburg Monarchy."
T he same part!es asked P rime Ministe r Clam-Mar tlnitz, a Czech
hlmself, to arrange an audlence with the emperor, becau se "we want
to teli His Majesty, that we shall always stand by him and his successors; that our d emands shall a lways be compatible wlth the interests of the Habsburg dynasty and of the realm ; that we are
loyal servants of King and Country, that our complaints have never
s haken our belief that after victory the c laims of the Czech people
shali find satisfaction w ithin the framework of the rea lm and under
the Habsburg crown."
Furthermore, the delegates of the Czech soclalists a t the Stockholm Conference or the Socialist In ternatlonal, In J u ne 1917, volced
t heir demand for " a n indepe nde nt Czec h State w ithin a federated
Austria-Hungary."
AU this caused F. Peroutka, Czech journallst, to ,v-rlte the f ollowing sad commentary in bis book "Budováni státu" (Buildlng of the
State): "In all these manlfestations the one essential lack ln g generally

�64

S LOVAKIA.

was: a clearly expre11ed w ill for freedom. T helr leading motlve was
a perslstent effort to have the Austrlan Government recognlze the
Joyalty of the Czech nation. During the three years (1914-1917), from
what was resoundlng at home, lt was not possible to prove even
weakly that the nation at home had any sympathies for the action
abroad. lt would be muc h eaaler t o pr ove that t he a ction abroad w as
repudiate d by th ese manifeatatlon1."

Prof. Bohdan Chudoba, a representative of the younger Czech
lntellectuals. states only an objectlve truth, the reality, when he says
that the proclamation of the Czechoslovak Republic "was a rather
unexpected event." Thomas Masaryk, contlnues Prof. Chudoba, contlnued to assure "the leadlng American personalltles as late as the
summer of 1918 that there would not be any partltlon of the Habsburg monarchy. Even the manlfesto of the Czech wrlters, lssued In
May, 1917, a very radlcal declaration, dld not mention an independent
State. And the tenth of Presldent Wllson's famous fourteen polnts
spoke only of an autonomous development of the peoples of AustrlaH ungary."
And that !s how lt actually was.
T he forelgn activlty of the Czechs and Slovaks, in whlch American Slovaks along wlth Gen. M. R. štefá.nlk and t he Slovak leglonalres
played a major role, was not very successful as far as the matter of
the so-called "Czechoslovak natlon' 'was concerned. In the flrst place,
there was no such nation and, secondly, the Czechs were voclferously proclalming thelr loyalty to Austria. In Slovakla there was pol!tlcal
stagnatlon.
The destructlon of the Habsburg Monarchy was favored by French
polltlclans, especlally by Clemenceau. To weaken Germany and galn
allles In centra! Europe In J uly 1918, the French supported the pian
to establlsh natlonal States on the rulns of Austrla-Hungary. The
prlnciple of the rlght of self-determlnatlon was supposed to be t he
basis of thls dlv1slon of the Habsburg Monarchy. Thls, however, was
not adhered to and the new organization of centra! Europe, ot whlch
the Czechoslovak Republic and Yugoslavla were supposed to be the
bulwark, proved ltself lncapable of preservatlon and collapsed wlth
the flrst attack from the outslde.
Czechoslovakla fell flrst. No one defended her. And when the
Republlc was reestabllshed In 1945, by the grace ot Moscow, and
annexed by the very same Moscow In 1948, agaln not a slngle shot
was flred In her defense, nay, not even a slngle manly protest was
made In the defense of Czechoslovakla.
Why should the Slovaks want to live In such a State? And why
1Should they celebrate the annlversary of lts orlgin? In the Ufe of the
Slovak natlon, the Czechoslovak State was an lmportant mllestone.
They attalned much In Czechoslovakla, but never as much as they
were entltled to and as much as they mlght attaln In thelr own Independent State In an European or Centra! European federatlon .

• • •
GET THE STORY ABOUT "CZECHOSLOVAK DEMOCRACY"
FROM THE PIOOPLE WHO SU FFERED UNDER IT AND WERE
PERSECUTED BY TT !
SUBSCRIBE TO T HE. SL OVA K NEWSLETTER AT ONCE !

�</text>
                  </elementText>
                  <elementText elementTextId="295">
                    <text>SLOVAKIA

61

TRUTH AND LEGEND ABOUT

THE ORIGIN OF CZEOHO-SLOVA.KIA
(Jk) On October 28th some ot the Bene§ Czechs and the
so-calJed Czech Slovaks (Czechoslovaks ! ) celebrated the 32nd anniversary of the foundation of the Czechoslovak Republic. Patrlotlc
and democratlc Czechs and Slovaks, however, had nothlng to celebrate on that date. In fact, they were glad to forget about it.
And yet, less than flfteen years ago that day was a Slovak holiday. Of course, the majority of the Slovak natlon already then dld
not celebrate the event wlth enthusiasm, because the short-sighted
policy of the Prague reglmes had been unbel!evably successful in making enemies of the entlre non-Czech populatlon - the majority of the
population of Czecho-Slovakia - and especially of the Slovaks. But
even under the prevailing clrcumstances, the Slovaks still were In
favor of the Czechoslovak Republ!c. And it probably would b e safe to
say that the Slovaks at home were as much for Czechoslovakia at
that Ume as the Slovaks in the Unlted States, Russia, Italy and the
AJUed fronts were in lts establishment durlng World War I.
A State, however, is not the supreme value in the democratlc and
Christlan books of values. It is, accordlng to modern, democratlc scl•
ence on statecraft, only a means that 1s supposed to make posslble
the physlcal and splrltual Ufe of a natlon. And a natlon must not dle
wlth the support of lnstltutions whlch were ordained to preserve it.
(vd. Paul Janet, HISTOIRE DE LA SCIENCE POLITIQUE DANS SES
RAPPORTS AVEC LA MORALE, PARIS, 1887).
But the Masaryk and Beneš reglmes did place the Czechoslovak
State above the Slovak natlon. Thelr pol!cy did seek the destructlon
of the Slovak nation. Such a policy certalnly could not be expected to
galn the sympathy of the Slovak people. The Slova.ks reslsted lt resolutely. And that was only natural. The Czech professor, Dr. J. Bušek,
sald the Slovak natlon was performing a mira.cle whlch in no small
measure must be credlted to bad Czech pol!tlcs. The more Prague
oppressed lt, the more self-consclous the Slovak natlon became.
And thls enhanced the pol!tical development of the Slovaks.
The Slovak nation, whlch Dr. Bušek claimed had developed more
in the twenty years withln the framework of Czechoslovakla than 1t
had in the entlre century of Magyar domination, could not be satlsfled wlth a solutlon that prevented its spirltual and materlal expansion. lt traveled the same path taken by other Central-European natlons and wended lts way from cohabltatlon In common unlts to autonomy and then to independence. When the Slova.ks proclalmed their
independence, they were fully aware of the fact that lt was the result of a natural tendency of polltical development, and, therefore,
that they were dolng what was rlght.
October 28, 1918, was a mllestone in the national development of
the Slovaks. But only one of the mllestones marking thelr hlstorlcal
trek from !oss of thelr independence in the tenth century to tbe acqulsltlon of lt aga.In in 1939. March 14, 1939 - Slovak Independence
Day - became the State hollday. The clrcnmstances under which the
Slovak Republlc was born wlll not alter the slgnlficance of thls date
in the least. In tbe la.st centuries, all the states ot centra! and

�62

SLOVAKIA

eastern Europe or!ginated In much the same way. And so dld the
Czechoslovak Republlc.
There exlsts a varlety of legends about the orlgln of the Czechoslovak Republ!c, but the truth !s only one.
THE LEGEND ABOUT THE ORIGIN OF CZECHOSLOVAKIA

Prof. T. G. Masaryk and Dr. Edward Beneš created a legend
about the orlgln of the Czechoslovak Republlc. Accordlng to that
legend, the "Czechoslovak natlon" exlsted already ln the nlnth century. That natlon was overcome by the Germans and Hungarlans, and
the Slovak "branch" was separated from the Czech natlon. After a
thousand years of enslavement, during World War I, Czech Knlghts,
led by Masaryk and Beneš, waged a hero!c struggle against the German and Magyar tyrants and liberated the "Czechoslovak nat!on" and
reestabllshed its independence.
Thls fable was propagated as the holy truth not only at horne,
but also abroad. Here and there slight varlatlons were allowed, but
the substance of the legend always had to remaln the same: the
"Czechoslovak nat!on", after belng subjugated in the nlnth century,
yearned for a thousand years to live In lts own State; lt was llberated by the two Czech heroes, Masaryk and Beneš, who fulfllled the
anclent dream of the unlted "Czechoslovak natlon" for a common
homeland.
A cltlzen of Czechoslovakla doubt!ng thls fable was consldered
a traltor and an enemy ot the State. In bis first publlcatlon for lnternatlonal consumptlon ("Détrulsez l'Autrlche"), Dr. Edward Beneš
had stated that the Czechs and Slovaks were "ONE" natlon, the Slovaks were only a "BRANCH" of the Czech natlon and the Slovak
language was only a "DIALECT" of the Czech language, and so it had
to be, according to Masaryk and Beneš. To seek equallty and justlce
for the Slovavks was punishable, because they were destlned - by
Masaryk and Beneš - to strengthen the number of Czechs and
perish in the Czech nation so that hlstory once might write another
chapter about the heroic exploits of Masaryk and Beneš!
Llfe, however, bls dlspelled that legend. Just as !t has the rest
of the Czech attempts to falslfy history, whether "manuscripts" or
any other famous deeds were concerned which were supposed to be
the foundat!on of the greatness and clalms of some Czech generation.
Llfe does not respect historical romantlclsms and does not confuse
them with reality. It has its own laws and evolutionary ways, and
these hold even in the case of Czechoslovakia. Truth has prevalled,
lndeed, but lt was not the truth acclalmed by Masaryk, who even
"orlginated" the wlsdom that "States are preserved by the ldeas
whlch origlnated them" by borrowlng lt from Sallust!
THE TRUTH ABOUT THE ORIGIN OF CZECHOSLOVAKIA

A part of the Czech emlgration - the Beneš Czechs and the
Czech Slovaks - are trylng to revlve the fable of the orlgin of the
Czechoslovak Republic, the mlsslon of Czechoslovakla and the "Czechoslovak Republlc, the misslon of Czechoslovakla and the "Czechoslovak natlon." But the truth remalns what lt was: t he Czechoslovak
Republic did not come lnto being as the result of a 1000-year-old
struggle of the " Czechoslovak natlon", because such a nation never

�SLOVAK IA

63

existed. International conditio ns, and especially the intervention of
France, were responslble for lts origin. Of course, smooth, perslstent
propaganda has beclouded the truth and supported the legend.
The same Dr. Edwar d Beneš - w ho in 1916 pr oposed to "Destroy
Austria" and created t he fable th at Czechoslovakla was t h e result of
a 1000-year-old struggle of the "Czechoslovak nat!on" - just a few
years prior to that time wrote in his book "Le Probléme Autrich en
et la Question Tcheque" that he dld not belleve Austria would collapse, b ecause In Bohemla " they saw in independence the greatest
dange r to national existence and, with the exception of a few radicals,
this was the opinion of all sensible (Czech ) politici.ins."
This stand of the Czech natlon, no t even mentloníng that of
the Slovak nation, did not change even after Masaryk and Beneš
went ab road In 1916 to begin the cam paign for the creatlon of a
Czechoslovak Republlc. During the entire first World War, Czech
politlclans and cultural leaders contlnued to p roclaim thelr loyalty to
Austria.
"Närodni Listy," one of the leading Czech papers, wrote early in
1917: " lt is amazing how indefatigably Masaryk endeavors to defile
the honor of the Czec h nation. The enemies have lcarned that the
love of a ll Austrian peoples for their inherited dynasty and their
Fatherland is firm and unshakab le. The enemies ha ve realized that
those who abroad make contradictory statements are liars and
impostors."
Late in 1916, a ll the Czech par t!es In t he Austrlan parllament,
without a slngle exception, lssued a solem n declaration: "The basis
a nd guaranty of the national existence of the Czech people are the
dynasty, called to the throne centuries ago, and the indivisibly constituted Monarchy."
And in J anuary 1917, the assoclation of Czech members of par llament sent the following letter to the forelgn minister of AustriaH ungary: "In view of the Allied answer to Preside nt Wilson in which
the liberatlon of the Czechs figures as a war aim, we reject this lnsinuation which is based on entirely erroneous assumptions. We declare emphatically that the Czech people, as always in the past,
is convinced that it can be assured of a prosperous deve lopment only
un der th e Habsburg scepter and within the Habsburg Monarchy."
T he same part!es asked P rime Ministe r Clam-Mar tlnitz, a Czech
hlmself, to arrange an audlence with the emperor, becau se "we want
to teli His Majesty, that we shall always stand by him and his successors; that our d emands shall a lways be compatible wlth the interests of the Habsburg dynasty and of the realm ; that we are
loyal servants of King and Country, that our complaints have never
s haken our belief that after victory the c laims of the Czech people
shali find satisfaction w ithin the framework of the rea lm and under
the Habsburg crown."
Furthermore, the delegates of the Czech soclalists a t the Stockholm Conference or the Socialist In ternatlonal, In J u ne 1917, volced
t heir demand for " a n indepe nde nt Czec h State w ithin a federated
Austria-Hungary."
AU this caused F. Peroutka, Czech journallst, to ,v-rlte the f ollowing sad commentary in bis book "Budováni státu" (Buildlng of the
State): "In all these manlfestations the one essential lack ln g generally

�64

S LOVAKIA.

was: a clearly expre11ed w ill for freedom. T helr leading motlve was
a perslstent effort to have the Austrlan Government recognlze the
Joyalty of the Czech nation. During the three years (1914-1917), from
what was resoundlng at home, lt was not possible to prove even
weakly that the nation at home had any sympathies for the action
abroad. lt would be muc h eaaler t o pr ove that t he a ction abroad w as
repudiate d by th ese manifeatatlon1."

Prof. Bohdan Chudoba, a representative of the younger Czech
lntellectuals. states only an objectlve truth, the reality, when he says
that the proclamation of the Czechoslovak Republic "was a rather
unexpected event." Thomas Masaryk, contlnues Prof. Chudoba, contlnued to assure "the leadlng American personalltles as late as the
summer of 1918 that there would not be any partltlon of the Habsburg monarchy. Even the manlfesto of the Czech wrlters, lssued In
May, 1917, a very radlcal declaration, dld not mention an independent
State. And the tenth of Presldent Wllson's famous fourteen polnts
spoke only of an autonomous development of the peoples of AustrlaH ungary."
And that !s how lt actually was.
T he forelgn activlty of the Czechs and Slovaks, in whlch American Slovaks along wlth Gen. M. R. štefá.nlk and t he Slovak leglonalres
played a major role, was not very successful as far as the matter of
the so-called "Czechoslovak natlon' 'was concerned. In the flrst place,
there was no such nation and, secondly, the Czechs were voclferously proclalming thelr loyalty to Austria. In Slovakla there was pol!tlcal
stagnatlon.
The destructlon of the Habsburg Monarchy was favored by French
polltlclans, especlally by Clemenceau. To weaken Germany and galn
allles In centra! Europe In J uly 1918, the French supported the pian
to establlsh natlonal States on the rulns of Austrla-Hungary. The
prlnciple of the rlght of self-determlnatlon was supposed to be t he
basis of thls dlv1slon of the Habsburg Monarchy. Thls, however, was
not adhered to and the new organization of centra! Europe, ot whlch
the Czechoslovak Republic and Yugoslavla were supposed to be the
bulwark, proved ltself lncapable of preservatlon and collapsed wlth
the flrst attack from the outslde.
Czechoslovakla fell flrst. No one defended her. And when the
Republlc was reestabllshed In 1945, by the grace ot Moscow, and
annexed by the very same Moscow In 1948, agaln not a slngle shot
was flred In her defense, nay, not even a slngle manly protest was
made In the defense of Czechoslovakla.
Why should the Slovaks want to live In such a State? And why
1Should they celebrate the annlversary of lts orlgin? In the Ufe of the
Slovak natlon, the Czechoslovak State was an lmportant mllestone.
They attalned much In Czechoslovakla, but never as much as they
were entltled to and as much as they mlght attaln In thelr own Independent State In an European or Centra! European federatlon .

• • •
GET THE STORY ABOUT "CZECHOSLOVAK DEMOCRACY"
FROM THE PIOOPLE WHO SU FFERED UNDER IT AND WERE
PERSECUTED BY TT !
SUBSCRIBE TO T HE. SL OVA K NEWSLETTER AT ONCE !

�</text>
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                  <text>1951, Vol. 1</text>
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                  <text>The Slovak League of America</text>
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                  <text>1951</text>
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                  <text>&lt;ul&gt;&lt;li&gt;Issue 1 (No. 1), May 1951.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Issue 2 (No. 2), December 1951.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;/ul&gt;</text>
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                  <text>&lt;ul&gt;&lt;li&gt;&lt;a href="https://n2t.net/ark:/13960/s261hfmshm7" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"&gt;&lt;span&gt;ark:/13960/s261hfmshm7&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/li&gt;
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            <elementText elementTextId="293">
              <text>SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
61&#13;
&#13;
TRUTH AND LEGEND ABOUT&#13;
&#13;
THE ORIGIN OF CZEOHO-SLOVA.KIA&#13;
(Jk) On October 28th some ot the Bene§ Czechs and the&#13;
so-calJed Czech Slovaks (Czechoslovaks ! ) celebrated the 32nd anniversary of the foundation of the Czechoslovak Republic. Patrlotlc&#13;
and democratlc Czechs and Slovaks, however, had nothlng to celebrate on that date. In fact, they were glad to forget about it.&#13;
And yet, less than flfteen years ago that day was a Slovak holiday. Of course, the majority of the Slovak natlon already then dld&#13;
not celebrate the event wlth enthusiasm, because the short-sighted&#13;
policy of the Prague reglmes had been unbel!evably successful in making enemies of the entlre non-Czech populatlon - the majority of the&#13;
population of Czecho-Slovakia - and especially of the Slovaks. But&#13;
even under the prevailing clrcumstances, the Slovaks still were In&#13;
favor of the Czechoslovak Republ!c. And it probably would b e safe to&#13;
say that the Slovaks at home were as much for Czechoslovakia at&#13;
that Ume as the Slovaks in the Unlted States, Russia, Italy and the&#13;
AJUed fronts were in lts establishment durlng World War I.&#13;
A State, however, is not the supreme value in the democratlc and&#13;
Christlan books of values. It is, accordlng to modern, democratlc scl•&#13;
ence on statecraft, only a means that 1s supposed to make posslble&#13;
the physlcal and splrltual Ufe of a natlon. And a natlon must not dle&#13;
wlth the support of lnstltutions whlch were ordained to preserve it.&#13;
(vd. Paul Janet, HISTOIRE DE LA SCIENCE POLITIQUE DANS SES&#13;
RAPPORTS AVEC LA MORALE, PARIS, 1887).&#13;
But the Masaryk and Beneš reglmes did place the Czechoslovak&#13;
State above the Slovak natlon. Thelr pol!cy did seek the destructlon&#13;
of the Slovak nation. Such a policy certalnly could not be expected to&#13;
galn the sympathy of the Slovak people. The Slova.ks reslsted lt resolutely. And that was only natural. The Czech professor, Dr. J. Bušek,&#13;
sald the Slovak natlon was performing a mira.cle whlch in no small&#13;
measure must be credlted to bad Czech pol!tlcs. The more Prague&#13;
oppressed lt, the more self-consclous the Slovak natlon became.&#13;
And thls enhanced the pol!tical development of the Slovaks.&#13;
The Slovak nation, whlch Dr. Bušek claimed had developed more&#13;
in the twenty years withln the framework of Czechoslovakla than 1t&#13;
had in the entlre century of Magyar domination, could not be satlsfled wlth a solutlon that prevented its spirltual and materlal expansion. lt traveled the same path taken by other Central-European natlons and wended lts way from cohabltatlon In common unlts to autonomy and then to independence. When the Slova.ks proclalmed their&#13;
independence, they were fully aware of the fact that lt was the result of a natural tendency of polltical development, and, therefore,&#13;
that they were dolng what was rlght.&#13;
October 28, 1918, was a mllestone in the national development of&#13;
the Slovaks. But only one of the mllestones marking thelr hlstorlcal&#13;
trek from !oss of thelr independence in the tenth century to tbe acqulsltlon of lt aga.In in 1939. March 14, 1939 - Slovak Independence&#13;
Day - became the State hollday. The clrcnmstances under which the&#13;
Slovak Republlc was born wlll not alter the slgnlficance of thls date&#13;
in the least. In tbe la.st centuries, all the states ot centra! and&#13;
&#13;
62&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
eastern Europe or!ginated In much the same way. And so dld the&#13;
Czechoslovak Republlc.&#13;
There exlsts a varlety of legends about the orlgln of the Czechoslovak Republ!c, but the truth !s only one.&#13;
THE LEGEND ABOUT THE ORIGIN OF CZECHOSLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
Prof. T. G. Masaryk and Dr. Edward Beneš created a legend&#13;
about the orlgln of the Czechoslovak Republlc. Accordlng to that&#13;
legend, the "Czechoslovak natlon" exlsted already ln the nlnth century. That natlon was overcome by the Germans and Hungarlans, and&#13;
the Slovak "branch" was separated from the Czech natlon. After a&#13;
thousand years of enslavement, during World War I, Czech Knlghts,&#13;
led by Masaryk and Beneš, waged a hero!c struggle against the German and Magyar tyrants and liberated the "Czechoslovak nat!on" and&#13;
reestabllshed its independence.&#13;
Thls fable was propagated as the holy truth not only at horne,&#13;
but also abroad. Here and there slight varlatlons were allowed, but&#13;
the substance of the legend always had to remaln the same: the&#13;
"Czechoslovak nat!on", after belng subjugated in the nlnth century,&#13;
yearned for a thousand years to live In lts own State; lt was llberated by the two Czech heroes, Masaryk and Beneš, who fulfllled the&#13;
anclent dream of the unlted "Czechoslovak natlon" for a common&#13;
homeland.&#13;
A cltlzen of Czechoslovakla doubt!ng thls fable was consldered&#13;
a traltor and an enemy ot the State. In bis first publlcatlon for lnternatlonal consumptlon ("Détrulsez l'Autrlche"), Dr. Edward Beneš&#13;
had stated that the Czechs and Slovaks were "ONE" natlon, the Slovaks were only a "BRANCH" of the Czech natlon and the Slovak&#13;
language was only a "DIALECT" of the Czech language, and so it had&#13;
to be, according to Masaryk and Beneš. To seek equallty and justlce&#13;
for the Slovavks was punishable, because they were destlned - by&#13;
Masaryk and Beneš - to strengthen the number of Czechs and&#13;
perish in the Czech nation so that hlstory once might write another&#13;
chapter about the heroic exploits of Masaryk and Beneš!&#13;
Llfe, however, bls dlspelled that legend. Just as !t has the rest&#13;
of the Czech attempts to falslfy history, whether "manuscripts" or&#13;
any other famous deeds were concerned which were supposed to be&#13;
the foundat!on of the greatness and clalms of some Czech generation.&#13;
Llfe does not respect historical romantlclsms and does not confuse&#13;
them with reality. It has its own laws and evolutionary ways, and&#13;
these hold even in the case of Czechoslovakia. Truth has prevalled,&#13;
lndeed, but lt was not the truth acclalmed by Masaryk, who even&#13;
"orlginated" the wlsdom that "States are preserved by the ldeas&#13;
whlch origlnated them" by borrowlng lt from Sallust!&#13;
THE TRUTH ABOUT THE ORIGIN OF CZECHOSLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
A part of the Czech emlgration - the Beneš Czechs and the&#13;
Czech Slovaks - are trylng to revlve the fable of the orlgin of the&#13;
Czechoslovak Republic, the mlsslon of Czechoslovakla and the "Czechoslovak Republlc, the misslon of Czechoslovakla and the "Czechoslovak natlon." But the truth remalns what lt was: t he Czechoslovak&#13;
Republic did not come lnto being as the result of a 1000-year-old&#13;
struggle of the " Czechoslovak natlon", because such a nation never&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAK IA&#13;
&#13;
63&#13;
&#13;
existed. International conditio ns, and especially the intervention of&#13;
France, were responslble for lts origin. Of course, smooth, perslstent&#13;
propaganda has beclouded the truth and supported the legend.&#13;
The same Dr. Edwar d Beneš - w ho in 1916 pr oposed to "Destroy&#13;
Austria" and created t he fable th at Czechoslovakla was t h e result of&#13;
a 1000-year-old struggle of the "Czechoslovak nat!on" - just a few&#13;
years prior to that time wrote in his book "Le Probléme Autrich en&#13;
et la Question Tcheque" that he dld not belleve Austria would collapse, b ecause In Bohemla " they saw in independence the greatest&#13;
dange r to national existence and, with the exception of a few radicals,&#13;
this was the opinion of all sensible (Czech ) politici.ins."&#13;
This stand of the Czech natlon, no t even mentloníng that of&#13;
the Slovak nation, did not change even after Masaryk and Beneš&#13;
went ab road In 1916 to begin the cam paign for the creatlon of a&#13;
Czechoslovak Republlc. During the entire first World War, Czech&#13;
politlclans and cultural leaders contlnued to p roclaim thelr loyalty to&#13;
Austria.&#13;
"Närodni Listy," one of the leading Czech papers, wrote early in&#13;
1917: " lt is amazing how indefatigably Masaryk endeavors to defile&#13;
the honor of the Czec h nation. The enemies have lcarned that the&#13;
love of a ll Austrian peoples for their inherited dynasty and their&#13;
Fatherland is firm and unshakab le. The enemies ha ve realized that&#13;
those who abroad make contradictory statements are liars and&#13;
impostors."&#13;
Late in 1916, a ll the Czech par t!es In t he Austrlan parllament,&#13;
without a slngle exception, lssued a solem n declaration: "The basis&#13;
a nd guaranty of the national existence of the Czech people are the&#13;
dynasty, called to the throne centuries ago, and the indivisibly constituted Monarchy."&#13;
And in J anuary 1917, the assoclation of Czech members of par llament sent the following letter to the forelgn minister of AustriaH ungary: "In view of the Allied answer to Preside nt Wilson in which&#13;
the liberatlon of the Czechs figures as a war aim, we reject this lnsinuation which is based on entirely erroneous assumptions. We declare emphatically that the Czech people, as always in the past,&#13;
is convinced that it can be assured of a prosperous deve lopment only&#13;
un der th e Habsburg scepter and within the Habsburg Monarchy."&#13;
T he same part!es asked P rime Ministe r Clam-Mar tlnitz, a Czech&#13;
hlmself, to arrange an audlence with the emperor, becau se "we want&#13;
to teli His Majesty, that we shall always stand by him and his successors; that our d emands shall a lways be compatible wlth the interests of the Habsburg dynasty and of the realm ; that we are&#13;
loyal servants of King and Country, that our complaints have never&#13;
s haken our belief that after victory the c laims of the Czech people&#13;
shali find satisfaction w ithin the framework of the rea lm and under&#13;
the Habsburg crown."&#13;
Furthermore, the delegates of the Czech soclalists a t the Stockholm Conference or the Socialist In ternatlonal, In J u ne 1917, volced&#13;
t heir demand for " a n indepe nde nt Czec h State w ithin a federated&#13;
Austria-Hungary."&#13;
AU this caused F. Peroutka, Czech journallst, to ,v-rlte the f ollowing sad commentary in bis book "Budováni státu" (Buildlng of the&#13;
State): "In all these manlfestations the one essential lack ln g generally&#13;
&#13;
64&#13;
&#13;
S LOVAKIA.&#13;
&#13;
was: a clearly expre11ed w ill for freedom. T helr leading motlve was&#13;
a perslstent effort to have the Austrlan Government recognlze the&#13;
Joyalty of the Czech nation. During the three years (1914-1917), from&#13;
what was resoundlng at home, lt was not possible to prove even&#13;
weakly that the nation at home had any sympathies for the action&#13;
abroad. lt would be muc h eaaler t o pr ove that t he a ction abroad w as&#13;
repudiate d by th ese manifeatatlon1."&#13;
&#13;
Prof. Bohdan Chudoba, a representative of the younger Czech&#13;
lntellectuals. states only an objectlve truth, the reality, when he says&#13;
that the proclamation of the Czechoslovak Republic "was a rather&#13;
unexpected event." Thomas Masaryk, contlnues Prof. Chudoba, contlnued to assure "the leadlng American personalltles as late as the&#13;
summer of 1918 that there would not be any partltlon of the Habsburg monarchy. Even the manlfesto of the Czech wrlters, lssued In&#13;
May, 1917, a very radlcal declaration, dld not mention an independent&#13;
State. And the tenth of Presldent Wllson's famous fourteen polnts&#13;
spoke only of an autonomous development of the peoples of AustrlaH ungary."&#13;
And that !s how lt actually was.&#13;
T he forelgn activlty of the Czechs and Slovaks, in whlch American Slovaks along wlth Gen. M. R. štefá.nlk and t he Slovak leglonalres&#13;
played a major role, was not very successful as far as the matter of&#13;
the so-called "Czechoslovak natlon' 'was concerned. In the flrst place,&#13;
there was no such nation and, secondly, the Czechs were voclferously proclalming thelr loyalty to Austria. In Slovakla there was pol!tlcal&#13;
stagnatlon.&#13;
The destructlon of the Habsburg Monarchy was favored by French&#13;
polltlclans, especlally by Clemenceau. To weaken Germany and galn&#13;
allles In centra! Europe In J uly 1918, the French supported the pian&#13;
to establlsh natlonal States on the rulns of Austrla-Hungary. The&#13;
prlnciple of the rlght of self-determlnatlon was supposed to be t he&#13;
basis of thls dlv1slon of the Habsburg Monarchy. Thls, however, was&#13;
not adhered to and the new organization of centra! Europe, ot whlch&#13;
the Czechoslovak Republic and Yugoslavla were supposed to be the&#13;
bulwark, proved ltself lncapable of preservatlon and collapsed wlth&#13;
the flrst attack from the outslde.&#13;
Czechoslovakla fell flrst. No one defended her. And when the&#13;
Republlc was reestabllshed In 1945, by the grace ot Moscow, and&#13;
annexed by the very same Moscow In 1948, agaln not a slngle shot&#13;
was flred In her defense, nay, not even a slngle manly protest was&#13;
made In the defense of Czechoslovakla.&#13;
Why should the Slovaks want to live In such a State? And why&#13;
1Should they celebrate the annlversary of lts orlgin? In the Ufe of the&#13;
Slovak natlon, the Czechoslovak State was an lmportant mllestone.&#13;
They attalned much In Czechoslovakla, but never as much as they&#13;
were entltled to and as much as they mlght attaln In thelr own Independent State In an European or Centra! European federatlon .&#13;
&#13;
• • •&#13;
GET THE STORY ABOUT "CZECHOSLOVAK DEMOCRACY"&#13;
FROM THE PIOOPLE WHO SU FFERED UNDER IT AND WERE&#13;
PERSECUTED BY TT !&#13;
SUBSCRIBE TO T HE. SL OVA K NEWSLETTER AT ONCE !&#13;
&#13;
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                    <text>Officers of the Slovak League of America
(Organized 1907 in Cleveland, Ohio.)

•
Honnraľy

Preside nt

Rev. John J . Lach

2006 Schrage Ave., Whiting, Ind.

Or. Peter P. H letko

Chicago, lllinois

Joseph Prusa

205 Madison St.. Passaic, N. J.

Pres ident

Michae l Rehak

Philip A . Hrobak

2738 W. 55th St., Chicago 32, 111.

P. O. Box 150, Middletown, Pa.

Vice-President

ADVISORY COUNCIL

Marti n Slimak

Michael J . Vargovich

12511 Madison Avenue
Lakewood 7, Ohio.

National Pľesident
First Catholic Slovak Union
of U. S. A.

Vice-Presideut
Julia Krajcovic
1648 W. 18th Sl., Chicago 8, III.

Helen Kocan

Nationa I President
First Catholic Slovak
Ladies Union

Recording Secretary
Dr. Francis Hrusovsky

10510 Bu&lt;:keye Road
Cleve land 4, Ohio

Frank Bobus

National President
Slovak Catholic Sokol

Financial Secretary

Stephen J. Tkach

Frank J. Gurcak

National President
Peuna. Slovak Union

4755 Baptist Road
Pittsburgh 27, Pa.

Gabriela E. Vavrek

Treasurer

National President
Ladies Pennsylvania
Slovak Union

Stephen Skriba

3235 W. 26th St., Chicago 23, III.
EXECU TIVE COMMITTEE

Martin Cintula

Natlonal P r esideut
Slovak Wreath
of the Free Eagle

Dr. Peter P. Hletko

F'iľst

1943 W. 48th St., Chicago 9, Jll.
Paul P. Jamriska

John Rozboril

810 Montooth Street
Pittsburgh 10, Pa.

National Presideut
Slovak Catholic Cadet Un ion
SLOVAK

NEWSPAPERS

( Affiliated with the Slovak League of America)
JEDNOTA

SLOVENSKÁ OBRANA

ŽENSKÁ JEDNOTA

Middlet own, Pa.

Scranton, Pa.

Cleveland, Ohlo.

BRATSTVO

SLOVENSKÉ

NOVINY

ZORNIČKA

Wilkes-Barre, Pa.

Cle veland, Ohio.

Wilkes-Barre, P a.

KATOLÍCKY SOKOL

SVORNOSŤ
Whitaker, Pa.

OSADNÉ HLASY
Chicago, lll.

Passaic, N. J.

�0

šAšriw

TRNAVA

0

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                    <text>Officers of the Slovak League of America
(Organized 1907 in Cleveland, Ohio.)

•
Honnraľy

Preside nt

Rev. John J . Lach

2006 Schrage Ave., Whiting, Ind.

Or. Peter P. H letko

Chicago, lllinois

Joseph Prusa

205 Madison St.. Passaic, N. J.

Pres ident

Michae l Rehak

Philip A . Hrobak

2738 W. 55th St., Chicago 32, 111.

P. O. Box 150, Middletown, Pa.

Vice-President

ADVISORY COUNCIL

Marti n Slimak

Michael J . Vargovich

12511 Madison Avenue
Lakewood 7, Ohio.

National Pľesident
First Catholic Slovak Union
of U. S. A.

Vice-Presideut
Julia Krajcovic
1648 W. 18th Sl., Chicago 8, III.

Helen Kocan

Nationa I President
First Catholic Slovak
Ladies Union

Recording Secretary
Dr. Francis Hrusovsky

10510 Bu&lt;:keye Road
Cleve land 4, Ohio

Frank Bobus

National President
Slovak Catholic Sokol

Financial Secretary

Stephen J. Tkach

Frank J. Gurcak

National President
Peuna. Slovak Union

4755 Baptist Road
Pittsburgh 27, Pa.

Gabriela E. Vavrek

Treasurer

National President
Ladies Pennsylvania
Slovak Union

Stephen Skriba

3235 W. 26th St., Chicago 23, III.
EXECU TIVE COMMITTEE

Martin Cintula

Natlonal P r esideut
Slovak Wreath
of the Free Eagle

Dr. Peter P. Hletko

F'iľst

1943 W. 48th St., Chicago 9, Jll.
Paul P. Jamriska

John Rozboril

810 Montooth Street
Pittsburgh 10, Pa.

National Presideut
Slovak Catholic Cadet Un ion
SLOVAK

NEWSPAPERS

( Affiliated with the Slovak League of America)
JEDNOTA

SLOVENSKÁ OBRANA

ŽENSKÁ JEDNOTA

Middlet own, Pa.

Scranton, Pa.

Cleveland, Ohlo.

BRATSTVO

SLOVENSKÉ

NOVINY

ZORNIČKA

Wilkes-Barre, Pa.

Cle veland, Ohio.

Wilkes-Barre, P a.

KATOLÍCKY SOKOL

SVORNOSŤ
Whitaker, Pa.

OSADNÉ HLASY
Chicago, lll.

Passaic, N. J.

�0

šAšriw

TRNAVA

0

�</text>
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                    <text>�8LOYAK1A is published periodiéally by the Slovak L cague of America,
a cnlturnl and eh ·i(' federnti011 oť Ame1·irans of Slovak des&lt;·ent.
'ľhe

('hief pm·posc of SLOYAKIA
is to lJťomote a better understanding
and apprec·iation of the Slovak nation
and its lon g sh-ug-gle foľ freeclom and
incle penden('e.
As Americ·ans, members of the
81ovak League of America firmly believe t hat the Slovak nation, just as all
nations, has an inherent and God-given
ľight to freedom and independence.
'Phe_\. aľe dedicatecl to the cause of the
J\merican \\'U_\' of life, Slovak freedom
and world peace and are determined to
oppose thľ plague oť Commnnism an d
al! otlwr totalitarian political s_vstems.

_\'t'H ľ

Snbsc·ri ption to Slovakia $1.00 J)ťľ
in thf' r. S. J\. - $2.00 elsewher e.

Selld subscriptious to:

SLOYAKIA
Box 150
Middletown, Pa.

Printed in the U. S. A.
JEDNOTA PR ESS
Middletown, Pa.

�</text>
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a cnlturnl and eh ·i(' federnti011 oť Ame1·irans of Slovak des&lt;·ent.
'ľhe

('hief pm·posc of SLOYAKIA
is to lJťomote a better understanding
and apprec·iation of the Slovak nation
and its lon g sh-ug-gle foľ freeclom and
incle penden('e.
As Americ·ans, members of the
81ovak League of America firmly believe t hat the Slovak nation, just as all
nations, has an inherent and God-given
ľight to freedom and independence.
'Phe_\. aľe dedicatecl to the cause of the
J\merican \\'U_\' of life, Slovak freedom
and world peace and are determined to
oppose thľ plague oť Commnnism an d
al! otlwr totalitarian political s_vstems.

_\'t'H ľ

Snbsc·ri ption to Slovakia $1.00 J)ťľ
in thf' r. S. J\. - $2.00 elsewher e.

Selld subscriptious to:

SLOYAKIA
Box 150
Middletown, Pa.

Printed in the U. S. A.
JEDNOTA PR ESS
Middletown, Pa.

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                    <text>BLOVAKIA

27

violence and preventing the cooperatlon of the European natlons.
Centra! Europe wlll need peace and a harmonlous cohabltatlon of
natlons to recover from the wounds infllcted by the war and the
Russlan occupation.
Czech-oslovakla has definltely shown - as up to 1938, so even
after 1945 - that it cannot flnd a positlve relatlonshlp toward lts
neighbors, that lts exlstence evokes an atmosphere of dlstrust and
revlslonism and violates the natural order of the Central-European
area. Therefore, there can be no place for the Czechoslovak State In
that area.

•

•

•

MUSEUMS OF SLOVAKIA
The three Jeading museums of Slovakia are in Bratislava, TurSvätý Martin, and Košice. The Agrlcultural Museum In Bratislava, seriously damaged by bombs in 1944, 1s devoted principally
to geology, soil, t he cultlvatlon or plants, lncluding frult trees and
vegetables, animal husbandry, forestry, and zoology_ The museum
iu the capital or Slovakia has In its program to present as complete a
plcture as possible of the archaeology, of the creatlve arts, and of the
Natural Hlstory of the land, with spe&lt;:ial emphasls on Western Slovak1a. Its ethnographic collect!ons are not as extensive as those at
Turčiansky Svätý Martin whlch was establlshed iJl 1896 by local
patrlots and was maintalned by them.
Ln a.ddltion to the aforemeniioned unu-sually rich e thnogra,phic materlal, the museum possesses a noteworthy collectlon o! models of
typical Slovak wooden bulldings. Slnce the city was the prlnclpal
headquarters of Slovak natlonal and cultural actlvity, there is assembled here also invaluable source material concernlng the literary
progress of the !and.
The Eastern Slovakla Museum at Košice possesses a valuable
library of over thirty thousand volumes and interestlng collectlons
of archeologloal and Natural History Qlbjects. The paintings, whlcb the
museum had, were taken to Budapest In 1918.
Local museums are organlzed territorlally elther as regional or
city lnstltutions. To the former group belong the museums at Trenčín, Nitra, Banská Štiavnica, Komarno, Banská Bystrica, Ružomberok,
Bardlov, Levoča, and Rimavská Sobota. The leadlng city museums
are at Bratislava and at Kremnica.
Speclalized museums are the Agricultural Museum at Bratislava,
the Tatra Museums at Poprad and Veľká, and the Jewlsh Museum at
Prešov.

čiansky

•

•

•

WHO SAID IT?: - "Durlng my stay in the Unlted States, I spoke
with almost all the leaders of Amerlcan democracy, and, as I expected.
l found they all had a full understandlng of our just cause. Dr. Benei'a
journey to Moacow and ita hiatorical aignificance la a pproved and recognized in Amerlca. Of course, there are a few reactlonarles there
who nurse thelr selfish lnterests with exaggerated fear 'of Bolshevism.
I dld not even try to convlnce them." -- (Jan Masaryk: l :.ondon Broadcast, February 16, 1944).

�</text>
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                    <text>BLOVAKIA

27

violence and preventing the cooperatlon of the European natlons.
Centra! Europe wlll need peace and a harmonlous cohabltatlon of
natlons to recover from the wounds infllcted by the war and the
Russlan occupation.
Czech-oslovakla has definltely shown - as up to 1938, so even
after 1945 - that it cannot flnd a positlve relatlonshlp toward lts
neighbors, that lts exlstence evokes an atmosphere of dlstrust and
revlslonism and violates the natural order of the Central-European
area. Therefore, there can be no place for the Czechoslovak State In
that area.

•

•

•

MUSEUMS OF SLOVAKIA
The three Jeading museums of Slovakia are in Bratislava, TurSvätý Martin, and Košice. The Agrlcultural Museum In Bratislava, seriously damaged by bombs in 1944, 1s devoted principally
to geology, soil, t he cultlvatlon or plants, lncluding frult trees and
vegetables, animal husbandry, forestry, and zoology_ The museum
iu the capital or Slovakia has In its program to present as complete a
plcture as possible of the archaeology, of the creatlve arts, and of the
Natural Hlstory of the land, with spe&lt;:ial emphasls on Western Slovak1a. Its ethnographic collect!ons are not as extensive as those at
Turčiansky Svätý Martin whlch was establlshed iJl 1896 by local
patrlots and was maintalned by them.
Ln a.ddltion to the aforemeniioned unu-sually rich e thnogra,phic materlal, the museum possesses a noteworthy collectlon o! models of
typical Slovak wooden bulldings. Slnce the city was the prlnclpal
headquarters of Slovak natlonal and cultural actlvity, there is assembled here also invaluable source material concernlng the literary
progress of the !and.
The Eastern Slovakla Museum at Košice possesses a valuable
library of over thirty thousand volumes and interestlng collectlons
of archeologloal and Natural History Qlbjects. The paintings, whlcb the
museum had, were taken to Budapest In 1918.
Local museums are organlzed territorlally elther as regional or
city lnstltutions. To the former group belong the museums at Trenčín, Nitra, Banská Štiavnica, Komarno, Banská Bystrica, Ružomberok,
Bardlov, Levoča, and Rimavská Sobota. The leadlng city museums
are at Bratislava and at Kremnica.
Speclalized museums are the Agricultural Museum at Bratislava,
the Tatra Museums at Poprad and Veľká, and the Jewlsh Museum at
Prešov.

čiansky

•

•

•

WHO SAID IT?: - "Durlng my stay in the Unlted States, I spoke
with almost all the leaders of Amerlcan democracy, and, as I expected.
l found they all had a full understandlng of our just cause. Dr. Benei'a
journey to Moacow and ita hiatorical aignificance la a pproved and recognized in Amerlca. Of course, there are a few reactlonarles there
who nurse thelr selfish lnterests with exaggerated fear 'of Bolshevism.
I dld not even try to convlnce them." -- (Jan Masaryk: l :.ondon Broadcast, February 16, 1944).

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              <text>BLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
27&#13;
&#13;
violence and preventing the cooperatlon of the European natlons.&#13;
Centra! Europe wlll need peace and a harmonlous cohabltatlon of&#13;
natlons to recover from the wounds infllcted by the war and the&#13;
Russlan occupation.&#13;
Czech-oslovakla has definltely shown - as up to 1938, so even&#13;
after 1945 - that it cannot flnd a positlve relatlonshlp toward lts&#13;
neighbors, that lts exlstence evokes an atmosphere of dlstrust and&#13;
revlslonism and violates the natural order of the Central-European&#13;
area. Therefore, there can be no place for the Czechoslovak State In&#13;
that area.&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
MUSEUMS OF SLOVAKIA&#13;
The three Jeading museums of Slovakia are in Bratislava, TurSvätý Martin, and Košice. The Agrlcultural Museum In Bratislava, seriously damaged by bombs in 1944, 1s devoted principally&#13;
to geology, soil, t he cultlvatlon or plants, lncluding frult trees and&#13;
vegetables, animal husbandry, forestry, and zoology_ The museum&#13;
iu the capital or Slovakia has In its program to present as complete a&#13;
plcture as possible of the archaeology, of the creatlve arts, and of the&#13;
Natural Hlstory of the land, with spe&lt;:ial emphasls on Western Slovak1a. Its ethnographic collect!ons are not as extensive as those at&#13;
Turčiansky Svätý Martin whlch was establlshed iJl 1896 by local&#13;
patrlots and was maintalned by them.&#13;
Ln a.ddltion to the aforemeniioned unu-sually rich e thnogra,phic materlal, the museum possesses a noteworthy collectlon o! models of&#13;
typical Slovak wooden bulldings. Slnce the city was the prlnclpal&#13;
headquarters of Slovak natlonal and cultural actlvity, there is assembled here also invaluable source material concernlng the literary&#13;
progress of the !and.&#13;
The Eastern Slovakla Museum at Košice possesses a valuable&#13;
library of over thirty thousand volumes and interestlng collectlons&#13;
of archeologloal and Natural History Qlbjects. The paintings, whlcb the&#13;
museum had, were taken to Budapest In 1918.&#13;
Local museums are organlzed territorlally elther as regional or&#13;
city lnstltutions. To the former group belong the museums at Trenčín, Nitra, Banská Štiavnica, Komarno, Banská Bystrica, Ružomberok,&#13;
Bardlov, Levoča, and Rimavská Sobota. The leadlng city museums&#13;
are at Bratislava and at Kremnica.&#13;
Speclalized museums are the Agricultural Museum at Bratislava,&#13;
the Tatra Museums at Poprad and Veľká, and the Jewlsh Museum at&#13;
Prešov.&#13;
&#13;
čiansky&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
WHO SAID IT?: - "Durlng my stay in the Unlted States, I spoke&#13;
with almost all the leaders of Amerlcan democracy, and, as I expected.&#13;
l found they all had a full understandlng of our just cause. Dr. Benei'a&#13;
journey to Moacow and ita hiatorical aignificance la a pproved and recognized in Amerlca. Of course, there are a few reactlonarles there&#13;
who nurse thelr selfish lnterests with exaggerated fear 'of Bolshevism.&#13;
I dld not even try to convlnce them." -- (Jan Masaryk: l :.ondon Broadcast, February 16, 1944).&#13;
&#13;
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                <text>Slovakia, Vol. 1, No. 2 (2), December 1951&#13;
p. 27</text>
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                    <text>28

SLOVAKIA

CA STL~

OF SLOV AKIA

A multitude of picturesque ruins of medieval cru;tles is one of
the special attractions of Slovakia. They bear witness of the centurles during which Slovakia was a frontler bulwark of W estern
European clvlllzaUon agalnst the continuous encroachment of the
rapacious Turks. Llfe was full of romance and of danger.
Wooden forts preceeded the mighty stone edlflces of the thirteenth
and fourteenth centurles. Tbe dlsastrous Mongol incursion of 1241
proved tbe inefficacy of the wooden structures and there followed a
period of intenslve building of castles with stone. Thls building activity continued well lnto the seventeeth century and ended with tbe
foundation of Leopoldov in 1665 by Emperor Leopold 1. It was closely
modeled after P alma Nuova in Northern Italy.
By the beglnnlng of the eigbteenth century, lhe medieval castles
no longer fulf!lled th e demands of mllitary technique and as the
danger of further Turkls h invasions ceased, their owners a bandoned
them to live In more comfortable quarters. Palaces replaced castles.
A few of the old castles were refashloned and to this day remaln
habltable. One of the largest and most lnteresting of the latter is at
Bojnice wblcb has no less tban 21S balls and rooms, is enclrcled by
wlde moats, and has several massive and lofty towers.
As to tJhe number and the picturesgueness of ruins, the Váh
river compares favorably to tbe Rhlne. Tbe setting is possl,bly even
more romantic and certalnly more primltlve. Many of the rulns are
flanked by dense forests. There are some tbirty of tbem, built mostly
upon steep crags overlooking tlhe rlver. In the Middle Ages they were
Quite lmpregnable. Standlng aloof from buman habitatlons of today,
their very lsolation transports tbe vlsltor in spirit to bygone centuries
of armored knlghts and robber barons. In those years royal authority
was rather dlfficult to enforce. Tbe owner was truly lord over the
Iand whlch bis eye could survey.
The mightiest and the most accessible of the citadels on the
Váh is at Trenčin. Between the years 1301-1321 lt was the residence
ot the famous Matthew Cák, "lord of the Váh and of the Tatras," wbo
possessed more than thlrty castles in different parts of tbe land. King
Charles 'Robert of Hungary besleged hlm in vain. The only Ume the
stronghold teli before an enemy was in 1528 after a month's arduous
siege. The large stone can,non bans from this siege are stm visiblP.
in tbe walls of the ruined castle. In 1663 the Turks, and in 1704 Francis Rakoczy II tried to capture it, but falled. Fire in 1790 reduced it
to rulns.
The most extensive ruin In Slovakia is Spišský Hrad, situated in
the Spiš region. Bullt of whlte limestone, it gllstens six hundred feet
a bove th.e surroundlng landscape. It !s huge, bavlng no less tban
five large courtyards and 135 halls and rooms. The lookout tower has
four storles. The walls are ten feet thlck and reach an altitude of
seventy feet. It is also one of the oldest castles in Slovakia, being
mentioned already In tbe year 1120. It was abandoned In 1710 and
was turned into rulns by fire In 1780.

�SLOVAKIA

29

Tbe most memorable of the ruins of S lovakia is magnificent De-v in, sltuated not far {rom Bratislava, some five mlles towards Vlenna.
Devin is unlque. It is unllke anything else to be seen in Europe. A
romantic complex of ruins loom some 240 feet above the confluence
of the Danube and Morava rivers, right on the frontier between Slovakia and Austria. Here end the Carpathiaus, and across the Danube
commence the Alps.
The view from Devín is exquisitely beautiful. Regardless of season and weather it rewards the visitor with a vista which is insplring
and penetrates his soul. Towards sunrise you behold the majestlc
Danube flowlng swlftly towards the Black Sea. Along its left bank
are hllls adorned wlth deciduous forests, and on the slopes, exposed
to the Southern sun, are vlneyards, small and quiltlike, as are the
fields on the more level opposite side or the stream. Also there are
forests, restrul to gaze upon. They ascend hills, outposts of the Alps.
Right beneath the ruins lies the town or Devin, exotic and appealing, where life is placid, more like the gently r1owing Morava
than like the more energetic Danube. Towards sunset you see the
fertile plains of Austria, park-like scenery with villages and an occasional manor set in woods and flelds. You see the Danube approaching,
undulating, and forming many wooded islets. Across the Danube to the
South you behold the Austrlan town of Hainburg nestled beneath
the ruins of the bistoric fortress of Altenburg, the Carnuntum of the
Romans, headquarters of one of their leglons. Finally, on the horlzon
to the Southwest, the real Alps meet your avid gaze. Looking a.bout
upon the wonderful panorama, you forget the woes and worries or
everyday life and for the moment become a poet to whom tbe world
is a paradise.
You are treading upon prehistoric as well as on historic ground.
Man was here long before the commencement of the Cbristian era.
Bits or pottery from the Hallstatt period and remains of abodes from
tbe second La Tene period have been uneartbed by archaeologlsts
wbo bave been carrying on extensive excavations since 1923. Tbe
future is likely to furtber extend tbe past.
During tbe first two centuries of our ern Devín served as an outpost of the Roman Emplre against tbe turbulent Marcomanni and
Quadl, Germanic tribes living north or the Danube. It was fol'tifled by
the fourteenth legion. With the advent of the Slovaks about the sixth
century, the place recelved lts present appellation, named probably
after the national godess, Deva. It became a refuge from the ruth·
less Uralo-Altaic Avars who held to the plains and to the swamps.
As the Slovaks became united and powerful, it became one of thelr
principal centers. It was here that King Louls the German besieged
Rastislav, ruler of the so-called Great Moravian realm, without avail in
864.

Great Moravia fell to piece~ in 906 before the savage onrush of
the Magyar horsemen. Devin, however, remalned in the hands of the
Slovaks well lnto the eleventh century. In 1683 it successfully wlthstood a slege by the Turks. The destruction of the castle was due to
Napoleon who, in 1809, ordered it to be razed.
What a hlstory Devin has had! For untold centuries it was
strateglcally the mos t vila! point of Centra! Europe. In its immediate

�30

SLOVAK.IA

v!clnity were fought the battles whlch determined the fate of the
heart of the contlnent.
I).espite the fact that on the once mlghty stone castle only two
medieval towers and a few walls have been preserved, the ruln.s,
nevertheless, present a majestic appearance. That whlch remalns 1s
stately and lmposing. The site of Devin is truly immense. Its expanse
is large enough for a dozen ordinary castles or fortresses. That, as
well as its lncomparable locatlon, glves lt majesty. The places where
there were once lofty walls and wlde moats can stlll be clearly dlstinguished.
But three hours are required for a vislt to Devin trom Bratisli;wa. Tbe journey can be made most pleasantly by boat. And you
wlll conslder these three hours among the most worthwh!le you bave
spent on the European continent - after Slovakla is llberated from
the agents of Moscow, that 1s.

•

•

•

•

SLOVAK COSTUMES AND CUSTOMS
No other 1-and of Centra! Europe 1s able to display as many unspoiled popular and dlstinctive costumes as Slovakla. They are due
to tbe pure feellngs of the people.
The simple sense for color and ornamentation, wbich can only
sprlng from the soul of the people if lt ls to be of value and ls to be
a true echo of thelr lnner manlfestations, expresses ltself in the
costumes and customs spontaneously and characterlstically, as can
be the case only In a !and whlch has been 3pared trom too mucb
culture and whose lnhabltants llved tranqullly In remote mountalns
and valleys.
The varlous rellgious festivals, such as Easter, Ascenslon, Corpus
Chrlstl, and the celebration of the days of the local patron salnts,
cause the people to dlsplay the best -and the most beautiful lnherlted costumes. In many places, such as Čičmany and Revúca,
a simple folk archltecture of the abodes provldes a plcturesque and
approprlate settlng for such vlvld scenes. The treasures of popular
art, exhlblted at the Museum In Bratklava In systematlc arrangemerrt, stlll live. In the p1'0xlmlty of Bratislava, many places - especlally Vajnory, Chorvatský Grob, Schwannsbach, Čataj, Nemecký
Grob - have preserved much from prlstlne limes. Also there 1s opportunlty at St. Jur to watch the llfe of the people in lts pristlne
fashion. In the Trenčín reglon anclent customs are malntalned in
many vlllages, lncludlng Dubnica near the famous spa Trenčianske
Teplice. In the Tatra reglon the old costumes may be observed at
Valec, Štrba, and štola, and farther East at Ždiar, Podollnec and
elsewhere.
The mountaln pasture season ends wlth the anclent custom
of consecratlng cheese. Shepherds and herdsmen thus express the!r
thanks for a successful sea.'lon. In November and December the unmarrled glrls meet In the evenlngs at some farmhouse for joint spin•
ning and weavlng by hand. The weekly and annual markets, the p!lgrlmages, and the local festivals aftord excellent opportunltles for
observlng the llfe of the Slovak people.

�</text>
                  </elementText>
                  <elementText elementTextId="343">
                    <text>28

SLOVAKIA

CA STL~

OF SLOV AKIA

A multitude of picturesque ruins of medieval cru;tles is one of
the special attractions of Slovakia. They bear witness of the centurles during which Slovakia was a frontler bulwark of W estern
European clvlllzaUon agalnst the continuous encroachment of the
rapacious Turks. Llfe was full of romance and of danger.
Wooden forts preceeded the mighty stone edlflces of the thirteenth
and fourteenth centurles. Tbe dlsastrous Mongol incursion of 1241
proved tbe inefficacy of the wooden structures and there followed a
period of intenslve building of castles with stone. Thls building activity continued well lnto the seventeeth century and ended with tbe
foundation of Leopoldov in 1665 by Emperor Leopold 1. It was closely
modeled after P alma Nuova in Northern Italy.
By the beglnnlng of the eigbteenth century, lhe medieval castles
no longer fulf!lled th e demands of mllitary technique and as the
danger of further Turkls h invasions ceased, their owners a bandoned
them to live In more comfortable quarters. Palaces replaced castles.
A few of the old castles were refashloned and to this day remaln
habltable. One of the largest and most lnteresting of the latter is at
Bojnice wblcb has no less tban 21S balls and rooms, is enclrcled by
wlde moats, and has several massive and lofty towers.
As to tJhe number and the picturesgueness of ruins, the Váh
river compares favorably to tbe Rhlne. Tbe setting is possl,bly even
more romantic and certalnly more primltlve. Many of the rulns are
flanked by dense forests. There are some tbirty of tbem, built mostly
upon steep crags overlooking tlhe rlver. In the Middle Ages they were
Quite lmpregnable. Standlng aloof from buman habitatlons of today,
their very lsolation transports tbe vlsltor in spirit to bygone centuries
of armored knlghts and robber barons. In those years royal authority
was rather dlfficult to enforce. Tbe owner was truly lord over the
Iand whlch bis eye could survey.
The mightiest and the most accessible of the citadels on the
Váh is at Trenčin. Between the years 1301-1321 lt was the residence
ot the famous Matthew Cák, "lord of the Váh and of the Tatras," wbo
possessed more than thlrty castles in different parts of tbe land. King
Charles 'Robert of Hungary besleged hlm in vain. The only Ume the
stronghold teli before an enemy was in 1528 after a month's arduous
siege. The large stone can,non bans from this siege are stm visiblP.
in tbe walls of the ruined castle. In 1663 the Turks, and in 1704 Francis Rakoczy II tried to capture it, but falled. Fire in 1790 reduced it
to rulns.
The most extensive ruin In Slovakia is Spišský Hrad, situated in
the Spiš region. Bullt of whlte limestone, it gllstens six hundred feet
a bove th.e surroundlng landscape. It !s huge, bavlng no less tban
five large courtyards and 135 halls and rooms. The lookout tower has
four storles. The walls are ten feet thlck and reach an altitude of
seventy feet. It is also one of the oldest castles in Slovakia, being
mentioned already In tbe year 1120. It was abandoned In 1710 and
was turned into rulns by fire In 1780.

�SLOVAKIA

29

Tbe most memorable of the ruins of S lovakia is magnificent De-v in, sltuated not far {rom Bratislava, some five mlles towards Vlenna.
Devin is unlque. It is unllke anything else to be seen in Europe. A
romantic complex of ruins loom some 240 feet above the confluence
of the Danube and Morava rivers, right on the frontier between Slovakia and Austria. Here end the Carpathiaus, and across the Danube
commence the Alps.
The view from Devín is exquisitely beautiful. Regardless of season and weather it rewards the visitor with a vista which is insplring
and penetrates his soul. Towards sunrise you behold the majestlc
Danube flowlng swlftly towards the Black Sea. Along its left bank
are hllls adorned wlth deciduous forests, and on the slopes, exposed
to the Southern sun, are vlneyards, small and quiltlike, as are the
fields on the more level opposite side or the stream. Also there are
forests, restrul to gaze upon. They ascend hills, outposts of the Alps.
Right beneath the ruins lies the town or Devin, exotic and appealing, where life is placid, more like the gently r1owing Morava
than like the more energetic Danube. Towards sunset you see the
fertile plains of Austria, park-like scenery with villages and an occasional manor set in woods and flelds. You see the Danube approaching,
undulating, and forming many wooded islets. Across the Danube to the
South you behold the Austrlan town of Hainburg nestled beneath
the ruins of the bistoric fortress of Altenburg, the Carnuntum of the
Romans, headquarters of one of their leglons. Finally, on the horlzon
to the Southwest, the real Alps meet your avid gaze. Looking a.bout
upon the wonderful panorama, you forget the woes and worries or
everyday life and for the moment become a poet to whom tbe world
is a paradise.
You are treading upon prehistoric as well as on historic ground.
Man was here long before the commencement of the Cbristian era.
Bits or pottery from the Hallstatt period and remains of abodes from
tbe second La Tene period have been uneartbed by archaeologlsts
wbo bave been carrying on extensive excavations since 1923. Tbe
future is likely to furtber extend tbe past.
During tbe first two centuries of our ern Devín served as an outpost of the Roman Emplre against tbe turbulent Marcomanni and
Quadl, Germanic tribes living north or the Danube. It was fol'tifled by
the fourteenth legion. With the advent of the Slovaks about the sixth
century, the place recelved lts present appellation, named probably
after the national godess, Deva. It became a refuge from the ruth·
less Uralo-Altaic Avars who held to the plains and to the swamps.
As the Slovaks became united and powerful, it became one of thelr
principal centers. It was here that King Louls the German besieged
Rastislav, ruler of the so-called Great Moravian realm, without avail in
864.

Great Moravia fell to piece~ in 906 before the savage onrush of
the Magyar horsemen. Devin, however, remalned in the hands of the
Slovaks well lnto the eleventh century. In 1683 it successfully wlthstood a slege by the Turks. The destruction of the castle was due to
Napoleon who, in 1809, ordered it to be razed.
What a hlstory Devin has had! For untold centuries it was
strateglcally the mos t vila! point of Centra! Europe. In its immediate

�30

SLOVAK.IA

v!clnity were fought the battles whlch determined the fate of the
heart of the contlnent.
I).espite the fact that on the once mlghty stone castle only two
medieval towers and a few walls have been preserved, the ruln.s,
nevertheless, present a majestic appearance. That whlch remalns 1s
stately and lmposing. The site of Devin is truly immense. Its expanse
is large enough for a dozen ordinary castles or fortresses. That, as
well as its lncomparable locatlon, glves lt majesty. The places where
there were once lofty walls and wlde moats can stlll be clearly dlstinguished.
But three hours are required for a vislt to Devin trom Bratisli;wa. Tbe journey can be made most pleasantly by boat. And you
wlll conslder these three hours among the most worthwh!le you bave
spent on the European continent - after Slovakla is llberated from
the agents of Moscow, that 1s.

•

•

•

•

SLOVAK COSTUMES AND CUSTOMS
No other 1-and of Centra! Europe 1s able to display as many unspoiled popular and dlstinctive costumes as Slovakla. They are due
to tbe pure feellngs of the people.
The simple sense for color and ornamentation, wbich can only
sprlng from the soul of the people if lt ls to be of value and ls to be
a true echo of thelr lnner manlfestations, expresses ltself in the
costumes and customs spontaneously and characterlstically, as can
be the case only In a !and whlch has been 3pared trom too mucb
culture and whose lnhabltants llved tranqullly In remote mountalns
and valleys.
The varlous rellgious festivals, such as Easter, Ascenslon, Corpus
Chrlstl, and the celebration of the days of the local patron salnts,
cause the people to dlsplay the best -and the most beautiful lnherlted costumes. In many places, such as Čičmany and Revúca,
a simple folk archltecture of the abodes provldes a plcturesque and
approprlate settlng for such vlvld scenes. The treasures of popular
art, exhlblted at the Museum In Bratklava In systematlc arrangemerrt, stlll live. In the p1'0xlmlty of Bratislava, many places - especlally Vajnory, Chorvatský Grob, Schwannsbach, Čataj, Nemecký
Grob - have preserved much from prlstlne limes. Also there 1s opportunlty at St. Jur to watch the llfe of the people in lts pristlne
fashion. In the Trenčín reglon anclent customs are malntalned in
many vlllages, lncludlng Dubnica near the famous spa Trenčianske
Teplice. In the Tatra reglon the old costumes may be observed at
Valec, Štrba, and štola, and farther East at Ždiar, Podollnec and
elsewhere.
The mountaln pasture season ends wlth the anclent custom
of consecratlng cheese. Shepherds and herdsmen thus express the!r
thanks for a successful sea.'lon. In November and December the unmarrled glrls meet In the evenlngs at some farmhouse for joint spin•
ning and weavlng by hand. The weekly and annual markets, the p!lgrlmages, and the local festivals aftord excellent opportunltles for
observlng the llfe of the Slovak people.

�</text>
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                  <text>The Slovak League of America</text>
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                  <text>&lt;ul&gt;&lt;li&gt;Issue 1 (No. 1), May 1951.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Issue 2 (No. 2), December 1951.&lt;/li&gt;
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              <text>28&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
CA STL~&#13;
&#13;
OF SLOV AKIA&#13;
&#13;
A multitude of picturesque ruins of medieval cru;tles is one of&#13;
the special attractions of Slovakia. They bear witness of the centurles during which Slovakia was a frontler bulwark of W estern&#13;
European clvlllzaUon agalnst the continuous encroachment of the&#13;
rapacious Turks. Llfe was full of romance and of danger.&#13;
Wooden forts preceeded the mighty stone edlflces of the thirteenth&#13;
and fourteenth centurles. Tbe dlsastrous Mongol incursion of 1241&#13;
proved tbe inefficacy of the wooden structures and there followed a&#13;
period of intenslve building of castles with stone. Thls building activity continued well lnto the seventeeth century and ended with tbe&#13;
foundation of Leopoldov in 1665 by Emperor Leopold 1. It was closely&#13;
modeled after P alma Nuova in Northern Italy.&#13;
By the beglnnlng of the eigbteenth century, lhe medieval castles&#13;
no longer fulf!lled th e demands of mllitary technique and as the&#13;
danger of further Turkls h invasions ceased, their owners a bandoned&#13;
them to live In more comfortable quarters. Palaces replaced castles.&#13;
A few of the old castles were refashloned and to this day remaln&#13;
habltable. One of the largest and most lnteresting of the latter is at&#13;
Bojnice wblcb has no less tban 21S balls and rooms, is enclrcled by&#13;
wlde moats, and has several massive and lofty towers.&#13;
As to tJhe number and the picturesgueness of ruins, the Váh&#13;
river compares favorably to tbe Rhlne. Tbe setting is possl,bly even&#13;
more romantic and certalnly more primltlve. Many of the rulns are&#13;
flanked by dense forests. There are some tbirty of tbem, built mostly&#13;
upon steep crags overlooking tlhe rlver. In the Middle Ages they were&#13;
Quite lmpregnable. Standlng aloof from buman habitatlons of today,&#13;
their very lsolation transports tbe vlsltor in spirit to bygone centuries&#13;
of armored knlghts and robber barons. In those years royal authority&#13;
was rather dlfficult to enforce. Tbe owner was truly lord over the&#13;
Iand whlch bis eye could survey.&#13;
The mightiest and the most accessible of the citadels on the&#13;
Váh is at Trenčin. Between the years 1301-1321 lt was the residence&#13;
ot the famous Matthew Cák, "lord of the Váh and of the Tatras," wbo&#13;
possessed more than thlrty castles in different parts of tbe land. King&#13;
Charles 'Robert of Hungary besleged hlm in vain. The only Ume the&#13;
stronghold teli before an enemy was in 1528 after a month's arduous&#13;
siege. The large stone can,non bans from this siege are stm visiblP.&#13;
in tbe walls of the ruined castle. In 1663 the Turks, and in 1704 Francis Rakoczy II tried to capture it, but falled. Fire in 1790 reduced it&#13;
to rulns.&#13;
The most extensive ruin In Slovakia is Spišský Hrad, situated in&#13;
the Spiš region. Bullt of whlte limestone, it gllstens six hundred feet&#13;
a bove th.e surroundlng landscape. It !s huge, bavlng no less tban&#13;
five large courtyards and 135 halls and rooms. The lookout tower has&#13;
four storles. The walls are ten feet thlck and reach an altitude of&#13;
seventy feet. It is also one of the oldest castles in Slovakia, being&#13;
mentioned already In tbe year 1120. It was abandoned In 1710 and&#13;
was turned into rulns by fire In 1780.&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
29&#13;
&#13;
Tbe most memorable of the ruins of S lovakia is magnificent De-v in, sltuated not far {rom Bratislava, some five mlles towards Vlenna.&#13;
Devin is unlque. It is unllke anything else to be seen in Europe. A&#13;
romantic complex of ruins loom some 240 feet above the confluence&#13;
of the Danube and Morava rivers, right on the frontier between Slovakia and Austria. Here end the Carpathiaus, and across the Danube&#13;
commence the Alps.&#13;
The view from Devín is exquisitely beautiful. Regardless of season and weather it rewards the visitor with a vista which is insplring&#13;
and penetrates his soul. Towards sunrise you behold the majestlc&#13;
Danube flowlng swlftly towards the Black Sea. Along its left bank&#13;
are hllls adorned wlth deciduous forests, and on the slopes, exposed&#13;
to the Southern sun, are vlneyards, small and quiltlike, as are the&#13;
fields on the more level opposite side or the stream. Also there are&#13;
forests, restrul to gaze upon. They ascend hills, outposts of the Alps.&#13;
Right beneath the ruins lies the town or Devin, exotic and appealing, where life is placid, more like the gently r1owing Morava&#13;
than like the more energetic Danube. Towards sunset you see the&#13;
fertile plains of Austria, park-like scenery with villages and an occasional manor set in woods and flelds. You see the Danube approaching,&#13;
undulating, and forming many wooded islets. Across the Danube to the&#13;
South you behold the Austrlan town of Hainburg nestled beneath&#13;
the ruins of the bistoric fortress of Altenburg, the Carnuntum of the&#13;
Romans, headquarters of one of their leglons. Finally, on the horlzon&#13;
to the Southwest, the real Alps meet your avid gaze. Looking a.bout&#13;
upon the wonderful panorama, you forget the woes and worries or&#13;
everyday life and for the moment become a poet to whom tbe world&#13;
is a paradise.&#13;
You are treading upon prehistoric as well as on historic ground.&#13;
Man was here long before the commencement of the Cbristian era.&#13;
Bits or pottery from the Hallstatt period and remains of abodes from&#13;
tbe second La Tene period have been uneartbed by archaeologlsts&#13;
wbo bave been carrying on extensive excavations since 1923. Tbe&#13;
future is likely to furtber extend tbe past.&#13;
During tbe first two centuries of our ern Devín served as an outpost of the Roman Emplre against tbe turbulent Marcomanni and&#13;
Quadl, Germanic tribes living north or the Danube. It was fol'tifled by&#13;
the fourteenth legion. With the advent of the Slovaks about the sixth&#13;
century, the place recelved lts present appellation, named probably&#13;
after the national godess, Deva. It became a refuge from the ruth·&#13;
less Uralo-Altaic Avars who held to the plains and to the swamps.&#13;
As the Slovaks became united and powerful, it became one of thelr&#13;
principal centers. It was here that King Louls the German besieged&#13;
Rastislav, ruler of the so-called Great Moravian realm, without avail in&#13;
864.&#13;
&#13;
Great Moravia fell to piece~ in 906 before the savage onrush of&#13;
the Magyar horsemen. Devin, however, remalned in the hands of the&#13;
Slovaks well lnto the eleventh century. In 1683 it successfully wlthstood a slege by the Turks. The destruction of the castle was due to&#13;
Napoleon who, in 1809, ordered it to be razed.&#13;
What a hlstory Devin has had! For untold centuries it was&#13;
strateglcally the mos t vila! point of Centra! Europe. In its immediate&#13;
&#13;
30&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAK.IA&#13;
&#13;
v!clnity were fought the battles whlch determined the fate of the&#13;
heart of the contlnent.&#13;
I).espite the fact that on the once mlghty stone castle only two&#13;
medieval towers and a few walls have been preserved, the ruln.s,&#13;
nevertheless, present a majestic appearance. That whlch remalns 1s&#13;
stately and lmposing. The site of Devin is truly immense. Its expanse&#13;
is large enough for a dozen ordinary castles or fortresses. That, as&#13;
well as its lncomparable locatlon, glves lt majesty. The places where&#13;
there were once lofty walls and wlde moats can stlll be clearly dlstinguished.&#13;
But three hours are required for a vislt to Devin trom Bratisli;wa. Tbe journey can be made most pleasantly by boat. And you&#13;
wlll conslder these three hours among the most worthwh!le you bave&#13;
spent on the European continent - after Slovakla is llberated from&#13;
the agents of Moscow, that 1s.&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAK COSTUMES AND CUSTOMS&#13;
No other 1-and of Centra! Europe 1s able to display as many unspoiled popular and dlstinctive costumes as Slovakla. They are due&#13;
to tbe pure feellngs of the people.&#13;
The simple sense for color and ornamentation, wbich can only&#13;
sprlng from the soul of the people if lt ls to be of value and ls to be&#13;
a true echo of thelr lnner manlfestations, expresses ltself in the&#13;
costumes and customs spontaneously and characterlstically, as can&#13;
be the case only In a !and whlch has been 3pared trom too mucb&#13;
culture and whose lnhabltants llved tranqullly In remote mountalns&#13;
and valleys.&#13;
The varlous rellgious festivals, such as Easter, Ascenslon, Corpus&#13;
Chrlstl, and the celebration of the days of the local patron salnts,&#13;
cause the people to dlsplay the best -and the most beautiful lnherlted costumes. In many places, such as Čičmany and Revúca,&#13;
a simple folk archltecture of the abodes provldes a plcturesque and&#13;
approprlate settlng for such vlvld scenes. The treasures of popular&#13;
art, exhlblted at the Museum In Bratklava In systematlc arrangemerrt, stlll live. In the p1'0xlmlty of Bratislava, many places - especlally Vajnory, Chorvatský Grob, Schwannsbach, Čataj, Nemecký&#13;
Grob - have preserved much from prlstlne limes. Also there 1s opportunlty at St. Jur to watch the llfe of the people in lts pristlne&#13;
fashion. In the Trenčín reglon anclent customs are malntalned in&#13;
many vlllages, lncludlng Dubnica near the famous spa Trenčianske&#13;
Teplice. In the Tatra reglon the old costumes may be observed at&#13;
Valec, Štrba, and štola, and farther East at Ždiar, Podollnec and&#13;
elsewhere.&#13;
The mountaln pasture season ends wlth the anclent custom&#13;
of consecratlng cheese. Shepherds and herdsmen thus express the!r&#13;
thanks for a successful sea.'lon. In November and December the unmarrled glrls meet In the evenlngs at some farmhouse for joint spin•&#13;
ning and weavlng by hand. The weekly and annual markets, the p!lgrlmages, and the local festivals aftord excellent opportunltles for&#13;
observlng the llfe of the Slovak people.&#13;
&#13;
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                <text>Castles of Slovakia</text>
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                <text>Slovakia, Vol. 1, No. 2 (2), December 1951&#13;
pp. 28-30</text>
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                <text>December 1951</text>
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                    <text>30

SLOVAK.IA

v!clnity were fought the battles whlch determined the fate of the
heart of the contlnent.
I).espite the fact that on the once mlghty stone castle only two
medieval towers and a few walls have been preserved, the ruln.s,
nevertheless, present a majestic appearance. That whlch remalns 1s
stately and lmposing. The site of Devin is truly immense. Its expanse
is large enough for a dozen ordinary castles or fortresses. That, as
well as its lncomparable locatlon, glves lt majesty. The places where
there were once lofty walls and wlde moats can stlll be clearly dlstinguished.
But three hours are required for a vislt to Devin trom Bratisli;wa. Tbe journey can be made most pleasantly by boat. And you
wlll conslder these three hours among the most worthwh!le you bave
spent on the European continent - after Slovakla is llberated from
the agents of Moscow, that 1s.

•

•

•

•

SLOVAK COSTUMES AND CUSTOMS
No other 1-and of Centra! Europe 1s able to display as many unspoiled popular and dlstinctive costumes as Slovakla. They are due
to tbe pure feellngs of the people.
The simple sense for color and ornamentation, wbich can only
sprlng from the soul of the people if lt ls to be of value and ls to be
a true echo of thelr lnner manlfestations, expresses ltself in the
costumes and customs spontaneously and characterlstically, as can
be the case only In a !and whlch has been 3pared trom too mucb
culture and whose lnhabltants llved tranqullly In remote mountalns
and valleys.
The varlous rellgious festivals, such as Easter, Ascenslon, Corpus
Chrlstl, and the celebration of the days of the local patron salnts,
cause the people to dlsplay the best -and the most beautiful lnherlted costumes. In many places, such as Čičmany and Revúca,
a simple folk archltecture of the abodes provldes a plcturesque and
approprlate settlng for such vlvld scenes. The treasures of popular
art, exhlblted at the Museum In Bratklava In systematlc arrangemerrt, stlll live. In the p1'0xlmlty of Bratislava, many places - especlally Vajnory, Chorvatský Grob, Schwannsbach, Čataj, Nemecký
Grob - have preserved much from prlstlne limes. Also there 1s opportunlty at St. Jur to watch the llfe of the people in lts pristlne
fashion. In the Trenčín reglon anclent customs are malntalned in
many vlllages, lncludlng Dubnica near the famous spa Trenčianske
Teplice. In the Tatra reglon the old costumes may be observed at
Valec, Štrba, and štola, and farther East at Ždiar, Podollnec and
elsewhere.
The mountaln pasture season ends wlth the anclent custom
of consecratlng cheese. Shepherds and herdsmen thus express the!r
thanks for a successful sea.'lon. In November and December the unmarrled glrls meet In the evenlngs at some farmhouse for joint spin•
ning and weavlng by hand. The weekly and annual markets, the p!lgrlmages, and the local festivals aftord excellent opportunltles for
observlng the llfe of the Slovak people.

�</text>
                  </elementText>
                  <elementText elementTextId="349">
                    <text>30

SLOVAK.IA

v!clnity were fought the battles whlch determined the fate of the
heart of the contlnent.
I).espite the fact that on the once mlghty stone castle only two
medieval towers and a few walls have been preserved, the ruln.s,
nevertheless, present a majestic appearance. That whlch remalns 1s
stately and lmposing. The site of Devin is truly immense. Its expanse
is large enough for a dozen ordinary castles or fortresses. That, as
well as its lncomparable locatlon, glves lt majesty. The places where
there were once lofty walls and wlde moats can stlll be clearly dlstinguished.
But three hours are required for a vislt to Devin trom Bratisli;wa. Tbe journey can be made most pleasantly by boat. And you
wlll conslder these three hours among the most worthwh!le you bave
spent on the European continent - after Slovakla is llberated from
the agents of Moscow, that 1s.

•

•

•

•

SLOVAK COSTUMES AND CUSTOMS
No other 1-and of Centra! Europe 1s able to display as many unspoiled popular and dlstinctive costumes as Slovakla. They are due
to tbe pure feellngs of the people.
The simple sense for color and ornamentation, wbich can only
sprlng from the soul of the people if lt ls to be of value and ls to be
a true echo of thelr lnner manlfestations, expresses ltself in the
costumes and customs spontaneously and characterlstically, as can
be the case only In a !and whlch has been 3pared trom too mucb
culture and whose lnhabltants llved tranqullly In remote mountalns
and valleys.
The varlous rellgious festivals, such as Easter, Ascenslon, Corpus
Chrlstl, and the celebration of the days of the local patron salnts,
cause the people to dlsplay the best -and the most beautiful lnherlted costumes. In many places, such as Čičmany and Revúca,
a simple folk archltecture of the abodes provldes a plcturesque and
approprlate settlng for such vlvld scenes. The treasures of popular
art, exhlblted at the Museum In Bratklava In systematlc arrangemerrt, stlll live. In the p1'0xlmlty of Bratislava, many places - especlally Vajnory, Chorvatský Grob, Schwannsbach, Čataj, Nemecký
Grob - have preserved much from prlstlne limes. Also there 1s opportunlty at St. Jur to watch the llfe of the people in lts pristlne
fashion. In the Trenčín reglon anclent customs are malntalned in
many vlllages, lncludlng Dubnica near the famous spa Trenčianske
Teplice. In the Tatra reglon the old costumes may be observed at
Valec, Štrba, and štola, and farther East at Ždiar, Podollnec and
elsewhere.
The mountaln pasture season ends wlth the anclent custom
of consecratlng cheese. Shepherds and herdsmen thus express the!r
thanks for a successful sea.'lon. In November and December the unmarrled glrls meet In the evenlngs at some farmhouse for joint spin•
ning and weavlng by hand. The weekly and annual markets, the p!lgrlmages, and the local festivals aftord excellent opportunltles for
observlng the llfe of the Slovak people.

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                  <text>The Slovak League of America</text>
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                  <text>&lt;ul&gt;&lt;li&gt;Issue 1 (No. 1), May 1951.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Issue 2 (No. 2), December 1951.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;/ul&gt;</text>
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                  <text>&lt;ul&gt;&lt;li&gt;&lt;a href="https://n2t.net/ark:/13960/s261hfmshm7" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"&gt;&lt;span&gt;ark:/13960/s261hfmshm7&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/li&gt;
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            <elementText elementTextId="347">
              <text>30&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAK.IA&#13;
&#13;
v!clnity were fought the battles whlch determined the fate of the&#13;
heart of the contlnent.&#13;
I).espite the fact that on the once mlghty stone castle only two&#13;
medieval towers and a few walls have been preserved, the ruln.s,&#13;
nevertheless, present a majestic appearance. That whlch remalns 1s&#13;
stately and lmposing. The site of Devin is truly immense. Its expanse&#13;
is large enough for a dozen ordinary castles or fortresses. That, as&#13;
well as its lncomparable locatlon, glves lt majesty. The places where&#13;
there were once lofty walls and wlde moats can stlll be clearly dlstinguished.&#13;
But three hours are required for a vislt to Devin trom Bratisli;wa. Tbe journey can be made most pleasantly by boat. And you&#13;
wlll conslder these three hours among the most worthwh!le you bave&#13;
spent on the European continent - after Slovakla is llberated from&#13;
the agents of Moscow, that 1s.&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAK COSTUMES AND CUSTOMS&#13;
No other 1-and of Centra! Europe 1s able to display as many unspoiled popular and dlstinctive costumes as Slovakla. They are due&#13;
to tbe pure feellngs of the people.&#13;
The simple sense for color and ornamentation, wbich can only&#13;
sprlng from the soul of the people if lt ls to be of value and ls to be&#13;
a true echo of thelr lnner manlfestations, expresses ltself in the&#13;
costumes and customs spontaneously and characterlstically, as can&#13;
be the case only In a !and whlch has been 3pared trom too mucb&#13;
culture and whose lnhabltants llved tranqullly In remote mountalns&#13;
and valleys.&#13;
The varlous rellgious festivals, such as Easter, Ascenslon, Corpus&#13;
Chrlstl, and the celebration of the days of the local patron salnts,&#13;
cause the people to dlsplay the best -and the most beautiful lnherlted costumes. In many places, such as Čičmany and Revúca,&#13;
a simple folk archltecture of the abodes provldes a plcturesque and&#13;
approprlate settlng for such vlvld scenes. The treasures of popular&#13;
art, exhlblted at the Museum In Bratklava In systematlc arrangemerrt, stlll live. In the p1'0xlmlty of Bratislava, many places - especlally Vajnory, Chorvatský Grob, Schwannsbach, Čataj, Nemecký&#13;
Grob - have preserved much from prlstlne limes. Also there 1s opportunlty at St. Jur to watch the llfe of the people in lts pristlne&#13;
fashion. In the Trenčín reglon anclent customs are malntalned in&#13;
many vlllages, lncludlng Dubnica near the famous spa Trenčianske&#13;
Teplice. In the Tatra reglon the old costumes may be observed at&#13;
Valec, Štrba, and štola, and farther East at Ždiar, Podollnec and&#13;
elsewhere.&#13;
The mountaln pasture season ends wlth the anclent custom&#13;
of consecratlng cheese. Shepherds and herdsmen thus express the!r&#13;
thanks for a successful sea.'lon. In November and December the unmarrled glrls meet In the evenlngs at some farmhouse for joint spin•&#13;
ning and weavlng by hand. The weekly and annual markets, the p!lgrlmages, and the local festivals aftord excellent opportunltles for&#13;
observlng the llfe of the Slovak people.&#13;
&#13;
</text>
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                <text>Slovak Costumes and Customs</text>
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                <text>Slovakia, Vol. 1, No. 2 (2), December 1951&#13;
p. 30</text>
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                    <text>SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
39&#13;
&#13;
RADIO FREE EUROPE&#13;
BY A SLOVAK EXILE&#13;
"Radio Free Europe" !s functionlng ln Munich slnce May 1, 1961.&#13;
The enterprise in itself ís proof of wha.t Amerícans are capable of do•&#13;
ing and the gligantic ftnancial sacrifkes they are wllling to make to&#13;
show the enslaved natlons behind the Iron Curtain that they are not&#13;
forsaken and 'that 'the western world ís not forgetting about tlhem.&#13;
Indeed, thls !s admlrable of the Amerícan people who have contrlbuted&#13;
so generously to make the project possible. lt is a big thing, indeed,&#13;
íf we follow the present psychologlcal flght aga.inst communlsm and lf&#13;
we regard things objectlvely from a broader world vlewpolnt. Radlo&#13;
Free Europe aftords the !atest proof of the gratitude earned by&#13;
Amerlcans for resistlng communism so vaľiantly, nay, for taking over&#13;
the offensl.ve to defeat militarily and politlcally the communls-t&#13;
effort and the endless cha.in of -Red lies. Without thls remarkwble resistance of the United States, communism would have the doors open&#13;
to the whole world.&#13;
Of course, the question of whether Radlo l&lt;'ree Europe (RFE) i5&#13;
using .proper methods to fight communism, whether these methods&#13;
sumce for polítical reality or whether they comply to the mentality of t'h&#13;
. e natlons to which RFE turns w!th its broadcasts, can be&#13;
se11lously quest!loned. We must say frank,l y that Americans stm do&#13;
not !ully under$and the complexity of the various, special polltical&#13;
and natlonal problems existlng in Europe. But for this we cannot&#13;
_bla.me them alone, but aH the more can we blame their European&#13;
advisors, w·ho frequently ~Ive them a "pa!nted" plcture of the sttuation.&#13;
lf RFE !s to perform and fulfill its mission ln the countries behlnd t:he Iron Curtain, it must above all else respect certain natural&#13;
reallties; lts broadcasts must respect the polit!cal mentality of the&#13;
individual natíons. The broadcasts must not hurt theír feelings, but&#13;
must try to gain as wlde a clrcle of lísteners as posslble and influence them. Tben and only then shall RFE fulfill its missdon and oniy&#13;
then American dollars shall not be thrown away uselessly.&#13;
Today RFE beams lts broadcasts to Czechoslovakia eleven and onehalf bours daily. And even thougb two nat!ons - the Czechs and the&#13;
Slovaks - live In Czecboslovakia, despite tbe fact tbat tbls reality is&#13;
stressed even in the new Czecbo.!!lovak Constltutlon, even tbougb thls&#13;
actuallty bas been acknowledged by the representatlves of the socalled "Czecboslovak resistance" wbo today are in tbe USA and ln&#13;
other western countries, nevertheless RFE does not respect theae political realitles, or at least it does not do so consistently.&#13;
At home tbe Czechs bave thelll' own Czech broadcastlng statlons&#13;
and the Slovaks, too, bave 1ilielr own. That means tbat the Czecbs are&#13;
accustomed to listenlng to tbelr Czech broadcasts, whlle the Slovaks&#13;
listen to their Slovak statlons. These realltles are respected also&#13;
by state broadCQSts, such as the Brltish Broadcasting Corporallion, th~&#13;
Itallan Sta'te Broadcast, tbe Vatlcan, Moscow, etc. Only American&#13;
broadéastlng statlons - and the VOICE OF AMERICA and RADIO&#13;
I•'REE EUROPE es,pec\ally - still insist on a joint Slovak and Czech&#13;
broadcast.&#13;
&#13;
�40&#13;
&#13;
S LOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
The Slovaks at home and in exile are a,t a !oss t o understand why.&#13;
'l'his certaAnly does not enhance the misslon oí the Volce of A.merica&#13;
o r that of Radio Free Europe. In fact it degmdes the idea of democ•&#13;
racy in the eyes of the Slovaks and does not attain the deslr ed a nd ne•&#13;
cessary effect. The Czechs are not and do not want to be Slovak~,&#13;
and the S lovaks are not and do not want to be Czechs. The Czec hs&#13;
and Slovaks have been fully aware of this fact for decades, but offic ial Washington still is not. Why?&#13;
The valiant reslstance of the Slovak nation agalnst communist&#13;
terror, the hundreds of dead Slovak patiiots, t he thousands u pon thousands of impiisoned Slovaks and the love of the Slovak people for the&#13;
United Sta.tes of Amerlca rlghtfully deserve that the Slovaks have their&#13;
own Independent division in the American broadcastlng systems-especíally in the Volce of A.merica and Radlo Free Europe. Th ls demand&#13;
does not emanate from any anti-Czech prejudice, but !rom purely prac•&#13;
tlcal needs wlth an eye to t he objectlve that the broadcasts to Slovákia&#13;
might fulfm their m ission.&#13;
According to report.s of the !atest escapees from Slovakia and the&#13;
opinion of Slovak exiles in western E urope, the RFE broadcas.ts are&#13;
alien cto .the soul of the Slovak índividual, b ecause t he S lovak program:;&#13;
ar e there only for show purposes; Slovak vo ices only assist in CZECH&#13;
broa.dca.sts. Furthermore, these broadcasts do not even have regard for&#13;
the Christian tradition of the Slovak nation and clo not h ave people&#13;
who enjoy lts confldence addresslng it.&#13;
At present the Czechostovak broadcasts of Rimio Free Europe&#13;
have been entrusted to repr esentatlves of Benes's politlcal conceptlons,&#13;
to Messrs. Zenkl and llipka, leaders of .the Czech National Socialists.&#13;
To make it appear that Slovaks, too, have a part In lt, Zenkl and Ripka&#13;
seleoted a few Slovak politlcal unknowns and recommended them to&#13;
R FE as "representa.t:lves o f the Slovak natlon." These enemies of&#13;
Slovak freedom and independence, all traitors to the Slovak cause, who&#13;
for a pr!ce propagate the dlscredited anti-Slovak and undemocratic&#13;
poMcles of Benes, are not and cannot be acceptable to the Slovaks at&#13;
horne or in exile. Why should exiled Czechs be a.llowed to -select the&#13;
Slovaks to be employed by Radlo Free Europe, the instrument of the&#13;
National Comanittee for Free E urope, W'hich 1s su pposed to be an&#13;
American institution?&#13;
The procedure is undemocratic and immoral and we must protest&#13;
against lt. We want to be of service to the cause of freedom and the&#13;
truth and that is why we feel it our mora! and politlcal duty ,to bring&#13;
these matters before responsible American circles that are lncorrectly informed by "Czechoslovak" polltlclans, who prepared the pre,;ent tragedy for the Slov,ak and Czech nations by thelr capltulationary&#13;
and pro-Sovi.et policy.&#13;
As far as Slovakia !s concerned, we must once again stress the&#13;
fact that the Czechoslovak polltical conception 1s not popular among&#13;
the Slovak people and, therefore, no Idea presented In the name of thls&#13;
conceptlon can catch the mlnds of the Slovaks. Even RFE canno t f,lght&#13;
psychologlcally agalnst communlsm In Slovakia in the name of -thls conceptlon. Th e name of Masaryk, popular among Czechs, ls not popular&#13;
at all In Slovakla and it canno t arouse the S\ovaks to figh t agalnst&#13;
&#13;
�SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
41&#13;
&#13;
communlsm. Benes, whose name 1s rrequently mentioned ln the RFli:&#13;
progra.ma by his adherents, 1s damned and condemned both in Bohemla and In Slovakia.&#13;
The tact remalns that in Slovakia it 1s Chrlstlanity and Chrlstlan&#13;
traditlon whlch gtves strength to the natlon !or lts self-consclou~&#13;
resls-tance to communist terror. Communlsm Ls not only polltically,&#13;
but also ldeologlcally dangerous and, thererore, the foundatlon for the&#13;
psychologlcal fight agaln.st communlsm must be Chrlstlanity and democra.cy. But the programs of RFE must expressively alS-O emphaslze&#13;
this outune and not, as heretofore, at limes allow an antl-rellgious , antlChristlan, or even an evidently antl-Cathollc tendency t o be smugglod&#13;
lnto lts broadcasts. Among bellevlng people fäls produces a pltlful&#13;
bltterne.ss and antilpathy.&#13;
So that •RFE could maintaln a s pirit of antl-commun lst resistan&lt;:e&#13;
even in Slovakfa, so that it could educate democratilcall y and preach&#13;
and teach democracy to our oppressed natlon cut off by the Iron Curtaln trom the West, so that lt could objectlvely and wlthout prejudice Inform the Slovaks about what 1s happening In the world and&#13;
generally wlth the ldeologtcal currents In the free world, lt is very&#13;
necessary that thls be done In Independent Slovak broadcasts. lt 1s&#13;
also necessary that as many S lovak representativ es ot Slovak reslstance In exile as posslble speak to the Slovak people so that RFl~&#13;
could lnfluence the wldest circle ot llsteners.&#13;
It 1s not healthy to exclude trom tbe possibility or cooperatlon&#13;
In this broadcast, whlch no ta bene carrles the name "The Broadcast&#13;
of Free Europe," all Slovak patrlots just because thelr political convlctlons are not in accord wlth speciflc polltlcal cliques.&#13;
As the sltuatlon In RFE obtalns today, tbls enterprlse has become&#13;
the supply lnstitutlon of tbe rlslng generatlon or Czech soclallsts, many&#13;
of whom even today are the detenders of Marxlst sociallsm and who up&#13;
to 1948, nay even after 1948, collaborated wlth the communlst Prague&#13;
regime.&#13;
lt Ie a tact that the Slovaks today are llke a "clnderella" In tbe&#13;
RFE, somethlng unwanted, something to be scorned. Only about 20&#13;
Slovaks are employed tor 140 Czechs; and In s ubordinate positlons. No&#13;
Slovak ls employed In the management of tbe enterprlse. Czecb dlrectors declde about tbe Slovaks to be employed, and the Slovak program.s&#13;
also are controlled by Czechs, who are not a cqualnted with Slovak prob&#13;
lems, nor understand Slovak mentality, Any correctlon In thls relatio1111blp In a joint broadcast 1s slmply going t.arther aw-ay trom the reaJ&#13;
questlon whlch can be resolved only by bavlng a separate Slovak&#13;
broadcast managed by patrlotlc Slovak people.&#13;
One more thought which must be hlghly stressed and that ls the&#13;
thought whtch thls RFE b roadcast carries In lts tltle: FREE EUROPE.&#13;
lndeed, what we regard as more lmportant and more necesaary In the&#13;
lnterest ot the Slovak nation, and in the lnterest or Europe as a&#13;
whole, 1s the propogatlon of &lt;the Idea of a rree and unlted Europe. Tllls&#13;
Idea must be propagated especlally by RFE already today so that !t&#13;
mlght shlne as a llght lnto the future for all oppressed European natlons. That 1s the best way to lead European na.tlons to the consciousnee.e ot E uropean solidarity, to the Idea of a new, just and u nlted&#13;
Enrope. B y stresslng tbl11 thought the beat service would be renderetl&#13;
&#13;
�SLOVA:KIA&#13;
&#13;
42&#13;
&#13;
the European nations themselves whlch were heretofore at Joggerheads because ot chauvinlstlc natlonalism, polltlcal fanatlctsms, syntheti,c politlcal partiitňons and the seclusion of one nation trom&#13;
the other.&#13;
A federalized united Europe ls the big hope especially ot the small&#13;
naitlons. It is necessary, therefore, to resurrect a.nd encourage thts&#13;
hope in them, because in a united Europe every natlon, small and&#13;
large, shall be able to live freely and democracy shall become the&#13;
common property of all natlons.&#13;
RFE cannot effectJvely combat communism if lt does not respect the natural rights of the individual nations behind rthe Iron&#13;
Curtain, lncluding the Slovak natlon. The crusade for treedom must&#13;
include ALL nations and exclude NONE. RFE cannot fultill its mis•&#13;
slon by allow~ng its broadcasts to insult the politlcal convictlons, the&#13;
mentality, the pa,tríotic feelings and national tradltlons ot the Slovaks. The people of Slovakia cannot have confidence in the RFE as&#13;
long as it employs renegade Slovaks to promote the Czech cause 01&#13;
Czechoslovakism, the bankrupt and dlscredited policies of the Czech&#13;
National Sociallsts as propagated by Benes and his followers. The&#13;
Slovaks are conscious or tbe !act that they are an lndlvidual naitlon&#13;
and as such have an lnherent and God-given rlght to be free and independent. There is no Joglcal explanatlon for RFE or the Volce l•f&#13;
America not recognizing or respecting that right. The anti-Slovak&#13;
course of the RFE 1s out or line wlth everything that spells A.merica.&#13;
Bu-t Slovaks stm hope tihat RFE shall In a very short tlme become&#13;
in fact the TRUE volce of a free and united Europe, the volce&#13;
of patriotic Slovaks in exile exhorting thelr brethren In Slovakla tú&#13;
remain Joyal to thelr Chrlstian and democratic traditlons, - yes.&#13;
RFE can and should become the VOICE OF FREE SLOVAKIA.&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
WHO SAI D IT?&#13;
&#13;
"Our rore1gn pollcy of 1946 wlll be based on Lhe solid, unalterable,&#13;
masslve foundatlon of our agreement with the neighborlng SOVIE'ľ&#13;
UNION. WE MUST fulflll fully, without besitation, everything resu1ting from tbis foundation . . . . Our relat!ons with the other nelghboNi will be acco1'11ng to the vlewpolnt of the SOVIET Pact. WE&#13;
want a strong, democrat!c Poland WHICH WILL COLLABORATE&#13;
'WITH THE SOVIET UNION. For another solution of the POLJSH&#13;
ques-tion, WE have no time. We want a decent, democratlc Hungary,&#13;
C:OLLABORA TING WITH THE SOVIET UNION whlch lives In peace&#13;
w!th us. The same applles to Yugoslav!a, Austria and Romanla. ou·r&#13;
relatlons w!th the western Allles HAS NOT changed, and WILL NOT&#13;
change. We are grateful to Brltaln for her help when she and WE&#13;
stood alone. WE appreciate lmmensely and are ~rateful for Amerlcan&#13;
interest and sympartby. We will need the help of the western democracies for economtc and cultural reconstructlon." - (Ján Masa•&#13;
ryk. Broadcast to Czechoslovakla, London, December 31, 1944) .&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
"Just as Munic-h was undone and does not exist, just so there is&#13;
no Slovakia and it does not exist internationally as a state! There is&#13;
no Slovak problem, the Slovak problem 1s onr Interna) problem an&lt;I&#13;
it !s recognlzed as such even by our allles." - (Dr. Benes, 6-22-43) .&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
�</text>
                  </elementText>
                  <elementText elementTextId="376">
                    <text>SLOVAKIA

39

RADIO FREE EUROPE
BY A SLOVAK EXILE
"Radio Free Europe" !s functionlng ln Munich slnce May 1, 1961.
The enterprise in itself ís proof of wha.t Amerícans are capable of do•
ing and the gligantic ftnancial sacrifkes they are wllling to make to
show the enslaved natlons behind the Iron Curtain that they are not
forsaken and 'that 'the western world ís not forgetting about tlhem.
Indeed, thls !s admlrable of the Amerícan people who have contrlbuted
so generously to make the project possible. lt is a big thing, indeed,
íf we follow the present psychologlcal flght aga.inst communlsm and lf
we regard things objectlvely from a broader world vlewpolnt. Radlo
Free Europe aftords the !atest proof of the gratitude earned by
Amerlcans for resistlng communism so vaľiantly, nay, for taking over
the offensl.ve to defeat militarily and politlcally the communls-t
effort and the endless cha.in of -Red lies. Without thls remarkwble resistance of the United States, communism would have the doors open
to the whole world.
Of course, the question of whether Radlo l&lt;'ree Europe (RFE) i5
using .proper methods to fight communism, whether these methods
sumce for polítical reality or whether they comply to the mentality of t'h
. e natlons to which RFE turns w!th its broadcasts, can be
se11lously quest!loned. We must say frank,l y that Americans stm do
not !ully under$and the complexity of the various, special polltical
and natlonal problems existlng in Europe. But for this we cannot
_bla.me them alone, but aH the more can we blame their European
advisors, w·ho frequently ~Ive them a "pa!nted" plcture of the sttuation.
lf RFE !s to perform and fulfill its mission ln the countries behlnd t:he Iron Curtain, it must above all else respect certain natural
reallties; lts broadcasts must respect the polit!cal mentality of the
individual natíons. The broadcasts must not hurt theír feelings, but
must try to gain as wlde a clrcle of lísteners as posslble and influence them. Tben and only then shall RFE fulfill its missdon and oniy
then American dollars shall not be thrown away uselessly.
Today RFE beams lts broadcasts to Czechoslovakia eleven and onehalf bours daily. And even thougb two nat!ons - the Czechs and the
Slovaks - live In Czecboslovakia, despite tbe fact tbat tbls reality is
stressed even in the new Czecbo.!!lovak Constltutlon, even tbougb thls
actuallty bas been acknowledged by the representatlves of the socalled "Czecboslovak resistance" wbo today are in tbe USA and ln
other western countries, nevertheless RFE does not respect theae political realitles, or at least it does not do so consistently.
At home tbe Czechs bave thelll' own Czech broadcastlng statlons
and the Slovaks, too, bave 1ilielr own. That means tbat the Czecbs are
accustomed to listenlng to tbelr Czech broadcasts, whlle the Slovaks
listen to their Slovak statlons. These realltles are respected also
by state broadCQSts, such as the Brltish Broadcasting Corporallion, th~
Itallan Sta'te Broadcast, tbe Vatlcan, Moscow, etc. Only American
broadéastlng statlons - and the VOICE OF AMERICA and RADIO
I•'REE EUROPE es,pec\ally - still insist on a joint Slovak and Czech
broadcast.

�40

S LOVAKIA

The Slovaks at home and in exile are a,t a !oss t o understand why.
'l'his certaAnly does not enhance the misslon oí the Volce of A.merica
o r that of Radio Free Europe. In fact it degmdes the idea of democ•
racy in the eyes of the Slovaks and does not attain the deslr ed a nd ne•
cessary effect. The Czechs are not and do not want to be Slovak~,
and the S lovaks are not and do not want to be Czechs. The Czec hs
and Slovaks have been fully aware of this fact for decades, but offic ial Washington still is not. Why?
The valiant reslstance of the Slovak nation agalnst communist
terror, the hundreds of dead Slovak patiiots, t he thousands u pon thousands of impiisoned Slovaks and the love of the Slovak people for the
United Sta.tes of Amerlca rlghtfully deserve that the Slovaks have their
own Independent division in the American broadcastlng systems-especíally in the Volce of A.merica and Radlo Free Europe. Th ls demand
does not emanate from any anti-Czech prejudice, but !rom purely prac•
tlcal needs wlth an eye to t he objectlve that the broadcasts to Slovákia
might fulfm their m ission.
According to report.s of the !atest escapees from Slovakia and the
opinion of Slovak exiles in western E urope, the RFE broadcas.ts are
alien cto .the soul of the Slovak índividual, b ecause t he S lovak program:;
ar e there only for show purposes; Slovak vo ices only assist in CZECH
broa.dca.sts. Furthermore, these broadcasts do not even have regard for
the Christian tradition of the Slovak nation and clo not h ave people
who enjoy lts confldence addresslng it.
At present the Czechostovak broadcasts of Rimio Free Europe
have been entrusted to repr esentatlves of Benes's politlcal conceptlons,
to Messrs. Zenkl and llipka, leaders of .the Czech National Socialists.
To make it appear that Slovaks, too, have a part In lt, Zenkl and Ripka
seleoted a few Slovak politlcal unknowns and recommended them to
R FE as "representa.t:lves o f the Slovak natlon." These enemies of
Slovak freedom and independence, all traitors to the Slovak cause, who
for a pr!ce propagate the dlscredited anti-Slovak and undemocratic
poMcles of Benes, are not and cannot be acceptable to the Slovaks at
horne or in exile. Why should exiled Czechs be a.llowed to -select the
Slovaks to be employed by Radlo Free Europe, the instrument of the
National Comanittee for Free E urope, W'hich 1s su pposed to be an
American institution?
The procedure is undemocratic and immoral and we must protest
against lt. We want to be of service to the cause of freedom and the
truth and that is why we feel it our mora! and politlcal duty ,to bring
these matters before responsible American circles that are lncorrectly informed by "Czechoslovak" polltlclans, who prepared the pre,;ent tragedy for the Slov,ak and Czech nations by thelr capltulationary
and pro-Sovi.et policy.
As far as Slovakia !s concerned, we must once again stress the
fact that the Czechoslovak polltical conception 1s not popular among
the Slovak people and, therefore, no Idea presented In the name of thls
conceptlon can catch the mlnds of the Slovaks. Even RFE canno t f,lght
psychologlcally agalnst communlsm In Slovakia in the name of -thls conceptlon. Th e name of Masaryk, popular among Czechs, ls not popular
at all In Slovakla and it canno t arouse the S\ovaks to figh t agalnst

�SLOVAKIA

41

communlsm. Benes, whose name 1s rrequently mentioned ln the RFli:
progra.ma by his adherents, 1s damned and condemned both in Bohemla and In Slovakia.
The tact remalns that in Slovakia it 1s Chrlstlanity and Chrlstlan
traditlon whlch gtves strength to the natlon !or lts self-consclou~
resls-tance to communist terror. Communlsm Ls not only polltically,
but also ldeologlcally dangerous and, thererore, the foundatlon for the
psychologlcal fight agaln.st communlsm must be Chrlstlanity and democra.cy. But the programs of RFE must expressively alS-O emphaslze
this outune and not, as heretofore, at limes allow an antl-rellgious , antlChristlan, or even an evidently antl-Cathollc tendency t o be smugglod
lnto lts broadcasts. Among bellevlng people fäls produces a pltlful
bltterne.ss and antilpathy.
So that •RFE could maintaln a s pirit of antl-commun lst resistan&lt;:e
even in Slovakfa, so that it could educate democratilcall y and preach
and teach democracy to our oppressed natlon cut off by the Iron Curtaln trom the West, so that lt could objectlvely and wlthout prejudice Inform the Slovaks about what 1s happening In the world and
generally wlth the ldeologtcal currents In the free world, lt is very
necessary that thls be done In Independent Slovak broadcasts. lt 1s
also necessary that as many S lovak representativ es ot Slovak reslstance In exile as posslble speak to the Slovak people so that RFl~
could lnfluence the wldest circle ot llsteners.
It 1s not healthy to exclude trom tbe possibility or cooperatlon
In this broadcast, whlch no ta bene carrles the name "The Broadcast
of Free Europe," all Slovak patrlots just because thelr political convlctlons are not in accord wlth speciflc polltlcal cliques.
As the sltuatlon In RFE obtalns today, tbls enterprlse has become
the supply lnstitutlon of tbe rlslng generatlon or Czech soclallsts, many
of whom even today are the detenders of Marxlst sociallsm and who up
to 1948, nay even after 1948, collaborated wlth the communlst Prague
regime.
lt Ie a tact that the Slovaks today are llke a "clnderella" In tbe
RFE, somethlng unwanted, something to be scorned. Only about 20
Slovaks are employed tor 140 Czechs; and In s ubordinate positlons. No
Slovak ls employed In the management of tbe enterprlse. Czecb dlrectors declde about tbe Slovaks to be employed, and the Slovak program.s
also are controlled by Czechs, who are not a cqualnted with Slovak prob
lems, nor understand Slovak mentality, Any correctlon In thls relatio1111blp In a joint broadcast 1s slmply going t.arther aw-ay trom the reaJ
questlon whlch can be resolved only by bavlng a separate Slovak
broadcast managed by patrlotlc Slovak people.
One more thought which must be hlghly stressed and that ls the
thought whtch thls RFE b roadcast carries In lts tltle: FREE EUROPE.
lndeed, what we regard as more lmportant and more necesaary In the
lnterest ot the Slovak nation, and in the lnterest or Europe as a
whole, 1s the propogatlon of &lt;the Idea of a rree and unlted Europe. Tllls
Idea must be propagated especlally by RFE already today so that !t
mlght shlne as a llght lnto the future for all oppressed European natlons. That 1s the best way to lead European na.tlons to the consciousnee.e ot E uropean solidarity, to the Idea of a new, just and u nlted
Enrope. B y stresslng tbl11 thought the beat service would be renderetl

�SLOVA:KIA

42

the European nations themselves whlch were heretofore at Joggerheads because ot chauvinlstlc natlonalism, polltlcal fanatlctsms, syntheti,c politlcal partiitňons and the seclusion of one nation trom
the other.
A federalized united Europe ls the big hope especially ot the small
naitlons. It is necessary, therefore, to resurrect a.nd encourage thts
hope in them, because in a united Europe every natlon, small and
large, shall be able to live freely and democracy shall become the
common property of all natlons.
RFE cannot effectJvely combat communism if lt does not respect the natural rights of the individual nations behind rthe Iron
Curtain, lncluding the Slovak natlon. The crusade for treedom must
include ALL nations and exclude NONE. RFE cannot fultill its mis•
slon by allow~ng its broadcasts to insult the politlcal convictlons, the
mentality, the pa,tríotic feelings and national tradltlons ot the Slovaks. The people of Slovakia cannot have confidence in the RFE as
long as it employs renegade Slovaks to promote the Czech cause 01
Czechoslovakism, the bankrupt and dlscredited policies of the Czech
National Sociallsts as propagated by Benes and his followers. The
Slovaks are conscious or tbe !act that they are an lndlvidual naitlon
and as such have an lnherent and God-given rlght to be free and independent. There is no Joglcal explanatlon for RFE or the Volce l•f
America not recognizing or respecting that right. The anti-Slovak
course of the RFE 1s out or line wlth everything that spells A.merica.
Bu-t Slovaks stm hope tihat RFE shall In a very short tlme become
in fact the TRUE volce of a free and united Europe, the volce
of patriotic Slovaks in exile exhorting thelr brethren In Slovakla tú
remain Joyal to thelr Chrlstian and democratic traditlons, - yes.
RFE can and should become the VOICE OF FREE SLOVAKIA.

•

•

•

WHO SAI D IT?

"Our rore1gn pollcy of 1946 wlll be based on Lhe solid, unalterable,
masslve foundatlon of our agreement with the neighborlng SOVIE'ľ
UNION. WE MUST fulflll fully, without besitation, everything resu1ting from tbis foundation . . . . Our relat!ons with the other nelghboNi will be acco1'11ng to the vlewpolnt of the SOVIET Pact. WE
want a strong, democrat!c Poland WHICH WILL COLLABORATE
'WITH THE SOVIET UNION. For another solution of the POLJSH
ques-tion, WE have no time. We want a decent, democratlc Hungary,
C:OLLABORA TING WITH THE SOVIET UNION whlch lives In peace
w!th us. The same applles to Yugoslav!a, Austria and Romanla. ou·r
relatlons w!th the western Allles HAS NOT changed, and WILL NOT
change. We are grateful to Brltaln for her help when she and WE
stood alone. WE appreciate lmmensely and are ~rateful for Amerlcan
interest and sympartby. We will need the help of the western democracies for economtc and cultural reconstructlon." - (Ján Masa•
ryk. Broadcast to Czechoslovakla, London, December 31, 1944) .

•
"Just as Munic-h was undone and does not exist, just so there is
no Slovakia and it does not exist internationally as a state! There is
no Slovak problem, the Slovak problem 1s onr Interna) problem an&lt;I
it !s recognlzed as such even by our allles." - (Dr. Benes, 6-22-43) .

•

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                  <text>1951, Vol. 1</text>
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                  <text>The Slovak League of America</text>
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                  <text>1951</text>
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                  <text>&lt;ul&gt;&lt;li&gt;Issue 1 (No. 1), May 1951.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Issue 2 (No. 2), December 1951.&lt;/li&gt;
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                  <text>&lt;ul&gt;&lt;li&gt;&lt;a href="https://n2t.net/ark:/13960/s261hfmshm7" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"&gt;&lt;span&gt;ark:/13960/s261hfmshm7&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/li&gt;
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              <text>SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
39&#13;
&#13;
RADIO FREE EUROPE&#13;
BY A SLOVAK EXILE&#13;
"Radio Free Europe" !s functionlng ln Munich slnce May 1, 1961.&#13;
The enterprise in itself ís proof of wha.t Amerícans are capable of do•&#13;
ing and the gligantic ftnancial sacrifkes they are wllling to make to&#13;
show the enslaved natlons behind the Iron Curtain that they are not&#13;
forsaken and 'that 'the western world ís not forgetting about tlhem.&#13;
Indeed, thls !s admlrable of the Amerícan people who have contrlbuted&#13;
so generously to make the project possible. lt is a big thing, indeed,&#13;
íf we follow the present psychologlcal flght aga.inst communlsm and lf&#13;
we regard things objectlvely from a broader world vlewpolnt. Radlo&#13;
Free Europe aftords the !atest proof of the gratitude earned by&#13;
Amerlcans for resistlng communism so vaľiantly, nay, for taking over&#13;
the offensl.ve to defeat militarily and politlcally the communls-t&#13;
effort and the endless cha.in of -Red lies. Without thls remarkwble resistance of the United States, communism would have the doors open&#13;
to the whole world.&#13;
Of course, the question of whether Radlo l&lt;'ree Europe (RFE) i5&#13;
using .proper methods to fight communism, whether these methods&#13;
sumce for polítical reality or whether they comply to the mentality of t'h&#13;
. e natlons to which RFE turns w!th its broadcasts, can be&#13;
se11lously quest!loned. We must say frank,l y that Americans stm do&#13;
not !ully under$and the complexity of the various, special polltical&#13;
and natlonal problems existlng in Europe. But for this we cannot&#13;
_bla.me them alone, but aH the more can we blame their European&#13;
advisors, w·ho frequently ~Ive them a "pa!nted" plcture of the sttuation.&#13;
lf RFE !s to perform and fulfill its mission ln the countries behlnd t:he Iron Curtain, it must above all else respect certain natural&#13;
reallties; lts broadcasts must respect the polit!cal mentality of the&#13;
individual natíons. The broadcasts must not hurt theír feelings, but&#13;
must try to gain as wlde a clrcle of lísteners as posslble and influence them. Tben and only then shall RFE fulfill its missdon and oniy&#13;
then American dollars shall not be thrown away uselessly.&#13;
Today RFE beams lts broadcasts to Czechoslovakia eleven and onehalf bours daily. And even thougb two nat!ons - the Czechs and the&#13;
Slovaks - live In Czecboslovakia, despite tbe fact tbat tbls reality is&#13;
stressed even in the new Czecbo.!!lovak Constltutlon, even tbougb thls&#13;
actuallty bas been acknowledged by the representatlves of the socalled "Czecboslovak resistance" wbo today are in tbe USA and ln&#13;
other western countries, nevertheless RFE does not respect theae political realitles, or at least it does not do so consistently.&#13;
At home tbe Czechs bave thelll' own Czech broadcastlng statlons&#13;
and the Slovaks, too, bave 1ilielr own. That means tbat the Czecbs are&#13;
accustomed to listenlng to tbelr Czech broadcasts, whlle the Slovaks&#13;
listen to their Slovak statlons. These realltles are respected also&#13;
by state broadCQSts, such as the Brltish Broadcasting Corporallion, th~&#13;
Itallan Sta'te Broadcast, tbe Vatlcan, Moscow, etc. Only American&#13;
broadéastlng statlons - and the VOICE OF AMERICA and RADIO&#13;
I•'REE EUROPE es,pec\ally - still insist on a joint Slovak and Czech&#13;
broadcast.&#13;
&#13;
40&#13;
&#13;
S LOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
The Slovaks at home and in exile are a,t a !oss t o understand why.&#13;
'l'his certaAnly does not enhance the misslon oí the Volce of A.merica&#13;
o r that of Radio Free Europe. In fact it degmdes the idea of democ•&#13;
racy in the eyes of the Slovaks and does not attain the deslr ed a nd ne•&#13;
cessary effect. The Czechs are not and do not want to be Slovak~,&#13;
and the S lovaks are not and do not want to be Czechs. The Czec hs&#13;
and Slovaks have been fully aware of this fact for decades, but offic ial Washington still is not. Why?&#13;
The valiant reslstance of the Slovak nation agalnst communist&#13;
terror, the hundreds of dead Slovak patiiots, t he thousands u pon thousands of impiisoned Slovaks and the love of the Slovak people for the&#13;
United Sta.tes of Amerlca rlghtfully deserve that the Slovaks have their&#13;
own Independent division in the American broadcastlng systems-especíally in the Volce of A.merica and Radlo Free Europe. Th ls demand&#13;
does not emanate from any anti-Czech prejudice, but !rom purely prac•&#13;
tlcal needs wlth an eye to t he objectlve that the broadcasts to Slovákia&#13;
might fulfm their m ission.&#13;
According to report.s of the !atest escapees from Slovakia and the&#13;
opinion of Slovak exiles in western E urope, the RFE broadcas.ts are&#13;
alien cto .the soul of the Slovak índividual, b ecause t he S lovak program:;&#13;
ar e there only for show purposes; Slovak vo ices only assist in CZECH&#13;
broa.dca.sts. Furthermore, these broadcasts do not even have regard for&#13;
the Christian tradition of the Slovak nation and clo not h ave people&#13;
who enjoy lts confldence addresslng it.&#13;
At present the Czechostovak broadcasts of Rimio Free Europe&#13;
have been entrusted to repr esentatlves of Benes's politlcal conceptlons,&#13;
to Messrs. Zenkl and llipka, leaders of .the Czech National Socialists.&#13;
To make it appear that Slovaks, too, have a part In lt, Zenkl and Ripka&#13;
seleoted a few Slovak politlcal unknowns and recommended them to&#13;
R FE as "representa.t:lves o f the Slovak natlon." These enemies of&#13;
Slovak freedom and independence, all traitors to the Slovak cause, who&#13;
for a pr!ce propagate the dlscredited anti-Slovak and undemocratic&#13;
poMcles of Benes, are not and cannot be acceptable to the Slovaks at&#13;
horne or in exile. Why should exiled Czechs be a.llowed to -select the&#13;
Slovaks to be employed by Radlo Free Europe, the instrument of the&#13;
National Comanittee for Free E urope, W'hich 1s su pposed to be an&#13;
American institution?&#13;
The procedure is undemocratic and immoral and we must protest&#13;
against lt. We want to be of service to the cause of freedom and the&#13;
truth and that is why we feel it our mora! and politlcal duty ,to bring&#13;
these matters before responsible American circles that are lncorrectly informed by "Czechoslovak" polltlclans, who prepared the pre,;ent tragedy for the Slov,ak and Czech nations by thelr capltulationary&#13;
and pro-Sovi.et policy.&#13;
As far as Slovakia !s concerned, we must once again stress the&#13;
fact that the Czechoslovak polltical conception 1s not popular among&#13;
the Slovak people and, therefore, no Idea presented In the name of thls&#13;
conceptlon can catch the mlnds of the Slovaks. Even RFE canno t f,lght&#13;
psychologlcally agalnst communlsm In Slovakia in the name of -thls conceptlon. Th e name of Masaryk, popular among Czechs, ls not popular&#13;
at all In Slovakla and it canno t arouse the S\ovaks to figh t agalnst&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
41&#13;
&#13;
communlsm. Benes, whose name 1s rrequently mentioned ln the RFli:&#13;
progra.ma by his adherents, 1s damned and condemned both in Bohemla and In Slovakia.&#13;
The tact remalns that in Slovakia it 1s Chrlstlanity and Chrlstlan&#13;
traditlon whlch gtves strength to the natlon !or lts self-consclou~&#13;
resls-tance to communist terror. Communlsm Ls not only polltically,&#13;
but also ldeologlcally dangerous and, thererore, the foundatlon for the&#13;
psychologlcal fight agaln.st communlsm must be Chrlstlanity and democra.cy. But the programs of RFE must expressively alS-O emphaslze&#13;
this outune and not, as heretofore, at limes allow an antl-rellgious , antlChristlan, or even an evidently antl-Cathollc tendency t o be smugglod&#13;
lnto lts broadcasts. Among bellevlng people fäls produces a pltlful&#13;
bltterne.ss and antilpathy.&#13;
So that •RFE could maintaln a s pirit of antl-commun lst resistan&lt;:e&#13;
even in Slovakfa, so that it could educate democratilcall y and preach&#13;
and teach democracy to our oppressed natlon cut off by the Iron Curtaln trom the West, so that lt could objectlvely and wlthout prejudice Inform the Slovaks about what 1s happening In the world and&#13;
generally wlth the ldeologtcal currents In the free world, lt is very&#13;
necessary that thls be done In Independent Slovak broadcasts. lt 1s&#13;
also necessary that as many S lovak representativ es ot Slovak reslstance In exile as posslble speak to the Slovak people so that RFl~&#13;
could lnfluence the wldest circle ot llsteners.&#13;
It 1s not healthy to exclude trom tbe possibility or cooperatlon&#13;
In this broadcast, whlch no ta bene carrles the name "The Broadcast&#13;
of Free Europe," all Slovak patrlots just because thelr political convlctlons are not in accord wlth speciflc polltlcal cliques.&#13;
As the sltuatlon In RFE obtalns today, tbls enterprlse has become&#13;
the supply lnstitutlon of tbe rlslng generatlon or Czech soclallsts, many&#13;
of whom even today are the detenders of Marxlst sociallsm and who up&#13;
to 1948, nay even after 1948, collaborated wlth the communlst Prague&#13;
regime.&#13;
lt Ie a tact that the Slovaks today are llke a "clnderella" In tbe&#13;
RFE, somethlng unwanted, something to be scorned. Only about 20&#13;
Slovaks are employed tor 140 Czechs; and In s ubordinate positlons. No&#13;
Slovak ls employed In the management of tbe enterprlse. Czecb dlrectors declde about tbe Slovaks to be employed, and the Slovak program.s&#13;
also are controlled by Czechs, who are not a cqualnted with Slovak prob&#13;
lems, nor understand Slovak mentality, Any correctlon In thls relatio1111blp In a joint broadcast 1s slmply going t.arther aw-ay trom the reaJ&#13;
questlon whlch can be resolved only by bavlng a separate Slovak&#13;
broadcast managed by patrlotlc Slovak people.&#13;
One more thought which must be hlghly stressed and that ls the&#13;
thought whtch thls RFE b roadcast carries In lts tltle: FREE EUROPE.&#13;
lndeed, what we regard as more lmportant and more necesaary In the&#13;
lnterest ot the Slovak nation, and in the lnterest or Europe as a&#13;
whole, 1s the propogatlon of &lt;the Idea of a rree and unlted Europe. Tllls&#13;
Idea must be propagated especlally by RFE already today so that !t&#13;
mlght shlne as a llght lnto the future for all oppressed European natlons. That 1s the best way to lead European na.tlons to the consciousnee.e ot E uropean solidarity, to the Idea of a new, just and u nlted&#13;
Enrope. B y stresslng tbl11 thought the beat service would be renderetl&#13;
&#13;
SLOVA:KIA&#13;
&#13;
42&#13;
&#13;
the European nations themselves whlch were heretofore at Joggerheads because ot chauvinlstlc natlonalism, polltlcal fanatlctsms, syntheti,c politlcal partiitňons and the seclusion of one nation trom&#13;
the other.&#13;
A federalized united Europe ls the big hope especially ot the small&#13;
naitlons. It is necessary, therefore, to resurrect a.nd encourage thts&#13;
hope in them, because in a united Europe every natlon, small and&#13;
large, shall be able to live freely and democracy shall become the&#13;
common property of all natlons.&#13;
RFE cannot effectJvely combat communism if lt does not respect the natural rights of the individual nations behind rthe Iron&#13;
Curtain, lncluding the Slovak natlon. The crusade for treedom must&#13;
include ALL nations and exclude NONE. RFE cannot fultill its mis•&#13;
slon by allow~ng its broadcasts to insult the politlcal convictlons, the&#13;
mentality, the pa,tríotic feelings and national tradltlons ot the Slovaks. The people of Slovakia cannot have confidence in the RFE as&#13;
long as it employs renegade Slovaks to promote the Czech cause 01&#13;
Czechoslovakism, the bankrupt and dlscredited policies of the Czech&#13;
National Sociallsts as propagated by Benes and his followers. The&#13;
Slovaks are conscious or tbe !act that they are an lndlvidual naitlon&#13;
and as such have an lnherent and God-given rlght to be free and independent. There is no Joglcal explanatlon for RFE or the Volce l•f&#13;
America not recognizing or respecting that right. The anti-Slovak&#13;
course of the RFE 1s out or line wlth everything that spells A.merica.&#13;
Bu-t Slovaks stm hope tihat RFE shall In a very short tlme become&#13;
in fact the TRUE volce of a free and united Europe, the volce&#13;
of patriotic Slovaks in exile exhorting thelr brethren In Slovakla tú&#13;
remain Joyal to thelr Chrlstian and democratic traditlons, - yes.&#13;
RFE can and should become the VOICE OF FREE SLOVAKIA.&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
WHO SAI D IT?&#13;
&#13;
"Our rore1gn pollcy of 1946 wlll be based on Lhe solid, unalterable,&#13;
masslve foundatlon of our agreement with the neighborlng SOVIE'ľ&#13;
UNION. WE MUST fulflll fully, without besitation, everything resu1ting from tbis foundation . . . . Our relat!ons with the other nelghboNi will be acco1'11ng to the vlewpolnt of the SOVIET Pact. WE&#13;
want a strong, democrat!c Poland WHICH WILL COLLABORATE&#13;
'WITH THE SOVIET UNION. For another solution of the POLJSH&#13;
ques-tion, WE have no time. We want a decent, democratlc Hungary,&#13;
C:OLLABORA TING WITH THE SOVIET UNION whlch lives In peace&#13;
w!th us. The same applles to Yugoslav!a, Austria and Romanla. ou·r&#13;
relatlons w!th the western Allles HAS NOT changed, and WILL NOT&#13;
change. We are grateful to Brltaln for her help when she and WE&#13;
stood alone. WE appreciate lmmensely and are ~rateful for Amerlcan&#13;
interest and sympartby. We will need the help of the western democracies for economtc and cultural reconstructlon." - (Ján Masa•&#13;
ryk. Broadcast to Czechoslovakla, London, December 31, 1944) .&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
"Just as Munic-h was undone and does not exist, just so there is&#13;
no Slovakia and it does not exist internationally as a state! There is&#13;
no Slovak problem, the Slovak problem 1s onr Interna) problem an&lt;I&#13;
it !s recognlzed as such even by our allles." - (Dr. Benes, 6-22-43) .&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
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                <text>By A Slovak Exile&#13;
Slovakia, Vol. 1, No. 2 (2), December 1951&#13;
pp. 39-42</text>
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                <text>December 1951</text>
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                    <text>SLOV.AKIA&#13;
&#13;
43&#13;
&#13;
IDSTORY OF SWVAK ART&#13;
Exposed to many influences, Slovakia bas had a variegated history. Stamped brlcks, excavated at various points. lndicate that the&#13;
Romans extended their domlnlon beyond the Danube lnto the area&#13;
whlch 1s now Slovakia. As early as the seventh century these reglons&#13;
were lnhablted by tbe ancestors of the Slovaks who had to defend&#13;
themselves agalnst the Uralo-Altaic Avars. Thls perlod 1s characterlzed&#13;
by a mlxture of Slovak and Avar influences. In the nlnth century,&#13;
the Great Moravian state was an lmportant factor, but it was extingulshed by the Magyars.&#13;
Stability dld not ensue unt!l the time of the bu!lding of castles&#13;
and of settlements round about them. Their rulns form one of the&#13;
picturesque attract!ons of present-day Slovakla. At flrst the castles&#13;
were but rudely bui!t structures for defense. Gradually more ornate&#13;
forms of archltecture were employed. The apse of the castle at Nitra&#13;
is a remnant of the old baslllca consecrated about the year 830. Some&#13;
thlrty years later the Slovak apostles Salnts Cyril and Methodlus,&#13;
held servlces here. Parts of the cathedra\ at Spišská Kapitula In&#13;
Spiš, and the churches at Deakovce. Saint Benadlk on the Hron,&#13;
and a few chapel rotundas. are remnants of thls early perlod.&#13;
Gothlc monuments are to be found in the Spiš reglon. There is&#13;
evldence here of the influence of the Franklsh school of architecture.&#13;
Gothic archltecture spread lnto Slovakla princlpally from Poland and&#13;
Sllesia. Remarkable as a well-nlgh perfect example of Gothlc a.rchitecture is the church of Saint James at Levoč:i.. The 21 metre hlgh&#13;
altar !s noteworthy. Nothing llke lt ls to be found In the West. King&#13;
Zapolya's chapel at Spišský Štvrtok (Donnersmark) is one of the&#13;
ruost notable edlflces of thls period, consistlng of two Gothic stories&#13;
above eacb otber. Bratislava, Košice, Bardiov, Prešov, and Trnava.&#13;
can also boast of Gothic edifices. The oldest frescoes date from the&#13;
year 1317. Spišská Kapitula, Levoča, Bardiov, and Kežmarok, have&#13;
large wing altar paint!ngs in thelr churches.&#13;
The lnfluence of Renalssance archltecture. comlng trom Italy,&#13;
affected the buildlng of castles first. Between the flfteenth and&#13;
eighteenth centuries most of the cities and towns of Spiš belonged to&#13;
Poland. Thls lnfluenced the archltecture of the perlod.&#13;
The Jesults built the first baroque churches. From the Danube&#13;
the baroque style of archltecture, emanatlng from Vlenna, spread&#13;
over all Slovakla. The baroque tower of the Bratislava City Hall resembles that of Diirnsteln In tbe Wachan reglon of Austrla. The&#13;
castle at Bratislava was renovated by Maria Theresa, 1740 to 1780.&#13;
At the foot of the castle the noblllty, whlch always lmltated royalty,&#13;
bullt thelr splendld palaces. The Grassalkovich Palace and the Palace&#13;
of the Prlmate, the latter bullt by Hlldebrand, are two remarkably&#13;
fine speclmens of thls perlod. The lnterlors were exquisltely deco•&#13;
rated. Thls luxury-lovlng era saw the introduction of fine tapestrles&#13;
and gobelins. Sculptures decorate the exterlors and carvlngs the lnterlors of these bu!ldlngs.&#13;
The Protestant churcb bullding!&lt; disclose the archltectural In·&#13;
fluence of Germany. The large wooden churches at Kežmarok and at&#13;
&#13;
�44&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
tbe village of Veľká Paludza are unique for Centra) Europe. Tbe&#13;
wooden Greek Cathollc churches in Eastern Slovakia are of special&#13;
interest, because they are creations of the common people.&#13;
In the Jarge towns there are beautiful buildings in the Empire&#13;
style. Most or them were designed by Vienna architects.&#13;
The latter part of the nineteenth century shows the prevalence&#13;
of Budapest influences, tbough some architects and artists went to&#13;
Vienna, Municb, and Prague to complete their training.&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
SUBTERRANEAN CAVES OF SLOVAKJA&#13;
Subterranean caves are found in the immense calcareous complexes of Slovakia. Tbe llmestone masses were convulsed tectonically&#13;
by the foldlng of the Carpatbians and turned into Karst formations&#13;
during the tertiary and diluvial geological eras. Thus there came into&#13;
existence t he multitude of exquisitely beautiful and most interesting&#13;
caves which must be regarded as amongst the marvels of Europe.&#13;
Depending on how far the Karst process developed, they may be&#13;
divided lnto two groups: lone caves comlng into existence on slopes;&#13;
and extensive cavern Jabyr!nths.&#13;
The ice caverns belong to the f!rst group. Within them ice is&#13;
preserved in a natural manner. Magnif!cent ls the world-known ice&#13;
cavern at Dobšiná which was discovered In the year 1870 by some&#13;
s hepherds. It is now access!ble to the general public and a v!sit does&#13;
not require any special physical effort. The lce 1s estimated at about&#13;
125,000 cub!c meters and weighs about a mlllion tons.&#13;
The cavern labyrlnths of Demänová, discovered in 1921, belong&#13;
to the second group. It was found by persons who were seeking the&#13;
course of the Domica brook, wbich d!sappeared suddenly. Here are&#13;
imposing views upon enormous subterranean s paces, where the wild&#13;
scenery of catastrophes wh!ch occurred ages ago still 1s visible. Yet&#13;
the exploration of this inferno paradise can be undertaken without the&#13;
sllghtest danger. One walks about leisurely througb former beds of&#13;
streams and through cool water tunnels. One beholds brooklets&#13;
which descend with deafening clamor into terriflc deptbs. To penetrate deeply into this vast labyrinth is an experience of a lifetime. It&#13;
is a mysterious world full o[ surprislng variety. 'ľhere are majestic&#13;
halls adorned with stalactites situated In many stories underneath&#13;
each other. One can see travertine formations in glorious sbapes.&#13;
Everyth!ng glistens resplendently. Mysteriously shaped natural sculpture abounds in variegated shades of colors. Such real Venus grottoes&#13;
perhaps are not to be found elsewbere. The cllmax of all this mightiness are the 360 foot preclpices at the bottom of whlch are fairly-like&#13;
halls wh!ch were discovered In 1927.&#13;
lt is a fortunate coincidence that these subterranean marvels are&#13;
situated so near to the resorts of the High Tatra Mountalns. From&#13;
them also the Bela stalactite caverns and the Važeca cave may be&#13;
vis!ted with ease.&#13;
Further subterranean Jabyrinths are to he founcl in the Svätojánska dolina near Jasov and at Hosusovo, the latter perhaps the most&#13;
magnif!cent of all. It was not discovered unt!I 1926.&#13;
&#13;
�</text>
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                  <elementText elementTextId="382">
                    <text>SLOV.AKIA

43

IDSTORY OF SWVAK ART
Exposed to many influences, Slovakia bas had a variegated history. Stamped brlcks, excavated at various points. lndicate that the
Romans extended their domlnlon beyond the Danube lnto the area
whlch 1s now Slovakia. As early as the seventh century these reglons
were lnhablted by tbe ancestors of the Slovaks who had to defend
themselves agalnst the Uralo-Altaic Avars. Thls perlod 1s characterlzed
by a mlxture of Slovak and Avar influences. In the nlnth century,
the Great Moravian state was an lmportant factor, but it was extingulshed by the Magyars.
Stability dld not ensue unt!l the time of the bu!lding of castles
and of settlements round about them. Their rulns form one of the
picturesque attract!ons of present-day Slovakla. At flrst the castles
were but rudely bui!t structures for defense. Gradually more ornate
forms of archltecture were employed. The apse of the castle at Nitra
is a remnant of the old baslllca consecrated about the year 830. Some
thlrty years later the Slovak apostles Salnts Cyril and Methodlus,
held servlces here. Parts of the cathedra\ at Spišská Kapitula In
Spiš, and the churches at Deakovce. Saint Benadlk on the Hron,
and a few chapel rotundas. are remnants of thls early perlod.
Gothlc monuments are to be found in the Spiš reglon. There is
evldence here of the influence of the Franklsh school of architecture.
Gothic archltecture spread lnto Slovakla princlpally from Poland and
Sllesia. Remarkable as a well-nlgh perfect example of Gothlc a.rchitecture is the church of Saint James at Levoč:i.. The 21 metre hlgh
altar !s noteworthy. Nothing llke lt ls to be found In the West. King
Zapolya's chapel at Spišský Štvrtok (Donnersmark) is one of the
ruost notable edlflces of thls period, consistlng of two Gothic stories
above eacb otber. Bratislava, Košice, Bardiov, Prešov, and Trnava.
can also boast of Gothic edifices. The oldest frescoes date from the
year 1317. Spišská Kapitula, Levoča, Bardiov, and Kežmarok, have
large wing altar paint!ngs in thelr churches.
The lnfluence of Renalssance archltecture. comlng trom Italy,
affected the buildlng of castles first. Between the flfteenth and
eighteenth centuries most of the cities and towns of Spiš belonged to
Poland. Thls lnfluenced the archltecture of the perlod.
The Jesults built the first baroque churches. From the Danube
the baroque style of archltecture, emanatlng from Vlenna, spread
over all Slovakla. The baroque tower of the Bratislava City Hall resembles that of Diirnsteln In tbe Wachan reglon of Austrla. The
castle at Bratislava was renovated by Maria Theresa, 1740 to 1780.
At the foot of the castle the noblllty, whlch always lmltated royalty,
bullt thelr splendld palaces. The Grassalkovich Palace and the Palace
of the Prlmate, the latter bullt by Hlldebrand, are two remarkably
fine speclmens of thls perlod. The lnterlors were exquisltely deco•
rated. Thls luxury-lovlng era saw the introduction of fine tapestrles
and gobelins. Sculptures decorate the exterlors and carvlngs the lnterlors of these bu!ldlngs.
The Protestant churcb bullding!&lt; disclose the archltectural In·
fluence of Germany. The large wooden churches at Kežmarok and at

�44

SLOVAKIA

tbe village of Veľká Paludza are unique for Centra) Europe. Tbe
wooden Greek Cathollc churches in Eastern Slovakia are of special
interest, because they are creations of the common people.
In the Jarge towns there are beautiful buildings in the Empire
style. Most or them were designed by Vienna architects.
The latter part of the nineteenth century shows the prevalence
of Budapest influences, tbough some architects and artists went to
Vienna, Municb, and Prague to complete their training.

•

•

•

•

SUBTERRANEAN CAVES OF SLOVAKJA
Subterranean caves are found in the immense calcareous complexes of Slovakia. Tbe llmestone masses were convulsed tectonically
by the foldlng of the Carpatbians and turned into Karst formations
during the tertiary and diluvial geological eras. Thus there came into
existence t he multitude of exquisitely beautiful and most interesting
caves which must be regarded as amongst the marvels of Europe.
Depending on how far the Karst process developed, they may be
divided lnto two groups: lone caves comlng into existence on slopes;
and extensive cavern Jabyr!nths.
The ice caverns belong to the f!rst group. Within them ice is
preserved in a natural manner. Magnif!cent ls the world-known ice
cavern at Dobšiná which was discovered In the year 1870 by some
s hepherds. It is now access!ble to the general public and a v!sit does
not require any special physical effort. The lce 1s estimated at about
125,000 cub!c meters and weighs about a mlllion tons.
The cavern labyrlnths of Demänová, discovered in 1921, belong
to the second group. It was found by persons who were seeking the
course of the Domica brook, wbich d!sappeared suddenly. Here are
imposing views upon enormous subterranean s paces, where the wild
scenery of catastrophes wh!ch occurred ages ago still 1s visible. Yet
the exploration of this inferno paradise can be undertaken without the
sllghtest danger. One walks about leisurely througb former beds of
streams and through cool water tunnels. One beholds brooklets
which descend with deafening clamor into terriflc deptbs. To penetrate deeply into this vast labyrinth is an experience of a lifetime. It
is a mysterious world full o[ surprislng variety. 'ľhere are majestic
halls adorned with stalactites situated In many stories underneath
each other. One can see travertine formations in glorious sbapes.
Everyth!ng glistens resplendently. Mysteriously shaped natural sculpture abounds in variegated shades of colors. Such real Venus grottoes
perhaps are not to be found elsewbere. The cllmax of all this mightiness are the 360 foot preclpices at the bottom of whlch are fairly-like
halls wh!ch were discovered In 1927.
lt is a fortunate coincidence that these subterranean marvels are
situated so near to the resorts of the High Tatra Mountalns. From
them also the Bela stalactite caverns and the Važeca cave may be
vis!ted with ease.
Further subterranean Jabyrinths are to he founcl in the Svätojánska dolina near Jasov and at Hosusovo, the latter perhaps the most
magnif!cent of all. It was not discovered unt!I 1926.

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&lt;/ul&gt;</text>
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              <text>SLOV.AKIA&#13;
&#13;
43&#13;
&#13;
IDSTORY OF SWVAK ART&#13;
Exposed to many influences, Slovakia bas had a variegated history. Stamped brlcks, excavated at various points. lndicate that the&#13;
Romans extended their domlnlon beyond the Danube lnto the area&#13;
whlch 1s now Slovakia. As early as the seventh century these reglons&#13;
were lnhablted by tbe ancestors of the Slovaks who had to defend&#13;
themselves agalnst the Uralo-Altaic Avars. Thls perlod 1s characterlzed&#13;
by a mlxture of Slovak and Avar influences. In the nlnth century,&#13;
the Great Moravian state was an lmportant factor, but it was extingulshed by the Magyars.&#13;
Stability dld not ensue unt!l the time of the bu!lding of castles&#13;
and of settlements round about them. Their rulns form one of the&#13;
picturesque attract!ons of present-day Slovakla. At flrst the castles&#13;
were but rudely bui!t structures for defense. Gradually more ornate&#13;
forms of archltecture were employed. The apse of the castle at Nitra&#13;
is a remnant of the old baslllca consecrated about the year 830. Some&#13;
thlrty years later the Slovak apostles Salnts Cyril and Methodlus,&#13;
held servlces here. Parts of the cathedra\ at Spišská Kapitula In&#13;
Spiš, and the churches at Deakovce. Saint Benadlk on the Hron,&#13;
and a few chapel rotundas. are remnants of thls early perlod.&#13;
Gothlc monuments are to be found in the Spiš reglon. There is&#13;
evldence here of the influence of the Franklsh school of architecture.&#13;
Gothic archltecture spread lnto Slovakla princlpally from Poland and&#13;
Sllesia. Remarkable as a well-nlgh perfect example of Gothlc a.rchitecture is the church of Saint James at Levoč:i.. The 21 metre hlgh&#13;
altar !s noteworthy. Nothing llke lt ls to be found In the West. King&#13;
Zapolya's chapel at Spišský Štvrtok (Donnersmark) is one of the&#13;
ruost notable edlflces of thls period, consistlng of two Gothic stories&#13;
above eacb otber. Bratislava, Košice, Bardiov, Prešov, and Trnava.&#13;
can also boast of Gothic edifices. The oldest frescoes date from the&#13;
year 1317. Spišská Kapitula, Levoča, Bardiov, and Kežmarok, have&#13;
large wing altar paint!ngs in thelr churches.&#13;
The lnfluence of Renalssance archltecture. comlng trom Italy,&#13;
affected the buildlng of castles first. Between the flfteenth and&#13;
eighteenth centuries most of the cities and towns of Spiš belonged to&#13;
Poland. Thls lnfluenced the archltecture of the perlod.&#13;
The Jesults built the first baroque churches. From the Danube&#13;
the baroque style of archltecture, emanatlng from Vlenna, spread&#13;
over all Slovakla. The baroque tower of the Bratislava City Hall resembles that of Diirnsteln In tbe Wachan reglon of Austrla. The&#13;
castle at Bratislava was renovated by Maria Theresa, 1740 to 1780.&#13;
At the foot of the castle the noblllty, whlch always lmltated royalty,&#13;
bullt thelr splendld palaces. The Grassalkovich Palace and the Palace&#13;
of the Prlmate, the latter bullt by Hlldebrand, are two remarkably&#13;
fine speclmens of thls perlod. The lnterlors were exquisltely deco•&#13;
rated. Thls luxury-lovlng era saw the introduction of fine tapestrles&#13;
and gobelins. Sculptures decorate the exterlors and carvlngs the lnterlors of these bu!ldlngs.&#13;
The Protestant churcb bullding!&lt; disclose the archltectural In·&#13;
fluence of Germany. The large wooden churches at Kežmarok and at&#13;
&#13;
44&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
tbe village of Veľká Paludza are unique for Centra) Europe. Tbe&#13;
wooden Greek Cathollc churches in Eastern Slovakia are of special&#13;
interest, because they are creations of the common people.&#13;
In the Jarge towns there are beautiful buildings in the Empire&#13;
style. Most or them were designed by Vienna architects.&#13;
The latter part of the nineteenth century shows the prevalence&#13;
of Budapest influences, tbough some architects and artists went to&#13;
Vienna, Municb, and Prague to complete their training.&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
SUBTERRANEAN CAVES OF SLOVAKJA&#13;
Subterranean caves are found in the immense calcareous complexes of Slovakia. Tbe llmestone masses were convulsed tectonically&#13;
by the foldlng of the Carpatbians and turned into Karst formations&#13;
during the tertiary and diluvial geological eras. Thus there came into&#13;
existence t he multitude of exquisitely beautiful and most interesting&#13;
caves which must be regarded as amongst the marvels of Europe.&#13;
Depending on how far the Karst process developed, they may be&#13;
divided lnto two groups: lone caves comlng into existence on slopes;&#13;
and extensive cavern Jabyr!nths.&#13;
The ice caverns belong to the f!rst group. Within them ice is&#13;
preserved in a natural manner. Magnif!cent ls the world-known ice&#13;
cavern at Dobšiná which was discovered In the year 1870 by some&#13;
s hepherds. It is now access!ble to the general public and a v!sit does&#13;
not require any special physical effort. The lce 1s estimated at about&#13;
125,000 cub!c meters and weighs about a mlllion tons.&#13;
The cavern labyrlnths of Demänová, discovered in 1921, belong&#13;
to the second group. It was found by persons who were seeking the&#13;
course of the Domica brook, wbich d!sappeared suddenly. Here are&#13;
imposing views upon enormous subterranean s paces, where the wild&#13;
scenery of catastrophes wh!ch occurred ages ago still 1s visible. Yet&#13;
the exploration of this inferno paradise can be undertaken without the&#13;
sllghtest danger. One walks about leisurely througb former beds of&#13;
streams and through cool water tunnels. One beholds brooklets&#13;
which descend with deafening clamor into terriflc deptbs. To penetrate deeply into this vast labyrinth is an experience of a lifetime. It&#13;
is a mysterious world full o[ surprislng variety. 'ľhere are majestic&#13;
halls adorned with stalactites situated In many stories underneath&#13;
each other. One can see travertine formations in glorious sbapes.&#13;
Everyth!ng glistens resplendently. Mysteriously shaped natural sculpture abounds in variegated shades of colors. Such real Venus grottoes&#13;
perhaps are not to be found elsewbere. The cllmax of all this mightiness are the 360 foot preclpices at the bottom of whlch are fairly-like&#13;
halls wh!ch were discovered In 1927.&#13;
lt is a fortunate coincidence that these subterranean marvels are&#13;
situated so near to the resorts of the High Tatra Mountalns. From&#13;
them also the Bela stalactite caverns and the Važeca cave may be&#13;
vis!ted with ease.&#13;
Further subterranean Jabyrinths are to he founcl in the Svätojánska dolina near Jasov and at Hosusovo, the latter perhaps the most&#13;
magnif!cent of all. It was not discovered unt!I 1926.&#13;
&#13;
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                    <text>44

SLOVAKIA

tbe village of Veľká Paludza are unique for Centra) Europe. Tbe
wooden Greek Cathollc churches in Eastern Slovakia are of special
interest, because they are creations of the common people.
In the Jarge towns there are beautiful buildings in the Empire
style. Most or them were designed by Vienna architects.
The latter part of the nineteenth century shows the prevalence
of Budapest influences, tbough some architects and artists went to
Vienna, Municb, and Prague to complete their training.

•

•

•

•

SUBTERRANEAN CAVES OF SLOVAKJA
Subterranean caves are found in the immense calcareous complexes of Slovakia. Tbe llmestone masses were convulsed tectonically
by the foldlng of the Carpatbians and turned into Karst formations
during the tertiary and diluvial geological eras. Thus there came into
existence t he multitude of exquisitely beautiful and most interesting
caves which must be regarded as amongst the marvels of Europe.
Depending on how far the Karst process developed, they may be
divided lnto two groups: lone caves comlng into existence on slopes;
and extensive cavern Jabyr!nths.
The ice caverns belong to the f!rst group. Within them ice is
preserved in a natural manner. Magnif!cent ls the world-known ice
cavern at Dobšiná which was discovered In the year 1870 by some
s hepherds. It is now access!ble to the general public and a v!sit does
not require any special physical effort. The lce 1s estimated at about
125,000 cub!c meters and weighs about a mlllion tons.
The cavern labyrlnths of Demänová, discovered in 1921, belong
to the second group. It was found by persons who were seeking the
course of the Domica brook, wbich d!sappeared suddenly. Here are
imposing views upon enormous subterranean s paces, where the wild
scenery of catastrophes wh!ch occurred ages ago still 1s visible. Yet
the exploration of this inferno paradise can be undertaken without the
sllghtest danger. One walks about leisurely througb former beds of
streams and through cool water tunnels. One beholds brooklets
which descend with deafening clamor into terriflc deptbs. To penetrate deeply into this vast labyrinth is an experience of a lifetime. It
is a mysterious world full o[ surprislng variety. 'ľhere are majestic
halls adorned with stalactites situated In many stories underneath
each other. One can see travertine formations in glorious sbapes.
Everyth!ng glistens resplendently. Mysteriously shaped natural sculpture abounds in variegated shades of colors. Such real Venus grottoes
perhaps are not to be found elsewbere. The cllmax of all this mightiness are the 360 foot preclpices at the bottom of whlch are fairly-like
halls wh!ch were discovered In 1927.
lt is a fortunate coincidence that these subterranean marvels are
situated so near to the resorts of the High Tatra Mountalns. From
them also the Bela stalactite caverns and the Važeca cave may be
vis!ted with ease.
Further subterranean Jabyrinths are to he founcl in the Svätojánska dolina near Jasov and at Hosusovo, the latter perhaps the most
magnif!cent of all. It was not discovered unt!I 1926.

�</text>
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                    <text>44

SLOVAKIA

tbe village of Veľká Paludza are unique for Centra) Europe. Tbe
wooden Greek Cathollc churches in Eastern Slovakia are of special
interest, because they are creations of the common people.
In the Jarge towns there are beautiful buildings in the Empire
style. Most or them were designed by Vienna architects.
The latter part of the nineteenth century shows the prevalence
of Budapest influences, tbough some architects and artists went to
Vienna, Municb, and Prague to complete their training.

•

•

•

•

SUBTERRANEAN CAVES OF SLOVAKJA
Subterranean caves are found in the immense calcareous complexes of Slovakia. Tbe llmestone masses were convulsed tectonically
by the foldlng of the Carpatbians and turned into Karst formations
during the tertiary and diluvial geological eras. Thus there came into
existence t he multitude of exquisitely beautiful and most interesting
caves which must be regarded as amongst the marvels of Europe.
Depending on how far the Karst process developed, they may be
divided lnto two groups: lone caves comlng into existence on slopes;
and extensive cavern Jabyr!nths.
The ice caverns belong to the f!rst group. Within them ice is
preserved in a natural manner. Magnif!cent ls the world-known ice
cavern at Dobšiná which was discovered In the year 1870 by some
s hepherds. It is now access!ble to the general public and a v!sit does
not require any special physical effort. The lce 1s estimated at about
125,000 cub!c meters and weighs about a mlllion tons.
The cavern labyrlnths of Demänová, discovered in 1921, belong
to the second group. It was found by persons who were seeking the
course of the Domica brook, wbich d!sappeared suddenly. Here are
imposing views upon enormous subterranean s paces, where the wild
scenery of catastrophes wh!ch occurred ages ago still 1s visible. Yet
the exploration of this inferno paradise can be undertaken without the
sllghtest danger. One walks about leisurely througb former beds of
streams and through cool water tunnels. One beholds brooklets
which descend with deafening clamor into terriflc deptbs. To penetrate deeply into this vast labyrinth is an experience of a lifetime. It
is a mysterious world full o[ surprislng variety. 'ľhere are majestic
halls adorned with stalactites situated In many stories underneath
each other. One can see travertine formations in glorious sbapes.
Everyth!ng glistens resplendently. Mysteriously shaped natural sculpture abounds in variegated shades of colors. Such real Venus grottoes
perhaps are not to be found elsewbere. The cllmax of all this mightiness are the 360 foot preclpices at the bottom of whlch are fairly-like
halls wh!ch were discovered In 1927.
lt is a fortunate coincidence that these subterranean marvels are
situated so near to the resorts of the High Tatra Mountalns. From
them also the Bela stalactite caverns and the Važeca cave may be
vis!ted with ease.
Further subterranean Jabyrinths are to he founcl in the Svätojánska dolina near Jasov and at Hosusovo, the latter perhaps the most
magnif!cent of all. It was not discovered unt!I 1926.

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              <text>44&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
tbe village of Veľká Paludza are unique for Centra) Europe. Tbe&#13;
wooden Greek Cathollc churches in Eastern Slovakia are of special&#13;
interest, because they are creations of the common people.&#13;
In the Jarge towns there are beautiful buildings in the Empire&#13;
style. Most or them were designed by Vienna architects.&#13;
The latter part of the nineteenth century shows the prevalence&#13;
of Budapest influences, tbough some architects and artists went to&#13;
Vienna, Municb, and Prague to complete their training.&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
SUBTERRANEAN CAVES OF SLOVAKJA&#13;
Subterranean caves are found in the immense calcareous complexes of Slovakia. Tbe llmestone masses were convulsed tectonically&#13;
by the foldlng of the Carpatbians and turned into Karst formations&#13;
during the tertiary and diluvial geological eras. Thus there came into&#13;
existence t he multitude of exquisitely beautiful and most interesting&#13;
caves which must be regarded as amongst the marvels of Europe.&#13;
Depending on how far the Karst process developed, they may be&#13;
divided lnto two groups: lone caves comlng into existence on slopes;&#13;
and extensive cavern Jabyr!nths.&#13;
The ice caverns belong to the f!rst group. Within them ice is&#13;
preserved in a natural manner. Magnif!cent ls the world-known ice&#13;
cavern at Dobšiná which was discovered In the year 1870 by some&#13;
s hepherds. It is now access!ble to the general public and a v!sit does&#13;
not require any special physical effort. The lce 1s estimated at about&#13;
125,000 cub!c meters and weighs about a mlllion tons.&#13;
The cavern labyrlnths of Demänová, discovered in 1921, belong&#13;
to the second group. It was found by persons who were seeking the&#13;
course of the Domica brook, wbich d!sappeared suddenly. Here are&#13;
imposing views upon enormous subterranean s paces, where the wild&#13;
scenery of catastrophes wh!ch occurred ages ago still 1s visible. Yet&#13;
the exploration of this inferno paradise can be undertaken without the&#13;
sllghtest danger. One walks about leisurely througb former beds of&#13;
streams and through cool water tunnels. One beholds brooklets&#13;
which descend with deafening clamor into terriflc deptbs. To penetrate deeply into this vast labyrinth is an experience of a lifetime. It&#13;
is a mysterious world full o[ surprislng variety. 'ľhere are majestic&#13;
halls adorned with stalactites situated In many stories underneath&#13;
each other. One can see travertine formations in glorious sbapes.&#13;
Everyth!ng glistens resplendently. Mysteriously shaped natural sculpture abounds in variegated shades of colors. Such real Venus grottoes&#13;
perhaps are not to be found elsewbere. The cllmax of all this mightiness are the 360 foot preclpices at the bottom of whlch are fairly-like&#13;
halls wh!ch were discovered In 1927.&#13;
lt is a fortunate coincidence that these subterranean marvels are&#13;
situated so near to the resorts of the High Tatra Mountalns. From&#13;
them also the Bela stalactite caverns and the Važeca cave may be&#13;
vis!ted with ease.&#13;
Further subterranean Jabyrinths are to he founcl in the Svätojánska dolina near Jasov and at Hosusovo, the latter perhaps the most&#13;
magnif!cent of all. It was not discovered unt!I 1926.&#13;
&#13;
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                    <text>Officers of the Slovak League of America
(Organized 1907 in Cleveland, Ohio.)

•
John J. Sirotn ak

Houorary President

610-612 Lincoln Trus t Bldg.
Scranton 3, Pa.

Or. Peter P. Hletko

1943 W . 48th Street
Chicago 9, Illinois

Dr. Jul ius J. Janci

311 W. King St., Owosso, Mich .

President

Stephanie O. H usek
Philip A. Hrobak
Georgian Court College
P. O. Box 150, Middletown, Pa.

Lakewood, N. J .

Vice-President
ADVISORY COUNCIL

M ichael Sinchak

333 Schoonmaker Avenue
!'.Ionessen, Pa.

Michael J . Vargovich

National P resident
First Catholic Slovak Union
of U. S. A.

Vice-P resident
Julia Krajcovi c

1648 W. 18th St., Chicago 8, III.

H elen K ocan

National President
First Catholic Slovak
Ladies Union

Recor ding Secretary
Dr. F rancis Hrusovsky

10510 Buckeye Road
Cleveland 4. Ohio

Frank Bobus

National President
Slovak Catholic Sokol

Secretary- Treasurer
Frank J . Gurcak

Stephen ·J. Tk ach

4755 Haptist Road
Pittsburgh 27, Pa.

National P resident
Pe nna. Slovak U nion
Gabri el a E. Vavrek

EXE CU T IVE COMMI TTEE

National President
Ladies P ennsylvan ia
Slovak Union

Paul P. Jamriska

810 Montooth Street
Pittsburgh 10, Pa.

John Rozbo r il

Joseph Prusa

205 Madison St., Passaic, N. J.

National President
Slovak Cathollc Cadet Union

SLOVAK NEWSPAPERS
( Affi liated w ith the S lovak League of America)
JEDNOTA

SLOV E NSKÁ OBRANA

ŽENSKÁ J EDN OTA

Middletown, Pa.

Scranton, Pa.

Cleveland, Ohlo.

BRATSTVO

SLOVE NSKÉ NOVI NY

Wilkes-Ba rre, Pa.

Cleveland, Ohio.

Wilkes-Barre, Pa.

KAT OLÍCKY SOKO L

SVORNOSŤ

Passalc, N. J .

Whitaker. Pa.

OSADNÉ H L ASY
Chicago, Tli.

ZORN I Č KA

�CASTLE ORAVA,

one of the most beautiful castles in Slovakia, nestles some
360 ft. above t he Orava river. The stronghold consists of
t hree sections, built at different times; the lower, built in
1543; the centra!, built in about 1010; and the upper, built
in 1561 .

�</text>
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                    <text>Officers of the Slovak League of America
(Organized 1907 in Cleveland, Ohio.)

•
John J. Sirotn ak

Houorary President

610-612 Lincoln Trus t Bldg.
Scranton 3, Pa.

Or. Peter P. Hletko

1943 W . 48th Street
Chicago 9, Illinois

Dr. Jul ius J. Janci

311 W. King St., Owosso, Mich .

President

Stephanie O. H usek
Philip A. Hrobak
Georgian Court College
P. O. Box 150, Middletown, Pa.

Lakewood, N. J .

Vice-President
ADVISORY COUNCIL

M ichael Sinchak

333 Schoonmaker Avenue
!'.Ionessen, Pa.

Michael J . Vargovich

National P resident
First Catholic Slovak Union
of U. S. A.

Vice-P resident
Julia Krajcovi c

1648 W. 18th St., Chicago 8, III.

H elen K ocan

National President
First Catholic Slovak
Ladies Union

Recor ding Secretary
Dr. F rancis Hrusovsky

10510 Buckeye Road
Cleveland 4. Ohio

Frank Bobus

National President
Slovak Catholic Sokol

Secretary- Treasurer
Frank J . Gurcak

Stephen ·J. Tk ach

4755 Haptist Road
Pittsburgh 27, Pa.

National P resident
Pe nna. Slovak U nion
Gabri el a E. Vavrek

EXE CU T IVE COMMI TTEE

National President
Ladies P ennsylvan ia
Slovak Union

Paul P. Jamriska

810 Montooth Street
Pittsburgh 10, Pa.

John Rozbo r il

Joseph Prusa

205 Madison St., Passaic, N. J.

National President
Slovak Cathollc Cadet Union

SLOVAK NEWSPAPERS
( Affi liated w ith the S lovak League of America)
JEDNOTA

SLOV E NSKÁ OBRANA

ŽENSKÁ J EDN OTA

Middletown, Pa.

Scranton, Pa.

Cleveland, Ohlo.

BRATSTVO

SLOVE NSKÉ NOVI NY

Wilkes-Ba rre, Pa.

Cleveland, Ohio.

Wilkes-Barre, Pa.

KAT OLÍCKY SOKO L

SVORNOSŤ

Passalc, N. J .

Whitaker. Pa.

OSADNÉ H L ASY
Chicago, Tli.

ZORN I Č KA

�CASTLE ORAVA,

one of the most beautiful castles in Slovakia, nestles some
360 ft. above t he Orava river. The stronghold consists of
t hree sections, built at different times; the lower, built in
1543; the centra!, built in about 1010; and the upper, built
in 1561 .

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                    <text>�SLOVAKIA is published periodically by the Slovak League of America,
a cultural and civi&lt;: fedetation of Americans of Slovak descent.
The chief purpose of SLOVAKIA
is to promote a better understanding
and appreciation of the S lovak nation
and its long struggle for freedom and
independence.
As Americans, members of the
Slovak League of America firrnly beliP. ve that the Slovak nation, just as all
nations, has an inherent and God-given
r ight to freedom and independence.
They are dedicated to the cause of the
American way of life, S lovak freedom
and world peace and are determined to
oppose the plague of Communism and
all other totalitarian political systems.

THE SLOV AK LEAGUE OF AMERICA
P . O. Box 150
Middletown, Pa.

Printed in the U. S. A.
JEDNOT A PRESS
Mlddletown, Pa.

�</text>
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                    <text>�SLOVAKIA is published periodically by the Slovak League of America,
a cultural and civi&lt;: fedetation of Americans of Slovak descent.
The chief purpose of SLOVAKIA
is to promote a better understanding
and appreciation of the S lovak nation
and its long struggle for freedom and
independence.
As Americans, members of the
Slovak League of America firrnly beliP. ve that the Slovak nation, just as all
nations, has an inherent and God-given
r ight to freedom and independence.
They are dedicated to the cause of the
American way of life, S lovak freedom
and world peace and are determined to
oppose the plague of Communism and
all other totalitarian political systems.

THE SLOV AK LEAGUE OF AMERICA
P . O. Box 150
Middletown, Pa.

Printed in the U. S. A.
JEDNOT A PRESS
Mlddletown, Pa.

�</text>
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                  <text>&lt;ul&gt;&lt;li&gt;Issue 1 (No. 1), May 1951.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Issue 2 (No. 2), December 1951.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;/ul&gt;</text>
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                  <text>&lt;ul&gt;&lt;li&gt;&lt;a href="https://n2t.net/ark:/13960/s261hfmshm7" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"&gt;&lt;span&gt;ark:/13960/s261hfmshm7&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/li&gt;
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                    <text>YOU CAN LEARN SLOVAl(
as easily as you can any other modern language. Slovak
should be a MUST for students of Slovanic languages,
because it is the simplest of all of them and a KEY to
all of them. Prove it to youi self with the most scholarly
text on Slovak, the

SLOVAl LESSO S
A practical study of the Slovak Grammar, 92
lessons, 400 pages; exercises in Slovak and English;
English-Slovak and Slovak-English vocabulary. B ard
cover, bound in cloth, $3.50
HROBAK'S ENGLISH DICTIONARY - the best and
most complete dictionary of its kind ; 702 pages with a
brief sumar y of the Slovak Grammar. Bard cover, bound
in cloth, $4.00
THE SLOVAK.S, by Peter P. Yurchak, should be read by
all students interested in the history and traditions of
the Slovak nation; 312 pages, hard cover , bound in cloth
- $3.00; paper cover - $2.00
SKETCHES F ROl\l SLOV AK HISTORY
by Joseph škultéty, translation by O. D. Koreff ;
a documented refutat ion of several errors propagated by writers and hist orians; 229 pages, bard
cover, bound in cloth - $2.00; paper cover $1.00.
Order from :

P.A. HROBAK
Box 150

Middletown, Pa.

�Sept. 2, 1855 - REV. S~EPHEN FURDEK - January 18, 1915
Organizer, publis her, writer, c hampion of Slovak freedom.

Born in Trstená, Orava County, Slovakia, died in Cleveland, Ohio. Founder of the First Catholic Slovak Union of the
U . S. A., the First Catholic Slovak Ladies Union of the U.
S. A., and the Slovak League of America. Furdek is referred
to as the apostle of Americans of Slovak descent.

�</text>
                  </elementText>
                  <elementText elementTextId="450">
                    <text>YOU CAN LEARN SLOVAl(
as easily as you can any other modern language. Slovak
should be a MUST for students of Slovanic languages,
because it is the simplest of all of them and a KEY to
all of them. Prove it to youi self with the most scholarly
text on Slovak, the

SLOVAl LESSO S
A practical study of the Slovak Grammar, 92
lessons, 400 pages; exercises in Slovak and English;
English-Slovak and Slovak-English vocabulary. B ard
cover, bound in cloth, $3.50
HROBAK'S ENGLISH DICTIONARY - the best and
most complete dictionary of its kind ; 702 pages with a
brief sumar y of the Slovak Grammar. Bard cover, bound
in cloth, $4.00
THE SLOVAK.S, by Peter P. Yurchak, should be read by
all students interested in the history and traditions of
the Slovak nation; 312 pages, hard cover , bound in cloth
- $3.00; paper cover - $2.00
SKETCHES F ROl\l SLOV AK HISTORY
by Joseph škultéty, translation by O. D. Koreff ;
a documented refutat ion of several errors propagated by writers and hist orians; 229 pages, bard
cover, bound in cloth - $2.00; paper cover $1.00.
Order from :

P.A. HROBAK
Box 150

Middletown, Pa.

�Sept. 2, 1855 - REV. S~EPHEN FURDEK - January 18, 1915
Organizer, publis her, writer, c hampion of Slovak freedom.

Born in Trstená, Orava County, Slovakia, died in Cleveland, Ohio. Founder of the First Catholic Slovak Union of the
U . S. A., the First Catholic Slovak Ladies Union of the U.
S. A., and the Slovak League of America. Furdek is referred
to as the apostle of Americans of Slovak descent.

�</text>
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                    <text>SLOVAKIA

33

THE SWVAK ASSEMBLY AND GOVERNMENT
ľt !s very interesting to follow the developement of the Slovak
national idea trom the oldest limes to the pre.sent. As one of the
oldest expressions of Slovak nationalism, made in wr~ting, we must
regard the foreword to the Catholic hymnal "Canthus Cathollci,"
pubJished in 1655, in whlch the author, the learned Jesuit Szôlôsi, with
words of wonderment and love, calls the aittention of his readers
to the first Slovak State, to Svätopluk and to Saints Cyril and
Methodius.
And since Szôlôsi's time, Slovak patriots have frequenrtly returned
to this theme: Magin in 1728; George Papánek in 1780, in his history
of Slovak ľtllers; George Sklenár In 1784, In his history of Great Moravia; in the "S'taré Noviny" (Old Newl',) in 1786. The period 1787-1792
is climaxed with the publlcation of the firs,t Slovak Grammar, the organization of the "Learned Guild" (Učené tovarišstvo), and the publication of Fándly's book, in which the author speaks warmly to the
Slovaks and calls their a,ttention to the flrst Slov,ak State. In 1793
Fándly again publishes the history of Great Moravia, and in 1833
John Hollý publishes his famed epic "Svätopluk." This perlod, lasting
over 130 years, is marked in learned books wlth a constant return to
the theme of ťhe first Slovak State.
At the end of this epoch, three years after Hollý's "Svätopluk"
was published, on the Devin ramparts the young friends of Louis
Štúr spoke from the rulns of Svä,topluk's stronghold, repeating everything that had t o that time appeared only in books. This is the
•border line. With the book of a young follower of Štúr, Benjamiu
Pravoslav Červenák,
titled "Zrcadlo Slovenska"
(Mirror of
Slovakla), which Hurban publlshed in 1844, ends ,this epoch of returning to the past without a single chapter about what we want in the
present and the future. We could s.ay, then, that Slovak patriots kept
the flames of their nationalism burning for 150 years by returning to
the past. However, they did not state clearly just how they pictured
Slovak life of the future.
In 1845, when Štúr began pu,biishing the first Slovak polltlcal
newspaper, a change was gradually taking place in the thinking of
the people. Slovaks began to talk about what should be done to
preserve the Slovak nation, to increase 1-ts spiritual and material welf,are. They talked about concrete Slovak demands. In 1842, Dr. Paul
Jozeffy placed a petition before the emperor, requesting that t he
Slovak lan.guage be .the medium of teachlng !n Slovakla, of preaching
in tbe cburches, and that cJrnrch records (vltal staitlstlcs) be kept in
Slovak. Jozeffy's demands concerned only the linguistic questlon.
But in 1848, the Slovaks went much farther. They proclaimed
themselves independent from the Magyars. Mil'hael Milan Hodža,
Loufs Štúr and Joseph Miloslav Hurban proclalmed the first Slovak
Government, the Slovak National Council as the "supreme Slovak
authorlty issulng out of the bosom of the natlon." That same year,
In the historic demands known as the Nitra and Liptovský Svätý
Mikuláš rlemands, the Slovaks pleaded ardently tor ~utonomy of the
Slovak terrltory, whose laws would be passed by a Slovak parllament.

�34

SLOVAKIA .

Furthermor e, they demanded: Slovak schools, Slovak cour ts, Slovak as
the offlclal language In SlovakJa, and teachlng In Slovak a t the
Unlverslty.
In every Slovak demand, trom May 10, 1848, and In every Slovak
program the demand for a S lovak Parllament w,as predomlnan t. It
had deep roots.
To Brezová and Liptovský Svätý M.lkulä§ not even a hundred people came to the rally In 1848 to demand a Slovak parllament . In 1861,
about 6000 Slovaks oam e together to demand a Natlonal Assembly for
SlovakJa. The Plttsburgh manifesta:t lon of May 30, 1918, w as attend ed
by some 30,000 people. But In 1938, on P ent.ecost Day (June 6th ),
about 120,000 Slovaks gathered In Bratislava at a hlstorlc rally to
commemor ate lhe twentleth annlversary of th e Plttsbugh P act . It was
he re that lhe Slovak natlon saw the hlstorlc document whlch was
proposed ,and slgned by T. G. Masazyk In 1918. The Plttsburgh Pact,
whlch In fact guaranteed autonomy t o the Slovaks, was brought to
Slovakla by a delega tlon of lhe Slovak League of Amerlca.
T hese m anlfestation s show just how the concept of self-admlnistratlon in Slovakia grew In depth In the wlde masses of the naitlon.
In 1848 lt wa.&lt;i supported by a small group of Slovak hrtellectual s, but
In 1938, in Bratislava, pract!cally the entlre Slovak natlon was back
of it.
In a contldenlla l report (T. 1370/33) to Pres.Ident M,asaryk , Dr.
Schnleszl wrote:
"Today a ll of S lovakla 1, for autonomy. Several pre.revolu.
tlonary Slovak, are completely lnsignlflcan t for the splrltual life
of the people. Moreover, if some were not bound by thelr paat,
and other, by the ir public statu,, they, t oo, would be on the other
• Ide o penly."
The Slovak newspapen nan in Amerlca, Adalbert Tholt,Vel'koštlavnlcký, was not faml11ar w!th the correspondence of old Slovak
leaders, and yet he evaluated the polltical demands of the Slovaks
quite correctly. He stated that they were demands not only for a
narrow autonomy, but lhat thelr content actually called for the Jndependence of Slovakia. It 1s interestlng t hat Tholt came to this concluslon even though he was not acqua!nted wlth the signlflcant quota.
tion trom Šttlr's book "Slovanstv o a svet budtlcnostl " (Slavdom and
the WOTld of lhe Future), which read:
"So that we could occupy and take ove r the place whlch belong1 to u1 accordlng to our atrength a nd capabllltles , we must
once and for a ll t lme f ree ourselvea from the unbearable y oke of
foreignera a nd gain for ouraelvea state INDEPEND ENCE, bec auae
a natlon that i• enslaved has ltl hand, t led and mu,t perlsh
sooner or lat er."
What crystal-clea x words! And Šttlr said them openly and fearlessly after the sad experlence s of 1848-49. Šttlr states clearly that
the penalty awa!Ung the nat!on whlch wlll not flght for its state
in dependence is death.
After the natlonal rally of 1861, the flght at home in Slovakla
weakened; there was not a slngle publ!c expression or demand voted
on manlfestati onally which could compare to the demands of 1848 and
1861: In whlch .a demand was volced for a Slovak governmen t, or a
Slovak parl!ament. In Slovakla a bard flght was fou ght t o preserve

�SLOVAKIA

86

S lovak schools. But the flght for the inherent rlghts of the Slovak natlon was carrled over lnto America. The questlon was taken up by the
Slovak press and became the subject of several hundred public manlfestatlons. Flnally lt matured wlth the "Memorandum of ťhe Slovak
League," whlch to a certaln extent repeated the demands voiced In
1848 and 1861: autonomy for Slovakla, a separate Slovak Assembly
or Dlet, Slovaklzatlon of the schools, Slovak courts, and the use of
Slovak In public llfe.
After thls foll&lt;JW the agreements wlth representatives of the
Czech natlon. The Cleveland ~reement, In 1915, In wlllch the Czechs
agree to a federatlve form of the hopeful Czecho-Slovak Republlc, and
then the memorable Plttsburgh Pact of May 30, 1918, in whlch again
ls renewed the promlse that the Slovaks shall have thelr own Slov,ak
admlnlstration, thelr own Slovak schools and courts, and, above all
else, thelr own Slovak parliament or state leglslature. Even though
Thomas Garrigue Masaryk underslgned thls agreement on May 30,
1918, and then agaln on the second day following bis electlon as
Presldent of Czecho-Slovakia, he later dlsavowed it, declarlng it a falsehood and a mere scrap of paper. That ls how the Czechs kept thelr
promlses.
If we call the perlod from 1655 to 1845 as the perlod which turned
to the past, then we can call 1:he perlod from 1845 to to 1918 a.s the
perlod present!ng the program of the !uture. And thls 1s followed by
a perlod of actlve fightlng for the recognltlon of prom!ses and agreements. A short artlcle does not allow us to take up in mlnute de•
tal! every parliamentary expresslon, every motlon or proposal for
autonomy, every public manlfestatlon; and every remlnder that promlses made durlng the war be kept and fulfilled.
It remalns a sad reality, but the hlstorlcal truth nevertheless,
that the Czechs dld not live up to thelr promlses any more after 1918,
than they d1d after 1945. Tlle fate of every agreement wlth the
Czechs was the same: ,all agreements wlth the Slova.ks were repudiated by the Czechs. The Czechs were w11llng to make concesslons
only when they needed the Slovaks; later, they repudlated every
agreement. Practlcally all Czech.s were the same In thls regard: T.
G. Masaryk, the so-called reallst and humanlst; Ediward Beneií,
t he so-called "democrat and statesman," and Monslgnor John Šrámek, the Cathollc prlest; Czech agrarlans, democrats, soclallsts,
communlsts and fasclsts; Czech Cathollcs, Lutherans, Jews, Ta:bor·
ltes, Husaltes, members of the "Czechoslovak Natlonal Church," Unl•
tarlans and Baptista: all repudiated the promlses made to Slova.ks,
all repudlated the lnberent and God-glven rlght of the Slovak natlon
to freedom and state lndependence. No llttle wonder, then, t,bat the
SlovalG cry out today: Don't belleve the Czech.s - no more agreements wlth the Czechs!
Joseph P~kar, the Czech hlstorlan repudlated by Masaryk and
Beneli, declared In hls Ume that the Slovak demands were moderate.
Was lt not a terrible tragedy that these moderate and rlghtful demands were not reallzed in the Czeoho Slovak Republic? For twenty
long year-s the Slovaks fouglrt not only for thelr own parllament, but
also for t.he Slovaklzat!on of tbelr schools, especlally for addttlonal
hlgher lnstltutlons of loo.rnlng. Many of the demands of 1848 and
0

�36

SLOVAKIA

1861 were still timely even ln 1938; and the demand for a Slovak
parllament W&amp;S the most imporllant.
The Czechs, supported by Slovak Czechoslovaks (Slovaks ln the
serVice of the Czechs: renegades), proclaimed that there was nothing more dangerous for the Slovaks than a Slovak parliament.
V,avro Šro,b ár, one of the foremost "Czechoslovaks," wrote a letter
to Americans of Slovak descent to "prove" that point. Of course,
to do so he had to give incorrect or falsified statistios; ln fact,
he outdid the Magyars in -that respect. šrobár used the false figures,
1 epresenting the various nationa.lities of the populatlon of Slovakia,
to show that in a Slovak parliament the Slovaks themselves would
be a minority, which the non-Slovak population - the Magyars, Jews
and Germans - could outvote at any Ume. But he was not very convincing. During varlous negotiations wlth a P.r-ague Government,
the Czech ministers promised: We shall glve you everything, but
not a Slovak parliament. And -the Slovaks answered adamantly: We
want nothing except a Slovak parliament, because with it we shall
rea.lize al! the rest of our demands.
Czech policy was incredibly short-sighted. Czech politicians and
ministers would debate day.s on end In the Ministerlal Council to
send Czech maLl-carriers and janitors to Slovakia to "help out" the
Slovaks. .ánd they usually did even agalnst the will of the Slovak
pul)lic and its representatlves In Government. Thls only convinced
the Slovaks all ťhe more thai w:ithout thelr own State Legislature
or Parliament, they would actually be only a subordinate colony of
the Czech nation. Tbe more Prague opposed the Idea of a Slovak parliamen t, however, the more the Slovaks demanded lt. Th·a t was the
situa:tlon up to October 6, 1938.
Czech diplomacy and democracy created such a situation that the
Czecho-Slovak Repul)ll&lt;: collapsed wlth the first blow. Not a single
shot was fired in its defense. In the annals of hlstory there is probably not a single case where a political state disappeared with
less ado about it. In the fall of 1938 lt was c.Jear even to those
In power in Prague that the Slovak demands of 1915-1918 must be
fulfilled. Even Beneš bimself - who told the delegation of the Slovak League of Amerlca In 1938 that be was in principle agalnst t he
Pittsburgh Pact only because of the one word "parllament" - began to
see the llght. On October 4, 1938, that very same Beneš wrote a letter to Dr. Joseph Tiso - a letter overflowing wlth reverence and
k!ndly feellng - in which we flnd:
"The question of a parllament, designated by Mr. President
in principle and onJy in the maln outlines and In proposltlons,
requlres precise defln!tion and preclse legal formulatlon. The
new Government, in agreement wlth the Slovaks, shall have to
conclude the rest of this work as speedily as posslble."
Beneš wrote the letter and correcled it tbree times, as was
a.scertained In the archlves, but lt was slgned by. Dr. Schleszl.
On October 4, Beneš had lt mailed, but that very day requested lt
returned to hlm, because, under pressure from the generals, he
declded to reslgn the Presldency of the Republic. But what dld Beneš have io propose about a Slovak parliament? Only thls:
" It ls agreed that future acts of admlnistratlve reforms, if
it shall be based on the county system, shall preserve the unlty

�SLOVAKIA

37

of SloV'aJtia as a !and and that a union of the counties be reallzed
withln the fmmework of the territorial parliament of Slovakia."
True, thls proposition could not be seriously considered, because
Beneš resigned his office and fled the country. The Pra~e ParHament fLnally voted the autonomy of Slovakia wit hout Beneš
on 0 ctober 6, 1938. In December the first Slovak parliament•ary eJections were held, and In January, 1939, sixty-three deputies were seated
in the flrst legislative ,assembly of Slovakia. Dr. Martin Sokol became
t he first president of the Slovak Parliament. The dream of Slovak
,generatlons was at long last realized.
The Slovak ParJiament, just as every ,human work, had lts
shortcomings. But we must judge every mlstake in the light of the
times in which it happened. The Slovak Legislature began to function
in extraordinarily difficult tlmes, when the worud situation was extraordinarily tense and confusion reigned In Slov·a kia.
Almost simultaneously with the Parliament, Slovak rule passed
!nto the hands of the Slovak Government in 0ctober, 1938. State
executive and leglslative power in Slovakia passed into Slovak hands.
But the Ozechs were not satisfied wit h this status of affairs. It
was difficult for th em to suffer the thought that the Slovaks would
now decide about Slovak matters w-ithout Prague. They began to
hinder development. 'I'he.y especially wanted to prove that their
progno.stiootions about the Czeťhs ha-ving to pay for the Slovaks
were true. The financial policy pursued was suoh that it forebo&lt;le
the prediction of Kramár, that 1s, that if the Slovaks gained autonomy,
they wouid not be aJble to pay their state employees even three
months. They refused to give money for Slovak !mports from the
common fund, even though t he Slovaks contributed to it, because
now, they said, Slovakia is no longer a money--creating part of the
·state. Events were climaxed wHh a new occupation of Slovakia and
the unseatlng of fäe first Slovak Government in Marcl:t, 1939. When
this happened, the recently executed Vladlmir Clementis, in London
at that tilne, wrote:
" . . . The unseatlng of Tlso's Government by Prague (better
said: by Hácha, Beran and Chvalkovský - at the direction of
Berlin) was negoti'ated polit!cally In a very bung,Jed manner,
nay in a si-niiully awkward manner" ( Hnev Svätý, London, 1944,
pg. 21).
The result of this lntervention was tha.t Slovakia tore herself
compl etely from the Czech lands, and the Parliament of Slove.kla by
unan!mous vote, proclaimed the lndependence of the Slovak State
on Maroh 14, 1939. Thus, Štúr',s wish of 1850 was realized in 1939.
,Shortly after the Parliament and government of autonomous
Slovak!a oame into being, the enti-re apparatus of government legislat!ve and executive power - oame lnto Slovak hands. And
just aibout that time we w!tnes.sed an interesting phenomenon. From
1940, after the events of the so-calle d '\Salzburg In,tervention," we
noted a e hange in the relatlons between the Parllament Md the
Government - which caused a serious tension and often threatened
to explo&lt;le lnto a sharp public conWct and wreck the whole structure
of the State.
Vojtech Tuka wanted to remodel Slovakia completely after the
German model ; he was for NaUonal Soc!alism. 0f course, he ex-

�38

SLOVAKIA

pected to become the flrst cltlzen of the remodeled State. Tuka and
bis followers began to lntrigue agalnst the Parllament, and the
stM1ggle cllmaxed with Tuka's demand that Parliament vote Tuka
fulJ authority, and that even In Constltut1onal mattera. In a word,
Tuka wa.nted dlctatorlal powers. Accordlng to Tuka, the PaTllament
was supposed to be only a representative body, whlch he would convoke once a year to hear some proclamatlon of hfs and then would
solemnly and unanlmously approve everythlng he proposed. Tuka
wanted a "rubber stamp" parllament whlch would say "so be lt" to
everyth!ng he recommended, then go home and ref.raln from meddllng
In the politlcs of the State. Charles Mmgaš, Chlef of Propaganda,
speaklng In the name of the "leadershlp," deolared that only one
or two persons of the "lea.dership" would be -a.ble to play polltics and,
of course, he reckoned tha.t •he would be one of them.
Accordlng to these promoters of Natlonal Soclallsm, lt w,as
necessary to Temove two personalltlee from government: Dr. J oseph
Tlso and Dr. Martin Sokol. President Tlso delegated Dr. Sokol to dellbemt e about these questlons. To the great surprlse of Dr. Tuka
hlmself, Dr. Sokol declared that he fully agreed wlth Tuka's proposal that the Natlonal-Soclallstlc system should prevall in Slovakla.
.And now, sald Dr. Sokol, slnce th1ngs are done In thls manner In the
Reich - and here Sokol enumerated how varlous matters were transacted in Germany - we &amp;hall do likewlse in Slovakla. In the fkst
place, of course, cont:lnued Dr. Sokol, we know that In the Relch
aJl State power rests In the hands of the head of the State - and
that head 1s the Presldent.
Dr. Tuka, lmmedlately realizlng that he was dlsarmed and In a
bllnd alley, revoked hls proposal for a Natlonal Socla\lst!c Slevakla.
He was fully 11.ware that under the ciTcumstances lt could happen
that he would drop out of government completely, lf h1s proposal was
adopted.
But peace dld not ensue between Tuka, Mach and the ParHament. The deputles, who once sat in the Prague Parll,ament, often
declared that the Prague Parllament could never have allowed such
Independent action against the Government as the Bratislava Parl!amen.t dld durlng its mhole exlstence. lit often hapl)ened that the Government sent to Parllament a draft of a 1Mv for consideratlon and
pas&amp;age. When Parllament was thro~h with lt, the law approved
was In most cases not based on the orlglnal dra~t. but was the opposJ te In lts effec,ts from what Tuka and Mach had lntended lt to
be. There was no opposltlon ,to speak of In Parllament, but there
was plenty of lt ag,alnst the Government. Thls had not onJy lts
good, but bad polnts as well.
Undoubtedly, lf -tlmes were normal, Tuka's government never
would have held together. Tuka and Mach, who represented one
tendency In the Government, had practlcally no support In Parllament. Later on, however, even the other mlnlsters could not
have galned t-he majority, because, just as 'Iluka and Mach were reproached for belng too radlcal and subordlnated to the Germans. they,
on the other hand, were reproached for belng too colorless. Aga.In it
1s true, that we could talk about the polltlcs or Dr. Tuka and Mach,
but hardly that of Dr. Pruf.!nský, Frltz, St-a.no and Medrlcký. The
latter were completely lnfluenced by "Czechoslovak" c lrcles.

�SLOVAKIA

39

-Relatlons between the Government were not ldyllic. Tuka's !lret
attempt to dlssolve Parllament ended lnglorlousJy. But he and hli!
foJlowers dld not glve up easlly. When Tuka categorlcally demanded
that he wanted a new Government formed, whlch would include
only M-ach and Catioš !rom the exlstlng Government, he agaln wae
de!eated. Tuka then demanded the Presldent to appoint Ciiarles
Murga§ as Minister of Educatlon, John Farka§ as Finance Minister, and a new man to head the Minlstry of Justice. Tlso, however,
remalned adamant; he repudlated Tuka's demands. Tlso inslsted en
keeplng the iBame Government he had a!ter the Sal11Jburg events of
July, 1940.
After many rebuffs and bitter dlsappolntments, Tuka's spľrlt
and energy began to wane. He was an old, slck man, obsessed with
the thought that he should have been the !lrst man in the !and,
because he had, he thought, suffered for the cause more than any
one el.se. Hls aggre.sslveness gone, Tuk.a In later years was a minister in name only; he was seldom seen in hls offlce and was not In
a posltion to make decislons. There was no change In government
personnel until after Catloš's !llght to the putschJsts at the end of
August, 1944. Catloš wa.s replaced by Stephen Haäšik; Tuka by Dr.
Stephen Tlso, who also took over Frltz's post (Justlce and Forelgn
Affalrs); Stano was replaced by Ing. Lednár, and .Sivák by Dr.
Aladar Kočiš.
Some people dld not flnd it difflcult to crltlclze the actlvlty of
lndlvidual mlnlsters. When converslng wlth such bitter crltlcs, I
cften asked the questlon: And what would you have done under the
same clrcumstances? After a momenťs thought, the crltlcs usually
an,swered that they probably would have done the same thlng, because there w-as a war on, German pressure dld exist, the sltuatlon
was extraordlnary and, hence, strongly lntluenced everythlng the
Government dld. Nevertheless, it remalns lnd1sputably true that as
long as the Slovak Parllament and the Slovak Government ruled In
Slovakia, the llvlng Standard of the Slovak people was hlgher than
that of -a.ny nelghborlng country.
Let people say w.hat they wlll about Sivák, the !act remalus
that wblle he was Minister of Educatlon, more secondary schools
arose tban ever before, more Slovak professors were appolnted to the
unlversltles, and at least three tlmes as many students studled during the war than before or after ft. W e may crlt!clze T uka's act!ons,
but the fact remalns that he did not seek reprlsals agalnst the false
wltnesses, brlbed by Prague as -the Prague archlves dlsolosed, who
helped to convlot bim to 15 years In prlson durlng the flrst CzechoSlovak Republlc.
During the admlnlstratlon of Jullus Stano, more rallroad tracks,
roads and buildings were bullt than ever before. The fact remalns
that whlle Frltz was Minister of Justlce, and even after he was
replaced, there was not a slngle offlclal executlon in Slovakia. Wben
Medrický was in charge of Slovak economy, there was no ratlonlng
of food and clothJng. And when Pružlnský was Mlnlster of Flnance,
deposlts soared t o unbeard of belghts and the Slovak Koruna (Crown),
one of the most prized means of exchange In the wbole of Europe, enjoyed the legend or the Tatra dollar. EvEm Catloš hlmself pursued a po
llcy wbereby Slovakla contrlbuted as llttle as posslble to the tax of blood.

�40

SLOVAKIA

Alexander Mach mlght be blamed for almost anythlng and everytblng, but perhap.s no one man stood up so fearlessly against the German propaganda concerning the Germanlsm of the Habans, agalnst
1,he founcllng of German schools for Czecbs who s uddenly discovered
tbat tbey had some German blood coursing In tbeir velns. And lt remains a fact that tbe Communlsts, even though their Party wias
outlawed, suffered less in &amp;Jovakla than elsewhere. It may sound
strange, but it is true nevertheless, that Mach - thls most Germanophile Minister of the Interior - used to sit at a whlte table
with Communist inte11ectuals, converse with them, ententain them,
and, above all else, protect them.
During the existence of the Slovak State, neither the Presldent
nor the Mlnisters of State had to fear going among the people without a retinue of armed guards. The President never wanted a motorlzed police escort, in fact, could not even use one going to the
altar, the pulpit, the baptlsmal font, or into the confesslonal. President Tiso was truly loved and esteemed by all the people of Slovakia.
If his politicaJ enemies b e excepted, and tbey were only few in number, tben we must say t hat even they respected him. What a difference between Tiso and Beneš ! T,iso needed no protection wben he
went out among tbe people, but Beneš and bis Communis.t-dominated
regime had to have an army around tbem when they entered Slovakia
after tbe war.
About the Slovak Parllament we migbt say what the followers
of Gbandi were wont to say: "Even the worst Indian Government
1s better for I ndia than the best Engllsh Government, because tbe
English Government bas no business in India." Similarly, the Slovaks
can express tbemselves about every Czech government. The past has
shown definitely that a Czecho-Slovak government is in reality always a Czech government, regardless of whether it follows a rightls.t or Communist tendency. A Czec h-Slovak parliament always was
and always will be a Czech parJ.iament, even lf lt contains several
Slovak members.
A nation whlcb bas matured does not want to be regulated or
directed by laws t hat are promulgated by an alien parliament and
then enforced by an alien government. That is so especially witb a
nation wbicb has had lts own parliament and its own government.
The Slovak nation had its own parliament and its own government
from 1938- 1945, And tbe Slovaks stm wanted to rule themselves,
thelr Slovak Republlc, after the war ended in 1945, but thelr will
,v,as violated, They were violently forced back into the political
state which had explolted them for thirty years.
Slovak ministers, as peopl e, could have a nd undoubtedly did have
their faults, but one tbing cannot be denied tbem, the one lndlsputal&gt;Je fact tbat tbey worked for the welfare of the entire Slovak nation as best they could under given circumstances, and the Slovak
people never fared better under any otber government - before or
slnce that time. In a word, tbe Slovak ministers governed well. Not
one of tbem became wealthy through polltlcs; and they lived more
modestily, more democratically than the present rulers of Slovakia,
they cost the people less than tbe present commissloners.
Tbe .same can be sald for the parUament. Tbe work of tbe Slovak Parliament undoubtedly had lts shortcomlngs. Circumstances and

�SLOVAKIA

events often tled the hands of the deputies, but we need not fear
the criticism whlch history shall r&amp;eord about the Slovak Parliament.
After the war many deputies were tortured and some were k!lled.
Most of them recelved an average of ten years in prison. It is good
always to remember this, when some Czech In the world says that the
Slovaks never had it so good as they had it under the Czechs before
1939 or after 1945.
The fact remains that the Czechs in Prague oppressed and exploited the Slovaks before 1939 and, af,ter 1945 avenged -themselves by
murdering Dr. Tiso and others, jaillng, persecuting and dispossessing
thousands of others, and exlling tens of thousands of Slovaks to
Siberla and other regions of the Soviet Union and its satellites. The
Slovaks at home and everywhere in exile know tha.t they dld not
sell out the Czech people to Moscow, but that Dr. Edward Beneš
and hls followers sold out not only the Slovak nation, but the
Czech peoI11e as we11, to the tyranny of ,t he hammer and sickJe.

•

•

•

WHO SAID IT?

BENEŠ IN RETROSPECT: - "In an interview published In a
London Sunday paper, REYNOLDS NEWS, on February 20, Presldent
Beneš of Czechoslovakia, emphatically declared that he does not fear
Russla's return to imperlalism under the pretext of a so-called Al!•
Slav policy. The alliance and harmonious collaboratlon of the USSR,
Poland, and Czechoslovakia would deter Germany from provoking
another world war. Such an agreement may, therefore, have a far•
reaching slgnificance for the future peace of Europe as a whole. To
the question as to whether the pact will not make Czechoslovakia too
dependent on the Soviet Union, President Beneš r eplied that the pact
represents the fundamental strengthening of Czechoslovakia's security a nd consolidates her independence. Friendshlp wlth Soviet Russla
means a mutual collaboration. The Czechoslovakian people, as the
most mature people politically in Europe, would never accept vassalage under any nation." - (News Flashes From Czechoslovakia, Chicago, Ill., March 20, 1944).

•

•

•

DR. HUBERT RIPKA:-'IMany siliy rumors and guesses ,have arlsen
concerning a quarrel with the Soviet Union about Carpathian-Russia.
Many conJectures have been made about our Governmental delegate,
NE!mec. T hese are all nonsensical speculations ! The Soviet and Czechoslovak Governments are firmly resolved to proceed in all matters, now
and in the future, strlctly accordlng to the Treaty. Governmental dele•
gate NE!mec, wlth hls political advisors and the representatlves of the
Slovak Natlonal Council, ls already in llberated eastern Slovakia and
in a few days wlll start worklng in Košice, to organize a new free
Ufe in llberated parts of Slovakla, accordlng to the government on
relatlons between the Government delegate and the Slovak Natlonal
Councll. President Beneš wlll also come soon to the llberated country,
where, under hls leadershlp, a new Government authority wlll be created, based on the wlll of the llberated peoples. Be calm and falth·
ful. Liberatlon 1s in slght." - (London Broadcast, January 29, 1945).

�</text>
                  </elementText>
                  <elementText elementTextId="477">
                    <text>SLOVAKIA

33

THE SWVAK ASSEMBLY AND GOVERNMENT
ľt !s very interesting to follow the developement of the Slovak
national idea trom the oldest limes to the pre.sent. As one of the
oldest expressions of Slovak nationalism, made in wr~ting, we must
regard the foreword to the Catholic hymnal "Canthus Cathollci,"
pubJished in 1655, in whlch the author, the learned Jesuit Szôlôsi, with
words of wonderment and love, calls the aittention of his readers
to the first Slovak State, to Svätopluk and to Saints Cyril and
Methodius.
And since Szôlôsi's time, Slovak patriots have frequenrtly returned
to this theme: Magin in 1728; George Papánek in 1780, in his history
of Slovak ľtllers; George Sklenár In 1784, In his history of Great Moravia; in the "S'taré Noviny" (Old Newl',) in 1786. The period 1787-1792
is climaxed with the publlcation of the firs,t Slovak Grammar, the organization of the "Learned Guild" (Učené tovarišstvo), and the publication of Fándly's book, in which the author speaks warmly to the
Slovaks and calls their a,ttention to the flrst Slov,ak State. In 1793
Fándly again publishes the history of Great Moravia, and in 1833
John Hollý publishes his famed epic "Svätopluk." This perlod, lasting
over 130 years, is marked in learned books wlth a constant return to
the theme of ťhe first Slovak State.
At the end of this epoch, three years after Hollý's "Svätopluk"
was published, on the Devin ramparts the young friends of Louis
Štúr spoke from the rulns of Svä,topluk's stronghold, repeating everything that had t o that time appeared only in books. This is the
•border line. With the book of a young follower of Štúr, Benjamiu
Pravoslav Červenák,
titled "Zrcadlo Slovenska"
(Mirror of
Slovakla), which Hurban publlshed in 1844, ends ,this epoch of returning to the past without a single chapter about what we want in the
present and the future. We could s.ay, then, that Slovak patriots kept
the flames of their nationalism burning for 150 years by returning to
the past. However, they did not state clearly just how they pictured
Slovak life of the future.
In 1845, when Štúr began pu,biishing the first Slovak polltlcal
newspaper, a change was gradually taking place in the thinking of
the people. Slovaks began to talk about what should be done to
preserve the Slovak nation, to increase 1-ts spiritual and material welf,are. They talked about concrete Slovak demands. In 1842, Dr. Paul
Jozeffy placed a petition before the emperor, requesting that t he
Slovak lan.guage be .the medium of teachlng !n Slovakla, of preaching
in tbe cburches, and that cJrnrch records (vltal staitlstlcs) be kept in
Slovak. Jozeffy's demands concerned only the linguistic questlon.
But in 1848, the Slovaks went much farther. They proclaimed
themselves independent from the Magyars. Mil'hael Milan Hodža,
Loufs Štúr and Joseph Miloslav Hurban proclalmed the first Slovak
Government, the Slovak National Council as the "supreme Slovak
authorlty issulng out of the bosom of the natlon." That same year,
In the historic demands known as the Nitra and Liptovský Svätý
Mikuláš rlemands, the Slovaks pleaded ardently tor ~utonomy of the
Slovak terrltory, whose laws would be passed by a Slovak parllament.

�34

SLOVAKIA .

Furthermor e, they demanded: Slovak schools, Slovak cour ts, Slovak as
the offlclal language In SlovakJa, and teachlng In Slovak a t the
Unlverslty.
In every Slovak demand, trom May 10, 1848, and In every Slovak
program the demand for a S lovak Parllament w,as predomlnan t. It
had deep roots.
To Brezová and Liptovský Svätý M.lkulä§ not even a hundred people came to the rally In 1848 to demand a Slovak parllament . In 1861,
about 6000 Slovaks oam e together to demand a Natlonal Assembly for
SlovakJa. The Plttsburgh manifesta:t lon of May 30, 1918, w as attend ed
by some 30,000 people. But In 1938, on P ent.ecost Day (June 6th ),
about 120,000 Slovaks gathered In Bratislava at a hlstorlc rally to
commemor ate lhe twentleth annlversary of th e Plttsbugh P act . It was
he re that lhe Slovak natlon saw the hlstorlc document whlch was
proposed ,and slgned by T. G. Masazyk In 1918. The Plttsburgh Pact,
whlch In fact guaranteed autonomy t o the Slovaks, was brought to
Slovakla by a delega tlon of lhe Slovak League of Amerlca.
T hese m anlfestation s show just how the concept of self-admlnistratlon in Slovakia grew In depth In the wlde masses of the naitlon.
In 1848 lt wa.&lt;i supported by a small group of Slovak hrtellectual s, but
In 1938, in Bratislava, pract!cally the entlre Slovak natlon was back
of it.
In a contldenlla l report (T. 1370/33) to Pres.Ident M,asaryk , Dr.
Schnleszl wrote:
"Today a ll of S lovakla 1, for autonomy. Several pre.revolu.
tlonary Slovak, are completely lnsignlflcan t for the splrltual life
of the people. Moreover, if some were not bound by thelr paat,
and other, by the ir public statu,, they, t oo, would be on the other
• Ide o penly."
The Slovak newspapen nan in Amerlca, Adalbert Tholt,Vel'koštlavnlcký, was not faml11ar w!th the correspondence of old Slovak
leaders, and yet he evaluated the polltical demands of the Slovaks
quite correctly. He stated that they were demands not only for a
narrow autonomy, but lhat thelr content actually called for the Jndependence of Slovakia. It 1s interestlng t hat Tholt came to this concluslon even though he was not acqua!nted wlth the signlflcant quota.
tion trom Šttlr's book "Slovanstv o a svet budtlcnostl " (Slavdom and
the WOTld of lhe Future), which read:
"So that we could occupy and take ove r the place whlch belong1 to u1 accordlng to our atrength a nd capabllltles , we must
once and for a ll t lme f ree ourselvea from the unbearable y oke of
foreignera a nd gain for ouraelvea state INDEPEND ENCE, bec auae
a natlon that i• enslaved has ltl hand, t led and mu,t perlsh
sooner or lat er."
What crystal-clea x words! And Šttlr said them openly and fearlessly after the sad experlence s of 1848-49. Šttlr states clearly that
the penalty awa!Ung the nat!on whlch wlll not flght for its state
in dependence is death.
After the natlonal rally of 1861, the flght at home in Slovakla
weakened; there was not a slngle publ!c expression or demand voted
on manlfestati onally which could compare to the demands of 1848 and
1861: In whlch .a demand was volced for a Slovak governmen t, or a
Slovak parl!ament. In Slovakla a bard flght was fou ght t o preserve

�SLOVAKIA

86

S lovak schools. But the flght for the inherent rlghts of the Slovak natlon was carrled over lnto America. The questlon was taken up by the
Slovak press and became the subject of several hundred public manlfestatlons. Flnally lt matured wlth the "Memorandum of ťhe Slovak
League," whlch to a certaln extent repeated the demands voiced In
1848 and 1861: autonomy for Slovakla, a separate Slovak Assembly
or Dlet, Slovaklzatlon of the schools, Slovak courts, and the use of
Slovak In public llfe.
After thls foll&lt;JW the agreements wlth representatives of the
Czech natlon. The Cleveland ~reement, In 1915, In wlllch the Czechs
agree to a federatlve form of the hopeful Czecho-Slovak Republlc, and
then the memorable Plttsburgh Pact of May 30, 1918, in whlch again
ls renewed the promlse that the Slovaks shall have thelr own Slov,ak
admlnlstration, thelr own Slovak schools and courts, and, above all
else, thelr own Slovak parliament or state leglslature. Even though
Thomas Garrigue Masaryk underslgned thls agreement on May 30,
1918, and then agaln on the second day following bis electlon as
Presldent of Czecho-Slovakia, he later dlsavowed it, declarlng it a falsehood and a mere scrap of paper. That ls how the Czechs kept thelr
promlses.
If we call the perlod from 1655 to 1845 as the perlod which turned
to the past, then we can call 1:he perlod from 1845 to to 1918 a.s the
perlod present!ng the program of the !uture. And thls 1s followed by
a perlod of actlve fightlng for the recognltlon of prom!ses and agreements. A short artlcle does not allow us to take up in mlnute de•
tal! every parliamentary expresslon, every motlon or proposal for
autonomy, every public manlfestatlon; and every remlnder that promlses made durlng the war be kept and fulfilled.
It remalns a sad reality, but the hlstorlcal truth nevertheless,
that the Czechs dld not live up to thelr promlses any more after 1918,
than they d1d after 1945. Tlle fate of every agreement wlth the
Czechs was the same: ,all agreements wlth the Slova.ks were repudiated by the Czechs. The Czechs were w11llng to make concesslons
only when they needed the Slovaks; later, they repudlated every
agreement. Practlcally all Czech.s were the same In thls regard: T.
G. Masaryk, the so-called reallst and humanlst; Ediward Beneií,
t he so-called "democrat and statesman," and Monslgnor John Šrámek, the Cathollc prlest; Czech agrarlans, democrats, soclallsts,
communlsts and fasclsts; Czech Cathollcs, Lutherans, Jews, Ta:bor·
ltes, Husaltes, members of the "Czechoslovak Natlonal Church," Unl•
tarlans and Baptista: all repudiated the promlses made to Slova.ks,
all repudlated the lnberent and God-glven rlght of the Slovak natlon
to freedom and state lndependence. No llttle wonder, then, t,bat the
SlovalG cry out today: Don't belleve the Czech.s - no more agreements wlth the Czechs!
Joseph P~kar, the Czech hlstorlan repudlated by Masaryk and
Beneli, declared In hls Ume that the Slovak demands were moderate.
Was lt not a terrible tragedy that these moderate and rlghtful demands were not reallzed in the Czeoho Slovak Republic? For twenty
long year-s the Slovaks fouglrt not only for thelr own parllament, but
also for t.he Slovaklzat!on of tbelr schools, especlally for addttlonal
hlgher lnstltutlons of loo.rnlng. Many of the demands of 1848 and
0

�36

SLOVAKIA

1861 were still timely even ln 1938; and the demand for a Slovak
parllament W&amp;S the most imporllant.
The Czechs, supported by Slovak Czechoslovaks (Slovaks ln the
serVice of the Czechs: renegades), proclaimed that there was nothing more dangerous for the Slovaks than a Slovak parliament.
V,avro Šro,b ár, one of the foremost "Czechoslovaks," wrote a letter
to Americans of Slovak descent to "prove" that point. Of course,
to do so he had to give incorrect or falsified statistios; ln fact,
he outdid the Magyars in -that respect. šrobár used the false figures,
1 epresenting the various nationa.lities of the populatlon of Slovakia,
to show that in a Slovak parliament the Slovaks themselves would
be a minority, which the non-Slovak population - the Magyars, Jews
and Germans - could outvote at any Ume. But he was not very convincing. During varlous negotiations wlth a P.r-ague Government,
the Czech ministers promised: We shall glve you everything, but
not a Slovak parliament. And -the Slovaks answered adamantly: We
want nothing except a Slovak parliament, because with it we shall
rea.lize al! the rest of our demands.
Czech policy was incredibly short-sighted. Czech politicians and
ministers would debate day.s on end In the Ministerlal Council to
send Czech maLl-carriers and janitors to Slovakia to "help out" the
Slovaks. .ánd they usually did even agalnst the will of the Slovak
pul)lic and its representatlves In Government. Thls only convinced
the Slovaks all ťhe more thai w:ithout thelr own State Legislature
or Parliament, they would actually be only a subordinate colony of
the Czech nation. Tbe more Prague opposed the Idea of a Slovak parliamen t, however, the more the Slovaks demanded lt. Th·a t was the
situa:tlon up to October 6, 1938.
Czech diplomacy and democracy created such a situation that the
Czecho-Slovak Repul)ll&lt;: collapsed wlth the first blow. Not a single
shot was fired in its defense. In the annals of hlstory there is probably not a single case where a political state disappeared with
less ado about it. In the fall of 1938 lt was c.Jear even to those
In power in Prague that the Slovak demands of 1915-1918 must be
fulfilled. Even Beneš bimself - who told the delegation of the Slovak League of Amerlca In 1938 that be was in principle agalnst t he
Pittsburgh Pact only because of the one word "parllament" - began to
see the llght. On October 4, 1938, that very same Beneš wrote a letter to Dr. Joseph Tiso - a letter overflowing wlth reverence and
k!ndly feellng - in which we flnd:
"The question of a parllament, designated by Mr. President
in principle and onJy in the maln outlines and In proposltlons,
requlres precise defln!tion and preclse legal formulatlon. The
new Government, in agreement wlth the Slovaks, shall have to
conclude the rest of this work as speedily as posslble."
Beneš wrote the letter and correcled it tbree times, as was
a.scertained In the archlves, but lt was slgned by. Dr. Schleszl.
On October 4, Beneš had lt mailed, but that very day requested lt
returned to hlm, because, under pressure from the generals, he
declded to reslgn the Presldency of the Republic. But what dld Beneš have io propose about a Slovak parliament? Only thls:
" It ls agreed that future acts of admlnistratlve reforms, if
it shall be based on the county system, shall preserve the unlty

�SLOVAKIA

37

of SloV'aJtia as a !and and that a union of the counties be reallzed
withln the fmmework of the territorial parliament of Slovakia."
True, thls proposition could not be seriously considered, because
Beneš resigned his office and fled the country. The Pra~e ParHament fLnally voted the autonomy of Slovakia wit hout Beneš
on 0 ctober 6, 1938. In December the first Slovak parliament•ary eJections were held, and In January, 1939, sixty-three deputies were seated
in the flrst legislative ,assembly of Slovakia. Dr. Martin Sokol became
t he first president of the Slovak Parliament. The dream of Slovak
,generatlons was at long last realized.
The Slovak ParJiament, just as every ,human work, had lts
shortcomings. But we must judge every mlstake in the light of the
times in which it happened. The Slovak Legislature began to function
in extraordinarily difficult tlmes, when the worud situation was extraordinarily tense and confusion reigned In Slov·a kia.
Almost simultaneously with the Parliament, Slovak rule passed
!nto the hands of the Slovak Government in 0ctober, 1938. State
executive and leglslative power in Slovakia passed into Slovak hands.
But the Ozechs were not satisfied wit h this status of affairs. It
was difficult for th em to suffer the thought that the Slovaks would
now decide about Slovak matters w-ithout Prague. They began to
hinder development. 'I'he.y especially wanted to prove that their
progno.stiootions about the Czeťhs ha-ving to pay for the Slovaks
were true. The financial policy pursued was suoh that it forebo&lt;le
the prediction of Kramár, that 1s, that if the Slovaks gained autonomy,
they wouid not be aJble to pay their state employees even three
months. They refused to give money for Slovak !mports from the
common fund, even though t he Slovaks contributed to it, because
now, they said, Slovakia is no longer a money--creating part of the
·state. Events were climaxed wHh a new occupation of Slovakia and
the unseatlng of fäe first Slovak Government in Marcl:t, 1939. When
this happened, the recently executed Vladlmir Clementis, in London
at that tilne, wrote:
" . . . The unseatlng of Tlso's Government by Prague (better
said: by Hácha, Beran and Chvalkovský - at the direction of
Berlin) was negoti'ated polit!cally In a very bung,Jed manner,
nay in a si-niiully awkward manner" ( Hnev Svätý, London, 1944,
pg. 21).
The result of this lntervention was tha.t Slovakia tore herself
compl etely from the Czech lands, and the Parliament of Slove.kla by
unan!mous vote, proclaimed the lndependence of the Slovak State
on Maroh 14, 1939. Thus, Štúr',s wish of 1850 was realized in 1939.
,Shortly after the Parliament and government of autonomous
Slovak!a oame into being, the enti-re apparatus of government legislat!ve and executive power - oame lnto Slovak hands. And
just aibout that time we w!tnes.sed an interesting phenomenon. From
1940, after the events of the so-calle d '\Salzburg In,tervention," we
noted a e hange in the relatlons between the Parllament Md the
Government - which caused a serious tension and often threatened
to explo&lt;le lnto a sharp public conWct and wreck the whole structure
of the State.
Vojtech Tuka wanted to remodel Slovakia completely after the
German model ; he was for NaUonal Soc!alism. 0f course, he ex-

�38

SLOVAKIA

pected to become the flrst cltlzen of the remodeled State. Tuka and
bis followers began to lntrigue agalnst the Parllament, and the
stM1ggle cllmaxed with Tuka's demand that Parliament vote Tuka
fulJ authority, and that even In Constltut1onal mattera. In a word,
Tuka wa.nted dlctatorlal powers. Accordlng to Tuka, the PaTllament
was supposed to be only a representative body, whlch he would convoke once a year to hear some proclamatlon of hfs and then would
solemnly and unanlmously approve everythlng he proposed. Tuka
wanted a "rubber stamp" parllament whlch would say "so be lt" to
everyth!ng he recommended, then go home and ref.raln from meddllng
In the politlcs of the State. Charles Mmgaš, Chlef of Propaganda,
speaklng In the name of the "leadershlp," deolared that only one
or two persons of the "lea.dership" would be -a.ble to play polltics and,
of course, he reckoned tha.t •he would be one of them.
Accordlng to these promoters of Natlonal Soclallsm, lt w,as
necessary to Temove two personalltlee from government: Dr. J oseph
Tlso and Dr. Martin Sokol. President Tlso delegated Dr. Sokol to dellbemt e about these questlons. To the great surprlse of Dr. Tuka
hlmself, Dr. Sokol declared that he fully agreed wlth Tuka's proposal that the Natlonal-Soclallstlc system should prevall in Slovakla.
.And now, sald Dr. Sokol, slnce th1ngs are done In thls manner In the
Reich - and here Sokol enumerated how varlous matters were transacted in Germany - we &amp;hall do likewlse in Slovakla. In the fkst
place, of course, cont:lnued Dr. Sokol, we know that In the Relch
aJl State power rests In the hands of the head of the State - and
that head 1s the Presldent.
Dr. Tuka, lmmedlately realizlng that he was dlsarmed and In a
bllnd alley, revoked hls proposal for a Natlonal Socla\lst!c Slevakla.
He was fully 11.ware that under the ciTcumstances lt could happen
that he would drop out of government completely, lf h1s proposal was
adopted.
But peace dld not ensue between Tuka, Mach and the ParHament. The deputles, who once sat in the Prague Parll,ament, often
declared that the Prague Parllament could never have allowed such
Independent action against the Government as the Bratislava Parl!amen.t dld durlng its mhole exlstence. lit often hapl)ened that the Government sent to Parllament a draft of a 1Mv for consideratlon and
pas&amp;age. When Parllament was thro~h with lt, the law approved
was In most cases not based on the orlglnal dra~t. but was the opposJ te In lts effec,ts from what Tuka and Mach had lntended lt to
be. There was no opposltlon ,to speak of In Parllament, but there
was plenty of lt ag,alnst the Government. Thls had not onJy lts
good, but bad polnts as well.
Undoubtedly, lf -tlmes were normal, Tuka's government never
would have held together. Tuka and Mach, who represented one
tendency In the Government, had practlcally no support In Parllament. Later on, however, even the other mlnlsters could not
have galned t-he majority, because, just as 'Iluka and Mach were reproached for belng too radlcal and subordlnated to the Germans. they,
on the other hand, were reproached for belng too colorless. Aga.In it
1s true, that we could talk about the polltlcs or Dr. Tuka and Mach,
but hardly that of Dr. Pruf.!nský, Frltz, St-a.no and Medrlcký. The
latter were completely lnfluenced by "Czechoslovak" c lrcles.

�SLOVAKIA

39

-Relatlons between the Government were not ldyllic. Tuka's !lret
attempt to dlssolve Parllament ended lnglorlousJy. But he and hli!
foJlowers dld not glve up easlly. When Tuka categorlcally demanded
that he wanted a new Government formed, whlch would include
only M-ach and Catioš !rom the exlstlng Government, he agaln wae
de!eated. Tuka then demanded the Presldent to appoint Ciiarles
Murga§ as Minister of Educatlon, John Farka§ as Finance Minister, and a new man to head the Minlstry of Justice. Tlso, however,
remalned adamant; he repudlated Tuka's demands. Tlso inslsted en
keeplng the iBame Government he had a!ter the Sal11Jburg events of
July, 1940.
After many rebuffs and bitter dlsappolntments, Tuka's spľrlt
and energy began to wane. He was an old, slck man, obsessed with
the thought that he should have been the !lrst man in the !and,
because he had, he thought, suffered for the cause more than any
one el.se. Hls aggre.sslveness gone, Tuk.a In later years was a minister in name only; he was seldom seen in hls offlce and was not In
a posltion to make decislons. There was no change In government
personnel until after Catloš's !llght to the putschJsts at the end of
August, 1944. Catloš wa.s replaced by Stephen Haäšik; Tuka by Dr.
Stephen Tlso, who also took over Frltz's post (Justlce and Forelgn
Affalrs); Stano was replaced by Ing. Lednár, and .Sivák by Dr.
Aladar Kočiš.
Some people dld not flnd it difflcult to crltlclze the actlvlty of
lndlvidual mlnlsters. When converslng wlth such bitter crltlcs, I
cften asked the questlon: And what would you have done under the
same clrcumstances? After a momenťs thought, the crltlcs usually
an,swered that they probably would have done the same thlng, because there w-as a war on, German pressure dld exist, the sltuatlon
was extraordlnary and, hence, strongly lntluenced everythlng the
Government dld. Nevertheless, it remalns lnd1sputably true that as
long as the Slovak Parllament and the Slovak Government ruled In
Slovakia, the llvlng Standard of the Slovak people was hlgher than
that of -a.ny nelghborlng country.
Let people say w.hat they wlll about Sivák, the !act remalus
that wblle he was Minister of Educatlon, more secondary schools
arose tban ever before, more Slovak professors were appolnted to the
unlversltles, and at least three tlmes as many students studled during the war than before or after ft. W e may crlt!clze T uka's act!ons,
but the fact remalns that he did not seek reprlsals agalnst the false
wltnesses, brlbed by Prague as -the Prague archlves dlsolosed, who
helped to convlot bim to 15 years In prlson durlng the flrst CzechoSlovak Republlc.
During the admlnlstratlon of Jullus Stano, more rallroad tracks,
roads and buildings were bullt than ever before. The fact remalns
that whlle Frltz was Minister of Justlce, and even after he was
replaced, there was not a slngle offlclal executlon in Slovakia. Wben
Medrický was in charge of Slovak economy, there was no ratlonlng
of food and clothJng. And when Pružlnský was Mlnlster of Flnance,
deposlts soared t o unbeard of belghts and the Slovak Koruna (Crown),
one of the most prized means of exchange In the wbole of Europe, enjoyed the legend or the Tatra dollar. EvEm Catloš hlmself pursued a po
llcy wbereby Slovakla contrlbuted as llttle as posslble to the tax of blood.

�40

SLOVAKIA

Alexander Mach mlght be blamed for almost anythlng and everytblng, but perhap.s no one man stood up so fearlessly against the German propaganda concerning the Germanlsm of the Habans, agalnst
1,he founcllng of German schools for Czecbs who s uddenly discovered
tbat tbey had some German blood coursing In tbeir velns. And lt remains a fact that tbe Communlsts, even though their Party wias
outlawed, suffered less in &amp;Jovakla than elsewhere. It may sound
strange, but it is true nevertheless, that Mach - thls most Germanophile Minister of the Interior - used to sit at a whlte table
with Communist inte11ectuals, converse with them, ententain them,
and, above all else, protect them.
During the existence of the Slovak State, neither the Presldent
nor the Mlnisters of State had to fear going among the people without a retinue of armed guards. The President never wanted a motorlzed police escort, in fact, could not even use one going to the
altar, the pulpit, the baptlsmal font, or into the confesslonal. President Tiso was truly loved and esteemed by all the people of Slovakia.
If his politicaJ enemies b e excepted, and tbey were only few in number, tben we must say t hat even they respected him. What a difference between Tiso and Beneš ! T,iso needed no protection wben he
went out among tbe people, but Beneš and bis Communis.t-dominated
regime had to have an army around tbem when they entered Slovakia
after tbe war.
About the Slovak Parllament we migbt say what the followers
of Gbandi were wont to say: "Even the worst Indian Government
1s better for I ndia than the best Engllsh Government, because tbe
English Government bas no business in India." Similarly, the Slovaks
can express tbemselves about every Czech government. The past has
shown definitely that a Czecho-Slovak government is in reality always a Czech government, regardless of whether it follows a rightls.t or Communist tendency. A Czec h-Slovak parliament always was
and always will be a Czech parJ.iament, even lf lt contains several
Slovak members.
A nation whlcb bas matured does not want to be regulated or
directed by laws t hat are promulgated by an alien parliament and
then enforced by an alien government. That is so especially witb a
nation wbicb has had lts own parliament and its own government.
The Slovak nation had its own parliament and its own government
from 1938- 1945, And tbe Slovaks stm wanted to rule themselves,
thelr Slovak Republlc, after the war ended in 1945, but thelr will
,v,as violated, They were violently forced back into the political
state which had explolted them for thirty years.
Slovak ministers, as peopl e, could have a nd undoubtedly did have
their faults, but one tbing cannot be denied tbem, the one lndlsputal&gt;Je fact tbat tbey worked for the welfare of the entire Slovak nation as best they could under given circumstances, and the Slovak
people never fared better under any otber government - before or
slnce that time. In a word, tbe Slovak ministers governed well. Not
one of tbem became wealthy through polltlcs; and they lived more
modestily, more democratically than the present rulers of Slovakia,
they cost the people less than tbe present commissloners.
Tbe .same can be sald for the parUament. Tbe work of tbe Slovak Parliament undoubtedly had lts shortcomlngs. Circumstances and

�SLOVAKIA

events often tled the hands of the deputies, but we need not fear
the criticism whlch history shall r&amp;eord about the Slovak Parliament.
After the war many deputies were tortured and some were k!lled.
Most of them recelved an average of ten years in prison. It is good
always to remember this, when some Czech In the world says that the
Slovaks never had it so good as they had it under the Czechs before
1939 or after 1945.
The fact remains that the Czechs in Prague oppressed and exploited the Slovaks before 1939 and, af,ter 1945 avenged -themselves by
murdering Dr. Tiso and others, jaillng, persecuting and dispossessing
thousands of others, and exlling tens of thousands of Slovaks to
Siberla and other regions of the Soviet Union and its satellites. The
Slovaks at home and everywhere in exile know tha.t they dld not
sell out the Czech people to Moscow, but that Dr. Edward Beneš
and hls followers sold out not only the Slovak nation, but the
Czech peoI11e as we11, to the tyranny of ,t he hammer and sickJe.

•

•

•

WHO SAID IT?

BENEŠ IN RETROSPECT: - "In an interview published In a
London Sunday paper, REYNOLDS NEWS, on February 20, Presldent
Beneš of Czechoslovakia, emphatically declared that he does not fear
Russla's return to imperlalism under the pretext of a so-called Al!•
Slav policy. The alliance and harmonious collaboratlon of the USSR,
Poland, and Czechoslovakia would deter Germany from provoking
another world war. Such an agreement may, therefore, have a far•
reaching slgnificance for the future peace of Europe as a whole. To
the question as to whether the pact will not make Czechoslovakia too
dependent on the Soviet Union, President Beneš r eplied that the pact
represents the fundamental strengthening of Czechoslovakia's security a nd consolidates her independence. Friendshlp wlth Soviet Russla
means a mutual collaboration. The Czechoslovakian people, as the
most mature people politically in Europe, would never accept vassalage under any nation." - (News Flashes From Czechoslovakia, Chicago, Ill., March 20, 1944).

•

•

•

DR. HUBERT RIPKA:-'IMany siliy rumors and guesses ,have arlsen
concerning a quarrel with the Soviet Union about Carpathian-Russia.
Many conJectures have been made about our Governmental delegate,
NE!mec. T hese are all nonsensical speculations ! The Soviet and Czechoslovak Governments are firmly resolved to proceed in all matters, now
and in the future, strlctly accordlng to the Treaty. Governmental dele•
gate NE!mec, wlth hls political advisors and the representatlves of the
Slovak Natlonal Council, ls already in llberated eastern Slovakia and
in a few days wlll start worklng in Košice, to organize a new free
Ufe in llberated parts of Slovakla, accordlng to the government on
relatlons between the Government delegate and the Slovak Natlonal
Councll. President Beneš wlll also come soon to the llberated country,
where, under hls leadershlp, a new Government authority wlll be created, based on the wlll of the llberated peoples. Be calm and falth·
ful. Liberatlon 1s in slght." - (London Broadcast, January 29, 1945).

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                  <text>1952, Vol. 2</text>
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                  <text>The Slovak League of America</text>
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                  <text>&lt;ul&gt;&lt;li&gt;Issue 1 (No. 3), March 1952.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Issue 2 (No. 4), August 1952.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Issue 3 (No. 5), December 1952.&lt;/li&gt;
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              <text>SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
33&#13;
&#13;
THE SWVAK ASSEMBLY AND GOVERNMENT&#13;
ľt !s very interesting to follow the developement of the Slovak&#13;
national idea trom the oldest limes to the pre.sent. As one of the&#13;
oldest expressions of Slovak nationalism, made in wr~ting, we must&#13;
regard the foreword to the Catholic hymnal "Canthus Cathollci,"&#13;
pubJished in 1655, in whlch the author, the learned Jesuit Szôlôsi, with&#13;
words of wonderment and love, calls the aittention of his readers&#13;
to the first Slovak State, to Svätopluk and to Saints Cyril and&#13;
Methodius.&#13;
And since Szôlôsi's time, Slovak patriots have frequenrtly returned&#13;
to this theme: Magin in 1728; George Papánek in 1780, in his history&#13;
of Slovak ľtllers; George Sklenár In 1784, In his history of Great Moravia; in the "S'taré Noviny" (Old Newl',) in 1786. The period 1787-1792&#13;
is climaxed with the publlcation of the firs,t Slovak Grammar, the organization of the "Learned Guild" (Učené tovarišstvo), and the publication of Fándly's book, in which the author speaks warmly to the&#13;
Slovaks and calls their a,ttention to the flrst Slov,ak State. In 1793&#13;
Fándly again publishes the history of Great Moravia, and in 1833&#13;
John Hollý publishes his famed epic "Svätopluk." This perlod, lasting&#13;
over 130 years, is marked in learned books wlth a constant return to&#13;
the theme of ťhe first Slovak State.&#13;
At the end of this epoch, three years after Hollý's "Svätopluk"&#13;
was published, on the Devin ramparts the young friends of Louis&#13;
Štúr spoke from the rulns of Svä,topluk's stronghold, repeating everything that had t o that time appeared only in books. This is the&#13;
•border line. With the book of a young follower of Štúr, Benjamiu&#13;
Pravoslav Červenák,&#13;
titled "Zrcadlo Slovenska"&#13;
(Mirror of&#13;
Slovakla), which Hurban publlshed in 1844, ends ,this epoch of returning to the past without a single chapter about what we want in the&#13;
present and the future. We could s.ay, then, that Slovak patriots kept&#13;
the flames of their nationalism burning for 150 years by returning to&#13;
the past. However, they did not state clearly just how they pictured&#13;
Slovak life of the future.&#13;
In 1845, when Štúr began pu,biishing the first Slovak polltlcal&#13;
newspaper, a change was gradually taking place in the thinking of&#13;
the people. Slovaks began to talk about what should be done to&#13;
preserve the Slovak nation, to increase 1-ts spiritual and material welf,are. They talked about concrete Slovak demands. In 1842, Dr. Paul&#13;
Jozeffy placed a petition before the emperor, requesting that t he&#13;
Slovak lan.guage be .the medium of teachlng !n Slovakla, of preaching&#13;
in tbe cburches, and that cJrnrch records (vltal staitlstlcs) be kept in&#13;
Slovak. Jozeffy's demands concerned only the linguistic questlon.&#13;
But in 1848, the Slovaks went much farther. They proclaimed&#13;
themselves independent from the Magyars. Mil'hael Milan Hodža,&#13;
Loufs Štúr and Joseph Miloslav Hurban proclalmed the first Slovak&#13;
Government, the Slovak National Council as the "supreme Slovak&#13;
authorlty issulng out of the bosom of the natlon." That same year,&#13;
In the historic demands known as the Nitra and Liptovský Svätý&#13;
Mikuláš rlemands, the Slovaks pleaded ardently tor ~utonomy of the&#13;
Slovak terrltory, whose laws would be passed by a Slovak parllament.&#13;
&#13;
34&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA .&#13;
&#13;
Furthermor e, they demanded: Slovak schools, Slovak cour ts, Slovak as&#13;
the offlclal language In SlovakJa, and teachlng In Slovak a t the&#13;
Unlverslty.&#13;
In every Slovak demand, trom May 10, 1848, and In every Slovak&#13;
program the demand for a S lovak Parllament w,as predomlnan t. It&#13;
had deep roots.&#13;
To Brezová and Liptovský Svätý M.lkulä§ not even a hundred people came to the rally In 1848 to demand a Slovak parllament . In 1861,&#13;
about 6000 Slovaks oam e together to demand a Natlonal Assembly for&#13;
SlovakJa. The Plttsburgh manifesta:t lon of May 30, 1918, w as attend ed&#13;
by some 30,000 people. But In 1938, on P ent.ecost Day (June 6th ),&#13;
about 120,000 Slovaks gathered In Bratislava at a hlstorlc rally to&#13;
commemor ate lhe twentleth annlversary of th e Plttsbugh P act . It was&#13;
he re that lhe Slovak natlon saw the hlstorlc document whlch was&#13;
proposed ,and slgned by T. G. Masazyk In 1918. The Plttsburgh Pact,&#13;
whlch In fact guaranteed autonomy t o the Slovaks, was brought to&#13;
Slovakla by a delega tlon of lhe Slovak League of Amerlca.&#13;
T hese m anlfestation s show just how the concept of self-admlnistratlon in Slovakia grew In depth In the wlde masses of the naitlon.&#13;
In 1848 lt wa.&lt;i supported by a small group of Slovak hrtellectual s, but&#13;
In 1938, in Bratislava, pract!cally the entlre Slovak natlon was back&#13;
of it.&#13;
In a contldenlla l report (T. 1370/33) to Pres.Ident M,asaryk , Dr.&#13;
Schnleszl wrote:&#13;
"Today a ll of S lovakla 1, for autonomy. Several pre.revolu.&#13;
tlonary Slovak, are completely lnsignlflcan t for the splrltual life&#13;
of the people. Moreover, if some were not bound by thelr paat,&#13;
and other, by the ir public statu,, they, t oo, would be on the other&#13;
• Ide o penly."&#13;
The Slovak newspapen nan in Amerlca, Adalbert Tholt,Vel'koštlavnlcký, was not faml11ar w!th the correspondence of old Slovak&#13;
leaders, and yet he evaluated the polltical demands of the Slovaks&#13;
quite correctly. He stated that they were demands not only for a&#13;
narrow autonomy, but lhat thelr content actually called for the Jndependence of Slovakia. It 1s interestlng t hat Tholt came to this concluslon even though he was not acqua!nted wlth the signlflcant quota.&#13;
tion trom Šttlr's book "Slovanstv o a svet budtlcnostl " (Slavdom and&#13;
the WOTld of lhe Future), which read:&#13;
"So that we could occupy and take ove r the place whlch belong1 to u1 accordlng to our atrength a nd capabllltles , we must&#13;
once and for a ll t lme f ree ourselvea from the unbearable y oke of&#13;
foreignera a nd gain for ouraelvea state INDEPEND ENCE, bec auae&#13;
a natlon that i• enslaved has ltl hand, t led and mu,t perlsh&#13;
sooner or lat er."&#13;
What crystal-clea x words! And Šttlr said them openly and fearlessly after the sad experlence s of 1848-49. Šttlr states clearly that&#13;
the penalty awa!Ung the nat!on whlch wlll not flght for its state&#13;
in dependence is death.&#13;
After the natlonal rally of 1861, the flght at home in Slovakla&#13;
weakened; there was not a slngle publ!c expression or demand voted&#13;
on manlfestati onally which could compare to the demands of 1848 and&#13;
1861: In whlch .a demand was volced for a Slovak governmen t, or a&#13;
Slovak parl!ament. In Slovakla a bard flght was fou ght t o preserve&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
86&#13;
&#13;
S lovak schools. But the flght for the inherent rlghts of the Slovak natlon was carrled over lnto America. The questlon was taken up by the&#13;
Slovak press and became the subject of several hundred public manlfestatlons. Flnally lt matured wlth the "Memorandum of ťhe Slovak&#13;
League," whlch to a certaln extent repeated the demands voiced In&#13;
1848 and 1861: autonomy for Slovakla, a separate Slovak Assembly&#13;
or Dlet, Slovaklzatlon of the schools, Slovak courts, and the use of&#13;
Slovak In public llfe.&#13;
After thls foll&lt;JW the agreements wlth representatives of the&#13;
Czech natlon. The Cleveland ~reement, In 1915, In wlllch the Czechs&#13;
agree to a federatlve form of the hopeful Czecho-Slovak Republlc, and&#13;
then the memorable Plttsburgh Pact of May 30, 1918, in whlch again&#13;
ls renewed the promlse that the Slovaks shall have thelr own Slov,ak&#13;
admlnlstration, thelr own Slovak schools and courts, and, above all&#13;
else, thelr own Slovak parliament or state leglslature. Even though&#13;
Thomas Garrigue Masaryk underslgned thls agreement on May 30,&#13;
1918, and then agaln on the second day following bis electlon as&#13;
Presldent of Czecho-Slovakia, he later dlsavowed it, declarlng it a falsehood and a mere scrap of paper. That ls how the Czechs kept thelr&#13;
promlses.&#13;
If we call the perlod from 1655 to 1845 as the perlod which turned&#13;
to the past, then we can call 1:he perlod from 1845 to to 1918 a.s the&#13;
perlod present!ng the program of the !uture. And thls 1s followed by&#13;
a perlod of actlve fightlng for the recognltlon of prom!ses and agreements. A short artlcle does not allow us to take up in mlnute de•&#13;
tal! every parliamentary expresslon, every motlon or proposal for&#13;
autonomy, every public manlfestatlon; and every remlnder that promlses made durlng the war be kept and fulfilled.&#13;
It remalns a sad reality, but the hlstorlcal truth nevertheless,&#13;
that the Czechs dld not live up to thelr promlses any more after 1918,&#13;
than they d1d after 1945. Tlle fate of every agreement wlth the&#13;
Czechs was the same: ,all agreements wlth the Slova.ks were repudiated by the Czechs. The Czechs were w11llng to make concesslons&#13;
only when they needed the Slovaks; later, they repudlated every&#13;
agreement. Practlcally all Czech.s were the same In thls regard: T.&#13;
G. Masaryk, the so-called reallst and humanlst; Ediward Beneií,&#13;
t he so-called "democrat and statesman," and Monslgnor John Šrámek, the Cathollc prlest; Czech agrarlans, democrats, soclallsts,&#13;
communlsts and fasclsts; Czech Cathollcs, Lutherans, Jews, Ta:bor·&#13;
ltes, Husaltes, members of the "Czechoslovak Natlonal Church," Unl•&#13;
tarlans and Baptista: all repudiated the promlses made to Slova.ks,&#13;
all repudlated the lnberent and God-glven rlght of the Slovak natlon&#13;
to freedom and state lndependence. No llttle wonder, then, t,bat the&#13;
SlovalG cry out today: Don't belleve the Czech.s - no more agreements wlth the Czechs!&#13;
Joseph P~kar, the Czech hlstorlan repudlated by Masaryk and&#13;
Beneli, declared In hls Ume that the Slovak demands were moderate.&#13;
Was lt not a terrible tragedy that these moderate and rlghtful demands were not reallzed in the Czeoho Slovak Republic? For twenty&#13;
long year-s the Slovaks fouglrt not only for thelr own parllament, but&#13;
also for t.he Slovaklzat!on of tbelr schools, especlally for addttlonal&#13;
hlgher lnstltutlons of loo.rnlng. Many of the demands of 1848 and&#13;
0&#13;
&#13;
36&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
1861 were still timely even ln 1938; and the demand for a Slovak&#13;
parllament W&amp;S the most imporllant.&#13;
The Czechs, supported by Slovak Czechoslovaks (Slovaks ln the&#13;
serVice of the Czechs: renegades), proclaimed that there was nothing more dangerous for the Slovaks than a Slovak parliament.&#13;
V,avro Šro,b ár, one of the foremost "Czechoslovaks," wrote a letter&#13;
to Americans of Slovak descent to "prove" that point. Of course,&#13;
to do so he had to give incorrect or falsified statistios; ln fact,&#13;
he outdid the Magyars in -that respect. šrobár used the false figures,&#13;
1 epresenting the various nationa.lities of the populatlon of Slovakia,&#13;
to show that in a Slovak parliament the Slovaks themselves would&#13;
be a minority, which the non-Slovak population - the Magyars, Jews&#13;
and Germans - could outvote at any Ume. But he was not very convincing. During varlous negotiations wlth a P.r-ague Government,&#13;
the Czech ministers promised: We shall glve you everything, but&#13;
not a Slovak parliament. And -the Slovaks answered adamantly: We&#13;
want nothing except a Slovak parliament, because with it we shall&#13;
rea.lize al! the rest of our demands.&#13;
Czech policy was incredibly short-sighted. Czech politicians and&#13;
ministers would debate day.s on end In the Ministerlal Council to&#13;
send Czech maLl-carriers and janitors to Slovakia to "help out" the&#13;
Slovaks. .ánd they usually did even agalnst the will of the Slovak&#13;
pul)lic and its representatlves In Government. Thls only convinced&#13;
the Slovaks all ťhe more thai w:ithout thelr own State Legislature&#13;
or Parliament, they would actually be only a subordinate colony of&#13;
the Czech nation. Tbe more Prague opposed the Idea of a Slovak parliamen t, however, the more the Slovaks demanded lt. Th·a t was the&#13;
situa:tlon up to October 6, 1938.&#13;
Czech diplomacy and democracy created such a situation that the&#13;
Czecho-Slovak Repul)ll&lt;: collapsed wlth the first blow. Not a single&#13;
shot was fired in its defense. In the annals of hlstory there is probably not a single case where a political state disappeared with&#13;
less ado about it. In the fall of 1938 lt was c.Jear even to those&#13;
In power in Prague that the Slovak demands of 1915-1918 must be&#13;
fulfilled. Even Beneš bimself - who told the delegation of the Slovak League of Amerlca In 1938 that be was in principle agalnst t he&#13;
Pittsburgh Pact only because of the one word "parllament" - began to&#13;
see the llght. On October 4, 1938, that very same Beneš wrote a letter to Dr. Joseph Tiso - a letter overflowing wlth reverence and&#13;
k!ndly feellng - in which we flnd:&#13;
"The question of a parllament, designated by Mr. President&#13;
in principle and onJy in the maln outlines and In proposltlons,&#13;
requlres precise defln!tion and preclse legal formulatlon. The&#13;
new Government, in agreement wlth the Slovaks, shall have to&#13;
conclude the rest of this work as speedily as posslble."&#13;
Beneš wrote the letter and correcled it tbree times, as was&#13;
a.scertained In the archlves, but lt was slgned by. Dr. Schleszl.&#13;
On October 4, Beneš had lt mailed, but that very day requested lt&#13;
returned to hlm, because, under pressure from the generals, he&#13;
declded to reslgn the Presldency of the Republic. But what dld Beneš have io propose about a Slovak parliament? Only thls:&#13;
" It ls agreed that future acts of admlnistratlve reforms, if&#13;
it shall be based on the county system, shall preserve the unlty&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
37&#13;
&#13;
of SloV'aJtia as a !and and that a union of the counties be reallzed&#13;
withln the fmmework of the territorial parliament of Slovakia."&#13;
True, thls proposition could not be seriously considered, because&#13;
Beneš resigned his office and fled the country. The Pra~e ParHament fLnally voted the autonomy of Slovakia wit hout Beneš&#13;
on 0 ctober 6, 1938. In December the first Slovak parliament•ary eJections were held, and In January, 1939, sixty-three deputies were seated&#13;
in the flrst legislative ,assembly of Slovakia. Dr. Martin Sokol became&#13;
t he first president of the Slovak Parliament. The dream of Slovak&#13;
,generatlons was at long last realized.&#13;
The Slovak ParJiament, just as every ,human work, had lts&#13;
shortcomings. But we must judge every mlstake in the light of the&#13;
times in which it happened. The Slovak Legislature began to function&#13;
in extraordinarily difficult tlmes, when the worud situation was extraordinarily tense and confusion reigned In Slov·a kia.&#13;
Almost simultaneously with the Parliament, Slovak rule passed&#13;
!nto the hands of the Slovak Government in 0ctober, 1938. State&#13;
executive and leglslative power in Slovakia passed into Slovak hands.&#13;
But the Ozechs were not satisfied wit h this status of affairs. It&#13;
was difficult for th em to suffer the thought that the Slovaks would&#13;
now decide about Slovak matters w-ithout Prague. They began to&#13;
hinder development. 'I'he.y especially wanted to prove that their&#13;
progno.stiootions about the Czeťhs ha-ving to pay for the Slovaks&#13;
were true. The financial policy pursued was suoh that it forebo&lt;le&#13;
the prediction of Kramár, that 1s, that if the Slovaks gained autonomy,&#13;
they wouid not be aJble to pay their state employees even three&#13;
months. They refused to give money for Slovak !mports from the&#13;
common fund, even though t he Slovaks contributed to it, because&#13;
now, they said, Slovakia is no longer a money--creating part of the&#13;
·state. Events were climaxed wHh a new occupation of Slovakia and&#13;
the unseatlng of fäe first Slovak Government in Marcl:t, 1939. When&#13;
this happened, the recently executed Vladlmir Clementis, in London&#13;
at that tilne, wrote:&#13;
" . . . The unseatlng of Tlso's Government by Prague (better&#13;
said: by Hácha, Beran and Chvalkovský - at the direction of&#13;
Berlin) was negoti'ated polit!cally In a very bung,Jed manner,&#13;
nay in a si-niiully awkward manner" ( Hnev Svätý, London, 1944,&#13;
pg. 21).&#13;
The result of this lntervention was tha.t Slovakia tore herself&#13;
compl etely from the Czech lands, and the Parliament of Slove.kla by&#13;
unan!mous vote, proclaimed the lndependence of the Slovak State&#13;
on Maroh 14, 1939. Thus, Štúr',s wish of 1850 was realized in 1939.&#13;
,Shortly after the Parliament and government of autonomous&#13;
Slovak!a oame into being, the enti-re apparatus of government legislat!ve and executive power - oame lnto Slovak hands. And&#13;
just aibout that time we w!tnes.sed an interesting phenomenon. From&#13;
1940, after the events of the so-calle d '\Salzburg In,tervention," we&#13;
noted a e hange in the relatlons between the Parllament Md the&#13;
Government - which caused a serious tension and often threatened&#13;
to explo&lt;le lnto a sharp public conWct and wreck the whole structure&#13;
of the State.&#13;
Vojtech Tuka wanted to remodel Slovakia completely after the&#13;
German model ; he was for NaUonal Soc!alism. 0f course, he ex-&#13;
&#13;
38&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
pected to become the flrst cltlzen of the remodeled State. Tuka and&#13;
bis followers began to lntrigue agalnst the Parllament, and the&#13;
stM1ggle cllmaxed with Tuka's demand that Parliament vote Tuka&#13;
fulJ authority, and that even In Constltut1onal mattera. In a word,&#13;
Tuka wa.nted dlctatorlal powers. Accordlng to Tuka, the PaTllament&#13;
was supposed to be only a representative body, whlch he would convoke once a year to hear some proclamatlon of hfs and then would&#13;
solemnly and unanlmously approve everythlng he proposed. Tuka&#13;
wanted a "rubber stamp" parllament whlch would say "so be lt" to&#13;
everyth!ng he recommended, then go home and ref.raln from meddllng&#13;
In the politlcs of the State. Charles Mmgaš, Chlef of Propaganda,&#13;
speaklng In the name of the "leadershlp," deolared that only one&#13;
or two persons of the "lea.dership" would be -a.ble to play polltics and,&#13;
of course, he reckoned tha.t •he would be one of them.&#13;
Accordlng to these promoters of Natlonal Soclallsm, lt w,as&#13;
necessary to Temove two personalltlee from government: Dr. J oseph&#13;
Tlso and Dr. Martin Sokol. President Tlso delegated Dr. Sokol to dellbemt e about these questlons. To the great surprlse of Dr. Tuka&#13;
hlmself, Dr. Sokol declared that he fully agreed wlth Tuka's proposal that the Natlonal-Soclallstlc system should prevall in Slovakla.&#13;
.And now, sald Dr. Sokol, slnce th1ngs are done In thls manner In the&#13;
Reich - and here Sokol enumerated how varlous matters were transacted in Germany - we &amp;hall do likewlse in Slovakla. In the fkst&#13;
place, of course, cont:lnued Dr. Sokol, we know that In the Relch&#13;
aJl State power rests In the hands of the head of the State - and&#13;
that head 1s the Presldent.&#13;
Dr. Tuka, lmmedlately realizlng that he was dlsarmed and In a&#13;
bllnd alley, revoked hls proposal for a Natlonal Socla\lst!c Slevakla.&#13;
He was fully 11.ware that under the ciTcumstances lt could happen&#13;
that he would drop out of government completely, lf h1s proposal was&#13;
adopted.&#13;
But peace dld not ensue between Tuka, Mach and the ParHament. The deputles, who once sat in the Prague Parll,ament, often&#13;
declared that the Prague Parllament could never have allowed such&#13;
Independent action against the Government as the Bratislava Parl!amen.t dld durlng its mhole exlstence. lit often hapl)ened that the Government sent to Parllament a draft of a 1Mv for consideratlon and&#13;
pas&amp;age. When Parllament was thro~h with lt, the law approved&#13;
was In most cases not based on the orlglnal dra~t. but was the opposJ te In lts effec,ts from what Tuka and Mach had lntended lt to&#13;
be. There was no opposltlon ,to speak of In Parllament, but there&#13;
was plenty of lt ag,alnst the Government. Thls had not onJy lts&#13;
good, but bad polnts as well.&#13;
Undoubtedly, lf -tlmes were normal, Tuka's government never&#13;
would have held together. Tuka and Mach, who represented one&#13;
tendency In the Government, had practlcally no support In Parllament. Later on, however, even the other mlnlsters could not&#13;
have galned t-he majority, because, just as 'Iluka and Mach were reproached for belng too radlcal and subordlnated to the Germans. they,&#13;
on the other hand, were reproached for belng too colorless. Aga.In it&#13;
1s true, that we could talk about the polltlcs or Dr. Tuka and Mach,&#13;
but hardly that of Dr. Pruf.!nský, Frltz, St-a.no and Medrlcký. The&#13;
latter were completely lnfluenced by "Czechoslovak" c lrcles.&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
39&#13;
&#13;
-Relatlons between the Government were not ldyllic. Tuka's !lret&#13;
attempt to dlssolve Parllament ended lnglorlousJy. But he and hli!&#13;
foJlowers dld not glve up easlly. When Tuka categorlcally demanded&#13;
that he wanted a new Government formed, whlch would include&#13;
only M-ach and Catioš !rom the exlstlng Government, he agaln wae&#13;
de!eated. Tuka then demanded the Presldent to appoint Ciiarles&#13;
Murga§ as Minister of Educatlon, John Farka§ as Finance Minister, and a new man to head the Minlstry of Justice. Tlso, however,&#13;
remalned adamant; he repudlated Tuka's demands. Tlso inslsted en&#13;
keeplng the iBame Government he had a!ter the Sal11Jburg events of&#13;
July, 1940.&#13;
After many rebuffs and bitter dlsappolntments, Tuka's spľrlt&#13;
and energy began to wane. He was an old, slck man, obsessed with&#13;
the thought that he should have been the !lrst man in the !and,&#13;
because he had, he thought, suffered for the cause more than any&#13;
one el.se. Hls aggre.sslveness gone, Tuk.a In later years was a minister in name only; he was seldom seen in hls offlce and was not In&#13;
a posltion to make decislons. There was no change In government&#13;
personnel until after Catloš's !llght to the putschJsts at the end of&#13;
August, 1944. Catloš wa.s replaced by Stephen Haäšik; Tuka by Dr.&#13;
Stephen Tlso, who also took over Frltz's post (Justlce and Forelgn&#13;
Affalrs); Stano was replaced by Ing. Lednár, and .Sivák by Dr.&#13;
Aladar Kočiš.&#13;
Some people dld not flnd it difflcult to crltlclze the actlvlty of&#13;
lndlvidual mlnlsters. When converslng wlth such bitter crltlcs, I&#13;
cften asked the questlon: And what would you have done under the&#13;
same clrcumstances? After a momenťs thought, the crltlcs usually&#13;
an,swered that they probably would have done the same thlng, because there w-as a war on, German pressure dld exist, the sltuatlon&#13;
was extraordlnary and, hence, strongly lntluenced everythlng the&#13;
Government dld. Nevertheless, it remalns lnd1sputably true that as&#13;
long as the Slovak Parllament and the Slovak Government ruled In&#13;
Slovakia, the llvlng Standard of the Slovak people was hlgher than&#13;
that of -a.ny nelghborlng country.&#13;
Let people say w.hat they wlll about Sivák, the !act remalus&#13;
that wblle he was Minister of Educatlon, more secondary schools&#13;
arose tban ever before, more Slovak professors were appolnted to the&#13;
unlversltles, and at least three tlmes as many students studled during the war than before or after ft. W e may crlt!clze T uka's act!ons,&#13;
but the fact remalns that he did not seek reprlsals agalnst the false&#13;
wltnesses, brlbed by Prague as -the Prague archlves dlsolosed, who&#13;
helped to convlot bim to 15 years In prlson durlng the flrst CzechoSlovak Republlc.&#13;
During the admlnlstratlon of Jullus Stano, more rallroad tracks,&#13;
roads and buildings were bullt than ever before. The fact remalns&#13;
that whlle Frltz was Minister of Justlce, and even after he was&#13;
replaced, there was not a slngle offlclal executlon in Slovakia. Wben&#13;
Medrický was in charge of Slovak economy, there was no ratlonlng&#13;
of food and clothJng. And when Pružlnský was Mlnlster of Flnance,&#13;
deposlts soared t o unbeard of belghts and the Slovak Koruna (Crown),&#13;
one of the most prized means of exchange In the wbole of Europe, enjoyed the legend or the Tatra dollar. EvEm Catloš hlmself pursued a po&#13;
llcy wbereby Slovakla contrlbuted as llttle as posslble to the tax of blood.&#13;
&#13;
40&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
Alexander Mach mlght be blamed for almost anythlng and everytblng, but perhap.s no one man stood up so fearlessly against the German propaganda concerning the Germanlsm of the Habans, agalnst&#13;
1,he founcllng of German schools for Czecbs who s uddenly discovered&#13;
tbat tbey had some German blood coursing In tbeir velns. And lt remains a fact that tbe Communlsts, even though their Party wias&#13;
outlawed, suffered less in &amp;Jovakla than elsewhere. It may sound&#13;
strange, but it is true nevertheless, that Mach - thls most Germanophile Minister of the Interior - used to sit at a whlte table&#13;
with Communist inte11ectuals, converse with them, ententain them,&#13;
and, above all else, protect them.&#13;
During the existence of the Slovak State, neither the Presldent&#13;
nor the Mlnisters of State had to fear going among the people without a retinue of armed guards. The President never wanted a motorlzed police escort, in fact, could not even use one going to the&#13;
altar, the pulpit, the baptlsmal font, or into the confesslonal. President Tiso was truly loved and esteemed by all the people of Slovakia.&#13;
If his politicaJ enemies b e excepted, and tbey were only few in number, tben we must say t hat even they respected him. What a difference between Tiso and Beneš ! T,iso needed no protection wben he&#13;
went out among tbe people, but Beneš and bis Communis.t-dominated&#13;
regime had to have an army around tbem when they entered Slovakia&#13;
after tbe war.&#13;
About the Slovak Parllament we migbt say what the followers&#13;
of Gbandi were wont to say: "Even the worst Indian Government&#13;
1s better for I ndia than the best Engllsh Government, because tbe&#13;
English Government bas no business in India." Similarly, the Slovaks&#13;
can express tbemselves about every Czech government. The past has&#13;
shown definitely that a Czecho-Slovak government is in reality always a Czech government, regardless of whether it follows a rightls.t or Communist tendency. A Czec h-Slovak parliament always was&#13;
and always will be a Czech parJ.iament, even lf lt contains several&#13;
Slovak members.&#13;
A nation whlcb bas matured does not want to be regulated or&#13;
directed by laws t hat are promulgated by an alien parliament and&#13;
then enforced by an alien government. That is so especially witb a&#13;
nation wbicb has had lts own parliament and its own government.&#13;
The Slovak nation had its own parliament and its own government&#13;
from 1938- 1945, And tbe Slovaks stm wanted to rule themselves,&#13;
thelr Slovak Republlc, after the war ended in 1945, but thelr will&#13;
,v,as violated, They were violently forced back into the political&#13;
state which had explolted them for thirty years.&#13;
Slovak ministers, as peopl e, could have a nd undoubtedly did have&#13;
their faults, but one tbing cannot be denied tbem, the one lndlsputal&gt;Je fact tbat tbey worked for the welfare of the entire Slovak nation as best they could under given circumstances, and the Slovak&#13;
people never fared better under any otber government - before or&#13;
slnce that time. In a word, tbe Slovak ministers governed well. Not&#13;
one of tbem became wealthy through polltlcs; and they lived more&#13;
modestily, more democratically than the present rulers of Slovakia,&#13;
they cost the people less than tbe present commissloners.&#13;
Tbe .same can be sald for the parUament. Tbe work of tbe Slovak Parliament undoubtedly had lts shortcomlngs. Circumstances and&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
events often tled the hands of the deputies, but we need not fear&#13;
the criticism whlch history shall r&amp;eord about the Slovak Parliament.&#13;
After the war many deputies were tortured and some were k!lled.&#13;
Most of them recelved an average of ten years in prison. It is good&#13;
always to remember this, when some Czech In the world says that the&#13;
Slovaks never had it so good as they had it under the Czechs before&#13;
1939 or after 1945.&#13;
The fact remains that the Czechs in Prague oppressed and exploited the Slovaks before 1939 and, af,ter 1945 avenged -themselves by&#13;
murdering Dr. Tiso and others, jaillng, persecuting and dispossessing&#13;
thousands of others, and exlling tens of thousands of Slovaks to&#13;
Siberla and other regions of the Soviet Union and its satellites. The&#13;
Slovaks at home and everywhere in exile know tha.t they dld not&#13;
sell out the Czech people to Moscow, but that Dr. Edward Beneš&#13;
and hls followers sold out not only the Slovak nation, but the&#13;
Czech peoI11e as we11, to the tyranny of ,t he hammer and sickJe.&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
WHO SAID IT?&#13;
&#13;
BENEŠ IN RETROSPECT: - "In an interview published In a&#13;
London Sunday paper, REYNOLDS NEWS, on February 20, Presldent&#13;
Beneš of Czechoslovakia, emphatically declared that he does not fear&#13;
Russla's return to imperlalism under the pretext of a so-called Al!•&#13;
Slav policy. The alliance and harmonious collaboratlon of the USSR,&#13;
Poland, and Czechoslovakia would deter Germany from provoking&#13;
another world war. Such an agreement may, therefore, have a far•&#13;
reaching slgnificance for the future peace of Europe as a whole. To&#13;
the question as to whether the pact will not make Czechoslovakia too&#13;
dependent on the Soviet Union, President Beneš r eplied that the pact&#13;
represents the fundamental strengthening of Czechoslovakia's security a nd consolidates her independence. Friendshlp wlth Soviet Russla&#13;
means a mutual collaboration. The Czechoslovakian people, as the&#13;
most mature people politically in Europe, would never accept vassalage under any nation." - (News Flashes From Czechoslovakia, Chicago, Ill., March 20, 1944).&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
DR. HUBERT RIPKA:-'IMany siliy rumors and guesses ,have arlsen&#13;
concerning a quarrel with the Soviet Union about Carpathian-Russia.&#13;
Many conJectures have been made about our Governmental delegate,&#13;
NE!mec. T hese are all nonsensical speculations ! The Soviet and Czechoslovak Governments are firmly resolved to proceed in all matters, now&#13;
and in the future, strlctly accordlng to the Treaty. Governmental dele•&#13;
gate NE!mec, wlth hls political advisors and the representatlves of the&#13;
Slovak Natlonal Council, ls already in llberated eastern Slovakia and&#13;
in a few days wlll start worklng in Košice, to organize a new free&#13;
Ufe in llberated parts of Slovakla, accordlng to the government on&#13;
relatlons between the Government delegate and the Slovak Natlonal&#13;
Councll. President Beneš wlll also come soon to the llberated country,&#13;
where, under hls leadershlp, a new Government authority wlll be created, based on the wlll of the llberated peoples. Be calm and falth·&#13;
ful. Liberatlon 1s in slght." - (London Broadcast, January 29, 1945).&#13;
&#13;
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                <text>The Slovak Assembly and Government</text>
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                <text>Slovakia, Vol. 2, No. 3 (5), December 1952&#13;
pp. 33-41</text>
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                <text>December 1952</text>
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                    <text>30

SLOVA.KIA

THEY WANTED TO BE FREE
Enemles of Slovak independence and their servants claim that
the proclamat!on of Slovak independence in 1939 was excluslvely the
work of the Nazis, and the Slovaks, they say, did not want to be
independent.
At the end of May, 1952, there was publ!shed in Paris the d!ary
ot Count John Szembek, who for many years was a State Secretary
In the Pol!sh Mlnlstry of Forelgn Affairs. In his function as ViceMlnlster of Foreign Affairs he had the possib!llty of following at
elose range Pollsh Foreign pollcy and to a certain extent even !nfluence lt. His "Diary," ,therefore, is an unusually valuable and worthy documentary work for European pol!tlcs and diplomatlc hlstory,
as 1s emphaslzed In the introductlon of the book by Léon Noel, the
former French ambassador to Warsow.
For the Slovaks, thls book contains unusually valuable notes for
assesslng Pol!sh-Slovak relatlonships, especlaJiy those of 1938-1939.
Perhaps one of ,t he most interestlng ls the en1.ry about the conversatlon with Minister Karol Sidor. It ls one or the Jongest of his notes,
oven though the book deals almost excluslvely with records of meetlngs with presldents, m!nlsters, ambassadora and other outstandlng
public rtgures. The followlng passage, taken from Szembeťs "Dlary,"
refers to Sldor's vislts.

·,

"OCTOBER 19, 1938"
CONVERSATION WITH SIDOR

"Today this SJov,ak representat!ve pald me a courtesy caJI. I
assured h!m that we entertain the greatest aympathles for all the
deslres of the Slovak natlon; I expressed the hope that bis country
would !Ind a way af com!ng to some agreemenrt with the Magyars,
•and I assured hlm that we are advlslng Budapest to proceed wlth
moderation when formulatlng territorjal demands to the address of
the Slovaks."
·
Furthermore, Szembek notes: "During the dinner whlch I gave in
honor ot Sldor, and In whlch Arclszewsk1 and Kobylanskl particlpated,
my guest descrlbed the situatlon in Slovakia. He told us that hls
countrymen are endeavorlng to proclalm a completely Independent
Slovak State, whlch, however, polltlcally, mllitarlly, as well aa from
the cultural standpolnt would depend on Po!and and economlcally
on Germany and Hungary. The Slovaks did not want to let In German
and Magyar cultural lnfluences, but wished to place thelr country
under some k.ind of polltlcal and m!Jlllary protectlon of Poland. Thls
pro-Pol!&amp;h oo'ientat!on is supportea by the entlre Slovak natlon. The
natlon, however, 1s stunned - as he expres.sed lt - by the questlon
of Pollsh demands regarding Spiš and Orava. Thls Ume Sldor spoke
very cryfully. I answered that lf we were going to be concerned wlth
1md Independent Slovak State, thls questlon would no longer present
1my dlflcultles, because we woulld not present any terrltorial demands
to Independent Slovakla and that OUT demands !or the adjustment of
the border could not be regarded as unconditlonally necessary for the

�SLOVA.KIA

31

norma! development of relatlon.s between Poland and Slovakla. The
sltuatlon apparently would be dltferent, lf we had to present thls
problem to the Czechoslovak State."
In another part of the report, we read: "1 gave Sldor an audlence
on October 20th. I asked hlm what lnstructions he had gotten kom
hls own Government when he was leavlng !or Warsaw and what wa.s
the actuall purpose of hls trip. He answered that the Slovak Government authorlzed bim to decla.re in Warsaw what Msgr. Tiso, as well
as Papée (the Pollsh ambassador In Pra,gue), had already told us
oarller, namely that tbe alm ot hls country 1s the creatlon of an independent Slovak State. I asked him to explaln to me what now was
tbe 11tand ot the Slovak Government in regards to Prague. Sldor replled that hls country at present S'till forms a part of the Czechoslovak Republllc and that Slovak minister.s were members of the Czechoslovak Government, even though they do not actually take part In
lts negotiations. Thus far only one minister pa11tlclpated in two ses•
sions ot the Government. As far as questlons of forelgn affalrs are
c oncerned, the Slovaks are pursulng thelr own policy, and thelr
emissarles, who just a short time ago went to European oa.pitale,
were sent there by the pres.ident or the Slovak Government, Tiso,
and not by Prague.
"I then asked Sidor the question what klnd of methods hls
countrymen lntended to use to galn complete lndependence. According
to him ('Sidor), Tiso intends to attaln his goal by legal means. It
emanates from the following prlnciple: in the present sltuatlon, as
a result of the chaos whlch relgns in the Republlc, and especlally
because one half mllMon men of the Czech Army 1s garrisoned in
Slovakla, which does not have an Independent army and whose
Slovak soldlers are on tihe Czech borders (whlch presents a serlous
:mpedlment to the deflnlte separatlon of Slovakla from Czechla, as
Sldor underscored so empbatlca.lly), lt was not posslble to thlnk
of uslng more radlcal method,s. Sldor pe rsonally would be willlng to
use them and thlnks that lt mlght be usetul to us e what ls called
t he 'Hlinka Guarď and the Natlonal Commlttees, which he d lrects.
But In a spirit of loyalty, he obeya the Slovak Gove rnment.
"Such ls the polltlcal program of Tls o, endeavorlng to adhere
to legal methods: the electlon of a new presldent of tbe CzechosJovak
Republlc !s supposed to take place not later tban October 28. The
Slovaks are golng to demand the electlon ot a Catholic, who would
guarantee a separatlon flrom Francophlle and Sovletophlle orlentatlon
in Forelgn pollcy. ChvaJkovský 1s a candldate, and R llnka's Party
!s golng to vote for him. Thls presldency, however, ls going to have
only a temporary character and wrn end wlth a new adjustment of
the Constitutlon. The new Constltutlon wlll create a federatlon,
thanka to whlch Slovakla w111 attaln lte own parllament and a
broad autonomy. From that moment on the Slovaks wlll negotlate
wlth Pi,a,gue regardlng thelT demands. Sldor !s certaln that the
Czeohs wlll never be able to flll them. The Slovak Parllament wlll
lhen deflnitely proclatm the separation of Slovak.la from Czechla, as
once bappened In the case of Sweden and Norway. Sldor thlnks
th'at lt wlll be necessary t o watt two months before that point 1s
reached. In the meantlme, the Slovak Government wlll complete its
work ot decentrallzation and organlze Hs own police, gendarmery and

�32

SLOVAK.IA

army, whlch lt allready began to do. Int.ernal admlnistration already
now !s in a large measure in Slovak hands. As far as finances are
concerned, the Siovaks are taklng over all State properties on thelr
terrltory. Tax incomes are already flowlng lnto Bratis,Java. The State
Bank is already in the process of organlzation."
So muoh for the Diary of the Polish Vice-Minister about bis
conversation with Minister K. Sidor on October 20, 1938, therefore
14 days after the proclamation of Slovak autonomy in ~Uina and
almost five months before the proclamation of the independence of
Slovakia on March 14, 1939.
This report proves that the Slovaks wanted to be independent
long before Hitler offered to protect their independence. Furthermore, the Slovaks rejected unilateral German preponderance over
the territory of Slovakia and would have preferred to replace it wilh
a polilical and military protootion of Poland, cooperating only economically with the Germans and Magyars.
Sidor was for Slovak independence. The development tended,
emphasized by the intention of Tls o's Government, toward complete
Slovak lndependence.
Looking at lt from a historlcal perspectlve, German intervention
in March, 1939, greatly harmed Slovak efforts for independence
In substance. That is it cast a shadow of German interventlon on the
actuality of the proc lamation of Sllovak independence, which hurt
Slovak aspirations then and is damaging to them even today. Slovak
development tended toward the idea! of Slovak independence. It is
necessary to admit that, in the main and above all else, it was
the fault of Czech imperiallsts, who unseated the Jega!I government
of Tiso with a military putsch on March 9, 1939, and again installed
Czech hegemony over Slovakia, which all served as a pretext for
Hitler to lntervene into the development of the relationship of the
Slovaks to the Czechs.
Szembek's "Diary" also clearly shows that Czech imperlalists
drove the Slovaks into cooperation with the national-socialistic Germany of Adolph Hitler. Their treatment of Slovak problems only
hurried the day of Slovak independence. (JAS) .

•

•

•

WHO SAID lT?: - "In negotiating the treaty we have just
slgned, I did not betray my country to Russia. The Czechoslovaks are
very bad deceivers. We intend to live our own llfe in our own way,
and we know that Russia wlll reapect our way of living... , And so,
my frlends, you and we are going to contlnue our policy of collaboration, friendship, confidence In, and good falth towards Soviet Russia.
1 am never going to undertake anythlng and nelther are you, whlch
could be in any way agalnst the lntereat of thia vitally necessary
collaboratlon. There are stm people Jeft who are afrald of thls collaboratlon. So far, Soviet Russla more than proved herself at Stalingrad, at Sevastapol, and on the Don. . .. I know the Russlan way o!
llvlng; 1 belleve In lt; and I admire lt. We have a great deal In common wlth Soviet Russla. . . . So, wlth you, 1 half Soviet RuHla as a
great and eHentlally necesaary factor In the present and future fortunes of Europe." - (Jan Masaryk, Hotel Commodore, New York City,
December 21, 1943).

�</text>
                  </elementText>
                  <elementText elementTextId="483">
                    <text>30

SLOVA.KIA

THEY WANTED TO BE FREE
Enemles of Slovak independence and their servants claim that
the proclamat!on of Slovak independence in 1939 was excluslvely the
work of the Nazis, and the Slovaks, they say, did not want to be
independent.
At the end of May, 1952, there was publ!shed in Paris the d!ary
ot Count John Szembek, who for many years was a State Secretary
In the Pol!sh Mlnlstry of Forelgn Affairs. In his function as ViceMlnlster of Foreign Affairs he had the possib!llty of following at
elose range Pollsh Foreign pollcy and to a certain extent even !nfluence lt. His "Diary," ,therefore, is an unusually valuable and worthy documentary work for European pol!tlcs and diplomatlc hlstory,
as 1s emphaslzed In the introductlon of the book by Léon Noel, the
former French ambassador to Warsow.
For the Slovaks, thls book contains unusually valuable notes for
assesslng Pol!sh-Slovak relatlonships, especlaJiy those of 1938-1939.
Perhaps one of ,t he most interestlng ls the en1.ry about the conversatlon with Minister Karol Sidor. It ls one or the Jongest of his notes,
oven though the book deals almost excluslvely with records of meetlngs with presldents, m!nlsters, ambassadora and other outstandlng
public rtgures. The followlng passage, taken from Szembeťs "Dlary,"
refers to Sldor's vislts.

·,

"OCTOBER 19, 1938"
CONVERSATION WITH SIDOR

"Today this SJov,ak representat!ve pald me a courtesy caJI. I
assured h!m that we entertain the greatest aympathles for all the
deslres of the Slovak natlon; I expressed the hope that bis country
would !Ind a way af com!ng to some agreemenrt with the Magyars,
•and I assured hlm that we are advlslng Budapest to proceed wlth
moderation when formulatlng territorjal demands to the address of
the Slovaks."
·
Furthermore, Szembek notes: "During the dinner whlch I gave in
honor ot Sldor, and In whlch Arclszewsk1 and Kobylanskl particlpated,
my guest descrlbed the situatlon in Slovakia. He told us that hls
countrymen are endeavorlng to proclalm a completely Independent
Slovak State, whlch, however, polltlcally, mllitarlly, as well aa from
the cultural standpolnt would depend on Po!and and economlcally
on Germany and Hungary. The Slovaks did not want to let In German
and Magyar cultural lnfluences, but wished to place thelr country
under some k.ind of polltlcal and m!Jlllary protectlon of Poland. Thls
pro-Pol!&amp;h oo'ientat!on is supportea by the entlre Slovak natlon. The
natlon, however, 1s stunned - as he expres.sed lt - by the questlon
of Pollsh demands regarding Spiš and Orava. Thls Ume Sldor spoke
very cryfully. I answered that lf we were going to be concerned wlth
1md Independent Slovak State, thls questlon would no longer present
1my dlflcultles, because we woulld not present any terrltorial demands
to Independent Slovakla and that OUT demands !or the adjustment of
the border could not be regarded as unconditlonally necessary for the

�SLOVA.KIA

31

norma! development of relatlon.s between Poland and Slovakla. The
sltuatlon apparently would be dltferent, lf we had to present thls
problem to the Czechoslovak State."
In another part of the report, we read: "1 gave Sldor an audlence
on October 20th. I asked hlm what lnstructions he had gotten kom
hls own Government when he was leavlng !or Warsaw and what wa.s
the actuall purpose of hls trip. He answered that the Slovak Government authorlzed bim to decla.re in Warsaw what Msgr. Tiso, as well
as Papée (the Pollsh ambassador In Pra,gue), had already told us
oarller, namely that tbe alm ot hls country 1s the creatlon of an independent Slovak State. I asked him to explaln to me what now was
tbe 11tand ot the Slovak Government in regards to Prague. Sldor replled that hls country at present S'till forms a part of the Czechoslovak Republllc and that Slovak minister.s were members of the Czechoslovak Government, even though they do not actually take part In
lts negotiations. Thus far only one minister pa11tlclpated in two ses•
sions ot the Government. As far as questlons of forelgn affalrs are
c oncerned, the Slovaks are pursulng thelr own policy, and thelr
emissarles, who just a short time ago went to European oa.pitale,
were sent there by the pres.ident or the Slovak Government, Tiso,
and not by Prague.
"I then asked Sidor the question what klnd of methods hls
countrymen lntended to use to galn complete lndependence. According
to him ('Sidor), Tiso intends to attaln his goal by legal means. It
emanates from the following prlnciple: in the present sltuatlon, as
a result of the chaos whlch relgns in the Republlc, and especlally
because one half mllMon men of the Czech Army 1s garrisoned in
Slovakla, which does not have an Independent army and whose
Slovak soldlers are on tihe Czech borders (whlch presents a serlous
:mpedlment to the deflnlte separatlon of Slovakla from Czechla, as
Sldor underscored so empbatlca.lly), lt was not posslble to thlnk
of uslng more radlcal method,s. Sldor pe rsonally would be willlng to
use them and thlnks that lt mlght be usetul to us e what ls called
t he 'Hlinka Guarď and the Natlonal Commlttees, which he d lrects.
But In a spirit of loyalty, he obeya the Slovak Gove rnment.
"Such ls the polltlcal program of Tls o, endeavorlng to adhere
to legal methods: the electlon of a new presldent of tbe CzechosJovak
Republlc !s supposed to take place not later tban October 28. The
Slovaks are golng to demand the electlon ot a Catholic, who would
guarantee a separatlon flrom Francophlle and Sovletophlle orlentatlon
in Forelgn pollcy. ChvaJkovský 1s a candldate, and R llnka's Party
!s golng to vote for him. Thls presldency, however, ls going to have
only a temporary character and wrn end wlth a new adjustment of
the Constitutlon. The new Constltutlon wlll create a federatlon,
thanka to whlch Slovakla w111 attaln lte own parllament and a
broad autonomy. From that moment on the Slovaks wlll negotlate
wlth Pi,a,gue regardlng thelT demands. Sldor !s certaln that the
Czeohs wlll never be able to flll them. The Slovak Parllament wlll
lhen deflnitely proclatm the separation of Slovak.la from Czechla, as
once bappened In the case of Sweden and Norway. Sldor thlnks
th'at lt wlll be necessary t o watt two months before that point 1s
reached. In the meantlme, the Slovak Government wlll complete its
work ot decentrallzation and organlze Hs own police, gendarmery and

�32

SLOVAK.IA

army, whlch lt allready began to do. Int.ernal admlnistration already
now !s in a large measure in Slovak hands. As far as finances are
concerned, the Siovaks are taklng over all State properties on thelr
terrltory. Tax incomes are already flowlng lnto Bratis,Java. The State
Bank is already in the process of organlzation."
So muoh for the Diary of the Polish Vice-Minister about bis
conversation with Minister K. Sidor on October 20, 1938, therefore
14 days after the proclamation of Slovak autonomy in ~Uina and
almost five months before the proclamation of the independence of
Slovakia on March 14, 1939.
This report proves that the Slovaks wanted to be independent
long before Hitler offered to protect their independence. Furthermore, the Slovaks rejected unilateral German preponderance over
the territory of Slovakia and would have preferred to replace it wilh
a polilical and military protootion of Poland, cooperating only economically with the Germans and Magyars.
Sidor was for Slovak independence. The development tended,
emphasized by the intention of Tls o's Government, toward complete
Slovak lndependence.
Looking at lt from a historlcal perspectlve, German intervention
in March, 1939, greatly harmed Slovak efforts for independence
In substance. That is it cast a shadow of German interventlon on the
actuality of the proc lamation of Sllovak independence, which hurt
Slovak aspirations then and is damaging to them even today. Slovak
development tended toward the idea! of Slovak independence. It is
necessary to admit that, in the main and above all else, it was
the fault of Czech imperiallsts, who unseated the Jega!I government
of Tiso with a military putsch on March 9, 1939, and again installed
Czech hegemony over Slovakia, which all served as a pretext for
Hitler to lntervene into the development of the relationship of the
Slovaks to the Czechs.
Szembek's "Diary" also clearly shows that Czech imperlalists
drove the Slovaks into cooperation with the national-socialistic Germany of Adolph Hitler. Their treatment of Slovak problems only
hurried the day of Slovak independence. (JAS) .

•

•

•

WHO SAID lT?: - "In negotiating the treaty we have just
slgned, I did not betray my country to Russia. The Czechoslovaks are
very bad deceivers. We intend to live our own llfe in our own way,
and we know that Russia wlll reapect our way of living... , And so,
my frlends, you and we are going to contlnue our policy of collaboration, friendship, confidence In, and good falth towards Soviet Russia.
1 am never going to undertake anythlng and nelther are you, whlch
could be in any way agalnst the lntereat of thia vitally necessary
collaboratlon. There are stm people Jeft who are afrald of thls collaboratlon. So far, Soviet Russla more than proved herself at Stalingrad, at Sevastapol, and on the Don. . .. I know the Russlan way o!
llvlng; 1 belleve In lt; and I admire lt. We have a great deal In common wlth Soviet Russla. . . . So, wlth you, 1 half Soviet RuHla as a
great and eHentlally necesaary factor In the present and future fortunes of Europe." - (Jan Masaryk, Hotel Commodore, New York City,
December 21, 1943).

�</text>
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                  <text>The Slovak League of America</text>
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                  <text>&lt;ul&gt;&lt;li&gt;Issue 1 (No. 3), March 1952.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Issue 2 (No. 4), August 1952.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Issue 3 (No. 5), December 1952.&lt;/li&gt;
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            <elementText elementTextId="481">
              <text>30&#13;
&#13;
SLOVA.KIA&#13;
&#13;
THEY WANTED TO BE FREE&#13;
Enemles of Slovak independence and their servants claim that&#13;
the proclamat!on of Slovak independence in 1939 was excluslvely the&#13;
work of the Nazis, and the Slovaks, they say, did not want to be&#13;
independent.&#13;
At the end of May, 1952, there was publ!shed in Paris the d!ary&#13;
ot Count John Szembek, who for many years was a State Secretary&#13;
In the Pol!sh Mlnlstry of Forelgn Affairs. In his function as ViceMlnlster of Foreign Affairs he had the possib!llty of following at&#13;
elose range Pollsh Foreign pollcy and to a certain extent even !nfluence lt. His "Diary," ,therefore, is an unusually valuable and worthy documentary work for European pol!tlcs and diplomatlc hlstory,&#13;
as 1s emphaslzed In the introductlon of the book by Léon Noel, the&#13;
former French ambassador to Warsow.&#13;
For the Slovaks, thls book contains unusually valuable notes for&#13;
assesslng Pol!sh-Slovak relatlonships, especlaJiy those of 1938-1939.&#13;
Perhaps one of ,t he most interestlng ls the en1.ry about the conversatlon with Minister Karol Sidor. It ls one or the Jongest of his notes,&#13;
oven though the book deals almost excluslvely with records of meetlngs with presldents, m!nlsters, ambassadora and other outstandlng&#13;
public rtgures. The followlng passage, taken from Szembeťs "Dlary,"&#13;
refers to Sldor's vislts.&#13;
&#13;
·,&#13;
&#13;
"OCTOBER 19, 1938"&#13;
CONVERSATION WITH SIDOR&#13;
&#13;
"Today this SJov,ak representat!ve pald me a courtesy caJI. I&#13;
assured h!m that we entertain the greatest aympathles for all the&#13;
deslres of the Slovak natlon; I expressed the hope that bis country&#13;
would !Ind a way af com!ng to some agreemenrt with the Magyars,&#13;
•and I assured hlm that we are advlslng Budapest to proceed wlth&#13;
moderation when formulatlng territorjal demands to the address of&#13;
the Slovaks."&#13;
·&#13;
Furthermore, Szembek notes: "During the dinner whlch I gave in&#13;
honor ot Sldor, and In whlch Arclszewsk1 and Kobylanskl particlpated,&#13;
my guest descrlbed the situatlon in Slovakia. He told us that hls&#13;
countrymen are endeavorlng to proclalm a completely Independent&#13;
Slovak State, whlch, however, polltlcally, mllitarlly, as well aa from&#13;
the cultural standpolnt would depend on Po!and and economlcally&#13;
on Germany and Hungary. The Slovaks did not want to let In German&#13;
and Magyar cultural lnfluences, but wished to place thelr country&#13;
under some k.ind of polltlcal and m!Jlllary protectlon of Poland. Thls&#13;
pro-Pol!&amp;h oo'ientat!on is supportea by the entlre Slovak natlon. The&#13;
natlon, however, 1s stunned - as he expres.sed lt - by the questlon&#13;
of Pollsh demands regarding Spiš and Orava. Thls Ume Sldor spoke&#13;
very cryfully. I answered that lf we were going to be concerned wlth&#13;
1md Independent Slovak State, thls questlon would no longer present&#13;
1my dlflcultles, because we woulld not present any terrltorial demands&#13;
to Independent Slovakla and that OUT demands !or the adjustment of&#13;
the border could not be regarded as unconditlonally necessary for the&#13;
&#13;
SLOVA.KIA&#13;
&#13;
31&#13;
&#13;
norma! development of relatlon.s between Poland and Slovakla. The&#13;
sltuatlon apparently would be dltferent, lf we had to present thls&#13;
problem to the Czechoslovak State."&#13;
In another part of the report, we read: "1 gave Sldor an audlence&#13;
on October 20th. I asked hlm what lnstructions he had gotten kom&#13;
hls own Government when he was leavlng !or Warsaw and what wa.s&#13;
the actuall purpose of hls trip. He answered that the Slovak Government authorlzed bim to decla.re in Warsaw what Msgr. Tiso, as well&#13;
as Papée (the Pollsh ambassador In Pra,gue), had already told us&#13;
oarller, namely that tbe alm ot hls country 1s the creatlon of an independent Slovak State. I asked him to explaln to me what now was&#13;
tbe 11tand ot the Slovak Government in regards to Prague. Sldor replled that hls country at present S'till forms a part of the Czechoslovak Republllc and that Slovak minister.s were members of the Czechoslovak Government, even though they do not actually take part In&#13;
lts negotiations. Thus far only one minister pa11tlclpated in two ses•&#13;
sions ot the Government. As far as questlons of forelgn affalrs are&#13;
c oncerned, the Slovaks are pursulng thelr own policy, and thelr&#13;
emissarles, who just a short time ago went to European oa.pitale,&#13;
were sent there by the pres.ident or the Slovak Government, Tiso,&#13;
and not by Prague.&#13;
"I then asked Sidor the question what klnd of methods hls&#13;
countrymen lntended to use to galn complete lndependence. According&#13;
to him ('Sidor), Tiso intends to attaln his goal by legal means. It&#13;
emanates from the following prlnciple: in the present sltuatlon, as&#13;
a result of the chaos whlch relgns in the Republlc, and especlally&#13;
because one half mllMon men of the Czech Army 1s garrisoned in&#13;
Slovakla, which does not have an Independent army and whose&#13;
Slovak soldlers are on tihe Czech borders (whlch presents a serlous&#13;
:mpedlment to the deflnlte separatlon of Slovakla from Czechla, as&#13;
Sldor underscored so empbatlca.lly), lt was not posslble to thlnk&#13;
of uslng more radlcal method,s. Sldor pe rsonally would be willlng to&#13;
use them and thlnks that lt mlght be usetul to us e what ls called&#13;
t he 'Hlinka Guarď and the Natlonal Commlttees, which he d lrects.&#13;
But In a spirit of loyalty, he obeya the Slovak Gove rnment.&#13;
"Such ls the polltlcal program of Tls o, endeavorlng to adhere&#13;
to legal methods: the electlon of a new presldent of tbe CzechosJovak&#13;
Republlc !s supposed to take place not later tban October 28. The&#13;
Slovaks are golng to demand the electlon ot a Catholic, who would&#13;
guarantee a separatlon flrom Francophlle and Sovletophlle orlentatlon&#13;
in Forelgn pollcy. ChvaJkovský 1s a candldate, and R llnka's Party&#13;
!s golng to vote for him. Thls presldency, however, ls going to have&#13;
only a temporary character and wrn end wlth a new adjustment of&#13;
the Constitutlon. The new Constltutlon wlll create a federatlon,&#13;
thanka to whlch Slovakla w111 attaln lte own parllament and a&#13;
broad autonomy. From that moment on the Slovaks wlll negotlate&#13;
wlth Pi,a,gue regardlng thelT demands. Sldor !s certaln that the&#13;
Czeohs wlll never be able to flll them. The Slovak Parllament wlll&#13;
lhen deflnitely proclatm the separation of Slovak.la from Czechla, as&#13;
once bappened In the case of Sweden and Norway. Sldor thlnks&#13;
th'at lt wlll be necessary t o watt two months before that point 1s&#13;
reached. In the meantlme, the Slovak Government wlll complete its&#13;
work ot decentrallzation and organlze Hs own police, gendarmery and&#13;
&#13;
32&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAK.IA&#13;
&#13;
army, whlch lt allready began to do. Int.ernal admlnistration already&#13;
now !s in a large measure in Slovak hands. As far as finances are&#13;
concerned, the Siovaks are taklng over all State properties on thelr&#13;
terrltory. Tax incomes are already flowlng lnto Bratis,Java. The State&#13;
Bank is already in the process of organlzation."&#13;
So muoh for the Diary of the Polish Vice-Minister about bis&#13;
conversation with Minister K. Sidor on October 20, 1938, therefore&#13;
14 days after the proclamation of Slovak autonomy in ~Uina and&#13;
almost five months before the proclamation of the independence of&#13;
Slovakia on March 14, 1939.&#13;
This report proves that the Slovaks wanted to be independent&#13;
long before Hitler offered to protect their independence. Furthermore, the Slovaks rejected unilateral German preponderance over&#13;
the territory of Slovakia and would have preferred to replace it wilh&#13;
a polilical and military protootion of Poland, cooperating only economically with the Germans and Magyars.&#13;
Sidor was for Slovak independence. The development tended,&#13;
emphasized by the intention of Tls o's Government, toward complete&#13;
Slovak lndependence.&#13;
Looking at lt from a historlcal perspectlve, German intervention&#13;
in March, 1939, greatly harmed Slovak efforts for independence&#13;
In substance. That is it cast a shadow of German interventlon on the&#13;
actuality of the proc lamation of Sllovak independence, which hurt&#13;
Slovak aspirations then and is damaging to them even today. Slovak&#13;
development tended toward the idea! of Slovak independence. It is&#13;
necessary to admit that, in the main and above all else, it was&#13;
the fault of Czech imperiallsts, who unseated the Jega!I government&#13;
of Tiso with a military putsch on March 9, 1939, and again installed&#13;
Czech hegemony over Slovakia, which all served as a pretext for&#13;
Hitler to lntervene into the development of the relationship of the&#13;
Slovaks to the Czechs.&#13;
Szembek's "Diary" also clearly shows that Czech imperlalists&#13;
drove the Slovaks into cooperation with the national-socialistic Germany of Adolph Hitler. Their treatment of Slovak problems only&#13;
hurried the day of Slovak independence. (JAS) .&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
WHO SAID lT?: - "In negotiating the treaty we have just&#13;
slgned, I did not betray my country to Russia. The Czechoslovaks are&#13;
very bad deceivers. We intend to live our own llfe in our own way,&#13;
and we know that Russia wlll reapect our way of living... , And so,&#13;
my frlends, you and we are going to contlnue our policy of collaboration, friendship, confidence In, and good falth towards Soviet Russia.&#13;
1 am never going to undertake anythlng and nelther are you, whlch&#13;
could be in any way agalnst the lntereat of thia vitally necessary&#13;
collaboratlon. There are stm people Jeft who are afrald of thls collaboratlon. So far, Soviet Russla more than proved herself at Stalingrad, at Sevastapol, and on the Don. . .. I know the Russlan way o!&#13;
llvlng; 1 belleve In lt; and I admire lt. We have a great deal In common wlth Soviet Russla. . . . So, wlth you, 1 half Soviet RuHla as a&#13;
great and eHentlally necesaary factor In the present and future fortunes of Europe." - (Jan Masaryk, Hotel Commodore, New York City,&#13;
December 21, 1943).&#13;
&#13;
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                    <text>SLOVAKIA

THE STORY OF THE TWO "KRNOS"
DR. I VA N K RNO ( KE RNO), wbo retired as United Nations as•
sistant secretary-general for legal affalrs on September 10, does not
want to go bome to Czecho-Slovakia. He wlll seek asylum bere. Krno
saJd as mucb September 29 on the "United or Not" television program.
Now 61, Krno was a member of tbe "CZECH" (the papers bad tt, and
bow rigbt tbey were!) diplomatic service smce 1918 and also served
as aide to Or. Edward Beneš, wbo resigned tbe presldency and ned bis
country in 1938 and tben returned behind Soviet bayonets In 1945 to
become president again by tbe grace of Stalin. Krno, born a SLOVAK,
chose to betray his own people and serve the Beneš Czechs - the
Czech Socialists. It paid bim well. And Beneš and bis followers could
always point to Krno and say: See, Slovaks also have representation.
Just as they always did with Hodža, Lettrlch, Osuský, Papánek, Slávik, Gejza Krno and otbers. It was good wlndow dressing. Patr iotlc
Slovaks, however, regarded the m as traitors a nd r enegades. They st ill
do. And one can hardly blame tbem. because tbese so-called "Czechoslovaks" actually worked and are still working for the destruction of
the national existence of tbe natlon they are descended from.
Krno is one of tbe new breed of men created by the United Nations - an "1nternational civil servant." Interviewed on TV, Krno explained tbat tbe fate of bis country (Czecbo-Slovakla) proved in 1948
that "you can make no deals witb dictators." When asked why it took
bim so long (over four yea rs!) to utter the obvious, Dr. Krno was
rather embarrassed for a moment and then blurted: " I had to eon.
form with UN staff regulations and to reserve my opinion." Wbat a
confession for a UN assistant secretary-general to make! He was
fully convinced, as he said, that "you can make no deals witb dictators," and yet he kept on trying to do just tbat! Boy, call Senator
McCarran ! Not only to questlon Dr. Ivan Krno, but bis pals as well the otber "Czecboslovaks" (Beneš Socialists), wbo did not do badly
as members and followers of the NATIONAL FRONT government In
Czecho-Slovakia after 1945 - and who are not doing badly at all even
now as heralded "democratic, anti-communist" refugees In tbe USA.
But there is a story about anotber "Czecboslovak" Krno.
GEJZA L K RNO, Gottwalďs former general-consul in Chicago,
Ill., gave vent to bis "democratlc" feelings at a meeting in Chicago on
August 27, 1952. Present were 107 Czecbs and 4 Slovaks. At tbls
meeting, Dr. Josepb Černý. former Czecho·Slovak minister for the
C2,ecb Agrarian Party, had the gumption to renounce the fiction or the
"Czechoslovak" natlon, ethnically speaking, and stand up for the lnherent rigbt of the Slovak nation to its own existence and to declde
freely lts own destlny. "T he Slovak nation shall decide its future lndependently and its decision will bind every judicious person," Or.
Cerny sald.
Krno dld not agree with Černý and. to the surprlse or 99 per cent
ot those present, exploded · "We S lovaks, wh o st a nd beh ind the Czechoslovak Republic, Mr. Minister, cannot agree with you r pr inciples;
a nd we are of the opinion that even if 90 per cent of the Slovaks
would not want the Czechoslova k Republic, then we wo uld have to
creat e such a situation which would force it upon t hem, just as we d id

�SLOVAKIA

26

in 1944 at the time of the Slovak rebellion. The refore, the Council (of
Free C:zechosclovakia) should pian its home coming in such a way so
that it would have lts own mllitary force, occupy Slovak ia and dominate
public opinion, and then we need not fear violence or shooting. Why,
even in America the South fought against the North and, therefore,
why should 1944 not be repeated once more in Slovakia ?"
Quite a mouthful of "democracy" from a member of the "Counc!l
or Free Czechoslovakia" who once served as Gottwalďs representaUve
in Chicago and no w enjoys "political" asylum in the good old USA as
a "democratlc, ant!•Communist" retugee! "WE SLOVAKS," sald Krno,
as if he had any righ t to speak tor them, "we Slovaks" would torce
Czechoslovakla upon 90 per cent of the Slovaks against thelr wlll!
And that, ladles and gentleman, defines qulte accurately a "Czecho•
slovak" and a "Beneš Czech". Gejza L. Krno 1s a model "Czecho.slovak"
and a loyal "Beneš Czech" all in one package. Any wonder, then, that
over 90 per cent ot the S lovaks are opposed to him or hls klnd? But
there is more to the story.
One of those present at that meeting noted what had taken place.
The whole account was then glven to Dr. Michael Zibrin, former member of the Prague Parliament, who wrote about the Incident in the
"JEDNOTA" - the most wldely read Slovak paper In the USA - on
September 10. Dr. Zibrins reactlons to Krno's statement follow:
" It this were the opinlon of Krno himselt, it would sumce Just to
make a note of it. It would be a wa.ste ot time to debate much about
bis nonsense. But Krno spoke in Chicago, where he once was the exponent of communist Prague and where, since that time, his residence
serves as the meeting place when any one from the "Council of Free
C:zechoslovakia" comes to Chicago to see certain 'Slovak men or Slovak women.' Krno ls a willing and genial host. He is generally regard.
ed as the mouthpiece of Dr. Joseph Lettrich and likes to boast of the
i,romises and assurances for the future made to him by the politlcal
twins Lettrich•Zenkl.
"After this claritlcatlon, ot course, we must Iook into the statement made by Krno, because to us it is abundantly clear that Krno'a
mouth expressed the thoughts which were given expression at the
conferences of Lettrich, Zenkl, Ferienčík and other men of power
from the Council of Free C:zechoslovakia. Furthermore, lt 1s well
known to us that at similar conferences. when those present did not
s peak and pian so undiplomatically, the matter was reported generally
in such a way that there would be some kind of election under an
American occupation, and when the Americans assure liberation, then
the S lovaks out of gratitude will accept the Ame rican concept, which
is, they say, that of Lettrich and Zen kl. 'ľhls bitter pili, coated so
nlcely, made every one smile and shake thelr heads. No one wanted
to believe that Americans at some tuture time would want to violate
the free will of a nation. $uch a thing !s not in the American nature
and does not contorm with American democracy.
"But Krno reveal ed eve n more when he blasted at Dr. Černý. He
told us, in fact, that the members of the Council of Free C:zechoslovakia are reckoning wlth a 90 per ce nt majority of the S lovak
nation which is for an independent solution excluding any conception
of C:zechoslovak statehood. We know that such reports have come
from Slovakia even to Lettrich and Slávik. vVe could even name tbe

�H

SLOVAKIA

persons who brought those reports, but we do not want any one lnvestigated or tortured a second or even a third tlme, as it happened
to martyr Johnny Hvasta.
"Krno also revealed that hla companions and his poiitical representativea are not willing to reapect even a 90 per cent majority,
but are planning to resort to the drastic and brutal methods, wh?ch
prevailed in Slovakia during and after the 'rebellion' ot 1944, and tor
whlch, in severai lnstances, the political representatives or Krno
were responsible in the judgment of the natlon. Slovak emigranta
.should take note of this and call it to the attentlon ot Amerlcan-Slovak socleties, which, In turn, should call lt to the attentlon of their
own polit:ical representat!ves so they could know and see what klnd
of democracy is planned in the heart of Centra! Europe for Amerlcan
money.
When our nat!on at horne learns about it, the loud speakers of
Radlo Free Europe wlll not be able to outshout Krno's words, and
wasted are the mllllons put into varlous "freedom" movements and
lnst!tutlons, because thelr work. carrled on by euch people and ln•
fluenced by their thoughts, helps Communlsm more than lt harms lt."
Thls, then, ls the story of the two Krnos, who judased the holy
cause of their own n,ation for a career. They are not sorry for ~he
part they played In the exploltation and enslavement of the Slovak
people. lf they are, they have not glven expresslon to any sorrow In
any vlslble manuer. Of course, lf they were sorry, they would not
be associated today wlth the enemles of Slovak freedom and lndependence, the Beneš Czechs. Gejza Krno and other Slovaks In the
services of the Beneš Czechs believe that Zenkl-Ripka-LettMch stlll
hold a "promise" or important functlons, if and when the Communlsts are ousted from power in Czecho-Slovakia. They believe that
Amerlcan pollcy is in reality the pollcy of Zenkl and Lettrlch, l.e. of
the "Councll of Free Czecboslovakia," and they have reason for that
belief. They ask: Who gets to work in the VOICE OF AMERlCA,
RADlO FREE EUH.OPE and other governmental and seml-governmental instltutlons? And answer: Only the Beneš Czechs, tbe followers ot Zenkl and Lettrlch. Want to get in on Amerlcan doliars?
now and, later, to the pork barrel of Prague and Bratislava? lf you
do, get In and pitch for the Beneš Czechs ! Remember UNRRA? Belng
a man or prlnclple and a stubborn Slovak gets you nothlng, but
·b elng a Beneš Czech gets you everythlng ! 'l\hat 1s the maglc Zenkl
and Lettrich are using today on all Czech and Slovak refugees to
get them In line wlth the Beneš Czechs.
Gejza Krno's argument is understandable. Zenkl and Lettrich
Ilave a slmple pian. Czecho-Slovakia was glven to the Czechs on a
platter in 1918; after !t collapsed in 1939. when no one, not even the
Czechs rallled to save lt, lt was recreated In 1946 and handed over
to Beneš and bis followers. Atter three short years or the Natlonal
Front Government. In whlcb they were the majority, the Bene§
Czechs del! v Pred Czecho-Slovakla. lock, stock and barrel, to Gottwald and otber stooges ot the Kremlin. The transactlon took place
smoothly, wlthout any apparent physlcal resistance. Now, lťs up to
Amerlcans again to do their part: liberate Czecbo·Slovakla trom the
Gottwaldmen and again band lt over to the Beneš Czechs. Krno has
the word of Zenkl and LettMch tbat the pian cannot miss, because

�SLOVAKIA

27

Zenkl and Lettrlch have the lnslde track In the U. S. State Department.
Well, there 1s evidence aplenty that the Beneli Czechs got away
wlth murder. but we do not want to belleve that thelr "slmple pian"
wlll work. 'ľhere are a Jot of gulllble people In Amerlca, and some
pecullar Americans in the State Deparament, but we honestly bel!eve
that the Beneš Czechs sha.11 not prevail thls tlme. Americans ot Slovak descent wlll contlnne to demand the ouster of all un-Amerlcan,
anti-Slovak, antl-democratlc and pro-Sovlet elements from all offlclal
and seml-offlclal agencles ol government - and that includes the
Beneli Czechs, thé so-called ''Czechoslovaks." represented among
others by Zenkl, Lettrlch, Rlpka, Slávik and the two Krnos. Amerlcan princlples must not be surrendered for the polltlcal advantage ot
forelgners who are In a large measure responslble for the Red enslavement ot thefr · own natlons. The blond of bundreds of thousa:ids
ot our bonored dead crles out agalnst them. America stands for the
lib eratlon of ALL natlons, lncludlng and not excluding the SLOVAK
natlon. The Slovak nat!on bas an lnberent rlght to freedom and In•
dependence, anytblng that Zenkl, Lettrlch and Gejza Krno mlght
have to say to the contrary notwlthstandlng!

• • •
WHO SAID IT?

"l do not believe there ls any danger that Rusala wlll swallow up
Czechoslovakla, as some people thlnk. In fact, almost a year ago
Russla and the Government ot Ozechoslovakla slgned, In Moscow, a
treaty whlch can best be descrlbed as a treaty of frlendshlp and respect. In it, Czechoslovakla ia guaranteed freedom a nd independence.
It remalns a soverelgn state, and the two countrles blnd themselves
to respect each other's rlghts in every fleld. 1 belleve that t he RuHoCzechoslovak T reaty of December, 1943, should be the model of a ll
treatles between all the peoples of Europe. I have no fears about
Russla, but I thlnk that Jtussla 1s entltled to have her close nelghbors frlendly. None must ever be a pawn on the che.ssboard of Europe
agaln. For-tunately, Czechoslovakia has always been frien dly toward
Russia, and I am aure t h at in the future Czechoslovakia w ill maintai n t hat friendship and her ow n freedom and independence." Edward O. Tabor, a Beneš Czech, WWSW, Plttsburgh, Pa., 10-26-44).

•

•

•

"To n-a.tions in CzechÓlSJovakia the Americans are selllng democracy through so-called CZECHOSLOVAKS. They are the Czech
imperlallsts who have been the bane of all the natlons In CzechoSlovakla slnce 1918. To whom do these gentlemen, the Zenkls and
Peroutkas, wish to speak? To the Slovak• who, apar-t from a handful
of Quislings, do not wish to have anything to do with Czecho-Slovakia
and Czech domlnatlon? Not only natňona11st Slovaks, but also S1ovaklan communlsts wish to be rld of Prague. Of five S'lovaklan communlst leaders in 1945, four are today in prlson and expectlng trlal
for natlonal devlatlons. Does Mr. Peroutka, w1th bis lavishly pald
crew, wlsh to speak to Hungarlans w;ho were forcibly incorporated
lnto Czecho-Slovakla in 1919? If not, then to whom? To Czechs?
T hen he 1hould speak as a Czech a nd not as a Czecho1lovak." (The Czech "PRAVDA" - London - June 1951).

�</text>
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                    <text>SLOVAKIA

THE STORY OF THE TWO "KRNOS"
DR. I VA N K RNO ( KE RNO), wbo retired as United Nations as•
sistant secretary-general for legal affalrs on September 10, does not
want to go bome to Czecho-Slovakia. He wlll seek asylum bere. Krno
saJd as mucb September 29 on the "United or Not" television program.
Now 61, Krno was a member of tbe "CZECH" (the papers bad tt, and
bow rigbt tbey were!) diplomatic service smce 1918 and also served
as aide to Or. Edward Beneš, wbo resigned tbe presldency and ned bis
country in 1938 and tben returned behind Soviet bayonets In 1945 to
become president again by tbe grace of Stalin. Krno, born a SLOVAK,
chose to betray his own people and serve the Beneš Czechs - the
Czech Socialists. It paid bim well. And Beneš and bis followers could
always point to Krno and say: See, Slovaks also have representation.
Just as they always did with Hodža, Lettrlch, Osuský, Papánek, Slávik, Gejza Krno and otbers. It was good wlndow dressing. Patr iotlc
Slovaks, however, regarded the m as traitors a nd r enegades. They st ill
do. And one can hardly blame tbem. because tbese so-called "Czechoslovaks" actually worked and are still working for the destruction of
the national existence of tbe natlon they are descended from.
Krno is one of tbe new breed of men created by the United Nations - an "1nternational civil servant." Interviewed on TV, Krno explained tbat tbe fate of bis country (Czecbo-Slovakla) proved in 1948
that "you can make no deals witb dictators." When asked why it took
bim so long (over four yea rs!) to utter the obvious, Dr. Krno was
rather embarrassed for a moment and then blurted: " I had to eon.
form with UN staff regulations and to reserve my opinion." Wbat a
confession for a UN assistant secretary-general to make! He was
fully convinced, as he said, that "you can make no deals witb dictators," and yet he kept on trying to do just tbat! Boy, call Senator
McCarran ! Not only to questlon Dr. Ivan Krno, but bis pals as well the otber "Czecboslovaks" (Beneš Socialists), wbo did not do badly
as members and followers of the NATIONAL FRONT government In
Czecho-Slovakia after 1945 - and who are not doing badly at all even
now as heralded "democratic, anti-communist" refugees In tbe USA.
But there is a story about anotber "Czecboslovak" Krno.
GEJZA L K RNO, Gottwalďs former general-consul in Chicago,
Ill., gave vent to bis "democratlc" feelings at a meeting in Chicago on
August 27, 1952. Present were 107 Czecbs and 4 Slovaks. At tbls
meeting, Dr. Josepb Černý. former Czecho·Slovak minister for the
C2,ecb Agrarian Party, had the gumption to renounce the fiction or the
"Czechoslovak" natlon, ethnically speaking, and stand up for the lnherent rigbt of the Slovak nation to its own existence and to declde
freely lts own destlny. "T he Slovak nation shall decide its future lndependently and its decision will bind every judicious person," Or.
Cerny sald.
Krno dld not agree with Černý and. to the surprlse or 99 per cent
ot those present, exploded · "We S lovaks, wh o st a nd beh ind the Czechoslovak Republic, Mr. Minister, cannot agree with you r pr inciples;
a nd we are of the opinion that even if 90 per cent of the Slovaks
would not want the Czechoslova k Republic, then we wo uld have to
creat e such a situation which would force it upon t hem, just as we d id

�SLOVAKIA

26

in 1944 at the time of the Slovak rebellion. The refore, the Council (of
Free C:zechosclovakia) should pian its home coming in such a way so
that it would have lts own mllitary force, occupy Slovak ia and dominate
public opinion, and then we need not fear violence or shooting. Why,
even in America the South fought against the North and, therefore,
why should 1944 not be repeated once more in Slovakia ?"
Quite a mouthful of "democracy" from a member of the "Counc!l
or Free Czechoslovakia" who once served as Gottwalďs representaUve
in Chicago and no w enjoys "political" asylum in the good old USA as
a "democratlc, ant!•Communist" retugee! "WE SLOVAKS," sald Krno,
as if he had any righ t to speak tor them, "we Slovaks" would torce
Czechoslovakla upon 90 per cent of the Slovaks against thelr wlll!
And that, ladles and gentleman, defines qulte accurately a "Czecho•
slovak" and a "Beneš Czech". Gejza L. Krno 1s a model "Czecho.slovak"
and a loyal "Beneš Czech" all in one package. Any wonder, then, that
over 90 per cent ot the S lovaks are opposed to him or hls klnd? But
there is more to the story.
One of those present at that meeting noted what had taken place.
The whole account was then glven to Dr. Michael Zibrin, former member of the Prague Parliament, who wrote about the Incident in the
"JEDNOTA" - the most wldely read Slovak paper In the USA - on
September 10. Dr. Zibrins reactlons to Krno's statement follow:
" It this were the opinlon of Krno himselt, it would sumce Just to
make a note of it. It would be a wa.ste ot time to debate much about
bis nonsense. But Krno spoke in Chicago, where he once was the exponent of communist Prague and where, since that time, his residence
serves as the meeting place when any one from the "Council of Free
C:zechoslovakia" comes to Chicago to see certain 'Slovak men or Slovak women.' Krno ls a willing and genial host. He is generally regard.
ed as the mouthpiece of Dr. Joseph Lettrich and likes to boast of the
i,romises and assurances for the future made to him by the politlcal
twins Lettrich•Zenkl.
"After this claritlcatlon, ot course, we must Iook into the statement made by Krno, because to us it is abundantly clear that Krno'a
mouth expressed the thoughts which were given expression at the
conferences of Lettrich, Zenkl, Ferienčík and other men of power
from the Council of Free C:zechoslovakia. Furthermore, lt 1s well
known to us that at similar conferences. when those present did not
s peak and pian so undiplomatically, the matter was reported generally
in such a way that there would be some kind of election under an
American occupation, and when the Americans assure liberation, then
the S lovaks out of gratitude will accept the Ame rican concept, which
is, they say, that of Lettrich and Zen kl. 'ľhls bitter pili, coated so
nlcely, made every one smile and shake thelr heads. No one wanted
to believe that Americans at some tuture time would want to violate
the free will of a nation. $uch a thing !s not in the American nature
and does not contorm with American democracy.
"But Krno reveal ed eve n more when he blasted at Dr. Černý. He
told us, in fact, that the members of the Council of Free C:zechoslovakia are reckoning wlth a 90 per ce nt majority of the S lovak
nation which is for an independent solution excluding any conception
of C:zechoslovak statehood. We know that such reports have come
from Slovakia even to Lettrich and Slávik. vVe could even name tbe

�H

SLOVAKIA

persons who brought those reports, but we do not want any one lnvestigated or tortured a second or even a third tlme, as it happened
to martyr Johnny Hvasta.
"Krno also revealed that hla companions and his poiitical representativea are not willing to reapect even a 90 per cent majority,
but are planning to resort to the drastic and brutal methods, wh?ch
prevailed in Slovakia during and after the 'rebellion' ot 1944, and tor
whlch, in severai lnstances, the political representatives or Krno
were responsible in the judgment of the natlon. Slovak emigranta
.should take note of this and call it to the attentlon ot Amerlcan-Slovak socleties, which, In turn, should call lt to the attentlon of their
own polit:ical representat!ves so they could know and see what klnd
of democracy is planned in the heart of Centra! Europe for Amerlcan
money.
When our nat!on at horne learns about it, the loud speakers of
Radlo Free Europe wlll not be able to outshout Krno's words, and
wasted are the mllllons put into varlous "freedom" movements and
lnst!tutlons, because thelr work. carrled on by euch people and ln•
fluenced by their thoughts, helps Communlsm more than lt harms lt."
Thls, then, ls the story of the two Krnos, who judased the holy
cause of their own n,ation for a career. They are not sorry for ~he
part they played In the exploltation and enslavement of the Slovak
people. lf they are, they have not glven expresslon to any sorrow In
any vlslble manuer. Of course, lf they were sorry, they would not
be associated today wlth the enemles of Slovak freedom and lndependence, the Beneš Czechs. Gejza Krno and other Slovaks In the
services of the Beneš Czechs believe that Zenkl-Ripka-LettMch stlll
hold a "promise" or important functlons, if and when the Communlsts are ousted from power in Czecho-Slovakia. They believe that
Amerlcan pollcy is in reality the pollcy of Zenkl and Lettrlch, l.e. of
the "Councll of Free Czecboslovakia," and they have reason for that
belief. They ask: Who gets to work in the VOICE OF AMERlCA,
RADlO FREE EUH.OPE and other governmental and seml-governmental instltutlons? And answer: Only the Beneš Czechs, tbe followers ot Zenkl and Lettrlch. Want to get in on Amerlcan doliars?
now and, later, to the pork barrel of Prague and Bratislava? lf you
do, get In and pitch for the Beneš Czechs ! Remember UNRRA? Belng
a man or prlnclple and a stubborn Slovak gets you nothlng, but
·b elng a Beneš Czech gets you everythlng ! 'l\hat 1s the maglc Zenkl
and Lettrich are using today on all Czech and Slovak refugees to
get them In line wlth the Beneš Czechs.
Gejza Krno's argument is understandable. Zenkl and Lettrich
Ilave a slmple pian. Czecho-Slovakia was glven to the Czechs on a
platter in 1918; after !t collapsed in 1939. when no one, not even the
Czechs rallled to save lt, lt was recreated In 1946 and handed over
to Beneš and bis followers. Atter three short years or the Natlonal
Front Government. In whlcb they were the majority, the Bene§
Czechs del! v Pred Czecho-Slovakla. lock, stock and barrel, to Gottwald and otber stooges ot the Kremlin. The transactlon took place
smoothly, wlthout any apparent physlcal resistance. Now, lťs up to
Amerlcans again to do their part: liberate Czecbo·Slovakla trom the
Gottwaldmen and again band lt over to the Beneš Czechs. Krno has
the word of Zenkl and LettMch tbat the pian cannot miss, because

�SLOVAKIA

27

Zenkl and Lettrlch have the lnslde track In the U. S. State Department.
Well, there 1s evidence aplenty that the Beneli Czechs got away
wlth murder. but we do not want to belleve that thelr "slmple pian"
wlll work. 'ľhere are a Jot of gulllble people In Amerlca, and some
pecullar Americans in the State Deparament, but we honestly bel!eve
that the Beneš Czechs sha.11 not prevail thls tlme. Americans ot Slovak descent wlll contlnne to demand the ouster of all un-Amerlcan,
anti-Slovak, antl-democratlc and pro-Sovlet elements from all offlclal
and seml-offlclal agencles ol government - and that includes the
Beneli Czechs, thé so-called ''Czechoslovaks." represented among
others by Zenkl, Lettrlch, Rlpka, Slávik and the two Krnos. Amerlcan princlples must not be surrendered for the polltlcal advantage ot
forelgners who are In a large measure responslble for the Red enslavement ot thefr · own natlons. The blond of bundreds of thousa:ids
ot our bonored dead crles out agalnst them. America stands for the
lib eratlon of ALL natlons, lncludlng and not excluding the SLOVAK
natlon. The Slovak nat!on bas an lnberent rlght to freedom and In•
dependence, anytblng that Zenkl, Lettrlch and Gejza Krno mlght
have to say to the contrary notwlthstandlng!

• • •
WHO SAID IT?

"l do not believe there ls any danger that Rusala wlll swallow up
Czechoslovakla, as some people thlnk. In fact, almost a year ago
Russla and the Government ot Ozechoslovakla slgned, In Moscow, a
treaty whlch can best be descrlbed as a treaty of frlendshlp and respect. In it, Czechoslovakla ia guaranteed freedom a nd independence.
It remalns a soverelgn state, and the two countrles blnd themselves
to respect each other's rlghts in every fleld. 1 belleve that t he RuHoCzechoslovak T reaty of December, 1943, should be the model of a ll
treatles between all the peoples of Europe. I have no fears about
Russla, but I thlnk that Jtussla 1s entltled to have her close nelghbors frlendly. None must ever be a pawn on the che.ssboard of Europe
agaln. For-tunately, Czechoslovakia has always been frien dly toward
Russia, and I am aure t h at in the future Czechoslovakia w ill maintai n t hat friendship and her ow n freedom and independence." Edward O. Tabor, a Beneš Czech, WWSW, Plttsburgh, Pa., 10-26-44).

•

•

•

"To n-a.tions in CzechÓlSJovakia the Americans are selllng democracy through so-called CZECHOSLOVAKS. They are the Czech
imperlallsts who have been the bane of all the natlons In CzechoSlovakla slnce 1918. To whom do these gentlemen, the Zenkls and
Peroutkas, wish to speak? To the Slovak• who, apar-t from a handful
of Quislings, do not wish to have anything to do with Czecho-Slovakia
and Czech domlnatlon? Not only natňona11st Slovaks, but also S1ovaklan communlsts wish to be rld of Prague. Of five S'lovaklan communlst leaders in 1945, four are today in prlson and expectlng trlal
for natlonal devlatlons. Does Mr. Peroutka, w1th bis lavishly pald
crew, wlsh to speak to Hungarlans w;ho were forcibly incorporated
lnto Czecho-Slovakla in 1919? If not, then to whom? To Czechs?
T hen he 1hould speak as a Czech a nd not as a Czecho1lovak." (The Czech "PRAVDA" - London - June 1951).

�</text>
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                  <text>1952, Vol. 2</text>
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                  <text>The Slovak League of America</text>
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                  <text>1952</text>
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                  <text>&lt;ul&gt;&lt;li&gt;Issue 1 (No. 3), March 1952.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Issue 2 (No. 4), August 1952.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Issue 3 (No. 5), December 1952.&lt;/li&gt;
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            <elementText elementTextId="494">
              <text>SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
THE STORY OF THE TWO "KRNOS"&#13;
DR. I VA N K RNO ( KE RNO), wbo retired as United Nations as•&#13;
sistant secretary-general for legal affalrs on September 10, does not&#13;
want to go bome to Czecho-Slovakia. He wlll seek asylum bere. Krno&#13;
saJd as mucb September 29 on the "United or Not" television program.&#13;
Now 61, Krno was a member of tbe "CZECH" (the papers bad tt, and&#13;
bow rigbt tbey were!) diplomatic service smce 1918 and also served&#13;
as aide to Or. Edward Beneš, wbo resigned tbe presldency and ned bis&#13;
country in 1938 and tben returned behind Soviet bayonets In 1945 to&#13;
become president again by tbe grace of Stalin. Krno, born a SLOVAK,&#13;
chose to betray his own people and serve the Beneš Czechs - the&#13;
Czech Socialists. It paid bim well. And Beneš and bis followers could&#13;
always point to Krno and say: See, Slovaks also have representation.&#13;
Just as they always did with Hodža, Lettrlch, Osuský, Papánek, Slávik, Gejza Krno and otbers. It was good wlndow dressing. Patr iotlc&#13;
Slovaks, however, regarded the m as traitors a nd r enegades. They st ill&#13;
do. And one can hardly blame tbem. because tbese so-called "Czechoslovaks" actually worked and are still working for the destruction of&#13;
the national existence of tbe natlon they are descended from.&#13;
Krno is one of tbe new breed of men created by the United Nations - an "1nternational civil servant." Interviewed on TV, Krno explained tbat tbe fate of bis country (Czecbo-Slovakla) proved in 1948&#13;
that "you can make no deals witb dictators." When asked why it took&#13;
bim so long (over four yea rs!) to utter the obvious, Dr. Krno was&#13;
rather embarrassed for a moment and then blurted: " I had to eon.&#13;
form with UN staff regulations and to reserve my opinion." Wbat a&#13;
confession for a UN assistant secretary-general to make! He was&#13;
fully convinced, as he said, that "you can make no deals witb dictators," and yet he kept on trying to do just tbat! Boy, call Senator&#13;
McCarran ! Not only to questlon Dr. Ivan Krno, but bis pals as well the otber "Czecboslovaks" (Beneš Socialists), wbo did not do badly&#13;
as members and followers of the NATIONAL FRONT government In&#13;
Czecho-Slovakia after 1945 - and who are not doing badly at all even&#13;
now as heralded "democratic, anti-communist" refugees In tbe USA.&#13;
But there is a story about anotber "Czecboslovak" Krno.&#13;
GEJZA L K RNO, Gottwalďs former general-consul in Chicago,&#13;
Ill., gave vent to bis "democratlc" feelings at a meeting in Chicago on&#13;
August 27, 1952. Present were 107 Czecbs and 4 Slovaks. At tbls&#13;
meeting, Dr. Josepb Černý. former Czecho·Slovak minister for the&#13;
C2,ecb Agrarian Party, had the gumption to renounce the fiction or the&#13;
"Czechoslovak" natlon, ethnically speaking, and stand up for the lnherent rigbt of the Slovak nation to its own existence and to declde&#13;
freely lts own destlny. "T he Slovak nation shall decide its future lndependently and its decision will bind every judicious person," Or.&#13;
Cerny sald.&#13;
Krno dld not agree with Černý and. to the surprlse or 99 per cent&#13;
ot those present, exploded · "We S lovaks, wh o st a nd beh ind the Czechoslovak Republic, Mr. Minister, cannot agree with you r pr inciples;&#13;
a nd we are of the opinion that even if 90 per cent of the Slovaks&#13;
would not want the Czechoslova k Republic, then we wo uld have to&#13;
creat e such a situation which would force it upon t hem, just as we d id&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
26&#13;
&#13;
in 1944 at the time of the Slovak rebellion. The refore, the Council (of&#13;
Free C:zechosclovakia) should pian its home coming in such a way so&#13;
that it would have lts own mllitary force, occupy Slovak ia and dominate&#13;
public opinion, and then we need not fear violence or shooting. Why,&#13;
even in America the South fought against the North and, therefore,&#13;
why should 1944 not be repeated once more in Slovakia ?"&#13;
Quite a mouthful of "democracy" from a member of the "Counc!l&#13;
or Free Czechoslovakia" who once served as Gottwalďs representaUve&#13;
in Chicago and no w enjoys "political" asylum in the good old USA as&#13;
a "democratlc, ant!•Communist" retugee! "WE SLOVAKS," sald Krno,&#13;
as if he had any righ t to speak tor them, "we Slovaks" would torce&#13;
Czechoslovakla upon 90 per cent of the Slovaks against thelr wlll!&#13;
And that, ladles and gentleman, defines qulte accurately a "Czecho•&#13;
slovak" and a "Beneš Czech". Gejza L. Krno 1s a model "Czecho.slovak"&#13;
and a loyal "Beneš Czech" all in one package. Any wonder, then, that&#13;
over 90 per cent ot the S lovaks are opposed to him or hls klnd? But&#13;
there is more to the story.&#13;
One of those present at that meeting noted what had taken place.&#13;
The whole account was then glven to Dr. Michael Zibrin, former member of the Prague Parliament, who wrote about the Incident in the&#13;
"JEDNOTA" - the most wldely read Slovak paper In the USA - on&#13;
September 10. Dr. Zibrins reactlons to Krno's statement follow:&#13;
" It this were the opinlon of Krno himselt, it would sumce Just to&#13;
make a note of it. It would be a wa.ste ot time to debate much about&#13;
bis nonsense. But Krno spoke in Chicago, where he once was the exponent of communist Prague and where, since that time, his residence&#13;
serves as the meeting place when any one from the "Council of Free&#13;
C:zechoslovakia" comes to Chicago to see certain 'Slovak men or Slovak women.' Krno ls a willing and genial host. He is generally regard.&#13;
ed as the mouthpiece of Dr. Joseph Lettrich and likes to boast of the&#13;
i,romises and assurances for the future made to him by the politlcal&#13;
twins Lettrich•Zenkl.&#13;
"After this claritlcatlon, ot course, we must Iook into the statement made by Krno, because to us it is abundantly clear that Krno'a&#13;
mouth expressed the thoughts which were given expression at the&#13;
conferences of Lettrich, Zenkl, Ferienčík and other men of power&#13;
from the Council of Free C:zechoslovakia. Furthermore, lt 1s well&#13;
known to us that at similar conferences. when those present did not&#13;
s peak and pian so undiplomatically, the matter was reported generally&#13;
in such a way that there would be some kind of election under an&#13;
American occupation, and when the Americans assure liberation, then&#13;
the S lovaks out of gratitude will accept the Ame rican concept, which&#13;
is, they say, that of Lettrich and Zen kl. 'ľhls bitter pili, coated so&#13;
nlcely, made every one smile and shake thelr heads. No one wanted&#13;
to believe that Americans at some tuture time would want to violate&#13;
the free will of a nation. $uch a thing !s not in the American nature&#13;
and does not contorm with American democracy.&#13;
"But Krno reveal ed eve n more when he blasted at Dr. Černý. He&#13;
told us, in fact, that the members of the Council of Free C:zechoslovakia are reckoning wlth a 90 per ce nt majority of the S lovak&#13;
nation which is for an independent solution excluding any conception&#13;
of C:zechoslovak statehood. We know that such reports have come&#13;
from Slovakia even to Lettrich and Slávik. vVe could even name tbe&#13;
&#13;
H&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
persons who brought those reports, but we do not want any one lnvestigated or tortured a second or even a third tlme, as it happened&#13;
to martyr Johnny Hvasta.&#13;
"Krno also revealed that hla companions and his poiitical representativea are not willing to reapect even a 90 per cent majority,&#13;
but are planning to resort to the drastic and brutal methods, wh?ch&#13;
prevailed in Slovakia during and after the 'rebellion' ot 1944, and tor&#13;
whlch, in severai lnstances, the political representatives or Krno&#13;
were responsible in the judgment of the natlon. Slovak emigranta&#13;
.should take note of this and call it to the attentlon ot Amerlcan-Slovak socleties, which, In turn, should call lt to the attentlon of their&#13;
own polit:ical representat!ves so they could know and see what klnd&#13;
of democracy is planned in the heart of Centra! Europe for Amerlcan&#13;
money.&#13;
When our nat!on at horne learns about it, the loud speakers of&#13;
Radlo Free Europe wlll not be able to outshout Krno's words, and&#13;
wasted are the mllllons put into varlous "freedom" movements and&#13;
lnst!tutlons, because thelr work. carrled on by euch people and ln•&#13;
fluenced by their thoughts, helps Communlsm more than lt harms lt."&#13;
Thls, then, ls the story of the two Krnos, who judased the holy&#13;
cause of their own n,ation for a career. They are not sorry for ~he&#13;
part they played In the exploltation and enslavement of the Slovak&#13;
people. lf they are, they have not glven expresslon to any sorrow In&#13;
any vlslble manuer. Of course, lf they were sorry, they would not&#13;
be associated today wlth the enemles of Slovak freedom and lndependence, the Beneš Czechs. Gejza Krno and other Slovaks In the&#13;
services of the Beneš Czechs believe that Zenkl-Ripka-LettMch stlll&#13;
hold a "promise" or important functlons, if and when the Communlsts are ousted from power in Czecho-Slovakia. They believe that&#13;
Amerlcan pollcy is in reality the pollcy of Zenkl and Lettrlch, l.e. of&#13;
the "Councll of Free Czecboslovakia," and they have reason for that&#13;
belief. They ask: Who gets to work in the VOICE OF AMERlCA,&#13;
RADlO FREE EUH.OPE and other governmental and seml-governmental instltutlons? And answer: Only the Beneš Czechs, tbe followers ot Zenkl and Lettrlch. Want to get in on Amerlcan doliars?&#13;
now and, later, to the pork barrel of Prague and Bratislava? lf you&#13;
do, get In and pitch for the Beneš Czechs ! Remember UNRRA? Belng&#13;
a man or prlnclple and a stubborn Slovak gets you nothlng, but&#13;
·b elng a Beneš Czech gets you everythlng ! 'l\hat 1s the maglc Zenkl&#13;
and Lettrich are using today on all Czech and Slovak refugees to&#13;
get them In line wlth the Beneš Czechs.&#13;
Gejza Krno's argument is understandable. Zenkl and Lettrich&#13;
Ilave a slmple pian. Czecho-Slovakia was glven to the Czechs on a&#13;
platter in 1918; after !t collapsed in 1939. when no one, not even the&#13;
Czechs rallled to save lt, lt was recreated In 1946 and handed over&#13;
to Beneš and bis followers. Atter three short years or the Natlonal&#13;
Front Government. In whlcb they were the majority, the Bene§&#13;
Czechs del! v Pred Czecho-Slovakla. lock, stock and barrel, to Gottwald and otber stooges ot the Kremlin. The transactlon took place&#13;
smoothly, wlthout any apparent physlcal resistance. Now, lťs up to&#13;
Amerlcans again to do their part: liberate Czecbo·Slovakla trom the&#13;
Gottwaldmen and again band lt over to the Beneš Czechs. Krno has&#13;
the word of Zenkl and LettMch tbat the pian cannot miss, because&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
27&#13;
&#13;
Zenkl and Lettrlch have the lnslde track In the U. S. State Department.&#13;
Well, there 1s evidence aplenty that the Beneli Czechs got away&#13;
wlth murder. but we do not want to belleve that thelr "slmple pian"&#13;
wlll work. 'ľhere are a Jot of gulllble people In Amerlca, and some&#13;
pecullar Americans in the State Deparament, but we honestly bel!eve&#13;
that the Beneš Czechs sha.11 not prevail thls tlme. Americans ot Slovak descent wlll contlnne to demand the ouster of all un-Amerlcan,&#13;
anti-Slovak, antl-democratlc and pro-Sovlet elements from all offlclal&#13;
and seml-offlclal agencles ol government - and that includes the&#13;
Beneli Czechs, thé so-called ''Czechoslovaks." represented among&#13;
others by Zenkl, Lettrlch, Rlpka, Slávik and the two Krnos. Amerlcan princlples must not be surrendered for the polltlcal advantage ot&#13;
forelgners who are In a large measure responslble for the Red enslavement ot thefr · own natlons. The blond of bundreds of thousa:ids&#13;
ot our bonored dead crles out agalnst them. America stands for the&#13;
lib eratlon of ALL natlons, lncludlng and not excluding the SLOVAK&#13;
natlon. The Slovak nat!on bas an lnberent rlght to freedom and In•&#13;
dependence, anytblng that Zenkl, Lettrlch and Gejza Krno mlght&#13;
have to say to the contrary notwlthstandlng!&#13;
&#13;
• • •&#13;
WHO SAID IT?&#13;
&#13;
"l do not believe there ls any danger that Rusala wlll swallow up&#13;
Czechoslovakla, as some people thlnk. In fact, almost a year ago&#13;
Russla and the Government ot Ozechoslovakla slgned, In Moscow, a&#13;
treaty whlch can best be descrlbed as a treaty of frlendshlp and respect. In it, Czechoslovakla ia guaranteed freedom a nd independence.&#13;
It remalns a soverelgn state, and the two countrles blnd themselves&#13;
to respect each other's rlghts in every fleld. 1 belleve that t he RuHoCzechoslovak T reaty of December, 1943, should be the model of a ll&#13;
treatles between all the peoples of Europe. I have no fears about&#13;
Russla, but I thlnk that Jtussla 1s entltled to have her close nelghbors frlendly. None must ever be a pawn on the che.ssboard of Europe&#13;
agaln. For-tunately, Czechoslovakia has always been frien dly toward&#13;
Russia, and I am aure t h at in the future Czechoslovakia w ill maintai n t hat friendship and her ow n freedom and independence." Edward O. Tabor, a Beneš Czech, WWSW, Plttsburgh, Pa., 10-26-44).&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
"To n-a.tions in CzechÓlSJovakia the Americans are selllng democracy through so-called CZECHOSLOVAKS. They are the Czech&#13;
imperlallsts who have been the bane of all the natlons In CzechoSlovakla slnce 1918. To whom do these gentlemen, the Zenkls and&#13;
Peroutkas, wish to speak? To the Slovak• who, apar-t from a handful&#13;
of Quislings, do not wish to have anything to do with Czecho-Slovakia&#13;
and Czech domlnatlon? Not only natňona11st Slovaks, but also S1ovaklan communlsts wish to be rld of Prague. Of five S'lovaklan communlst leaders in 1945, four are today in prlson and expectlng trlal&#13;
for natlonal devlatlons. Does Mr. Peroutka, w1th bis lavishly pald&#13;
crew, wlsh to speak to Hungarlans w;ho were forcibly incorporated&#13;
lnto Czecho-Slovakla in 1919? If not, then to whom? To Czechs?&#13;
T hen he 1hould speak as a Czech a nd not as a Czecho1lovak." (The Czech "PRAVDA" - London - June 1951).&#13;
&#13;
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                <text>The Story of the Two "Krnos"</text>
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                <text>Slovakia, Vol. 2, No. 3 (5), December 1952&#13;
pp. 24-27</text>
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                    <text>18

Castles of Slovakia

SLOVAKIA

TRENčlN

Above the city of Trenčin (Trencheen), Slovakla, same 1230 feet
above sea level, are sproocl the plcturesques ruins of a fonner mighty
strong,hold. Its or.igln ls ancient; they say that the uppermost part was
built durlng the reign of Emperor Marcus Aurelius (a,bout 176 A.D.l
by a Roman legionnaire called Terence, hence the name Terencium Trenčín. Terence, it is recorded, was sent into the terl1itory to subjugate the Quadi and Markom.ani. The latter were conquered at the base
of the stony mount on whlch the Tulns can be seen today. An inscriptlon on the rock "Victoriae Auguatorum•.•" bears mute testimony to
the fact. Many years later Trenčín was taken by various groups, the
Huns, the Gepidl, the Avars, and the Magyars. Bretislav, a Czech
Prince, raided Trenčín in 1607 and led away many prlsoners and
cattle into Bohemia. In 1100 the town was devastated by another
Czech Prince, Svätopluk.
In the minds of ,the ,Slovak people, however, the most illustrious
owner of the castle and ruler of Trenčin was Matthew Čá.k (Tchak)
- "Lord of the Váh and t he Tatras." A~ter the death of the last
Arpad ruler, Andrew NI, In 1301, Čá.k beca.me the adversary of
Charle-s Robert and ,an ally of the Czech King, Wencesl&lt;aus III; the
latter died in 1306. For a Ume Charles Robent was pOiWerless to deal
with Matthew Čá.k who ruled lndependenbly over Slovakia. Čá.k
had 'h is own .army aud coined his own money. In 1312 he was beaten
at Rozhanovce near Koške, but Cha.rles Robert could not take the
castle where Ma.tthew Čá.k had retreated.
A pea.ce pact between the Poles, Czechs and Austrlans · was
signed a.t the stronghold August 24, 1335, in the presence of the
Bohemian King, John of Luxemberg, and his son Charles. It was in the
Trenčin Castle that Charles, brother of Zigmund, became engaged to
Marie, the daughter of Louis the Great and heir to Au.stria. In 1396
Zlgmund gave the castle to General Ctibor, owner of the nelgh·b orlng castle of Bečkov. When John Ctibor dled In 1424, ~gmund gave
the Trenčín Castle to hls second wife, Barbara Celska.
'rule Hus,site chlef, John Jiskra of Br.andys took the castle in
1440, expanded and garrlsoned lt. In 1458 Jlskra surrendered Tren·
čin, as well as all the other Slovak fortresse:i in his possesslon, to
King Mat!Mas. The latter ma.rried Catherine, the daughter of the
Czech George Podebrady, a.t the Castle May 25, 1461. In 1475 Mathias
donated the cast1e to Stephen Zá.polský, whose da.ughter became
the wlfe of King Zigmund of Pola.nd. Under Zá.polský the castle
was furnished with costly furniture and some of t,he flnest works of
art. Zá.polskťs· son John was chosen King of Hungary In 1526. His
adversary Ferdinand of the Habsburg line besleged the pla.ce, and
General Katza.nler a.ctua.lly took it over 1n 1528 and destroyed lt by
fJre. The' ca.stle eventua:lly was rebu!Jt, but it n&amp;Ver became as resplendent as it was during Zá.polský's Ume.
There is a legend connected with the well on the castle grounds
- "the lovera' well.'' Aooord1ng to the legend, Stephen Zá.polský,
returning from his wa.rs agalnst the Turk$, brought a bea.utiful slave,
Faitima, for his wdfe Hed~vlg. After a Ume a. Turklsh pedd1er galned

�SLOVAKIA

19

entrance to the castle; lt wa.s Omar, the beloved of Fatima. Omar
begged Zápolský to free Fatima. Tlring or Omar's pleas, Zápolský
remarked: .. You cannot draw wat&amp;r from thls stone, nor can you
draiw a tear from my eye." Omar took Zápolský at bis word and,
wlth a few of hls followers, began to dig for water in the stone.
After three years of palnful effort, Omar was rewarded; he struck
water. Zápolský was moved exceedlng1y by the deed and granted
Omar's request.
Alex Thurzo J·ecelved the Trenčin stronghold from Ferdinand;
bis coat of arms marked wlth the year ló40 can be seen today on
a w:!ndow of the lnner cais4le. Imrich Forgáč, who marrled the "Black
Prlncess," Prince Wenceslaus' widow, inherlted the castJe in 1588.
But already In 1600 we flnd the castle the property or tlhe llleehazye. The Turks tried to galn possesslon of the castle in 1663,
but failed. Rakoczy II was also unsuccessful dn hl.s abtempt in 1703.
I n 1742 Queen Marie Therese had the fortress re-p alred and the tow&amp;r
rebullt. The la.tter etand.s 105 feet hlgh and af·fords a.n exqulslte view
of the vicinlty.
There Ie a legend that t he orlginal tower was bullt by Louls I.
When the Rakoczy rebellJons were quelled, a plague broke out ln
Trenčln. People sought refuge In churches, but prayers did not seem
to help. People dled In thelr homes and no one burled them. It
seemed that death ruled over Trenčln. Then somethlng mlraculous
took place. The guard on the castle tower sa,w a very br1ght llgM
over the to-wer and then St. Francls Xavler stepped out of a cloud
and blessed the people of Trenčin. Tihe guard sounded the alarm,
and the whole garrlson went out to welcome the Salnt. The commander
of the gar.ríso.n ma.de the sign oť the cross wlth hls sword and promlsed that the date of the Sa1nťs appearance would ever be a holy
day In Trenčin. The plague passed and Trenčln wae saved. The people
of Trenčin stm observe the memory of that day.
But let me flnish bhe story of the Trenčin Ca.stle. A comma.nd
ltad been gtlven that a garrlson occupy the castle at all tlmes. Klngs
and queens pas,sed on, but the order was not revoked untll someone
thought of 1t in 1782, when the garrlson wa.s called away at la.st, after
occupylng the oastle for 112 years. Fire destroyed al! bulldlngs In 1790.

•

•

•

RED GEOGRAPHY: The news servlce of the Centra! Slovak Ca-

thollc Bureau in Rome recently publlshed a story about a certain
school inspector of the T rnava distrlct In Slovak!a who gave dlrectlvee
to teachers on how to teach. Among other thlngs he sald that lf
nuns were able to lnterest chlldren In a non-ex!etent being, God,"
then the teachers certalnly should be able to interest chlldren In
Stalln who actually exlsts. "The Marx-Lenin doctrlnes of our Stalln,"
he contlnued, "must be applled In all classes. For exatnple, in gcography you teach the chlldren about the East and the West. Now,
you could say: The sun rlses in the East; there 1s our great Stalln,
the sun or the natlons whlch enllghtens all natlons wlth hls knOI\Vledge. The sun sets In the West; there you f!nd decayed capltallsm,
the treacherous bourgeolele and murderous lmper!allsm." - But moot
of the Slovak teachers and puplls prefer the advlce of Horace Greeley:
Go West. young man!

�</text>
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                  <elementText elementTextId="509">
                    <text>18

Castles of Slovakia

SLOVAKIA

TRENčlN

Above the city of Trenčin (Trencheen), Slovakla, same 1230 feet
above sea level, are sproocl the plcturesques ruins of a fonner mighty
strong,hold. Its or.igln ls ancient; they say that the uppermost part was
built durlng the reign of Emperor Marcus Aurelius (a,bout 176 A.D.l
by a Roman legionnaire called Terence, hence the name Terencium Trenčín. Terence, it is recorded, was sent into the terl1itory to subjugate the Quadi and Markom.ani. The latter were conquered at the base
of the stony mount on whlch the Tulns can be seen today. An inscriptlon on the rock "Victoriae Auguatorum•.•" bears mute testimony to
the fact. Many years later Trenčín was taken by various groups, the
Huns, the Gepidl, the Avars, and the Magyars. Bretislav, a Czech
Prince, raided Trenčín in 1607 and led away many prlsoners and
cattle into Bohemia. In 1100 the town was devastated by another
Czech Prince, Svätopluk.
In the minds of ,the ,Slovak people, however, the most illustrious
owner of the castle and ruler of Trenčin was Matthew Čá.k (Tchak)
- "Lord of the Váh and t he Tatras." A~ter the death of the last
Arpad ruler, Andrew NI, In 1301, Čá.k beca.me the adversary of
Charle-s Robert and ,an ally of the Czech King, Wencesl&lt;aus III; the
latter died in 1306. For a Ume Charles Robent was pOiWerless to deal
with Matthew Čá.k who ruled lndependenbly over Slovakia. Čá.k
had 'h is own .army aud coined his own money. In 1312 he was beaten
at Rozhanovce near Koške, but Cha.rles Robert could not take the
castle where Ma.tthew Čá.k had retreated.
A pea.ce pact between the Poles, Czechs and Austrlans · was
signed a.t the stronghold August 24, 1335, in the presence of the
Bohemian King, John of Luxemberg, and his son Charles. It was in the
Trenčin Castle that Charles, brother of Zigmund, became engaged to
Marie, the daughter of Louis the Great and heir to Au.stria. In 1396
Zlgmund gave the castle to General Ctibor, owner of the nelgh·b orlng castle of Bečkov. When John Ctibor dled In 1424, ~gmund gave
the Trenčín Castle to hls second wife, Barbara Celska.
'rule Hus,site chlef, John Jiskra of Br.andys took the castle in
1440, expanded and garrlsoned lt. In 1458 Jlskra surrendered Tren·
čin, as well as all the other Slovak fortresse:i in his possesslon, to
King Mat!Mas. The latter ma.rried Catherine, the daughter of the
Czech George Podebrady, a.t the Castle May 25, 1461. In 1475 Mathias
donated the cast1e to Stephen Zá.polský, whose da.ughter became
the wlfe of King Zigmund of Pola.nd. Under Zá.polský the castle
was furnished with costly furniture and some of t,he flnest works of
art. Zá.polskťs· son John was chosen King of Hungary In 1526. His
adversary Ferdinand of the Habsburg line besleged the pla.ce, and
General Katza.nler a.ctua.lly took it over 1n 1528 and destroyed lt by
fJre. The' ca.stle eventua:lly was rebu!Jt, but it n&amp;Ver became as resplendent as it was during Zá.polský's Ume.
There is a legend connected with the well on the castle grounds
- "the lovera' well.'' Aooord1ng to the legend, Stephen Zá.polský,
returning from his wa.rs agalnst the Turk$, brought a bea.utiful slave,
Faitima, for his wdfe Hed~vlg. After a Ume a. Turklsh pedd1er galned

�SLOVAKIA

19

entrance to the castle; lt wa.s Omar, the beloved of Fatima. Omar
begged Zápolský to free Fatima. Tlring or Omar's pleas, Zápolský
remarked: .. You cannot draw wat&amp;r from thls stone, nor can you
draiw a tear from my eye." Omar took Zápolský at bis word and,
wlth a few of hls followers, began to dig for water in the stone.
After three years of palnful effort, Omar was rewarded; he struck
water. Zápolský was moved exceedlng1y by the deed and granted
Omar's request.
Alex Thurzo J·ecelved the Trenčin stronghold from Ferdinand;
bis coat of arms marked wlth the year ló40 can be seen today on
a w:!ndow of the lnner cais4le. Imrich Forgáč, who marrled the "Black
Prlncess," Prince Wenceslaus' widow, inherlted the castJe in 1588.
But already In 1600 we flnd the castle the property or tlhe llleehazye. The Turks tried to galn possesslon of the castle in 1663,
but failed. Rakoczy II was also unsuccessful dn hl.s abtempt in 1703.
I n 1742 Queen Marie Therese had the fortress re-p alred and the tow&amp;r
rebullt. The la.tter etand.s 105 feet hlgh and af·fords a.n exqulslte view
of the vicinlty.
There Ie a legend that t he orlginal tower was bullt by Louls I.
When the Rakoczy rebellJons were quelled, a plague broke out ln
Trenčln. People sought refuge In churches, but prayers did not seem
to help. People dled In thelr homes and no one burled them. It
seemed that death ruled over Trenčln. Then somethlng mlraculous
took place. The guard on the castle tower sa,w a very br1ght llgM
over the to-wer and then St. Francls Xavler stepped out of a cloud
and blessed the people of Trenčin. Tihe guard sounded the alarm,
and the whole garrlson went out to welcome the Salnt. The commander
of the gar.ríso.n ma.de the sign oť the cross wlth hls sword and promlsed that the date of the Sa1nťs appearance would ever be a holy
day In Trenčin. The plague passed and Trenčln wae saved. The people
of Trenčin stm observe the memory of that day.
But let me flnish bhe story of the Trenčin Ca.stle. A comma.nd
ltad been gtlven that a garrlson occupy the castle at all tlmes. Klngs
and queens pas,sed on, but the order was not revoked untll someone
thought of 1t in 1782, when the garrlson wa.s called away at la.st, after
occupylng the oastle for 112 years. Fire destroyed al! bulldlngs In 1790.

•

•

•

RED GEOGRAPHY: The news servlce of the Centra! Slovak Ca-

thollc Bureau in Rome recently publlshed a story about a certain
school inspector of the T rnava distrlct In Slovak!a who gave dlrectlvee
to teachers on how to teach. Among other thlngs he sald that lf
nuns were able to lnterest chlldren In a non-ex!etent being, God,"
then the teachers certalnly should be able to interest chlldren In
Stalln who actually exlsts. "The Marx-Lenin doctrlnes of our Stalln,"
he contlnued, "must be applled In all classes. For exatnple, in gcography you teach the chlldren about the East and the West. Now,
you could say: The sun rlses in the East; there 1s our great Stalln,
the sun or the natlons whlch enllghtens all natlons wlth hls knOI\Vledge. The sun sets In the West; there you f!nd decayed capltallsm,
the treacherous bourgeolele and murderous lmper!allsm." - But moot
of the Slovak teachers and puplls prefer the advlce of Horace Greeley:
Go West. young man!

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                  <text>1952, Vol. 2</text>
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                  <text>The Slovak League of America</text>
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                  <text>&lt;ul&gt;&lt;li&gt;Issue 1 (No. 3), March 1952.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Issue 2 (No. 4), August 1952.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Issue 3 (No. 5), December 1952.&lt;/li&gt;
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              <text>18&#13;
&#13;
Castles of Slovakia&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
TRENčlN&#13;
&#13;
Above the city of Trenčin (Trencheen), Slovakla, same 1230 feet&#13;
above sea level, are sproocl the plcturesques ruins of a fonner mighty&#13;
strong,hold. Its or.igln ls ancient; they say that the uppermost part was&#13;
built durlng the reign of Emperor Marcus Aurelius (a,bout 176 A.D.l&#13;
by a Roman legionnaire called Terence, hence the name Terencium Trenčín. Terence, it is recorded, was sent into the terl1itory to subjugate the Quadi and Markom.ani. The latter were conquered at the base&#13;
of the stony mount on whlch the Tulns can be seen today. An inscriptlon on the rock "Victoriae Auguatorum•.•" bears mute testimony to&#13;
the fact. Many years later Trenčín was taken by various groups, the&#13;
Huns, the Gepidl, the Avars, and the Magyars. Bretislav, a Czech&#13;
Prince, raided Trenčín in 1607 and led away many prlsoners and&#13;
cattle into Bohemia. In 1100 the town was devastated by another&#13;
Czech Prince, Svätopluk.&#13;
In the minds of ,the ,Slovak people, however, the most illustrious&#13;
owner of the castle and ruler of Trenčin was Matthew Čá.k (Tchak)&#13;
- "Lord of the Váh and t he Tatras." A~ter the death of the last&#13;
Arpad ruler, Andrew NI, In 1301, Čá.k beca.me the adversary of&#13;
Charle-s Robert and ,an ally of the Czech King, Wencesl&lt;aus III; the&#13;
latter died in 1306. For a Ume Charles Robent was pOiWerless to deal&#13;
with Matthew Čá.k who ruled lndependenbly over Slovakia. Čá.k&#13;
had 'h is own .army aud coined his own money. In 1312 he was beaten&#13;
at Rozhanovce near Koške, but Cha.rles Robert could not take the&#13;
castle where Ma.tthew Čá.k had retreated.&#13;
A pea.ce pact between the Poles, Czechs and Austrlans · was&#13;
signed a.t the stronghold August 24, 1335, in the presence of the&#13;
Bohemian King, John of Luxemberg, and his son Charles. It was in the&#13;
Trenčin Castle that Charles, brother of Zigmund, became engaged to&#13;
Marie, the daughter of Louis the Great and heir to Au.stria. In 1396&#13;
Zlgmund gave the castle to General Ctibor, owner of the nelgh·b orlng castle of Bečkov. When John Ctibor dled In 1424, ~gmund gave&#13;
the Trenčín Castle to hls second wife, Barbara Celska.&#13;
'rule Hus,site chlef, John Jiskra of Br.andys took the castle in&#13;
1440, expanded and garrlsoned lt. In 1458 Jlskra surrendered Tren·&#13;
čin, as well as all the other Slovak fortresse:i in his possesslon, to&#13;
King Mat!Mas. The latter ma.rried Catherine, the daughter of the&#13;
Czech George Podebrady, a.t the Castle May 25, 1461. In 1475 Mathias&#13;
donated the cast1e to Stephen Zá.polský, whose da.ughter became&#13;
the wlfe of King Zigmund of Pola.nd. Under Zá.polský the castle&#13;
was furnished with costly furniture and some of t,he flnest works of&#13;
art. Zá.polskťs· son John was chosen King of Hungary In 1526. His&#13;
adversary Ferdinand of the Habsburg line besleged the pla.ce, and&#13;
General Katza.nler a.ctua.lly took it over 1n 1528 and destroyed lt by&#13;
fJre. The' ca.stle eventua:lly was rebu!Jt, but it n&amp;Ver became as resplendent as it was during Zá.polský's Ume.&#13;
There is a legend connected with the well on the castle grounds&#13;
- "the lovera' well.'' Aooord1ng to the legend, Stephen Zá.polský,&#13;
returning from his wa.rs agalnst the Turk$, brought a bea.utiful slave,&#13;
Faitima, for his wdfe Hed~vlg. After a Ume a. Turklsh pedd1er galned&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
19&#13;
&#13;
entrance to the castle; lt wa.s Omar, the beloved of Fatima. Omar&#13;
begged Zápolský to free Fatima. Tlring or Omar's pleas, Zápolský&#13;
remarked: .. You cannot draw wat&amp;r from thls stone, nor can you&#13;
draiw a tear from my eye." Omar took Zápolský at bis word and,&#13;
wlth a few of hls followers, began to dig for water in the stone.&#13;
After three years of palnful effort, Omar was rewarded; he struck&#13;
water. Zápolský was moved exceedlng1y by the deed and granted&#13;
Omar's request.&#13;
Alex Thurzo J·ecelved the Trenčin stronghold from Ferdinand;&#13;
bis coat of arms marked wlth the year ló40 can be seen today on&#13;
a w:!ndow of the lnner cais4le. Imrich Forgáč, who marrled the "Black&#13;
Prlncess," Prince Wenceslaus' widow, inherlted the castJe in 1588.&#13;
But already In 1600 we flnd the castle the property or tlhe llleehazye. The Turks tried to galn possesslon of the castle in 1663,&#13;
but failed. Rakoczy II was also unsuccessful dn hl.s abtempt in 1703.&#13;
I n 1742 Queen Marie Therese had the fortress re-p alred and the tow&amp;r&#13;
rebullt. The la.tter etand.s 105 feet hlgh and af·fords a.n exqulslte view&#13;
of the vicinlty.&#13;
There Ie a legend that t he orlginal tower was bullt by Louls I.&#13;
When the Rakoczy rebellJons were quelled, a plague broke out ln&#13;
Trenčln. People sought refuge In churches, but prayers did not seem&#13;
to help. People dled In thelr homes and no one burled them. It&#13;
seemed that death ruled over Trenčln. Then somethlng mlraculous&#13;
took place. The guard on the castle tower sa,w a very br1ght llgM&#13;
over the to-wer and then St. Francls Xavler stepped out of a cloud&#13;
and blessed the people of Trenčin. Tihe guard sounded the alarm,&#13;
and the whole garrlson went out to welcome the Salnt. The commander&#13;
of the gar.ríso.n ma.de the sign oť the cross wlth hls sword and promlsed that the date of the Sa1nťs appearance would ever be a holy&#13;
day In Trenčin. The plague passed and Trenčln wae saved. The people&#13;
of Trenčin stm observe the memory of that day.&#13;
But let me flnish bhe story of the Trenčin Ca.stle. A comma.nd&#13;
ltad been gtlven that a garrlson occupy the castle at all tlmes. Klngs&#13;
and queens pas,sed on, but the order was not revoked untll someone&#13;
thought of 1t in 1782, when the garrlson wa.s called away at la.st, after&#13;
occupylng the oastle for 112 years. Fire destroyed al! bulldlngs In 1790.&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
RED GEOGRAPHY: The news servlce of the Centra! Slovak Ca-&#13;
&#13;
thollc Bureau in Rome recently publlshed a story about a certain&#13;
school inspector of the T rnava distrlct In Slovak!a who gave dlrectlvee&#13;
to teachers on how to teach. Among other thlngs he sald that lf&#13;
nuns were able to lnterest chlldren In a non-ex!etent being, God,"&#13;
then the teachers certalnly should be able to interest chlldren In&#13;
Stalln who actually exlsts. "The Marx-Lenin doctrlnes of our Stalln,"&#13;
he contlnued, "must be applled In all classes. For exatnple, in gcography you teach the chlldren about the East and the West. Now,&#13;
you could say: The sun rlses in the East; there 1s our great Stalln,&#13;
the sun or the natlons whlch enllghtens all natlons wlth hls knOI\Vledge. The sun sets In the West; there you f!nd decayed capltallsm,&#13;
the treacherous bourgeolele and murderous lmper!allsm." - But moot&#13;
of the Slovak teachers and puplls prefer the advlce of Horace Greeley:&#13;
Go West. young man!&#13;
&#13;
</text>
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                    <text>SLOVAKIA

SLOVAKIA -

13

WINTER WONDERLAND

If you have never been in Slovakia in the winter, you stm have
somefälng to Jive for. Under present conditlon·s , when freedom and
independence are suppressed by the Communist system, you will not
be able to see the "Winter Wonderland" that Slovakia really !s, but
you mlg-ht consider visiting the !and of the Slovaks at some future
time when the plague of Communism has been dispeHed.
Winter, in all its sparkling and majestlc sp1endor, presents to
every !over of nature ťhe best opportunity of seeing and fully enjoying
the natural beautles of S.Jovakia. The coUliltry, because of its mountainous regions, ls especially suiitable for wlnter sports, partlcularly
skíing. But you need not be sportsmindeid to enjoy Slovakla In the
winter. The sheer beauty of nature in Slovakia in the wlnter wm
enohant you, unburden and refresh your soul, and give added zest for
livlng. You may not want to participa:te in winter sports In Slovakia,
bwt the ·happy sight of others enjoyi-ng themselves wiH soothe your
tired nerves and give you a sa,tlsfactíon never before known to you.
'ľhe Slovak mountains, as I once knew them, are unsurpassed for
t heir winter charm. Accompany me, lf you wlll, on an imaglnary
trip to them.
Let us sliart out into the Small Carpathians (Malé Karpaty), W'hich
extend from ,the confluence of the Danube and Morava rJvers to the
Myjava. 'l'hey divide the Váh plai'll from the Moravian plain a.nd are
covered wlth Jeafy and parUy evergreen trees and many fores,t
meadows. Their moderate slopes offer good skiing. At l!he southwestern end, above the vlllage of Devin, there 1s the Dev!nska Kobyla,
(The Mare of Devin), the peak or whlch 1719 feet above sea level.
Near the city of Modra, there lies the summer resort of Harmónia, open
a-lso In wlnter, with many comfo1,table hotels with hot and cold runnlng water and good restaurants. In t he mountalns, about two and
one-half mi,Jes from Harmónia, on the so-called Sands (Piesky) stand
two huts: it:he Zochova hut (1443 fet up), and only three mlnutes
from it is the other one. Near the highest point or the mountain
highway Jeading from Pezinok to Pernek is Országh's hut (1750 feet
up) on Ba:ba (Grandmother) near Pezinok.
The best sk·ling in the Little Carpathians is near Smolenice, where
there are plenity of grassy hills and forest roeadows.
The White Carpathians ( Biele Karpaty) stretch trom Myjava along
t he Slovak-Moravian border to the mountain of Makyta, where they
meet the J avorn!ky. They are covered wlth dense foresrts; only thelr
wide southern part is Jess wooded and good for skiing. The most
impoi,ta.nt centre is the Holuby hut (3226 feet) on the Javorina. It is
best approached on foot from the railway station of Stará Turá, or
from the bus stop Kvetná, on the line Nové Mesto nad Váhom l'.aerský Brod. Otherwise you may get to it from the Moravian side
by car from Uherský Brod.
Opposite the Whlte Carpathians, on the other side of the Váh valley, are the Inovec Mounta!ns, through which passes the railway from
Trenč!n to Topoľčany. They, too, are densely wooded and have good
skiing grounds. Out of the t.hree tourist huts whlch were here, only
the Trenč!n Munic!pal Hut (1500 feet) under Sharp Peak (Ostrý

�14

SLOVAKIA

Vrch ) at Soblanov remains. The shortest way up 1s from the station
Soblanov following -the blue tourist mark, or trom Trenčin followlng
the red.
Contlnuing, t!he Javornlky, whlch have huts both on the Slovak
and Moravian slde, are the Western Beskyds, the southern parts
of which are called th-e Jeseníky. Here there are many wooded
and bare hills which are wonderful grounds for both the weakest and
best sklers. Thelr Jocation on the borders of Slovakla and Moravla
brings them many visitors from both sides. The numerous vllla,ges of
the Upper Kysuca reglon offer many possibilltles for accommodationa
both in the hotels as well as In private homes (Makov, Tunovka, Raková, Čadca). The best known centers are: Bumbálka Hut, MakovPotok Hut and the summer resoi,t Tešinský, which are open In winter. On the roa.d from Veľká •Bytča to Makov 1s Satinka Hut. All these
huts are near Makov and the bo.rder and have ldeaJ grounds for skllng.
Beyond the Jablunkov Pass, near Cadca, the Beskyds continue on
as the Western Beskyds and form the border between Slovakía and
Poland. Wooded sectlons mlngled wlth bare ones form Idea) skllng
terra.in, w,h ere down-bili ru.os six mlles long are not at aH rare.
Near the sta11lon at Serafinov lh-ere is a fine hotel, the surroundings of
wh1ch are suitable for skilng. From the station In Cadca or Oščad­
nica, tbere is a good approach to the hut on Rača ( 4020 feet). The
Bysitr.lcká Vall-ey up to Erdťidka and the whole of tbe Oravská
Magura, near Námestovo, is a flrst class skiing ground with only
one draiwback. it ls bard to appr&lt;&gt;ach. Otherwise the Orava region 1s
one of the most popular ski terralns and has good posslbHitles of approach from tbe ra.llway Žilina-Košice, and also trom tbe ra.!lway
Kraľovany./Suchá Hora.
From the gorge of the Strečno rise the migbty bills of tbe mountaln range called Small Fatra ( Malá Fatra), whlch 1s covered mostly
w.lth coniferous trees. Mountain meadows and grassy valleys, as well
as tbe bare peaks of Stoh and Chleb, are the most popular places of
northwestern Slovakia. The ldeal surroundlngs of the hut on Chleb
(4660 feet) may be approached trom the station of Strečno, Šútovo,
Kraľova.ny and Párnica. The hut there has been re1&gt;alred and can
accomodate 60 persona. It 1s the s,tarting point for tours on the Fatranský K11lváň, Chleb, Rozsut-ec and to the valley where Ištvä.nová
lles.
Martinské hole (The Plalns of St. Martin) are the southern range
of tbe Lirttle Fatra, extending l'.rom the gorge of Strečno southwards to
the vaney of Zliechov, near Ôlčmany. Thelr slopes are mostly wooded,
but in the hills are plenty of meadows connected with one another all
the way down to the valleys. On the surrounding mountain meadows
tbere 1s wonderful skiing wlth Jong downhlll runs and marvelous views
of the far surroundings - the Hlgh Taitras, the Whit-e and Little
Ca'fl)athlans, Beskyds, Radhošť, the Ore mountans and the Inovec and
Nitra MounWns. In the Martinské mountalns there is a hut 4100 feet
above sea level. The best way to approach it 1s from Turčiansky
Svätý Mafltln along several marked roads.
Opposite t:he Martinské hole Ile the Great Fatra Mountains, wblch
have quit-e a di!ferent character. They -stretch from the valley of the
T&gt;iver Váh to the rlver Hron: and thelr northern part ls cut by the valley ot Lubochňa. The wlde ridges of Ostredok, Rakytov and Krlžná

�SLOVAKIA

15

are suitable for skiing, In the norvhern part of the Gre,at Fatra, there
are ideal grounds for wlnter sports on th&amp; Smrekovica. The best aPproach to the 4330 foot-high Smrekovica 1s from the station Podsuchá
on the rallroad Ružomberok-Korytnica. The unusually hlgh and long
lasting snow in the deep coniferous woods attract.s thou:sands of visltors to Smrekovica. Many stay ln Ružomberok where there ar&amp; good
accommodatlons and a tower for ski-jump like on the Smrekovica.
The southern pa11t of the Grea,t Fatra is called Mountalns of
Kremnica ( Kremnické hory), where there are plenty of houses for
tourists. The cen,t~ of thls region is Kremnica which has several
hot~Is. a tourist n.ight shelter near the station and many private
accommod.aitlons. It is ,the s·tarting point for the Skalka hut.
Contlnuing along the Great Fatra and the Mountains of Kremnica, on the other side of the river Hron, ·between the ratlway ZvolenLevice and Zvolen-Šahy, are the Mountains of Štiavnica ( Štiavnické
hory), w1th Sitno a,s their •highest pea.lc. This region wlth its evergreen trees and large meadows, Jong ridges and slopes, is ideal for
winter sports. The center of this region is Banská Štiavnica. The
most visited plaoe, however, is the hut of Andrej Kmeť on Sitno
(3330 feet up). from where one has a beautiful vlew as far as the
Danube Plaln and the High Tatras. Below the Sitno, next to Lake
Počuvadlo, ,are the Kállay sanatorium and the boarding house Anna,
which offer good accommodations for guests.
The mountains of Štiavnica have great suppl1es of ore and are
called the Slovak Ore Mountains (Slovenské rudohorie). They stretch
from the river Hron and the mountains of Štiavnica to Rožňava. The
northern part is more or less connected and has several w:lde hllls,
trom which there run long ridges in the form of rays, between which
are deep valleys. The southwestern part is very prlmitive and has a
tourist hut on the Javor (2722 fem), to whlch the best approa,ch !s
from the statlons Podkriváň, or Píla pod Javorom, on the ra.ilway !lne
Zvolen-Lučenec. The hut on Trsti (3722 feet) may be approached from
Pila, near Tisovec, or directly from Tisovec.
To the east from Oravská Magura one finds the Stag Mountains
( Roháče) , which have a high mountain character and resemble the
Tatras. Sklers vis,it mostly the Smutná and Látaná valleys, as well as
the Iong slopes of Rakoň, Volovec, Úplaz, or go even a.s far as Osobitá.
Snow usually remains untll sprlng and lt is nothlng unusual to find
s klers here even at Easter.
Sklers sometlmes go from Rohäče to the valleys ot Račková or
Žiar, wblch belong to the group of mountains called the Tatras of
Liptov ( Liptovské Tatry), because of their idea! skilng terraln. Wlth
their Iong slopes and mighty peaks they complete the Hlgh Tatras to
which they really belong.
The lo.nges,t and wldest mountaln range in Slovakla are &lt;the Low
Tatras (Nízke Tatry), which extend from the highway Banská Bystrica-Ružomberok to the •highway Telgart-Poprad. North of them flows
the river Váh, south the rlver Hron. Only ,the lower part.s are covered
wlth forests, the rest 1s bare so that a skler may undertake a one-day
tour from Prašivá in the west to Ďumbier and Kráľova hoľa In the
east wlthout much fatigue.
The helght and breadth of the range affords long descents on both
sides trom he!ghts of 200-4000 feet up. Not far from Banská Bystrica

�16

SLOVAKlA

1s the winter sports center, the Sport hotel Donovaly (3330 feet) w!th
Idea! surroundings, woods and meadows. The hotel !s filrs.t cla.ss and is
sure to app&amp;a.l to every guest. From this place there leads a romantlc
trail to Korytnica., above whlch rlse the mighty rldges of Prašivá
and Latiborská Hoľa. At a helght of 6460 feet is sltuated štefán.ik's
hut beneaith the Ďumbier. The highest peaks are Chopok, to wh!ch
a ski-lil\t wa.s built (6680 feet) from the valley of Demänová nea.r
Liptovský Svätý Mikuláš, and Ďumbier (6820 feet) where snow remains tlll Jate sprjng. From the station Kráľova Lehota there 1s a
highway wh!oh crosses the Low Tatra range on its way to Podbrezová.
lit passes through the villages of Malužiná and Vyšná Boca and reaches
the mountain Sport hotel at the lovely hut on čertovioa (4210 feet),
which is surrounded by evergreen trees and mountain meadows.
Among the numerous Slovak mountains the High Tatras (Vysoké
Tatry) are the most vlsited by lovers of winrter sports. lt !s mostily
because of their high mountain altitude, long las-ting snow, good accommodations, technical equipment and varled terrain. The startlng
polnts to the Hlgh Tatras are the railway staUons Štrba and PopradTatry on the Košice-Bohumln raiJway line. From Štrba there runs a
good road to the high cllmatlc spa Štrbské Pleso (Tarn of Štrba, 4500
feet) where there are accomodatlons for 400-500 persons (Hotels
Hviezdoslav, Solisko, Kmvä.ň, Móry, boarding bouses Jánošik, Marina,
Poleka, Iskra and chalets of the Slovak Touris.ts', and Skiers' Olub).
Beyond t&gt;he tarn there are the FUTkotská, Mlynická and Mengušovská
valleys, to wbdch -the sklers come from the ridge of Solisko and Patria.
Tbe slope of Solisko -is preferred, because there is a skl-lif,t there for
sklers to a heigbt of 6260 feet. In the Mengušov va.Jley under steep
Osterva there 1s a hut at Popradské Pleso ('l'arn of Poprad) with accommodatlons for 150 guests. In late sprjng and even on summer days
it 1s posslble to ski under the Saddle Váhy, near the hut under the
Rysy (7600 feet), whlch ls open In summer only.
Another center is Stary Smokovec, where about 1000 persons can
be accommodated in hotels and boaroing houses ({}rand Hotel, Hoepfner, Palace, etc.). Skllng grounds are on the slopes of Slavkov's Peak
and In the lovely Studenovodská (Cold Water) valley, or in the
Great or Little Cold Valleys. There ls a funicular rallway runnlng
to the Športhotel Hrebienok from which goes a toboggan slide and ski
run. At the end of the Great Cold Valley there are wonderful skllng
grounds near the :Obojn!cka hut (6400 feet) . In the Llttle Cold Valley
there are two •huts: at the beglnning of the valley ls the hut Zamkovský (5200 feet), and at the upper end Lles the Téry hut (6730 feet) on
the F'ive Spiš Lakes. In tbe surroundings there are lovely sk!lng
grounds for good sklers.
A popular skllng center is Tatranská. Lomnica., wbich 1s connected
wlth Poprad by both electrlc and steam railways. It ls 3000 feet high,
has healtby cllmate and good skllng places. There are good accomodatlons In the hotels and boardlng houses wbere 1000-1200 persons may
be housed (Grand Hotel Praha, Hotel Lomnica, Ehern, Payer, Spišský
ilom, Hubertus, Javorina, Božena, etc.). From beyond the Grand Hotel
tb-ere ran a cable railway to the Lomnický št!t (Lomnica Peak, 8780
feet), now runnolng to the station Skalnaté Pleso (Rocky Lake. 5480
feet) only. Above and below the hut there are some of the best skUng
places on tbe Saddle of Lomnica. In the Dead Garden (Mŕtva záhrad-

�SLOVAKIA

17

ka), the slopes of Svišťovka, or the skiing and bob sleigh raclng track.
From the nearby Tatranské Matliary we approach huts which also
have good skding grounds in their surroundings. They are as follows:
the hut at Šalivový Prameň, tbe hut at Zelené Pleso (Green Lake) and
the hut of Kežmarok, near the Biele plesá (White Lake's); the last one
already Jies In t-he Belan Tatra. Not far away from Tatranské. Lomnica
is situated the village Ždiar, famous for the fine costumes of its peasants. It has bus con.nections witb Tatranská Lomnica, Skiers may find
good possibilities on the slopes of the Belan Tatra, near Javorina, or in
the well known Wbite Water V,alley (Blelovodská dolina).
Beyond the lowlands of Kežmarok tbere rise the Hi!Js of Levoča
( Levočské vrchy )J w•h ich are not very high but have good conditions
for skiing and a hut, the Hut of Levoča under Javorina (4560 feet),
best reached from Levoča. In the diroction of Prešov there is good skiing on the Branisko (3900 feet).
The Slovak paradlise (Slovenský raj) also has its charm of frozen
water-falls in winter, but few possibilities for skilng. Only the vicinitioo of Dobšiná, Krompachy and Gelnica have better terrains. Accomodation.s are found in the hut at tbe Ice Caves of Dobšiná.
·
Eastern Slovaklia (Východné Slovensko) has many good grounds,
but the possibilities of accomodations are rare because many huts and
lodging houses were destroyed. Tbe best skiing near Košice ls on
Bankov, and at the hut Jahodná (2160 feet), where there are t\vo
towers fo.r ski-jumping. The HUls of Slaná are alllo vislted bocause of
their skiing terl1aJ!ns.
Slovakla, endowed by nature wlth streams and lakes, mountains
and valleys, with its modern and ancient structures and quaint vilJages, ls a !and of wondrous beauty and charm In all seasons, but In the
winter it really ls a wonderland.

•

•

•

WHO SAID IT?

"Tbe Slovak people h·ave ahvays shown a wlllingness to be a
part of any federalized state, a readiness to cooperate with the other
peoples in lt. ~heir history conclusively proves tha1: a natlon can be
happy In such an order as long as it eujoys basic freedom. On the
other hand, the history of the Slovak people also conclusively demonstrates that, not having this freedom, no natlon, even the smallest,
wlll permit ltself to be pushed around by even lts racia! bloodbrother, wi.thout either openly fighting or (what 1s worse) plantlng
the seeds of revolt that eventually brlng forth some terrlble harvest.
The conclusion seems evident that the most benevolent and the best:
inten.tioned domination wlll probably not be accepted by any natlon as
a sub.stitute for self-rule." - {Congressman Daniel J. F!ood, Jan. ·1,
1946) . .

•

•

•

"Czech public opinion may be excused for not realizing that the
sltuation In Slovakia at the close of 1923 !s radlcally 'dlfferent · from
tba,t of the first year of the Revolutlon. And yet the bigher búreaucracy tends to act on the assumptlon that nothing has changed, •and
ostrich-like to lgnore tbe keen and growing resentment in Slovakia
and the urgent need !or measures to allay lt." - (R,· W. Seton Wat,
son: "THE NEW SLOVAKIA," 1924).
.. , .;

�</text>
                  </elementText>
                  <elementText elementTextId="515">
                    <text>SLOVAKIA

SLOVAKIA -

13

WINTER WONDERLAND

If you have never been in Slovakia in the winter, you stm have
somefälng to Jive for. Under present conditlon·s , when freedom and
independence are suppressed by the Communist system, you will not
be able to see the "Winter Wonderland" that Slovakia really !s, but
you mlg-ht consider visiting the !and of the Slovaks at some future
time when the plague of Communism has been dispeHed.
Winter, in all its sparkling and majestlc sp1endor, presents to
every !over of nature ťhe best opportunity of seeing and fully enjoying
the natural beautles of S.Jovakia. The coUliltry, because of its mountainous regions, ls especially suiitable for wlnter sports, partlcularly
skíing. But you need not be sportsmindeid to enjoy Slovakla In the
winter. The sheer beauty of nature in Slovakia in the wlnter wm
enohant you, unburden and refresh your soul, and give added zest for
livlng. You may not want to participa:te in winter sports In Slovakia,
bwt the ·happy sight of others enjoyi-ng themselves wiH soothe your
tired nerves and give you a sa,tlsfactíon never before known to you.
'ľhe Slovak mountains, as I once knew them, are unsurpassed for
t heir winter charm. Accompany me, lf you wlll, on an imaglnary
trip to them.
Let us sliart out into the Small Carpathians (Malé Karpaty), W'hich
extend from ,the confluence of the Danube and Morava rJvers to the
Myjava. 'l'hey divide the Váh plai'll from the Moravian plain a.nd are
covered wlth Jeafy and parUy evergreen trees and many fores,t
meadows. Their moderate slopes offer good skiing. At l!he southwestern end, above the vlllage of Devin, there 1s the Dev!nska Kobyla,
(The Mare of Devin), the peak or whlch 1719 feet above sea level.
Near the city of Modra, there lies the summer resort of Harmónia, open
a-lso In wlnter, with many comfo1,table hotels with hot and cold runnlng water and good restaurants. In t he mountalns, about two and
one-half mi,Jes from Harmónia, on the so-called Sands (Piesky) stand
two huts: it:he Zochova hut (1443 fet up), and only three mlnutes
from it is the other one. Near the highest point or the mountain
highway Jeading from Pezinok to Pernek is Országh's hut (1750 feet
up) on Ba:ba (Grandmother) near Pezinok.
The best sk·ling in the Little Carpathians is near Smolenice, where
there are plenity of grassy hills and forest roeadows.
The White Carpathians ( Biele Karpaty) stretch trom Myjava along
t he Slovak-Moravian border to the mountain of Makyta, where they
meet the J avorn!ky. They are covered wlth dense foresrts; only thelr
wide southern part is Jess wooded and good for skiing. The most
impoi,ta.nt centre is the Holuby hut (3226 feet) on the Javorina. It is
best approached on foot from the railway station of Stará Turá, or
from the bus stop Kvetná, on the line Nové Mesto nad Váhom l'.aerský Brod. Otherwise you may get to it from the Moravian side
by car from Uherský Brod.
Opposite the Whlte Carpathians, on the other side of the Váh valley, are the Inovec Mounta!ns, through which passes the railway from
Trenč!n to Topoľčany. They, too, are densely wooded and have good
skiing grounds. Out of the t.hree tourist huts whlch were here, only
the Trenč!n Munic!pal Hut (1500 feet) under Sharp Peak (Ostrý

�14

SLOVAKIA

Vrch ) at Soblanov remains. The shortest way up 1s from the station
Soblanov following -the blue tourist mark, or trom Trenčin followlng
the red.
Contlnuing, t!he Javornlky, whlch have huts both on the Slovak
and Moravian slde, are the Western Beskyds, the southern parts
of which are called th-e Jeseníky. Here there are many wooded
and bare hills which are wonderful grounds for both the weakest and
best sklers. Thelr Jocation on the borders of Slovakla and Moravla
brings them many visitors from both sides. The numerous vllla,ges of
the Upper Kysuca reglon offer many possibilltles for accommodationa
both in the hotels as well as In private homes (Makov, Tunovka, Raková, Čadca). The best known centers are: Bumbálka Hut, MakovPotok Hut and the summer resoi,t Tešinský, which are open In winter. On the roa.d from Veľká •Bytča to Makov 1s Satinka Hut. All these
huts are near Makov and the bo.rder and have ldeaJ grounds for skllng.
Beyond the Jablunkov Pass, near Cadca, the Beskyds continue on
as the Western Beskyds and form the border between Slovakía and
Poland. Wooded sectlons mlngled wlth bare ones form Idea) skllng
terra.in, w,h ere down-bili ru.os six mlles long are not at aH rare.
Near the sta11lon at Serafinov lh-ere is a fine hotel, the surroundings of
wh1ch are suitable for skilng. From the station In Cadca or Oščad­
nica, tbere is a good approach to the hut on Rača ( 4020 feet). The
Bysitr.lcká Vall-ey up to Erdťidka and the whole of tbe Oravská
Magura, near Námestovo, is a flrst class skiing ground with only
one draiwback. it ls bard to appr&lt;&gt;ach. Otherwise the Orava region 1s
one of the most popular ski terralns and has good posslbHitles of approach from tbe ra.llway Žilina-Košice, and also trom tbe ra.!lway
Kraľovany./Suchá Hora.
From the gorge of the Strečno rise the migbty bills of tbe mountaln range called Small Fatra ( Malá Fatra), whlch 1s covered mostly
w.lth coniferous trees. Mountain meadows and grassy valleys, as well
as tbe bare peaks of Stoh and Chleb, are the most popular places of
northwestern Slovakia. The ldeal surroundlngs of the hut on Chleb
(4660 feet) may be approached trom the station of Strečno, Šútovo,
Kraľova.ny and Párnica. The hut there has been re1&gt;alred and can
accomodate 60 persona. It 1s the s,tarting point for tours on the Fatranský K11lváň, Chleb, Rozsut-ec and to the valley where Ištvä.nová
lles.
Martinské hole (The Plalns of St. Martin) are the southern range
of tbe Lirttle Fatra, extending l'.rom the gorge of Strečno southwards to
the vaney of Zliechov, near Ôlčmany. Thelr slopes are mostly wooded,
but in the hills are plenty of meadows connected with one another all
the way down to the valleys. On the surrounding mountain meadows
tbere 1s wonderful skiing wlth Jong downhlll runs and marvelous views
of the far surroundings - the Hlgh Taitras, the Whit-e and Little
Ca'fl)athlans, Beskyds, Radhošť, the Ore mountans and the Inovec and
Nitra MounWns. In the Martinské mountalns there is a hut 4100 feet
above sea level. The best way to approach it 1s from Turčiansky
Svätý Mafltln along several marked roads.
Opposite t:he Martinské hole Ile the Great Fatra Mountains, wblch
have quit-e a di!ferent character. They -stretch from the valley of the
T&gt;iver Váh to the rlver Hron: and thelr northern part ls cut by the valley ot Lubochňa. The wlde ridges of Ostredok, Rakytov and Krlžná

�SLOVAKIA

15

are suitable for skiing, In the norvhern part of the Gre,at Fatra, there
are ideal grounds for wlnter sports on th&amp; Smrekovica. The best aPproach to the 4330 foot-high Smrekovica 1s from the station Podsuchá
on the rallroad Ružomberok-Korytnica. The unusually hlgh and long
lasting snow in the deep coniferous woods attract.s thou:sands of visltors to Smrekovica. Many stay ln Ružomberok where there ar&amp; good
accommodatlons and a tower for ski-jump like on the Smrekovica.
The southern pa11t of the Grea,t Fatra is called Mountalns of
Kremnica ( Kremnické hory), where there are plenty of houses for
tourists. The cen,t~ of thls region is Kremnica which has several
hot~Is. a tourist n.ight shelter near the station and many private
accommod.aitlons. It is ,the s·tarting point for the Skalka hut.
Contlnuing along the Great Fatra and the Mountains of Kremnica, on the other side of the river Hron, ·between the ratlway ZvolenLevice and Zvolen-Šahy, are the Mountains of Štiavnica ( Štiavnické
hory), w1th Sitno a,s their •highest pea.lc. This region wlth its evergreen trees and large meadows, Jong ridges and slopes, is ideal for
winter sports. The center of this region is Banská Štiavnica. The
most visited plaoe, however, is the hut of Andrej Kmeť on Sitno
(3330 feet up). from where one has a beautiful vlew as far as the
Danube Plaln and the High Tatras. Below the Sitno, next to Lake
Počuvadlo, ,are the Kállay sanatorium and the boarding house Anna,
which offer good accommodations for guests.
The mountains of Štiavnica have great suppl1es of ore and are
called the Slovak Ore Mountains (Slovenské rudohorie). They stretch
from the river Hron and the mountains of Štiavnica to Rožňava. The
northern part is more or less connected and has several w:lde hllls,
trom which there run long ridges in the form of rays, between which
are deep valleys. The southwestern part is very prlmitive and has a
tourist hut on the Javor (2722 fem), to whlch the best approa,ch !s
from the statlons Podkriváň, or Píla pod Javorom, on the ra.ilway !lne
Zvolen-Lučenec. The hut on Trsti (3722 feet) may be approached from
Pila, near Tisovec, or directly from Tisovec.
To the east from Oravská Magura one finds the Stag Mountains
( Roháče) , which have a high mountain character and resemble the
Tatras. Sklers vis,it mostly the Smutná and Látaná valleys, as well as
the Iong slopes of Rakoň, Volovec, Úplaz, or go even a.s far as Osobitá.
Snow usually remains untll sprlng and lt is nothlng unusual to find
s klers here even at Easter.
Sklers sometlmes go from Rohäče to the valleys ot Račková or
Žiar, wblch belong to the group of mountains called the Tatras of
Liptov ( Liptovské Tatry), because of their idea! skilng terraln. Wlth
their Iong slopes and mighty peaks they complete the Hlgh Tatras to
which they really belong.
The lo.nges,t and wldest mountaln range in Slovakla are &lt;the Low
Tatras (Nízke Tatry), which extend from the highway Banská Bystrica-Ružomberok to the •highway Telgart-Poprad. North of them flows
the river Váh, south the rlver Hron. Only ,the lower part.s are covered
wlth forests, the rest 1s bare so that a skler may undertake a one-day
tour from Prašivá in the west to Ďumbier and Kráľova hoľa In the
east wlthout much fatigue.
The helght and breadth of the range affords long descents on both
sides trom he!ghts of 200-4000 feet up. Not far from Banská Bystrica

�16

SLOVAKlA

1s the winter sports center, the Sport hotel Donovaly (3330 feet) w!th
Idea! surroundings, woods and meadows. The hotel !s filrs.t cla.ss and is
sure to app&amp;a.l to every guest. From this place there leads a romantlc
trail to Korytnica., above whlch rlse the mighty rldges of Prašivá
and Latiborská Hoľa. At a helght of 6460 feet is sltuated štefán.ik's
hut beneaith the Ďumbier. The highest peaks are Chopok, to wh!ch
a ski-lil\t wa.s built (6680 feet) from the valley of Demänová nea.r
Liptovský Svätý Mikuláš, and Ďumbier (6820 feet) where snow remains tlll Jate sprjng. From the station Kráľova Lehota there 1s a
highway wh!oh crosses the Low Tatra range on its way to Podbrezová.
lit passes through the villages of Malužiná and Vyšná Boca and reaches
the mountain Sport hotel at the lovely hut on čertovioa (4210 feet),
which is surrounded by evergreen trees and mountain meadows.
Among the numerous Slovak mountains the High Tatras (Vysoké
Tatry) are the most vlsited by lovers of winrter sports. lt !s mostily
because of their high mountain altitude, long las-ting snow, good accommodations, technical equipment and varled terrain. The startlng
polnts to the Hlgh Tatras are the railway staUons Štrba and PopradTatry on the Košice-Bohumln raiJway line. From Štrba there runs a
good road to the high cllmatlc spa Štrbské Pleso (Tarn of Štrba, 4500
feet) where there are accomodatlons for 400-500 persons (Hotels
Hviezdoslav, Solisko, Kmvä.ň, Móry, boarding bouses Jánošik, Marina,
Poleka, Iskra and chalets of the Slovak Touris.ts', and Skiers' Olub).
Beyond t&gt;he tarn there are the FUTkotská, Mlynická and Mengušovská
valleys, to wbdch -the sklers come from the ridge of Solisko and Patria.
Tbe slope of Solisko -is preferred, because there is a skl-lif,t there for
sklers to a heigbt of 6260 feet. In the Mengušov va.Jley under steep
Osterva there 1s a hut at Popradské Pleso ('l'arn of Poprad) with accommodatlons for 150 guests. In late sprjng and even on summer days
it 1s posslble to ski under the Saddle Váhy, near the hut under the
Rysy (7600 feet), whlch ls open In summer only.
Another center is Stary Smokovec, where about 1000 persons can
be accommodated in hotels and boaroing houses ({}rand Hotel, Hoepfner, Palace, etc.). Skllng grounds are on the slopes of Slavkov's Peak
and In the lovely Studenovodská (Cold Water) valley, or in the
Great or Little Cold Valleys. There ls a funicular rallway runnlng
to the Športhotel Hrebienok from which goes a toboggan slide and ski
run. At the end of the Great Cold Valley there are wonderful skllng
grounds near the :Obojn!cka hut (6400 feet) . In the Llttle Cold Valley
there are two •huts: at the beglnning of the valley ls the hut Zamkovský (5200 feet), and at the upper end Lles the Téry hut (6730 feet) on
the F'ive Spiš Lakes. In tbe surroundings there are lovely sk!lng
grounds for good sklers.
A popular skllng center is Tatranská. Lomnica., wbich 1s connected
wlth Poprad by both electrlc and steam railways. It ls 3000 feet high,
has healtby cllmate and good skllng places. There are good accomodatlons In the hotels and boardlng houses wbere 1000-1200 persons may
be housed (Grand Hotel Praha, Hotel Lomnica, Ehern, Payer, Spišský
ilom, Hubertus, Javorina, Božena, etc.). From beyond the Grand Hotel
tb-ere ran a cable railway to the Lomnický št!t (Lomnica Peak, 8780
feet), now runnolng to the station Skalnaté Pleso (Rocky Lake. 5480
feet) only. Above and below the hut there are some of the best skUng
places on tbe Saddle of Lomnica. In the Dead Garden (Mŕtva záhrad-

�SLOVAKIA

17

ka), the slopes of Svišťovka, or the skiing and bob sleigh raclng track.
From the nearby Tatranské Matliary we approach huts which also
have good skding grounds in their surroundings. They are as follows:
the hut at Šalivový Prameň, tbe hut at Zelené Pleso (Green Lake) and
the hut of Kežmarok, near the Biele plesá (White Lake's); the last one
already Jies In t-he Belan Tatra. Not far away from Tatranské. Lomnica
is situated the village Ždiar, famous for the fine costumes of its peasants. It has bus con.nections witb Tatranská Lomnica, Skiers may find
good possibilities on the slopes of the Belan Tatra, near Javorina, or in
the well known Wbite Water V,alley (Blelovodská dolina).
Beyond the lowlands of Kežmarok tbere rise the Hi!Js of Levoča
( Levočské vrchy )J w•h ich are not very high but have good conditions
for skiing and a hut, the Hut of Levoča under Javorina (4560 feet),
best reached from Levoča. In the diroction of Prešov there is good skiing on the Branisko (3900 feet).
The Slovak paradlise (Slovenský raj) also has its charm of frozen
water-falls in winter, but few possibilities for skilng. Only the vicinitioo of Dobšiná, Krompachy and Gelnica have better terrains. Accomodation.s are found in the hut at tbe Ice Caves of Dobšiná.
·
Eastern Slovaklia (Východné Slovensko) has many good grounds,
but the possibilities of accomodations are rare because many huts and
lodging houses were destroyed. Tbe best skiing near Košice ls on
Bankov, and at the hut Jahodná (2160 feet), where there are t\vo
towers fo.r ski-jumping. The HUls of Slaná are alllo vislted bocause of
their skiing terl1aJ!ns.
Slovakla, endowed by nature wlth streams and lakes, mountains
and valleys, with its modern and ancient structures and quaint vilJages, ls a !and of wondrous beauty and charm In all seasons, but In the
winter it really ls a wonderland.

•

•

•

WHO SAID IT?

"Tbe Slovak people h·ave ahvays shown a wlllingness to be a
part of any federalized state, a readiness to cooperate with the other
peoples in lt. ~heir history conclusively proves tha1: a natlon can be
happy In such an order as long as it eujoys basic freedom. On the
other hand, the history of the Slovak people also conclusively demonstrates that, not having this freedom, no natlon, even the smallest,
wlll permit ltself to be pushed around by even lts racia! bloodbrother, wi.thout either openly fighting or (what 1s worse) plantlng
the seeds of revolt that eventually brlng forth some terrlble harvest.
The conclusion seems evident that the most benevolent and the best:
inten.tioned domination wlll probably not be accepted by any natlon as
a sub.stitute for self-rule." - {Congressman Daniel J. F!ood, Jan. ·1,
1946) . .

•

•

•

"Czech public opinion may be excused for not realizing that the
sltuation In Slovakia at the close of 1923 !s radlcally 'dlfferent · from
tba,t of the first year of the Revolutlon. And yet the bigher búreaucracy tends to act on the assumptlon that nothing has changed, •and
ostrich-like to lgnore tbe keen and growing resentment in Slovakia
and the urgent need !or measures to allay lt." - (R,· W. Seton Wat,
son: "THE NEW SLOVAKIA," 1924).
.. , .;

�</text>
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                  <text>1952, Vol. 2</text>
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                  <text>The Slovak League of America</text>
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                  <text>&lt;ul&gt;&lt;li&gt;Issue 1 (No. 3), March 1952.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Issue 2 (No. 4), August 1952.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Issue 3 (No. 5), December 1952.&lt;/li&gt;
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              <text>SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA -&#13;
&#13;
13&#13;
&#13;
WINTER WONDERLAND&#13;
&#13;
If you have never been in Slovakia in the winter, you stm have&#13;
somefälng to Jive for. Under present conditlon·s , when freedom and&#13;
independence are suppressed by the Communist system, you will not&#13;
be able to see the "Winter Wonderland" that Slovakia really !s, but&#13;
you mlg-ht consider visiting the !and of the Slovaks at some future&#13;
time when the plague of Communism has been dispeHed.&#13;
Winter, in all its sparkling and majestlc sp1endor, presents to&#13;
every !over of nature ťhe best opportunity of seeing and fully enjoying&#13;
the natural beautles of S.Jovakia. The coUliltry, because of its mountainous regions, ls especially suiitable for wlnter sports, partlcularly&#13;
skíing. But you need not be sportsmindeid to enjoy Slovakla In the&#13;
winter. The sheer beauty of nature in Slovakia in the wlnter wm&#13;
enohant you, unburden and refresh your soul, and give added zest for&#13;
livlng. You may not want to participa:te in winter sports In Slovakia,&#13;
bwt the ·happy sight of others enjoyi-ng themselves wiH soothe your&#13;
tired nerves and give you a sa,tlsfactíon never before known to you.&#13;
'ľhe Slovak mountains, as I once knew them, are unsurpassed for&#13;
t heir winter charm. Accompany me, lf you wlll, on an imaglnary&#13;
trip to them.&#13;
Let us sliart out into the Small Carpathians (Malé Karpaty), W'hich&#13;
extend from ,the confluence of the Danube and Morava rJvers to the&#13;
Myjava. 'l'hey divide the Váh plai'll from the Moravian plain a.nd are&#13;
covered wlth Jeafy and parUy evergreen trees and many fores,t&#13;
meadows. Their moderate slopes offer good skiing. At l!he southwestern end, above the vlllage of Devin, there 1s the Dev!nska Kobyla,&#13;
(The Mare of Devin), the peak or whlch 1719 feet above sea level.&#13;
Near the city of Modra, there lies the summer resort of Harmónia, open&#13;
a-lso In wlnter, with many comfo1,table hotels with hot and cold runnlng water and good restaurants. In t he mountalns, about two and&#13;
one-half mi,Jes from Harmónia, on the so-called Sands (Piesky) stand&#13;
two huts: it:he Zochova hut (1443 fet up), and only three mlnutes&#13;
from it is the other one. Near the highest point or the mountain&#13;
highway Jeading from Pezinok to Pernek is Országh's hut (1750 feet&#13;
up) on Ba:ba (Grandmother) near Pezinok.&#13;
The best sk·ling in the Little Carpathians is near Smolenice, where&#13;
there are plenity of grassy hills and forest roeadows.&#13;
The White Carpathians ( Biele Karpaty) stretch trom Myjava along&#13;
t he Slovak-Moravian border to the mountain of Makyta, where they&#13;
meet the J avorn!ky. They are covered wlth dense foresrts; only thelr&#13;
wide southern part is Jess wooded and good for skiing. The most&#13;
impoi,ta.nt centre is the Holuby hut (3226 feet) on the Javorina. It is&#13;
best approached on foot from the railway station of Stará Turá, or&#13;
from the bus stop Kvetná, on the line Nové Mesto nad Váhom l'.aerský Brod. Otherwise you may get to it from the Moravian side&#13;
by car from Uherský Brod.&#13;
Opposite the Whlte Carpathians, on the other side of the Váh valley, are the Inovec Mounta!ns, through which passes the railway from&#13;
Trenč!n to Topoľčany. They, too, are densely wooded and have good&#13;
skiing grounds. Out of the t.hree tourist huts whlch were here, only&#13;
the Trenč!n Munic!pal Hut (1500 feet) under Sharp Peak (Ostrý&#13;
&#13;
14&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
Vrch ) at Soblanov remains. The shortest way up 1s from the station&#13;
Soblanov following -the blue tourist mark, or trom Trenčin followlng&#13;
the red.&#13;
Contlnuing, t!he Javornlky, whlch have huts both on the Slovak&#13;
and Moravian slde, are the Western Beskyds, the southern parts&#13;
of which are called th-e Jeseníky. Here there are many wooded&#13;
and bare hills which are wonderful grounds for both the weakest and&#13;
best sklers. Thelr Jocation on the borders of Slovakla and Moravla&#13;
brings them many visitors from both sides. The numerous vllla,ges of&#13;
the Upper Kysuca reglon offer many possibilltles for accommodationa&#13;
both in the hotels as well as In private homes (Makov, Tunovka, Raková, Čadca). The best known centers are: Bumbálka Hut, MakovPotok Hut and the summer resoi,t Tešinský, which are open In winter. On the roa.d from Veľká •Bytča to Makov 1s Satinka Hut. All these&#13;
huts are near Makov and the bo.rder and have ldeaJ grounds for skllng.&#13;
Beyond the Jablunkov Pass, near Cadca, the Beskyds continue on&#13;
as the Western Beskyds and form the border between Slovakía and&#13;
Poland. Wooded sectlons mlngled wlth bare ones form Idea) skllng&#13;
terra.in, w,h ere down-bili ru.os six mlles long are not at aH rare.&#13;
Near the sta11lon at Serafinov lh-ere is a fine hotel, the surroundings of&#13;
wh1ch are suitable for skilng. From the station In Cadca or Oščad­&#13;
nica, tbere is a good approach to the hut on Rača ( 4020 feet). The&#13;
Bysitr.lcká Vall-ey up to Erdťidka and the whole of tbe Oravská&#13;
Magura, near Námestovo, is a flrst class skiing ground with only&#13;
one draiwback. it ls bard to appr&lt;&gt;ach. Otherwise the Orava region 1s&#13;
one of the most popular ski terralns and has good posslbHitles of approach from tbe ra.llway Žilina-Košice, and also trom tbe ra.!lway&#13;
Kraľovany./Suchá Hora.&#13;
From the gorge of the Strečno rise the migbty bills of tbe mountaln range called Small Fatra ( Malá Fatra), whlch 1s covered mostly&#13;
w.lth coniferous trees. Mountain meadows and grassy valleys, as well&#13;
as tbe bare peaks of Stoh and Chleb, are the most popular places of&#13;
northwestern Slovakia. The ldeal surroundlngs of the hut on Chleb&#13;
(4660 feet) may be approached trom the station of Strečno, Šútovo,&#13;
Kraľova.ny and Párnica. The hut there has been re1&gt;alred and can&#13;
accomodate 60 persona. It 1s the s,tarting point for tours on the Fatranský K11lváň, Chleb, Rozsut-ec and to the valley where Ištvä.nová&#13;
lles.&#13;
Martinské hole (The Plalns of St. Martin) are the southern range&#13;
of tbe Lirttle Fatra, extending l'.rom the gorge of Strečno southwards to&#13;
the vaney of Zliechov, near Ôlčmany. Thelr slopes are mostly wooded,&#13;
but in the hills are plenty of meadows connected with one another all&#13;
the way down to the valleys. On the surrounding mountain meadows&#13;
tbere 1s wonderful skiing wlth Jong downhlll runs and marvelous views&#13;
of the far surroundings - the Hlgh Taitras, the Whit-e and Little&#13;
Ca'fl)athlans, Beskyds, Radhošť, the Ore mountans and the Inovec and&#13;
Nitra MounWns. In the Martinské mountalns there is a hut 4100 feet&#13;
above sea level. The best way to approach it 1s from Turčiansky&#13;
Svätý Mafltln along several marked roads.&#13;
Opposite t:he Martinské hole Ile the Great Fatra Mountains, wblch&#13;
have quit-e a di!ferent character. They -stretch from the valley of the&#13;
T&gt;iver Váh to the rlver Hron: and thelr northern part ls cut by the valley ot Lubochňa. The wlde ridges of Ostredok, Rakytov and Krlžná&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
15&#13;
&#13;
are suitable for skiing, In the norvhern part of the Gre,at Fatra, there&#13;
are ideal grounds for wlnter sports on th&amp; Smrekovica. The best aPproach to the 4330 foot-high Smrekovica 1s from the station Podsuchá&#13;
on the rallroad Ružomberok-Korytnica. The unusually hlgh and long&#13;
lasting snow in the deep coniferous woods attract.s thou:sands of visltors to Smrekovica. Many stay ln Ružomberok where there ar&amp; good&#13;
accommodatlons and a tower for ski-jump like on the Smrekovica.&#13;
The southern pa11t of the Grea,t Fatra is called Mountalns of&#13;
Kremnica ( Kremnické hory), where there are plenty of houses for&#13;
tourists. The cen,t~ of thls region is Kremnica which has several&#13;
hot~Is. a tourist n.ight shelter near the station and many private&#13;
accommod.aitlons. It is ,the s·tarting point for the Skalka hut.&#13;
Contlnuing along the Great Fatra and the Mountains of Kremnica, on the other side of the river Hron, ·between the ratlway ZvolenLevice and Zvolen-Šahy, are the Mountains of Štiavnica ( Štiavnické&#13;
hory), w1th Sitno a,s their •highest pea.lc. This region wlth its evergreen trees and large meadows, Jong ridges and slopes, is ideal for&#13;
winter sports. The center of this region is Banská Štiavnica. The&#13;
most visited plaoe, however, is the hut of Andrej Kmeť on Sitno&#13;
(3330 feet up). from where one has a beautiful vlew as far as the&#13;
Danube Plaln and the High Tatras. Below the Sitno, next to Lake&#13;
Počuvadlo, ,are the Kállay sanatorium and the boarding house Anna,&#13;
which offer good accommodations for guests.&#13;
The mountains of Štiavnica have great suppl1es of ore and are&#13;
called the Slovak Ore Mountains (Slovenské rudohorie). They stretch&#13;
from the river Hron and the mountains of Štiavnica to Rožňava. The&#13;
northern part is more or less connected and has several w:lde hllls,&#13;
trom which there run long ridges in the form of rays, between which&#13;
are deep valleys. The southwestern part is very prlmitive and has a&#13;
tourist hut on the Javor (2722 fem), to whlch the best approa,ch !s&#13;
from the statlons Podkriváň, or Píla pod Javorom, on the ra.ilway !lne&#13;
Zvolen-Lučenec. The hut on Trsti (3722 feet) may be approached from&#13;
Pila, near Tisovec, or directly from Tisovec.&#13;
To the east from Oravská Magura one finds the Stag Mountains&#13;
( Roháče) , which have a high mountain character and resemble the&#13;
Tatras. Sklers vis,it mostly the Smutná and Látaná valleys, as well as&#13;
the Iong slopes of Rakoň, Volovec, Úplaz, or go even a.s far as Osobitá.&#13;
Snow usually remains untll sprlng and lt is nothlng unusual to find&#13;
s klers here even at Easter.&#13;
Sklers sometlmes go from Rohäče to the valleys ot Račková or&#13;
Žiar, wblch belong to the group of mountains called the Tatras of&#13;
Liptov ( Liptovské Tatry), because of their idea! skilng terraln. Wlth&#13;
their Iong slopes and mighty peaks they complete the Hlgh Tatras to&#13;
which they really belong.&#13;
The lo.nges,t and wldest mountaln range in Slovakla are &lt;the Low&#13;
Tatras (Nízke Tatry), which extend from the highway Banská Bystrica-Ružomberok to the •highway Telgart-Poprad. North of them flows&#13;
the river Váh, south the rlver Hron. Only ,the lower part.s are covered&#13;
wlth forests, the rest 1s bare so that a skler may undertake a one-day&#13;
tour from Prašivá in the west to Ďumbier and Kráľova hoľa In the&#13;
east wlthout much fatigue.&#13;
The helght and breadth of the range affords long descents on both&#13;
sides trom he!ghts of 200-4000 feet up. Not far from Banská Bystrica&#13;
&#13;
16&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKlA&#13;
&#13;
1s the winter sports center, the Sport hotel Donovaly (3330 feet) w!th&#13;
Idea! surroundings, woods and meadows. The hotel !s filrs.t cla.ss and is&#13;
sure to app&amp;a.l to every guest. From this place there leads a romantlc&#13;
trail to Korytnica., above whlch rlse the mighty rldges of Prašivá&#13;
and Latiborská Hoľa. At a helght of 6460 feet is sltuated štefán.ik's&#13;
hut beneaith the Ďumbier. The highest peaks are Chopok, to wh!ch&#13;
a ski-lil\t wa.s built (6680 feet) from the valley of Demänová nea.r&#13;
Liptovský Svätý Mikuláš, and Ďumbier (6820 feet) where snow remains tlll Jate sprjng. From the station Kráľova Lehota there 1s a&#13;
highway wh!oh crosses the Low Tatra range on its way to Podbrezová.&#13;
lit passes through the villages of Malužiná and Vyšná Boca and reaches&#13;
the mountain Sport hotel at the lovely hut on čertovioa (4210 feet),&#13;
which is surrounded by evergreen trees and mountain meadows.&#13;
Among the numerous Slovak mountains the High Tatras (Vysoké&#13;
Tatry) are the most vlsited by lovers of winrter sports. lt !s mostily&#13;
because of their high mountain altitude, long las-ting snow, good accommodations, technical equipment and varled terrain. The startlng&#13;
polnts to the Hlgh Tatras are the railway staUons Štrba and PopradTatry on the Košice-Bohumln raiJway line. From Štrba there runs a&#13;
good road to the high cllmatlc spa Štrbské Pleso (Tarn of Štrba, 4500&#13;
feet) where there are accomodatlons for 400-500 persons (Hotels&#13;
Hviezdoslav, Solisko, Kmvä.ň, Móry, boarding bouses Jánošik, Marina,&#13;
Poleka, Iskra and chalets of the Slovak Touris.ts', and Skiers' Olub).&#13;
Beyond t&gt;he tarn there are the FUTkotská, Mlynická and Mengušovská&#13;
valleys, to wbdch -the sklers come from the ridge of Solisko and Patria.&#13;
Tbe slope of Solisko -is preferred, because there is a skl-lif,t there for&#13;
sklers to a heigbt of 6260 feet. In the Mengušov va.Jley under steep&#13;
Osterva there 1s a hut at Popradské Pleso ('l'arn of Poprad) with accommodatlons for 150 guests. In late sprjng and even on summer days&#13;
it 1s posslble to ski under the Saddle Váhy, near the hut under the&#13;
Rysy (7600 feet), whlch ls open In summer only.&#13;
Another center is Stary Smokovec, where about 1000 persons can&#13;
be accommodated in hotels and boaroing houses ({}rand Hotel, Hoepfner, Palace, etc.). Skllng grounds are on the slopes of Slavkov's Peak&#13;
and In the lovely Studenovodská (Cold Water) valley, or in the&#13;
Great or Little Cold Valleys. There ls a funicular rallway runnlng&#13;
to the Športhotel Hrebienok from which goes a toboggan slide and ski&#13;
run. At the end of the Great Cold Valley there are wonderful skllng&#13;
grounds near the :Obojn!cka hut (6400 feet) . In the Llttle Cold Valley&#13;
there are two •huts: at the beglnning of the valley ls the hut Zamkovský (5200 feet), and at the upper end Lles the Téry hut (6730 feet) on&#13;
the F'ive Spiš Lakes. In tbe surroundings there are lovely sk!lng&#13;
grounds for good sklers.&#13;
A popular skllng center is Tatranská. Lomnica., wbich 1s connected&#13;
wlth Poprad by both electrlc and steam railways. It ls 3000 feet high,&#13;
has healtby cllmate and good skllng places. There are good accomodatlons In the hotels and boardlng houses wbere 1000-1200 persons may&#13;
be housed (Grand Hotel Praha, Hotel Lomnica, Ehern, Payer, Spišský&#13;
ilom, Hubertus, Javorina, Božena, etc.). From beyond the Grand Hotel&#13;
tb-ere ran a cable railway to the Lomnický št!t (Lomnica Peak, 8780&#13;
feet), now runnolng to the station Skalnaté Pleso (Rocky Lake. 5480&#13;
feet) only. Above and below the hut there are some of the best skUng&#13;
places on tbe Saddle of Lomnica. In the Dead Garden (Mŕtva záhrad-&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
17&#13;
&#13;
ka), the slopes of Svišťovka, or the skiing and bob sleigh raclng track.&#13;
From the nearby Tatranské Matliary we approach huts which also&#13;
have good skding grounds in their surroundings. They are as follows:&#13;
the hut at Šalivový Prameň, tbe hut at Zelené Pleso (Green Lake) and&#13;
the hut of Kežmarok, near the Biele plesá (White Lake's); the last one&#13;
already Jies In t-he Belan Tatra. Not far away from Tatranské. Lomnica&#13;
is situated the village Ždiar, famous for the fine costumes of its peasants. It has bus con.nections witb Tatranská Lomnica, Skiers may find&#13;
good possibilities on the slopes of the Belan Tatra, near Javorina, or in&#13;
the well known Wbite Water V,alley (Blelovodská dolina).&#13;
Beyond the lowlands of Kežmarok tbere rise the Hi!Js of Levoča&#13;
( Levočské vrchy )J w•h ich are not very high but have good conditions&#13;
for skiing and a hut, the Hut of Levoča under Javorina (4560 feet),&#13;
best reached from Levoča. In the diroction of Prešov there is good skiing on the Branisko (3900 feet).&#13;
The Slovak paradlise (Slovenský raj) also has its charm of frozen&#13;
water-falls in winter, but few possibilities for skilng. Only the vicinitioo of Dobšiná, Krompachy and Gelnica have better terrains. Accomodation.s are found in the hut at tbe Ice Caves of Dobšiná.&#13;
·&#13;
Eastern Slovaklia (Východné Slovensko) has many good grounds,&#13;
but the possibilities of accomodations are rare because many huts and&#13;
lodging houses were destroyed. Tbe best skiing near Košice ls on&#13;
Bankov, and at the hut Jahodná (2160 feet), where there are t\vo&#13;
towers fo.r ski-jumping. The HUls of Slaná are alllo vislted bocause of&#13;
their skiing terl1aJ!ns.&#13;
Slovakla, endowed by nature wlth streams and lakes, mountains&#13;
and valleys, with its modern and ancient structures and quaint vilJages, ls a !and of wondrous beauty and charm In all seasons, but In the&#13;
winter it really ls a wonderland.&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
WHO SAID IT?&#13;
&#13;
"Tbe Slovak people h·ave ahvays shown a wlllingness to be a&#13;
part of any federalized state, a readiness to cooperate with the other&#13;
peoples in lt. ~heir history conclusively proves tha1: a natlon can be&#13;
happy In such an order as long as it eujoys basic freedom. On the&#13;
other hand, the history of the Slovak people also conclusively demonstrates that, not having this freedom, no natlon, even the smallest,&#13;
wlll permit ltself to be pushed around by even lts racia! bloodbrother, wi.thout either openly fighting or (what 1s worse) plantlng&#13;
the seeds of revolt that eventually brlng forth some terrlble harvest.&#13;
The conclusion seems evident that the most benevolent and the best:&#13;
inten.tioned domination wlll probably not be accepted by any natlon as&#13;
a sub.stitute for self-rule." - {Congressman Daniel J. F!ood, Jan. ·1,&#13;
1946) . .&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
"Czech public opinion may be excused for not realizing that the&#13;
sltuation In Slovakia at the close of 1923 !s radlcally 'dlfferent · from&#13;
tba,t of the first year of the Revolutlon. And yet the bigher búreaucracy tends to act on the assumptlon that nothing has changed, •and&#13;
ostrich-like to lgnore tbe keen and growing resentment in Slovakia&#13;
and the urgent need !or measures to allay lt." - (R,· W. Seton Wat,&#13;
son: "THE NEW SLOVAKIA," 1924).&#13;
.. , .;&#13;
&#13;
</text>
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                <text>Slovakia - Winter Wonderland</text>
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                <text>Slovakia, Vol. 2, No. 3 (5), December 1952&#13;
pp. 13-17</text>
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                    <text>�S LU \ľ AKl A is publisbcd periodica lly by the Slovak League of Arneľica,
a eultural and civie federation of Amer1eans of Slovak de::;cent.
1'he chief puľpose of 8 LOV AKl A
1s to promote a better understanding
and appreciation oľ thc Slovak nation
an d its long shuggle ľoľ Íľeedorn and
in dependence.
As Arneľicans, memhcľs of the
Blovak L eaguc oľ ..\merica firmly bch eve that thc Slon.1k nation, just as all
nations, has an inhcrent and Gocl-given
right to ľľeedom and independence.
'ľhey ,ne clccli&lt;:atcd to the cause of the
Amcrie;an wa)' of life, Slovak freedom
and world peac-e a11cl are determ:ined to
oppose the plague of C01m11unisrn and
all othrľ totnlitaľia11 political systems.

yeaľ

Subsniption to SloYakia $1.00 peľ
in the U. S. J\. - $2.00 elsewhere.
8end subscriptions to:

S L OVAKIA
Box 150
Micl&lt;lletown, Pa.

Printed in t he U. S. A.
JEDNOTA P RESS
Middletown, Pa.

�</text>
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                    <text>�S LU \ľ AKl A is publisbcd periodica lly by the Slovak League of Arneľica,
a eultural and civie federation of Amer1eans of Slovak de::;cent.
1'he chief puľpose of 8 LOV AKl A
1s to promote a better understanding
and appreciation oľ thc Slovak nation
an d its long shuggle ľoľ Íľeedorn and
in dependence.
As Arneľicans, memhcľs of the
Blovak L eaguc oľ ..\merica firmly bch eve that thc Slon.1k nation, just as all
nations, has an inhcrent and Gocl-given
right to ľľeedom and independence.
'ľhey ,ne clccli&lt;:atcd to the cause of the
Amcrie;an wa)' of life, Slovak freedom
and world peac-e a11cl are determ:ined to
oppose the plague of C01m11unisrn and
all othrľ totnlitaľia11 political systems.

yeaľ

Subsniption to SloYakia $1.00 peľ
in the U. S. J\. - $2.00 elsewhere.
8end subscriptions to:

S L OVAKIA
Box 150
Micl&lt;lletown, Pa.

Printed in t he U. S. A.
JEDNOTA P RESS
Middletown, Pa.

�</text>
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                  <text>1952, Vol. 2</text>
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                  <text>The Slovak League of America</text>
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                <elementText elementTextId="9">
                  <text>&lt;ul&gt;&lt;li&gt;Issue 1 (No. 3), March 1952.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Issue 2 (No. 4), August 1952.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Issue 3 (No. 5), December 1952.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;/ul&gt;</text>
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                <text>Front Matter, Slovakia, Vol. 2, No. 3 (5)</text>
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                <text>December 1952</text>
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                    <text>YOU CAN LEARN SLOVAl(
as easily as you can any other modem language. Slovak
should be a MUST for students of Slovanic languages,
because it is the simplest of all of them and a KEY to
all of them. Prove it to yourself with the most scholarly
text on Slovak, the

SLOVAK LESSONS
A practical study of the Slovak Grammar, 92
lessons, 400 pages; cxercises in Slovak and English;
English-Slovak and Slovak-English vocabulary. Hard
cover , bound in cloth, $3.50
HROBAK'S ENGLISH DICTIONARY - the best and
most complete dictionary of its kind ; 702 pages with a
br ief sumary of the Slovak Grammar. Hard cover, bound
in cloth, $4.00
THE SLOVAKS, by Pet er P. Yurchak, s hould be read by
all students inter est ed in the history and traditions of
the Slovak nation ; 312 pages, hard cover, bound in cloth
- $3.00 ; paper cover - $2.00
SKETCHES FROM SLOVAK WSTORY

by Joseph Škultéty, translation by O. D. Koreff;
a documented refutation of several errors propagated by writers and historians; 229 pages, hard
cover, bound in cloth - $2.00; paper cover $1.00.
Order from:
P.A.HROBAK
Box 150

Middletown, Pa.

�Sept. 27, 1864-MSGR. ANDREW HLINKA-Aug. 16, 1938
Champion of Slovak Freedom

�</text>
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                    <text>YOU CAN LEARN SLOVAl(
as easily as you can any other modem language. Slovak
should be a MUST for students of Slovanic languages,
because it is the simplest of all of them and a KEY to
all of them. Prove it to yourself with the most scholarly
text on Slovak, the

SLOVAK LESSONS
A practical study of the Slovak Grammar, 92
lessons, 400 pages; cxercises in Slovak and English;
English-Slovak and Slovak-English vocabulary. Hard
cover , bound in cloth, $3.50
HROBAK'S ENGLISH DICTIONARY - the best and
most complete dictionary of its kind ; 702 pages with a
br ief sumary of the Slovak Grammar. Hard cover, bound
in cloth, $4.00
THE SLOVAKS, by Pet er P. Yurchak, s hould be read by
all students inter est ed in the history and traditions of
the Slovak nation ; 312 pages, hard cover, bound in cloth
- $3.00 ; paper cover - $2.00
SKETCHES FROM SLOVAK WSTORY

by Joseph Škultéty, translation by O. D. Koreff;
a documented refutation of several errors propagated by writers and historians; 229 pages, hard
cover, bound in cloth - $2.00; paper cover $1.00.
Order from:
P.A.HROBAK
Box 150

Middletown, Pa.

�Sept. 27, 1864-MSGR. ANDREW HLINKA-Aug. 16, 1938
Champion of Slovak Freedom

�</text>
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                  <text>&lt;ul&gt;&lt;li&gt;Issue 1 (No. 3), March 1952.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Issue 2 (No. 4), August 1952.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Issue 3 (No. 5), December 1952.&lt;/li&gt;
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                <text>includes photo of Andrew Hlinka (August 16, 1938)</text>
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                    <text>S LOVAKIA

66

TIIE SECBET FUNDS OF BENE.S'
INTELLIGENCE SERVICE
The Archives of t he Intelllgence Department of any Foreign
Office have never been accessible to any free Citizen, who is the
s ource of power in a free state. Not even a M.P., a representative or
the people and a law-maker, can see them. Such a department is a
secret room in whlch the power-conjurors preserve the secrets of their
tricks.
Twice in our lieftime this alchemisťs kitchen has been opened
to the public. In 1917 the Russian Bolsheviks published the secret
documents of the tzarist Foreign Office, and in 1943 lhe Nazis published all the documents relatlng to the secret funds of the Czechoslovakian Foreign Office which, for twenty years, had as its chief
medicine-man, the late Edward Benes. In both cases the documenus
were publlshed for propaganda reasons by those who had come to
power, but the action traine!l a spotlight on the fundamentals of
forelgn policy. H e who has once had the opportunlty to see into lhe
secret rooms of foreign pollcy must for ever after be an enemy of
~o-called sovereign states and an advocate of a European Federatlon
or Nations whlch alone could eliminate the cancer of corruption
whose workings are carefuly concealed in the Intelligence Departments of Foreign Offices.
Had tbere been 30 million Czecbs, Europe would long ago bave
belonged to them, because they are an incredibly diligent people,
and one of the most diligent among tbem was thelr Foreign Secretary. Benes had no political conception wbatever, but he was a flrst•
class traveler in principles and, had bis means not been so limited,
he could have purcbased at least the whole of the democratic world.
But, fortunately for the world, tbere were only 8 mlllion Czechs, and
Benes had neither t be means nor the Ume to bring hls buslness to a
successful conclusion. But what he achieved is truly remarkable.
After the Hapsbnrg monarchy had been dismembered and Vienna
had become the capital of a small Austria with 7 million inhabitants,
tbe Austrian natlonal press, whose previous market had been an Em·
pire wi.th 52 million inhabltants, found itself in a difficult flnancial
position. Czechoslovakian foreign policy was naturally much concerned with neighboring Austria, and Benes, therefore, througb mediators, bought the Austrian Press concern. VERNA, which published
two Viennese dailies, "DER WIENER TAG" and "DIE STUNDE."
The member of the Czechoslovaklan Forelgn Office responsible
Cor this business was a certain OPLATKA who, in his report (o!ficial
uumber 58.194/34) stated: "The morning paper 'Der Wlener T ag' is
intended for people of the social democratic party and on various
questions was often more radical than the official party presa. 'Die
Stunde,' on the other hand, since we took it over, has followed not
the social democratlc, but rather the bourgeois democratic line, attempting to realize a collaboration between Social Democrats and
Christian Socialista."
As we can see, Benes was a well-equipped salesman of prlnci11les, having l\farxist and Cbristian ideals stored in the same drawer or
his desk. He coulťl serve any Austrian ac&lt;'orcling to bis taste. But

�66

SLQVAKIA

whatever the Austrian believed, Mr. Benes was always behind tt.
ln view of this, we can understand why, even today, some Austrlan
social democrats are firmly convinced that Benes' followers are the
only true representatlves ot Czechoslovakian democracy, whlle the
editor of "Pravda" (London) is a !asclst. Obvlously, for the editor
of "Pravda" was never In a posltion to sell the last cow ot a Slovaklan crofter for taxes he owed to the Czechoslovaklan state, or to
invest, from the pockets of Czechoslovakian taxpayers, halt-a-million
r•ounds sterling in the di11eminatlon of Marxist and Christian democrat ic ideas in Vlenna.
Another country to which Benes turned bis enterprising, diligent Czech spirit was Yugoolavia. The G-Overnment In Yugoslavla had
neither tlme nor money to spare for lts own press, slnce it was heavlly
engaged In supporting the forelgn, and prlnclpally t he French, press.
Therefore, Benes, comandlng much larger funds t han the lmpoverished Yugoslavian Forelgn Secretary, declded to flnance the progovernment press in Yugoslavla. He supported the Belgrade dally
'·Politika" and many local papers.
When Mr. So.skle, owner of the opposltion daily "Pravda" in Belgrade, had made certaln wbence the pro-government "Politika" received money, he wrote to Benes as follows:
Belgrade, Ie 20-XII-1931.
A Son Excellence,
Monsieur Mlnlstre des Affaires Extrangeres,
Eduard Benes,
Prague.
Excellence:
A ľoccasion de ces grands tel.es de Noel je prends la liberté de
de vous presenter tous mes mellleurs voeu.x de bonheur pour Vous
et Votre chere Patrie.
Aussi je Vous prie de voulolr blen me permettre Que je. vous
rappelle a Votre gentllle promesse a propos de norte emprunt,
pour leguel vous avalt donné Votre parole de Grand Am! que Vous
voulez falre tous ce Qu'y est necessaire: qu'on relalse la "Pravda,"
QUl-en plein relaise et sans aucun exageration, a blen mérite de
Votre pays fraternel.
Cet emprunt, come j'avals ľhonneur a Vous en donnes des
renselgnments precis, sera absolument assure par la hypotheque
unlque sur toute la proprlété de la " Pravda" qul est évalue a
D1nars 22,000,000 (vlngt deux mllllons dinars) . . ."
Mr. Sosklc, In sendlng bis Chrlstmas greetlngs to Benes and hls
dear motherland, humbly remarked t hat his paper always favored
brotherly Czechoslovakia and that he needed 22 mllllon dlnars, on
loan, of course, but on a "security" on which obvlously no one ln
Belgrade was wllling to advance money. On the margin of thls le tter
Benes noted: " I only sald that there might be a poMibi lity of aome
a11i1tanee and already he wrltes t hat I promised him thle loan.
Answer hi"' not to come to Prague."
But Mr. Sosklc was terrlbly in love wlth Czechoslovakla and came
In spite or Benes' refusal, and he flnally imcceeded In gettlng 50,000

�SLOVAKIA

67

Kc trom Benes, an assistance which was continually repeated. In
this way the pres:: .~ Yugoslavia was for or against its own Govern,11ent. but always for .Benes.
The French press looms large in this business. It needs a strong
s tomach to read the reports of the Czechos\ovakian Embassy in
France. In thls matter one of the moulders of French public opinton
waa Profeaaor Fuscien Dominola. He waa secretary of the "lnatitut
d'Etudea Slavea" and received 4,000 fra. a month from the CzechosJovakian Foreign Office, a good aalary In France at that time. But
it was never enough for M. Dominois, who bombarded his benefactor
ln Prague with demands for more money on the most ridicu\ous
pretexr.a. tie ran up debts and, when pressed by hls creditors, asked
l'rague to pay them.
One such affair was dealt with in a letter trom Professqr Eiserua.nn, a Parlsian friend of Benes, to Mr. Hubert Ripka. Mr. Ripka
occupled rather a speclal positlon, for he was entrusted with dellcate
affalrs of J3enes ideology. So, In a lett~r written in German, Professor
E:isemann - Editor of "Le Monde Slave" - wrote to Ripka about
one or Dominois' affairs, about the shamelessness of bis colleague
wbo worked not only for Czechoslovakla, but also for Yugoslavia and,
in spite of various sources of income, ran up new debts and pressed
tbe Czechs to pay them once more. This Ume the sum wa.s 20,000 frs.
and the Czechs paid up once agaln. Dominols waa, of courae, not only
for the Czechoalovaks and Yugoslavs. but also very much for the
Rusalan Bolshevlka. There was nothing surprlsing in that. for Russ ia also is a slavonic country and the Profe:isor, the secretary of the
"lo.stltut d'Etudes Slaves," was obviously j„voted to all the alavea
who pald hls debts.
The British chapter is rather a distingui:1bE,d one. Benes tried to
make manifest in Great Britaln the klndnes~ o~ the Slavonlc nature.
His ambassador here was Jan Masaryk, that klnd, jolly Slav and g reat
dE:mocrat. He tried ~o help everywhere be rould. For instance, he
suggested establishing the "Allan Leeper Funt!' to educate the daughter of the deceased Allan Leeper. ln a letter of 12th Feb ruary, 1935
(offlcial No. 1646 kab/35) it
stated: "Allan Leeper (a brother or
Ŕéx Leep'!r, ass!i;tant secretary to the Press Department of the
Fore!gn Off1ce) was the beat, confidential friend (ani! 1 thtnk, schoolmate In Oxford) of Seton Watson . Ourlng the war he belped our ac•
tlon by, memoranda wblch, altogether with Professor Seton Watson, he
eiá.bora,ted ·'t or ~ Lord Grey and later for BaUour and prepared the
cond!tlÓns for a favorable solutlon of the Czechoslovakia queation.
He also prepared, with Seton Watson, the material ror a new arrangement in Centra! Europe for the British delegation to the Peace
T reaty Conference. Since 1920 he was always at our diapoaal In lnformlng the British Government about Central Europe in our aenie."
The Allan Leeper Fund was established.
Jan Masaryk never troubled wlth detalled accounts of the small
payments he made. Only for larger sums d!d he account and give an
explanation. After the Munlch agreement Maaaryk reslgned and hla
prace ·was taken by Mr. Lis!cky. He was a dlligent Czech offlélal
who thought it bis duty to make a detalled list of all payments nrade
by the Czechoslovakian Embassy in London in 1938. Hut lt is ratber a

,,,a.s

�68

S LOVA:KIA

large list to be published in such a small paper as " P ravda" (Lontlon).
Benes' kindness was not conflned to Europe. The Czechoslovaklan
Consul General in Sydney, Dr. Svetak, in a letter of 29th December,
1926, informed b is superiors how much he had paid to jou r nallsts
trom various Australlan papers for not publishing statements unfavorab le to Masaryk and Benes. Normally journalists are paid for s omething they publish, but Benes also paid for silence.
In a report dated 31st December, 1931, the Czec hoslovakian Consul General at Montreal, Mr. Moser, gave an account of the money he
had paid for artic les favorable to Czechoslovakla in several Canadlan
papers . AII the while, Benes malntained the best connections wlth So·
viet Russia and at t he same time generously sup ported Russlan emlgr és
and thelr anti-Soviet press. He did not sp end such a vast a mount
of the Czechos lovakia n taxpayers' money •·- between a h a lf and a million pounds sterlíng every year - but he managed the spendln g In so
economical and practical a way that the who le world became convinced
that the best democracy and the greatest contemporary statesman were
to b e found in Czechoslovakia.
All this would be obvlous and natural to ardent individuallsts who
e,onslder democracy from the point of view of their pr!vate interest.
Ilut, unfortunat(lly, we are Jiving in this world together with Russian
Bolsheviks. They can always do business with democratic indivlduals
in the West, but W estern democrats cannot do business with lndlviduals of the Bolshev!k communlty, because there 1s a p enalty of
death in Soviet countries for th e crime of turning poli tical prln ciples
into pri vate buslness. - (Czech "PRAVDA" •- London - J une 1951) .

•

•

•

LETTRICH AND THE USSR.
"Without the gigantic
sacrlflces of the friendly USSR, especially its Red Ar my,
wh!ch sh ed !ts blood on t he territory of the Republlc for
six months, we would not have our freedom. The Czechoslovak.
llepublic - and included in it free Slovakia - witbout regard to any
and a ll d ifferences, never sball forget t hose sacrlfices of tbe Red
Army, of tbe Soviet Union and tbe rest of the allied nations, and just
as certalnly tbey shall no t forget the sacrlflces of t be Slovak natlonal
insurrection. . . . From tbis convlncing experience it follows for u s.
for the governmen t, for a ll pol!tlcal parties, and so also fo r the
Democr atlc P arty, that our most self-evldent duty is to conslstently
and lnexorably make polltics of frlendly understandlng and close
cooper ation wlth a ll the vlctorious allied natlons, above all else, however, wlth our great neighbor - the largest Slovanic great power the USSR, and scrupulously avoid everything which eould In any
manner hinder our efforts to attain these hlgh ldeals „ If we want
to permanently hold on to our hard-earned freedom , an d state lndependence and guard agalnst possible -- future plots, we must de pend
on the USSR, wbich fully respects our lndependence and h as no o tber
demand on us than that we have a truly democratlc government,
\ľhose poliC'y will not be In conrllct wlth Soviet interests, tha.t· we
have order, in a word, that Cze&lt;-hoslovakla be a strong and -eon•
~olidated State." - (Dr. J o!leph Lettrlch. ÔAS, 5-16-46).

�</text>
                  </elementText>
                  <elementText elementTextId="551">
                    <text>S LOVAKIA

66

TIIE SECBET FUNDS OF BENE.S'
INTELLIGENCE SERVICE
The Archives of t he Intelllgence Department of any Foreign
Office have never been accessible to any free Citizen, who is the
s ource of power in a free state. Not even a M.P., a representative or
the people and a law-maker, can see them. Such a department is a
secret room in whlch the power-conjurors preserve the secrets of their
tricks.
Twice in our lieftime this alchemisťs kitchen has been opened
to the public. In 1917 the Russian Bolsheviks published the secret
documents of the tzarist Foreign Office, and in 1943 lhe Nazis published all the documents relatlng to the secret funds of the Czechoslovakian Foreign Office which, for twenty years, had as its chief
medicine-man, the late Edward Benes. In both cases the documenus
were publlshed for propaganda reasons by those who had come to
power, but the action traine!l a spotlight on the fundamentals of
forelgn policy. H e who has once had the opportunlty to see into lhe
secret rooms of foreign pollcy must for ever after be an enemy of
~o-called sovereign states and an advocate of a European Federatlon
or Nations whlch alone could eliminate the cancer of corruption
whose workings are carefuly concealed in the Intelligence Departments of Foreign Offices.
Had tbere been 30 million Czecbs, Europe would long ago bave
belonged to them, because they are an incredibly diligent people,
and one of the most diligent among tbem was thelr Foreign Secretary. Benes had no political conception wbatever, but he was a flrst•
class traveler in principles and, had bis means not been so limited,
he could have purcbased at least the whole of the democratic world.
But, fortunately for the world, tbere were only 8 mlllion Czechs, and
Benes had neither t be means nor the Ume to bring hls buslness to a
successful conclusion. But what he achieved is truly remarkable.
After the Hapsbnrg monarchy had been dismembered and Vienna
had become the capital of a small Austria with 7 million inhabitants,
tbe Austrian natlonal press, whose previous market had been an Em·
pire wi.th 52 million inhabltants, found itself in a difficult flnancial
position. Czechoslovakian foreign policy was naturally much concerned with neighboring Austria, and Benes, therefore, througb mediators, bought the Austrian Press concern. VERNA, which published
two Viennese dailies, "DER WIENER TAG" and "DIE STUNDE."
The member of the Czechoslovaklan Forelgn Office responsible
Cor this business was a certain OPLATKA who, in his report (o!ficial
uumber 58.194/34) stated: "The morning paper 'Der Wlener T ag' is
intended for people of the social democratic party and on various
questions was often more radical than the official party presa. 'Die
Stunde,' on the other hand, since we took it over, has followed not
the social democratlc, but rather the bourgeois democratic line, attempting to realize a collaboration between Social Democrats and
Christian Socialista."
As we can see, Benes was a well-equipped salesman of prlnci11les, having l\farxist and Cbristian ideals stored in the same drawer or
his desk. He coulťl serve any Austrian ac&lt;'orcling to bis taste. But

�66

SLQVAKIA

whatever the Austrian believed, Mr. Benes was always behind tt.
ln view of this, we can understand why, even today, some Austrlan
social democrats are firmly convinced that Benes' followers are the
only true representatlves ot Czechoslovakian democracy, whlle the
editor of "Pravda" (London) is a !asclst. Obvlously, for the editor
of "Pravda" was never In a posltion to sell the last cow ot a Slovaklan crofter for taxes he owed to the Czechoslovaklan state, or to
invest, from the pockets of Czechoslovakian taxpayers, halt-a-million
r•ounds sterling in the di11eminatlon of Marxist and Christian democrat ic ideas in Vlenna.
Another country to which Benes turned bis enterprising, diligent Czech spirit was Yugoolavia. The G-Overnment In Yugoslavla had
neither tlme nor money to spare for lts own press, slnce it was heavlly
engaged In supporting the forelgn, and prlnclpally t he French, press.
Therefore, Benes, comandlng much larger funds t han the lmpoverished Yugoslavian Forelgn Secretary, declded to flnance the progovernment press in Yugoslavla. He supported the Belgrade dally
'·Politika" and many local papers.
When Mr. So.skle, owner of the opposltion daily "Pravda" in Belgrade, had made certaln wbence the pro-government "Politika" received money, he wrote to Benes as follows:
Belgrade, Ie 20-XII-1931.
A Son Excellence,
Monsieur Mlnlstre des Affaires Extrangeres,
Eduard Benes,
Prague.
Excellence:
A ľoccasion de ces grands tel.es de Noel je prends la liberté de
de vous presenter tous mes mellleurs voeu.x de bonheur pour Vous
et Votre chere Patrie.
Aussi je Vous prie de voulolr blen me permettre Que je. vous
rappelle a Votre gentllle promesse a propos de norte emprunt,
pour leguel vous avalt donné Votre parole de Grand Am! que Vous
voulez falre tous ce Qu'y est necessaire: qu'on relalse la "Pravda,"
QUl-en plein relaise et sans aucun exageration, a blen mérite de
Votre pays fraternel.
Cet emprunt, come j'avals ľhonneur a Vous en donnes des
renselgnments precis, sera absolument assure par la hypotheque
unlque sur toute la proprlété de la " Pravda" qul est évalue a
D1nars 22,000,000 (vlngt deux mllllons dinars) . . ."
Mr. Sosklc, In sendlng bis Chrlstmas greetlngs to Benes and hls
dear motherland, humbly remarked t hat his paper always favored
brotherly Czechoslovakia and that he needed 22 mllllon dlnars, on
loan, of course, but on a "security" on which obvlously no one ln
Belgrade was wllling to advance money. On the margin of thls le tter
Benes noted: " I only sald that there might be a poMibi lity of aome
a11i1tanee and already he wrltes t hat I promised him thle loan.
Answer hi"' not to come to Prague."
But Mr. Sosklc was terrlbly in love wlth Czechoslovakla and came
In spite or Benes' refusal, and he flnally imcceeded In gettlng 50,000

�SLOVAKIA

67

Kc trom Benes, an assistance which was continually repeated. In
this way the pres:: .~ Yugoslavia was for or against its own Govern,11ent. but always for .Benes.
The French press looms large in this business. It needs a strong
s tomach to read the reports of the Czechos\ovakian Embassy in
France. In thls matter one of the moulders of French public opinton
waa Profeaaor Fuscien Dominola. He waa secretary of the "lnatitut
d'Etudea Slavea" and received 4,000 fra. a month from the CzechosJovakian Foreign Office, a good aalary In France at that time. But
it was never enough for M. Dominois, who bombarded his benefactor
ln Prague with demands for more money on the most ridicu\ous
pretexr.a. tie ran up debts and, when pressed by hls creditors, asked
l'rague to pay them.
One such affair was dealt with in a letter trom Professqr Eiserua.nn, a Parlsian friend of Benes, to Mr. Hubert Ripka. Mr. Ripka
occupled rather a speclal positlon, for he was entrusted with dellcate
affalrs of J3enes ideology. So, In a lett~r written in German, Professor
E:isemann - Editor of "Le Monde Slave" - wrote to Ripka about
one or Dominois' affairs, about the shamelessness of bis colleague
wbo worked not only for Czechoslovakla, but also for Yugoslavia and,
in spite of various sources of income, ran up new debts and pressed
tbe Czechs to pay them once more. This Ume the sum wa.s 20,000 frs.
and the Czechs paid up once agaln. Dominols waa, of courae, not only
for the Czechoalovaks and Yugoslavs. but also very much for the
Rusalan Bolshevlka. There was nothing surprlsing in that. for Russ ia also is a slavonic country and the Profe:isor, the secretary of the
"lo.stltut d'Etudes Slaves," was obviously j„voted to all the alavea
who pald hls debts.
The British chapter is rather a distingui:1bE,d one. Benes tried to
make manifest in Great Britaln the klndnes~ o~ the Slavonlc nature.
His ambassador here was Jan Masaryk, that klnd, jolly Slav and g reat
dE:mocrat. He tried ~o help everywhere be rould. For instance, he
suggested establishing the "Allan Leeper Funt!' to educate the daughter of the deceased Allan Leeper. ln a letter of 12th Feb ruary, 1935
(offlcial No. 1646 kab/35) it
stated: "Allan Leeper (a brother or
Ŕéx Leep'!r, ass!i;tant secretary to the Press Department of the
Fore!gn Off1ce) was the beat, confidential friend (ani! 1 thtnk, schoolmate In Oxford) of Seton Watson . Ourlng the war he belped our ac•
tlon by, memoranda wblch, altogether with Professor Seton Watson, he
eiá.bora,ted ·'t or ~ Lord Grey and later for BaUour and prepared the
cond!tlÓns for a favorable solutlon of the Czechoslovakia queation.
He also prepared, with Seton Watson, the material ror a new arrangement in Centra! Europe for the British delegation to the Peace
T reaty Conference. Since 1920 he was always at our diapoaal In lnformlng the British Government about Central Europe in our aenie."
The Allan Leeper Fund was established.
Jan Masaryk never troubled wlth detalled accounts of the small
payments he made. Only for larger sums d!d he account and give an
explanation. After the Munlch agreement Maaaryk reslgned and hla
prace ·was taken by Mr. Lis!cky. He was a dlligent Czech offlélal
who thought it bis duty to make a detalled list of all payments nrade
by the Czechoslovakian Embassy in London in 1938. Hut lt is ratber a

,,,a.s

�68

S LOVA:KIA

large list to be published in such a small paper as " P ravda" (Lontlon).
Benes' kindness was not conflned to Europe. The Czechoslovaklan
Consul General in Sydney, Dr. Svetak, in a letter of 29th December,
1926, informed b is superiors how much he had paid to jou r nallsts
trom various Australlan papers for not publishing statements unfavorab le to Masaryk and Benes. Normally journalists are paid for s omething they publish, but Benes also paid for silence.
In a report dated 31st December, 1931, the Czec hoslovakian Consul General at Montreal, Mr. Moser, gave an account of the money he
had paid for artic les favorable to Czechoslovakla in several Canadlan
papers . AII the while, Benes malntained the best connections wlth So·
viet Russia and at t he same time generously sup ported Russlan emlgr és
and thelr anti-Soviet press. He did not sp end such a vast a mount
of the Czechos lovakia n taxpayers' money •·- between a h a lf and a million pounds sterlíng every year - but he managed the spendln g In so
economical and practical a way that the who le world became convinced
that the best democracy and the greatest contemporary statesman were
to b e found in Czechoslovakia.
All this would be obvlous and natural to ardent individuallsts who
e,onslder democracy from the point of view of their pr!vate interest.
Ilut, unfortunat(lly, we are Jiving in this world together with Russian
Bolsheviks. They can always do business with democratic indivlduals
in the West, but W estern democrats cannot do business with lndlviduals of the Bolshev!k communlty, because there 1s a p enalty of
death in Soviet countries for th e crime of turning poli tical prln ciples
into pri vate buslness. - (Czech "PRAVDA" •- London - J une 1951) .

•

•

•

LETTRICH AND THE USSR.
"Without the gigantic
sacrlflces of the friendly USSR, especially its Red Ar my,
wh!ch sh ed !ts blood on t he territory of the Republlc for
six months, we would not have our freedom. The Czechoslovak.
llepublic - and included in it free Slovakia - witbout regard to any
and a ll d ifferences, never sball forget t hose sacrlfices of tbe Red
Army, of tbe Soviet Union and tbe rest of the allied nations, and just
as certalnly tbey shall no t forget the sacrlflces of t be Slovak natlonal
insurrection. . . . From tbis convlncing experience it follows for u s.
for the governmen t, for a ll pol!tlcal parties, and so also fo r the
Democr atlc P arty, that our most self-evldent duty is to conslstently
and lnexorably make polltics of frlendly understandlng and close
cooper ation wlth a ll the vlctorious allied natlons, above all else, however, wlth our great neighbor - the largest Slovanic great power the USSR, and scrupulously avoid everything which eould In any
manner hinder our efforts to attain these hlgh ldeals „ If we want
to permanently hold on to our hard-earned freedom , an d state lndependence and guard agalnst possible -- future plots, we must de pend
on the USSR, wbich fully respects our lndependence and h as no o tber
demand on us than that we have a truly democratlc government,
\ľhose poliC'y will not be In conrllct wlth Soviet interests, tha.t· we
have order, in a word, that Cze&lt;-hoslovakla be a strong and -eon•
~olidated State." - (Dr. J o!leph Lettrlch. ÔAS, 5-16-46).

�</text>
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                  <text>1952, Vol. 2</text>
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                  <text>The Slovak League of America</text>
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                  <text>1952</text>
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                  <text>&lt;ul&gt;&lt;li&gt;Issue 1 (No. 3), March 1952.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Issue 2 (No. 4), August 1952.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Issue 3 (No. 5), December 1952.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;/ul&gt;</text>
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              <text>S LOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
66&#13;
&#13;
TIIE SECBET FUNDS OF BENE.S'&#13;
INTELLIGENCE SERVICE&#13;
The Archives of t he Intelllgence Department of any Foreign&#13;
Office have never been accessible to any free Citizen, who is the&#13;
s ource of power in a free state. Not even a M.P., a representative or&#13;
the people and a law-maker, can see them. Such a department is a&#13;
secret room in whlch the power-conjurors preserve the secrets of their&#13;
tricks.&#13;
Twice in our lieftime this alchemisťs kitchen has been opened&#13;
to the public. In 1917 the Russian Bolsheviks published the secret&#13;
documents of the tzarist Foreign Office, and in 1943 lhe Nazis published all the documents relatlng to the secret funds of the Czechoslovakian Foreign Office which, for twenty years, had as its chief&#13;
medicine-man, the late Edward Benes. In both cases the documenus&#13;
were publlshed for propaganda reasons by those who had come to&#13;
power, but the action traine!l a spotlight on the fundamentals of&#13;
forelgn policy. H e who has once had the opportunlty to see into lhe&#13;
secret rooms of foreign pollcy must for ever after be an enemy of&#13;
~o-called sovereign states and an advocate of a European Federatlon&#13;
or Nations whlch alone could eliminate the cancer of corruption&#13;
whose workings are carefuly concealed in the Intelligence Departments of Foreign Offices.&#13;
Had tbere been 30 million Czecbs, Europe would long ago bave&#13;
belonged to them, because they are an incredibly diligent people,&#13;
and one of the most diligent among tbem was thelr Foreign Secretary. Benes had no political conception wbatever, but he was a flrst•&#13;
class traveler in principles and, had bis means not been so limited,&#13;
he could have purcbased at least the whole of the democratic world.&#13;
But, fortunately for the world, tbere were only 8 mlllion Czechs, and&#13;
Benes had neither t be means nor the Ume to bring hls buslness to a&#13;
successful conclusion. But what he achieved is truly remarkable.&#13;
After the Hapsbnrg monarchy had been dismembered and Vienna&#13;
had become the capital of a small Austria with 7 million inhabitants,&#13;
tbe Austrian natlonal press, whose previous market had been an Em·&#13;
pire wi.th 52 million inhabltants, found itself in a difficult flnancial&#13;
position. Czechoslovakian foreign policy was naturally much concerned with neighboring Austria, and Benes, therefore, througb mediators, bought the Austrian Press concern. VERNA, which published&#13;
two Viennese dailies, "DER WIENER TAG" and "DIE STUNDE."&#13;
The member of the Czechoslovaklan Forelgn Office responsible&#13;
Cor this business was a certain OPLATKA who, in his report (o!ficial&#13;
uumber 58.194/34) stated: "The morning paper 'Der Wlener T ag' is&#13;
intended for people of the social democratic party and on various&#13;
questions was often more radical than the official party presa. 'Die&#13;
Stunde,' on the other hand, since we took it over, has followed not&#13;
the social democratlc, but rather the bourgeois democratic line, attempting to realize a collaboration between Social Democrats and&#13;
Christian Socialista."&#13;
As we can see, Benes was a well-equipped salesman of prlnci11les, having l\farxist and Cbristian ideals stored in the same drawer or&#13;
his desk. He coulťl serve any Austrian ac&lt;'orcling to bis taste. But&#13;
&#13;
66&#13;
&#13;
SLQVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
whatever the Austrian believed, Mr. Benes was always behind tt.&#13;
ln view of this, we can understand why, even today, some Austrlan&#13;
social democrats are firmly convinced that Benes' followers are the&#13;
only true representatlves ot Czechoslovakian democracy, whlle the&#13;
editor of "Pravda" (London) is a !asclst. Obvlously, for the editor&#13;
of "Pravda" was never In a posltion to sell the last cow ot a Slovaklan crofter for taxes he owed to the Czechoslovaklan state, or to&#13;
invest, from the pockets of Czechoslovakian taxpayers, halt-a-million&#13;
r•ounds sterling in the di11eminatlon of Marxist and Christian democrat ic ideas in Vlenna.&#13;
Another country to which Benes turned bis enterprising, diligent Czech spirit was Yugoolavia. The G-Overnment In Yugoslavla had&#13;
neither tlme nor money to spare for lts own press, slnce it was heavlly&#13;
engaged In supporting the forelgn, and prlnclpally t he French, press.&#13;
Therefore, Benes, comandlng much larger funds t han the lmpoverished Yugoslavian Forelgn Secretary, declded to flnance the progovernment press in Yugoslavla. He supported the Belgrade dally&#13;
'·Politika" and many local papers.&#13;
When Mr. So.skle, owner of the opposltion daily "Pravda" in Belgrade, had made certaln wbence the pro-government "Politika" received money, he wrote to Benes as follows:&#13;
Belgrade, Ie 20-XII-1931.&#13;
A Son Excellence,&#13;
Monsieur Mlnlstre des Affaires Extrangeres,&#13;
Eduard Benes,&#13;
Prague.&#13;
Excellence:&#13;
A ľoccasion de ces grands tel.es de Noel je prends la liberté de&#13;
de vous presenter tous mes mellleurs voeu.x de bonheur pour Vous&#13;
et Votre chere Patrie.&#13;
Aussi je Vous prie de voulolr blen me permettre Que je. vous&#13;
rappelle a Votre gentllle promesse a propos de norte emprunt,&#13;
pour leguel vous avalt donné Votre parole de Grand Am! que Vous&#13;
voulez falre tous ce Qu'y est necessaire: qu'on relalse la "Pravda,"&#13;
QUl-en plein relaise et sans aucun exageration, a blen mérite de&#13;
Votre pays fraternel.&#13;
Cet emprunt, come j'avals ľhonneur a Vous en donnes des&#13;
renselgnments precis, sera absolument assure par la hypotheque&#13;
unlque sur toute la proprlété de la " Pravda" qul est évalue a&#13;
D1nars 22,000,000 (vlngt deux mllllons dinars) . . ."&#13;
Mr. Sosklc, In sendlng bis Chrlstmas greetlngs to Benes and hls&#13;
dear motherland, humbly remarked t hat his paper always favored&#13;
brotherly Czechoslovakia and that he needed 22 mllllon dlnars, on&#13;
loan, of course, but on a "security" on which obvlously no one ln&#13;
Belgrade was wllling to advance money. On the margin of thls le tter&#13;
Benes noted: " I only sald that there might be a poMibi lity of aome&#13;
a11i1tanee and already he wrltes t hat I promised him thle loan.&#13;
Answer hi"' not to come to Prague."&#13;
But Mr. Sosklc was terrlbly in love wlth Czechoslovakla and came&#13;
In spite or Benes' refusal, and he flnally imcceeded In gettlng 50,000&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
67&#13;
&#13;
Kc trom Benes, an assistance which was continually repeated. In&#13;
this way the pres:: .~ Yugoslavia was for or against its own Govern,11ent. but always for .Benes.&#13;
The French press looms large in this business. It needs a strong&#13;
s tomach to read the reports of the Czechos\ovakian Embassy in&#13;
France. In thls matter one of the moulders of French public opinton&#13;
waa Profeaaor Fuscien Dominola. He waa secretary of the "lnatitut&#13;
d'Etudea Slavea" and received 4,000 fra. a month from the CzechosJovakian Foreign Office, a good aalary In France at that time. But&#13;
it was never enough for M. Dominois, who bombarded his benefactor&#13;
ln Prague with demands for more money on the most ridicu\ous&#13;
pretexr.a. tie ran up debts and, when pressed by hls creditors, asked&#13;
l'rague to pay them.&#13;
One such affair was dealt with in a letter trom Professqr Eiserua.nn, a Parlsian friend of Benes, to Mr. Hubert Ripka. Mr. Ripka&#13;
occupled rather a speclal positlon, for he was entrusted with dellcate&#13;
affalrs of J3enes ideology. So, In a lett~r written in German, Professor&#13;
E:isemann - Editor of "Le Monde Slave" - wrote to Ripka about&#13;
one or Dominois' affairs, about the shamelessness of bis colleague&#13;
wbo worked not only for Czechoslovakla, but also for Yugoslavia and,&#13;
in spite of various sources of income, ran up new debts and pressed&#13;
tbe Czechs to pay them once more. This Ume the sum wa.s 20,000 frs.&#13;
and the Czechs paid up once agaln. Dominols waa, of courae, not only&#13;
for the Czechoalovaks and Yugoslavs. but also very much for the&#13;
Rusalan Bolshevlka. There was nothing surprlsing in that. for Russ ia also is a slavonic country and the Profe:isor, the secretary of the&#13;
"lo.stltut d'Etudes Slaves," was obviously j„voted to all the alavea&#13;
who pald hls debts.&#13;
The British chapter is rather a distingui:1bE,d one. Benes tried to&#13;
make manifest in Great Britaln the klndnes~ o~ the Slavonlc nature.&#13;
His ambassador here was Jan Masaryk, that klnd, jolly Slav and g reat&#13;
dE:mocrat. He tried ~o help everywhere be rould. For instance, he&#13;
suggested establishing the "Allan Leeper Funt!' to educate the daughter of the deceased Allan Leeper. ln a letter of 12th Feb ruary, 1935&#13;
(offlcial No. 1646 kab/35) it&#13;
stated: "Allan Leeper (a brother or&#13;
Ŕéx Leep'!r, ass!i;tant secretary to the Press Department of the&#13;
Fore!gn Off1ce) was the beat, confidential friend (ani! 1 thtnk, schoolmate In Oxford) of Seton Watson . Ourlng the war he belped our ac•&#13;
tlon by, memoranda wblch, altogether with Professor Seton Watson, he&#13;
eiá.bora,ted ·'t or ~ Lord Grey and later for BaUour and prepared the&#13;
cond!tlÓns for a favorable solutlon of the Czechoslovakia queation.&#13;
He also prepared, with Seton Watson, the material ror a new arrangement in Centra! Europe for the British delegation to the Peace&#13;
T reaty Conference. Since 1920 he was always at our diapoaal In lnformlng the British Government about Central Europe in our aenie."&#13;
The Allan Leeper Fund was established.&#13;
Jan Masaryk never troubled wlth detalled accounts of the small&#13;
payments he made. Only for larger sums d!d he account and give an&#13;
explanation. After the Munlch agreement Maaaryk reslgned and hla&#13;
prace ·was taken by Mr. Lis!cky. He was a dlligent Czech offlélal&#13;
who thought it bis duty to make a detalled list of all payments nrade&#13;
by the Czechoslovakian Embassy in London in 1938. Hut lt is ratber a&#13;
&#13;
,,,a.s&#13;
&#13;
68&#13;
&#13;
S LOVA:KIA&#13;
&#13;
large list to be published in such a small paper as " P ravda" (Lontlon).&#13;
Benes' kindness was not conflned to Europe. The Czechoslovaklan&#13;
Consul General in Sydney, Dr. Svetak, in a letter of 29th December,&#13;
1926, informed b is superiors how much he had paid to jou r nallsts&#13;
trom various Australlan papers for not publishing statements unfavorab le to Masaryk and Benes. Normally journalists are paid for s omething they publish, but Benes also paid for silence.&#13;
In a report dated 31st December, 1931, the Czec hoslovakian Consul General at Montreal, Mr. Moser, gave an account of the money he&#13;
had paid for artic les favorable to Czechoslovakla in several Canadlan&#13;
papers . AII the while, Benes malntained the best connections wlth So·&#13;
viet Russia and at t he same time generously sup ported Russlan emlgr és&#13;
and thelr anti-Soviet press. He did not sp end such a vast a mount&#13;
of the Czechos lovakia n taxpayers' money •·- between a h a lf and a million pounds sterlíng every year - but he managed the spendln g In so&#13;
economical and practical a way that the who le world became convinced&#13;
that the best democracy and the greatest contemporary statesman were&#13;
to b e found in Czechoslovakia.&#13;
All this would be obvlous and natural to ardent individuallsts who&#13;
e,onslder democracy from the point of view of their pr!vate interest.&#13;
Ilut, unfortunat(lly, we are Jiving in this world together with Russian&#13;
Bolsheviks. They can always do business with democratic indivlduals&#13;
in the West, but W estern democrats cannot do business with lndlviduals of the Bolshev!k communlty, because there 1s a p enalty of&#13;
death in Soviet countries for th e crime of turning poli tical prln ciples&#13;
into pri vate buslness. - (Czech "PRAVDA" •- London - J une 1951) .&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
LETTRICH AND THE USSR.&#13;
"Without the gigantic&#13;
sacrlflces of the friendly USSR, especially its Red Ar my,&#13;
wh!ch sh ed !ts blood on t he territory of the Republlc for&#13;
six months, we would not have our freedom. The Czechoslovak.&#13;
llepublic - and included in it free Slovakia - witbout regard to any&#13;
and a ll d ifferences, never sball forget t hose sacrlfices of tbe Red&#13;
Army, of tbe Soviet Union and tbe rest of the allied nations, and just&#13;
as certalnly tbey shall no t forget the sacrlflces of t be Slovak natlonal&#13;
insurrection. . . . From tbis convlncing experience it follows for u s.&#13;
for the governmen t, for a ll pol!tlcal parties, and so also fo r the&#13;
Democr atlc P arty, that our most self-evldent duty is to conslstently&#13;
and lnexorably make polltics of frlendly understandlng and close&#13;
cooper ation wlth a ll the vlctorious allied natlons, above all else, however, wlth our great neighbor - the largest Slovanic great power the USSR, and scrupulously avoid everything which eould In any&#13;
manner hinder our efforts to attain these hlgh ldeals „ If we want&#13;
to permanently hold on to our hard-earned freedom , an d state lndependence and guard agalnst possible -- future plots, we must de pend&#13;
on the USSR, wbich fully respects our lndependence and h as no o tber&#13;
demand on us than that we have a truly democratlc government,&#13;
\ľhose poliC'y will not be In conrllct wlth Soviet interests, tha.t· we&#13;
have order, in a word, that Cze&lt;-hoslovakla be a strong and -eon•&#13;
~olidated State." - (Dr. J o!leph Lettrlch. ÔAS, 5-16-46).&#13;
&#13;
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                <text>The Secret Funds of Benes' Intelligence Service</text>
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                    <text>�A

I'

SLOVAKl A is publishetl periodi&lt;:ally by the Slornk Lcag-ue of _\merica,
a cultural aml ťiYit ľecleľatio11 of Arneľ­
ic:ans of Sloqtk des&lt;:ent.
'ľhť ľhieľ

purpose oľ 8 LOYAK1A
is to pľomotť a bcttcľ unclerstancling
and a ppľľc-intio11 oľ the ~loYak 11atio11
and its long; :-;tľllg-glť f'oľ ťľeedom and
independe11ec.
As Arneľic·am;, 1nembPľs of the
3loY.d-: L eague oľ .\ 111eľ i &lt;.:a fiľlnl _Y belieYe that the f-;lornk natio11, just as nll
11atiorn,, has mi inherť11t a11d Gocl-giYe11
right to freeclom and indepenclence.
The:v a ľť declieated to thť rnnsť oť the
Ameľiean \\'H,Y of' hfe, HloYak fľeedorn
nnd \\'Oľld peac·e and are clctcnn.incd to
oppose tlw plague of C'ommunisrn and
al \ otheľ totnlitaľiai1 politic·nl systems.

_\.C'Hľ

Subs('ľiption to Slon1kia $1.00 peľ
in the U. S. A. - $2.00 elsewheľť.

Sen cl

subscľi1itio11s

to:

SL O Y AK I ~\
Box 150
Middlcto\\'n, Pa.

--------------------------------Printed in the U. S. A.
JEDNOTA PRESS
Middletown, Pa.

�</text>
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                  <elementText elementTextId="604">
                    <text>�A

I'

SLOVAKl A is publishetl periodi&lt;:ally by the Slornk Lcag-ue of _\merica,
a cultural aml ťiYit ľecleľatio11 of Arneľ­
ic:ans of Sloqtk des&lt;:ent.
'ľhť ľhieľ

purpose oľ 8 LOYAK1A
is to pľomotť a bcttcľ unclerstancling
and a ppľľc-intio11 oľ the ~loYak 11atio11
and its long; :-;tľllg-glť f'oľ ťľeedom and
independe11ec.
As Arneľic·am;, 1nembPľs of the
3loY.d-: L eague oľ .\ 111eľ i &lt;.:a fiľlnl _Y belieYe that the f-;lornk natio11, just as nll
11atiorn,, has mi inherť11t a11d Gocl-giYe11
right to freeclom and indepenclence.
The:v a ľť declieated to thť rnnsť oť the
Ameľiean \\'H,Y of' hfe, HloYak fľeedorn
nnd \\'Oľld peac·e and are clctcnn.incd to
oppose tlw plague of C'ommunisrn and
al \ otheľ totnlitaľiai1 politic·nl systems.

_\.C'Hľ

Subs('ľiption to Slon1kia $1.00 peľ
in the U. S. A. - $2.00 elsewheľť.

Sen cl

subscľi1itio11s

to:

SL O Y AK I ~\
Box 150
Middlcto\\'n, Pa.

--------------------------------Printed in the U. S. A.
JEDNOTA PRESS
Middletown, Pa.

�</text>
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&lt;li&gt;Issue 3 (No. 5), December 1952.&lt;/li&gt;
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                    <text>Monsignor Dr. Joseph Tiso (right) with the beloved
Monsignor Andrew Hlinka, charnpion of Slovak freedom,
and Monsignor Dr. Charles Korper (left) in Bratislava,
Slovakia, June 5, 1938, on the occasion of the 20th anniversary of the Pittsburgh P act.

�DR. JOSEPH TISO
National Hero of the Slovak Nation

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Slovakia, June 5, 1938, on the occasion of the 20th anniversary of the Pittsburgh P act.

�DR. JOSEPH TISO
National Hero of the Slovak Nation

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                    <text>SLOVAKIA

69

THE BLIND ALLEY OF TIIE CZECHOSLOVAKS
BY: THE INFORMER

The leading personalities ot the Council of Free Czechoslovakla
In Canada had a special meeting last October in Toronto. The sesslon
concerned itself wlth three burning questlons:
1. Amerlcan semi-offlclal places and factors ot the Natlonal Committee tor a Free Europe have agaln threatened to shut off au mora!
and flnanclal aid it the feuding Czechoslovaks, i. e. the so-called
"seventeen" members ot Dr. Osuský" and the "thirteen" ot Dr. Zenkl,
do not flnd a common platform of cooperatlon and, as far as possible,
a broa:der and a more effective Slovak representation in this framework. It was decided that the Toronto branch would appeal to the
leading personalitles of the Councll In the USA to lssue a joint manifesto wlth the Zenkl group on October 28, the Czechoslovak Independence Day. In a word: another ma.neuver to deceive the Amerlcans who
glve them bread. (As far as is known, no joint manlfesto was issued
on October 28th.)
2. Czechoslovak leaders of both factions were also told that the
U. S. factors concerned would welcome a move by them to flnd a platform for coming to an understandlng wlth the Sudeten Germans. Thts
is all tbe more necessary, because the Allies are ready to sign a separate
peace wlth Western Germany and accept it lnto the allled defense
alliance. Thls point caused those present, especlally the Czech members,
to qulver. And they bave reason to tremble. The Sudeten Germans
will remember for a long tlme who expelled them from their anclent
homeland. And the Beneš Czechs know that a strong group of antlBeneš ·Czechs, their adversarles, have already come to an understanding
wlth the Sudeten Germans, slgnlng an agreement ot triendshlp wtth
them, subject to certain condltlons whlch are not acceptable to the
Beneš Czechs. And even if the latter would promlse to rlght the
devastating damage and injustice done to the Sudeten Germans, lt
would avail them nothlng, because the Germans know that the Beneš
Czechs, together with the Czech Reds, are responsible for thelr expulslon
from the Sudetenland of Bobemla.
3. The National Committee for a F ree Europe has been severely
criticized for the type of lts "Free Gzechoslovakia" broadcasts in
Munlcb. Protests against the strlctly "pro-Czech" stand of the Munlch
Radlo Free Europe bave come from the Bavarian Federal Government, the German Government in Bonn, tbe antt-Beneš groups in
Europe, England and the USA, and representatlves of the overwhelmlng majority of Slovaks In Europe, England, France, Spain, Italy, Belgium, Canada and the USA.
Tbe Beneš Czecho~lovaks are aware of all thls, hence thelr
dilem ma. 'I'helr Czechosl wak s hlp ls sin king and they are exerting all
-their strength to save lt. Peroutka, suppo sedly the dlrector of the
"Czecbo slovak Unit" of RFE, of late is not as wild as he used to be.
He was told to tone dL•wn a bit and replace several people in the
Czechoslovak Unit of tb,\ NCFE broadcasts - at Jeast those who are
overly burdened with communlst collaboration. Of course, Peroutka

�60

SLOVAKIA

will see to it that Bentt Czechoslovaks are replaced only by Beneš
Czechoslovaks !
Summarlly said, there is nothlng new In the Czechoslovak sky.
We are not at all surprlsl•d by the behavlor of the hard-bolled adherents
or Czechoslovak centraliem. But we are very mucb surprlsed with the
Slovak servants renderlnr. them Jip servlce. Rudolph Fraštackf, a BeneA
Czechoslovak, recently rťturned from a European trip and told trlends
that among the most recent Slovak escapees he dld not !Ind a slngle
one who stands for Cze1.hoslovakism. Slnce these !atest escapees interpret the sentiments ot 1.he Slovaks at horne, we can safely say that in
Slovakia, regardless of thelr reli gious or previous political divisiona,
the Slovaks almoat to ,1 man are againat the reatoration of Czechoslovakia.

The Czechoslovaks are In a bllnd alley, because they dld not b elieve
In slgns of the tlmes. Freedom 1s the watchword, the everlastlng h ope
and the ultlmate goal &lt;•f all nations of the earth - lncluding the S lovak
nation.

FOR DR. STEPHEN OSUSKY'S BENEFIT
DR. PETER SKALENICKÝ

The more new refugees arrive from Slovakia, so all the more
and repeatedly do they confirm the fa&lt;:t that our policy, based in our
stand of Slovak independence, is correct. Even these new escapees,
often former adberents of former CzechoslovQk political parties, confinn the fact that the Slovak nation not only yearns for lts own independence, but also tbat in Slovakia today no one believes tbat it
will be possible to renew the Czechoslovak Republic. Nay, the people
at horne do not b elieve tbat responsible people in exile can be found
wbo would work against Slovak independence. It ls something natural.
Certainly, a nation wh!cb once has had its own state and bas tasted of
the advantages of its own independence will never surrender it, and it
can be deprived of it only by force and violence.
We can look upon tbe origln of the Slovak Republic in any manner that we will, but no one can deny, nor can any one erase from Slovak hlstory tbe actuallty that the Slovaks did have thelr own state
from 1939 to 1945, that tbey did bave their own president and tbeir
own government, and that Slovakia dirl _appear on the map of Europe
as an Independent political unit.
It is often said that the Slovak Republic was a satelllte state.
Even under sucb circumstances, it was comparatively more than tbe
Slovaks had during the first Czecboslovak Republic, or after 1945.
'ľbe president of Slovakla and the government always had more
power tban the president of the Slovak National Council (Lettrich)
and the commissars had after 1945. tbat ls during the period wben
tbe Czecboslovak Republic was already_ supposed to he a federative
state. And even thougb tbe cluration of the Slovak State falls into the
perlod of war, Swiss newsmen told tbe world that the Slovak Republic was an oasis of consolidated peace and welfare. Tbat was because the Slovaks decided tbeir own affairs In tbelr country. The
president of the Slovak IRepublic coulcl grant reprieves to those sen-

�</text>
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                    <text>SLOVAKIA

69

THE BLIND ALLEY OF TIIE CZECHOSLOVAKS
BY: THE INFORMER

The leading personalities ot the Council of Free Czechoslovakla
In Canada had a special meeting last October in Toronto. The sesslon
concerned itself wlth three burning questlons:
1. Amerlcan semi-offlclal places and factors ot the Natlonal Committee tor a Free Europe have agaln threatened to shut off au mora!
and flnanclal aid it the feuding Czechoslovaks, i. e. the so-called
"seventeen" members ot Dr. Osuský" and the "thirteen" ot Dr. Zenkl,
do not flnd a common platform of cooperatlon and, as far as possible,
a broa:der and a more effective Slovak representation in this framework. It was decided that the Toronto branch would appeal to the
leading personalitles of the Councll In the USA to lssue a joint manifesto wlth the Zenkl group on October 28, the Czechoslovak Independence Day. In a word: another ma.neuver to deceive the Amerlcans who
glve them bread. (As far as is known, no joint manlfesto was issued
on October 28th.)
2. Czechoslovak leaders of both factions were also told that the
U. S. factors concerned would welcome a move by them to flnd a platform for coming to an understandlng wlth the Sudeten Germans. Thts
is all tbe more necessary, because the Allies are ready to sign a separate
peace wlth Western Germany and accept it lnto the allled defense
alliance. Thls point caused those present, especlally the Czech members,
to qulver. And they bave reason to tremble. The Sudeten Germans
will remember for a long tlme who expelled them from their anclent
homeland. And the Beneš Czechs know that a strong group of antlBeneš ·Czechs, their adversarles, have already come to an understanding
wlth the Sudeten Germans, slgnlng an agreement ot triendshlp wtth
them, subject to certain condltlons whlch are not acceptable to the
Beneš Czechs. And even if the latter would promlse to rlght the
devastating damage and injustice done to the Sudeten Germans, lt
would avail them nothlng, because the Germans know that the Beneš
Czechs, together with the Czech Reds, are responsible for thelr expulslon
from the Sudetenland of Bobemla.
3. The National Committee for a F ree Europe has been severely
criticized for the type of lts "Free Gzechoslovakia" broadcasts in
Munlcb. Protests against the strlctly "pro-Czech" stand of the Munlch
Radlo Free Europe bave come from the Bavarian Federal Government, the German Government in Bonn, tbe antt-Beneš groups in
Europe, England and the USA, and representatlves of the overwhelmlng majority of Slovaks In Europe, England, France, Spain, Italy, Belgium, Canada and the USA.
Tbe Beneš Czecho~lovaks are aware of all thls, hence thelr
dilem ma. 'I'helr Czechosl wak s hlp ls sin king and they are exerting all
-their strength to save lt. Peroutka, suppo sedly the dlrector of the
"Czecbo slovak Unit" of RFE, of late is not as wild as he used to be.
He was told to tone dL•wn a bit and replace several people in the
Czechoslovak Unit of tb,\ NCFE broadcasts - at Jeast those who are
overly burdened with communlst collaboration. Of course, Peroutka

�60

SLOVAKIA

will see to it that Bentt Czechoslovaks are replaced only by Beneš
Czechoslovaks !
Summarlly said, there is nothlng new In the Czechoslovak sky.
We are not at all surprlsl•d by the behavlor of the hard-bolled adherents
or Czechoslovak centraliem. But we are very mucb surprlsed with the
Slovak servants renderlnr. them Jip servlce. Rudolph Fraštackf, a BeneA
Czechoslovak, recently rťturned from a European trip and told trlends
that among the most recent Slovak escapees he dld not !Ind a slngle
one who stands for Cze1.hoslovakism. Slnce these !atest escapees interpret the sentiments ot 1.he Slovaks at horne, we can safely say that in
Slovakia, regardless of thelr reli gious or previous political divisiona,
the Slovaks almoat to ,1 man are againat the reatoration of Czechoslovakia.

The Czechoslovaks are In a bllnd alley, because they dld not b elieve
In slgns of the tlmes. Freedom 1s the watchword, the everlastlng h ope
and the ultlmate goal &lt;•f all nations of the earth - lncluding the S lovak
nation.

FOR DR. STEPHEN OSUSKY'S BENEFIT
DR. PETER SKALENICKÝ

The more new refugees arrive from Slovakia, so all the more
and repeatedly do they confirm the fa&lt;:t that our policy, based in our
stand of Slovak independence, is correct. Even these new escapees,
often former adberents of former CzechoslovQk political parties, confinn the fact that the Slovak nation not only yearns for lts own independence, but also tbat in Slovakia today no one believes tbat it
will be possible to renew the Czechoslovak Republic. Nay, the people
at horne do not b elieve tbat responsible people in exile can be found
wbo would work against Slovak independence. It ls something natural.
Certainly, a nation wh!cb once has had its own state and bas tasted of
the advantages of its own independence will never surrender it, and it
can be deprived of it only by force and violence.
We can look upon tbe origln of the Slovak Republic in any manner that we will, but no one can deny, nor can any one erase from Slovak hlstory tbe actuallty that the Slovaks did have thelr own state
from 1939 to 1945, that tbey did bave their own president and tbeir
own government, and that Slovakia dirl _appear on the map of Europe
as an Independent political unit.
It is often said that the Slovak Republic was a satelllte state.
Even under sucb circumstances, it was comparatively more than tbe
Slovaks had during the first Czecboslovak Republic, or after 1945.
'ľbe president of Slovakla and the government always had more
power tban the president of the Slovak National Council (Lettrich)
and the commissars had after 1945. tbat ls during the period wben
tbe Czecboslovak Republic was already_ supposed to he a federative
state. And even thougb tbe cluration of the Slovak State falls into the
perlod of war, Swiss newsmen told tbe world that the Slovak Republic was an oasis of consolidated peace and welfare. Tbat was because the Slovaks decided tbeir own affairs In tbelr country. The
president of the Slovak IRepublic coulcl grant reprieves to those sen-

�</text>
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              <text>SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
69&#13;
&#13;
THE BLIND ALLEY OF TIIE CZECHOSLOVAKS&#13;
BY: THE INFORMER&#13;
&#13;
The leading personalities ot the Council of Free Czechoslovakla&#13;
In Canada had a special meeting last October in Toronto. The sesslon&#13;
concerned itself wlth three burning questlons:&#13;
1. Amerlcan semi-offlclal places and factors ot the Natlonal Committee tor a Free Europe have agaln threatened to shut off au mora!&#13;
and flnanclal aid it the feuding Czechoslovaks, i. e. the so-called&#13;
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do not flnd a common platform of cooperatlon and, as far as possible,&#13;
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leading personalitles of the Councll In the USA to lssue a joint manifesto wlth the Zenkl group on October 28, the Czechoslovak Independence Day. In a word: another ma.neuver to deceive the Amerlcans who&#13;
glve them bread. (As far as is known, no joint manlfesto was issued&#13;
on October 28th.)&#13;
2. Czechoslovak leaders of both factions were also told that the&#13;
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is all tbe more necessary, because the Allies are ready to sign a separate&#13;
peace wlth Western Germany and accept it lnto the allled defense&#13;
alliance. Thls point caused those present, especlally the Czech members,&#13;
to qulver. And they bave reason to tremble. The Sudeten Germans&#13;
will remember for a long tlme who expelled them from their anclent&#13;
homeland. And the Beneš Czechs know that a strong group of antlBeneš ·Czechs, their adversarles, have already come to an understanding&#13;
wlth the Sudeten Germans, slgnlng an agreement ot triendshlp wtth&#13;
them, subject to certain condltlons whlch are not acceptable to the&#13;
Beneš Czechs. And even if the latter would promlse to rlght the&#13;
devastating damage and injustice done to the Sudeten Germans, lt&#13;
would avail them nothlng, because the Germans know that the Beneš&#13;
Czechs, together with the Czech Reds, are responsible for thelr expulslon&#13;
from the Sudetenland of Bobemla.&#13;
3. The National Committee for a F ree Europe has been severely&#13;
criticized for the type of lts "Free Gzechoslovakia" broadcasts in&#13;
Munlcb. Protests against the strlctly "pro-Czech" stand of the Munlch&#13;
Radlo Free Europe bave come from the Bavarian Federal Government, the German Government in Bonn, tbe antt-Beneš groups in&#13;
Europe, England and the USA, and representatlves of the overwhelmlng majority of Slovaks In Europe, England, France, Spain, Italy, Belgium, Canada and the USA.&#13;
Tbe Beneš Czecho~lovaks are aware of all thls, hence thelr&#13;
dilem ma. 'I'helr Czechosl wak s hlp ls sin king and they are exerting all&#13;
-their strength to save lt. Peroutka, suppo sedly the dlrector of the&#13;
"Czecbo slovak Unit" of RFE, of late is not as wild as he used to be.&#13;
He was told to tone dL•wn a bit and replace several people in the&#13;
Czechoslovak Unit of tb,\ NCFE broadcasts - at Jeast those who are&#13;
overly burdened with communlst collaboration. Of course, Peroutka&#13;
&#13;
60&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
will see to it that Bentt Czechoslovaks are replaced only by Beneš&#13;
Czechoslovaks !&#13;
Summarlly said, there is nothlng new In the Czechoslovak sky.&#13;
We are not at all surprlsl•d by the behavlor of the hard-bolled adherents&#13;
or Czechoslovak centraliem. But we are very mucb surprlsed with the&#13;
Slovak servants renderlnr. them Jip servlce. Rudolph Fraštackf, a BeneA&#13;
Czechoslovak, recently rťturned from a European trip and told trlends&#13;
that among the most recent Slovak escapees he dld not !Ind a slngle&#13;
one who stands for Cze1.hoslovakism. Slnce these !atest escapees interpret the sentiments ot 1.he Slovaks at horne, we can safely say that in&#13;
Slovakia, regardless of thelr reli gious or previous political divisiona,&#13;
the Slovaks almoat to ,1 man are againat the reatoration of Czechoslovakia.&#13;
&#13;
The Czechoslovaks are In a bllnd alley, because they dld not b elieve&#13;
In slgns of the tlmes. Freedom 1s the watchword, the everlastlng h ope&#13;
and the ultlmate goal &lt;•f all nations of the earth - lncluding the S lovak&#13;
nation.&#13;
&#13;
FOR DR. STEPHEN OSUSKY'S BENEFIT&#13;
DR. PETER SKALENICKÝ&#13;
&#13;
The more new refugees arrive from Slovakia, so all the more&#13;
and repeatedly do they confirm the fa&lt;:t that our policy, based in our&#13;
stand of Slovak independence, is correct. Even these new escapees,&#13;
often former adberents of former CzechoslovQk political parties, confinn the fact that the Slovak nation not only yearns for lts own independence, but also tbat in Slovakia today no one believes tbat it&#13;
will be possible to renew the Czechoslovak Republic. Nay, the people&#13;
at horne do not b elieve tbat responsible people in exile can be found&#13;
wbo would work against Slovak independence. It ls something natural.&#13;
Certainly, a nation wh!cb once has had its own state and bas tasted of&#13;
the advantages of its own independence will never surrender it, and it&#13;
can be deprived of it only by force and violence.&#13;
We can look upon tbe origln of the Slovak Republic in any manner that we will, but no one can deny, nor can any one erase from Slovak hlstory tbe actuallty that the Slovaks did have thelr own state&#13;
from 1939 to 1945, that tbey did bave their own president and tbeir&#13;
own government, and that Slovakia dirl _appear on the map of Europe&#13;
as an Independent political unit.&#13;
It is often said that the Slovak Republic was a satelllte state.&#13;
Even under sucb circumstances, it was comparatively more than tbe&#13;
Slovaks had during the first Czecboslovak Republic, or after 1945.&#13;
'ľbe president of Slovakla and the government always had more&#13;
power tban the president of the Slovak National Council (Lettrich)&#13;
and the commissars had after 1945. tbat ls during the period wben&#13;
tbe Czecboslovak Republic was already_ supposed to he a federative&#13;
state. And even thougb tbe cluration of the Slovak State falls into the&#13;
perlod of war, Swiss newsmen told tbe world that the Slovak Republic was an oasis of consolidated peace and welfare. Tbat was because the Slovaks decided tbeir own affairs In tbelr country. The&#13;
president of the Slovak IRepublic coulcl grant reprieves to those sen-&#13;
&#13;
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                <text>The Blind Alley of the Czechoslovaks</text>
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                <text>By: The Informer&#13;
Slovakia, Vol. 2, No. 1 (3), March 1952&#13;
pp. 59-60</text>
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                    <text>SLOVAKIA

63

BENEš: KING OF POUTICAL CHEATS
At the meeting of the Czech-Sudeten German Federal Commlttee
at Bonn, last December, General Prchala, chairman of the Czech Natlonal Commlttee in London, declared that he considered the expu\sion of Sudeten Germans from their motherland as tbe darkest cbapter in Czecb bistory.
It wa.s a dark cbapter, a crime equalled only by H itler's attempt
to exterminate the J ews. About half a million Sudeten Germans lost
tbeir lives. T he Czech R evolutionary Guards, composed of youngsters
whose parents were lmprlsoned or executed by the Gestapo durlng the
war, e mployed a thoroughly Nazi brutality against the Sudeten Germans. These wlld youngsters were glven a free hand by t he Bene/:í
Government in Prague. They committed such atroclties, mostly on
innocent people, that lt is disgustlng even to write about lt.
It was beyond understanding h ow the Brltlsh and U. S . Governm ents, whlch were responsible for the existence of the s o-called
Czechoslovakian exiled Government, could give their approval to the
tarbarous expulslon of Sudeten Germans, who in 1918 b ecame Czechoslovaklan citizens against their will.
A young Czech student of history, Mr. S. Brzobohaty, took the
trouble to flnd out why and when tbe Western Allies gave thelr cousent to such barb arity. And he discover ed that it neve r happened.
The story of this political fraud is as follows:
In 1942, Mr. Beneš, who was personally a very revengeful man
and believed that the Sudeten Germans were tbe principal reason of
his misfortune wbich deprived him of the Presidency of Czechoslo•
vakia, asked the Britlsh Forelgn Offlce to approve his pian to expel
Germa n Nazis from Czechoslovakia a fter the war. The British Forelgn
Office had nothing against th e expulslon of German Nazis trom Czechoslovak ia.
Th en Beneš vlsited the Soviet Russian Ambassador to the Czechoslovakian exiled Government and asked h!m for permisslon to expe\
Germans from Czechoslovakia, and informed him that the B r ltish had
agreed to it. Bogomilov informed bis Government in Moscow but the
Russ!an Bolsh eviks refused to agree with the Beneš pian, for at that
Ume they stm believed that there migbt be some posslbllity of a
separate peace with Ger many, and tberefore they did not wlsb to provoke the Germans too much.
In June 1943, Beneš left for Washington, wbere he had a 30
mlnute talk with President Roosevelt. H e asked bim for permission
to expel Germans frrm Czechoslovakia, an d assured Roosevel t that
t he Bri t i sh and Ru ssians h ad g iven t heir f ull consent t o the pian.

Roosevelt answered that he would not oppose a pian approved by bis
allies.
Then Beneš returned to London, called aga!n on Bogomllov, and
informed bim that the British and U. S. Governments had given thei r
c onsent t o the expu lsion of Germans, and that on l y the Russi ans wer e
opposi ng i t . Bogomilov agaln !nformed his Government in Moscow.

In the meantime the German military sltuation had worsened, so tbat
Moscow hoped for complete vlctory In Europe. And because London

�54

SLOVAKIA

and Washington took the responsibllity for the expulsion of Sudeten
Germans, Moscow also gave its consent.
But later, polltical experts in the U. S. State Department came
aero.ss the Beneš pian and dlsa.g reed. In the material which Stettinius
prepared for Roosevelt for Yalta, it was expressly etated that no expulsion of national groups should be permitted. Yalta, however, ended In
d lscord, and thls question never came up on the program. The a sser•
tlon of Beneš -and hls followers now organlzed in the so·called
Councll ot Free Czecho.slovakla in Washington that thelr allles
a pproved the expuls ion of Sudeten Germans 1s nothing but a colossal
polltlcal fraud.
Thle was not the firet political fraud perpetrated by Benei. His
whole political career wae based upon lies and frauds. Czechoslovakia
itself was brought into exilltence by a political fraud. The Czechs
never wanted an independent state, having fought for a century for a
reorganization of the Hapsburg Monarchy into a federal state of nations. Masaryk and Beneš had no followers for their adventure in the
First World War, at leaat not among Czechs. AII the Czech politic.il
partie&amp; and legally elected representatives of the Czech nation, durlng
the war, formed the Czech National Committee in Prague, which alone
had the right to 11peak in the name of the Czech nation. On the 14th
of January, 1917, this Committee iasued a declaration, condemning the
war, and Masaryk's adventure abroad, and advocating the autonomous existence of the Czech nation within the Hapsburg Monarchy.
After the flrst war, In 1925, Beneš publlshed hls book, "T,he World
War and Our Revolutlon," in whlch he remarked concerning this
declaration of .the representatlves of the Czech nation: "The rejection
of our policy was solemn, without any reaervation, and de.::isive." lt
really was so, because the Czechs did not wish to have anything to do
with Masaryk and Beneš. But Mr. Beneš managed it otherwlse. On
page 449 of the same book Beneš says: "Although this declaration
rejected our policy, we managed to explain it in our favor to the
public in the ENTENTE. We suppressed the passage about autonon,y
within the framework of the Hapsburg Monarchy, publishing and emphasizing the paasages again11t the war and for the right of the independent existence of the Czech nation."
Thls Ie what Beneš stated himself publicly about his politlcal
methods. H e was a po\it!cal cheat and he was proud to be a polltlcal
cheat. He possessed boundless arrogance in lylng and was tlreless
in cheatlng. When the Britlsh Prime Minister, at the Peace Treaty
Conference In 1919, asked about the three milllon Sudeten Germans.
lleneš promlsed most solemnly that Czechoslovakia would be organlzed
on t he Swiss model, thus glvlng autonomy to each national group.
Hardly was the treaty signed than Czech s oldiers were ordered to
shoot at Sudeten Germans who demanded autonomy. Slovakla was in•
corporated lnto Czechoslovakla on the basls of a most solemn promise that it should be a federal state with full Slovakian autonomy,
and when the Slovakian leaders asked for the fulflllment of tlils
promlse they were imprlsoned for hlgh treason.
At the Conference at Genoa, in 1922, Beneš swore eternal fidelity
to his French and British benefactora and, behind their backs, and
without the knowledge of the Czechoalovakian Government, concluded

�SLOVAKU

66

a Treaty with the Ruaalan Bol1hevlk1. H 11 fame abroad waa based
on money he paid out from the fund1 of the Czechoslov aklan Forelgn
Mini1try to foreign journallats who made propaganda for hi1 per1on.
When the German Nazl1 occupied Prague, the archlvea of the Czechoslovaklan Forelgn Miniatry fe ll lnto their handa. They publlahed a
book contain ing a list of Frenc h, British and American per1onallt le1,
who were paid by Benei durlng Czechoslov akia' a twenty year1' exlatence; and photocopiea of the recelpt1 slgned by theae people were alao
publlahed - for Beneš never gave away a penny without demandlng a
receipt, thus keeplng hla foreign agenta to hee l. The Brltiah Fore ign
Office certain ly has a copy of thl1 book, and so ha■ the State Department in Wa1hington .
Beneš proclalmed hlmself Czechoslov aklan Presldent In 1940, and
unfortunate ly recelved the support ot some prominent Brltish people.
In order to secure for hlmself t be asslstance ot the Russian Bolsbevlks he rendered tbem lnvaluable servlces durlng tbe war. lt waa he
who, In 1939, auggested to Roo1evelt the Idea that Stalln wished to
democratiz e hla regime. He brought and introduced into France, Great
Britaln, and the U. S. the large1t Bolshevik F lfth Column, dl1gul1ed
as "democrati c Czechoalov aklan refugees."
The present Czechoslov akian Minister ot tbe lnterlor, Nosek, was
durlng the war counsellor to tbe Beneš Governmen t In London and
was paid trom tbe pockets of Brltlsb taxpayers to tbe tune of 70
pounds Sterllng a month, tax free. The present ch,ef of the Bolshevlk mllitary e1pionage again1t Britain, General Laatovicka, was in
the . B. B. C. durlng the war. Also here were Belheller, Slan1ky, Sllnck,
and a hundred other Bol1hevik agenta, all dl1guised a■ Czechoalov akia n democrata, and all pald by the Briti1h taxpayer.
AII the Czecbs and Slovaks bere wbo were an obstacle to thls
great fraud of Beneš and bis followers were falsely denounced as proNazl and, wltbout investlgatlo n, were lmprlsoned by tbe Britlsh police.
The followers ot Beneš are now organlzed In the so-called
Councll of Free Czechoslov akla, whose headquarte rs ls In Washington, Czechs, who know thls soclety and, therf'fore, do not wisb to have
anythlng to do wlth it, are organlzed In the Czech Natlonal CommlttE&gt;e
in London. In the retugee camp at Murnau, Bavarla (U. S. Zone}.
tbere are some adherents or Benei!; the remalnder of the refugees are
adberents of the Czeoh Natlonal Comm.ittee . In one year, the Beneš
.1dherent.s made 241 denunciatio n1 to the U. S. authorltie1 agalnst
thelr opponenta. The U. S. authoritie1 lnve1tlgate d all the1e denunciatlon1 and they all proved to be false. The U. S. authorltles know
the adherents of tbe Councll of Free Czechoslov akla pretty well by
now, and they are fed up wltb them, desplte the protectlon accorded
them by certaln personalltl es In tbe U. S.
But, unrortunate ly, lt 1s not necessary to go as far as Oermany
or the U. S. to experlenre the worklngs or the new "dJplomacy by
denunclatlo n." I could draw upon my own experlence s to prove lt.
'ľbe Brltlsb securlty servlres a.ppear to be poUUcal\y uneducated
however errtclent they may be In other respects and, as long
as tbls 1s llO, our King of Fraud or, at \east, bis Trojan Horee, tbe
Fren Czechos lovaklan Flfth Column. wlll contlnue to graze unharmerl
In our mld.c;t. - (The Czec h "Pravda," London, January 1951 ).

�</text>
                  </elementText>
                  <elementText elementTextId="635">
                    <text>SLOVAKIA

63

BENEš: KING OF POUTICAL CHEATS
At the meeting of the Czech-Sudeten German Federal Commlttee
at Bonn, last December, General Prchala, chairman of the Czech Natlonal Commlttee in London, declared that he considered the expu\sion of Sudeten Germans from their motherland as tbe darkest cbapter in Czecb bistory.
It wa.s a dark cbapter, a crime equalled only by H itler's attempt
to exterminate the J ews. About half a million Sudeten Germans lost
tbeir lives. T he Czech R evolutionary Guards, composed of youngsters
whose parents were lmprlsoned or executed by the Gestapo durlng the
war, e mployed a thoroughly Nazi brutality against the Sudeten Germans. These wlld youngsters were glven a free hand by t he Bene/:í
Government in Prague. They committed such atroclties, mostly on
innocent people, that lt is disgustlng even to write about lt.
It was beyond understanding h ow the Brltlsh and U. S . Governm ents, whlch were responsible for the existence of the s o-called
Czechoslovakian exiled Government, could give their approval to the
tarbarous expulslon of Sudeten Germans, who in 1918 b ecame Czechoslovaklan citizens against their will.
A young Czech student of history, Mr. S. Brzobohaty, took the
trouble to flnd out why and when tbe Western Allies gave thelr cousent to such barb arity. And he discover ed that it neve r happened.
The story of this political fraud is as follows:
In 1942, Mr. Beneš, who was personally a very revengeful man
and believed that the Sudeten Germans were tbe principal reason of
his misfortune wbich deprived him of the Presidency of Czechoslo•
vakia, asked the Britlsh Forelgn Offlce to approve his pian to expel
Germa n Nazis from Czechoslovakia a fter the war. The British Forelgn
Office had nothing against th e expulslon of German Nazis trom Czechoslovak ia.
Th en Beneš vlsited the Soviet Russian Ambassador to the Czechoslovakian exiled Government and asked h!m for permisslon to expe\
Germans from Czechoslovakia, and informed him that the B r ltish had
agreed to it. Bogomilov informed bis Government in Moscow but the
Russ!an Bolsh eviks refused to agree with the Beneš pian, for at that
Ume they stm believed that there migbt be some posslbllity of a
separate peace with Ger many, and tberefore they did not wlsb to provoke the Germans too much.
In June 1943, Beneš left for Washington, wbere he had a 30
mlnute talk with President Roosevelt. H e asked bim for permission
to expel Germans frrm Czechoslovakia, an d assured Roosevel t that
t he Bri t i sh and Ru ssians h ad g iven t heir f ull consent t o the pian.

Roosevelt answered that he would not oppose a pian approved by bis
allies.
Then Beneš returned to London, called aga!n on Bogomllov, and
informed bim that the British and U. S. Governments had given thei r
c onsent t o the expu lsion of Germans, and that on l y the Russi ans wer e
opposi ng i t . Bogomilov agaln !nformed his Government in Moscow.

In the meantime the German military sltuation had worsened, so tbat
Moscow hoped for complete vlctory In Europe. And because London

�54

SLOVAKIA

and Washington took the responsibllity for the expulsion of Sudeten
Germans, Moscow also gave its consent.
But later, polltical experts in the U. S. State Department came
aero.ss the Beneš pian and dlsa.g reed. In the material which Stettinius
prepared for Roosevelt for Yalta, it was expressly etated that no expulsion of national groups should be permitted. Yalta, however, ended In
d lscord, and thls question never came up on the program. The a sser•
tlon of Beneš -and hls followers now organlzed in the so·called
Councll ot Free Czecho.slovakla in Washington that thelr allles
a pproved the expuls ion of Sudeten Germans 1s nothing but a colossal
polltlcal fraud.
Thle was not the firet political fraud perpetrated by Benei. His
whole political career wae based upon lies and frauds. Czechoslovakia
itself was brought into exilltence by a political fraud. The Czechs
never wanted an independent state, having fought for a century for a
reorganization of the Hapsburg Monarchy into a federal state of nations. Masaryk and Beneš had no followers for their adventure in the
First World War, at leaat not among Czechs. AII the Czech politic.il
partie&amp; and legally elected representatives of the Czech nation, durlng
the war, formed the Czech National Committee in Prague, which alone
had the right to 11peak in the name of the Czech nation. On the 14th
of January, 1917, this Committee iasued a declaration, condemning the
war, and Masaryk's adventure abroad, and advocating the autonomous existence of the Czech nation within the Hapsburg Monarchy.
After the flrst war, In 1925, Beneš publlshed hls book, "T,he World
War and Our Revolutlon," in whlch he remarked concerning this
declaration of .the representatlves of the Czech nation: "The rejection
of our policy was solemn, without any reaervation, and de.::isive." lt
really was so, because the Czechs did not wish to have anything to do
with Masaryk and Beneš. But Mr. Beneš managed it otherwlse. On
page 449 of the same book Beneš says: "Although this declaration
rejected our policy, we managed to explain it in our favor to the
public in the ENTENTE. We suppressed the passage about autonon,y
within the framework of the Hapsburg Monarchy, publishing and emphasizing the paasages again11t the war and for the right of the independent existence of the Czech nation."
Thls Ie what Beneš stated himself publicly about his politlcal
methods. H e was a po\it!cal cheat and he was proud to be a polltlcal
cheat. He possessed boundless arrogance in lylng and was tlreless
in cheatlng. When the Britlsh Prime Minister, at the Peace Treaty
Conference In 1919, asked about the three milllon Sudeten Germans.
lleneš promlsed most solemnly that Czechoslovakia would be organlzed
on t he Swiss model, thus glvlng autonomy to each national group.
Hardly was the treaty signed than Czech s oldiers were ordered to
shoot at Sudeten Germans who demanded autonomy. Slovakla was in•
corporated lnto Czechoslovakla on the basls of a most solemn promise that it should be a federal state with full Slovakian autonomy,
and when the Slovakian leaders asked for the fulflllment of tlils
promlse they were imprlsoned for hlgh treason.
At the Conference at Genoa, in 1922, Beneš swore eternal fidelity
to his French and British benefactora and, behind their backs, and
without the knowledge of the Czechoalovakian Government, concluded

�SLOVAKU

66

a Treaty with the Ruaalan Bol1hevlk1. H 11 fame abroad waa based
on money he paid out from the fund1 of the Czechoslov aklan Forelgn
Mini1try to foreign journallats who made propaganda for hi1 per1on.
When the German Nazl1 occupied Prague, the archlvea of the Czechoslovaklan Forelgn Miniatry fe ll lnto their handa. They publlahed a
book contain ing a list of Frenc h, British and American per1onallt le1,
who were paid by Benei durlng Czechoslov akia' a twenty year1' exlatence; and photocopiea of the recelpt1 slgned by theae people were alao
publlahed - for Beneš never gave away a penny without demandlng a
receipt, thus keeplng hla foreign agenta to hee l. The Brltiah Fore ign
Office certain ly has a copy of thl1 book, and so ha■ the State Department in Wa1hington .
Beneš proclalmed hlmself Czechoslov aklan Presldent In 1940, and
unfortunate ly recelved the support ot some prominent Brltish people.
In order to secure for hlmself t be asslstance ot the Russian Bolsbevlks he rendered tbem lnvaluable servlces durlng tbe war. lt waa he
who, In 1939, auggested to Roo1evelt the Idea that Stalln wished to
democratiz e hla regime. He brought and introduced into France, Great
Britaln, and the U. S. the large1t Bolshevik F lfth Column, dl1gul1ed
as "democrati c Czechoalov aklan refugees."
The present Czechoslov akian Minister ot tbe lnterlor, Nosek, was
durlng the war counsellor to tbe Beneš Governmen t In London and
was paid trom tbe pockets of Brltlsb taxpayers to tbe tune of 70
pounds Sterllng a month, tax free. The present ch,ef of the Bolshevlk mllitary e1pionage again1t Britain, General Laatovicka, was in
the . B. B. C. durlng the war. Also here were Belheller, Slan1ky, Sllnck,
and a hundred other Bol1hevik agenta, all dl1guised a■ Czechoalov akia n democrata, and all pald by the Briti1h taxpayer.
AII the Czecbs and Slovaks bere wbo were an obstacle to thls
great fraud of Beneš and bis followers were falsely denounced as proNazl and, wltbout investlgatlo n, were lmprlsoned by tbe Britlsh police.
The followers ot Beneš are now organlzed In the so-called
Councll of Free Czechoslov akla, whose headquarte rs ls In Washington, Czechs, who know thls soclety and, therf'fore, do not wisb to have
anythlng to do wlth it, are organlzed In the Czech Natlonal CommlttE&gt;e
in London. In the retugee camp at Murnau, Bavarla (U. S. Zone}.
tbere are some adherents or Benei!; the remalnder of the refugees are
adberents of the Czeoh Natlonal Comm.ittee . In one year, the Beneš
.1dherent.s made 241 denunciatio n1 to the U. S. authorltie1 agalnst
thelr opponenta. The U. S. authoritie1 lnve1tlgate d all the1e denunciatlon1 and they all proved to be false. The U. S. authorltles know
the adherents of tbe Councll of Free Czechoslov akla pretty well by
now, and they are fed up wltb them, desplte the protectlon accorded
them by certaln personalltl es In tbe U. S.
But, unrortunate ly, lt 1s not necessary to go as far as Oermany
or the U. S. to experlenre the worklngs or the new "dJplomacy by
denunclatlo n." I could draw upon my own experlence s to prove lt.
'ľbe Brltlsb securlty servlres a.ppear to be poUUcal\y uneducated
however errtclent they may be In other respects and, as long
as tbls 1s llO, our King of Fraud or, at \east, bis Trojan Horee, tbe
Fren Czechos lovaklan Flfth Column. wlll contlnue to graze unharmerl
In our mld.c;t. - (The Czec h "Pravda," London, January 1951 ).

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                  <text>&lt;ul&gt;&lt;li&gt;Issue 1 (No. 3), March 1952.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Issue 2 (No. 4), August 1952.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Issue 3 (No. 5), December 1952.&lt;/li&gt;
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              <text>SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
63&#13;
&#13;
BENEš: KING OF POUTICAL CHEATS&#13;
At the meeting of the Czech-Sudeten German Federal Commlttee&#13;
at Bonn, last December, General Prchala, chairman of the Czech Natlonal Commlttee in London, declared that he considered the expu\sion of Sudeten Germans from their motherland as tbe darkest cbapter in Czecb bistory.&#13;
It wa.s a dark cbapter, a crime equalled only by H itler's attempt&#13;
to exterminate the J ews. About half a million Sudeten Germans lost&#13;
tbeir lives. T he Czech R evolutionary Guards, composed of youngsters&#13;
whose parents were lmprlsoned or executed by the Gestapo durlng the&#13;
war, e mployed a thoroughly Nazi brutality against the Sudeten Germans. These wlld youngsters were glven a free hand by t he Bene/:í&#13;
Government in Prague. They committed such atroclties, mostly on&#13;
innocent people, that lt is disgustlng even to write about lt.&#13;
It was beyond understanding h ow the Brltlsh and U. S . Governm ents, whlch were responsible for the existence of the s o-called&#13;
Czechoslovakian exiled Government, could give their approval to the&#13;
tarbarous expulslon of Sudeten Germans, who in 1918 b ecame Czechoslovaklan citizens against their will.&#13;
A young Czech student of history, Mr. S. Brzobohaty, took the&#13;
trouble to flnd out why and when tbe Western Allies gave thelr cousent to such barb arity. And he discover ed that it neve r happened.&#13;
The story of this political fraud is as follows:&#13;
In 1942, Mr. Beneš, who was personally a very revengeful man&#13;
and believed that the Sudeten Germans were tbe principal reason of&#13;
his misfortune wbich deprived him of the Presidency of Czechoslo•&#13;
vakia, asked the Britlsh Forelgn Offlce to approve his pian to expel&#13;
Germa n Nazis from Czechoslovakia a fter the war. The British Forelgn&#13;
Office had nothing against th e expulslon of German Nazis trom Czechoslovak ia.&#13;
Th en Beneš vlsited the Soviet Russian Ambassador to the Czechoslovakian exiled Government and asked h!m for permisslon to expe\&#13;
Germans from Czechoslovakia, and informed him that the B r ltish had&#13;
agreed to it. Bogomilov informed bis Government in Moscow but the&#13;
Russ!an Bolsh eviks refused to agree with the Beneš pian, for at that&#13;
Ume they stm believed that there migbt be some posslbllity of a&#13;
separate peace with Ger many, and tberefore they did not wlsb to provoke the Germans too much.&#13;
In June 1943, Beneš left for Washington, wbere he had a 30&#13;
mlnute talk with President Roosevelt. H e asked bim for permission&#13;
to expel Germans frrm Czechoslovakia, an d assured Roosevel t that&#13;
t he Bri t i sh and Ru ssians h ad g iven t heir f ull consent t o the pian.&#13;
&#13;
Roosevelt answered that he would not oppose a pian approved by bis&#13;
allies.&#13;
Then Beneš returned to London, called aga!n on Bogomllov, and&#13;
informed bim that the British and U. S. Governments had given thei r&#13;
c onsent t o the expu lsion of Germans, and that on l y the Russi ans wer e&#13;
opposi ng i t . Bogomilov agaln !nformed his Government in Moscow.&#13;
&#13;
In the meantime the German military sltuation had worsened, so tbat&#13;
Moscow hoped for complete vlctory In Europe. And because London&#13;
&#13;
54&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
and Washington took the responsibllity for the expulsion of Sudeten&#13;
Germans, Moscow also gave its consent.&#13;
But later, polltical experts in the U. S. State Department came&#13;
aero.ss the Beneš pian and dlsa.g reed. In the material which Stettinius&#13;
prepared for Roosevelt for Yalta, it was expressly etated that no expulsion of national groups should be permitted. Yalta, however, ended In&#13;
d lscord, and thls question never came up on the program. The a sser•&#13;
tlon of Beneš -and hls followers now organlzed in the so·called&#13;
Councll ot Free Czecho.slovakla in Washington that thelr allles&#13;
a pproved the expuls ion of Sudeten Germans 1s nothing but a colossal&#13;
polltlcal fraud.&#13;
Thle was not the firet political fraud perpetrated by Benei. His&#13;
whole political career wae based upon lies and frauds. Czechoslovakia&#13;
itself was brought into exilltence by a political fraud. The Czechs&#13;
never wanted an independent state, having fought for a century for a&#13;
reorganization of the Hapsburg Monarchy into a federal state of nations. Masaryk and Beneš had no followers for their adventure in the&#13;
First World War, at leaat not among Czechs. AII the Czech politic.il&#13;
partie&amp; and legally elected representatives of the Czech nation, durlng&#13;
the war, formed the Czech National Committee in Prague, which alone&#13;
had the right to 11peak in the name of the Czech nation. On the 14th&#13;
of January, 1917, this Committee iasued a declaration, condemning the&#13;
war, and Masaryk's adventure abroad, and advocating the autonomous existence of the Czech nation within the Hapsburg Monarchy.&#13;
After the flrst war, In 1925, Beneš publlshed hls book, "T,he World&#13;
War and Our Revolutlon," in whlch he remarked concerning this&#13;
declaration of .the representatlves of the Czech nation: "The rejection&#13;
of our policy was solemn, without any reaervation, and de.::isive." lt&#13;
really was so, because the Czechs did not wish to have anything to do&#13;
with Masaryk and Beneš. But Mr. Beneš managed it otherwlse. On&#13;
page 449 of the same book Beneš says: "Although this declaration&#13;
rejected our policy, we managed to explain it in our favor to the&#13;
public in the ENTENTE. We suppressed the passage about autonon,y&#13;
within the framework of the Hapsburg Monarchy, publishing and emphasizing the paasages again11t the war and for the right of the independent existence of the Czech nation."&#13;
Thls Ie what Beneš stated himself publicly about his politlcal&#13;
methods. H e was a po\it!cal cheat and he was proud to be a polltlcal&#13;
cheat. He possessed boundless arrogance in lylng and was tlreless&#13;
in cheatlng. When the Britlsh Prime Minister, at the Peace Treaty&#13;
Conference In 1919, asked about the three milllon Sudeten Germans.&#13;
lleneš promlsed most solemnly that Czechoslovakia would be organlzed&#13;
on t he Swiss model, thus glvlng autonomy to each national group.&#13;
Hardly was the treaty signed than Czech s oldiers were ordered to&#13;
shoot at Sudeten Germans who demanded autonomy. Slovakla was in•&#13;
corporated lnto Czechoslovakla on the basls of a most solemn promise that it should be a federal state with full Slovakian autonomy,&#13;
and when the Slovakian leaders asked for the fulflllment of tlils&#13;
promlse they were imprlsoned for hlgh treason.&#13;
At the Conference at Genoa, in 1922, Beneš swore eternal fidelity&#13;
to his French and British benefactora and, behind their backs, and&#13;
without the knowledge of the Czechoalovakian Government, concluded&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKU&#13;
&#13;
66&#13;
&#13;
a Treaty with the Ruaalan Bol1hevlk1. H 11 fame abroad waa based&#13;
on money he paid out from the fund1 of the Czechoslov aklan Forelgn&#13;
Mini1try to foreign journallats who made propaganda for hi1 per1on.&#13;
When the German Nazl1 occupied Prague, the archlvea of the Czechoslovaklan Forelgn Miniatry fe ll lnto their handa. They publlahed a&#13;
book contain ing a list of Frenc h, British and American per1onallt le1,&#13;
who were paid by Benei durlng Czechoslov akia' a twenty year1' exlatence; and photocopiea of the recelpt1 slgned by theae people were alao&#13;
publlahed - for Beneš never gave away a penny without demandlng a&#13;
receipt, thus keeplng hla foreign agenta to hee l. The Brltiah Fore ign&#13;
Office certain ly has a copy of thl1 book, and so ha■ the State Department in Wa1hington .&#13;
Beneš proclalmed hlmself Czechoslov aklan Presldent In 1940, and&#13;
unfortunate ly recelved the support ot some prominent Brltish people.&#13;
In order to secure for hlmself t be asslstance ot the Russian Bolsbevlks he rendered tbem lnvaluable servlces durlng tbe war. lt waa he&#13;
who, In 1939, auggested to Roo1evelt the Idea that Stalln wished to&#13;
democratiz e hla regime. He brought and introduced into France, Great&#13;
Britaln, and the U. S. the large1t Bolshevik F lfth Column, dl1gul1ed&#13;
as "democrati c Czechoalov aklan refugees."&#13;
The present Czechoslov akian Minister ot tbe lnterlor, Nosek, was&#13;
durlng the war counsellor to tbe Beneš Governmen t In London and&#13;
was paid trom tbe pockets of Brltlsb taxpayers to tbe tune of 70&#13;
pounds Sterllng a month, tax free. The present ch,ef of the Bolshevlk mllitary e1pionage again1t Britain, General Laatovicka, was in&#13;
the . B. B. C. durlng the war. Also here were Belheller, Slan1ky, Sllnck,&#13;
and a hundred other Bol1hevik agenta, all dl1guised a■ Czechoalov akia n democrata, and all pald by the Briti1h taxpayer.&#13;
AII the Czecbs and Slovaks bere wbo were an obstacle to thls&#13;
great fraud of Beneš and bis followers were falsely denounced as proNazl and, wltbout investlgatlo n, were lmprlsoned by tbe Britlsh police.&#13;
The followers ot Beneš are now organlzed In the so-called&#13;
Councll of Free Czechoslov akla, whose headquarte rs ls In Washington, Czechs, who know thls soclety and, therf'fore, do not wisb to have&#13;
anythlng to do wlth it, are organlzed In the Czech Natlonal CommlttE&gt;e&#13;
in London. In the retugee camp at Murnau, Bavarla (U. S. Zone}.&#13;
tbere are some adherents or Benei!; the remalnder of the refugees are&#13;
adberents of the Czeoh Natlonal Comm.ittee . In one year, the Beneš&#13;
.1dherent.s made 241 denunciatio n1 to the U. S. authorltie1 agalnst&#13;
thelr opponenta. The U. S. authoritie1 lnve1tlgate d all the1e denunciatlon1 and they all proved to be false. The U. S. authorltles know&#13;
the adherents of tbe Councll of Free Czechoslov akla pretty well by&#13;
now, and they are fed up wltb them, desplte the protectlon accorded&#13;
them by certaln personalltl es In tbe U. S.&#13;
But, unrortunate ly, lt 1s not necessary to go as far as Oermany&#13;
or the U. S. to experlenre the worklngs or the new "dJplomacy by&#13;
denunclatlo n." I could draw upon my own experlence s to prove lt.&#13;
'ľbe Brltlsb securlty servlres a.ppear to be poUUcal\y uneducated&#13;
however errtclent they may be In other respects and, as long&#13;
as tbls 1s llO, our King of Fraud or, at \east, bis Trojan Horee, tbe&#13;
Fren Czechos lovaklan Flfth Column. wlll contlnue to graze unharmerl&#13;
In our mld.c;t. - (The Czec h "Pravda," London, January 1951 ).&#13;
&#13;
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                    <text>SLOVAKIA

45

DR. JOSF..PH TISO

Priest, Teacher, President and National Hero of the
Slovak Nation
Dr. Joseph Tiso, war-time president of the Slovak Republic, was
born October l3, 1887, in Veľká Bytča, Slovakia. After completing
bis elementary training, he studied !n Zilina and Nitra, then completed bis theological studles in Vlenna. He was ordained priest in
1910 and a year later attalned the rlegree of Doctor of Theology.
Fa.ther Tiso served as chaplain in Oščadnica, Rajec, and Bánovce.
In 1914 he served in the army as field chaplain and in 1915 was
i.amed spir.itual director of the seminary at Nitra and professor or
religion at the college and high school there. In 1918 he was appoint·
ed professor or theology. In 1921, he was honored by the Holy Father
with the title of Monslgnor; this was a first in Slovak history.
Msgr. Joseph Tiso was very active as an organizer· and writer. He
was imprisoned twice by the government for "anti-state" activities,
the general term for anything that did not coinclde wlth the political ideology of the government. While incarcerated Dr. Tlso translated several apologetic works· into Slovak. Father Tiso was truly
a man of his people and for bis people. He strained every effort to
elevate them spiritually and m?,terially.
In 1924 Dr. Jaseph Tiso hecame pastor of the church at Bánovce
and served the spiritual and temporal needs of the people there until
he was imprisoned in 1945. As a member of Hlinka's People's Party,
he wa.s elected to parliament in 1925 and in 1927 was appointed Min•
ister of_ Hep.lt}I and · Physical Culture by the Masaryk ~eglme.
Dr. T,iso was . instrumental In electing Dr. Beneš president of
Czecho-Slovakia in 1935. The Slovaks had about enough of the Masa•
ryk aind Beneš regimes at that time, but Dr. Tlso used bis oratorical
skill to persuade -the .. lJlinka members of parliament to vole for bim.
Without the 30 votes of the H linka People's Party Dr. Beneš never
would have been elected
Presldent.
.
.
Dr. · 'ľlso. _vjsíted America .Qnly once; tb.at was in 1937 when he
came as a member of a delegattori of the Society of St. Adalbert, Slo·
vakia's greatest Catholic publishlng house.
·
When Slovakia was granteď autonomy on October 6, 1938, the
Frague government named Dr. Tlso president of the autonomous
Slovak government. The follov.ing year. when Czechoslovakla collapsed completely, the Slovak parliament declared the lndependence
of Slovakia on March 14. T he parliament elected Dr. .Ťoseph T iso
presidénľ of the independent Slovak Republic on October -26. 1939.
Under Tiso's guldance Slovakia fared quite well even during the
years. He saved wbatever he could for bis natlon. Even bis political enemles admit that. Wben tbe wlld Red armles were rushlng
toward Bratislava, Dr. Joseph TJso and the Slovak Government with·
rlrew to Kremsmiinster, Austria, where they formally surrendered to
the U. S. Army. Al the insistence of the provisional Czecho-Slovak
,1ľar

�46

SLOVAKIA

government, the U. S. Department of State ordered the U. S. Army
authorities in Austria to surrender Tlso and his group to the CzechoSlovak War Crimes Commlsslon. In November 1945 Dr. Tlso and
members of the Slovak government were delivered to Czecho-Slovak
authorities as war criminals, though their status was never lnvesti·
gated by the U. S. authorities.
From Pra.g ue Dr. Tiso and several of hls group were sent to Bra•
tislava to stand tria! before the Natlonal Court The tria! began December 2, 1946, and ended March 14, 1947. Sentence was pronounced
by the Court on Aplil 15, and Father Tiso, reciting the rosary out
loud, was Jed to the gallows at 5: 30 a. m. on April 19, 1947; he was
pronounced dead seven mlnutes Jater. SJovaks the world over agree
wlth Father Tiso's aged mother: Dr. Tlso died a martyr for the cause
of his people and his Church.

•

•

•

;}IJHIIIIIIIIUll ttlllUlltltllll l lllllllll llllllllllllllllllllllllUIIIHIUII IIIIIIIIIIIIUI IIIUhl lllllll llllUOttlllflllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllflllllHIIIHIIIUIIIIIIIIIUI UIUIUtl.

PRESIDENT TISO'S LAST MESSAGE TO
ms PEOPLE
" In the spirit of the sacrlfice I am about. to make, 1 aend thl•
message to the Slovak natlon :
" In harmony and un lson pursue alway,, everywhere and In
every respect the great principle: FOR GOD AND F-OR THE
NATION.

I===
_

::}f;:~~i'.:I~~~.:~;: : : ~.:=;:~•::~~:::;.:~:

I===_

"That precept I have ,erved all my llfe and, therefore, 1
'=-

!=

1
1
~

;:;ľi:he;t ~y:f afi:,.:;,. a~~

:h::~:n::

:o:~,.::~~n~:co::~:~,!
bolshevism, against which our nation must in all ponlble way,

:::•::..:&lt;;:•~;::,:~:: :,:~• ,:~:;::

of 1t, Chri,tlan

cha~oto•,

'=-

1

"A• 1 beg you to remember me In your praye,.., so do I pro.

_

Br atislava, April 18 , 1947, 3 a. m.

1

~~:~_0[;:t:f:;: : i~}~~};,~f!J~:;.:.1;.:-t: 1
DR. JOSEPH TISO.

~

(ltl1111111UIIIIIHU lllllllllltlllUIIIIIIUUIIIIIIIUIIIIIIIIUIIIIINUlllllUlMIIIUIIIIIIIIUIIUIIIIIUHI IIIIIIUll111111111111111111UUl'11WIIIIIIIUIIHUIUlfUUIHIIIIIHfUl l~

�</text>
                  </elementText>
                  <elementText elementTextId="655">
                    <text>SLOVAKIA

45

DR. JOSF..PH TISO

Priest, Teacher, President and National Hero of the
Slovak Nation
Dr. Joseph Tiso, war-time president of the Slovak Republic, was
born October l3, 1887, in Veľká Bytča, Slovakia. After completing
bis elementary training, he studied !n Zilina and Nitra, then completed bis theological studles in Vlenna. He was ordained priest in
1910 and a year later attalned the rlegree of Doctor of Theology.
Fa.ther Tiso served as chaplain in Oščadnica, Rajec, and Bánovce.
In 1914 he served in the army as field chaplain and in 1915 was
i.amed spir.itual director of the seminary at Nitra and professor or
religion at the college and high school there. In 1918 he was appoint·
ed professor or theology. In 1921, he was honored by the Holy Father
with the title of Monslgnor; this was a first in Slovak history.
Msgr. Joseph Tiso was very active as an organizer· and writer. He
was imprisoned twice by the government for "anti-state" activities,
the general term for anything that did not coinclde wlth the political ideology of the government. While incarcerated Dr. Tlso translated several apologetic works· into Slovak. Father Tiso was truly
a man of his people and for bis people. He strained every effort to
elevate them spiritually and m?,terially.
In 1924 Dr. Jaseph Tiso hecame pastor of the church at Bánovce
and served the spiritual and temporal needs of the people there until
he was imprisoned in 1945. As a member of Hlinka's People's Party,
he wa.s elected to parliament in 1925 and in 1927 was appointed Min•
ister of_ Hep.lt}I and · Physical Culture by the Masaryk ~eglme.
Dr. T,iso was . instrumental In electing Dr. Beneš president of
Czecho-Slovakia in 1935. The Slovaks had about enough of the Masa•
ryk aind Beneš regimes at that time, but Dr. Tlso used bis oratorical
skill to persuade -the .. lJlinka members of parliament to vole for bim.
Without the 30 votes of the H linka People's Party Dr. Beneš never
would have been elected
Presldent.
.
.
Dr. · 'ľlso. _vjsíted America .Qnly once; tb.at was in 1937 when he
came as a member of a delegattori of the Society of St. Adalbert, Slo·
vakia's greatest Catholic publishlng house.
·
When Slovakia was granteď autonomy on October 6, 1938, the
Frague government named Dr. Tlso president of the autonomous
Slovak government. The follov.ing year. when Czechoslovakla collapsed completely, the Slovak parliament declared the lndependence
of Slovakia on March 14. T he parliament elected Dr. .Ťoseph T iso
presidénľ of the independent Slovak Republic on October -26. 1939.
Under Tiso's guldance Slovakia fared quite well even during the
years. He saved wbatever he could for bis natlon. Even bis political enemles admit that. Wben tbe wlld Red armles were rushlng
toward Bratislava, Dr. Joseph TJso and the Slovak Government with·
rlrew to Kremsmiinster, Austria, where they formally surrendered to
the U. S. Army. Al the insistence of the provisional Czecho-Slovak
,1ľar

�46

SLOVAKIA

government, the U. S. Department of State ordered the U. S. Army
authorities in Austria to surrender Tlso and his group to the CzechoSlovak War Crimes Commlsslon. In November 1945 Dr. Tlso and
members of the Slovak government were delivered to Czecho-Slovak
authorities as war criminals, though their status was never lnvesti·
gated by the U. S. authorities.
From Pra.g ue Dr. Tiso and several of hls group were sent to Bra•
tislava to stand tria! before the Natlonal Court The tria! began December 2, 1946, and ended March 14, 1947. Sentence was pronounced
by the Court on Aplil 15, and Father Tiso, reciting the rosary out
loud, was Jed to the gallows at 5: 30 a. m. on April 19, 1947; he was
pronounced dead seven mlnutes Jater. SJovaks the world over agree
wlth Father Tiso's aged mother: Dr. Tlso died a martyr for the cause
of his people and his Church.

•

•

•

;}IJHIIIIIIIIUll ttlllUlltltllll l lllllllll llllllllllllllllllllllllUIIIHIUII IIIIIIIIIIIIUI IIIUhl lllllll llllUOttlllflllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllflllllHIIIHIIIUIIIIIIIIIUI UIUIUtl.

PRESIDENT TISO'S LAST MESSAGE TO
ms PEOPLE
" In the spirit of the sacrlfice I am about. to make, 1 aend thl•
message to the Slovak natlon :
" In harmony and un lson pursue alway,, everywhere and In
every respect the great principle: FOR GOD AND F-OR THE
NATION.

I===
_

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"That precept I have ,erved all my llfe and, therefore, 1
'=-

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1
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~

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bolshevism, against which our nation must in all ponlble way,

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of 1t, Chri,tlan

cha~oto•,

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1

"A• 1 beg you to remember me In your praye,.., so do I pro.

_

Br atislava, April 18 , 1947, 3 a. m.

1

~~:~_0[;:t:f:;: : i~}~~};,~f!J~:;.:.1;.:-t: 1
DR. JOSEPH TISO.

~

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                  <text>&lt;ul&gt;&lt;li&gt;Issue 1 (No. 3), March 1952.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Issue 2 (No. 4), August 1952.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Issue 3 (No. 5), December 1952.&lt;/li&gt;
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              <text>SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
45&#13;
&#13;
DR. JOSF..PH TISO&#13;
&#13;
Priest, Teacher, President and National Hero of the&#13;
Slovak Nation&#13;
Dr. Joseph Tiso, war-time president of the Slovak Republic, was&#13;
born October l3, 1887, in Veľká Bytča, Slovakia. After completing&#13;
bis elementary training, he studied !n Zilina and Nitra, then completed bis theological studles in Vlenna. He was ordained priest in&#13;
1910 and a year later attalned the rlegree of Doctor of Theology.&#13;
Fa.ther Tiso served as chaplain in Oščadnica, Rajec, and Bánovce.&#13;
In 1914 he served in the army as field chaplain and in 1915 was&#13;
i.amed spir.itual director of the seminary at Nitra and professor or&#13;
religion at the college and high school there. In 1918 he was appoint·&#13;
ed professor or theology. In 1921, he was honored by the Holy Father&#13;
with the title of Monslgnor; this was a first in Slovak history.&#13;
Msgr. Joseph Tiso was very active as an organizer· and writer. He&#13;
was imprisoned twice by the government for "anti-state" activities,&#13;
the general term for anything that did not coinclde wlth the political ideology of the government. While incarcerated Dr. Tlso translated several apologetic works· into Slovak. Father Tiso was truly&#13;
a man of his people and for bis people. He strained every effort to&#13;
elevate them spiritually and m?,terially.&#13;
In 1924 Dr. Jaseph Tiso hecame pastor of the church at Bánovce&#13;
and served the spiritual and temporal needs of the people there until&#13;
he was imprisoned in 1945. As a member of Hlinka's People's Party,&#13;
he wa.s elected to parliament in 1925 and in 1927 was appointed Min•&#13;
ister of_ Hep.lt}I and · Physical Culture by the Masaryk ~eglme.&#13;
Dr. T,iso was . instrumental In electing Dr. Beneš president of&#13;
Czecho-Slovakia in 1935. The Slovaks had about enough of the Masa•&#13;
ryk aind Beneš regimes at that time, but Dr. Tlso used bis oratorical&#13;
skill to persuade -the .. lJlinka members of parliament to vole for bim.&#13;
Without the 30 votes of the H linka People's Party Dr. Beneš never&#13;
would have been elected&#13;
Presldent.&#13;
.&#13;
.&#13;
Dr. · 'ľlso. _vjsíted America .Qnly once; tb.at was in 1937 when he&#13;
came as a member of a delegattori of the Society of St. Adalbert, Slo·&#13;
vakia's greatest Catholic publishlng house.&#13;
·&#13;
When Slovakia was granteď autonomy on October 6, 1938, the&#13;
Frague government named Dr. Tlso president of the autonomous&#13;
Slovak government. The follov.ing year. when Czechoslovakla collapsed completely, the Slovak parliament declared the lndependence&#13;
of Slovakia on March 14. T he parliament elected Dr. .Ťoseph T iso&#13;
presidénľ of the independent Slovak Republic on October -26. 1939.&#13;
Under Tiso's guldance Slovakia fared quite well even during the&#13;
years. He saved wbatever he could for bis natlon. Even bis political enemles admit that. Wben tbe wlld Red armles were rushlng&#13;
toward Bratislava, Dr. Joseph TJso and the Slovak Government with·&#13;
rlrew to Kremsmiinster, Austria, where they formally surrendered to&#13;
the U. S. Army. Al the insistence of the provisional Czecho-Slovak&#13;
,1ľar&#13;
&#13;
46&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
government, the U. S. Department of State ordered the U. S. Army&#13;
authorities in Austria to surrender Tlso and his group to the CzechoSlovak War Crimes Commlsslon. In November 1945 Dr. Tlso and&#13;
members of the Slovak government were delivered to Czecho-Slovak&#13;
authorities as war criminals, though their status was never lnvesti·&#13;
gated by the U. S. authorities.&#13;
From Pra.g ue Dr. Tiso and several of hls group were sent to Bra•&#13;
tislava to stand tria! before the Natlonal Court The tria! began December 2, 1946, and ended March 14, 1947. Sentence was pronounced&#13;
by the Court on Aplil 15, and Father Tiso, reciting the rosary out&#13;
loud, was Jed to the gallows at 5: 30 a. m. on April 19, 1947; he was&#13;
pronounced dead seven mlnutes Jater. SJovaks the world over agree&#13;
wlth Father Tiso's aged mother: Dr. Tlso died a martyr for the cause&#13;
of his people and his Church.&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
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                <text>Slovakia, Vol. 2, No. 1 (3), March 1952&#13;
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                    <text>SLOVAKIA

23

CASTLES OF SLOVAKIA

ORAVA
The Orava Castle, one o! the most beautiful in Slovakla, nestles
some 360 feet a bove the Orava River. The stronghold ls made up or
three parts, bullt at different ti mes: the lower, centra), and upper.
The centra) portlon is the oldest. Thls castle wa.,; royal property as
early as 1010, and lts foundation goes back to the pagan perlod of
Slovakia. lt is recorded that tbe castle sent aid to Trenčín In 1069,
wben tbe Czeebs attacked the city, and t hat it was a safe refuge for
tbe people in 1241, when the barbaric Tatars invaded Hungary.
If you would enter the lower courtyard, you must pass througb a
gate and a tower. On the gate you (Ind the inscription, "I. Z. C. 1543"
and two beautlful escutcheons: one of George Thurzo and the other
of Francis Zichy. Inside tbe lower courtyard are the residences of
officers, tbe record room, a well, and a chapel. Members of tbe Thurzo
and Tokoly families, as well as those of other notables, are buried
witbin the cbapel walls. As you pass on, you pause before a beautlful stairease to vlew the two sculptured lions on columns stationed at
the foot of the stalrs. You ascend the stairs, pass through a heavy gate,
and enter the oldest part of the Orava Castle, tbe courtyard and the
castle proper.
In the courtyard is a well which flows lnto the Orava river b eneatb the Castle. To the rlght of the welI is a cave, within which, a
Iegend says, Peter Varday, Archblshop of Kaloča, was imprlsoned in
l 484, because he spoke too freely against higher taxes. Then you
enter the castle, which was once occupled by the Thurzo family, and
find the portraits of al-1 the administrators of Orava, trom George
Thurzo down to Zichy. Odd, worn stairs In the wall and ladders take
you to a long narrow bridge, wbich extends to the entrance of the
upper. castle. This courtyard is quite small compared to the others. The
chapel !s the highest point of this castle. Beneatb this are small narrow
rooms or cells in wblch, the Oravans telI you, "the Red Monks once llved."
The castle has passed through many hands. Records show that
Peter Balaša, administrator of Hont, occupied it in 1267. The dauntless Matúš Čák - "the mightly lord of the Vah and the Tatras" became the owner in 1298, and some time Iater a man named Donč.
In 1320 the King exchanged two other castles for Orava. Lambert
became the .admlnlstrator in 1322, and Hypolytus, Count of Kremnica,
succeeded bim in 1335. During the relgn of Louis (1342-1382), Stephen
Katy (135(&gt;), Dletricb Bebek (1379), Vladlslaus and Jobn Kakas (1380),
and Count Nlcbolas (1382) were admlnistrators of Orava and occupled
the Castle. Louis was a Crequent visitor at the castle; it was bere that
he beld counsel wlth bis uncie Casimir, King of Poland. When Caslmir
dled in 1370, Louls succeeded bim as· regent ot Poland and passed
througb Orava many limes on bis way to Polnnd.
·
In 1398 King Zigmond gave the castle to Ctibor. who ruled over
Bečkov and several otber castles in tbe upper Váb territory. Wben
Ctibor dled in 1424, Zlgmond gave tbe castle to Nlcbolas and Andrew
Dalucký, over the protests of Ct!bor's daugbter. Catherine. Jlskra, the
Hussite, took the castle In 1440. Tbe Russian Duke, Peter Odrovaž,

�24

SLOVAKIA

was imprisoned in tbe castle by Jiskra in 1442. Peter Komorovský,
who held Likava besides flve otber strongholds, became adn'linistrator of Orava in 1449. Komorovský Jost all except Orava to Matblas
Corvin, ~ause he allied hlmself witb Prince Casimir of Poland, wbo
sougbt to unseat Mathias as Regent of Hungary. Mathias could not
take the stronghold by force; Komorovský sold it to bim for 8000
ducats In 1474. Komorovský left for Poland, but bis army, "tbe Black
Regiment," joined · up wltb King Mathlas. Jobn Corvi:n, who succeeded
bis father as regent, marrled into tbe Zápoľský family. After bis
death in 1505, the castle became the property of the Zápoľský family.
In 1526, the two Kostkas, Peter and Nicholas, Czecb noblemen,
defended it in tbe name of Zápoľský so well, that Katzianer, commander of King Ferdinanďs army and the man who practlcally wlped
out Trenčín in 1528, could not capture ít. S6metime later the Kostkas
made up with Ferdinand, who recognized their possessions (Lietava
and Strečno, received from Zrupoľský for valoai&gt;Je services rendered)
and gave Orava to the grandson of tbe Kostkas' sister, John of Dubová, in 15·34. The latter dled in 1545 without heirs and willed the
castle to Wenceslaus Sedlnlcký on the condition that the Kostkas
could have it on the payment of 9000 ducats, the sum expended in furnisblng the castle. Nicholas Kostka wanted tbe castle very mucb, but
did not bave the stipulated 9000 ducats. lt became bis, bowever,
ihdirectly some years later. Francis 'ľhurzo, adminlstrator of Nitra,
Celi in love witb Bal'bara Kostka, Nicbolas' daughter, and married ber
in 1554. Thurzo paid Sedlnický tbe requlred sum and became the next
owner of the castle. He built the lower part of the castle and the well
in tbe courtyard, furnlshed the rooms luxuriously, and planted fruit
trees in tbe vlcinlty. Hls wlfe dled about ten years Jater wltbout
bearing children, and Tburzo married Catherine Zrinský, who bore him
four sons and two daugbters. Thurzo wllled the castle to bis oldest '·s on
George when he died in 1576. Tbe Thurzo widow then married ·Emerich
l&lt;'orgáč.

George Tburzo became palatinate. In 1611 he prnnounced judgment
against "the Bloody Countess Bathory" of Čachtrce. He died in 1616
and left the castle to bis son Henry. The Jatter dled flve years later
and the Orava stronghold passed lnto the hands of Catherine Tôkôly,
a Tburzo by birth. The seventeenth century was packéd wlth ~~ouble
for tbe occupants of tbe castle, whlch passed into the hands of klngs,
rebel.s, and brigands. Emrlch Tôkôly fortified the castle ánd Caspar
Pika was at the head of tbe garrlson stationed there. Tbe castle
was taken In 1674 by generals Špork and Heister through tbe treacbery of the Polis)?. dlvislon of tbe garrison. Pika was pinned tó a pole
and the otber defendants were sfaughtered. Tôkčily's four-year-old son
and bis tutor got a.way with their llves. The rebels under Rákoczy
won tbe castle 1back in 1703, only to lose lt to tbe EmJ?eror's anny In 1711.
The Orava Ca.stle was dam~ed by fire May 18, 1800, but was
partlally rebuilt soon after. In tbe first quarter of the twentleth century Orava came into the possession of tbe Zichy famlly, who restored
it . to lts present cÓnditlon.
If limes ever get norma! again and you wlll be allowed ·to travel
t o Slovakla., v-isit Orava Castle and vlew the beautiful, enchanted Orava
valley trom tbe castle heights.

�</text>
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                    <text>SLOVAKIA

23

CASTLES OF SLOVAKIA

ORAVA
The Orava Castle, one o! the most beautiful in Slovakla, nestles
some 360 feet a bove the Orava River. The stronghold ls made up or
three parts, bullt at different ti mes: the lower, centra), and upper.
The centra) portlon is the oldest. Thls castle wa.,; royal property as
early as 1010, and lts foundation goes back to the pagan perlod of
Slovakia. lt is recorded that tbe castle sent aid to Trenčín In 1069,
wben tbe Czeebs attacked the city, and t hat it was a safe refuge for
tbe people in 1241, when the barbaric Tatars invaded Hungary.
If you would enter the lower courtyard, you must pass througb a
gate and a tower. On the gate you (Ind the inscription, "I. Z. C. 1543"
and two beautlful escutcheons: one of George Thurzo and the other
of Francis Zichy. Inside tbe lower courtyard are the residences of
officers, tbe record room, a well, and a chapel. Members of tbe Thurzo
and Tokoly families, as well as those of other notables, are buried
witbin the cbapel walls. As you pass on, you pause before a beautlful stairease to vlew the two sculptured lions on columns stationed at
the foot of the stalrs. You ascend the stairs, pass through a heavy gate,
and enter the oldest part of the Orava Castle, tbe courtyard and the
castle proper.
In the courtyard is a well which flows lnto the Orava river b eneatb the Castle. To the rlght of the welI is a cave, within which, a
Iegend says, Peter Varday, Archblshop of Kaloča, was imprlsoned in
l 484, because he spoke too freely against higher taxes. Then you
enter the castle, which was once occupled by the Thurzo family, and
find the portraits of al-1 the administrators of Orava, trom George
Thurzo down to Zichy. Odd, worn stairs In the wall and ladders take
you to a long narrow bridge, wbich extends to the entrance of the
upper. castle. This courtyard is quite small compared to the others. The
chapel !s the highest point of this castle. Beneatb this are small narrow
rooms or cells in wblch, the Oravans telI you, "the Red Monks once llved."
The castle has passed through many hands. Records show that
Peter Balaša, administrator of Hont, occupied it in 1267. The dauntless Matúš Čák - "the mightly lord of the Vah and the Tatras" became the owner in 1298, and some time Iater a man named Donč.
In 1320 the King exchanged two other castles for Orava. Lambert
became the .admlnlstrator in 1322, and Hypolytus, Count of Kremnica,
succeeded bim in 1335. During the relgn of Louis (1342-1382), Stephen
Katy (135(&gt;), Dletricb Bebek (1379), Vladlslaus and Jobn Kakas (1380),
and Count Nlcbolas (1382) were admlnistrators of Orava and occupled
the Castle. Louis was a Crequent visitor at the castle; it was bere that
he beld counsel wlth bis uncie Casimir, King of Poland. When Caslmir
dled in 1370, Louls succeeded bim as· regent ot Poland and passed
througb Orava many limes on bis way to Polnnd.
·
In 1398 King Zigmond gave the castle to Ctibor. who ruled over
Bečkov and several otber castles in tbe upper Váb territory. Wben
Ctibor dled in 1424, Zlgmond gave tbe castle to Nlcbolas and Andrew
Dalucký, over the protests of Ct!bor's daugbter. Catherine. Jlskra, the
Hussite, took the castle In 1440. Tbe Russian Duke, Peter Odrovaž,

�24

SLOVAKIA

was imprisoned in tbe castle by Jiskra in 1442. Peter Komorovský,
who held Likava besides flve otber strongholds, became adn'linistrator of Orava in 1449. Komorovský Jost all except Orava to Matblas
Corvin, ~ause he allied hlmself witb Prince Casimir of Poland, wbo
sougbt to unseat Mathias as Regent of Hungary. Mathias could not
take the stronghold by force; Komorovský sold it to bim for 8000
ducats In 1474. Komorovský left for Poland, but bis army, "tbe Black
Regiment," joined · up wltb King Mathlas. Jobn Corvi:n, who succeeded
bis father as regent, marrled into tbe Zápoľský family. After bis
death in 1505, the castle became the property of the Zápoľský family.
In 1526, the two Kostkas, Peter and Nicholas, Czecb noblemen,
defended it in tbe name of Zápoľský so well, that Katzianer, commander of King Ferdinanďs army and the man who practlcally wlped
out Trenčín in 1528, could not capture ít. S6metime later the Kostkas
made up with Ferdinand, who recognized their possessions (Lietava
and Strečno, received from Zrupoľský for valoai&gt;Je services rendered)
and gave Orava to the grandson of tbe Kostkas' sister, John of Dubová, in 15·34. The latter dled in 1545 without heirs and willed the
castle to Wenceslaus Sedlnlcký on the condition that the Kostkas
could have it on the payment of 9000 ducats, the sum expended in furnisblng the castle. Nicholas Kostka wanted tbe castle very mucb, but
did not bave the stipulated 9000 ducats. lt became bis, bowever,
ihdirectly some years later. Francis 'ľhurzo, adminlstrator of Nitra,
Celi in love witb Bal'bara Kostka, Nicbolas' daughter, and married ber
in 1554. Thurzo paid Sedlnický tbe requlred sum and became the next
owner of the castle. He built the lower part of the castle and the well
in tbe courtyard, furnlshed the rooms luxuriously, and planted fruit
trees in tbe vlcinlty. Hls wlfe dled about ten years Jater wltbout
bearing children, and Tburzo married Catherine Zrinský, who bore him
four sons and two daugbters. Thurzo wllled the castle to bis oldest '·s on
George when he died in 1576. Tbe Thurzo widow then married ·Emerich
l&lt;'orgáč.

George Tburzo became palatinate. In 1611 he prnnounced judgment
against "the Bloody Countess Bathory" of Čachtrce. He died in 1616
and left the castle to bis son Henry. The Jatter dled flve years later
and the Orava stronghold passed lnto the hands of Catherine Tôkôly,
a Tburzo by birth. The seventeenth century was packéd wlth ~~ouble
for tbe occupants of tbe castle, whlch passed into the hands of klngs,
rebel.s, and brigands. Emrlch Tôkôly fortified the castle ánd Caspar
Pika was at the head of tbe garrlson stationed there. Tbe castle
was taken In 1674 by generals Špork and Heister through tbe treacbery of the Polis)?. dlvislon of tbe garrison. Pika was pinned tó a pole
and the otber defendants were sfaughtered. Tôkčily's four-year-old son
and bis tutor got a.way with their llves. The rebels under Rákoczy
won tbe castle 1back in 1703, only to lose lt to tbe EmJ?eror's anny In 1711.
The Orava Ca.stle was dam~ed by fire May 18, 1800, but was
partlally rebuilt soon after. In tbe first quarter of the twentleth century Orava came into the possession of tbe Zichy famlly, who restored
it . to lts present cÓnditlon.
If limes ever get norma! again and you wlll be allowed ·to travel
t o Slovakla., v-isit Orava Castle and vlew the beautiful, enchanted Orava
valley trom tbe castle heights.

�</text>
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                  <text>&lt;ul&gt;&lt;li&gt;Issue 1 (No. 3), March 1952.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Issue 2 (No. 4), August 1952.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Issue 3 (No. 5), December 1952.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;/ul&gt;</text>
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              <text>SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
23&#13;
&#13;
CASTLES OF SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
ORAVA&#13;
The Orava Castle, one o! the most beautiful in Slovakla, nestles&#13;
some 360 feet a bove the Orava River. The stronghold ls made up or&#13;
three parts, bullt at different ti mes: the lower, centra), and upper.&#13;
The centra) portlon is the oldest. Thls castle wa.,; royal property as&#13;
early as 1010, and lts foundation goes back to the pagan perlod of&#13;
Slovakia. lt is recorded that tbe castle sent aid to Trenčín In 1069,&#13;
wben tbe Czeebs attacked the city, and t hat it was a safe refuge for&#13;
tbe people in 1241, when the barbaric Tatars invaded Hungary.&#13;
If you would enter the lower courtyard, you must pass througb a&#13;
gate and a tower. On the gate you (Ind the inscription, "I. Z. C. 1543"&#13;
and two beautlful escutcheons: one of George Thurzo and the other&#13;
of Francis Zichy. Inside tbe lower courtyard are the residences of&#13;
officers, tbe record room, a well, and a chapel. Members of tbe Thurzo&#13;
and Tokoly families, as well as those of other notables, are buried&#13;
witbin the cbapel walls. As you pass on, you pause before a beautlful stairease to vlew the two sculptured lions on columns stationed at&#13;
the foot of the stalrs. You ascend the stairs, pass through a heavy gate,&#13;
and enter the oldest part of the Orava Castle, tbe courtyard and the&#13;
castle proper.&#13;
In the courtyard is a well which flows lnto the Orava river b eneatb the Castle. To the rlght of the welI is a cave, within which, a&#13;
Iegend says, Peter Varday, Archblshop of Kaloča, was imprlsoned in&#13;
l 484, because he spoke too freely against higher taxes. Then you&#13;
enter the castle, which was once occupled by the Thurzo family, and&#13;
find the portraits of al-1 the administrators of Orava, trom George&#13;
Thurzo down to Zichy. Odd, worn stairs In the wall and ladders take&#13;
you to a long narrow bridge, wbich extends to the entrance of the&#13;
upper. castle. This courtyard is quite small compared to the others. The&#13;
chapel !s the highest point of this castle. Beneatb this are small narrow&#13;
rooms or cells in wblch, the Oravans telI you, "the Red Monks once llved."&#13;
The castle has passed through many hands. Records show that&#13;
Peter Balaša, administrator of Hont, occupied it in 1267. The dauntless Matúš Čák - "the mightly lord of the Vah and the Tatras" became the owner in 1298, and some time Iater a man named Donč.&#13;
In 1320 the King exchanged two other castles for Orava. Lambert&#13;
became the .admlnlstrator in 1322, and Hypolytus, Count of Kremnica,&#13;
succeeded bim in 1335. During the relgn of Louis (1342-1382), Stephen&#13;
Katy (135(&gt;), Dletricb Bebek (1379), Vladlslaus and Jobn Kakas (1380),&#13;
and Count Nlcbolas (1382) were admlnistrators of Orava and occupled&#13;
the Castle. Louis was a Crequent visitor at the castle; it was bere that&#13;
he beld counsel wlth bis uncie Casimir, King of Poland. When Caslmir&#13;
dled in 1370, Louls succeeded bim as· regent ot Poland and passed&#13;
througb Orava many limes on bis way to Polnnd.&#13;
·&#13;
In 1398 King Zigmond gave the castle to Ctibor. who ruled over&#13;
Bečkov and several otber castles in tbe upper Váb territory. Wben&#13;
Ctibor dled in 1424, Zlgmond gave tbe castle to Nlcbolas and Andrew&#13;
Dalucký, over the protests of Ct!bor's daugbter. Catherine. Jlskra, the&#13;
Hussite, took the castle In 1440. Tbe Russian Duke, Peter Odrovaž,&#13;
&#13;
24&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
was imprisoned in tbe castle by Jiskra in 1442. Peter Komorovský,&#13;
who held Likava besides flve otber strongholds, became adn'linistrator of Orava in 1449. Komorovský Jost all except Orava to Matblas&#13;
Corvin, ~ause he allied hlmself witb Prince Casimir of Poland, wbo&#13;
sougbt to unseat Mathias as Regent of Hungary. Mathias could not&#13;
take the stronghold by force; Komorovský sold it to bim for 8000&#13;
ducats In 1474. Komorovský left for Poland, but bis army, "tbe Black&#13;
Regiment," joined · up wltb King Mathlas. Jobn Corvi:n, who succeeded&#13;
bis father as regent, marrled into tbe Zápoľský family. After bis&#13;
death in 1505, the castle became the property of the Zápoľský family.&#13;
In 1526, the two Kostkas, Peter and Nicholas, Czecb noblemen,&#13;
defended it in tbe name of Zápoľský so well, that Katzianer, commander of King Ferdinanďs army and the man who practlcally wlped&#13;
out Trenčín in 1528, could not capture ít. S6metime later the Kostkas&#13;
made up with Ferdinand, who recognized their possessions (Lietava&#13;
and Strečno, received from Zrupoľský for valoai&gt;Je services rendered)&#13;
and gave Orava to the grandson of tbe Kostkas' sister, John of Dubová, in 15·34. The latter dled in 1545 without heirs and willed the&#13;
castle to Wenceslaus Sedlnlcký on the condition that the Kostkas&#13;
could have it on the payment of 9000 ducats, the sum expended in furnisblng the castle. Nicholas Kostka wanted tbe castle very mucb, but&#13;
did not bave the stipulated 9000 ducats. lt became bis, bowever,&#13;
ihdirectly some years later. Francis 'ľhurzo, adminlstrator of Nitra,&#13;
Celi in love witb Bal'bara Kostka, Nicbolas' daughter, and married ber&#13;
in 1554. Thurzo paid Sedlnický tbe requlred sum and became the next&#13;
owner of the castle. He built the lower part of the castle and the well&#13;
in tbe courtyard, furnlshed the rooms luxuriously, and planted fruit&#13;
trees in tbe vlcinlty. Hls wlfe dled about ten years Jater wltbout&#13;
bearing children, and Tburzo married Catherine Zrinský, who bore him&#13;
four sons and two daugbters. Thurzo wllled the castle to bis oldest '·s on&#13;
George when he died in 1576. Tbe Thurzo widow then married ·Emerich&#13;
l&lt;'orgáč.&#13;
&#13;
George Tburzo became palatinate. In 1611 he prnnounced judgment&#13;
against "the Bloody Countess Bathory" of Čachtrce. He died in 1616&#13;
and left the castle to bis son Henry. The Jatter dled flve years later&#13;
and the Orava stronghold passed lnto the hands of Catherine Tôkôly,&#13;
a Tburzo by birth. The seventeenth century was packéd wlth ~~ouble&#13;
for tbe occupants of tbe castle, whlch passed into the hands of klngs,&#13;
rebel.s, and brigands. Emrlch Tôkôly fortified the castle ánd Caspar&#13;
Pika was at the head of tbe garrlson stationed there. Tbe castle&#13;
was taken In 1674 by generals Špork and Heister through tbe treacbery of the Polis)?. dlvislon of tbe garrison. Pika was pinned tó a pole&#13;
and the otber defendants were sfaughtered. Tôkčily's four-year-old son&#13;
and bis tutor got a.way with their llves. The rebels under Rákoczy&#13;
won tbe castle 1back in 1703, only to lose lt to tbe EmJ?eror's anny In 1711.&#13;
The Orava Ca.stle was dam~ed by fire May 18, 1800, but was&#13;
partlally rebuilt soon after. In tbe first quarter of the twentleth century Orava came into the possession of tbe Zichy famlly, who restored&#13;
it . to lts present cÓnditlon.&#13;
If limes ever get norma! again and you wlll be allowed ·to travel&#13;
t o Slovakla., v-isit Orava Castle and vlew the beautiful, enchanted Orava&#13;
valley trom tbe castle heights.&#13;
&#13;
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                <text>Castles of Slovakia: Orava (The Orava Castle)</text>
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                <text>Slovakia, Vol. 2, No. 1 (3), March 1952&#13;
pp. 23-24</text>
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                <text>March 1952</text>
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                  <elementText elementTextId="680">
                    <text>SLOVA.KIA.

13

IN RETlROSPECT

TISO ON THE GALWWS
(From "EAST EUROPE," London, Apríl 30, 1947)
The Western Powers fought the war for a number of principles,
embodied in the Atlantic Charter, and not in order to enable one nation to dominate another. But in the post-war world, two tendencies
are at work. In the West, neither Great Britain, the U. S. A. nor any
other country look for territorial aggrandizement. Britain !s withdrawing from Egypt, Jraq, Trans-Jordanla, India and Burma; the
NUEA has recognized the independence of the Philippines, Denmark
that of Iceland, China. that of Korea, while France has accepted Syrian and Lebanese self-government. Thls process of decentralizatlon
c haracteristic of the Western Democracies, is in complete contrast to
the process of centralization which is going on in Soviet Russla and
her Zone of lnfluence. In the flrst place, Russia berself has increased
her territory by incorporating the Baltic States, Finnlsh Karelia,
Eastern Poland, Ruthenia, Bessarabla, and part of the Bukovina. On
behal! of tbe Georgian, Armenian and Azerba!jan Republics, she 1s
claiming Turklsh and Persian territory. Although wide cultural rights
are granted to the Soviet Republics, their administration is completely
centralized and dependent on Moscow.
Within the Sov.iet Zone, Russia is backing all the territorial claim~
of her satellites: of Poland, Czecho-Slovakia, Yugoslavia and Bulgaria.
The most recent effect of this was the failure of the Foreign Ministers
to agree on the Austrian Treaty, because Russia has ldentified herself with Yugoslav territorial demands on Austria. Czecho-Slovakla and
Yugoslavia have reestablished thelr rule over Slovakia and Croatia
respectlvely, both of which had been Independent between 1938 and
1945. These two trends form the background against which the Czech
and Slovak controversy within t he reestablished Republic must be
considered. lt illustrates the conflicts whic h the policy of centralization bas to overcome.
On April 18th a secret radio transmitter, calling itself "The Voice
of the Slovak Republic" broadcast a petition from the Slovak Action
Committee. "The Slovak Republic was not the result of external intervention. Its creation called for no foreign support, nor was the approval or consent of Germany .':!ought or deemed necessary. No one
can say, that, with the creation of the Slovak Republlc, the Germans
overran and occupied the Czech lands, for tbe two events bore no relation to eacb otber. . . . (A simllar point of view is taken in tbe
Soviet 'History of Diplomacy,' Vol. III, chapter 24, wbicb deals with
the Anschluss and the partitlon of Czecho-Slovakia, compiled by
Academician V. P. Potemkin, edition 1945. It holds Britain and France
respons!ble for the disintegration of Czecho-Slovakia in 1938. - Ed.)
The Slovak Republic was recognlzed by 27 Forelgn Powers in a very
s hort Ume. Among them, states that were bound by treaty agalnst
Germany - Poland, Brltaln, France, Yugoslavia, Belgium, Holland.
the U. S. S. R., and so on - and also by states which, as t he war
progressed, remalned neutra! Switzerland, the Vatlcan, Sweden.
Spain and others. The Slovak Republic was not recognizecl by the
U. S. A., but the reason for this may be found in propaganda directed

�14

SLOVAKIA

agalnst the Slovak Republic . . . . It !s unthinkable, therefore, that the
acts of the representatives o[ t he Slovak Repub lic should b e judged
by a court estaiblished by Czecho-Slovak!a, slnce Czecho-Slovak la is
n ot the ir countr y. . . . Slovak r epresen tatlves could no t have com•
mitted any acts of treason against the Czecho-Slovak Governm ent
since they d!d n ot recognize Czecho·Slovak la as th e State to wh ich
they belonged, or to which they owed allegiance. On the contrary,
they looked upon Ozecho-Slovakla ae a S tate lnto whlch th e Slovak
people had been propelled by foroo and dlplomatic lntrigue . .. . The
proceedings of the &lt;National Court in Bratislava against Preside nt T iso
and other representatives of the S lovak Republic were not designed
for the examlnation of war c rimes defined in Art ic le 6 of the Charter
of lnternational Military Tribunal. In the Bratislava tria! not only
were the persona of President Tiso and other Slovak representatives
involved but also the politlca l concept, the idea of a Slova k independent state, and the self-determination of the S lova k nation as such ....
Had Ru84ia become the protector of the Slovak state, under the presi•
dency of Tiso, there wou ld be no c harge of treason today against the
c hief of the Slovak Repub lic .... We c laim the reestab lis hment of a
democratic and Christia n Slova k Republic."
T hls broadca.!!t reveals the real confllct b etween Slovak and Czech
ideas. Accordlng to the Slovaks, Czecho-Slovak legal contln\tlty has
been lnterrupted, Independent Slovakia was a reality, and CzechoSlovak relations must be reestabllshed on a completely new basis.
Accordlng to t he Czechs , Czecho-Slovakla's Iegal continuity has been
s afeguarded, Iegally Independent Slovakla bas never exlsted, and lt
v.as a purely ephemeral creation. The Czechs pass over in silence the
fact that the third component of the 1918 'Republic, Car pathlan Ruthenia, was taken by Soviet Russia. On February 13, 1947, Presldent
Benes dotted the i's and crossed the ťs of the Czech attitude. Speaking of relations between th e Czechs and Slovaks, he said: "Archblshop
Dr. Kmetko said in the T lso !rial that the Slovaks would llke t o have
thelr own state but accept tbe Czecbo-Slovak Republlc .b ecause there
is no way of a chlevlng it. I reject such an argument categorlcally ; I
sball never accept it. We could not survlve anotber crlsls In CzechoSlovak reations. After such a crisis there would no longer be a Czecbo.
Slovak Repub llc, and Slovakla wou ld not be an independent state In
any case; lt wou\d most probably fall lnto Soviet Russia.... The
Czechs border on a Germany of seventy milllon people, therefore in
t he future the Czechs must be neighbors of Soviet Russla. They could
not in consequence accept an independent Slovak state as their ne ighbor. .. . There can be no alternatives today, nor any questlon of pian·
ning a Central Euro pean Federatlon. T hese plans bave been dead ever
slnce Soviet Russla becam e our nelghbor."
The executlon of President Tiso was tbe dramatic consummation
of President Benes' policy. Tiso was condemned and e xecuted not
a s a war c riminal, but a s the symbol of Slova k ·indepe nde nce.
As late as the autumn of 1946, dur ing his visit to Topolcany, Pr eaident Benes dec lared before the Councll of Slovak Commissars that
Tiso must be hanged. When one of the Slova k Commissars remarked
t hat Slovak public opinion would not stand fo r his e xecution, Benes
r eplied, " Perhaps it wll l not stand for it, but it is absolutely necessary."

�SLOVAKIA

16

This explains the appointment of Dr. Daxner as Presldent ot the
Bratislava court, which tried Tiso. Daxner had sworn vengeance on
Tiso for the "wrongs" inflicte&lt;i by the Slovak natíonallsts.
And yet, in 1935, Tiao waa reaponaible for the reelectlon of Benea
aa Preaident of Czecho-Slovakia. The Slovak People's Party wanted
to vote for Dr. Nemecz, the candidate for the Agrarians, but at the
last moment Tiso convinced his party that Benes was a better choice
trom a fore.ign political point of view. Mr. Sidor was the only member of the S)Rvak People's Party. w,bo abstained trom votlng. Posslbly
Benes would have commuted the Tlso sentence, especially in view of
Slovak public opinion, had he not had to consider the Russian attitude. It was expressed - aimong others - by Gundorov, t he Presi·
dent of the All..Slav Committee in Moscow, who in the Slovak communis t daily " Pravda" demanded ruthless punlshment of the accused.
Benea c hose to follow the Ruaaian line.
After the occupation of Slovakla by the Soviet Army, Tiso sought
refugé in the American Zone of Germany. In November 1945, the
American M:ilitary Authoritles handed him over to the Czechs. As the
Slovaks regarded this a b erach of the rlghts o! asylum, the Slovak
League of America in th e U. S. A. made investigations as to who had
authorized it. Neither the State Department, nor the General Staff
were responsible for th!s extradition. Apparently the declslon had been
taken by the local American commander, in response to the demand of
the Czecho-Slovak Government. The Prague Government had place&lt;i at
the disposal of the President of the Czecho-Slovak War Crlmes Commission, General Ecer, the sum of 50 mllHon Kcs for the ·1nterception
of political emigrés, mainly Slovaks.
Flown to Bratislava, Tlso was paraded through the town wlth
chains around his wri-sts, from whlch hung a large padlock. He was allowed to attend his father's funeral, but had to march ignominlously
in handcuffs. Because of the constant demonstrations In hls favor he was sent letters, telegrams, flowers, food and so on - ·Tiso was
transferred to th e prison in Brno and returned to Bratls'1ava only for
his tria!. He waa not allowed to chooae hls defenae couael, who waa
appoi nted by the Czec h authoritiea. Many of the witnesses gave evidence in his favor. The Archlblshop of Slovak.ia, Kmetko, who is highly
res pected by the Czechs as well as the Slovaks, tesutled " Tlao acted
and worked in the intereata of Slovakia, and waa never a traltor. Hia
election aa Preaident of Slovakia waa the wlll of 90 per cent of the
Slovaks at that time."
Tis o himself pleaded not guilty. He malntalned that he did not
c-ommit treason, and declared the responsJblllty for the fate of Czecho•
Slovakla dld not rest witb Slov.akia, but wlth tbe 20 years of Czech
domestlc and Coreign pollcy. "lf ·a od allowed me to carry out my
policy agaln under simi[ar c.o ndltlona I would do exactly aa I have
done," Tis o declared.
.,.
For th e trlal special security measures were taken In Slovak.la.
Czech troops were brought In because the authoritles dld not trust the
Slqvak troops. There were large-sc-ale demonstrations In favor ot T lso
at Plestany and Puchov, and the Secret Police arrested many people,
who were sent to Lalbor Camps.
On Aprll 15th Tiso was condemned to death by banging. When
asked whether he would a,p.peal for mercy, Tlso replled: "Yes - for

�16

SLOVA.KIA

mora! reasons." (According to Catholic doctrine a man must defend
his llfe by all avallable means.) President Benes rejected Tiso's plea,
and he was executed on April 18th.
Apríl 18th may prove to be a fateful day in Czecho-Slovak relations. 1n the eyes of the devout Slovak people the hanging of a pri est
is an unforgivable act. In the eyes of intelligent Slovaks abroad, it
was a cri me against national fee li ngs. Benes' rejection of Tiso's plea
for mercy is regarded not as the act of a democrat, but of a tyrant.
The Slovaks say that thereby Benes has destroyed his own democratic legend.
The unrest whicb was expected to follow Tiso's execution iu
Slovakia was checked by very strong measures, but the atmospbere
has become very tense and there is much talk of great political
changes. Within tbe Democratic Party tbere is strife; tbe Slovak Catholics are expected to go over to the Freedom Party.
On April 17th, Soviet opinion, which is tantamount to official
iustructions, was thus expressed by the Moscow Radlo: "'On various
occasions, and particularly recently the pro-Tiso and Hlinka Guard
elements bave behaved witb growing impertinence and daring against
the vi tal interests of tbeir own nation.... An ambiguous attitude has
been adopted by some Democratic Party circles. Their press directly
encourages tbe organizers of anti-Government action (This referred to
tbe democratic daily, "Čas." - Ed.) A serious menace to democratic
reconstruction in Slovakia arises from the influence or reactionary and
fascist ele ments witbin the Democratic Party. Tbe Hlinka Guard, tbe
followers of Sidor and Durčanský, undermine the State, cause anti•
Czech, anti-Soviet and anti-Semitic provocations and attempts to
smash the Czecbo-Slovak RepU1blic. A relentless purge of all fascists is
called for, affecting not only the leaders, but their Joyal and still
active followers."
Opinions may vary about the tria! or Tiso, who was, after all,
the protegé of the Germans. But the conception of justice and morality of the average person bas been put to a severe strain. Recent
trials in East Europe appear to seek polltical vengeance not justice.
This was exemplif'led in the trials of Archbishop Steplnac, or Mibailovitch and most scandalous of all, that of the 16 members of the Polish
Underground Govel'hment. World public opinion must never cease to
make a stand against injustice and falsehood. In the words of the
Gospel, unlesa you go out and meet evil to combat it, evil will enter
your house and destroy you."

•

•

•

WHO SAID IT?

"The Czeehoslovak-Soviet Treaty rorms the BASIS ot our count ry's external securlty and fundamen,t al con trlbutlon to the un!flcatlon ot national forcei.. The alllance with the SOVIET and triendshlp
wttb tbe West was w elcomed by ALL classes of tlhe Czechoslovak people In com&lt;plete acoordance w!th thelr CONVICTIONS and wlth sin·
cere joy. . . . Thanks to tbe treaty, Czechoslovakla's lnterests are re·
celvlng e tfeetlve support" - (H ubert Rlpka, Minister of State, Broadcast on the annlversary or the Czecboslovak-Sovie-t Treaty, London.
December H, 1944).

�</text>
                  </elementText>
                  <elementText elementTextId="681">
                    <text>SLOVA.KIA.

13

IN RETlROSPECT

TISO ON THE GALWWS
(From "EAST EUROPE," London, Apríl 30, 1947)
The Western Powers fought the war for a number of principles,
embodied in the Atlantic Charter, and not in order to enable one nation to dominate another. But in the post-war world, two tendencies
are at work. In the West, neither Great Britain, the U. S. A. nor any
other country look for territorial aggrandizement. Britain !s withdrawing from Egypt, Jraq, Trans-Jordanla, India and Burma; the
NUEA has recognized the independence of the Philippines, Denmark
that of Iceland, China. that of Korea, while France has accepted Syrian and Lebanese self-government. Thls process of decentralizatlon
c haracteristic of the Western Democracies, is in complete contrast to
the process of centralization which is going on in Soviet Russla and
her Zone of lnfluence. In the flrst place, Russia berself has increased
her territory by incorporating the Baltic States, Finnlsh Karelia,
Eastern Poland, Ruthenia, Bessarabla, and part of the Bukovina. On
behal! of tbe Georgian, Armenian and Azerba!jan Republics, she 1s
claiming Turklsh and Persian territory. Although wide cultural rights
are granted to the Soviet Republics, their administration is completely
centralized and dependent on Moscow.
Within the Sov.iet Zone, Russia is backing all the territorial claim~
of her satellites: of Poland, Czecho-Slovakia, Yugoslavia and Bulgaria.
The most recent effect of this was the failure of the Foreign Ministers
to agree on the Austrian Treaty, because Russia has ldentified herself with Yugoslav territorial demands on Austria. Czecho-Slovakla and
Yugoslavia have reestablished thelr rule over Slovakia and Croatia
respectlvely, both of which had been Independent between 1938 and
1945. These two trends form the background against which the Czech
and Slovak controversy within t he reestablished Republic must be
considered. lt illustrates the conflicts whic h the policy of centralization bas to overcome.
On April 18th a secret radio transmitter, calling itself "The Voice
of the Slovak Republic" broadcast a petition from the Slovak Action
Committee. "The Slovak Republic was not the result of external intervention. Its creation called for no foreign support, nor was the approval or consent of Germany .':!ought or deemed necessary. No one
can say, that, with the creation of the Slovak Republlc, the Germans
overran and occupied the Czech lands, for tbe two events bore no relation to eacb otber. . . . (A simllar point of view is taken in tbe
Soviet 'History of Diplomacy,' Vol. III, chapter 24, wbicb deals with
the Anschluss and the partitlon of Czecho-Slovakia, compiled by
Academician V. P. Potemkin, edition 1945. It holds Britain and France
respons!ble for the disintegration of Czecho-Slovakia in 1938. - Ed.)
The Slovak Republic was recognlzed by 27 Forelgn Powers in a very
s hort Ume. Among them, states that were bound by treaty agalnst
Germany - Poland, Brltaln, France, Yugoslavia, Belgium, Holland.
the U. S. S. R., and so on - and also by states which, as t he war
progressed, remalned neutra! Switzerland, the Vatlcan, Sweden.
Spain and others. The Slovak Republic was not recognizecl by the
U. S. A., but the reason for this may be found in propaganda directed

�14

SLOVAKIA

agalnst the Slovak Republic . . . . It !s unthinkable, therefore, that the
acts of the representatives o[ t he Slovak Repub lic should b e judged
by a court estaiblished by Czecho-Slovak!a, slnce Czecho-Slovak la is
n ot the ir countr y. . . . Slovak r epresen tatlves could no t have com•
mitted any acts of treason against the Czecho-Slovak Governm ent
since they d!d n ot recognize Czecho·Slovak la as th e State to wh ich
they belonged, or to which they owed allegiance. On the contrary,
they looked upon Ozecho-Slovakla ae a S tate lnto whlch th e Slovak
people had been propelled by foroo and dlplomatic lntrigue . .. . The
proceedings of the &lt;National Court in Bratislava against Preside nt T iso
and other representatives of the S lovak Republic were not designed
for the examlnation of war c rimes defined in Art ic le 6 of the Charter
of lnternational Military Tribunal. In the Bratislava tria! not only
were the persona of President Tiso and other Slovak representatives
involved but also the politlca l concept, the idea of a Slova k independent state, and the self-determination of the S lova k nation as such ....
Had Ru84ia become the protector of the Slovak state, under the presi•
dency of Tiso, there wou ld be no c harge of treason today against the
c hief of the Slovak Repub lic .... We c laim the reestab lis hment of a
democratic and Christia n Slova k Republic."
T hls broadca.!!t reveals the real confllct b etween Slovak and Czech
ideas. Accordlng to the Slovaks, Czecho-Slovak legal contln\tlty has
been lnterrupted, Independent Slovakia was a reality, and CzechoSlovak relations must be reestabllshed on a completely new basis.
Accordlng to t he Czechs , Czecho-Slovakla's Iegal continuity has been
s afeguarded, Iegally Independent Slovakla bas never exlsted, and lt
v.as a purely ephemeral creation. The Czechs pass over in silence the
fact that the third component of the 1918 'Republic, Car pathlan Ruthenia, was taken by Soviet Russia. On February 13, 1947, Presldent
Benes dotted the i's and crossed the ťs of the Czech attitude. Speaking of relations between th e Czechs and Slovaks, he said: "Archblshop
Dr. Kmetko said in the T lso !rial that the Slovaks would llke t o have
thelr own state but accept tbe Czecbo-Slovak Republlc .b ecause there
is no way of a chlevlng it. I reject such an argument categorlcally ; I
sball never accept it. We could not survlve anotber crlsls In CzechoSlovak reations. After such a crisis there would no longer be a Czecbo.
Slovak Repub llc, and Slovakla wou ld not be an independent state In
any case; lt wou\d most probably fall lnto Soviet Russia.... The
Czechs border on a Germany of seventy milllon people, therefore in
t he future the Czechs must be neighbors of Soviet Russla. They could
not in consequence accept an independent Slovak state as their ne ighbor. .. . There can be no alternatives today, nor any questlon of pian·
ning a Central Euro pean Federatlon. T hese plans bave been dead ever
slnce Soviet Russla becam e our nelghbor."
The executlon of President Tiso was tbe dramatic consummation
of President Benes' policy. Tiso was condemned and e xecuted not
a s a war c riminal, but a s the symbol of Slova k ·indepe nde nce.
As late as the autumn of 1946, dur ing his visit to Topolcany, Pr eaident Benes dec lared before the Councll of Slovak Commissars that
Tiso must be hanged. When one of the Slova k Commissars remarked
t hat Slovak public opinion would not stand fo r his e xecution, Benes
r eplied, " Perhaps it wll l not stand for it, but it is absolutely necessary."

�SLOVAKIA

16

This explains the appointment of Dr. Daxner as Presldent ot the
Bratislava court, which tried Tiso. Daxner had sworn vengeance on
Tiso for the "wrongs" inflicte&lt;i by the Slovak natíonallsts.
And yet, in 1935, Tiao waa reaponaible for the reelectlon of Benea
aa Preaident of Czecho-Slovakia. The Slovak People's Party wanted
to vote for Dr. Nemecz, the candidate for the Agrarians, but at the
last moment Tiso convinced his party that Benes was a better choice
trom a fore.ign political point of view. Mr. Sidor was the only member of the S)Rvak People's Party. w,bo abstained trom votlng. Posslbly
Benes would have commuted the Tlso sentence, especially in view of
Slovak public opinion, had he not had to consider the Russian attitude. It was expressed - aimong others - by Gundorov, t he Presi·
dent of the All..Slav Committee in Moscow, who in the Slovak communis t daily " Pravda" demanded ruthless punlshment of the accused.
Benea c hose to follow the Ruaaian line.
After the occupation of Slovakla by the Soviet Army, Tiso sought
refugé in the American Zone of Germany. In November 1945, the
American M:ilitary Authoritles handed him over to the Czechs. As the
Slovaks regarded this a b erach of the rlghts o! asylum, the Slovak
League of America in th e U. S. A. made investigations as to who had
authorized it. Neither the State Department, nor the General Staff
were responsible for th!s extradition. Apparently the declslon had been
taken by the local American commander, in response to the demand of
the Czecho-Slovak Government. The Prague Government had place&lt;i at
the disposal of the President of the Czecho-Slovak War Crlmes Commission, General Ecer, the sum of 50 mllHon Kcs for the ·1nterception
of political emigrés, mainly Slovaks.
Flown to Bratislava, Tlso was paraded through the town wlth
chains around his wri-sts, from whlch hung a large padlock. He was allowed to attend his father's funeral, but had to march ignominlously
in handcuffs. Because of the constant demonstrations In hls favor he was sent letters, telegrams, flowers, food and so on - ·Tiso was
transferred to th e prison in Brno and returned to Bratls'1ava only for
his tria!. He waa not allowed to chooae hls defenae couael, who waa
appoi nted by the Czec h authoritiea. Many of the witnesses gave evidence in his favor. The Archlblshop of Slovak.ia, Kmetko, who is highly
res pected by the Czechs as well as the Slovaks, tesutled " Tlao acted
and worked in the intereata of Slovakia, and waa never a traltor. Hia
election aa Preaident of Slovakia waa the wlll of 90 per cent of the
Slovaks at that time."
Tis o himself pleaded not guilty. He malntalned that he did not
c-ommit treason, and declared the responsJblllty for the fate of Czecho•
Slovakla dld not rest witb Slov.akia, but wlth tbe 20 years of Czech
domestlc and Coreign pollcy. "lf ·a od allowed me to carry out my
policy agaln under simi[ar c.o ndltlona I would do exactly aa I have
done," Tis o declared.
.,.
For th e trlal special security measures were taken In Slovak.la.
Czech troops were brought In because the authoritles dld not trust the
Slqvak troops. There were large-sc-ale demonstrations In favor ot T lso
at Plestany and Puchov, and the Secret Police arrested many people,
who were sent to Lalbor Camps.
On Aprll 15th Tiso was condemned to death by banging. When
asked whether he would a,p.peal for mercy, Tlso replled: "Yes - for

�16

SLOVA.KIA

mora! reasons." (According to Catholic doctrine a man must defend
his llfe by all avallable means.) President Benes rejected Tiso's plea,
and he was executed on April 18th.
Apríl 18th may prove to be a fateful day in Czecho-Slovak relations. 1n the eyes of the devout Slovak people the hanging of a pri est
is an unforgivable act. In the eyes of intelligent Slovaks abroad, it
was a cri me against national fee li ngs. Benes' rejection of Tiso's plea
for mercy is regarded not as the act of a democrat, but of a tyrant.
The Slovaks say that thereby Benes has destroyed his own democratic legend.
The unrest whicb was expected to follow Tiso's execution iu
Slovakia was checked by very strong measures, but the atmospbere
has become very tense and there is much talk of great political
changes. Within tbe Democratic Party tbere is strife; tbe Slovak Catholics are expected to go over to the Freedom Party.
On April 17th, Soviet opinion, which is tantamount to official
iustructions, was thus expressed by the Moscow Radlo: "'On various
occasions, and particularly recently the pro-Tiso and Hlinka Guard
elements bave behaved witb growing impertinence and daring against
the vi tal interests of tbeir own nation.... An ambiguous attitude has
been adopted by some Democratic Party circles. Their press directly
encourages tbe organizers of anti-Government action (This referred to
tbe democratic daily, "Čas." - Ed.) A serious menace to democratic
reconstruction in Slovakia arises from the influence or reactionary and
fascist ele ments witbin the Democratic Party. Tbe Hlinka Guard, tbe
followers of Sidor and Durčanský, undermine the State, cause anti•
Czech, anti-Soviet and anti-Semitic provocations and attempts to
smash the Czecbo-Slovak RepU1blic. A relentless purge of all fascists is
called for, affecting not only the leaders, but their Joyal and still
active followers."
Opinions may vary about the tria! or Tiso, who was, after all,
the protegé of the Germans. But the conception of justice and morality of the average person bas been put to a severe strain. Recent
trials in East Europe appear to seek polltical vengeance not justice.
This was exemplif'led in the trials of Archbishop Steplnac, or Mibailovitch and most scandalous of all, that of the 16 members of the Polish
Underground Govel'hment. World public opinion must never cease to
make a stand against injustice and falsehood. In the words of the
Gospel, unlesa you go out and meet evil to combat it, evil will enter
your house and destroy you."

•

•

•

WHO SAID IT?

"The Czeehoslovak-Soviet Treaty rorms the BASIS ot our count ry's external securlty and fundamen,t al con trlbutlon to the un!flcatlon ot national forcei.. The alllance with the SOVIET and triendshlp
wttb tbe West was w elcomed by ALL classes of tlhe Czechoslovak people In com&lt;plete acoordance w!th thelr CONVICTIONS and wlth sin·
cere joy. . . . Thanks to tbe treaty, Czechoslovakla's lnterests are re·
celvlng e tfeetlve support" - (H ubert Rlpka, Minister of State, Broadcast on the annlversary or the Czecboslovak-Sovie-t Treaty, London.
December H, 1944).

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                  <text>1952, Vol. 2</text>
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              <name>Publisher</name>
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                <elementText elementTextId="7">
                  <text>The Slovak League of America</text>
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                  <text>1952</text>
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                  <text>&lt;ul&gt;&lt;li&gt;Issue 1 (No. 3), March 1952.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Issue 2 (No. 4), August 1952.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Issue 3 (No. 5), December 1952.&lt;/li&gt;
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            <elementText elementTextId="679">
              <text>SLOVA.KIA.&#13;
&#13;
13&#13;
&#13;
IN RETlROSPECT&#13;
&#13;
TISO ON THE GALWWS&#13;
(From "EAST EUROPE," London, Apríl 30, 1947)&#13;
The Western Powers fought the war for a number of principles,&#13;
embodied in the Atlantic Charter, and not in order to enable one nation to dominate another. But in the post-war world, two tendencies&#13;
are at work. In the West, neither Great Britain, the U. S. A. nor any&#13;
other country look for territorial aggrandizement. Britain !s withdrawing from Egypt, Jraq, Trans-Jordanla, India and Burma; the&#13;
NUEA has recognized the independence of the Philippines, Denmark&#13;
that of Iceland, China. that of Korea, while France has accepted Syrian and Lebanese self-government. Thls process of decentralizatlon&#13;
c haracteristic of the Western Democracies, is in complete contrast to&#13;
the process of centralization which is going on in Soviet Russla and&#13;
her Zone of lnfluence. In the flrst place, Russia berself has increased&#13;
her territory by incorporating the Baltic States, Finnlsh Karelia,&#13;
Eastern Poland, Ruthenia, Bessarabla, and part of the Bukovina. On&#13;
behal! of tbe Georgian, Armenian and Azerba!jan Republics, she 1s&#13;
claiming Turklsh and Persian territory. Although wide cultural rights&#13;
are granted to the Soviet Republics, their administration is completely&#13;
centralized and dependent on Moscow.&#13;
Within the Sov.iet Zone, Russia is backing all the territorial claim~&#13;
of her satellites: of Poland, Czecho-Slovakia, Yugoslavia and Bulgaria.&#13;
The most recent effect of this was the failure of the Foreign Ministers&#13;
to agree on the Austrian Treaty, because Russia has ldentified herself with Yugoslav territorial demands on Austria. Czecho-Slovakla and&#13;
Yugoslavia have reestablished thelr rule over Slovakia and Croatia&#13;
respectlvely, both of which had been Independent between 1938 and&#13;
1945. These two trends form the background against which the Czech&#13;
and Slovak controversy within t he reestablished Republic must be&#13;
considered. lt illustrates the conflicts whic h the policy of centralization bas to overcome.&#13;
On April 18th a secret radio transmitter, calling itself "The Voice&#13;
of the Slovak Republic" broadcast a petition from the Slovak Action&#13;
Committee. "The Slovak Republic was not the result of external intervention. Its creation called for no foreign support, nor was the approval or consent of Germany .':!ought or deemed necessary. No one&#13;
can say, that, with the creation of the Slovak Republlc, the Germans&#13;
overran and occupied the Czech lands, for tbe two events bore no relation to eacb otber. . . . (A simllar point of view is taken in tbe&#13;
Soviet 'History of Diplomacy,' Vol. III, chapter 24, wbicb deals with&#13;
the Anschluss and the partitlon of Czecho-Slovakia, compiled by&#13;
Academician V. P. Potemkin, edition 1945. It holds Britain and France&#13;
respons!ble for the disintegration of Czecho-Slovakia in 1938. - Ed.)&#13;
The Slovak Republic was recognlzed by 27 Forelgn Powers in a very&#13;
s hort Ume. Among them, states that were bound by treaty agalnst&#13;
Germany - Poland, Brltaln, France, Yugoslavia, Belgium, Holland.&#13;
the U. S. S. R., and so on - and also by states which, as t he war&#13;
progressed, remalned neutra! Switzerland, the Vatlcan, Sweden.&#13;
Spain and others. The Slovak Republic was not recognizecl by the&#13;
U. S. A., but the reason for this may be found in propaganda directed&#13;
&#13;
14&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
agalnst the Slovak Republic . . . . It !s unthinkable, therefore, that the&#13;
acts of the representatives o[ t he Slovak Repub lic should b e judged&#13;
by a court estaiblished by Czecho-Slovak!a, slnce Czecho-Slovak la is&#13;
n ot the ir countr y. . . . Slovak r epresen tatlves could no t have com•&#13;
mitted any acts of treason against the Czecho-Slovak Governm ent&#13;
since they d!d n ot recognize Czecho·Slovak la as th e State to wh ich&#13;
they belonged, or to which they owed allegiance. On the contrary,&#13;
they looked upon Ozecho-Slovakla ae a S tate lnto whlch th e Slovak&#13;
people had been propelled by foroo and dlplomatic lntrigue . .. . The&#13;
proceedings of the &lt;National Court in Bratislava against Preside nt T iso&#13;
and other representatives of the S lovak Republic were not designed&#13;
for the examlnation of war c rimes defined in Art ic le 6 of the Charter&#13;
of lnternational Military Tribunal. In the Bratislava tria! not only&#13;
were the persona of President Tiso and other Slovak representatives&#13;
involved but also the politlca l concept, the idea of a Slova k independent state, and the self-determination of the S lova k nation as such ....&#13;
Had Ru84ia become the protector of the Slovak state, under the presi•&#13;
dency of Tiso, there wou ld be no c harge of treason today against the&#13;
c hief of the Slovak Repub lic .... We c laim the reestab lis hment of a&#13;
democratic and Christia n Slova k Republic."&#13;
T hls broadca.!!t reveals the real confllct b etween Slovak and Czech&#13;
ideas. Accordlng to the Slovaks, Czecho-Slovak legal contln\tlty has&#13;
been lnterrupted, Independent Slovakia was a reality, and CzechoSlovak relations must be reestabllshed on a completely new basis.&#13;
Accordlng to t he Czechs , Czecho-Slovakla's Iegal continuity has been&#13;
s afeguarded, Iegally Independent Slovakla bas never exlsted, and lt&#13;
v.as a purely ephemeral creation. The Czechs pass over in silence the&#13;
fact that the third component of the 1918 'Republic, Car pathlan Ruthenia, was taken by Soviet Russia. On February 13, 1947, Presldent&#13;
Benes dotted the i's and crossed the ťs of the Czech attitude. Speaking of relations between th e Czechs and Slovaks, he said: "Archblshop&#13;
Dr. Kmetko said in the T lso !rial that the Slovaks would llke t o have&#13;
thelr own state but accept tbe Czecbo-Slovak Republlc .b ecause there&#13;
is no way of a chlevlng it. I reject such an argument categorlcally ; I&#13;
sball never accept it. We could not survlve anotber crlsls In CzechoSlovak reations. After such a crisis there would no longer be a Czecbo.&#13;
Slovak Repub llc, and Slovakla wou ld not be an independent state In&#13;
any case; lt wou\d most probably fall lnto Soviet Russia.... The&#13;
Czechs border on a Germany of seventy milllon people, therefore in&#13;
t he future the Czechs must be neighbors of Soviet Russla. They could&#13;
not in consequence accept an independent Slovak state as their ne ighbor. .. . There can be no alternatives today, nor any questlon of pian·&#13;
ning a Central Euro pean Federatlon. T hese plans bave been dead ever&#13;
slnce Soviet Russla becam e our nelghbor."&#13;
The executlon of President Tiso was tbe dramatic consummation&#13;
of President Benes' policy. Tiso was condemned and e xecuted not&#13;
a s a war c riminal, but a s the symbol of Slova k ·indepe nde nce.&#13;
As late as the autumn of 1946, dur ing his visit to Topolcany, Pr eaident Benes dec lared before the Councll of Slovak Commissars that&#13;
Tiso must be hanged. When one of the Slova k Commissars remarked&#13;
t hat Slovak public opinion would not stand fo r his e xecution, Benes&#13;
r eplied, " Perhaps it wll l not stand for it, but it is absolutely necessary."&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
16&#13;
&#13;
This explains the appointment of Dr. Daxner as Presldent ot the&#13;
Bratislava court, which tried Tiso. Daxner had sworn vengeance on&#13;
Tiso for the "wrongs" inflicte&lt;i by the Slovak natíonallsts.&#13;
And yet, in 1935, Tiao waa reaponaible for the reelectlon of Benea&#13;
aa Preaident of Czecho-Slovakia. The Slovak People's Party wanted&#13;
to vote for Dr. Nemecz, the candidate for the Agrarians, but at the&#13;
last moment Tiso convinced his party that Benes was a better choice&#13;
trom a fore.ign political point of view. Mr. Sidor was the only member of the S)Rvak People's Party. w,bo abstained trom votlng. Posslbly&#13;
Benes would have commuted the Tlso sentence, especially in view of&#13;
Slovak public opinion, had he not had to consider the Russian attitude. It was expressed - aimong others - by Gundorov, t he Presi·&#13;
dent of the All..Slav Committee in Moscow, who in the Slovak communis t daily " Pravda" demanded ruthless punlshment of the accused.&#13;
Benea c hose to follow the Ruaaian line.&#13;
After the occupation of Slovakla by the Soviet Army, Tiso sought&#13;
refugé in the American Zone of Germany. In November 1945, the&#13;
American M:ilitary Authoritles handed him over to the Czechs. As the&#13;
Slovaks regarded this a b erach of the rlghts o! asylum, the Slovak&#13;
League of America in th e U. S. A. made investigations as to who had&#13;
authorized it. Neither the State Department, nor the General Staff&#13;
were responsible for th!s extradition. Apparently the declslon had been&#13;
taken by the local American commander, in response to the demand of&#13;
the Czecho-Slovak Government. The Prague Government had place&lt;i at&#13;
the disposal of the President of the Czecho-Slovak War Crlmes Commission, General Ecer, the sum of 50 mllHon Kcs for the ·1nterception&#13;
of political emigrés, mainly Slovaks.&#13;
Flown to Bratislava, Tlso was paraded through the town wlth&#13;
chains around his wri-sts, from whlch hung a large padlock. He was allowed to attend his father's funeral, but had to march ignominlously&#13;
in handcuffs. Because of the constant demonstrations In hls favor he was sent letters, telegrams, flowers, food and so on - ·Tiso was&#13;
transferred to th e prison in Brno and returned to Bratls'1ava only for&#13;
his tria!. He waa not allowed to chooae hls defenae couael, who waa&#13;
appoi nted by the Czec h authoritiea. Many of the witnesses gave evidence in his favor. The Archlblshop of Slovak.ia, Kmetko, who is highly&#13;
res pected by the Czechs as well as the Slovaks, tesutled " Tlao acted&#13;
and worked in the intereata of Slovakia, and waa never a traltor. Hia&#13;
election aa Preaident of Slovakia waa the wlll of 90 per cent of the&#13;
Slovaks at that time."&#13;
Tis o himself pleaded not guilty. He malntalned that he did not&#13;
c-ommit treason, and declared the responsJblllty for the fate of Czecho•&#13;
Slovakla dld not rest witb Slov.akia, but wlth tbe 20 years of Czech&#13;
domestlc and Coreign pollcy. "lf ·a od allowed me to carry out my&#13;
policy agaln under simi[ar c.o ndltlona I would do exactly aa I have&#13;
done," Tis o declared.&#13;
.,.&#13;
For th e trlal special security measures were taken In Slovak.la.&#13;
Czech troops were brought In because the authoritles dld not trust the&#13;
Slqvak troops. There were large-sc-ale demonstrations In favor ot T lso&#13;
at Plestany and Puchov, and the Secret Police arrested many people,&#13;
who were sent to Lalbor Camps.&#13;
On Aprll 15th Tiso was condemned to death by banging. When&#13;
asked whether he would a,p.peal for mercy, Tlso replled: "Yes - for&#13;
&#13;
16&#13;
&#13;
SLOVA.KIA&#13;
&#13;
mora! reasons." (According to Catholic doctrine a man must defend&#13;
his llfe by all avallable means.) President Benes rejected Tiso's plea,&#13;
and he was executed on April 18th.&#13;
Apríl 18th may prove to be a fateful day in Czecho-Slovak relations. 1n the eyes of the devout Slovak people the hanging of a pri est&#13;
is an unforgivable act. In the eyes of intelligent Slovaks abroad, it&#13;
was a cri me against national fee li ngs. Benes' rejection of Tiso's plea&#13;
for mercy is regarded not as the act of a democrat, but of a tyrant.&#13;
The Slovaks say that thereby Benes has destroyed his own democratic legend.&#13;
The unrest whicb was expected to follow Tiso's execution iu&#13;
Slovakia was checked by very strong measures, but the atmospbere&#13;
has become very tense and there is much talk of great political&#13;
changes. Within tbe Democratic Party tbere is strife; tbe Slovak Catholics are expected to go over to the Freedom Party.&#13;
On April 17th, Soviet opinion, which is tantamount to official&#13;
iustructions, was thus expressed by the Moscow Radlo: "'On various&#13;
occasions, and particularly recently the pro-Tiso and Hlinka Guard&#13;
elements bave behaved witb growing impertinence and daring against&#13;
the vi tal interests of tbeir own nation.... An ambiguous attitude has&#13;
been adopted by some Democratic Party circles. Their press directly&#13;
encourages tbe organizers of anti-Government action (This referred to&#13;
tbe democratic daily, "Čas." - Ed.) A serious menace to democratic&#13;
reconstruction in Slovakia arises from the influence or reactionary and&#13;
fascist ele ments witbin the Democratic Party. Tbe Hlinka Guard, tbe&#13;
followers of Sidor and Durčanský, undermine the State, cause anti•&#13;
Czech, anti-Soviet and anti-Semitic provocations and attempts to&#13;
smash the Czecbo-Slovak RepU1blic. A relentless purge of all fascists is&#13;
called for, affecting not only the leaders, but their Joyal and still&#13;
active followers."&#13;
Opinions may vary about the tria! or Tiso, who was, after all,&#13;
the protegé of the Germans. But the conception of justice and morality of the average person bas been put to a severe strain. Recent&#13;
trials in East Europe appear to seek polltical vengeance not justice.&#13;
This was exemplif'led in the trials of Archbishop Steplnac, or Mibailovitch and most scandalous of all, that of the 16 members of the Polish&#13;
Underground Govel'hment. World public opinion must never cease to&#13;
make a stand against injustice and falsehood. In the words of the&#13;
Gospel, unlesa you go out and meet evil to combat it, evil will enter&#13;
your house and destroy you."&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
WHO SAID IT?&#13;
&#13;
"The Czeehoslovak-Soviet Treaty rorms the BASIS ot our count ry's external securlty and fundamen,t al con trlbutlon to the un!flcatlon ot national forcei.. The alllance with the SOVIET and triendshlp&#13;
wttb tbe West was w elcomed by ALL classes of tlhe Czechoslovak people In com&lt;plete acoordance w!th thelr CONVICTIONS and wlth sin·&#13;
cere joy. . . . Thanks to tbe treaty, Czechoslovakla's lnterests are re·&#13;
celvlng e tfeetlve support" - (H ubert Rlpka, Minister of State, Broadcast on the annlversary or the Czecboslovak-Sovie-t Treaty, London.&#13;
December H, 1944).&#13;
&#13;
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                    <text>�SLOVAK.I A is publishecl periodically by the S lonlk Lcaguc of America,
a cultui-al and ciYic fedeľati on of Americans of S lovak descent.
'ľhc chief pnrpose of S LOVAKl A
is to pľomote a bettcľ nnderstanding
and appreciation of the S lovak n ation
and its long shngglc for freeclom and
ii 1depenclence.

As Ameľic·ans, mcmbers of the
Slovak Leagnc o:f Ameľica fiľmly believe that the Slovak nation, just as all
nations, has an inheľent and Gocl-given
ľight to freeclorn and independence.
'J 'he,v aľe cleclicated to the cause of the
Ameľi&lt;:an way of life, Slovak freeclom
,mel world peace a:1cl are cletermined to
oppose the plag-nc of Communism and
all othrľ tota litaľi an political systems.
Subsc·ľiptio:1

to SloYaki a $1.00 per
year in thr F. S . A. - $2.00 else\\·her e.
Sencl subscri ptions to :
S LO V AKIA
Box 150
Mi clcllctown, Pa.

--------------------------------Printed in the U. S. A.
JEDNOTA PRESS
Middletown, Pa.

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'ľhc chief pnrpose of S LOVAKl A
is to pľomote a bettcľ nnderstanding
and appreciation of the S lovak n ation
and its long shngglc for freeclom and
ii 1depenclence.

As Ameľic·ans, mcmbers of the
Slovak Leagnc o:f Ameľica fiľmly believe that the Slovak nation, just as all
nations, has an inheľent and Gocl-given
ľight to freeclorn and independence.
'J 'he,v aľe cleclicated to the cause of the
Ameľi&lt;:an way of life, Slovak freeclom
,mel world peace a:1cl are cletermined to
oppose the plag-nc of Communism and
all othrľ tota litaľi an political systems.
Subsc·ľiptio:1

to SloYaki a $1.00 per
year in thr F. S . A. - $2.00 else\\·her e.
Sencl subscri ptions to :
S LO V AKIA
Box 150
Mi clcllctown, Pa.

--------------------------------Printed in the U. S. A.
JEDNOTA PRESS
Middletown, Pa.

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                    <text>YOU CAN LEARN SLOVAK
as easily as you can any other mode;: n language. Slovak
should be a MUST for students of Slovanic languages,
because it is the simplest of all of them and a KEY to
all of them . Prove it to yourself with the most scholarly
text on Slovak, the

SLOV AI( LESSONS
A practical study of the Slovak Grammar, 92
lessons, 400 pages; exercises in Slovak and English;
English-Slovak and Slovak-English vocabulary. Hard
cover, bound in cloth, $3.50
HROBAK'S ENGLISH DICTIONARY - the best and
most complete dictionary of its kind; 702 pages with a
brief sumary of the Slovak Grammar. Hard cover, bound
in cloth, $4.00
THE SLOVAKS, by Peter P. Yurchak, should be read by
all students interested in the history and traditions of
the Slovak nation; 312 pages, hard cover, bound in cloth
- $3.00; paper cover - $2.00
SKETCHES FROl\'i SLOVAK HISTORY
by Joseph Skultety, translation by 0 . D. Koreff;
a documented refutation of several errors propagated by writers and historians; 229 pages, hard
cover, bound in cloth - $2.00; paper cover $1.00.
Order from:

P.A.HROBAK
Box 150

Middletown, Pa.

�SLOVAIDA: The Stiavnicka Castle in Liptov County

�</text>
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                    <text>YOU CAN LEARN SLOVAK
as easily as you can any other mode;: n language. Slovak
should be a MUST for students of Slovanic languages,
because it is the simplest of all of them and a KEY to
all of them . Prove it to yourself with the most scholarly
text on Slovak, the

SLOV AI( LESSONS
A practical study of the Slovak Grammar, 92
lessons, 400 pages; exercises in Slovak and English;
English-Slovak and Slovak-English vocabulary. Hard
cover, bound in cloth, $3.50
HROBAK'S ENGLISH DICTIONARY - the best and
most complete dictionary of its kind; 702 pages with a
brief sumary of the Slovak Grammar. Hard cover, bound
in cloth, $4.00
THE SLOVAKS, by Peter P. Yurchak, should be read by
all students interested in the history and traditions of
the Slovak nation; 312 pages, hard cover, bound in cloth
- $3.00; paper cover - $2.00
SKETCHES FROl\'i SLOVAK HISTORY
by Joseph Skultety, translation by 0 . D. Koreff;
a documented refutation of several errors propagated by writers and historians; 229 pages, hard
cover, bound in cloth - $2.00; paper cover $1.00.
Order from:

P.A.HROBAK
Box 150

Middletown, Pa.

�SLOVAIDA: The Stiavnicka Castle in Liptov County

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                    <text>SLOVAKIA

59

protected it aigainst invasion, occupation and annexation,
gas chambers and concentration camps. But for that Benes
and his poli1Jcal regime denounced them as traitors. The Sl,ovaks were held responsible foT a situation which they thema situation into which they wetre
sellVes had not created thrust alOIIlg with the Czech nation by the aniti-diemocratic,
anit-Chri&lt;Sltian, anti-Slovalk and imperialistic policies of the
late but not lamented Dr. Edward Benes, the man who sold
out the Slovaik and Ozech nations twice within a decade to
tota'1itarian powers.

•

•

•

CASTLES OF SLOVAKIA

BUDATIN

The ruins of the Budatin Castle stand opposite 2ilina,
just about where the Kysuca pours into the Vah. In its time
it stood guard over the J ablunkov Pass and the old commercial highways. Slovak history tells us that the Slovaks, led
by Joseph Hurban, fought two battles here during the rebellion of the 1848-1849: the first one September 11, 1848, and
the second January 2, 1849. During the latter fight the
archives of Budatin, which today undoubtedly could have
shed some light on the foggy history of ancient Slovakia,
were destroyed by fire. In 1922-23, the lower part of the
castle was restored which was adorned with a typical Budatin
tower.
In the castle there are two spacious rooms, one on the
ground floor and the other on the upper floor, which are
adorned with numerous pictures, most of them portraits of
former owners of the castle. In one of the side rooms is a
portrait of Ludmila Lazansky, to whom the Slovaks even
today refer to as "our good Ludmila." The people still recall that the mistresses of Budatin Castle treated the Slovaks rather decently and that one of them even had a bridge
built across the Vah river at a time when there was no work
and people were starving. The rooms of the castle tower
are especially interesting, containing as they do many
precious antiquities. The view of the river and the vicinity

�60

S LOVAKIA

from the tower is very beautiful. In the corridor of the tower
one can also see the memorable cell with the escutcheon
of the Sunog-Komar family, where the daughter of Gaspar
Sunog, Catherine, was walled in, according to popular
legend for refusing to marry the man of her father's choice.
From the highest point of Budatin one can see the topmost
parts of the ruins of Lieta va Castle.
Budatin is mentioned in history as early as 1250; at
that time the tower existed, but not the other adjacent buildings. That year the Budatin Chapter issued the document
which determined and defined the properties of the Dukes
of Zvolen. The village of "Wudatin" is also mentioned in the
thirteenth century. At the beginning of the following
century, Budatin became the property of the king.
It is interesting to note that although Matthew Cak,
"the lord of the Vah and the Tatras," ruled over thirty
castles, he never was the lord of Budatin. Maximilian, a loyal
adherent of Robert, was awarded Budatin shortly after it
came into royal possession.
During the r eign of King Zigmund of the House of
Luxembourg, the Czech Brethren from Tabor settled beneath Budatin. In 1431 they captured '~ ilina which was well
fortified at that time, according to a document left by Zigmund. Old documents mention a certain Ladislaus of Hatna,
a valiant warrior, who was called to Budatin from Bohemia
by King Zigmund. Undoubtedly he became the captain of
the castle because he served Zigmund well; he escorted the
king to Milan for a coronation and two years later (1433)
also to Rome. The widow of Ladislaus, Raphaela, married
Gaspar Sunog, a Slovak whose name really was Komar
(Magyar translation "Szunyok").
In the sixteenth century, there was a struggle for the
throne of Hungary between King Ferdinand and John Zap of sky, just when the Turks threatened to take everything.
While the rivals fought it out for the crown of Hungary,
the wealthy landowners exploited the situation to enhance
their own positions. Many castles were taken by the plunderers. The vicinity of ~ilina was terrorized by the notorious
John and Raphael of Podmanin, who finally even took Buda-

�SLOVAKIA

61

tin away from the Sunog-Komar family. The castles Hricov
and Lednica, together with Budatin, became the feared residences of the robber knights. Zilina was their political centrum. The Podmanin brothers were apprehended and convicted by the regional court for their crimes, but when they
humbled themselves and begged forgiveness, the king
amnestied them and returned their properties. But they had
to give up Budatin to the Sunog-Komar clan. Later Budatin
came into the hands of Gaspar Sunog; the story of the
walled-in bride originated in his time.
At the beginning of December 1848, Joseph Miloslav
Hurban, Slovak patriot from Beckov, and emperor's officers
Bloudek, Zach and Janecek organized an expedition of
volunteers in Tesin, Silesia. This volunteer army joined with
a division of the Austrian army, which then took everything
along the Kysuca and stood before Budatin on December
11th. At that time, Budatin was guarded by a Magyar garrison, but the volunteers had little trouble in dispersing it.
When, however, they attempted to cross the bridge into
Zilina, they were surprised ·b y the Magyars who cannonaded
them and forced the expedition back to Budatin. With the
Magyar army was also the son of the mistress of the Budatin
Castle, Lady Caky, who in the meantime had fled from the
castle disguised as a peasant.
On January 2, 1849, another battle was staged at Budatin. The volunteers, led by Hurban, Zach and Bloudek, were
aided by the forces of General Gatz of Austria. After surprising the Magyars and taking the bridge over the Vah, the
volunteers rested in Zilina for six days and then moved
farther into the Trencin country. The archives of Budatin
Castle were destroyed by fire during this battle .

• • •

WHO SAID IT ?

"Some pussy-footing ostriches criticize the treaty between Soviet Russia rund Czechoslovakia Our close collaboration with the Soviet Union needs no explanation. We do
not want anything from the Russia,ns except protection
frOiffi the Germ8!Ils, a:nd the Russians want nothing whatsoever from us." - (Jan Masaryk, BUSINESS WEEK, May
13, 1944).

�</text>
                  </elementText>
                  <elementText elementTextId="718">
                    <text>SLOVAKIA

59

protected it aigainst invasion, occupation and annexation,
gas chambers and concentration camps. But for that Benes
and his poli1Jcal regime denounced them as traitors. The Sl,ovaks were held responsible foT a situation which they thema situation into which they wetre
sellVes had not created thrust alOIIlg with the Czech nation by the aniti-diemocratic,
anit-Chri&lt;Sltian, anti-Slovalk and imperialistic policies of the
late but not lamented Dr. Edward Benes, the man who sold
out the Slovaik and Ozech nations twice within a decade to
tota'1itarian powers.

•

•

•

CASTLES OF SLOVAKIA

BUDATIN

The ruins of the Budatin Castle stand opposite 2ilina,
just about where the Kysuca pours into the Vah. In its time
it stood guard over the J ablunkov Pass and the old commercial highways. Slovak history tells us that the Slovaks, led
by Joseph Hurban, fought two battles here during the rebellion of the 1848-1849: the first one September 11, 1848, and
the second January 2, 1849. During the latter fight the
archives of Budatin, which today undoubtedly could have
shed some light on the foggy history of ancient Slovakia,
were destroyed by fire. In 1922-23, the lower part of the
castle was restored which was adorned with a typical Budatin
tower.
In the castle there are two spacious rooms, one on the
ground floor and the other on the upper floor, which are
adorned with numerous pictures, most of them portraits of
former owners of the castle. In one of the side rooms is a
portrait of Ludmila Lazansky, to whom the Slovaks even
today refer to as "our good Ludmila." The people still recall that the mistresses of Budatin Castle treated the Slovaks rather decently and that one of them even had a bridge
built across the Vah river at a time when there was no work
and people were starving. The rooms of the castle tower
are especially interesting, containing as they do many
precious antiquities. The view of the river and the vicinity

�60

S LOVAKIA

from the tower is very beautiful. In the corridor of the tower
one can also see the memorable cell with the escutcheon
of the Sunog-Komar family, where the daughter of Gaspar
Sunog, Catherine, was walled in, according to popular
legend for refusing to marry the man of her father's choice.
From the highest point of Budatin one can see the topmost
parts of the ruins of Lieta va Castle.
Budatin is mentioned in history as early as 1250; at
that time the tower existed, but not the other adjacent buildings. That year the Budatin Chapter issued the document
which determined and defined the properties of the Dukes
of Zvolen. The village of "Wudatin" is also mentioned in the
thirteenth century. At the beginning of the following
century, Budatin became the property of the king.
It is interesting to note that although Matthew Cak,
"the lord of the Vah and the Tatras," ruled over thirty
castles, he never was the lord of Budatin. Maximilian, a loyal
adherent of Robert, was awarded Budatin shortly after it
came into royal possession.
During the r eign of King Zigmund of the House of
Luxembourg, the Czech Brethren from Tabor settled beneath Budatin. In 1431 they captured '~ ilina which was well
fortified at that time, according to a document left by Zigmund. Old documents mention a certain Ladislaus of Hatna,
a valiant warrior, who was called to Budatin from Bohemia
by King Zigmund. Undoubtedly he became the captain of
the castle because he served Zigmund well; he escorted the
king to Milan for a coronation and two years later (1433)
also to Rome. The widow of Ladislaus, Raphaela, married
Gaspar Sunog, a Slovak whose name really was Komar
(Magyar translation "Szunyok").
In the sixteenth century, there was a struggle for the
throne of Hungary between King Ferdinand and John Zap of sky, just when the Turks threatened to take everything.
While the rivals fought it out for the crown of Hungary,
the wealthy landowners exploited the situation to enhance
their own positions. Many castles were taken by the plunderers. The vicinity of ~ilina was terrorized by the notorious
John and Raphael of Podmanin, who finally even took Buda-

�SLOVAKIA

61

tin away from the Sunog-Komar family. The castles Hricov
and Lednica, together with Budatin, became the feared residences of the robber knights. Zilina was their political centrum. The Podmanin brothers were apprehended and convicted by the regional court for their crimes, but when they
humbled themselves and begged forgiveness, the king
amnestied them and returned their properties. But they had
to give up Budatin to the Sunog-Komar clan. Later Budatin
came into the hands of Gaspar Sunog; the story of the
walled-in bride originated in his time.
At the beginning of December 1848, Joseph Miloslav
Hurban, Slovak patriot from Beckov, and emperor's officers
Bloudek, Zach and Janecek organized an expedition of
volunteers in Tesin, Silesia. This volunteer army joined with
a division of the Austrian army, which then took everything
along the Kysuca and stood before Budatin on December
11th. At that time, Budatin was guarded by a Magyar garrison, but the volunteers had little trouble in dispersing it.
When, however, they attempted to cross the bridge into
Zilina, they were surprised ·b y the Magyars who cannonaded
them and forced the expedition back to Budatin. With the
Magyar army was also the son of the mistress of the Budatin
Castle, Lady Caky, who in the meantime had fled from the
castle disguised as a peasant.
On January 2, 1849, another battle was staged at Budatin. The volunteers, led by Hurban, Zach and Bloudek, were
aided by the forces of General Gatz of Austria. After surprising the Magyars and taking the bridge over the Vah, the
volunteers rested in Zilina for six days and then moved
farther into the Trencin country. The archives of Budatin
Castle were destroyed by fire during this battle .

• • •

WHO SAID IT ?

"Some pussy-footing ostriches criticize the treaty between Soviet Russia rund Czechoslovakia Our close collaboration with the Soviet Union needs no explanation. We do
not want anything from the Russia,ns except protection
frOiffi the Germ8!Ils, a:nd the Russians want nothing whatsoever from us." - (Jan Masaryk, BUSINESS WEEK, May
13, 1944).

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              <text>SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
59&#13;
&#13;
protected it aigainst invasion, occupation and annexation,&#13;
gas chambers and concentration camps. But for that Benes&#13;
and his poli1Jcal regime denounced them as traitors. The Sl,ovaks were held responsible foT a situation which they thema situation into which they wetre&#13;
sellVes had not created thrust alOIIlg with the Czech nation by the aniti-diemocratic,&#13;
anit-Chri&lt;Sltian, anti-Slovalk and imperialistic policies of the&#13;
late but not lamented Dr. Edward Benes, the man who sold&#13;
out the Slovaik and Ozech nations twice within a decade to&#13;
tota'1itarian powers.&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
CASTLES OF SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
BUDATIN&#13;
&#13;
The ruins of the Budatin Castle stand opposite 2ilina,&#13;
just about where the Kysuca pours into the Vah. In its time&#13;
it stood guard over the J ablunkov Pass and the old commercial highways. Slovak history tells us that the Slovaks, led&#13;
by Joseph Hurban, fought two battles here during the rebellion of the 1848-1849: the first one September 11, 1848, and&#13;
the second January 2, 1849. During the latter fight the&#13;
archives of Budatin, which today undoubtedly could have&#13;
shed some light on the foggy history of ancient Slovakia,&#13;
were destroyed by fire. In 1922-23, the lower part of the&#13;
castle was restored which was adorned with a typical Budatin&#13;
tower.&#13;
In the castle there are two spacious rooms, one on the&#13;
ground floor and the other on the upper floor, which are&#13;
adorned with numerous pictures, most of them portraits of&#13;
former owners of the castle. In one of the side rooms is a&#13;
portrait of Ludmila Lazansky, to whom the Slovaks even&#13;
today refer to as "our good Ludmila." The people still recall that the mistresses of Budatin Castle treated the Slovaks rather decently and that one of them even had a bridge&#13;
built across the Vah river at a time when there was no work&#13;
and people were starving. The rooms of the castle tower&#13;
are especially interesting, containing as they do many&#13;
precious antiquities. The view of the river and the vicinity&#13;
&#13;
60&#13;
&#13;
S LOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
from the tower is very beautiful. In the corridor of the tower&#13;
one can also see the memorable cell with the escutcheon&#13;
of the Sunog-Komar family, where the daughter of Gaspar&#13;
Sunog, Catherine, was walled in, according to popular&#13;
legend for refusing to marry the man of her father's choice.&#13;
From the highest point of Budatin one can see the topmost&#13;
parts of the ruins of Lieta va Castle.&#13;
Budatin is mentioned in history as early as 1250; at&#13;
that time the tower existed, but not the other adjacent buildings. That year the Budatin Chapter issued the document&#13;
which determined and defined the properties of the Dukes&#13;
of Zvolen. The village of "Wudatin" is also mentioned in the&#13;
thirteenth century. At the beginning of the following&#13;
century, Budatin became the property of the king.&#13;
It is interesting to note that although Matthew Cak,&#13;
"the lord of the Vah and the Tatras," ruled over thirty&#13;
castles, he never was the lord of Budatin. Maximilian, a loyal&#13;
adherent of Robert, was awarded Budatin shortly after it&#13;
came into royal possession.&#13;
During the r eign of King Zigmund of the House of&#13;
Luxembourg, the Czech Brethren from Tabor settled beneath Budatin. In 1431 they captured '~ ilina which was well&#13;
fortified at that time, according to a document left by Zigmund. Old documents mention a certain Ladislaus of Hatna,&#13;
a valiant warrior, who was called to Budatin from Bohemia&#13;
by King Zigmund. Undoubtedly he became the captain of&#13;
the castle because he served Zigmund well; he escorted the&#13;
king to Milan for a coronation and two years later (1433)&#13;
also to Rome. The widow of Ladislaus, Raphaela, married&#13;
Gaspar Sunog, a Slovak whose name really was Komar&#13;
(Magyar translation "Szunyok").&#13;
In the sixteenth century, there was a struggle for the&#13;
throne of Hungary between King Ferdinand and John Zap of sky, just when the Turks threatened to take everything.&#13;
While the rivals fought it out for the crown of Hungary,&#13;
the wealthy landowners exploited the situation to enhance&#13;
their own positions. Many castles were taken by the plunderers. The vicinity of ~ilina was terrorized by the notorious&#13;
John and Raphael of Podmanin, who finally even took Buda-&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
61&#13;
&#13;
tin away from the Sunog-Komar family. The castles Hricov&#13;
and Lednica, together with Budatin, became the feared residences of the robber knights. Zilina was their political centrum. The Podmanin brothers were apprehended and convicted by the regional court for their crimes, but when they&#13;
humbled themselves and begged forgiveness, the king&#13;
amnestied them and returned their properties. But they had&#13;
to give up Budatin to the Sunog-Komar clan. Later Budatin&#13;
came into the hands of Gaspar Sunog; the story of the&#13;
walled-in bride originated in his time.&#13;
At the beginning of December 1848, Joseph Miloslav&#13;
Hurban, Slovak patriot from Beckov, and emperor's officers&#13;
Bloudek, Zach and Janecek organized an expedition of&#13;
volunteers in Tesin, Silesia. This volunteer army joined with&#13;
a division of the Austrian army, which then took everything&#13;
along the Kysuca and stood before Budatin on December&#13;
11th. At that time, Budatin was guarded by a Magyar garrison, but the volunteers had little trouble in dispersing it.&#13;
When, however, they attempted to cross the bridge into&#13;
Zilina, they were surprised ·b y the Magyars who cannonaded&#13;
them and forced the expedition back to Budatin. With the&#13;
Magyar army was also the son of the mistress of the Budatin&#13;
Castle, Lady Caky, who in the meantime had fled from the&#13;
castle disguised as a peasant.&#13;
On January 2, 1849, another battle was staged at Budatin. The volunteers, led by Hurban, Zach and Bloudek, were&#13;
aided by the forces of General Gatz of Austria. After surprising the Magyars and taking the bridge over the Vah, the&#13;
volunteers rested in Zilina for six days and then moved&#13;
farther into the Trencin country. The archives of Budatin&#13;
Castle were destroyed by fire during this battle .&#13;
&#13;
• • •&#13;
&#13;
WHO SAID IT ?&#13;
&#13;
"Some pussy-footing ostriches criticize the treaty between Soviet Russia rund Czechoslovakia Our close collaboration with the Soviet Union needs no explanation. We do&#13;
not want anything from the Russia,ns except protection&#13;
frOiffi the Germ8!Ils, a:nd the Russians want nothing whatsoever from us." - (Jan Masaryk, BUSINESS WEEK, May&#13;
13, 1944).&#13;
&#13;
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                    <text>DECEMBER 1953

VQL. Ill

NO. 4

IN THIS ISSUE:

INFLUENCE OF AMERICAN

DEMOCRACY ON

SLOVAK LIF E

CHRISTMAS IN THE LOW TATRA REGION .
SLOVAKIA AND THE WEST
THE CZECHS FOR A CENTRAL EUROPEAN FEDERATION ?
SLOVAKIA' S RIGHT TO BE HEARD

s

SLOVAKIA AND INTERNATIONAL INTERESTS IN 1938

WHY THE SLOVAKS WERE NOT CONTENT IN CZECHO-SLOVAKIA
SLOVAKIA IN THE LIGHT OF THE NUREMBERG TRIALS
CASTLES OF SLOVAKIA:

BUDATIN

LETTRICH ' S REGIME IN THE LIGHT OF TRUTH
WHO SAID IT ? -

PP. 15, 21 , 26, 54, 61

• • •
Edited and compi led by
PHILIP A. HROBAK

Pub I ished by
THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA

�SLOV A.KIA is µublished periodically by the Slovak League of America,
a cultural and civic federation of Amerteans of Slovak descent.
The chief purpose of S.LOV AK.IA
is to promote a better understanding
and appreciation of the Slovak nation
and its long struggle for freedom and
independence.
As Americans, members of the
Slovak League of America firmly believe that the Slovak nation, just as all
nations, has an inherent and God-given
right to freedom and independence.
They are dedicated to the cause of the
American way of life, Slovak freedom
and world peace and are determined to
oppose the plague of Communism and
all other totalitarian political systems.
Subscription to Slovakia $1.00 per
year in the U. S. A. - $2.00 elsewhere.
Send subscriptions to:
SLOVAKIA
Box 150
Middletown, Pa.

Printed in the U. S. A.
JEDNOTA PRESS
Middletown, Pa.

�</text>
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                    <text>DECEMBER 1953

VQL. Ill

NO. 4

IN THIS ISSUE:

INFLUENCE OF AMERICAN

DEMOCRACY ON

SLOVAK LIF E

CHRISTMAS IN THE LOW TATRA REGION .
SLOVAKIA AND THE WEST
THE CZECHS FOR A CENTRAL EUROPEAN FEDERATION ?
SLOVAKIA' S RIGHT TO BE HEARD

s

SLOVAKIA AND INTERNATIONAL INTERESTS IN 1938

WHY THE SLOVAKS WERE NOT CONTENT IN CZECHO-SLOVAKIA
SLOVAKIA IN THE LIGHT OF THE NUREMBERG TRIALS
CASTLES OF SLOVAKIA:

BUDATIN

LETTRICH ' S REGIME IN THE LIGHT OF TRUTH
WHO SAID IT ? -

PP. 15, 21 , 26, 54, 61

• • •
Edited and compi led by
PHILIP A. HROBAK

Pub I ished by
THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA

�SLOV A.KIA is µublished periodically by the Slovak League of America,
a cultural and civic federation of Amerteans of Slovak descent.
The chief purpose of S.LOV AK.IA
is to promote a better understanding
and appreciation of the Slovak nation
and its long struggle for freedom and
independence.
As Americans, members of the
Slovak League of America firmly believe that the Slovak nation, just as all
nations, has an inherent and God-given
right to freedom and independence.
They are dedicated to the cause of the
American way of life, Slovak freedom
and world peace and are determined to
oppose the plague of Communism and
all other totalitarian political systems.
Subscription to Slovakia $1.00 per
year in the U. S. A. - $2.00 elsewhere.
Send subscriptions to:
SLOVAKIA
Box 150
Middletown, Pa.

Printed in the U. S. A.
JEDNOTA PRESS
Middletown, Pa.

�</text>
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                  <text>&lt;ul&gt;&lt;li&gt;Issue 1 (No. 6), April 1953.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Issue 2 (No. 7), July 1953.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Issue 3 (No. 8), September 1953.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Issue 4 (No. 9), December 1953.&lt;/li&gt;
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                    <text>YOU CAN LEARN SLOV Al(
as easily as you can any other modern language. Slovak
should be a MUST for students of Slovanic languages,
because it is the simplest of all of them and a KEY to
all of them. Prove it to yourself with the most scholarly
text on Slovak, the

SLOVAK LESSONS
A practical study of the Slovak Grammar, 9'.2
lessons, 400 pages ; exercises in Slovak and English ;
English-Slovak and Slovak-English vocabulary. Hard
cover, bound in cloth, $3.50

HROBAK'S ENGLISH DICTIONARY - the best and
most complete dictionary of it s kind; 702 pages with a
brief sumary of the Slovak Grammar. Hard cover, bound
in cloth, $4.00
THE SLOVAKS, by Peter P. Yurchak, should be read by
all students interested in the history and traditions of
the Slovak nation; 312 pages, hard cover, bound in cloth
- $3.00; paper cover - $2.00
SKETCHES FROM SLOVAK HISTORY
by Joseph Skultety, translation by 0. D. Koreff;
a documented refutation of several errors propagated by writers and historians; 229 pages, hard
cover, bound in cloth - $2.00; paper cover $1.00.
Order from :
P.A.HROBAK
Box 150

Middletown, Pa.

�SLOVAKIA: A picturesque vi,~w of the ruins of the Beckov
castle, the story of which is told in this issue

�</text>
                  </elementText>
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                    <text>YOU CAN LEARN SLOV Al(
as easily as you can any other modern language. Slovak
should be a MUST for students of Slovanic languages,
because it is the simplest of all of them and a KEY to
all of them. Prove it to yourself with the most scholarly
text on Slovak, the

SLOVAK LESSONS
A practical study of the Slovak Grammar, 9'.2
lessons, 400 pages ; exercises in Slovak and English ;
English-Slovak and Slovak-English vocabulary. Hard
cover, bound in cloth, $3.50

HROBAK'S ENGLISH DICTIONARY - the best and
most complete dictionary of it s kind; 702 pages with a
brief sumary of the Slovak Grammar. Hard cover, bound
in cloth, $4.00
THE SLOVAKS, by Peter P. Yurchak, should be read by
all students interested in the history and traditions of
the Slovak nation; 312 pages, hard cover, bound in cloth
- $3.00; paper cover - $2.00
SKETCHES FROM SLOVAK HISTORY
by Joseph Skultety, translation by 0. D. Koreff;
a documented refutation of several errors propagated by writers and historians; 229 pages, hard
cover, bound in cloth - $2.00; paper cover $1.00.
Order from :
P.A.HROBAK
Box 150

Middletown, Pa.

�SLOVAKIA: A picturesque vi,~w of the ruins of the Beckov
castle, the story of which is told in this issue

�</text>
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              <text>SLOVAKIA: A picturesque vi,~w of the ruins of the Beckov&#13;
castle, the story of which is told in this issue&#13;
&#13;
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                <text>Back Matter, Slovakia, Vol. 3, No. 3 (8)</text>
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                <text>includes photo of Beckov Castle</text>
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                <text>September 1953</text>
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                    <text>64

SLOVAKIA

DR. JOSEPH LETTRICH
was head man in Slovakia from 1945 to 1948. The Slovak National
Council, which he was chairman of, was absolute in all matters pertaining to Slovakia. He was a member of the Communist-dominated
"National Front" Government of Prague until February 1948. Today
ha is Vice-Chairman of the Executive Committee of the "Council of
Free Czechoslovakia" (Washington, D. C.). which is headed by former
Czech "National Fronters" who collaborated with the Communists in
the Prague Government before the so-called Communist "putsch" of
February 1948. Lettrich, the man who helped to destroy his own
country, the independent Republic of Slovakia, suddenly became a
"democratic, anti-Communist exile from Czecho,Slovakla" - as did
many of the other members of the Council - after that "putsch.''
What kind of a "democrat" and "anti-Communist" Lettrlch actually
was is reflected by the following quotations from his articles and
speeches:

"We cannot stress the fact often enough t'hat witho'll/t
the help of the Soviet Army we would not have been ruble to
meet here today. We shall never forget the saorifices and
efforts made by ,t he Soviiet Union for the oause of political
freedom. This showld be exipla:ined. to the yol.l'Ilgest people oif
our generation. The Slovak oration and the Czechoslovruk Republic are. morally bound to the Soviet Union by very stron:g
ties." - (CAS, Bratislaiva, June 5, 1945 .

•

•

•

•

•

•

"Political parties which have outlived themseLves, which
are politically unaiccepta.ble or guilty, may not be reviived
in our country, nor renewed in any form ... The Democratic
Party, together with the Communist Party in Slovakia,
have created a well-,coordinated working body, hithento
unknown, which bore witness and proved in a:11 fielas of endeavor that they weire united in a common punpose and by
common interests that they had been faced by a cOIIIUllon
enemy and by the same perils Today they are U1I1ited anew
in a common endeavor to rebuild our nation. It is the firm
convktion of all political leaders in the Democratic Party
that this bond of collaboration shall be further strength(Before the Provisional National Assembly,
ened.." Prague, October 30, 1945) .
"Generalissimo stalin is the leader of tJhe great So.Vliet Uruion, our good ally and friend, whose Red .All'Iny
fought so heroically against Nazism and brought freedom
f)Ven to us." - (NARODNA OBRODA, Janiuary 26, 1947) .

�</text>
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                    <text>64

SLOVAKIA

DR. JOSEPH LETTRICH
was head man in Slovakia from 1945 to 1948. The Slovak National
Council, which he was chairman of, was absolute in all matters pertaining to Slovakia. He was a member of the Communist-dominated
"National Front" Government of Prague until February 1948. Today
ha is Vice-Chairman of the Executive Committee of the "Council of
Free Czechoslovakia" (Washington, D. C.). which is headed by former
Czech "National Fronters" who collaborated with the Communists in
the Prague Government before the so-called Communist "putsch" of
February 1948. Lettrich, the man who helped to destroy his own
country, the independent Republic of Slovakia, suddenly became a
"democratic, anti-Communist exile from Czecho,Slovakla" - as did
many of the other members of the Council - after that "putsch.''
What kind of a "democrat" and "anti-Communist" Lettrlch actually
was is reflected by the following quotations from his articles and
speeches:

"We cannot stress the fact often enough t'hat witho'll/t
the help of the Soviet Army we would not have been ruble to
meet here today. We shall never forget the saorifices and
efforts made by ,t he Soviiet Union for the oause of political
freedom. This showld be exipla:ined. to the yol.l'Ilgest people oif
our generation. The Slovak oration and the Czechoslovruk Republic are. morally bound to the Soviet Union by very stron:g
ties." - (CAS, Bratislaiva, June 5, 1945 .

•

•

•

•

•

•

"Political parties which have outlived themseLves, which
are politically unaiccepta.ble or guilty, may not be reviived
in our country, nor renewed in any form ... The Democratic
Party, together with the Communist Party in Slovakia,
have created a well-,coordinated working body, hithento
unknown, which bore witness and proved in a:11 fielas of endeavor that they weire united in a common punpose and by
common interests that they had been faced by a cOIIIUllon
enemy and by the same perils Today they are U1I1ited anew
in a common endeavor to rebuild our nation. It is the firm
convktion of all political leaders in the Democratic Party
that this bond of collaboration shall be further strength(Before the Provisional National Assembly,
ened.." Prague, October 30, 1945) .
"Generalissimo stalin is the leader of tJhe great So.Vliet Uruion, our good ally and friend, whose Red .All'Iny
fought so heroically against Nazism and brought freedom
f)Ven to us." - (NARODNA OBRODA, Janiuary 26, 1947) .

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                  <text>&lt;ul&gt;&lt;li&gt;Issue 1 (No. 6), April 1953.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Issue 2 (No. 7), July 1953.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Issue 3 (No. 8), September 1953.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Issue 4 (No. 9), December 1953.&lt;/li&gt;
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                  <text>The Slovak League of America</text>
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              <text>64&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
DR. JOSEPH LETTRICH&#13;
was head man in Slovakia from 1945 to 1948. The Slovak National&#13;
Council, which he was chairman of, was absolute in all matters pertaining to Slovakia. He was a member of the Communist-dominated&#13;
"National Front" Government of Prague until February 1948. Today&#13;
ha is Vice-Chairman of the Executive Committee of the "Council of&#13;
Free Czechoslovakia" (Washington, D. C.). which is headed by former&#13;
Czech "National Fronters" who collaborated with the Communists in&#13;
the Prague Government before the so-called Communist "putsch" of&#13;
February 1948. Lettrich, the man who helped to destroy his own&#13;
country, the independent Republic of Slovakia, suddenly became a&#13;
"democratic, anti-Communist exile from Czecho,Slovakla" - as did&#13;
many of the other members of the Council - after that "putsch.''&#13;
What kind of a "democrat" and "anti-Communist" Lettrlch actually&#13;
was is reflected by the following quotations from his articles and&#13;
speeches:&#13;
&#13;
"We cannot stress the fact often enough t'hat witho'll/t&#13;
the help of the Soviet Army we would not have been ruble to&#13;
meet here today. We shall never forget the saorifices and&#13;
efforts made by ,t he Soviiet Union for the oause of political&#13;
freedom. This showld be exipla:ined. to the yol.l'Ilgest people oif&#13;
our generation. The Slovak oration and the Czechoslovruk Republic are. morally bound to the Soviet Union by very stron:g&#13;
ties." - (CAS, Bratislaiva, June 5, 1945 .&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
"Political parties which have outlived themseLves, which&#13;
are politically unaiccepta.ble or guilty, may not be reviived&#13;
in our country, nor renewed in any form ... The Democratic&#13;
Party, together with the Communist Party in Slovakia,&#13;
have created a well-,coordinated working body, hithento&#13;
unknown, which bore witness and proved in a:11 fielas of endeavor that they weire united in a common punpose and by&#13;
common interests that they had been faced by a cOIIIUllon&#13;
enemy and by the same perils Today they are U1I1ited anew&#13;
in a common endeavor to rebuild our nation. It is the firm&#13;
convktion of all political leaders in the Democratic Party&#13;
that this bond of collaboration shall be further strength(Before the Provisional National Assembly,&#13;
ened.." Prague, October 30, 1945) .&#13;
"Generalissimo stalin is the leader of tJhe great So.Vliet Uruion, our good ally and friend, whose Red .All'Iny&#13;
fought so heroically against Nazism and brought freedom&#13;
f)Ven to us." - (NARODNA OBRODA, Janiuary 26, 1947) .&#13;
&#13;
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                <text>Dr. Joseph Lettrich in Retrospect</text>
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                    <text>SLOVAKIA

61

CASTLES OF SLOVAKIA

BECKOV
Beclkov - proibalbly caUed "Bludinec" originally - belongs to the group of the oldest citadels or castles of the
Vah region which were situated for the mos.t part on the
left banlk of the Vah river. Beneath BeckOIV there was an old
military and commercial road, whi'ch deiviated from the main
Czech highway near Jablonica and extended through Brezova to the Vah region. According to tradition, °the Beclwv
Castle already existed during the time of the Great Mora.
vran Empire, so that the legend aJbout its originating druoring the time of Ct"iJbor (a'bout 1412) prdbaibly has no historical basis.
Bookov is mentioned in docUilllents already in 1208 under the name of "BlU'lldix." In descri!bing Ska.Jilm, the documents tell us of a road "ooming from Beokov." The bishop
of Nitra (rubout 1228), we learn, donated a fourth of the
wine he had received as a tithe from Beckov to the monastery on Skalka. That means that in those days the vicinity
of Bec•k ov was intersted in growing grapes. In the 13th centll.'ry, Anonymous ("Belae regis notarius") oalled Becko;v
"Ca.strum Blundus" (Bolondoc), and Bela I. himself called
it "Bolondtuich." The Belelkov · fortress was at first a royal
military station and, later, bieneath the castle there originated the settlement of Beckov, which was once surrounded
by fortifications.
Matthew Cak oif Trencin, "the Lord of the V ah and the
Tatras," ruled over Bedkov at one time. After him to Beckov came the royal solicitor, which means that during the
rule o.f King Robert and King Louis I , Bedkov was in the
hands of the king. When Zigmond of Luxemburg sought
men in Boland in 1386 to fight his dvaJ, Charles of Durazza, he was escorted on this trip by four soldiers from Slovakia, one of whom, OtiJbor ("Tilbu'l'tius" in Latin) , received
extensiive lands from Zigmond for faithful services rendered. This CUbor was generally known as the Lord of the
Vah river ("dominus fluvii Vagi"), even though he also was

�62

SLOVAKIA

the admrinistrator of Bratislava (.Press/burg) amd, later,
the Duke of TransyWania. At that time Zigmond and his
wife donated wen Beckov to Ctilbor and this gift is confiitrned by a special document, dated in Trencin in 1396.
OUbor relbuilt and renovated the castle for his own use
and then dona!l:ed Podhrad to his old oasteMan J a.mes from
Nasil.O!V. Otiibor founded the ipr~osture in Norve Mesto (nad
Vahom) amd ,pa;rtiiciipated in the CouI11Cil of Kostmca (14141418). DUike Ctilbor, Lord of Treinici111, Hlohorvec and many
other casitles·, died in 1424 after he was stung by a bee. His
oldest son, • Ctihor II, . became BishOtp of Jager and Oti!bor
III inherited his father's properties and led his people in
the fights agaiinst the Hus.sites. Ten years after his father's death, Ctibor NI also passed away and the family's
v,ast hoWmgis, excepting Beckov, were wen orver by the
r01yal soli'c;itOT. Boolmv came in.to the hands, of the Banflfy
family from Dol111a Lindia:va; the last desicendant of this
clan, John Banffy died fighting the Tunks in 1595. While
the Banfey family nrled orver Bookorv, the preacller Borne~
missa visited them and wrote his collection of sermons,
known as "Postla," which was .published in 1584 and thus
prepared the way for the Retformatioo.
When the Turks attaciked Piestlany in 1599, they took
with them 13,000 eruptives from that part of the country
and plll'lldered and piilaged the entire vicinity Ulp to Trencin. History notes, howerver, that the people who sought
refuge in the Beokorv Oa,,stle were spared, even though the
TurlIB had oome under the very fortifications of the castle.
Imrich Thakoly used Beickov as a prison for his eruptives
aftetr his MoraJVian eJQpedition (Uherslky Brod).
Bult how did Beokov fall into ruins? Some say that the
castle was riazed durin1g the rei&lt;gn of Leopold I, while others
say something else. Nervertheless, it is quite certain that
the great confla;gra:tion which devoured the commU!Ility of
Bookov in 1729, also completely ruined the castle.
The legend aJbout the oriigin orf the castle, which the
Slwaks oif BookOIV love to teH, relates that Ctilbor built the
c.astle to fwfill. his ;promise to his clown Beiclko. Ct:ifbor, the
legend says, was a passionate hunter. One evening, after

�S LOVAKIA

63

a successful day o,f hunting, Ctibo,r and his group made
cam11p near the high limestone rook upon whiclh the ruins
of .Beckov rest tod!ay. Ctilbor was in a jovJal mood. After
eating heartily, the group burst oot in song; some mernfbe:rs
of the party recounted tales of heroism, witches and goblins; others told jokes. But no one could te11 a tale or a
joke like Bedim, Ctilbor's court jester. Betoko had Otiibor
and his entourage in stirtJches. A.ifter the clown had rel,a ted
his last "just one more" taill tale, Ctibor s,aid to him:
"Booko, my fool, well done. Demand o!f me what you
will and I, iif your wish is at a'll humacly attrunaJble, shall
grant it."
Becka, seated at.oip a hrl.l!ge b1aclk bear the party had
ba;gged that da;y, grinned, fixed his eyes on the rook above
and said: "Look, if you are sll!ch a frumous mam, build me,
if you please, a castle upon that rook!"
The crowd roared with laughter, because every one
thoUJght that impossible. But Ctilbor lodked up art tilie rock,
rulbbed his, whiskers, smiled and r~lied: "You shall
have it!"
The legend continues that Ctilbor did fulfill his promise. A few days l•aiter he had his people start woI1k on the
new castle. We are toJd that Ctibor ordered his men to stO!p
all traivelers along the road beneath the site of the castle
and put them to work for ei ght days. In a year the castle
was bui,l t and Ctibor arnd his people celebriated the a-ccom:plishment. The new castle wa s beaurt1ful beyond comparison.
Ctilbor named it Beckov in honor of his olown Beclco. But
Ctilbor did not give it to Beclko. Aiocordin,g to the legend,
Ctibor lilked the castle so much that he moved into it himsellf and gave Be'clko one of his other castles.
The great Slovak patriot, writer and publisher, Joseph
MilosJ.av Hurban, was born in the viHaige of Becikov, March
19, 1817. He was one of the leaders of the SlOIVaJk rebellion
against the Haibsiburg,s in 1848-49; with Louis Stur and Michael Hoooa, he led the revolt for equal rights for the Slovak nation. Hur.ban and Hodza joined with Stu.ir to establish the literary Slovak that is used today by Slovaks everywhere.
1

�</text>
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                    <text>SLOVAKIA

61

CASTLES OF SLOVAKIA

BECKOV
Beclkov - proibalbly caUed "Bludinec" originally - belongs to the group of the oldest citadels or castles of the
Vah region which were situated for the mos.t part on the
left banlk of the Vah river. Beneath BeckOIV there was an old
military and commercial road, whi'ch deiviated from the main
Czech highway near Jablonica and extended through Brezova to the Vah region. According to tradition, °the Beclwv
Castle already existed during the time of the Great Mora.
vran Empire, so that the legend aJbout its originating druoring the time of Ct"iJbor (a'bout 1412) prdbaibly has no historical basis.
Bookov is mentioned in docUilllents already in 1208 under the name of "BlU'lldix." In descri!bing Ska.Jilm, the documents tell us of a road "ooming from Beokov." The bishop
of Nitra (rubout 1228), we learn, donated a fourth of the
wine he had received as a tithe from Beckov to the monastery on Skalka. That means that in those days the vicinity
of Bec•k ov was intersted in growing grapes. In the 13th centll.'ry, Anonymous ("Belae regis notarius") oalled Becko;v
"Ca.strum Blundus" (Bolondoc), and Bela I. himself called
it "Bolondtuich." The Belelkov · fortress was at first a royal
military station and, later, bieneath the castle there originated the settlement of Beckov, which was once surrounded
by fortifications.
Matthew Cak oif Trencin, "the Lord of the V ah and the
Tatras," ruled over Bedkov at one time. After him to Beckov came the royal solicitor, which means that during the
rule o.f King Robert and King Louis I , Bedkov was in the
hands of the king. When Zigmond of Luxemburg sought
men in Boland in 1386 to fight his dvaJ, Charles of Durazza, he was escorted on this trip by four soldiers from Slovakia, one of whom, OtiJbor ("Tilbu'l'tius" in Latin) , received
extensiive lands from Zigmond for faithful services rendered. This CUbor was generally known as the Lord of the
Vah river ("dominus fluvii Vagi"), even though he also was

�62

SLOVAKIA

the admrinistrator of Bratislava (.Press/burg) amd, later,
the Duke of TransyWania. At that time Zigmond and his
wife donated wen Beckov to Ctilbor and this gift is confiitrned by a special document, dated in Trencin in 1396.
OUbor relbuilt and renovated the castle for his own use
and then dona!l:ed Podhrad to his old oasteMan J a.mes from
Nasil.O!V. Otiibor founded the ipr~osture in Norve Mesto (nad
Vahom) amd ,pa;rtiiciipated in the CouI11Cil of Kostmca (14141418). DUike Ctilbor, Lord of Treinici111, Hlohorvec and many
other casitles·, died in 1424 after he was stung by a bee. His
oldest son, • Ctihor II, . became BishOtp of Jager and Oti!bor
III inherited his father's properties and led his people in
the fights agaiinst the Hus.sites. Ten years after his father's death, Ctibor NI also passed away and the family's
v,ast hoWmgis, excepting Beckov, were wen orver by the
r01yal soli'c;itOT. Boolmv came in.to the hands, of the Banflfy
family from Dol111a Lindia:va; the last desicendant of this
clan, John Banffy died fighting the Tunks in 1595. While
the Banfey family nrled orver Bookorv, the preacller Borne~
missa visited them and wrote his collection of sermons,
known as "Postla," which was .published in 1584 and thus
prepared the way for the Retformatioo.
When the Turks attaciked Piestlany in 1599, they took
with them 13,000 eruptives from that part of the country
and plll'lldered and piilaged the entire vicinity Ulp to Trencin. History notes, howerver, that the people who sought
refuge in the Beokorv Oa,,stle were spared, even though the
TurlIB had oome under the very fortifications of the castle.
Imrich Thakoly used Beickov as a prison for his eruptives
aftetr his MoraJVian eJQpedition (Uherslky Brod).
Bult how did Beokov fall into ruins? Some say that the
castle was riazed durin1g the rei&lt;gn of Leopold I, while others
say something else. Nervertheless, it is quite certain that
the great confla;gra:tion which devoured the commU!Ility of
Bookov in 1729, also completely ruined the castle.
The legend aJbout the oriigin orf the castle, which the
Slwaks oif BookOIV love to teH, relates that Ctilbor built the
c.astle to fwfill. his ;promise to his clown Beiclko. Ct:ifbor, the
legend says, was a passionate hunter. One evening, after

�S LOVAKIA

63

a successful day o,f hunting, Ctibo,r and his group made
cam11p near the high limestone rook upon whiclh the ruins
of .Beckov rest tod!ay. Ctilbor was in a jovJal mood. After
eating heartily, the group burst oot in song; some mernfbe:rs
of the party recounted tales of heroism, witches and goblins; others told jokes. But no one could te11 a tale or a
joke like Bedim, Ctilbor's court jester. Betoko had Otiibor
and his entourage in stirtJches. A.ifter the clown had rel,a ted
his last "just one more" taill tale, Ctibor s,aid to him:
"Booko, my fool, well done. Demand o!f me what you
will and I, iif your wish is at a'll humacly attrunaJble, shall
grant it."
Becka, seated at.oip a hrl.l!ge b1aclk bear the party had
ba;gged that da;y, grinned, fixed his eyes on the rook above
and said: "Look, if you are sll!ch a frumous mam, build me,
if you please, a castle upon that rook!"
The crowd roared with laughter, because every one
thoUJght that impossible. But Ctilbor lodked up art tilie rock,
rulbbed his, whiskers, smiled and r~lied: "You shall
have it!"
The legend continues that Ctilbor did fulfill his promise. A few days l•aiter he had his people start woI1k on the
new castle. We are toJd that Ctibor ordered his men to stO!p
all traivelers along the road beneath the site of the castle
and put them to work for ei ght days. In a year the castle
was bui,l t and Ctibor arnd his people celebriated the a-ccom:plishment. The new castle wa s beaurt1ful beyond comparison.
Ctilbor named it Beckov in honor of his olown Beclco. But
Ctilbor did not give it to Beclko. Aiocordin,g to the legend,
Ctibor lilked the castle so much that he moved into it himsellf and gave Be'clko one of his other castles.
The great Slovak patriot, writer and publisher, Joseph
MilosJ.av Hurban, was born in the viHaige of Becikov, March
19, 1817. He was one of the leaders of the SlOIVaJk rebellion
against the Haibsiburg,s in 1848-49; with Louis Stur and Michael Hoooa, he led the revolt for equal rights for the Slovak nation. Hur.ban and Hodza joined with Stu.ir to establish the literary Slovak that is used today by Slovaks everywhere.
1

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                  <text>&lt;ul&gt;&lt;li&gt;Issue 1 (No. 6), April 1953.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Issue 2 (No. 7), July 1953.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Issue 3 (No. 8), September 1953.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Issue 4 (No. 9), December 1953.&lt;/li&gt;
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              <text>SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
61&#13;
&#13;
CASTLES OF SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
BECKOV&#13;
Beclkov - proibalbly caUed "Bludinec" originally - belongs to the group of the oldest citadels or castles of the&#13;
Vah region which were situated for the mos.t part on the&#13;
left banlk of the Vah river. Beneath BeckOIV there was an old&#13;
military and commercial road, whi'ch deiviated from the main&#13;
Czech highway near Jablonica and extended through Brezova to the Vah region. According to tradition, °the Beclwv&#13;
Castle already existed during the time of the Great Mora.&#13;
vran Empire, so that the legend aJbout its originating druoring the time of Ct"iJbor (a'bout 1412) prdbaibly has no historical basis.&#13;
Bookov is mentioned in docUilllents already in 1208 under the name of "BlU'lldix." In descri!bing Ska.Jilm, the documents tell us of a road "ooming from Beokov." The bishop&#13;
of Nitra (rubout 1228), we learn, donated a fourth of the&#13;
wine he had received as a tithe from Beckov to the monastery on Skalka. That means that in those days the vicinity&#13;
of Bec•k ov was intersted in growing grapes. In the 13th centll.'ry, Anonymous ("Belae regis notarius") oalled Becko;v&#13;
"Ca.strum Blundus" (Bolondoc), and Bela I. himself called&#13;
it "Bolondtuich." The Belelkov · fortress was at first a royal&#13;
military station and, later, bieneath the castle there originated the settlement of Beckov, which was once surrounded&#13;
by fortifications.&#13;
Matthew Cak oif Trencin, "the Lord of the V ah and the&#13;
Tatras," ruled over Bedkov at one time. After him to Beckov came the royal solicitor, which means that during the&#13;
rule o.f King Robert and King Louis I , Bedkov was in the&#13;
hands of the king. When Zigmond of Luxemburg sought&#13;
men in Boland in 1386 to fight his dvaJ, Charles of Durazza, he was escorted on this trip by four soldiers from Slovakia, one of whom, OtiJbor ("Tilbu'l'tius" in Latin) , received&#13;
extensiive lands from Zigmond for faithful services rendered. This CUbor was generally known as the Lord of the&#13;
Vah river ("dominus fluvii Vagi"), even though he also was&#13;
&#13;
62&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
the admrinistrator of Bratislava (.Press/burg) amd, later,&#13;
the Duke of TransyWania. At that time Zigmond and his&#13;
wife donated wen Beckov to Ctilbor and this gift is confiitrned by a special document, dated in Trencin in 1396.&#13;
OUbor relbuilt and renovated the castle for his own use&#13;
and then dona!l:ed Podhrad to his old oasteMan J a.mes from&#13;
Nasil.O!V. Otiibor founded the ipr~osture in Norve Mesto (nad&#13;
Vahom) amd ,pa;rtiiciipated in the CouI11Cil of Kostmca (14141418). DUike Ctilbor, Lord of Treinici111, Hlohorvec and many&#13;
other casitles·, died in 1424 after he was stung by a bee. His&#13;
oldest son, • Ctihor II, . became BishOtp of Jager and Oti!bor&#13;
III inherited his father's properties and led his people in&#13;
the fights agaiinst the Hus.sites. Ten years after his father's death, Ctibor NI also passed away and the family's&#13;
v,ast hoWmgis, excepting Beckov, were wen orver by the&#13;
r01yal soli'c;itOT. Boolmv came in.to the hands, of the Banflfy&#13;
family from Dol111a Lindia:va; the last desicendant of this&#13;
clan, John Banffy died fighting the Tunks in 1595. While&#13;
the Banfey family nrled orver Bookorv, the preacller Borne~&#13;
missa visited them and wrote his collection of sermons,&#13;
known as "Postla," which was .published in 1584 and thus&#13;
prepared the way for the Retformatioo.&#13;
When the Turks attaciked Piestlany in 1599, they took&#13;
with them 13,000 eruptives from that part of the country&#13;
and plll'lldered and piilaged the entire vicinity Ulp to Trencin. History notes, howerver, that the people who sought&#13;
refuge in the Beokorv Oa,,stle were spared, even though the&#13;
TurlIB had oome under the very fortifications of the castle.&#13;
Imrich Thakoly used Beickov as a prison for his eruptives&#13;
aftetr his MoraJVian eJQpedition (Uherslky Brod).&#13;
Bult how did Beokov fall into ruins? Some say that the&#13;
castle was riazed durin1g the rei&lt;gn of Leopold I, while others&#13;
say something else. Nervertheless, it is quite certain that&#13;
the great confla;gra:tion which devoured the commU!Ility of&#13;
Bookov in 1729, also completely ruined the castle.&#13;
The legend aJbout the oriigin orf the castle, which the&#13;
Slwaks oif BookOIV love to teH, relates that Ctilbor built the&#13;
c.astle to fwfill. his ;promise to his clown Beiclko. Ct:ifbor, the&#13;
legend says, was a passionate hunter. One evening, after&#13;
&#13;
S LOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
63&#13;
&#13;
a successful day o,f hunting, Ctibo,r and his group made&#13;
cam11p near the high limestone rook upon whiclh the ruins&#13;
of .Beckov rest tod!ay. Ctilbor was in a jovJal mood. After&#13;
eating heartily, the group burst oot in song; some mernfbe:rs&#13;
of the party recounted tales of heroism, witches and goblins; others told jokes. But no one could te11 a tale or a&#13;
joke like Bedim, Ctilbor's court jester. Betoko had Otiibor&#13;
and his entourage in stirtJches. A.ifter the clown had rel,a ted&#13;
his last "just one more" taill tale, Ctibor s,aid to him:&#13;
"Booko, my fool, well done. Demand o!f me what you&#13;
will and I, iif your wish is at a'll humacly attrunaJble, shall&#13;
grant it."&#13;
Becka, seated at.oip a hrl.l!ge b1aclk bear the party had&#13;
ba;gged that da;y, grinned, fixed his eyes on the rook above&#13;
and said: "Look, if you are sll!ch a frumous mam, build me,&#13;
if you please, a castle upon that rook!"&#13;
The crowd roared with laughter, because every one&#13;
thoUJght that impossible. But Ctilbor lodked up art tilie rock,&#13;
rulbbed his, whiskers, smiled and r~lied: "You shall&#13;
have it!"&#13;
The legend continues that Ctilbor did fulfill his promise. A few days l•aiter he had his people start woI1k on the&#13;
new castle. We are toJd that Ctibor ordered his men to stO!p&#13;
all traivelers along the road beneath the site of the castle&#13;
and put them to work for ei ght days. In a year the castle&#13;
was bui,l t and Ctibor arnd his people celebriated the a-ccom:plishment. The new castle wa s beaurt1ful beyond comparison.&#13;
Ctilbor named it Beckov in honor of his olown Beclco. But&#13;
Ctilbor did not give it to Beclko. Aiocordin,g to the legend,&#13;
Ctibor lilked the castle so much that he moved into it himsellf and gave Be'clko one of his other castles.&#13;
The great Slovak patriot, writer and publisher, Joseph&#13;
MilosJ.av Hurban, was born in the viHaige of Becikov, March&#13;
19, 1817. He was one of the leaders of the SlOIVaJk rebellion&#13;
against the Haibsiburg,s in 1848-49; with Louis Stur and Michael Hoooa, he led the revolt for equal rights for the Slovak nation. Hur.ban and Hodza joined with Stu.ir to establish the literary Slovak that is used today by Slovaks everywhere.&#13;
1&#13;
&#13;
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                <text>Slovakia, Vol. 3, No. 3 (8), September 1953&#13;
pp. 61-63</text>
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                    <text>SLOVAKIA

13

MILESTONES OF SLOVAK HISTORY

OCTOBER 6, 1938
The Slovaik nation, one olf the olde.st Christian nations
in Central Europe, decided to fonm a c01mmon political state
with the Czech nation during World War I. Equality in all
matters ,w as the basis Ol:f that decision. Slovakia ,w as to be
governed as a state of the Ozech-Slova:k federation by the
Slovruks and the Czech lands by the Ozechs. The Pittsburgh
Pact of May 30, 1918, drawn UJP and signed by T. G. Masarylk and irepresentati'Ves of the Czechs and the •S lovaks of
America, guaranteed Sloivakia complete autonomy, i e.,
home rule or states rights. Unfortunately, T. G. Masaryk
repudiated the pruct and condemned the very state he prop8!gated to premature ruin.
For twenty years the. Slovaks kerpt clamoring for recognition of and respect for their inherent rights, for the fulfillment of the ,b argain they had concluded with T. G. Masaryk, but to .no avail. The Ruthe1I1ians,, who had voluntarily
entered the political state of Czeicho~Slovakia on the basis
of an autonomous region, were also sadly disaippointed by
the regime olf T. G. Masaryik and his underst/Udy, Dr. Edward Benes. The forceful inchtsion of 3,500,000 Sudeten
Germans in the Ozecho~lo:vaik Repulbliic did not help relieve
the tensiOIIlS or to consolidate the state, burt rather aggravated the situation. The regimes of T. G. Masaryk and Dr.
Edward Benes antrugonized the non-Czech majority of the
population against the Czechs and doomed the Republic to
an early death. When the first major crisis stmmk, there
was no one to defend the ill~fated Ozecho~SlovaJkia and it
collapsed like a house ibuilt of cards.
On October 6, 193,8, the Slo1V1aiks mrude a great step forward toward urufiying their fOiI1Ces in their struggle for
state independence. All paTties, except the .Social Democrats and the Communists, accepted the principle of an autonomous SlovaJkia in the spirit of the draft of a bill, which
was prepared by the ID:inka Slovak People's Party and
made pU!blic Jun€ 5, 1938. The result of the October meet~

�14

SLOVAKIA

ing,s oif the representatives of all Slovak parties in Zilina,,
S1ovalkia, was that "the Government of the Ozecho..slovalk
Repulblic named, in the p1ruce of the President of the RepuJblic (a paragrruph of the Constitutional Document), deputy
Dr. Joseph Tiso, the executive vice-president of the SlO'Vak
POOlple's Party, as mii.nister for the administration of SloV'a!kia. By a supplement to this law, the Government requested Dr. Tiso to name other SlovaJk ministers to execute
governmental power in Slovakia. From this it is evident
that the Prague Government had accepted the fundamental
propositions of the Slo:vaJk People's Party and the other
participating parties" (A-l~ET, official organ of Dr. Benes's
National Socialistic Party, Octolber 7, 1938). Dr. Edward
Benes, as is iknown, resigned the presidency of the Republic
V1oluntarily on Octolber 5, 1938.
The first Slovak ruutonomous government oif Slova.kia
was composed oif the following: Dr. Joseph Tiso, Premier
and Minister O'f Interior; ,professor Matthew Cernak, Minister oif Education and National Enlightenment; Dr. Ferdinand DUT'canSlky, Minister of Justl!ce, Social Welfare and
Health; Paul TeplanSlky, Minister of Agriculture,, Prublic
WOTks, Commerce, Business and Finance; John Lichner,
Minister of the Mail and the Railroads. ( Slovensky mas,
Dr. Milan Hodza's 1pulblication, October 8, 1938).
Dr. J,o seph Tiso, •CernaJk and :Dwcansky were representatives of the Hlinka Slovalk PeQple's Party, while Teplans:ky and Lkhner represented the party oif Slovak republicans, since there really were only two genuine Slovak parties in Slovakia - the People's Party and the National
$loiv~k Party. All the other parties were only affiliates
of the ;variOUJs Ozeich and so-&lt;Called "Czechoslovak" ,p arties;
the representatives of these parties sp0ike of the Slova;k
coalition ,parties, as 1s attested to by the "A-~ET" article
of Emil Boleslav Lukac orf October 7, 193'8. Analy~g and
evaluating the Zilina events, LuJkac wrote:
"It was ,plainly necessary that the Slovalk People's
Party pass over from the ,position of opposition to a responsible position, one commensu,r ate with its strength, to
a leading position. It was necessary that it use its strength

�SLOVAKIA

15

especially today to protect Slovak national interests inside
and outside its territory. Even the cbalition parties of Slova1da haJVe united on its main demand - the decentralization of pulbliic administraA:ion and a ,b road autonomy for
SlovaJkia. And it was aecepted even by the Governrment of
the Repulblic. SlovaJkia shall hruve its legislaitive assembly,
a Slovruk government of all resorts, except finances , national defense, and ,f oreign affairs - whi-ch are common resorts. Today all S-loivaJk parties stand behind this agreement,
behind this new arrangement of Slovruk afrfairs, and, hence,
even our Nationai Socialistic Party in Slovakia. We shall
stand by it loyally and responsibly."
The republicans (agrarians) welcomed the first .SlovaJk
Autonomous Government even more enthusiasticaH y. In
their '"SLOVENSK Y TY~DEJNNfK." (Slovalk Weekly) of
OctOlber 13, 1938, their leadiillg editorial "M8JIIle Slovensku
Vladiu" (We Have a Sloivak Goivernment) , contained the
following:
"We recall that the ('IDinka Sl01VaJk) ·People's Party not
so long ago thought and appeared to 1b e sufficient of itself
for such a role. But when it actuaHy came to the brealking
of bread, it realized what a great responstbility it is before
the nation ·a nd how much woirk must 1b e aocompUshed to
organize Slo.'V'aik statehood and an autonomous, independent
Slovruk life. Under these circumstances and dtflficulties it
was a real blessing that the Republican ,P arty of Slovakia
was deternnined rwith all its forces to build a Slovak autonomous state unit. . . "
SlovaJk centralists - the so~a,lled "Ozechoslova,ks" who
had defended .and propagated a strong, centralized Prague
government - openly and enthusiastkal ly spoke out not
only for a;utonomy, but for SlovaJk statehood after October
6,. 1938. Their -w illingness to wor,k with the SloivaJk People's
Party was not only evident, but also quite convincing, as
demonstrawd by their manifestation s and the ,parti~ipation
of the RepU'blican Party in the Slovak Government.
Analyzing the whole brucikgro.und of these events, we
find that the representative s of the political parties in Slovakia did nothing in 2ilina which was not approved of by

�16

SLOVAKIA

Prague. And the Prague leadership oif the coalition iparties
even gaive pU!blic testimoniy of this on October 8, 193'8, by
stating:
''The undersigned representatiive s of the Crech political
parties declare that - in the sense of the 2ilina agreement of Octolber 6, 1938 - we adopt the ,proiposition of
the Hlinika .SlovaJk People's Party to issue a Constitutiona l
law in regard to the autonomy of SlovaJkia as ~t was presented in the .Asoornlbly of Deputies in 1938 and pulblished
in the SLOVAK, No. 129, of Jrune 5, 1938, and we ibind
ourselves that we shal,l endeavor to have it acted on and
aoceipted as soon as possilble."
The statement was, signed .by: Deputy Rudoliph Beran,
chairman of the Repulbli&lt;can Party; Deputy Anthony Hampl.
chairman of the ,Social Democratic Party; Deputy Dr. Klaipka for the National Socialist Party; Deputy Monsignor Stasetk for the 0ze:ch Poople's Parly; Dr. Franicis Hodac.
vice-ichairman oif the Party of Unity; and De:puty Rudolph
Mlcoch, chail'lffian of Tradesman's Party. (!SLOVAK, October 9, 1938).
Here we harve proof that even the leadership of the
Social Democrati1c Party in Prague fully approrved the Zilina
.A!greement, despite the fad that the Slovak Pe01ple's Party
did not come to an:y agreement with the Slovruk Socialists.
It is quite obvious, therefore, that October 6, 1938 Slova!k Autonomy Day - was baoked not only by the
H1inka Slovak People's Party, but also the rest of the Slovak civk parties then in existence. All went along with the
Peoiple's Party willingly and spontaneously and accepted
the resiponsilbility for the future development of Sloiva!lda.
Whether they were sincere 8'bout it or not is questionable
in the light of what transpireid later, but the fact is that
all ·political parties operating in Slova·k ia in 1938 - except
the Social Demdcrats and the Communists - realized ,t he
necessity od' uniting in the common interests oif .Slovakia, in
fact in the interests of the national existence of the SlOIVruk
nation itself. They were not re$ponsihle for the tense international political situation of that time, but were sufficiently intelligent to adapt themselves accordingly and save

�SLOVAKIA

17

whatever could ,b e saved under the given cir~umstances.
It was, in fact, the old Btory Oi:f history repeating its.elf all poJitioal leaders wo11king together for the benefit of all
the people of Slovakia, or hanging separately.
On October 6, 1938, the just demands of. the Slovak nation,; so aiptly e~ressed by the Pittsiburgh Pact of May 30,
191'8, were finally recognized and fulfilled by the recalcitrant gorvernment of Prague. As we looik bruclk in retrospect
today, we can only say that lruok of foresi:ght, statesmansMp, Christian charity and democracy on the part of Dr.
Edward Benes and his National Socialists and other Ozech
leftist - so...called "progressive" - growps prevented the
realization o;f Slovak autonomy sooner and ,p recipatated
the collapse of the Czecho,. Slova:k Repll!blic. October 6, 1938,
no matter how enemies o;f Slovaik freedom and indeipendenoe
may look ,wpon it, was a milestone in Slovak history, maI1king another lap olf the march of the Slovak nation to free dom and complete political independence.

•

•

•

WHO SAID IT?

"After the Turkish invasion came tile religious wars
which many historians made the mistake orf regarding as
manifestaJtions of nationaJ1. resistance against Germanism.
Here in Cenltrai Europe the conflicts were identical with
those taJking plaice in other prurts o:f the Continent at the
same time. The struggle Oi:f the Huguenots against Henry IV
was no more -a nationaJl. conflict than the share of the
Czechs in the Thi.irty Years.' War was a radal fight against
Germanism. They fought against the HaJbsboogs beeause the
latter were Catholks, _and the Battle of the White Mountain
(1620) the Ozechs, together with their German rully, Prince
Frederick, Elector of the Palatinate, were !b eaten 1by the
Catholic tro01ps of the Austrian emperor. The legend about
the Mountain is an outstanding exMn.ple Off historical forgery, for it was. a purely religious and dynastic affaiir." (F. 0. Miksche - a Czech - in UNCONDITIONA L SURREND@R, p. 71; Faber and Fruber, Ltd., London).

�</text>
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                    <text>SLOVAKIA

13

MILESTONES OF SLOVAK HISTORY

OCTOBER 6, 1938
The Slovaik nation, one olf the olde.st Christian nations
in Central Europe, decided to fonm a c01mmon political state
with the Czech nation during World War I. Equality in all
matters ,w as the basis Ol:f that decision. Slovakia ,w as to be
governed as a state of the Ozech-Slova:k federation by the
Slovruks and the Czech lands by the Ozechs. The Pittsburgh
Pact of May 30, 1918, drawn UJP and signed by T. G. Masarylk and irepresentati'Ves of the Czechs and the •S lovaks of
America, guaranteed Sloivakia complete autonomy, i e.,
home rule or states rights. Unfortunately, T. G. Masaryk
repudiated the pruct and condemned the very state he prop8!gated to premature ruin.
For twenty years the. Slovaks kerpt clamoring for recognition of and respect for their inherent rights, for the fulfillment of the ,b argain they had concluded with T. G. Masaryk, but to .no avail. The Ruthe1I1ians,, who had voluntarily
entered the political state of Czeicho~Slovakia on the basis
of an autonomous region, were also sadly disaippointed by
the regime olf T. G. Masaryik and his underst/Udy, Dr. Edward Benes. The forceful inchtsion of 3,500,000 Sudeten
Germans in the Ozecho~lo:vaik Repulbliic did not help relieve
the tensiOIIlS or to consolidate the state, burt rather aggravated the situation. The regimes of T. G. Masaryk and Dr.
Edward Benes antrugonized the non-Czech majority of the
population against the Czechs and doomed the Republic to
an early death. When the first major crisis stmmk, there
was no one to defend the ill~fated Ozecho~SlovaJkia and it
collapsed like a house ibuilt of cards.
On October 6, 193,8, the Slo1V1aiks mrude a great step forward toward urufiying their fOiI1Ces in their struggle for
state independence. All paTties, except the .Social Democrats and the Communists, accepted the principle of an autonomous SlovaJkia in the spirit of the draft of a bill, which
was prepared by the ID:inka Slovak People's Party and
made pU!blic Jun€ 5, 1938. The result of the October meet~

�14

SLOVAKIA

ing,s oif the representatives of all Slovak parties in Zilina,,
S1ovalkia, was that "the Government of the Ozecho..slovalk
Repulblic named, in the p1ruce of the President of the RepuJblic (a paragrruph of the Constitutional Document), deputy
Dr. Joseph Tiso, the executive vice-president of the SlO'Vak
POOlple's Party, as mii.nister for the administration of SloV'a!kia. By a supplement to this law, the Government requested Dr. Tiso to name other SlovaJk ministers to execute
governmental power in Slovakia. From this it is evident
that the Prague Government had accepted the fundamental
propositions of the Slo:vaJk People's Party and the other
participating parties" (A-l~ET, official organ of Dr. Benes's
National Socialistic Party, Octolber 7, 1938). Dr. Edward
Benes, as is iknown, resigned the presidency of the Republic
V1oluntarily on Octolber 5, 1938.
The first Slovak ruutonomous government oif Slova.kia
was composed oif the following: Dr. Joseph Tiso, Premier
and Minister O'f Interior; ,professor Matthew Cernak, Minister oif Education and National Enlightenment; Dr. Ferdinand DUT'canSlky, Minister of Justl!ce, Social Welfare and
Health; Paul TeplanSlky, Minister of Agriculture,, Prublic
WOTks, Commerce, Business and Finance; John Lichner,
Minister of the Mail and the Railroads. ( Slovensky mas,
Dr. Milan Hodza's 1pulblication, October 8, 1938).
Dr. J,o seph Tiso, •CernaJk and :Dwcansky were representatives of the Hlinka Slovalk PeQple's Party, while Teplans:ky and Lkhner represented the party oif Slovak republicans, since there really were only two genuine Slovak parties in Slovakia - the People's Party and the National
$loiv~k Party. All the other parties were only affiliates
of the ;variOUJs Ozeich and so-&lt;Called "Czechoslovak" ,p arties;
the representatives of these parties sp0ike of the Slova;k
coalition ,parties, as 1s attested to by the "A-~ET" article
of Emil Boleslav Lukac orf October 7, 193'8. Analy~g and
evaluating the Zilina events, LuJkac wrote:
"It was ,plainly necessary that the Slovalk People's
Party pass over from the ,position of opposition to a responsible position, one commensu,r ate with its strength, to
a leading position. It was necessary that it use its strength

�SLOVAKIA

15

especially today to protect Slovak national interests inside
and outside its territory. Even the cbalition parties of Slova1da haJVe united on its main demand - the decentralization of pulbliic administraA:ion and a ,b road autonomy for
SlovaJkia. And it was aecepted even by the Governrment of
the Repulblic. SlovaJkia shall hruve its legislaitive assembly,
a Slovruk government of all resorts, except finances , national defense, and ,f oreign affairs - whi-ch are common resorts. Today all S-loivaJk parties stand behind this agreement,
behind this new arrangement of Slovruk afrfairs, and, hence,
even our Nationai Socialistic Party in Slovakia. We shall
stand by it loyally and responsibly."
The republicans (agrarians) welcomed the first .SlovaJk
Autonomous Government even more enthusiasticaH y. In
their '"SLOVENSK Y TY~DEJNNfK." (Slovalk Weekly) of
OctOlber 13, 1938, their leadiillg editorial "M8JIIle Slovensku
Vladiu" (We Have a Sloivak Goivernment) , contained the
following:
"We recall that the ('IDinka Sl01VaJk) ·People's Party not
so long ago thought and appeared to 1b e sufficient of itself
for such a role. But when it actuaHy came to the brealking
of bread, it realized what a great responstbility it is before
the nation ·a nd how much woirk must 1b e aocompUshed to
organize Slo.'V'aik statehood and an autonomous, independent
Slovruk life. Under these circumstances and dtflficulties it
was a real blessing that the Republican ,P arty of Slovakia
was deternnined rwith all its forces to build a Slovak autonomous state unit. . . "
SlovaJk centralists - the so~a,lled "Ozechoslova,ks" who
had defended .and propagated a strong, centralized Prague
government - openly and enthusiastkal ly spoke out not
only for a;utonomy, but for SlovaJk statehood after October
6,. 1938. Their -w illingness to wor,k with the SloivaJk People's
Party was not only evident, but also quite convincing, as
demonstrawd by their manifestation s and the ,parti~ipation
of the RepU'blican Party in the Slovak Government.
Analyzing the whole brucikgro.und of these events, we
find that the representative s of the political parties in Slovakia did nothing in 2ilina which was not approved of by

�16

SLOVAKIA

Prague. And the Prague leadership oif the coalition iparties
even gaive pU!blic testimoniy of this on October 8, 193'8, by
stating:
''The undersigned representatiive s of the Crech political
parties declare that - in the sense of the 2ilina agreement of Octolber 6, 1938 - we adopt the ,proiposition of
the Hlinika .SlovaJk People's Party to issue a Constitutiona l
law in regard to the autonomy of SlovaJkia as ~t was presented in the .Asoornlbly of Deputies in 1938 and pulblished
in the SLOVAK, No. 129, of Jrune 5, 1938, and we ibind
ourselves that we shal,l endeavor to have it acted on and
aoceipted as soon as possilble."
The statement was, signed .by: Deputy Rudoliph Beran,
chairman of the Repulbli&lt;can Party; Deputy Anthony Hampl.
chairman of the ,Social Democratic Party; Deputy Dr. Klaipka for the National Socialist Party; Deputy Monsignor Stasetk for the 0ze:ch Poople's Parly; Dr. Franicis Hodac.
vice-ichairman oif the Party of Unity; and De:puty Rudolph
Mlcoch, chail'lffian of Tradesman's Party. (!SLOVAK, October 9, 1938).
Here we harve proof that even the leadership of the
Social Democrati1c Party in Prague fully approrved the Zilina
.A!greement, despite the fad that the Slovak Pe01ple's Party
did not come to an:y agreement with the Slovruk Socialists.
It is quite obvious, therefore, that October 6, 1938 Slova!k Autonomy Day - was baoked not only by the
H1inka Slovak People's Party, but also the rest of the Slovak civk parties then in existence. All went along with the
Peoiple's Party willingly and spontaneously and accepted
the resiponsilbility for the future development of Sloiva!lda.
Whether they were sincere 8'bout it or not is questionable
in the light of what transpireid later, but the fact is that
all ·political parties operating in Slova·k ia in 1938 - except
the Social Demdcrats and the Communists - realized ,t he
necessity od' uniting in the common interests oif .Slovakia, in
fact in the interests of the national existence of the SlOIVruk
nation itself. They were not re$ponsihle for the tense international political situation of that time, but were sufficiently intelligent to adapt themselves accordingly and save

�SLOVAKIA

17

whatever could ,b e saved under the given cir~umstances.
It was, in fact, the old Btory Oi:f history repeating its.elf all poJitioal leaders wo11king together for the benefit of all
the people of Slovakia, or hanging separately.
On October 6, 1938, the just demands of. the Slovak nation,; so aiptly e~ressed by the Pittsiburgh Pact of May 30,
191'8, were finally recognized and fulfilled by the recalcitrant gorvernment of Prague. As we looik bruclk in retrospect
today, we can only say that lruok of foresi:ght, statesmansMp, Christian charity and democracy on the part of Dr.
Edward Benes and his National Socialists and other Ozech
leftist - so...called "progressive" - growps prevented the
realization o;f Slovak autonomy sooner and ,p recipatated
the collapse of the Czecho,. Slova:k Repll!blic. October 6, 1938,
no matter how enemies o;f Slovaik freedom and indeipendenoe
may look ,wpon it, was a milestone in Slovak history, maI1king another lap olf the march of the Slovak nation to free dom and complete political independence.

•

•

•

WHO SAID IT?

"After the Turkish invasion came tile religious wars
which many historians made the mistake orf regarding as
manifestaJtions of nationaJ1. resistance against Germanism.
Here in Cenltrai Europe the conflicts were identical with
those taJking plaice in other prurts o:f the Continent at the
same time. The struggle Oi:f the Huguenots against Henry IV
was no more -a nationaJl. conflict than the share of the
Czechs in the Thi.irty Years.' War was a radal fight against
Germanism. They fought against the HaJbsboogs beeause the
latter were Catholks, _and the Battle of the White Mountain
(1620) the Ozechs, together with their German rully, Prince
Frederick, Elector of the Palatinate, were !b eaten 1by the
Catholic tro01ps of the Austrian emperor. The legend about
the Mountain is an outstanding exMn.ple Off historical forgery, for it was. a purely religious and dynastic affaiir." (F. 0. Miksche - a Czech - in UNCONDITIONA L SURREND@R, p. 71; Faber and Fruber, Ltd., London).

�</text>
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                  <text>1953, Vol. 3</text>
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                  <text>&lt;ul&gt;&lt;li&gt;Issue 1 (No. 6), April 1953.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Issue 2 (No. 7), July 1953.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Issue 3 (No. 8), September 1953.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Issue 4 (No. 9), December 1953.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;/ul&gt;</text>
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                  <text>The Slovak League of America</text>
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              <text>SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
13&#13;
&#13;
MILESTONES OF SLOVAK HISTORY&#13;
&#13;
OCTOBER 6, 1938&#13;
The Slovaik nation, one olf the olde.st Christian nations&#13;
in Central Europe, decided to fonm a c01mmon political state&#13;
with the Czech nation during World War I. Equality in all&#13;
matters ,w as the basis Ol:f that decision. Slovakia ,w as to be&#13;
governed as a state of the Ozech-Slova:k federation by the&#13;
Slovruks and the Czech lands by the Ozechs. The Pittsburgh&#13;
Pact of May 30, 1918, drawn UJP and signed by T. G. Masarylk and irepresentati'Ves of the Czechs and the •S lovaks of&#13;
America, guaranteed Sloivakia complete autonomy, i e.,&#13;
home rule or states rights. Unfortunately, T. G. Masaryk&#13;
repudiated the pruct and condemned the very state he prop8!gated to premature ruin.&#13;
For twenty years the. Slovaks kerpt clamoring for recognition of and respect for their inherent rights, for the fulfillment of the ,b argain they had concluded with T. G. Masaryk, but to .no avail. The Ruthe1I1ians,, who had voluntarily&#13;
entered the political state of Czeicho~Slovakia on the basis&#13;
of an autonomous region, were also sadly disaippointed by&#13;
the regime olf T. G. Masaryik and his underst/Udy, Dr. Edward Benes. The forceful inchtsion of 3,500,000 Sudeten&#13;
Germans in the Ozecho~lo:vaik Repulbliic did not help relieve&#13;
the tensiOIIlS or to consolidate the state, burt rather aggravated the situation. The regimes of T. G. Masaryk and Dr.&#13;
Edward Benes antrugonized the non-Czech majority of the&#13;
population against the Czechs and doomed the Republic to&#13;
an early death. When the first major crisis stmmk, there&#13;
was no one to defend the ill~fated Ozecho~SlovaJkia and it&#13;
collapsed like a house ibuilt of cards.&#13;
On October 6, 193,8, the Slo1V1aiks mrude a great step forward toward urufiying their fOiI1Ces in their struggle for&#13;
state independence. All paTties, except the .Social Democrats and the Communists, accepted the principle of an autonomous SlovaJkia in the spirit of the draft of a bill, which&#13;
was prepared by the ID:inka Slovak People's Party and&#13;
made pU!blic Jun€ 5, 1938. The result of the October meet~&#13;
&#13;
14&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
ing,s oif the representatives of all Slovak parties in Zilina,,&#13;
S1ovalkia, was that "the Government of the Ozecho..slovalk&#13;
Repulblic named, in the p1ruce of the President of the RepuJblic (a paragrruph of the Constitutional Document), deputy&#13;
Dr. Joseph Tiso, the executive vice-president of the SlO'Vak&#13;
POOlple's Party, as mii.nister for the administration of SloV'a!kia. By a supplement to this law, the Government requested Dr. Tiso to name other SlovaJk ministers to execute&#13;
governmental power in Slovakia. From this it is evident&#13;
that the Prague Government had accepted the fundamental&#13;
propositions of the Slo:vaJk People's Party and the other&#13;
participating parties" (A-l~ET, official organ of Dr. Benes's&#13;
National Socialistic Party, Octolber 7, 1938). Dr. Edward&#13;
Benes, as is iknown, resigned the presidency of the Republic&#13;
V1oluntarily on Octolber 5, 1938.&#13;
The first Slovak ruutonomous government oif Slova.kia&#13;
was composed oif the following: Dr. Joseph Tiso, Premier&#13;
and Minister O'f Interior; ,professor Matthew Cernak, Minister oif Education and National Enlightenment; Dr. Ferdinand DUT'canSlky, Minister of Justl!ce, Social Welfare and&#13;
Health; Paul TeplanSlky, Minister of Agriculture,, Prublic&#13;
WOTks, Commerce, Business and Finance; John Lichner,&#13;
Minister of the Mail and the Railroads. ( Slovensky mas,&#13;
Dr. Milan Hodza's 1pulblication, October 8, 1938).&#13;
Dr. J,o seph Tiso, •CernaJk and :Dwcansky were representatives of the Hlinka Slovalk PeQple's Party, while Teplans:ky and Lkhner represented the party oif Slovak republicans, since there really were only two genuine Slovak parties in Slovakia - the People's Party and the National&#13;
$loiv~k Party. All the other parties were only affiliates&#13;
of the ;variOUJs Ozeich and so-&lt;Called "Czechoslovak" ,p arties;&#13;
the representatives of these parties sp0ike of the Slova;k&#13;
coalition ,parties, as 1s attested to by the "A-~ET" article&#13;
of Emil Boleslav Lukac orf October 7, 193'8. Analy~g and&#13;
evaluating the Zilina events, LuJkac wrote:&#13;
"It was ,plainly necessary that the Slovalk People's&#13;
Party pass over from the ,position of opposition to a responsible position, one commensu,r ate with its strength, to&#13;
a leading position. It was necessary that it use its strength&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
15&#13;
&#13;
especially today to protect Slovak national interests inside&#13;
and outside its territory. Even the cbalition parties of Slova1da haJVe united on its main demand - the decentralization of pulbliic administraA:ion and a ,b road autonomy for&#13;
SlovaJkia. And it was aecepted even by the Governrment of&#13;
the Repulblic. SlovaJkia shall hruve its legislaitive assembly,&#13;
a Slovruk government of all resorts, except finances , national defense, and ,f oreign affairs - whi-ch are common resorts. Today all S-loivaJk parties stand behind this agreement,&#13;
behind this new arrangement of Slovruk afrfairs, and, hence,&#13;
even our Nationai Socialistic Party in Slovakia. We shall&#13;
stand by it loyally and responsibly."&#13;
The republicans (agrarians) welcomed the first .SlovaJk&#13;
Autonomous Government even more enthusiasticaH y. In&#13;
their '"SLOVENSK Y TY~DEJNNfK." (Slovalk Weekly) of&#13;
OctOlber 13, 1938, their leadiillg editorial "M8JIIle Slovensku&#13;
Vladiu" (We Have a Sloivak Goivernment) , contained the&#13;
following:&#13;
"We recall that the ('IDinka Sl01VaJk) ·People's Party not&#13;
so long ago thought and appeared to 1b e sufficient of itself&#13;
for such a role. But when it actuaHy came to the brealking&#13;
of bread, it realized what a great responstbility it is before&#13;
the nation ·a nd how much woirk must 1b e aocompUshed to&#13;
organize Slo.'V'aik statehood and an autonomous, independent&#13;
Slovruk life. Under these circumstances and dtflficulties it&#13;
was a real blessing that the Republican ,P arty of Slovakia&#13;
was deternnined rwith all its forces to build a Slovak autonomous state unit. . . "&#13;
SlovaJk centralists - the so~a,lled "Ozechoslova,ks" who&#13;
had defended .and propagated a strong, centralized Prague&#13;
government - openly and enthusiastkal ly spoke out not&#13;
only for a;utonomy, but for SlovaJk statehood after October&#13;
6,. 1938. Their -w illingness to wor,k with the SloivaJk People's&#13;
Party was not only evident, but also quite convincing, as&#13;
demonstrawd by their manifestation s and the ,parti~ipation&#13;
of the RepU'blican Party in the Slovak Government.&#13;
Analyzing the whole brucikgro.und of these events, we&#13;
find that the representative s of the political parties in Slovakia did nothing in 2ilina which was not approved of by&#13;
&#13;
16&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
Prague. And the Prague leadership oif the coalition iparties&#13;
even gaive pU!blic testimoniy of this on October 8, 193'8, by&#13;
stating:&#13;
''The undersigned representatiive s of the Crech political&#13;
parties declare that - in the sense of the 2ilina agreement of Octolber 6, 1938 - we adopt the ,proiposition of&#13;
the Hlinika .SlovaJk People's Party to issue a Constitutiona l&#13;
law in regard to the autonomy of SlovaJkia as ~t was presented in the .Asoornlbly of Deputies in 1938 and pulblished&#13;
in the SLOVAK, No. 129, of Jrune 5, 1938, and we ibind&#13;
ourselves that we shal,l endeavor to have it acted on and&#13;
aoceipted as soon as possilble."&#13;
The statement was, signed .by: Deputy Rudoliph Beran,&#13;
chairman of the Repulbli&lt;can Party; Deputy Anthony Hampl.&#13;
chairman of the ,Social Democratic Party; Deputy Dr. Klaipka for the National Socialist Party; Deputy Monsignor Stasetk for the 0ze:ch Poople's Parly; Dr. Franicis Hodac.&#13;
vice-ichairman oif the Party of Unity; and De:puty Rudolph&#13;
Mlcoch, chail'lffian of Tradesman's Party. (!SLOVAK, October 9, 1938).&#13;
Here we harve proof that even the leadership of the&#13;
Social Democrati1c Party in Prague fully approrved the Zilina&#13;
.A!greement, despite the fad that the Slovak Pe01ple's Party&#13;
did not come to an:y agreement with the Slovruk Socialists.&#13;
It is quite obvious, therefore, that October 6, 1938 Slova!k Autonomy Day - was baoked not only by the&#13;
H1inka Slovak People's Party, but also the rest of the Slovak civk parties then in existence. All went along with the&#13;
Peoiple's Party willingly and spontaneously and accepted&#13;
the resiponsilbility for the future development of Sloiva!lda.&#13;
Whether they were sincere 8'bout it or not is questionable&#13;
in the light of what transpireid later, but the fact is that&#13;
all ·political parties operating in Slova·k ia in 1938 - except&#13;
the Social Demdcrats and the Communists - realized ,t he&#13;
necessity od' uniting in the common interests oif .Slovakia, in&#13;
fact in the interests of the national existence of the SlOIVruk&#13;
nation itself. They were not re$ponsihle for the tense international political situation of that time, but were sufficiently intelligent to adapt themselves accordingly and save&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
17&#13;
&#13;
whatever could ,b e saved under the given cir~umstances.&#13;
It was, in fact, the old Btory Oi:f history repeating its.elf all poJitioal leaders wo11king together for the benefit of all&#13;
the people of Slovakia, or hanging separately.&#13;
On October 6, 1938, the just demands of. the Slovak nation,; so aiptly e~ressed by the Pittsiburgh Pact of May 30,&#13;
191'8, were finally recognized and fulfilled by the recalcitrant gorvernment of Prague. As we looik bruclk in retrospect&#13;
today, we can only say that lruok of foresi:ght, statesmansMp, Christian charity and democracy on the part of Dr.&#13;
Edward Benes and his National Socialists and other Ozech&#13;
leftist - so...called "progressive" - growps prevented the&#13;
realization o;f Slovak autonomy sooner and ,p recipatated&#13;
the collapse of the Czecho,. Slova:k Repll!blic. October 6, 1938,&#13;
no matter how enemies o;f Slovaik freedom and indeipendenoe&#13;
may look ,wpon it, was a milestone in Slovak history, maI1king another lap olf the march of the Slovak nation to free dom and complete political independence.&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
WHO SAID IT?&#13;
&#13;
"After the Turkish invasion came tile religious wars&#13;
which many historians made the mistake orf regarding as&#13;
manifestaJtions of nationaJ1. resistance against Germanism.&#13;
Here in Cenltrai Europe the conflicts were identical with&#13;
those taJking plaice in other prurts o:f the Continent at the&#13;
same time. The struggle Oi:f the Huguenots against Henry IV&#13;
was no more -a nationaJl. conflict than the share of the&#13;
Czechs in the Thi.irty Years.' War was a radal fight against&#13;
Germanism. They fought against the HaJbsboogs beeause the&#13;
latter were Catholks, _and the Battle of the White Mountain&#13;
(1620) the Ozechs, together with their German rully, Prince&#13;
Frederick, Elector of the Palatinate, were !b eaten 1by the&#13;
Catholic tro01ps of the Austrian emperor. The legend about&#13;
the Mountain is an outstanding exMn.ple Off historical forgery, for it was. a purely religious and dynastic affaiir." (F. 0. Miksche - a Czech - in UNCONDITIONA L SURREND@R, p. 71; Faber and Fruber, Ltd., London).&#13;
&#13;
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pp. 13-17</text>
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                    <text>SEPTEMBER 1953

VOL. Ill

IN THJS ISSUE :

WAS

CZECHO-SLOVAKIA

A

DEMOCRACY ?

OCTOBER 6, 1938
BERNOLAK ' S INFLUENCE ON SLOVAK LITERATURE
SLOVAK AND EUROPEAN SEPARATISM
RIPKA ON THE " PUTSCH " IN CZECHO-SLOVAKIA
CASTLES
DR . JOSEPH

OF

SLOVAKIA :

LETTRICH

BECKOV

IN RETROSPECT

WHO SAID IT ?: 12, 17, 64

• • •
Edi t ed and co m pi l ed by
P HI LI P A . HROBA K

Pub lish ed by
THE SLOV A K L EAGUE OF AMERICA

NO. 3

�Sl. OV AKL\ is published periodically by the Slovak League of America,
a cultural and civic federation of Americans of Slovak descent.
'l'he chief purpose of SLOVAKIA
1s to promote a better understanding

an&lt;l appreciation of the Slovak nation
a11&lt;l its long struggle for freedom and
independence.
As Americans, members of the
3ltiv~k League of America firmly believe that the Slovak nation, just as all
nations, has an inherent and God-given
right to freedom and independence.
They are dedicated to the cause of the
American way of life, Slovak freedom
and world peace and are determined to
oppose the plague of Communism and
all other totalitarian political systems.
Subscription to Slovakia $1.00 per
year in the U. S. A. - $2.00 elsewhere.
Send subscriptions to:
SLOVAKIA
Box 150
Middletown, Pa.

----------------------------- ---Printed in the U. S. A.
JEDNOTA PRESS
Middletown, Pa.

�</text>
                  </elementText>
                  <elementText elementTextId="834">
                    <text>SEPTEMBER 1953

VOL. Ill

IN THJS ISSUE :

WAS

CZECHO-SLOVAKIA

A

DEMOCRACY ?

OCTOBER 6, 1938
BERNOLAK ' S INFLUENCE ON SLOVAK LITERATURE
SLOVAK AND EUROPEAN SEPARATISM
RIPKA ON THE " PUTSCH " IN CZECHO-SLOVAKIA
CASTLES
DR . JOSEPH

OF

SLOVAKIA :

LETTRICH

BECKOV

IN RETROSPECT

WHO SAID IT ?: 12, 17, 64

• • •
Edi t ed and co m pi l ed by
P HI LI P A . HROBA K

Pub lish ed by
THE SLOV A K L EAGUE OF AMERICA

NO. 3

�Sl. OV AKL\ is published periodically by the Slovak League of America,
a cultural and civic federation of Americans of Slovak descent.
'l'he chief purpose of SLOVAKIA
1s to promote a better understanding

an&lt;l appreciation of the Slovak nation
a11&lt;l its long struggle for freedom and
independence.
As Americans, members of the
3ltiv~k League of America firmly believe that the Slovak nation, just as all
nations, has an inherent and God-given
right to freedom and independence.
They are dedicated to the cause of the
American way of life, Slovak freedom
and world peace and are determined to
oppose the plague of Communism and
all other totalitarian political systems.
Subscription to Slovakia $1.00 per
year in the U. S. A. - $2.00 elsewhere.
Send subscriptions to:
SLOVAKIA
Box 150
Middletown, Pa.

----------------------------- ---Printed in the U. S. A.
JEDNOTA PRESS
Middletown, Pa.

�</text>
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                  <text>&lt;ul&gt;&lt;li&gt;Issue 1 (No. 6), April 1953.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Issue 2 (No. 7), July 1953.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Issue 3 (No. 8), September 1953.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Issue 4 (No. 9), December 1953.&lt;/li&gt;
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                    <text>YOU CAN LEARN SLOVAK
as easily as you can any other modern language. Slovak
should be a MUST for students of Slovanic languages,
because it is the simplest of all of them and a KEY to
all of them. Prove it to yourself with the most scholarly
text on Slovak, the

SLOVAl( LESSONS
A practical study of the Slovak Grammar, 92
lessons, 400 pages ; exercises in Slovak and English;
English-Slovak and Slovak-English vocabulary. Hard
cover, bound in cloth, $3.50
HROBAK'S ENGLISH DICTIONARY - the best and
most complete dictionary of its kind; 702 pages with a
brief sumary of the Slovak Grammar. Hard cover, bound
in cloth, $4.00
THE SLOVAKS, by Peter P. Yurchak, should be read by
all students interested in the history and traditions of
the Slovak nation; 312 pages, hard cover, bound in cloth
- $3.00; paper cover - $2.00
SKETCHES FROM SLOVAK HISTORY

by Joseph Skultety, translation by 0. D. Koreff;
a documented refutation of several errors propagated by writers and historians; 229 pages, hard
cover, bound in cloth - $2.00; paper cover $1.00.
Order from:
P.A.HROBAK
Box 150

Middletown, Pa.

�PRINCE PRIBINA,
the first Slovak prince mentioned in history, resided in
Nitra, Slovakia, where he built a Christian church in 830.
The Slovaks are one of the oldest Christian nations of
Central Europe.

�</text>
                  </elementText>
                  <elementText elementTextId="840">
                    <text>YOU CAN LEARN SLOVAK
as easily as you can any other modern language. Slovak
should be a MUST for students of Slovanic languages,
because it is the simplest of all of them and a KEY to
all of them. Prove it to yourself with the most scholarly
text on Slovak, the

SLOVAl( LESSONS
A practical study of the Slovak Grammar, 92
lessons, 400 pages ; exercises in Slovak and English;
English-Slovak and Slovak-English vocabulary. Hard
cover, bound in cloth, $3.50
HROBAK'S ENGLISH DICTIONARY - the best and
most complete dictionary of its kind; 702 pages with a
brief sumary of the Slovak Grammar. Hard cover, bound
in cloth, $4.00
THE SLOVAKS, by Peter P. Yurchak, should be read by
all students interested in the history and traditions of
the Slovak nation; 312 pages, hard cover, bound in cloth
- $3.00; paper cover - $2.00
SKETCHES FROM SLOVAK HISTORY

by Joseph Skultety, translation by 0. D. Koreff;
a documented refutation of several errors propagated by writers and historians; 229 pages, hard
cover, bound in cloth - $2.00; paper cover $1.00.
Order from:
P.A.HROBAK
Box 150

Middletown, Pa.

�PRINCE PRIBINA,
the first Slovak prince mentioned in history, resided in
Nitra, Slovakia, where he built a Christian church in 830.
The Slovaks are one of the oldest Christian nations of
Central Europe.

�</text>
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                  <text>&lt;ul&gt;&lt;li&gt;Issue 1 (No. 6), April 1953.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Issue 2 (No. 7), July 1953.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Issue 3 (No. 8), September 1953.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Issue 4 (No. 9), December 1953.&lt;/li&gt;
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                  <text>The Slovak League of America</text>
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              <text>PRINCE PRIBINA,&#13;
the first Slovak prince mentioned in history, resided in&#13;
Nitra, Slovakia, where he built a Christian church in 830.&#13;
The Slovaks are one of the oldest Christian nations of&#13;
Central Europe.&#13;
&#13;
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                    <text>SLOVAKIA

62

SLOVAK FOLKLORE

THE DEVIl, HAS TO WORK

One .poor woodkmtter went into the mountains with his
last piece of ibread, which he ca:rried in a small d:ooh bag.
It was to 1ast him t!he wh&lt;ile diay. When he came into the
mountams, he hung the bag on a •b ranch and went to worik.
The poor fellow choipped. and ch'Opped and split thick oaks
until stirerums of sweat flowed from his. brow. Suddenly out
of nowhere a blaick, dirty devil oame unawares f.rom the
deepest depths of hades and stdl.e the last ,piece of bread
fr·om the woodcutter's brug.
When ,he returned to hades, the horny rascal boasted
of his deed to his comrades.. "Look, 'bhi•s was supposed to last
one woodcutter a who'le d:ay and I stole it from him."
"What',s that, wihat's that?" roared Lulcifer himself.
Wihen Luicifer heard the sto~y, he became very angry
at the horny litble thief for having drured to steal the last
piece of ,b read from a poor man.
"And for that," said Lucifer, "you win have to serve
that poor man for a whole yerur, commencing forthwith."
The next day, as the woodcuitter was a:gain preparing to
go into the hills with his ax on his shoU!lder, the door suddenly opened and a strong young man entered tlhe room.
"Good day, .b oss!" the stranger said, "how albout letting me wo:rik for you?"
"Aoh, my son, what would I do with you?" replied the
woodcutter. "I have nothing to eat myse1f and, as you see,
in that corner al[ my chil.dren a:re weeping ibecaooe they
are hung-r y."
"Well, just taike me on a:nyway. For my services you
shall owe me nothing, and I assure you that you wiU be
completely satisfied with me."
"Well, ,t hen, come with me to chop trees, if that is
what you want," said the woodcutter handing him an ax
Before three days had passed, the hill, which the woodcutter wOUJld not have out in a year by himself, was aJlmos,t
bare of brees, and the rows and rows of cord wood made the
old woodoutter hruppy. From t!hait time on our woodcutter

�SLOVAKIA

6::1

got along very wal!l, 8.!lld his chikliren no longer cried in the
corner from huniger; they were ,h appy and healthy, because
they were satfated.
"Well, ,b oss," began :the servant, "you just keep on
chopping little 1b y litJtle while l ,g o athreshing somewhere so
that you might have bread and enoUJgh of everything in the
howse for the wh'ole winter."
"Go ahead, just go ahead," replied the woodcutter,
"and whi1le you're gone, I',11 out as many trees as l can."
In a g,r eat wN~erness dlweUed a wealthy man. Three
hundred stooks of g,rain were in his fields and in his pens
he had three htliildreld steers and tllree hundred ipigs. The
woodicmrtter's serwant oarrne to this weaiLthy man and offered to thresh his graJin.
"But wihere are you,r companions?" asked the man.
"Do not worry abol.lit my compan~ons, just let me know
whether you want yOU'r grain threshed."
"Of coorse, I ,a m going to hawe it threshed, but don't
tell me that you are going to d'O it yourrelf ?"
"Whether I do it or not, yoo sha:N see the jdb done."
"And w'haJt do you want for the threshing?"
"Nothing my lorn, e:ireept whaJt I can carry away at one
time," answered the serivant.
"We11," the wea,l'thy man mused, "you will not be able
to truke ten kilos away, so go to it."
When it was .midnighlt, three thousand flails suddenly
reso,u,ntled a,round the .stoclks of grain with a: whis:h, whash,
whees'h, whoosh! The devils from the fires of hades came to
helip their comrade By morni.intg the whole jdb of threshing
was comp'leted and the grain stored in lra:rge saclks.
Dawn was just .brealking as the thresher cruNed on the
wea:lthy man to come out and see the jdb he had done. The
man oo,tili:l not believe his eyes. The threshing was finished
and the rich man was glad it was done so quickly.
"Welil done, my lad," said the weialthy man, "and now
you may taike whalt is y01UJrs for the threshing."
Therewpon the disguised little devil ordered the lcmi's
servants to plaJCe sa:clks of grain upon his shoU!l.ders. After
ten kilos of wheat were 1plaieed upon his sh.ouJlders, the master smi&gt;led and said: "WeN, young man, is that enough?"

�64

SLOVAKIA

"What do you mean encrugh ?" laughed ,t he thresher.
"Ju.st keep pi'l.ing it on; look I can still hop around with it
spryly.''
So the servants kept :p iling the saJoks of grain on the
thresher's baok ,u ntil lib.ere were no more left. The wealthy
man's hairr stood 'Uip from fear.
"Well, w-eJl-1, now do ydu thinlk you have enough?" he
asked.
But the thresher let out a roar of laugihter, saying:
"Not quite enOill!gh, my lord, just keep ptling on whatever
you hruve. You see I .can stm dance around wit'h this stwflf "
A huniclTed fattened ho,g s were taken out of their pens
and pu&lt;t on the bhres:her's .baok. The rich man was stupefied.
"WeH, now perha•ps yoiu il:m'Ve enough?" he stuttered.
But the ,l ittle devil danced around gayly and howled with
giee: "J.ust keep ,pi.'ling it on!"
The wealthy man was bUTsting with aD!ger, but he kept
his word. "Let ouit a hundred fattened steers," he bar,ked at
his senvants, "these he certainly ,wi!i not be able to carry."
But the devil-thresher todk even the hundred steers,
laughed in the master's face and then ran off to his boss
as if he carried nothing at all.
"WeH, boss, this is for y01U," said the servant ,ooiburdenh11g himself in t!he woodcutter's yard. "Now, even if I do
leaive you, I do not thinlk that you shaM haive to fear hunger
any more. My year is u1p, you know, but say, do you know
who I am? Do you remember the day when yowr last piece
of bread disappeared in the mountain?"
The woodcutter shook his head and said: "I remember, yes, I do remem1ber."
"Well, now I'U tell you who I am. I am a devil. It was I
who stole your last piece of bread and as punishment I had
to work for you one whole year Now my time is up. Fareweill."

At that very moment the woodcutter's home was surrounded by laughter as if three thousand horses had brayed.
It was the deviils who laughed at their comrade because he
had to work for a poor woodcutter.

�</text>
                  </elementText>
                  <elementText elementTextId="846">
                    <text>SLOVAKIA

62

SLOVAK FOLKLORE

THE DEVIl, HAS TO WORK

One .poor woodkmtter went into the mountains with his
last piece of ibread, which he ca:rried in a small d:ooh bag.
It was to 1ast him t!he wh&lt;ile diay. When he came into the
mountams, he hung the bag on a •b ranch and went to worik.
The poor fellow choipped. and ch'Opped and split thick oaks
until stirerums of sweat flowed from his. brow. Suddenly out
of nowhere a blaick, dirty devil oame unawares f.rom the
deepest depths of hades and stdl.e the last ,piece of bread
fr·om the woodcutter's brug.
When ,he returned to hades, the horny rascal boasted
of his deed to his comrades.. "Look, 'bhi•s was supposed to last
one woodcutter a who'le d:ay and I stole it from him."
"What',s that, wihat's that?" roared Lulcifer himself.
Wihen Luicifer heard the sto~y, he became very angry
at the horny litble thief for having drured to steal the last
piece of ,b read from a poor man.
"And for that," said Lucifer, "you win have to serve
that poor man for a whole yerur, commencing forthwith."
The next day, as the woodcuitter was a:gain preparing to
go into the hills with his ax on his shoU!lder, the door suddenly opened and a strong young man entered tlhe room.
"Good day, .b oss!" the stranger said, "how albout letting me wo:rik for you?"
"Aoh, my son, what would I do with you?" replied the
woodcutter. "I have nothing to eat myse1f and, as you see,
in that corner al[ my chil.dren a:re weeping ibecaooe they
are hung-r y."
"Well, just taike me on a:nyway. For my services you
shall owe me nothing, and I assure you that you wiU be
completely satisfied with me."
"Well, ,t hen, come with me to chop trees, if that is
what you want," said the woodcutter handing him an ax
Before three days had passed, the hill, which the woodcutter wOUJld not have out in a year by himself, was aJlmos,t
bare of brees, and the rows and rows of cord wood made the
old woodoutter hruppy. From t!hait time on our woodcutter

�SLOVAKIA

6::1

got along very wal!l, 8.!lld his chikliren no longer cried in the
corner from huniger; they were ,h appy and healthy, because
they were satfated.
"Well, ,b oss," began :the servant, "you just keep on
chopping little 1b y litJtle while l ,g o athreshing somewhere so
that you might have bread and enoUJgh of everything in the
howse for the wh'ole winter."
"Go ahead, just go ahead," replied the woodcutter,
"and whi1le you're gone, I',11 out as many trees as l can."
In a g,r eat wN~erness dlweUed a wealthy man. Three
hundred stooks of g,rain were in his fields and in his pens
he had three htliildreld steers and tllree hundred ipigs. The
woodicmrtter's serwant oarrne to this weaiLthy man and offered to thresh his graJin.
"But wihere are you,r companions?" asked the man.
"Do not worry abol.lit my compan~ons, just let me know
whether you want yOU'r grain threshed."
"Of coorse, I ,a m going to hawe it threshed, but don't
tell me that you are going to d'O it yourrelf ?"
"Whether I do it or not, yoo sha:N see the jdb done."
"And w'haJt do you want for the threshing?"
"Nothing my lorn, e:ireept whaJt I can carry away at one
time," answered the serivant.
"We11," the wea,l'thy man mused, "you will not be able
to truke ten kilos away, so go to it."
When it was .midnighlt, three thousand flails suddenly
reso,u,ntled a,round the .stoclks of grain with a: whis:h, whash,
whees'h, whoosh! The devils from the fires of hades came to
helip their comrade By morni.intg the whole jdb of threshing
was comp'leted and the grain stored in lra:rge saclks.
Dawn was just .brealking as the thresher cruNed on the
wea:lthy man to come out and see the jdb he had done. The
man oo,tili:l not believe his eyes. The threshing was finished
and the rich man was glad it was done so quickly.
"Welil done, my lad," said the weialthy man, "and now
you may taike whalt is y01UJrs for the threshing."
Therewpon the disguised little devil ordered the lcmi's
servants to plaJCe sa:clks of grain upon his shoU!l.ders. After
ten kilos of wheat were 1plaieed upon his sh.ouJlders, the master smi&gt;led and said: "WeN, young man, is that enough?"

�64

SLOVAKIA

"What do you mean encrugh ?" laughed ,t he thresher.
"Ju.st keep pi'l.ing it on; look I can still hop around with it
spryly.''
So the servants kept :p iling the saJoks of grain on the
thresher's baok ,u ntil lib.ere were no more left. The wealthy
man's hairr stood 'Uip from fear.
"Well, w-eJl-1, now do ydu thinlk you have enough?" he
asked.
But the thresher let out a roar of laugihter, saying:
"Not quite enOill!gh, my lord, just keep ptling on whatever
you hruve. You see I .can stm dance around wit'h this stwflf "
A huniclTed fattened ho,g s were taken out of their pens
and pu&lt;t on the bhres:her's .baok. The rich man was stupefied.
"WeH, now perha•ps yoiu il:m'Ve enough?" he stuttered.
But the ,l ittle devil danced around gayly and howled with
giee: "J.ust keep ,pi.'ling it on!"
The wealthy man was bUTsting with aD!ger, but he kept
his word. "Let ouit a hundred fattened steers," he bar,ked at
his senvants, "these he certainly ,wi!i not be able to carry."
But the devil-thresher todk even the hundred steers,
laughed in the master's face and then ran off to his boss
as if he carried nothing at all.
"WeH, boss, this is for y01U," said the servant ,ooiburdenh11g himself in t!he woodcutter's yard. "Now, even if I do
leaive you, I do not thinlk that you shaM haive to fear hunger
any more. My year is u1p, you know, but say, do you know
who I am? Do you remember the day when yowr last piece
of bread disappeared in the mountain?"
The woodcutter shook his head and said: "I remember, yes, I do remem1ber."
"Well, now I'U tell you who I am. I am a devil. It was I
who stole your last piece of bread and as punishment I had
to work for you one whole year Now my time is up. Fareweill."

At that very moment the woodcutter's home was surrounded by laughter as if three thousand horses had brayed.
It was the deviils who laughed at their comrade because he
had to work for a poor woodcutter.

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                  <text>1953, Vol. 3</text>
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                  <text>&lt;ul&gt;&lt;li&gt;Issue 1 (No. 6), April 1953.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Issue 2 (No. 7), July 1953.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Issue 3 (No. 8), September 1953.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Issue 4 (No. 9), December 1953.&lt;/li&gt;
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                  <text>The Slovak League of America</text>
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                  <text>1953</text>
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              <text>SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
62&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAK FOLKLORE&#13;
&#13;
THE DEVIl, HAS TO WORK&#13;
&#13;
One .poor woodkmtter went into the mountains with his&#13;
last piece of ibread, which he ca:rried in a small d:ooh bag.&#13;
It was to 1ast him t!he wh&lt;ile diay. When he came into the&#13;
mountams, he hung the bag on a •b ranch and went to worik.&#13;
The poor fellow choipped. and ch'Opped and split thick oaks&#13;
until stirerums of sweat flowed from his. brow. Suddenly out&#13;
of nowhere a blaick, dirty devil oame unawares f.rom the&#13;
deepest depths of hades and stdl.e the last ,piece of bread&#13;
fr·om the woodcutter's brug.&#13;
When ,he returned to hades, the horny rascal boasted&#13;
of his deed to his comrades.. "Look, 'bhi•s was supposed to last&#13;
one woodcutter a who'le d:ay and I stole it from him."&#13;
"What',s that, wihat's that?" roared Lulcifer himself.&#13;
Wihen Luicifer heard the sto~y, he became very angry&#13;
at the horny litble thief for having drured to steal the last&#13;
piece of ,b read from a poor man.&#13;
"And for that," said Lucifer, "you win have to serve&#13;
that poor man for a whole yerur, commencing forthwith."&#13;
The next day, as the woodcuitter was a:gain preparing to&#13;
go into the hills with his ax on his shoU!lder, the door suddenly opened and a strong young man entered tlhe room.&#13;
"Good day, .b oss!" the stranger said, "how albout letting me wo:rik for you?"&#13;
"Aoh, my son, what would I do with you?" replied the&#13;
woodcutter. "I have nothing to eat myse1f and, as you see,&#13;
in that corner al[ my chil.dren a:re weeping ibecaooe they&#13;
are hung-r y."&#13;
"Well, just taike me on a:nyway. For my services you&#13;
shall owe me nothing, and I assure you that you wiU be&#13;
completely satisfied with me."&#13;
"Well, ,t hen, come with me to chop trees, if that is&#13;
what you want," said the woodcutter handing him an ax&#13;
Before three days had passed, the hill, which the woodcutter wOUJld not have out in a year by himself, was aJlmos,t&#13;
bare of brees, and the rows and rows of cord wood made the&#13;
old woodoutter hruppy. From t!hait time on our woodcutter&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
6::1&#13;
&#13;
got along very wal!l, 8.!lld his chikliren no longer cried in the&#13;
corner from huniger; they were ,h appy and healthy, because&#13;
they were satfated.&#13;
"Well, ,b oss," began :the servant, "you just keep on&#13;
chopping little 1b y litJtle while l ,g o athreshing somewhere so&#13;
that you might have bread and enoUJgh of everything in the&#13;
howse for the wh'ole winter."&#13;
"Go ahead, just go ahead," replied the woodcutter,&#13;
"and whi1le you're gone, I',11 out as many trees as l can."&#13;
In a g,r eat wN~erness dlweUed a wealthy man. Three&#13;
hundred stooks of g,rain were in his fields and in his pens&#13;
he had three htliildreld steers and tllree hundred ipigs. The&#13;
woodicmrtter's serwant oarrne to this weaiLthy man and offered to thresh his graJin.&#13;
"But wihere are you,r companions?" asked the man.&#13;
"Do not worry abol.lit my compan~ons, just let me know&#13;
whether you want yOU'r grain threshed."&#13;
"Of coorse, I ,a m going to hawe it threshed, but don't&#13;
tell me that you are going to d'O it yourrelf ?"&#13;
"Whether I do it or not, yoo sha:N see the jdb done."&#13;
"And w'haJt do you want for the threshing?"&#13;
"Nothing my lorn, e:ireept whaJt I can carry away at one&#13;
time," answered the serivant.&#13;
"We11," the wea,l'thy man mused, "you will not be able&#13;
to truke ten kilos away, so go to it."&#13;
When it was .midnighlt, three thousand flails suddenly&#13;
reso,u,ntled a,round the .stoclks of grain with a: whis:h, whash,&#13;
whees'h, whoosh! The devils from the fires of hades came to&#13;
helip their comrade By morni.intg the whole jdb of threshing&#13;
was comp'leted and the grain stored in lra:rge saclks.&#13;
Dawn was just .brealking as the thresher cruNed on the&#13;
wea:lthy man to come out and see the jdb he had done. The&#13;
man oo,tili:l not believe his eyes. The threshing was finished&#13;
and the rich man was glad it was done so quickly.&#13;
"Welil done, my lad," said the weialthy man, "and now&#13;
you may taike whalt is y01UJrs for the threshing."&#13;
Therewpon the disguised little devil ordered the lcmi's&#13;
servants to plaJCe sa:clks of grain upon his shoU!l.ders. After&#13;
ten kilos of wheat were 1plaieed upon his sh.ouJlders, the master smi&gt;led and said: "WeN, young man, is that enough?"&#13;
&#13;
64&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
"What do you mean encrugh ?" laughed ,t he thresher.&#13;
"Ju.st keep pi'l.ing it on; look I can still hop around with it&#13;
spryly.''&#13;
So the servants kept :p iling the saJoks of grain on the&#13;
thresher's baok ,u ntil lib.ere were no more left. The wealthy&#13;
man's hairr stood 'Uip from fear.&#13;
"Well, w-eJl-1, now do ydu thinlk you have enough?" he&#13;
asked.&#13;
But the thresher let out a roar of laugihter, saying:&#13;
"Not quite enOill!gh, my lord, just keep ptling on whatever&#13;
you hruve. You see I .can stm dance around wit'h this stwflf "&#13;
A huniclTed fattened ho,g s were taken out of their pens&#13;
and pu&lt;t on the bhres:her's .baok. The rich man was stupefied.&#13;
"WeH, now perha•ps yoiu il:m'Ve enough?" he stuttered.&#13;
But the ,l ittle devil danced around gayly and howled with&#13;
giee: "J.ust keep ,pi.'ling it on!"&#13;
The wealthy man was bUTsting with aD!ger, but he kept&#13;
his word. "Let ouit a hundred fattened steers," he bar,ked at&#13;
his senvants, "these he certainly ,wi!i not be able to carry."&#13;
But the devil-thresher todk even the hundred steers,&#13;
laughed in the master's face and then ran off to his boss&#13;
as if he carried nothing at all.&#13;
"WeH, boss, this is for y01U," said the servant ,ooiburdenh11g himself in t!he woodcutter's yard. "Now, even if I do&#13;
leaive you, I do not thinlk that you shaM haive to fear hunger&#13;
any more. My year is u1p, you know, but say, do you know&#13;
who I am? Do you remember the day when yowr last piece&#13;
of bread disappeared in the mountain?"&#13;
The woodcutter shook his head and said: "I remember, yes, I do remem1ber."&#13;
"Well, now I'U tell you who I am. I am a devil. It was I&#13;
who stole your last piece of bread and as punishment I had&#13;
to work for you one whole year Now my time is up. Fareweill."&#13;
&#13;
At that very moment the woodcutter's home was surrounded by laughter as if three thousand horses had brayed.&#13;
It was the deviils who laughed at their comrade because he&#13;
had to work for a poor woodcutter.&#13;
&#13;
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                <text>Slovak Folklore: The Devil Has to Work</text>
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                <text>Slovakia, Vol. 3, No. 2 (7), July 1953&#13;
pp. 62-64</text>
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                    <text>SLOVAKIA

39

THREE MONTHS IN "LIBERAT ED" BRATISLA VA
BY: AN EYEWITNES S

Urut'hl 1944 tJhe capiW city of S10V1akira, Bralbis1ava, lived
far remoived from mililtaey operations. Ltfe wars a,,1together
nor,ma;J. both c1.1llltmraUy and sodaiJ.l.y. 'Dhe siltuation dhanged.
sU!bstantli.la!ley after Italy wars occuipied, when Bratislava came
withi111 the range of the alliied air :f.iorce.
Mirl itary oib'jeldt:s of Bratisl ruva were first bombed rby the
al'lied aiir force in the focenooo. of June 16, 1944. The "ApO'llo" ref.inery, the adjacenit faotory and lha!1bor quarters we.re
hit. But indrirscriminaite Russian 1b om11:iing was more fatal.
Soviet flliers did not specialize on miiitairy objects, but let
bombs loose anyiw\here in the city. They ce11ba:irillry did not
glorify themselves witih the 1bombing of SpitMsrka street,
where tlhey destroyed a church, a convent and the hospital
of St. EliizaJbeth. Sorviet planes ruppea:red aibove Braitislava
on Holy Satu,rdary and peppered the civi[fans on the crowded
streets with tlherir deck guns. The front had moved up consideraJblly and Soviielt p:lranes were comin,g over practically
every houir to drop their b.ombs into the streets.
1

Easter 1945 in Bratislava
During Holy Weelk it. was evident to most of us that
the Germa'I1S were preparing ,t o defend Bratisfav.a. The streets
were emptied, bM'ricades were constructed , huge g'uns were
put u,p The Germans themsel;ves, '.however, did not appear
to be very interested in tlhe defense of our ctity and hauled
whaitever they couftd out of it. 'Dhe units whkJh remained
were to be used to c01Ver the retrea,ting Germans. The Ger-•
man com.man.der urged the Slovak Governmen t to leave Bratislava. Since only a small number of Germans remained,
it was ~rieved that tJhey were not going to defend the city
very lon.g. The poipuilation co'l.tld not decide whether to leave
tbe ciity or stay putt. Sa.Jturday evening everything was being
taiken into cel10Jrs and hritl!ing places. The monotonou s bomibing of the Russian air force, the ofose booming of cannons
annOIUll1Ced that the Russians we.re a:pproachin g steadily U111spea.JkaJble ne:rrV'O!U'Sness gr.~pped the crirty. AH the men h~d

�40

SLOVAKIA

themselves, booaiuse iJt was said thait the Germans were going
to taJke rull 1!he men out of Braitislava.
On Easter Sunday, at nine o'dock in the morning, Soviet fliers aigain ffilade them- appearance and in the afternoon huge Russian g,uns were 'bombarding Bralti:slava. The
we'l!l-.Jmown Ruissian "Kaltuse", also da!lled "1Sta~ iln'is organs,"
began to pJ.ay the following day, i.e., Easter Monday. Every.
thiinig shook to the foundatio!l'S and fires hroike out in many
p'lia;ces. T,h e retreating Germans fired the SloV'ak University
and ala the reserwe piiles of food and war maJterials. Thick
smoike rose from Bratiis'lruva for three days and three niighlbs,
and the fire sprerud because there were neither waiter nor the
pe01ple to f,i ght tlhe fires. The heaviiest fii:ghting took place in
the ea'S'tern paJI't of the cilty, where praeitiic~ly every factory
quariter wrus ruined, the stireets of Trnruva and Krizna,
Stein's Brewery and the viJcinity.
On 'l'uesday tlhe Gemnans began to f11ee, destroying
every;th'i ng that had n~t a-lre'ad,y &lt;been desitvoyed. They blew
u1p the bridge ,to PetrizJalka and the last g,rowp bariricruded iltself in the Braitis,la,va Castrle. The Russians aiready were in
the sulburbs of Bratislava, when the Germans in the western
hil!J.s of the c1ty began cannonading it. Thiis hurl BTati'slava
the moist. On Thursday morning fue first Russian d'i•visions
were in the very heart oif the city. Graduailly the booming
died aiway and the streets began to be filled w1th Russian
soldiers.
The "Liberation" Begins
1

The SolV'iet soldiers first Hib.e.rated us from our watches
with their well-tlmown "Davaj easy" (Give your waltches).
EX!cept for solldiers, tlhe streets were empty; on1y coz,pses
were being b alked in .the sipring sun. After a few days, when
we cra.,wled out of our bunlkers and cellairs., we saiw the
ghastly pioture of ruin anld desolation.
Sffiloke s,tii-1 ro!Hed out of buildings and 1:lhe atmosphere
was. satwrated Wli'th dust and gunpowder. Glass wa·s ground
under foolt. Rdl::fueries were in fU'l'l swing. Soviet soidiers
brdke windows of business places with their rule butts and
sa-cked and pitMaiged everything. A few dats later, not a
sitIJ.g1le shop remamed whO'le. Wh'atever could rrot be taken

�SLOVAKIA

41

was knocked to pieces. Of course, the l'a wless mob helped
very efferdtive1y in thi's work. Reports. olf the raping of
women began coming in. It was nothing um.t'sua!l to see
franltic W()lffien rUIUNng wildly from their aJttaokeirs; they
sm-eamed, k'iciked and fought, -but to no avail. The 'hordes
of the RUJSsii'an steppe's were on the loose. Who shall desc,dbe the sta.rk terror- in the eyes of the Slo;v:ak women and
girls who 00U!l.1d not get away f,r -()lffi the beasts olf Moscow?
Even ii£ I tmoo, I believe that my pen woul:d have to blush
if it had to detail the brutalities and abroc'~ties committed.
There is no need to exipand on :the fate of many, many women,
who remained lya.ng in their bllood aflter such a ba'I1barian
shaw of "a!f.feotion" of the Sov,i et soldiers. They to,l d us
that it was the "nationa!l duty" o.f the S1avaJk women to repay the So'Vliet arimies rih love!
Vinko, Vinko, Vinko Cervene

We thOUJght that SlovaJk wiine would not attract the Soviets after tJhey had tasted of strong Tokay in Hurngary.
Bult we were mi!stJaken even tJhis time (as usu:a1). Slovak
wine memhanits di:d not wanit to sel'l us wine since January,
becau:se they had 'hiOiped to sell it at a high price to the Soviet sohliers. But how quijic,k1ly they soibered UJP, when, instead of the jingle-jangle of gCJld 11ulbles, they he:ard shots
from rifiles anld. aUlbomaitics in their otherwise irnmcessible
ceUars. Barrels were shot wp and the precious liquid o.f the
Slova1k earth began flowing; first into pitchers an'&lt;i all so!'ts
of containers, dean and uncilean, even bernzine cans. When aU
these were fi'1le'd, tlhe wine t11ic'k:led iruto soLdieirs' boots, then
flowed over the cellars and vestilbll!les an'&lt;i finaliy onto. the
streets. Tos strong aroma mixed w1th the gih:astly stench of
decayiing cO'l",pses, whk:h even after a week were stili lying
on the sidewaiJ.ks. of the city. The soldiers drank and so d&lt;id
the civilians; ch!iMren drank and so did the oldsters. It
seemed that the barrels were bottomless. "Viniko, vinko, vinko cerivene" (Wtine, wine, red wine - a popclaT Slovak
drinlking song) !
I shail1l never forget tJhe tovaris-comrade who had two
botJtles of reld. champaigne stucik in his fuT crup, a bottle in

�42

SLOVAKIA

eadh. pocket and his hands full. He was approached by another comrade whn .rolblbed hiim on the street of his precious
bu.Tden in broad d'a.yuilghlt. The two lashed at each other
li'ke antlmals and drew blood on the 'ha.rd pavement of Kapitulska street.
Bratishwa wine merchants. 'loolk ed on stupidly and
si.'lently ait this Sodiomic destruction of their cellars, and the
SO!Ulr odor of the wine reminded them of the old times, when
they were s'till:l. bosses of their wine and thought that they
themselrves wolU.ld ·haive the honor to treat the "liberat0rs."
They rea[irz;eJd tlhe bitter truth that they we·r e "liberated," i.e.
comip1etely roiblbed of all their world!ly possessions on the
very threshold of a neiw life, the new order promised by the
men of the K.re:rnUn.

Where Do You Stay, Tovaris?
If you were in the aI1II1y, you know w'hat obedience and
di'Scilplme means. Withoult bhe:rn, there hardly could be an
effecltiive rurmy. A soldier beil.ong,s to some particular company or di'Vlisi:on, must haJVe his gear, be fed and quartered,
even th&lt;Ylligh it be under a tent or in a barn. Bult the Soviet
soltl!iers wlho swa:runed iiruto Bratislava had no definite quarters and, hence, were everywhere. Usuany aJbout midnight
it occurred to· tihe:rn that they had to get some sleep, so the,y
began to looik for shelter. Door:s and lodks and bars were no
hindrance. Wihether of glass or wood, doors were booted in
or smasheJd wiitJh rifile butts, if they were niot opened immediately.
"You, bourgeoisie, you did not fighlt ... "
Threatened, 1:Jhere wa·s nothing one cou[d c1o bult flee
from .h is own home and consider himse1f liUCky if he was
not shot- A soldier does not undress for sleep very oflte:n
at the fuiont, bult Ivan the RUJSsian never ll!Ildressed even
when he had a bed, bwt simply piled on the bed f.wl1y g,ar,bed,
'boots, rifle, pi•s tols, grena:des and a:M. And the frolllt was
sixty miles away from us.

Investigation After Investigation
We thought the war was over when the slh!ooting subsided and the boomdng resounded f.rom a dristanice. We began

�SLOVAKIA

43

to clean the streets, coll!lect the dead, and put whatever was
left oif ,ouir homes in order. A ,penson slO!Wly fongets what he
lost, because onlly then, when he did not die during the
bomfbardment, does he reaili.ize that it is beaultiifiu[ to live,
even tJhoug'h in feaJr, hunger rund thirst, and in raJgs. Things
tha,t were a.ire no more, and other things tfhat were not will
oome into being. L'iife is all that matters. On'l,y he knows the
reail meamng of water and light who has li,v ed thI10UJgh the
terror of the front in hiding wilthoult light and water. I.Me
will returm to iits dld ways and time wiH heal aJhl wounds ()If
the soiwl a,nd bod,y ()If inld.wii.dUJaJl's and nations.
Well, wlh,y shoUJld nO/t a person a:gaJin imagine that liJfe
can be beruuttilfiull, when he is sitting on tile 'l'Uins ()If his home
~nd the ashes of hi1s dreams? Why, there is no more bc»nibing and even the streets are lighted up in the evenings.
Buit empty a.ire the inns, empty are the ce11'3JI"s, empty
are tJhe stores and shops Brolken windows and smashed
doors attest tJo the min which the Soviet soldiers had
WOOU1ght. But the wihl to live r,i,ses alb,ove all this. We must
forget everyttJhing thaJt pruined us, a.IN the in:justi&lt;Ces, subdue
om thd,r st for blood, when the sap of a new spring is
awakening, when everythfun.g is being ren01Vateld, everything
is in bloom, the thrush sings and the chiildren play.
Burt aH this is but a dream, an ~lluision. '.Dhe 'b attle has
ended on the streets, but just the sa:me a mare fiurious invi:siib1e baittle is going on. As you step out of your home, you
are co,nrfronlted with tJhe bayonet o;f a Russian soldier or the
various "safety" ciommittees. You look a:rO'llnd and notice
that yornr home, nay the whole street is sUJITounded by
guards. You re'tl.l!rn h'llITTriedly to your room and wait to see
what wiM h'appen. Y.ou wait and wait and waJit unti[ the sUISpense aJlrrnost d11ives you mad. Your blood thins in your veins
and you look sadly aJbowt you - and wait! F'iinaMy they
came, sO'l1d iers and civiili ians: they go through the house and
take whatever they want. '.Dhey ask you whether you are a
GeI1IDan or not, whebher any Germans or "coll'&lt;llbaratilonists"
a,re in your house. You lod.k them icily in the face. 'Tihey depart but only to come rugruin.

�44

SLOVAKIA

Organs of Security
Mter two weeks oif the Russian occupation everything
was phmdered. People had no more than they had buried or
secreted in such a place where even the Russian hunters and t,hey are eXlpe'tUy schooled in the art of flinding wailled-in
objects - would not come. There was a clirth oif everything,
even a serforus lack of bread. But we had plenty o.f police!
They sprang Ulp like m:ushrnoms aflter a rain. In t'he first
place, ,t he dreaded NKVD (OGPU), the Secret So,vi•e t Police, n10toirioo~ for its birurt:al and ghasitl;y crimes. Woe to him
that faHis intto its hanids. The NiKViD goes from home to
home, drags peoipile aiway and nolbody ever hears of their
fate. Fvom eastern S'JO'V'aJkia alone more tihan 4,000 peo~e
were draigiged oiff into Siiberia.
I was fonbunate to be 'home during the investigation.
AU the en'tralllces to the 'bwil.ding were covered by soldiers
wit!h a:utomattics. I •t r:wersed my room ne.rvous•ly. A'lthough
I had a c:leair clon1science, yet I was di-squited. (No one is sufficiently olear or safe with the Soviet Po[ice) . Finally I
wenlt into the haiJ.llway. I was greeted by a soMier and a civilian. A IDQlfilenrt later came the caiptain. He asked me my
naJme, what I wa:s doing here, what my profession was, and
wheither I was a mem1ber orf IIlin:ka's People'1s Parity.
A mac1hinist l,iived on the same floo,r. His room was
locketl. Tlhe caiptain OII'&lt;lered me to open it. "I haven't the
key," I told hlm. The maic!hini.st had the key and the soldiers had him in hand alt the gate. I ran to the gate. The
NKVD g,u1a rd had an a.ultomatti~ on the machinist. I approached him and said that tlhe c~pta;in wants to open the
machinist's room, but the madh~nrist had the key. The latter alre'ardy wanted to hand it to me, when the s:o'ldier suddenly tuirned the aurt:omatiic on me and said: "You ha.ve the
key" - "'BUit I dlo not have t'he key, the madhinlist has it"
- "No, you will 'h,ruve it, if the caiptain says so." - "But I
do not have it; loolk, tovaris, the machimst has. it." - "No,
I have a.Qready told you that you wi-11 have the key and will
open the door, when the captam orders you to do so."
I was dumlbfounded by the profound stU1piclilty and returned without t1he key. I told the captain thait the to:varis

�SLOVAKIA

45

wowd not let me take the key from the machinist because,
he said, the captain had ordered me and not the machinist
to open the room. I also was a sOJldier and I know whait military dbedience means. Bult this cannot be called obedience,
but some kind of unmentionaJble stupidilty or i!Illfbecility
which wouid be capable of sticking pins under my fingernails just to find a key on me whirch I do not haive. I realized
then wlhy people, during the investigaltions in tJhe tortrure
cha.im!bers of the NKVD, confess to things which they never
committed.
The invest1gation began at seven in the morning and
lasted un1ti'l nine. I went to town on business arrd returned
a1boU1t eleven. Upon my arr,ivai the building was a·gai,n surrounded biy guards, but this time by the Prurtisans Security
c:1it.

I wanted to enter the bui'1ding, but they wouid not let
me. I identified myse1f and said that I ld.ved there. Finailly
a boy, about 17, wit:Jh an automatic in his hands, let me
enter. It was very liive:ly in the hallways. The partrsa,n captain was giving orders. I did not know wh1at they were seeiking. I went through the investigation tortures again, but
qUJite fortunately. Again aftl the rooms, closets, desks, and
dressing cabinets were opened. The investigation was over at
about one o'ciock. Again some innocent peoiple were taken.
But that was not alt That was onJy t'he beginning.
Night feJ.,l and the stars shone brighUy over Br.atislava.
Finany, a lilttle rest, I thought But there is no restful or
peaceful night duiring a Russian occl..llpaition. A'boUJt midnight I was awa.ikened by some one pounding on my door.
Another investigaition !
I was on my feet in an instant and &lt;jpened the door.
Before me in the semidankness stood a man and a lady. Instead of identifying themselves, t!hey opened their short
coats so that I could see the revolvers in leather 'holsters.
"But, but, this is a spe:cia l visit, and so laite at night!"
"Your documents," said the man.
"Here they a,re, t:hank you."
"Were you a memlber of IDinka's Party?" - "I was."
"Since when?" - "From 1933." - "Were you in the
1

�46

SLOVAKIA

Hlinka Guards?" - "I was not." - "Did you be'1ong to
Hlinlka's Youth?" - "No." - "Are you a So'ld!ieir?" - "I
am an oftfircer in the Sloivalk airnny." - "Did you ta.Ike pa.rt
in the revollit ?" - "No." - "Why not?" - "I was on druty in
Nitra." - "Are you a Slova;k ?" - "I am."
Then they entered my room. On my taJble was a small
bust o{ Andrew Hlin!k'a.
"And .t his?" - "That is a bust of Andrew Hilinlka."
"Hman., we adivi,se you, to destroy irt." - "I don't understand, whiy?" - "Welil, may!be tomorrow you will understand."
Wilth that t'.hey depa,rited. Ait thrr-ee in the morning the
inrve-stigat'ion olf .tlhe secret police was completed.
At eight in the morn.mg came the olffictaJl police, the
so-calied "Naitiona1 Secruritiy" po~ice, to find out who i,t was
thaJt a1hlowro an in1VestigaJtion at mghit when the ipolice knew
nothing aJbout it. "What kind o{ peop1e were they, how did
they look, w:hiat did they want?" I was asked. This then was
the new oroer - so ter:rrilbly dangerous because iit had so
many .srufety biU1reaus thalt one dlid not know aibout the other!
Or did they?
The Bratislava Commander Complains

A month had already passed since the occ'Ulpation of
Bratisla1Va , but the streets were stilil wn:swept; dirt and
ruiblble were everywhere; liice and infectious diseases were
spreading rapidly. 'Ilhe local "National Oommittee" had a
loog session to decirle what to do with the riwbbish and
rull:fule clutterinig and burning in the streets. But how was
the mess to be C'leared ruway, wlhen the Ru'Ssians took an
the city dump trucks, a1l pri,v ate cars and al,l wagons and
horse's ?
Typhoid fever spread danger01Us ly; the numibers of inflicted increased. The Office of P.ropruganda, or, as it was
then called, the "Commissary of InfoTfl'nation" pfa'stered the
city witJh huge plaic-ards depio'ting a s'keleton poUII"iing lice
over BraJtis lava and t'.he wairning : "WATCH THID LICE,
THEY SPREAD TYPHOID. ''
People stared at the placarids and barked: "Bwt who in

�SLOVAKIA

47

tarnation broughlt lice here? Send the lousy Russians baok

to their lousy ooumrtey !"
'I.1he first plwcards had liiittle e.fifoot. Severrul druys later
new ones appeared: Origanilze energeti'C brig,ades of clearuiness ! But Il!cibodiy paid any atJtenMon. The :riUJbbish iblliI'Iled on
and spread its poisonous fiumes over the .popuil.&lt;ati.on. There
were no autos, no wrugons wiith which to do the hau[ing.
Hiarses, oows and siheeip were kept in the panks. The hot
sun blruzeid away and laughingJy loolked at the me!SS, which
the "new" government prdbalbly did not dear aJWay to this
day. And so the skeleton keipt pouring the lice, and t:Jhe placaros aJb,o ut the brig,a des. of cleanliness were covered witlh
new red ones, whicih unged us to attend lec!tUll'es on the
moraie of the SoVli.et man, So:vieit woman, and the Soviet
youth. The Soviet Russians wasted no time in edlucating the
masses accordtinlg to the dootrines orf Marx and Lenin.

A Soviet Soldier Confesses
lit wrus a bea:urtri.:titd June afternoon in K 1rurl'ova Ves near

Bratislava, when a Riu'SSian sOlldier rupproacihed us and struclk
up a oonvwsaiti.on. He reproved us saying tha.Jt we Slovruks
were Ullldiscipllined amid un.gratefUll. We shOIUJd not siay OII' believe tJhat t:Jhe RJussi,ans rure taikin.g everything that can be
ha'l.lll€1d aJWay, booau1se thaJt is only ibrud propaganda. Since
he was in a t~aJtiive mood', and did not have a revolver, we
dooided to malke WIOrds with him.
He spdke at length albout d!i.scipil[n.e in RUISSia, both in
thiin.lk.ing and in spealk~ng. In Slovaki·a, he said, everyone says
whatever he 'Pleases. "ThaJt does not exist in Ruissia. One
must hiO:ld to what St-a!lin says. That is the truth and a.Ill
else is ,proprugantla. Sta!lin to-Id UIS thaJt in Russia everything
iis fine a!nd dandy, everyrtJhin,g is beaut.if.td, that we have
enoUJgh to eait. And even though we know that everything i:s
not fine and dan:dy, be.mt'i:fiul, and thtat we do not ha;ve
enough to eaJt, yet we must say that everythmg is f,i ne and
dandy, and thaJt we have plenty to ea.t. Stalin has so ordered! Stalin has so spdken!"
He bec'ame so excited trying to prove his impossible
stand that I reaHy pit'ioo. him. I s:m:il.ed and sa,id softly:

�48

SLOVAKIA

"My dear tovaris! We're a different kind of people,
strange to you, indeed. When a tihinrg is white, we say it is
white; when it is bladk, we say iJt is black. When we have
nothing to eat, we say thaJt we a~ hungry oir that we are
starving And if anyone orders us to speak otheirwise, we
still. say the truth. Stra'lin telJs you different, so be hruppy in
your belief. We believe in God, too, but with reason, never
against reason."
But our tovaris seemed to be far away; his mouth
opened, but he said nothing further. Shaiking hiis head, he
pwlled at his ear as he slowly wa;llked away.
The Soviet Lady Doct.or

We weire oirdered to hand 01Ver the miili'ta,r y hospdital in
Bratishwa to the RUJSsians. As we were preparing inventory
lists, a Rmlssilan l'ady doctor stepped iruto .the room. After
talking for a time, we struck upon religion, belieif in God,
and other ba.pics. But my Russian colleague, a lieutenant,
!)TOclaimetl thait it was in vain we were trying to convince
her, becruuse she wm.tltl nort believe l1'S no matter what the
airgumenlts. I assured her that she had nothing to fear, because I had no ruposJtoilic intentions.
"Why do we write 1945," I asked her.
"I know but I won't tell you!"
"Burt even you designalte this year by thaJt numlber."
"You won't oon'V'ince me "
"I db not want to. But even the unbelieving world
admits that Christ was born."
"I heard rubout that also; burt I do not believe i,t."
"Why?"
"Becruuse in the history of the Communist Party there
isn't anything aJbout it."
"Alh, so!"
WhaJt is the use of debating? We looked at each other
srgnifioa,ntly, smiled, and talked aibout otheir things.
"How long did you study medicine?"
"I finished the course during the wair in a year and a
haJlf. In peaceful times the study takes aliJ. of two and a half
years."

�SLOVAKIA

49

We 1,amghed loud1iy amd pitied the prutients who happened
to get under her kmfe.
Placards: Religious Freedom

DtN-ing the veriy first weelk:s of occupatfon the Slovak
Communist Party posted placiar:ds everywhere, arnnlQuncing
that the ComJmuni'Slts wiant to respect the relii.g,ioos feelings
of a!hl the SloviaJk people and, therefore, are c,alloog aU Slovaks, regardless of the:ir religious convictions, into the
Party. Nay, eiven Catho'l:ic priests coul'd and shlOuiltl join the
party, we were to1ld. People sing a nfoe tune, when they
want to catch a biro!
But wlhrut if a mira'Cle had rea!Uy happened? Suppose
Comrm.mism had made a tll!I"11 for the ,better? May/be Commun:ism was no longer so excilusive; perhrups it was even
reipernting and had decided to let itself be baptized in Christian SlO'V'a'l da! We knew that the Communists were not sincere, but the fact is thaJt oultwarilly they did try tb deal humanely with the peopie for a wht[e to convince them that
Communism was not as bad as they thought. It was evident
that they were instiru~teld not to insult the sacred and traditionai feel'ings of the SlOIVak ,peop1e. But the pretense soon
wore off and the Reds opecl,y a1:&gt;t8iC'ked a11 ece'lesfastical instilbutions.
Catholic Schools in Nationalized Slovakia
lf there were some Sloivaiks who had iHu'Sions a,bout
the Communists going sofit., thek tllu1sions eJOPloded like
b,u!bbles, W:hen Laoo Novomesky, Commissar ('br:ulsitee) of
Exiucation, annOlmceld that ai11 Catholic scbioo[,s m Slovakia
were to be aJbo:Iished and their property was to be taken over
iby t!he Stale. He was leld to this action, he said, because it
wais inadimissaJble that the Ohiurich should o!ffer a different
kind of education than the State. The unity of the nation,
sa•: d No;voimesky, required a unifo:r,m eduicaJtiona1 system,
cultural and religious st!'.ife must cease, etc.
What could not be accomplished even during the first
Ozooho.jSloV'ruk republk, was done now with one stroke of the
pen · in tJhe shadow of Russi8JI1 bayionets. The Cat'ho[ic institrntions were hit first for ob:vious reasoos. The Reds had

�50

SLOVAKIA

little dififiicuM.y in getting the badking of the non-Caitholiic
Christians. Al!l they ha:d to dt&gt; was promise them that they
w()IU[d get the CaJthoiJ.ii:c Churelh proiperrt:.ies. So-cailled followers oif Christ a1Jtadking and despoiling the fo1lowers of
Christ! The Reds knew what they were doing, but evidently
the non.CathoJic Christians did not, because they tooik the
bait. Slovaik IJuithera.ns, Jews, Unitarians, Baptists, etic , expected to gain by the deail against the Catho[ic Slovaks (80
per cent oif tJhe poipuliaibi.on) and, therefore, went a'long with
the Reds.
!Ton mrust be forged while it is hot. After publishing
the decree, all diredtors of Cruthoiic sciho01ls were dismissed.
Their places were taken over by so-ca;Ued "Czechoslovaks"
and Lwtherans. That was done e:spe'Cially in gymna'Sit1ms
managed by the reJl'igiorus &lt;YI'ders, for example, alt the UrS'llline s:c!hools in BrrutislJ.ava and Tuna.va. It was done designecily and systemaiticaHy. Fists were clenched and hearts
were steeled. Freedom, freedom! The Slova!k Catholic public
becrume extremely inili.gnarnt. People were saying that the
women of Tmava were getting ready to storm the Ursuline
institution there and throw oot tlhe new di!rectre'SIS, who was
perseC'lllting and intimidating the reiigioruis Sisters there.
The Bishops of Slovakia Protest

E:ven though Siova..ks knew that nothing would be accomplished by protests, neverthe'Jess ail Catholics we.re
a.rgreed that they simply coufttl ndt a!hlow the fundamental
right of the Ohurch to iits own school's be taken away from
them without uttering a word. The peopile had to make
thernse1ves heard, or else the stones wmcld complain.
The CaithOllic Bishop's Collliloil presented a memorandll!In to the government and the Central Cat holic Chancery
was organizing a si-grratn.ure C·Mnipaign against the nationaHzing of scllodls. Lerufllets were distmi.lb uted, and on July 8,
1945, 1!he protest aigainst the confiscrution of the schools
was read from ahl puipiits.
1

Well, alter Ju:ly 8, the Bratislava radio was heard from.
It blasted and attacked the Bishop's Council, using the wellknown phrase: The parish church belongs to the Church,

�SLOVAKIA

51

Mlld the school to the StaJte ! Things came to a head and the
resrullt Olf the ,protest was that the dirootors Olf the Central
Cath~lic Bureau, who teohmca;Ny organi!Zed the action, were
jailed. We were again gilven prood' thaJt we were living in a
"democracy" and thiaJt the people were dooiding their own
fOiitunes. Wlhat a modkery !

Catholic Bishops Imprisoned
The ffrst wa,s Hlis ExicellJency John Vojtassak, bjshop of
Spis. Hailf of Slwaikia was a'1ready occupied by the Russian
rumy. The Sl'O!VaJk National Council was already giving orders from Kosice. At the end of .AipriJ, Dr. Vav,r o Srobar,
chalirma.n of the S1ov,aik NaJtiorra1 CouncH at that time, came
to the Spisslka Ifupiroula (ISpis Chapter) to gain Bishop Vojtassak for the Slov:aJk Na.lbiona:l COIUnoil and for Dr. Edwa..ro
Benes. Srobar wanted ,t hat prilze catch, bec'ause he knew
that Bishop Vojttassa'k was an old and 'hard Slovak.
As they meit in the corri'd.10r of the bi,s hop's residence,
Dr. Srolbar explained why he came and then asked the bishO!p to back the new government. The bishop eyed him
co:l d[y for a moment and then srud:

"I do nolt reoogni ze any S'1ovruk Nationall Council and
president Benes. My government is stilil in Bratislava, and
as president of the SlrovaJks I recognize oruy the Siovak,
Ms.g r. Dr. Tiso!"
The ~ytihe stmrok upon a stone. Dr. Srobar departed,
and bishop John VojtassaJk went to his room. Several days
later when the bishop received an order from the Slovak
N atiorral OownJCirl to beget himsellif to his p1race of confinement i-n Stl,ruvru:k, Vojtassaik replied energetica.!Uy: "I do not
have an auto, nor any means of transportation, not even a
horse. They -took ever.yrthing from me. I wi'M yie[d only to
force."
On May 5, 1945, an auto stopped in front oif the Kaipitula; it was a,mned with machine guns and severrul men with
auito:matiJc:s. The wovds of Ohris't again rang ou't: You are
come out as it were aigain,st a robber with clubs. The good
bishop of Spis was forcefuilily talken to Stiaivnik and, later,
to the jaml of the federal court in Bratislava.
1

�52

SLOVAKIA

What hruppened to him? A1[ I knew at that time was
that the commwn1i1,it "Plravd'a" of Bramislava was inciting
aigainst h!im., head!linirrug its avticleis thus: "The Lord Bishop
is against chi:ldren of tJhe wmikers." It was a brazen lie, designed to U!Ilderunine the 1:Jrnst of the fovthfol in the social
ideO'logy of iits bishop, who during hd:s whole life proved himself to be the most social o,f alil episcopa:l dignitaries in
Sl0V1aikia.
Soon aflter the OOOU1pation of Bratislava by the Russians, the bishoip Ol.f Trnava, Mii.H'.tary Vicar and Rector of
the BraJtislaiva seminary, J. E. BwzaLka, was ja1iled. F\irst he
wais lodged in the pohce stati'On and tJhen transferred to the
federail prison where "heiavy offenders" weire penned. He
slept on a spring, no m'aJttress ,b eing availaJble, and the siliveT-haired poet, Va'lentine Beniruk, slept alongside him on
the bare stone :flloor.
After the bishops, t:he Slwialk National Co'Ullcil "took
care" of the oonons and other pre1'aJtes. Among the first to
be truken was Joseph Srobar of BraJti.sl'a:va, brother of Dr.
Vaviro Srdbar. The old churehman, ail heart, would never
hairun even a fly. But bo[shev,rk justice did not consider that.
In him it sa,w an "enem:y of the people" and inrcaTcerated
him.
.
Ma:nry othevs foHowed him, among them Dr. Charles
Kovper, weH-iknown among .American S:lova\ks, former editor of a Cathoi1'i'c neWS1pruper. Monsignor Marsina of Trenci.n cO'llild not even OOJt for nothing in the jail, but had to
work. And what work! He was forced to dig c011pses wit!h
his bare hand's firom ma$$ graves, then forced to wash and
·k!iss each one. I have a strong su1S1pidon thalt those mass
graives were made lby the Russians and not by the Germans
as claimed by the So:vie'ts.

"Fascist Post.enyi Arrest.ed"
That's what a heai!'line said in the communist "Pravda."
And it stumned just albout the whole of Slo.vrukila. The discovery of America O!I' the Law of GI"avitation was no more
sensationall. Up to that time nobody knew that Monsignor
Postenyi was a fascilSt. Aime11ida,ri Slovaks know Msgr.

�SLOVAKIA

53

Postenyi very weiN. He visiited America in the interests of
the S't Ada!llbert Society, pulljlisher of Catholiic literature
and inrf.cmmat&lt;ion, an origanwation equiivalent to the Book of
the Month 01wbs in Amerti!C'a. The Reds knew that his Slovak ,paltriotism was beyond question and that his merits, as
far as the l31rgesit CIUll,bural, Slovak, Catholk institution was
concerned, were greaJt. Monsignoir Po:s tenyi is an exemplary
priest of Gad, a S1ovaik hough and through, and an indefatfJi,gruble worlcer for the common people of his nation. He
was pe!I1S€Kmted for his Slovak ,p atriotism when the Commumst leaders and editors of the "Pravda" were strn in the
bOSOIIn of Albraham.
Never aclmvel.l,y interested in politics, Msg,r. Postenyi
sUldden!ly became a "fascist!" We knew whalt the C01Inmunisits wanted to aJOcorrniplish. 'Do put Posteny,i out of the way
woold me'an to destroy the Society of St. Ad•rutbert with iJts
libraries, priillt sh01ps and origan.izationrul appruratus. And so
the SlOViaJk N ationa;l CO'U!Ilici1 appointed the fina.ncirul secretary of the Sooiety, a Ozedh named Wa;gner, as the commissary of the Society. A few days l1ater a new management
was named, one that was rucceptaJble to the spirit and program of tJhe C01Inmunist-idk&gt;minia.ted SlovaJk NaJtional Cooncil.
This institution which was bui[it by generations of Slov,a ks inrto a going cultural concern wrus wiped oult in a momenit by the ruthilegs Reds The 150.000 members of the
Society of St. Ada1be,rtt co:uM not say a word against the action without inviting punishment, either inciariceration or
exile into Silberia. That is how the "people's demooracy" of
the Soviets operates.
Charit,a,ble Ecclesiastical Institutions
The la;rgesit oharitalble ooganization in Slovrukia wa,s the
Central Charity (Ustredna Karita), the central Catho1.ic institute of al'l the welfare, socitail, anld religious societi'es. It
ha;d its own hea11th cenltets, hospiita!ls for incuraJbO.es, children's nurseries, etc. The women'1s "Charilta:s" was a'1so a
mem~ of tJhe organi.&lt;Za,tion. 'Dhe CommUll!ists took (Wer ruH
soci:ail insbitiuttions of the Church. Some weeks after the ocCUipation, tihe Communist Union of Sloviak Women confi:s-

�54

SLOVAKIA

cated the children's nuTsery of the Ustredna ~arita in Dornk~le, BraJtislava, and the Union of SloivaJk Y ouith toolk
over the ·b oarding sch06l nea,r the forestry school in Koliba,
Braltislavia.
The hwmanitari.an division oif the city o.f Bratislava
comisoated the estate of "Oharitas" in Braltisfava near the
Red Bridge. For the women's home of "Charitas" the commissari'at foT Social Welifare named as commissary the Communist Fla:TIIIly Hirusovsky. Dr. Ivan Horvath, the commissary
for sooiall welfare, prod.aimed that a:1'1 the charitable, social
instituJtions of the Church would be taken over by the state.
Protests clid not mean a thing, as usual.

"Freedom" of the Press
One of the first ,a cts of the Commissariat for Initernal
AffaiTs was the suppression o;f aM news,prupers. With th~s
general order all Oathollic newpaJpers and :periodicais weTe
wiped out aultomalt!roally; noit only cruturrul and literrury periodicals, such as the "Ku!litura" (a.rl.,tmre.) and the "Obroda"
(Rffi"ilvaJl), but even an the religious and educational periodicals, such as The MessengeT of the Srucred Heart, The
Holy Family, The Queen of May, etc. And, ]ater the only
Caltholk Sloivruk weeldy "Katolicke Noviny" (The Catholic
News), which had a suibscription of 170,000, was also swppressed and ta:ken 01Ver by 1:!he Reds.
Cathollics protested to the authorities, but in. vadn. The
Catholic press was gone. Attaclks against the Church and
its priests increased daily, but they could not defend themselves; it was an unequa:l strwggk The enemy fought wfth
powerfU!l we8lpons, whi[e the Catholics had none.

"Freedom" of Conscience
The wax was fought, we were told, aga.inst the suppressi~n of consoien.ce by imperial~stic means, and we haJVe lived
to see sucll a diclatorship and s:uch a barbaric viOllia.tion of
conscience and its inlterrra:l freedom, the likes of whl'C'h perhrups not even the most frurious f:aslci'Slt ever dreamed of. On
aH fronts of tlhis terrible wrur died the best sons of humanity for the rigih:t to speak free'ly about the most fundamental questions of 1iife against tlhe fascist terror. Men

�SLOVAKIA

55

shed their blood so that concentration camps, wiith all theiT
horrors, might never a:ga:in operaJte. But soon aif.ter the war's
end aN dliistriot cities in SlovaJlda were ordered to set up a
concent.Taition camp and jaill. The war was fol.light for the
freed'Olffi of poilft.ic-aiJ. conviotlions, but in Sl'OVlalkia today there
are not enOUJgh jai!ls to talke care of aH those, whose only
gui,It is that they wilM not swear on the Siclcl.e anld: Hammer,
but prefer to rematin loyal to the fupal eneyclilc'als and the
fiUJnd:amen'ta:l princiiples of demooraJCy. ln a wore, the Slovaks want to be demO!crat:s and not 'boisiheviks.
What has rea;filry changed? Every ni!ght we waited
tensely to see whether they were coming for us. We had
no peace duirmg the day or night. Forever they were screening and investiigaJting UIS just 'becaUJSe we haippened to live
during the past era, and had to wor1k and keeip OUir families.
They perseouted us for "co'l:1-aborating" because we recorded oftficiail writings, in some office, or because we were
insigruffoant wiheells in the great machinery of life.

In Conclusion
If I had not seen it, I would not hruve be'liieived it. Those
first three months in "l~beraJted" Bra;tislruva were a nightmare. It .st;ilfil hamnts me. The S[ovalk people dild not ha,ve a
clharuce. The,i r country was overrun bry bar:barians whom the
.AilHes had Wlken on as pa:rtners. Slovalkia was ru!led bry terror and violence f.rom the moment it was "rnberaJted" lby the
so-calil ed "Uniiteld Nations," which placed it in the Soviet
sphere o!f irufiluence. ]t was ruied 'by the Communist-dominated regime o!f the man who r~gned the presitleTIJCy in 1938
and returned as president..a.venger behind the Soviet ho:rdes
in 1945. 'Dhe independenJt Slo.ivaJk Repull:Afc, established by the
dully eledted representatives olf t!he Slovak people in 1939
and reoognlizetl by 27 countries, including GreaJt Britain and
F,r ance, was wanton!ly destroyed against the wiili of the
Slova:k people.
The vast majority of the Slovaik nation, the Catholics
of Slovakia - representing 80 per cent of the poipll1ation was oulUawed. No politioail parities, newspaipers, organizations, and eilltenprises cou~d exist, except th()[se aUowed by

�56

SLOVAKIA

Dr. IDdwa,rd Benes and his Communist-dominated regime.
The non-Catholic minority in Slovakia - including aN those
who ca;Ned t!hemsetlives "Christians" - hel,p ed Benes and the
Co!Ir.JII1UJill1S'ts ruin Ca1fud1irc Slovrukia and so helped to ruin
themseilves and thetk in:stilbulticms. Whereas, in the beginning,
only Crutholics were perisem.uted and onily Cathol'i:c institUJtion:s
and enter,prises were nabion:a,lized, laJter the foNowers of ail
Christian faiths were crucified and their institulti'ons confiscalted b;y the State. Hi:istor:y repeateld itseJ.if. But ha,tred
of the Cathohc Ch'l11l'ch in S'lovakia did n01t solive any of the
social or economic probllems, bult oll!l.y aggrawated them; in
faot, it only he'lped the Communists realize their ends all the
more speedilly. It is high time thait a'11 Christians realized
this an:d aoted accordmgly.
In Slovalkia tihere sha/U be no rea;l peace, no flI'eedom,
as long 3IS 1t is governed by peopte wlho are hostile to the
nationa1 traditions of the Slovak nation and its rel:i!gious and
political convictions and, hence, are bent on the destru&lt;:tion of the SIJ.O'Vruk people. Slovaikia, one of the oldest Christian countries of Centra1 :Eiu!rope, never sho:uil(l. haive been desbroyed as an independent StaJte. That is more evident today
than it was in 1945. No nrution has fought Coonmunism more
pel'.sistentily and consistently than the Slovaik nation It's
time that this trutlh was recognized by a.Ill freedom-rl&lt;wing,
a:ruti-Com:rrmmist coll!Il1Jri-es and that they adj1U1st theiir pOllicies to,w ard the Slovaks to fit the present siitU1aition. Even
today the people of Slovruk.ia find iJt ha~d to belrieve that they
were sdld oUJt to the men of the Kremlin with the help of
file United StaJtes and Great Britain, the great sym'bols of
freedom and demooraicy. But they stitl exipect to be liberated
by them.

•

•

•

"THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is an American institu-

tion. Its primary interest is America. As an American of Slovak descent, I say again and again that it ls in the interest of Amerlc-a and
the democratic world at large to work for the freedom and Independence of Slovakia. The Individuals and organizations affiliated with
the Slovak League of America - as true Americans - cannot wish
their brethren in Slovakia less fre edom than they themselves enjoy
in the U. S. A. We say: Give Slovakia back to the Slovak people!"
- (P. A. Hrobak, Detroit. Mich., 11-18-51)

�</text>
                  </elementText>
                  <elementText elementTextId="859">
                    <text>SLOVAKIA

39

THREE MONTHS IN "LIBERAT ED" BRATISLA VA
BY: AN EYEWITNES S

Urut'hl 1944 tJhe capiW city of S10V1akira, Bralbis1ava, lived
far remoived from mililtaey operations. Ltfe wars a,,1together
nor,ma;J. both c1.1llltmraUy and sodaiJ.l.y. 'Dhe siltuation dhanged.
sU!bstantli.la!ley after Italy wars occuipied, when Bratislava came
withi111 the range of the alliied air :f.iorce.
Mirl itary oib'jeldt:s of Bratisl ruva were first bombed rby the
al'lied aiir force in the focenooo. of June 16, 1944. The "ApO'llo" ref.inery, the adjacenit faotory and lha!1bor quarters we.re
hit. But indrirscriminaite Russian 1b om11:iing was more fatal.
Soviet flliers did not specialize on miiitairy objects, but let
bombs loose anyiw\here in the city. They ce11ba:irillry did not
glorify themselves witih the 1bombing of SpitMsrka street,
where tlhey destroyed a church, a convent and the hospital
of St. EliizaJbeth. Sorviet planes ruppea:red aibove Braitislava
on Holy Satu,rdary and peppered the civi[fans on the crowded
streets with tlherir deck guns. The front had moved up consideraJblly and Soviielt p:lranes were comin,g over practically
every houir to drop their b.ombs into the streets.
1

Easter 1945 in Bratislava
During Holy Weelk it. was evident to most of us that
the Germa'I1S were preparing ,t o defend Bratisfav.a. The streets
were emptied, bM'ricades were constructed , huge g'uns were
put u,p The Germans themsel;ves, '.however, did not appear
to be very interested in tlhe defense of our ctity and hauled
whaitever they couftd out of it. 'Dhe units whkJh remained
were to be used to c01Ver the retrea,ting Germans. The Ger-•
man com.man.der urged the Slovak Governmen t to leave Bratislava. Since only a small number of Germans remained,
it was ~rieved that tJhey were not going to defend the city
very lon.g. The poipuilation co'l.tld not decide whether to leave
tbe ciity or stay putt. Sa.Jturday evening everything was being
taiken into cel10Jrs and hritl!ing places. The monotonou s bomibing of the Russian air force, the ofose booming of cannons
annOIUll1Ced that the Russians we.re a:pproachin g steadily U111spea.JkaJble ne:rrV'O!U'Sness gr.~pped the crirty. AH the men h~d

�40

SLOVAKIA

themselves, booaiuse iJt was said thait the Germans were going
to taJke rull 1!he men out of Braitislava.
On Easter Sunday, at nine o'dock in the morning, Soviet fliers aigain ffilade them- appearance and in the afternoon huge Russian g,uns were 'bombarding Bralti:slava. The
we'l!l-.Jmown Ruissian "Kaltuse", also da!lled "1Sta~ iln'is organs,"
began to pJ.ay the following day, i.e., Easter Monday. Every.
thiinig shook to the foundatio!l'S and fires hroike out in many
p'lia;ces. T,h e retreating Germans fired the SloV'ak University
and ala the reserwe piiles of food and war maJterials. Thick
smoike rose from Bratiis'lruva for three days and three niighlbs,
and the fire sprerud because there were neither waiter nor the
pe01ple to f,i ght tlhe fires. The heaviiest fii:ghting took place in
the ea'S'tern paJI't of the cilty, where praeitiic~ly every factory
quariter wrus ruined, the stireets of Trnruva and Krizna,
Stein's Brewery and the viJcinity.
On 'l'uesday tlhe Gemnans began to f11ee, destroying
every;th'i ng that had n~t a-lre'ad,y &lt;been desitvoyed. They blew
u1p the bridge ,to PetrizJalka and the last g,rowp bariricruded iltself in the Braitis,la,va Castrle. The Russians aiready were in
the sulburbs of Bratislava, when the Germans in the western
hil!J.s of the c1ty began cannonading it. Thiis hurl BTati'slava
the moist. On Thursday morning fue first Russian d'i•visions
were in the very heart oif the city. Graduailly the booming
died aiway and the streets began to be filled w1th Russian
soldiers.
The "Liberation" Begins
1

The SolV'iet soldiers first Hib.e.rated us from our watches
with their well-tlmown "Davaj easy" (Give your waltches).
EX!cept for solldiers, tlhe streets were empty; on1y coz,pses
were being b alked in .the sipring sun. After a few days, when
we cra.,wled out of our bunlkers and cellairs., we saiw the
ghastly pioture of ruin anld desolation.
Sffiloke s,tii-1 ro!Hed out of buildings and 1:lhe atmosphere
was. satwrated Wli'th dust and gunpowder. Glass wa·s ground
under foolt. Rdl::fueries were in fU'l'l swing. Soviet soidiers
brdke windows of business places with their rule butts and
sa-cked and pitMaiged everything. A few dats later, not a
sitIJ.g1le shop remamed whO'le. Wh'atever could rrot be taken

�SLOVAKIA

41

was knocked to pieces. Of course, the l'a wless mob helped
very efferdtive1y in thi's work. Reports. olf the raping of
women began coming in. It was nothing um.t'sua!l to see
franltic W()lffien rUIUNng wildly from their aJttaokeirs; they
sm-eamed, k'iciked and fought, -but to no avail. The 'hordes
of the RUJSsii'an steppe's were on the loose. Who shall desc,dbe the sta.rk terror- in the eyes of the Slo;v:ak women and
girls who 00U!l.1d not get away f,r -()lffi the beasts olf Moscow?
Even ii£ I tmoo, I believe that my pen woul:d have to blush
if it had to detail the brutalities and abroc'~ties committed.
There is no need to exipand on :the fate of many, many women,
who remained lya.ng in their bllood aflter such a ba'I1barian
shaw of "a!f.feotion" of the Sov,i et soldiers. They to,l d us
that it was the "nationa!l duty" o.f the S1avaJk women to repay the So'Vliet arimies rih love!
Vinko, Vinko, Vinko Cervene

We thOUJght that SlovaJk wiine would not attract the Soviets after tJhey had tasted of strong Tokay in Hurngary.
Bult we were mi!stJaken even tJhis time (as usu:a1). Slovak
wine memhanits di:d not wanit to sel'l us wine since January,
becau:se they had 'hiOiped to sell it at a high price to the Soviet sohliers. But how quijic,k1ly they soibered UJP, when, instead of the jingle-jangle of gCJld 11ulbles, they he:ard shots
from rifiles anld. aUlbomaitics in their otherwise irnmcessible
ceUars. Barrels were shot wp and the precious liquid o.f the
Slova1k earth began flowing; first into pitchers an'&lt;i all so!'ts
of containers, dean and uncilean, even bernzine cans. When aU
these were fi'1le'd, tlhe wine t11ic'k:led iruto soLdieirs' boots, then
flowed over the cellars and vestilbll!les an'&lt;i finaliy onto. the
streets. Tos strong aroma mixed w1th the gih:astly stench of
decayiing cO'l",pses, whk:h even after a week were stili lying
on the sidewaiJ.ks. of the city. The soldiers drank and so d&lt;id
the civilians; ch!iMren drank and so did the oldsters. It
seemed that the barrels were bottomless. "Viniko, vinko, vinko cerivene" (Wtine, wine, red wine - a popclaT Slovak
drinlking song) !
I shail1l never forget tJhe tovaris-comrade who had two
botJtles of reld. champaigne stucik in his fuT crup, a bottle in

�42

SLOVAKIA

eadh. pocket and his hands full. He was approached by another comrade whn .rolblbed hiim on the street of his precious
bu.Tden in broad d'a.yuilghlt. The two lashed at each other
li'ke antlmals and drew blood on the 'ha.rd pavement of Kapitulska street.
Bratishwa wine merchants. 'loolk ed on stupidly and
si.'lently ait this Sodiomic destruction of their cellars, and the
SO!Ulr odor of the wine reminded them of the old times, when
they were s'till:l. bosses of their wine and thought that they
themselrves wolU.ld ·haive the honor to treat the "liberat0rs."
They rea[irz;eJd tlhe bitter truth that they we·r e "liberated," i.e.
comip1etely roiblbed of all their world!ly possessions on the
very threshold of a neiw life, the new order promised by the
men of the K.re:rnUn.

Where Do You Stay, Tovaris?
If you were in the aI1II1y, you know w'hat obedience and
di'Scilplme means. Withoult bhe:rn, there hardly could be an
effecltiive rurmy. A soldier beil.ong,s to some particular company or di'Vlisi:on, must haJVe his gear, be fed and quartered,
even th&lt;Ylligh it be under a tent or in a barn. Bult the Soviet
soltl!iers wlho swa:runed iiruto Bratislava had no definite quarters and, hence, were everywhere. Usuany aJbout midnight
it occurred to· tihe:rn that they had to get some sleep, so the,y
began to looik for shelter. Door:s and lodks and bars were no
hindrance. Wihether of glass or wood, doors were booted in
or smasheJd wiitJh rifile butts, if they were niot opened immediately.
"You, bourgeoisie, you did not fighlt ... "
Threatened, 1:Jhere wa·s nothing one cou[d c1o bult flee
from .h is own home and consider himse1f liUCky if he was
not shot- A soldier does not undress for sleep very oflte:n
at the fuiont, bult Ivan the RUJSsian never ll!Ildressed even
when he had a bed, bwt simply piled on the bed f.wl1y g,ar,bed,
'boots, rifle, pi•s tols, grena:des and a:M. And the frolllt was
sixty miles away from us.

Investigation After Investigation
We thought the war was over when the slh!ooting subsided and the boomdng resounded f.rom a dristanice. We began

�SLOVAKIA

43

to clean the streets, coll!lect the dead, and put whatever was
left oif ,ouir homes in order. A ,penson slO!Wly fongets what he
lost, because onlly then, when he did not die during the
bomfbardment, does he reaili.ize that it is beaultiifiu[ to live,
even tJhoug'h in feaJr, hunger rund thirst, and in raJgs. Things
tha,t were a.ire no more, and other things tfhat were not will
oome into being. L'iife is all that matters. On'l,y he knows the
reail meamng of water and light who has li,v ed thI10UJgh the
terror of the front in hiding wilthoult light and water. I.Me
will returm to iits dld ways and time wiH heal aJhl wounds ()If
the soiwl a,nd bod,y ()If inld.wii.dUJaJl's and nations.
Well, wlh,y shoUJld nO/t a person a:gaJin imagine that liJfe
can be beruuttilfiull, when he is sitting on tile 'l'Uins ()If his home
~nd the ashes of hi1s dreams? Why, there is no more bc»nibing and even the streets are lighted up in the evenings.
Buit empty a.ire the inns, empty are the ce11'3JI"s, empty
are tJhe stores and shops Brolken windows and smashed
doors attest tJo the min which the Soviet soldiers had
WOOU1ght. But the wihl to live r,i,ses alb,ove all this. We must
forget everyttJhing thaJt pruined us, a.IN the in:justi&lt;Ces, subdue
om thd,r st for blood, when the sap of a new spring is
awakening, when everythfun.g is being ren01Vateld, everything
is in bloom, the thrush sings and the chiildren play.
Burt aH this is but a dream, an ~lluision. '.Dhe 'b attle has
ended on the streets, but just the sa:me a mare fiurious invi:siib1e baittle is going on. As you step out of your home, you
are co,nrfronlted with tJhe bayonet o;f a Russian soldier or the
various "safety" ciommittees. You look a:rO'llnd and notice
that yornr home, nay the whole street is sUJITounded by
guards. You re'tl.l!rn h'llITTriedly to your room and wait to see
what wiM h'appen. Y.ou wait and wait and waJit unti[ the sUISpense aJlrrnost d11ives you mad. Your blood thins in your veins
and you look sadly aJbowt you - and wait! F'iinaMy they
came, sO'l1d iers and civiili ians: they go through the house and
take whatever they want. '.Dhey ask you whether you are a
GeI1IDan or not, whebher any Germans or "coll'&lt;llbaratilonists"
a,re in your house. You lod.k them icily in the face. 'Tihey depart but only to come rugruin.

�44

SLOVAKIA

Organs of Security
Mter two weeks oif the Russian occupation everything
was phmdered. People had no more than they had buried or
secreted in such a place where even the Russian hunters and t,hey are eXlpe'tUy schooled in the art of flinding wailled-in
objects - would not come. There was a clirth oif everything,
even a serforus lack of bread. But we had plenty o.f police!
They sprang Ulp like m:ushrnoms aflter a rain. In t'he first
place, ,t he dreaded NKVD (OGPU), the Secret So,vi•e t Police, n10toirioo~ for its birurt:al and ghasitl;y crimes. Woe to him
that faHis intto its hanids. The NiKViD goes from home to
home, drags peoipile aiway and nolbody ever hears of their
fate. Fvom eastern S'JO'V'aJkia alone more tihan 4,000 peo~e
were draigiged oiff into Siiberia.
I was fonbunate to be 'home during the investigation.
AU the en'tralllces to the 'bwil.ding were covered by soldiers
wit!h a:utomattics. I •t r:wersed my room ne.rvous•ly. A'lthough
I had a c:leair clon1science, yet I was di-squited. (No one is sufficiently olear or safe with the Soviet Po[ice) . Finally I
wenlt into the haiJ.llway. I was greeted by a soMier and a civilian. A IDQlfilenrt later came the caiptain. He asked me my
naJme, what I wa:s doing here, what my profession was, and
wheither I was a mem1ber orf IIlin:ka's People'1s Parity.
A mac1hinist l,iived on the same floo,r. His room was
locketl. Tlhe caiptain OII'&lt;lered me to open it. "I haven't the
key," I told hlm. The maic!hini.st had the key and the soldiers had him in hand alt the gate. I ran to the gate. The
NKVD g,u1a rd had an a.ultomatti~ on the machinist. I approached him and said that tlhe c~pta;in wants to open the
machinist's room, but the madh~nrist had the key. The latter alre'ardy wanted to hand it to me, when the s:o'ldier suddenly tuirned the aurt:omatiic on me and said: "You ha.ve the
key" - "'BUit I dlo not have t'he key, the madhinlist has it"
- "No, you will 'h,ruve it, if the caiptain says so." - "But I
do not have it; loolk, tovaris, the machimst has. it." - "No,
I have a.Qready told you that you wi-11 have the key and will
open the door, when the captam orders you to do so."
I was dumlbfounded by the profound stU1piclilty and returned without t1he key. I told the captain thait the to:varis

�SLOVAKIA

45

wowd not let me take the key from the machinist because,
he said, the captain had ordered me and not the machinist
to open the room. I also was a sOJldier and I know whait military dbedience means. Bult this cannot be called obedience,
but some kind of unmentionaJble stupidilty or i!Illfbecility
which wouid be capable of sticking pins under my fingernails just to find a key on me whirch I do not haive. I realized
then wlhy people, during the investigaltions in tJhe tortrure
cha.im!bers of the NKVD, confess to things which they never
committed.
The invest1gation began at seven in the morning and
lasted un1ti'l nine. I went to town on business arrd returned
a1boU1t eleven. Upon my arr,ivai the building was a·gai,n surrounded biy guards, but this time by the Prurtisans Security
c:1it.

I wanted to enter the bui'1ding, but they wouid not let
me. I identified myse1f and said that I ld.ved there. Finailly
a boy, about 17, wit:Jh an automatic in his hands, let me
enter. It was very liive:ly in the hallways. The partrsa,n captain was giving orders. I did not know wh1at they were seeiking. I went through the investigation tortures again, but
qUJite fortunately. Again aftl the rooms, closets, desks, and
dressing cabinets were opened. The investigation was over at
about one o'ciock. Again some innocent peoiple were taken.
But that was not alt That was onJy t'he beginning.
Night feJ.,l and the stars shone brighUy over Br.atislava.
Finany, a lilttle rest, I thought But there is no restful or
peaceful night duiring a Russian occl..llpaition. A'boUJt midnight I was awa.ikened by some one pounding on my door.
Another investigaition !
I was on my feet in an instant and &lt;jpened the door.
Before me in the semidankness stood a man and a lady. Instead of identifying themselves, t!hey opened their short
coats so that I could see the revolvers in leather 'holsters.
"But, but, this is a spe:cia l visit, and so laite at night!"
"Your documents," said the man.
"Here they a,re, t:hank you."
"Were you a memlber of IDinka's Party?" - "I was."
"Since when?" - "From 1933." - "Were you in the
1

�46

SLOVAKIA

Hlinka Guards?" - "I was not." - "Did you be'1ong to
Hlinlka's Youth?" - "No." - "Are you a So'ld!ieir?" - "I
am an oftfircer in the Sloivalk airnny." - "Did you ta.Ike pa.rt
in the revollit ?" - "No." - "Why not?" - "I was on druty in
Nitra." - "Are you a Slova;k ?" - "I am."
Then they entered my room. On my taJble was a small
bust o{ Andrew Hlin!k'a.
"And .t his?" - "That is a bust of Andrew Hilinlka."
"Hman., we adivi,se you, to destroy irt." - "I don't understand, whiy?" - "Welil, may!be tomorrow you will understand."
Wilth that t'.hey depa,rited. Ait thrr-ee in the morning the
inrve-stigat'ion olf .tlhe secret police was completed.
At eight in the morn.mg came the olffictaJl police, the
so-calied "Naitiona1 Secruritiy" po~ice, to find out who i,t was
thaJt a1hlowro an in1VestigaJtion at mghit when the ipolice knew
nothing aJbout it. "What kind o{ peop1e were they, how did
they look, w:hiat did they want?" I was asked. This then was
the new oroer - so ter:rrilbly dangerous because iit had so
many .srufety biU1reaus thalt one dlid not know aibout the other!
Or did they?
The Bratislava Commander Complains

A month had already passed since the occ'Ulpation of
Bratisla1Va , but the streets were stilil wn:swept; dirt and
ruiblble were everywhere; liice and infectious diseases were
spreading rapidly. 'Ilhe local "National Oommittee" had a
loog session to decirle what to do with the riwbbish and
rull:fule clutterinig and burning in the streets. But how was
the mess to be C'leared ruway, wlhen the Ru'Ssians took an
the city dump trucks, a1l pri,v ate cars and al,l wagons and
horse's ?
Typhoid fever spread danger01Us ly; the numibers of inflicted increased. The Office of P.ropruganda, or, as it was
then called, the "Commissary of InfoTfl'nation" pfa'stered the
city witJh huge plaic-ards depio'ting a s'keleton poUII"iing lice
over BraJtis lava and t'.he wairning : "WATCH THID LICE,
THEY SPREAD TYPHOID. ''
People stared at the placarids and barked: "Bwt who in

�SLOVAKIA

47

tarnation broughlt lice here? Send the lousy Russians baok

to their lousy ooumrtey !"
'I.1he first plwcards had liiittle e.fifoot. Severrul druys later
new ones appeared: Origanilze energeti'C brig,ades of clearuiness ! But Il!cibodiy paid any atJtenMon. The :riUJbbish iblliI'Iled on
and spread its poisonous fiumes over the .popuil.&lt;ati.on. There
were no autos, no wrugons wiith which to do the hau[ing.
Hiarses, oows and siheeip were kept in the panks. The hot
sun blruzeid away and laughingJy loolked at the me!SS, which
the "new" government prdbalbly did not dear aJWay to this
day. And so the skeleton keipt pouring the lice, and t:Jhe placaros aJb,o ut the brig,a des. of cleanliness were covered witlh
new red ones, whicih unged us to attend lec!tUll'es on the
moraie of the SoVli.et man, So:vieit woman, and the Soviet
youth. The Soviet Russians wasted no time in edlucating the
masses accordtinlg to the dootrines orf Marx and Lenin.

A Soviet Soldier Confesses
lit wrus a bea:urtri.:titd June afternoon in K 1rurl'ova Ves near

Bratislava, when a Riu'SSian sOlldier rupproacihed us and struclk
up a oonvwsaiti.on. He reproved us saying tha.Jt we Slovruks
were Ullldiscipllined amid un.gratefUll. We shOIUJd not siay OII' believe tJhat t:Jhe RJussi,ans rure taikin.g everything that can be
ha'l.lll€1d aJWay, booau1se thaJt is only ibrud propaganda. Since
he was in a t~aJtiive mood', and did not have a revolver, we
dooided to malke WIOrds with him.
He spdke at length albout d!i.scipil[n.e in RUISSia, both in
thiin.lk.ing and in spealk~ng. In Slovaki·a, he said, everyone says
whatever he 'Pleases. "ThaJt does not exist in Ruissia. One
must hiO:ld to what St-a!lin says. That is the truth and a.Ill
else is ,proprugantla. Sta!lin to-Id UIS thaJt in Russia everything
iis fine a!nd dandy, everyrtJhin,g is beaut.if.td, that we have
enoUJgh to eait. And even though we know that everything i:s
not fine and dan:dy, be.mt'i:fiul, and thtat we do not ha;ve
enough to eaJt, yet we must say that everythmg is f,i ne and
dandy, and thaJt we have plenty to ea.t. Stalin has so ordered! Stalin has so spdken!"
He bec'ame so excited trying to prove his impossible
stand that I reaHy pit'ioo. him. I s:m:il.ed and sa,id softly:

�48

SLOVAKIA

"My dear tovaris! We're a different kind of people,
strange to you, indeed. When a tihinrg is white, we say it is
white; when it is bladk, we say iJt is black. When we have
nothing to eat, we say thaJt we a~ hungry oir that we are
starving And if anyone orders us to speak otheirwise, we
still. say the truth. Stra'lin telJs you different, so be hruppy in
your belief. We believe in God, too, but with reason, never
against reason."
But our tovaris seemed to be far away; his mouth
opened, but he said nothing further. Shaiking hiis head, he
pwlled at his ear as he slowly wa;llked away.
The Soviet Lady Doct.or

We weire oirdered to hand 01Ver the miili'ta,r y hospdital in
Bratishwa to the RUJSsians. As we were preparing inventory
lists, a Rmlssilan l'ady doctor stepped iruto .the room. After
talking for a time, we struck upon religion, belieif in God,
and other ba.pics. But my Russian colleague, a lieutenant,
!)TOclaimetl thait it was in vain we were trying to convince
her, becruuse she wm.tltl nort believe l1'S no matter what the
airgumenlts. I assured her that she had nothing to fear, because I had no ruposJtoilic intentions.
"Why do we write 1945," I asked her.
"I know but I won't tell you!"
"Burt even you designalte this year by thaJt numlber."
"You won't oon'V'ince me "
"I db not want to. But even the unbelieving world
admits that Christ was born."
"I heard rubout that also; burt I do not believe i,t."
"Why?"
"Becruuse in the history of the Communist Party there
isn't anything aJbout it."
"Alh, so!"
WhaJt is the use of debating? We looked at each other
srgnifioa,ntly, smiled, and talked aibout otheir things.
"How long did you study medicine?"
"I finished the course during the wair in a year and a
haJlf. In peaceful times the study takes aliJ. of two and a half
years."

�SLOVAKIA

49

We 1,amghed loud1iy amd pitied the prutients who happened
to get under her kmfe.
Placards: Religious Freedom

DtN-ing the veriy first weelk:s of occupatfon the Slovak
Communist Party posted placiar:ds everywhere, arnnlQuncing
that the ComJmuni'Slts wiant to respect the relii.g,ioos feelings
of a!hl the SloviaJk people and, therefore, are c,alloog aU Slovaks, regardless of the:ir religious convictions, into the
Party. Nay, eiven Catho'l:ic priests coul'd and shlOuiltl join the
party, we were to1ld. People sing a nfoe tune, when they
want to catch a biro!
But wlhrut if a mira'Cle had rea!Uy happened? Suppose
Comrm.mism had made a tll!I"11 for the ,better? May/be Commun:ism was no longer so excilusive; perhrups it was even
reipernting and had decided to let itself be baptized in Christian SlO'V'a'l da! We knew that the Communists were not sincere, but the fact is thaJt oultwarilly they did try tb deal humanely with the peopie for a wht[e to convince them that
Communism was not as bad as they thought. It was evident
that they were instiru~teld not to insult the sacred and traditionai feel'ings of the SlOIVak ,peop1e. But the pretense soon
wore off and the Reds opecl,y a1:&gt;t8iC'ked a11 ece'lesfastical instilbutions.
Catholic Schools in Nationalized Slovakia
lf there were some Sloivaiks who had iHu'Sions a,bout
the Communists going sofit., thek tllu1sions eJOPloded like
b,u!bbles, W:hen Laoo Novomesky, Commissar ('br:ulsitee) of
Exiucation, annOlmceld that ai11 Catholic scbioo[,s m Slovakia
were to be aJbo:Iished and their property was to be taken over
iby t!he Stale. He was leld to this action, he said, because it
wais inadimissaJble that the Ohiurich should o!ffer a different
kind of education than the State. The unity of the nation,
sa•: d No;voimesky, required a unifo:r,m eduicaJtiona1 system,
cultural and religious st!'.ife must cease, etc.
What could not be accomplished even during the first
Ozooho.jSloV'ruk republk, was done now with one stroke of the
pen · in tJhe shadow of Russi8JI1 bayionets. The Cat'ho[ic institrntions were hit first for ob:vious reasoos. The Reds had

�50

SLOVAKIA

little dififiicuM.y in getting the badking of the non-Caitholiic
Christians. Al!l they ha:d to dt&gt; was promise them that they
w()IU[d get the CaJthoiJ.ii:c Churelh proiperrt:.ies. So-cailled followers oif Christ a1Jtadking and despoiling the fo1lowers of
Christ! The Reds knew what they were doing, but evidently
the non.CathoJic Christians did not, because they tooik the
bait. Slovaik IJuithera.ns, Jews, Unitarians, Baptists, etic , expected to gain by the deail against the Catho[ic Slovaks (80
per cent oif tJhe poipuliaibi.on) and, therefore, went a'long with
the Reds.
!Ton mrust be forged while it is hot. After publishing
the decree, all diredtors of Cruthoiic sciho01ls were dismissed.
Their places were taken over by so-ca;Ued "Czechoslovaks"
and Lwtherans. That was done e:spe'Cially in gymna'Sit1ms
managed by the reJl'igiorus &lt;YI'ders, for example, alt the UrS'llline s:c!hools in BrrutislJ.ava and Tuna.va. It was done designecily and systemaiticaHy. Fists were clenched and hearts
were steeled. Freedom, freedom! The Slova!k Catholic public
becrume extremely inili.gnarnt. People were saying that the
women of Tmava were getting ready to storm the Ursuline
institution there and throw oot tlhe new di!rectre'SIS, who was
perseC'lllting and intimidating the reiigioruis Sisters there.
The Bishops of Slovakia Protest

E:ven though Siova..ks knew that nothing would be accomplished by protests, neverthe'Jess ail Catholics we.re
a.rgreed that they simply coufttl ndt a!hlow the fundamental
right of the Ohurch to iits own school's be taken away from
them without uttering a word. The peopile had to make
thernse1ves heard, or else the stones wmcld complain.
The CaithOllic Bishop's Collliloil presented a memorandll!In to the government and the Central Cat holic Chancery
was organizing a si-grratn.ure C·Mnipaign against the nationaHzing of scllodls. Lerufllets were distmi.lb uted, and on July 8,
1945, 1!he protest aigainst the confiscrution of the schools
was read from ahl puipiits.
1

Well, alter Ju:ly 8, the Bratislava radio was heard from.
It blasted and attacked the Bishop's Council, using the wellknown phrase: The parish church belongs to the Church,

�SLOVAKIA

51

Mlld the school to the StaJte ! Things came to a head and the
resrullt Olf the ,protest was that the dirootors Olf the Central
Cath~lic Bureau, who teohmca;Ny organi!Zed the action, were
jailed. We were again gilven prood' thaJt we were living in a
"democracy" and thiaJt the people were dooiding their own
fOiitunes. Wlhat a modkery !

Catholic Bishops Imprisoned
The ffrst wa,s Hlis ExicellJency John Vojtassak, bjshop of
Spis. Hailf of Slwaikia was a'1ready occupied by the Russian
rumy. The Sl'O!VaJk National Council was already giving orders from Kosice. At the end of .AipriJ, Dr. Vav,r o Srobar,
chalirma.n of the S1ov,aik NaJtiorra1 CouncH at that time, came
to the Spisslka Ifupiroula (ISpis Chapter) to gain Bishop Vojtassak for the Slov:aJk Na.lbiona:l COIUnoil and for Dr. Edwa..ro
Benes. Srobar wanted ,t hat prilze catch, bec'ause he knew
that Bishop Vojttassa'k was an old and 'hard Slovak.
As they meit in the corri'd.10r of the bi,s hop's residence,
Dr. Srolbar explained why he came and then asked the bishO!p to back the new government. The bishop eyed him
co:l d[y for a moment and then srud:

"I do nolt reoogni ze any S'1ovruk Nationall Council and
president Benes. My government is stilil in Bratislava, and
as president of the SlrovaJks I recognize oruy the Siovak,
Ms.g r. Dr. Tiso!"
The ~ytihe stmrok upon a stone. Dr. Srobar departed,
and bishop John VojtassaJk went to his room. Several days
later when the bishop received an order from the Slovak
N atiorral OownJCirl to beget himsellif to his p1race of confinement i-n Stl,ruvru:k, Vojtassaik replied energetica.!Uy: "I do not
have an auto, nor any means of transportation, not even a
horse. They -took ever.yrthing from me. I wi'M yie[d only to
force."
On May 5, 1945, an auto stopped in front oif the Kaipitula; it was a,mned with machine guns and severrul men with
auito:matiJc:s. The wovds of Ohris't again rang ou't: You are
come out as it were aigain,st a robber with clubs. The good
bishop of Spis was forcefuilily talken to Stiaivnik and, later,
to the jaml of the federal court in Bratislava.
1

�52

SLOVAKIA

What hruppened to him? A1[ I knew at that time was
that the commwn1i1,it "Plravd'a" of Bramislava was inciting
aigainst h!im., head!linirrug its avticleis thus: "The Lord Bishop
is against chi:ldren of tJhe wmikers." It was a brazen lie, designed to U!Ilderunine the 1:Jrnst of the fovthfol in the social
ideO'logy of iits bishop, who during hd:s whole life proved himself to be the most social o,f alil episcopa:l dignitaries in
Sl0V1aikia.
Soon aflter the OOOU1pation of Bratislava by the Russians, the bishoip Ol.f Trnava, Mii.H'.tary Vicar and Rector of
the BraJtislaiva seminary, J. E. BwzaLka, was ja1iled. F\irst he
wais lodged in the pohce stati'On and tJhen transferred to the
federail prison where "heiavy offenders" weire penned. He
slept on a spring, no m'aJttress ,b eing availaJble, and the siliveT-haired poet, Va'lentine Beniruk, slept alongside him on
the bare stone :flloor.
After the bishops, t:he Slwialk National Co'Ullcil "took
care" of the oonons and other pre1'aJtes. Among the first to
be truken was Joseph Srobar of BraJti.sl'a:va, brother of Dr.
Vaviro Srdbar. The old churehman, ail heart, would never
hairun even a fly. But bo[shev,rk justice did not consider that.
In him it sa,w an "enem:y of the people" and inrcaTcerated
him.
.
Ma:nry othevs foHowed him, among them Dr. Charles
Kovper, weH-iknown among .American S:lova\ks, former editor of a Cathoi1'i'c neWS1pruper. Monsignor Marsina of Trenci.n cO'llild not even OOJt for nothing in the jail, but had to
work. And what work! He was forced to dig c011pses wit!h
his bare hand's firom ma$$ graves, then forced to wash and
·k!iss each one. I have a strong su1S1pidon thalt those mass
graives were made lby the Russians and not by the Germans
as claimed by the So:vie'ts.

"Fascist Post.enyi Arrest.ed"
That's what a heai!'line said in the communist "Pravda."
And it stumned just albout the whole of Slo.vrukila. The discovery of America O!I' the Law of GI"avitation was no more
sensationall. Up to that time nobody knew that Monsignor
Postenyi was a fascilSt. Aime11ida,ri Slovaks know Msgr.

�SLOVAKIA

53

Postenyi very weiN. He visiited America in the interests of
the S't Ada!llbert Society, pulljlisher of Catholiic literature
and inrf.cmmat&lt;ion, an origanwation equiivalent to the Book of
the Month 01wbs in Amerti!C'a. The Reds knew that his Slovak ,paltriotism was beyond question and that his merits, as
far as the l31rgesit CIUll,bural, Slovak, Catholk institution was
concerned, were greaJt. Monsignoir Po:s tenyi is an exemplary
priest of Gad, a S1ovaik hough and through, and an indefatfJi,gruble worlcer for the common people of his nation. He
was pe!I1S€Kmted for his Slovak ,p atriotism when the Commumst leaders and editors of the "Pravda" were strn in the
bOSOIIn of Albraham.
Never aclmvel.l,y interested in politics, Msg,r. Postenyi
sUldden!ly became a "fascist!" We knew whalt the C01Inmunisits wanted to aJOcorrniplish. 'Do put Posteny,i out of the way
woold me'an to destroy the Society of St. Ad•rutbert with iJts
libraries, priillt sh01ps and origan.izationrul appruratus. And so
the SlOViaJk N ationa;l CO'U!Ilici1 appointed the fina.ncirul secretary of the Sooiety, a Ozedh named Wa;gner, as the commissary of the Society. A few days l1ater a new management
was named, one that was rucceptaJble to the spirit and program of tJhe C01Inmunist-idk&gt;minia.ted SlovaJk NaJtional Cooncil.
This institution which was bui[it by generations of Slov,a ks inrto a going cultural concern wrus wiped oult in a momenit by the ruthilegs Reds The 150.000 members of the
Society of St. Ada1be,rtt co:uM not say a word against the action without inviting punishment, either inciariceration or
exile into Silberia. That is how the "people's demooracy" of
the Soviets operates.
Charit,a,ble Ecclesiastical Institutions
The la;rgesit oharitalble ooganization in Slovrukia wa,s the
Central Charity (Ustredna Karita), the central Catho1.ic institute of al'l the welfare, socitail, anld religious societi'es. It
ha;d its own hea11th cenltets, hospiita!ls for incuraJbO.es, children's nurseries, etc. The women'1s "Charilta:s" was a'1so a
mem~ of tJhe organi.&lt;Za,tion. 'Dhe CommUll!ists took (Wer ruH
soci:ail insbitiuttions of the Church. Some weeks after the ocCUipation, tihe Communist Union of Sloviak Women confi:s-

�54

SLOVAKIA

cated the children's nuTsery of the Ustredna ~arita in Dornk~le, BraJtislava, and the Union of SloivaJk Y ouith toolk
over the ·b oarding sch06l nea,r the forestry school in Koliba,
Braltislavia.
The hwmanitari.an division oif the city o.f Bratislava
comisoated the estate of "Oharitas" in Braltisfava near the
Red Bridge. For the women's home of "Charitas" the commissari'at foT Social Welifare named as commissary the Communist Fla:TIIIly Hirusovsky. Dr. Ivan Horvath, the commissary
for sooiall welfare, prod.aimed that a:1'1 the charitable, social
instituJtions of the Church would be taken over by the state.
Protests clid not mean a thing, as usual.

"Freedom" of the Press
One of the first ,a cts of the Commissariat for Initernal
AffaiTs was the suppression o;f aM news,prupers. With th~s
general order all Oathollic newpaJpers and :periodicais weTe
wiped out aultomalt!roally; noit only cruturrul and literrury periodicals, such as the "Ku!litura" (a.rl.,tmre.) and the "Obroda"
(Rffi"ilvaJl), but even an the religious and educational periodicals, such as The MessengeT of the Srucred Heart, The
Holy Family, The Queen of May, etc. And, ]ater the only
Caltholk Sloivruk weeldy "Katolicke Noviny" (The Catholic
News), which had a suibscription of 170,000, was also swppressed and ta:ken 01Ver by 1:!he Reds.
Cathollics protested to the authorities, but in. vadn. The
Catholic press was gone. Attaclks against the Church and
its priests increased daily, but they could not defend themselves; it was an unequa:l strwggk The enemy fought wfth
powerfU!l we8lpons, whi[e the Catholics had none.

"Freedom" of Conscience
The wax was fought, we were told, aga.inst the suppressi~n of consoien.ce by imperial~stic means, and we haJVe lived
to see sucll a diclatorship and s:uch a barbaric viOllia.tion of
conscience and its inlterrra:l freedom, the likes of whl'C'h perhrups not even the most frurious f:aslci'Slt ever dreamed of. On
aH fronts of tlhis terrible wrur died the best sons of humanity for the rigih:t to speak free'ly about the most fundamental questions of 1iife against tlhe fascist terror. Men

�SLOVAKIA

55

shed their blood so that concentration camps, wiith all theiT
horrors, might never a:ga:in operaJte. But soon aif.ter the war's
end aN dliistriot cities in SlovaJlda were ordered to set up a
concent.Taition camp and jaill. The war was fol.light for the
freed'Olffi of poilft.ic-aiJ. conviotlions, but in Sl'OVlalkia today there
are not enOUJgh jai!ls to talke care of aH those, whose only
gui,It is that they wilM not swear on the Siclcl.e anld: Hammer,
but prefer to rematin loyal to the fupal eneyclilc'als and the
fiUJnd:amen'ta:l princiiples of demooraJCy. ln a wore, the Slovaks want to be demO!crat:s and not 'boisiheviks.
What has rea;filry changed? Every ni!ght we waited
tensely to see whether they were coming for us. We had
no peace duirmg the day or night. Forever they were screening and investiigaJting UIS just 'becaUJSe we haippened to live
during the past era, and had to wor1k and keeip OUir families.
They perseouted us for "co'l:1-aborating" because we recorded oftficiail writings, in some office, or because we were
insigruffoant wiheells in the great machinery of life.

In Conclusion
If I had not seen it, I would not hruve be'liieived it. Those
first three months in "l~beraJted" Bra;tislruva were a nightmare. It .st;ilfil hamnts me. The S[ovalk people dild not ha,ve a
clharuce. The,i r country was overrun bry bar:barians whom the
.AilHes had Wlken on as pa:rtners. Slovalkia was ru!led bry terror and violence f.rom the moment it was "rnberaJted" lby the
so-calil ed "Uniiteld Nations," which placed it in the Soviet
sphere o!f irufiluence. ]t was ruied 'by the Communist-dominated regime o!f the man who r~gned the presitleTIJCy in 1938
and returned as president..a.venger behind the Soviet ho:rdes
in 1945. 'Dhe independenJt Slo.ivaJk Repull:Afc, established by the
dully eledted representatives olf t!he Slovak people in 1939
and reoognlizetl by 27 countries, including GreaJt Britain and
F,r ance, was wanton!ly destroyed against the wiili of the
Slova:k people.
The vast majority of the Slovaik nation, the Catholics
of Slovakia - representing 80 per cent of the poipll1ation was oulUawed. No politioail parities, newspaipers, organizations, and eilltenprises cou~d exist, except th()[se aUowed by

�56

SLOVAKIA

Dr. IDdwa,rd Benes and his Communist-dominated regime.
The non-Catholic minority in Slovakia - including aN those
who ca;Ned t!hemsetlives "Christians" - hel,p ed Benes and the
Co!Ir.JII1UJill1S'ts ruin Ca1fud1irc Slovrukia and so helped to ruin
themseilves and thetk in:stilbulticms. Whereas, in the beginning,
only Crutholics were perisem.uted and onily Cathol'i:c institUJtion:s
and enter,prises were nabion:a,lized, laJter the foNowers of ail
Christian faiths were crucified and their institulti'ons confiscalted b;y the State. Hi:istor:y repeateld itseJ.if. But ha,tred
of the Cathohc Ch'l11l'ch in S'lovakia did n01t solive any of the
social or economic probllems, bult oll!l.y aggrawated them; in
faot, it only he'lped the Communists realize their ends all the
more speedilly. It is high time thait a'11 Christians realized
this an:d aoted accordmgly.
In Slovalkia tihere sha/U be no rea;l peace, no flI'eedom,
as long 3IS 1t is governed by peopte wlho are hostile to the
nationa1 traditions of the Slovak nation and its rel:i!gious and
political convictions and, hence, are bent on the destru&lt;:tion of the SIJ.O'Vruk people. Slovaikia, one of the oldest Christian countries of Centra1 :Eiu!rope, never sho:uil(l. haive been desbroyed as an independent StaJte. That is more evident today
than it was in 1945. No nrution has fought Coonmunism more
pel'.sistentily and consistently than the Slovaik nation It's
time that this trutlh was recognized by a.Ill freedom-rl&lt;wing,
a:ruti-Com:rrmmist coll!Il1Jri-es and that they adj1U1st theiir pOllicies to,w ard the Slovaks to fit the present siitU1aition. Even
today the people of Slovruk.ia find iJt ha~d to belrieve that they
were sdld oUJt to the men of the Kremlin with the help of
file United StaJtes and Great Britain, the great sym'bols of
freedom and demooraicy. But they stitl exipect to be liberated
by them.

•

•

•

"THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is an American institu-

tion. Its primary interest is America. As an American of Slovak descent, I say again and again that it ls in the interest of Amerlc-a and
the democratic world at large to work for the freedom and Independence of Slovakia. The Individuals and organizations affiliated with
the Slovak League of America - as true Americans - cannot wish
their brethren in Slovakia less fre edom than they themselves enjoy
in the U. S. A. We say: Give Slovakia back to the Slovak people!"
- (P. A. Hrobak, Detroit. Mich., 11-18-51)

�</text>
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            <element elementId="50">
              <name>Title</name>
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                <elementText elementTextId="10">
                  <text>1953, Vol. 3</text>
                </elementText>
              </elementTextContainer>
            </element>
            <element elementId="41">
              <name>Description</name>
              <description>An account of the resource</description>
              <elementTextContainer>
                <elementText elementTextId="11">
                  <text>&lt;ul&gt;&lt;li&gt;Issue 1 (No. 6), April 1953.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Issue 2 (No. 7), July 1953.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Issue 3 (No. 8), September 1953.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Issue 4 (No. 9), December 1953.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;/ul&gt;</text>
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                <elementText elementTextId="12">
                  <text>The Slovak League of America</text>
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              <name>Date</name>
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                <elementText elementTextId="13">
                  <text>1953</text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="857">
              <text>SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
39&#13;
&#13;
THREE MONTHS IN "LIBERAT ED" BRATISLA VA&#13;
BY: AN EYEWITNES S&#13;
&#13;
Urut'hl 1944 tJhe capiW city of S10V1akira, Bralbis1ava, lived&#13;
far remoived from mililtaey operations. Ltfe wars a,,1together&#13;
nor,ma;J. both c1.1llltmraUy and sodaiJ.l.y. 'Dhe siltuation dhanged.&#13;
sU!bstantli.la!ley after Italy wars occuipied, when Bratislava came&#13;
withi111 the range of the alliied air :f.iorce.&#13;
Mirl itary oib'jeldt:s of Bratisl ruva were first bombed rby the&#13;
al'lied aiir force in the focenooo. of June 16, 1944. The "ApO'llo" ref.inery, the adjacenit faotory and lha!1bor quarters we.re&#13;
hit. But indrirscriminaite Russian 1b om11:iing was more fatal.&#13;
Soviet flliers did not specialize on miiitairy objects, but let&#13;
bombs loose anyiw\here in the city. They ce11ba:irillry did not&#13;
glorify themselves witih the 1bombing of SpitMsrka street,&#13;
where tlhey destroyed a church, a convent and the hospital&#13;
of St. EliizaJbeth. Sorviet planes ruppea:red aibove Braitislava&#13;
on Holy Satu,rdary and peppered the civi[fans on the crowded&#13;
streets with tlherir deck guns. The front had moved up consideraJblly and Soviielt p:lranes were comin,g over practically&#13;
every houir to drop their b.ombs into the streets.&#13;
1&#13;
&#13;
Easter 1945 in Bratislava&#13;
During Holy Weelk it. was evident to most of us that&#13;
the Germa'I1S were preparing ,t o defend Bratisfav.a. The streets&#13;
were emptied, bM'ricades were constructed , huge g'uns were&#13;
put u,p The Germans themsel;ves, '.however, did not appear&#13;
to be very interested in tlhe defense of our ctity and hauled&#13;
whaitever they couftd out of it. 'Dhe units whkJh remained&#13;
were to be used to c01Ver the retrea,ting Germans. The Ger-•&#13;
man com.man.der urged the Slovak Governmen t to leave Bratislava. Since only a small number of Germans remained,&#13;
it was ~rieved that tJhey were not going to defend the city&#13;
very lon.g. The poipuilation co'l.tld not decide whether to leave&#13;
tbe ciity or stay putt. Sa.Jturday evening everything was being&#13;
taiken into cel10Jrs and hritl!ing places. The monotonou s bomibing of the Russian air force, the ofose booming of cannons&#13;
annOIUll1Ced that the Russians we.re a:pproachin g steadily U111spea.JkaJble ne:rrV'O!U'Sness gr.~pped the crirty. AH the men h~d&#13;
&#13;
40&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
themselves, booaiuse iJt was said thait the Germans were going&#13;
to taJke rull 1!he men out of Braitislava.&#13;
On Easter Sunday, at nine o'dock in the morning, Soviet fliers aigain ffilade them- appearance and in the afternoon huge Russian g,uns were 'bombarding Bralti:slava. The&#13;
we'l!l-.Jmown Ruissian "Kaltuse", also da!lled "1Sta~ iln'is organs,"&#13;
began to pJ.ay the following day, i.e., Easter Monday. Every.&#13;
thiinig shook to the foundatio!l'S and fires hroike out in many&#13;
p'lia;ces. T,h e retreating Germans fired the SloV'ak University&#13;
and ala the reserwe piiles of food and war maJterials. Thick&#13;
smoike rose from Bratiis'lruva for three days and three niighlbs,&#13;
and the fire sprerud because there were neither waiter nor the&#13;
pe01ple to f,i ght tlhe fires. The heaviiest fii:ghting took place in&#13;
the ea'S'tern paJI't of the cilty, where praeitiic~ly every factory&#13;
quariter wrus ruined, the stireets of Trnruva and Krizna,&#13;
Stein's Brewery and the viJcinity.&#13;
On 'l'uesday tlhe Gemnans began to f11ee, destroying&#13;
every;th'i ng that had n~t a-lre'ad,y &lt;been desitvoyed. They blew&#13;
u1p the bridge ,to PetrizJalka and the last g,rowp bariricruded iltself in the Braitis,la,va Castrle. The Russians aiready were in&#13;
the sulburbs of Bratislava, when the Germans in the western&#13;
hil!J.s of the c1ty began cannonading it. Thiis hurl BTati'slava&#13;
the moist. On Thursday morning fue first Russian d'i•visions&#13;
were in the very heart oif the city. Graduailly the booming&#13;
died aiway and the streets began to be filled w1th Russian&#13;
soldiers.&#13;
The "Liberation" Begins&#13;
1&#13;
&#13;
The SolV'iet soldiers first Hib.e.rated us from our watches&#13;
with their well-tlmown "Davaj easy" (Give your waltches).&#13;
EX!cept for solldiers, tlhe streets were empty; on1y coz,pses&#13;
were being b alked in .the sipring sun. After a few days, when&#13;
we cra.,wled out of our bunlkers and cellairs., we saiw the&#13;
ghastly pioture of ruin anld desolation.&#13;
Sffiloke s,tii-1 ro!Hed out of buildings and 1:lhe atmosphere&#13;
was. satwrated Wli'th dust and gunpowder. Glass wa·s ground&#13;
under foolt. Rdl::fueries were in fU'l'l swing. Soviet soidiers&#13;
brdke windows of business places with their rule butts and&#13;
sa-cked and pitMaiged everything. A few dats later, not a&#13;
sitIJ.g1le shop remamed whO'le. Wh'atever could rrot be taken&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
41&#13;
&#13;
was knocked to pieces. Of course, the l'a wless mob helped&#13;
very efferdtive1y in thi's work. Reports. olf the raping of&#13;
women began coming in. It was nothing um.t'sua!l to see&#13;
franltic W()lffien rUIUNng wildly from their aJttaokeirs; they&#13;
sm-eamed, k'iciked and fought, -but to no avail. The 'hordes&#13;
of the RUJSsii'an steppe's were on the loose. Who shall desc,dbe the sta.rk terror- in the eyes of the Slo;v:ak women and&#13;
girls who 00U!l.1d not get away f,r -()lffi the beasts olf Moscow?&#13;
Even ii£ I tmoo, I believe that my pen woul:d have to blush&#13;
if it had to detail the brutalities and abroc'~ties committed.&#13;
There is no need to exipand on :the fate of many, many women,&#13;
who remained lya.ng in their bllood aflter such a ba'I1barian&#13;
shaw of "a!f.feotion" of the Sov,i et soldiers. They to,l d us&#13;
that it was the "nationa!l duty" o.f the S1avaJk women to repay the So'Vliet arimies rih love!&#13;
Vinko, Vinko, Vinko Cervene&#13;
&#13;
We thOUJght that SlovaJk wiine would not attract the Soviets after tJhey had tasted of strong Tokay in Hurngary.&#13;
Bult we were mi!stJaken even tJhis time (as usu:a1). Slovak&#13;
wine memhanits di:d not wanit to sel'l us wine since January,&#13;
becau:se they had 'hiOiped to sell it at a high price to the Soviet sohliers. But how quijic,k1ly they soibered UJP, when, instead of the jingle-jangle of gCJld 11ulbles, they he:ard shots&#13;
from rifiles anld. aUlbomaitics in their otherwise irnmcessible&#13;
ceUars. Barrels were shot wp and the precious liquid o.f the&#13;
Slova1k earth began flowing; first into pitchers an'&lt;i all so!'ts&#13;
of containers, dean and uncilean, even bernzine cans. When aU&#13;
these were fi'1le'd, tlhe wine t11ic'k:led iruto soLdieirs' boots, then&#13;
flowed over the cellars and vestilbll!les an'&lt;i finaliy onto. the&#13;
streets. Tos strong aroma mixed w1th the gih:astly stench of&#13;
decayiing cO'l",pses, whk:h even after a week were stili lying&#13;
on the sidewaiJ.ks. of the city. The soldiers drank and so d&lt;id&#13;
the civilians; ch!iMren drank and so did the oldsters. It&#13;
seemed that the barrels were bottomless. "Viniko, vinko, vinko cerivene" (Wtine, wine, red wine - a popclaT Slovak&#13;
drinlking song) !&#13;
I shail1l never forget tJhe tovaris-comrade who had two&#13;
botJtles of reld. champaigne stucik in his fuT crup, a bottle in&#13;
&#13;
42&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
eadh. pocket and his hands full. He was approached by another comrade whn .rolblbed hiim on the street of his precious&#13;
bu.Tden in broad d'a.yuilghlt. The two lashed at each other&#13;
li'ke antlmals and drew blood on the 'ha.rd pavement of Kapitulska street.&#13;
Bratishwa wine merchants. 'loolk ed on stupidly and&#13;
si.'lently ait this Sodiomic destruction of their cellars, and the&#13;
SO!Ulr odor of the wine reminded them of the old times, when&#13;
they were s'till:l. bosses of their wine and thought that they&#13;
themselrves wolU.ld ·haive the honor to treat the "liberat0rs."&#13;
They rea[irz;eJd tlhe bitter truth that they we·r e "liberated," i.e.&#13;
comip1etely roiblbed of all their world!ly possessions on the&#13;
very threshold of a neiw life, the new order promised by the&#13;
men of the K.re:rnUn.&#13;
&#13;
Where Do You Stay, Tovaris?&#13;
If you were in the aI1II1y, you know w'hat obedience and&#13;
di'Scilplme means. Withoult bhe:rn, there hardly could be an&#13;
effecltiive rurmy. A soldier beil.ong,s to some particular company or di'Vlisi:on, must haJVe his gear, be fed and quartered,&#13;
even th&lt;Ylligh it be under a tent or in a barn. Bult the Soviet&#13;
soltl!iers wlho swa:runed iiruto Bratislava had no definite quarters and, hence, were everywhere. Usuany aJbout midnight&#13;
it occurred to· tihe:rn that they had to get some sleep, so the,y&#13;
began to looik for shelter. Door:s and lodks and bars were no&#13;
hindrance. Wihether of glass or wood, doors were booted in&#13;
or smasheJd wiitJh rifile butts, if they were niot opened immediately.&#13;
"You, bourgeoisie, you did not fighlt ... "&#13;
Threatened, 1:Jhere wa·s nothing one cou[d c1o bult flee&#13;
from .h is own home and consider himse1f liUCky if he was&#13;
not shot- A soldier does not undress for sleep very oflte:n&#13;
at the fuiont, bult Ivan the RUJSsian never ll!Ildressed even&#13;
when he had a bed, bwt simply piled on the bed f.wl1y g,ar,bed,&#13;
'boots, rifle, pi•s tols, grena:des and a:M. And the frolllt was&#13;
sixty miles away from us.&#13;
&#13;
Investigation After Investigation&#13;
We thought the war was over when the slh!ooting subsided and the boomdng resounded f.rom a dristanice. We began&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
43&#13;
&#13;
to clean the streets, coll!lect the dead, and put whatever was&#13;
left oif ,ouir homes in order. A ,penson slO!Wly fongets what he&#13;
lost, because onlly then, when he did not die during the&#13;
bomfbardment, does he reaili.ize that it is beaultiifiu[ to live,&#13;
even tJhoug'h in feaJr, hunger rund thirst, and in raJgs. Things&#13;
tha,t were a.ire no more, and other things tfhat were not will&#13;
oome into being. L'iife is all that matters. On'l,y he knows the&#13;
reail meamng of water and light who has li,v ed thI10UJgh the&#13;
terror of the front in hiding wilthoult light and water. I.Me&#13;
will returm to iits dld ways and time wiH heal aJhl wounds ()If&#13;
the soiwl a,nd bod,y ()If inld.wii.dUJaJl's and nations.&#13;
Well, wlh,y shoUJld nO/t a person a:gaJin imagine that liJfe&#13;
can be beruuttilfiull, when he is sitting on tile 'l'Uins ()If his home&#13;
~nd the ashes of hi1s dreams? Why, there is no more bc»nibing and even the streets are lighted up in the evenings.&#13;
Buit empty a.ire the inns, empty are the ce11'3JI"s, empty&#13;
are tJhe stores and shops Brolken windows and smashed&#13;
doors attest tJo the min which the Soviet soldiers had&#13;
WOOU1ght. But the wihl to live r,i,ses alb,ove all this. We must&#13;
forget everyttJhing thaJt pruined us, a.IN the in:justi&lt;Ces, subdue&#13;
om thd,r st for blood, when the sap of a new spring is&#13;
awakening, when everythfun.g is being ren01Vateld, everything&#13;
is in bloom, the thrush sings and the chiildren play.&#13;
Burt aH this is but a dream, an ~lluision. '.Dhe 'b attle has&#13;
ended on the streets, but just the sa:me a mare fiurious invi:siib1e baittle is going on. As you step out of your home, you&#13;
are co,nrfronlted with tJhe bayonet o;f a Russian soldier or the&#13;
various "safety" ciommittees. You look a:rO'llnd and notice&#13;
that yornr home, nay the whole street is sUJITounded by&#13;
guards. You re'tl.l!rn h'llITTriedly to your room and wait to see&#13;
what wiM h'appen. Y.ou wait and wait and waJit unti[ the sUISpense aJlrrnost d11ives you mad. Your blood thins in your veins&#13;
and you look sadly aJbowt you - and wait! F'iinaMy they&#13;
came, sO'l1d iers and civiili ians: they go through the house and&#13;
take whatever they want. '.Dhey ask you whether you are a&#13;
GeI1IDan or not, whebher any Germans or "coll'&lt;llbaratilonists"&#13;
a,re in your house. You lod.k them icily in the face. 'Tihey depart but only to come rugruin.&#13;
&#13;
44&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
Organs of Security&#13;
Mter two weeks oif the Russian occupation everything&#13;
was phmdered. People had no more than they had buried or&#13;
secreted in such a place where even the Russian hunters and t,hey are eXlpe'tUy schooled in the art of flinding wailled-in&#13;
objects - would not come. There was a clirth oif everything,&#13;
even a serforus lack of bread. But we had plenty o.f police!&#13;
They sprang Ulp like m:ushrnoms aflter a rain. In t'he first&#13;
place, ,t he dreaded NKVD (OGPU), the Secret So,vi•e t Police, n10toirioo~ for its birurt:al and ghasitl;y crimes. Woe to him&#13;
that faHis intto its hanids. The NiKViD goes from home to&#13;
home, drags peoipile aiway and nolbody ever hears of their&#13;
fate. Fvom eastern S'JO'V'aJkia alone more tihan 4,000 peo~e&#13;
were draigiged oiff into Siiberia.&#13;
I was fonbunate to be 'home during the investigation.&#13;
AU the en'tralllces to the 'bwil.ding were covered by soldiers&#13;
wit!h a:utomattics. I •t r:wersed my room ne.rvous•ly. A'lthough&#13;
I had a c:leair clon1science, yet I was di-squited. (No one is sufficiently olear or safe with the Soviet Po[ice) . Finally I&#13;
wenlt into the haiJ.llway. I was greeted by a soMier and a civilian. A IDQlfilenrt later came the caiptain. He asked me my&#13;
naJme, what I wa:s doing here, what my profession was, and&#13;
wheither I was a mem1ber orf IIlin:ka's People'1s Parity.&#13;
A mac1hinist l,iived on the same floo,r. His room was&#13;
locketl. Tlhe caiptain OII'&lt;lered me to open it. "I haven't the&#13;
key," I told hlm. The maic!hini.st had the key and the soldiers had him in hand alt the gate. I ran to the gate. The&#13;
NKVD g,u1a rd had an a.ultomatti~ on the machinist. I approached him and said that tlhe c~pta;in wants to open the&#13;
machinist's room, but the madh~nrist had the key. The latter alre'ardy wanted to hand it to me, when the s:o'ldier suddenly tuirned the aurt:omatiic on me and said: "You ha.ve the&#13;
key" - "'BUit I dlo not have t'he key, the madhinlist has it"&#13;
- "No, you will 'h,ruve it, if the caiptain says so." - "But I&#13;
do not have it; loolk, tovaris, the machimst has. it." - "No,&#13;
I have a.Qready told you that you wi-11 have the key and will&#13;
open the door, when the captam orders you to do so."&#13;
I was dumlbfounded by the profound stU1piclilty and returned without t1he key. I told the captain thait the to:varis&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
45&#13;
&#13;
wowd not let me take the key from the machinist because,&#13;
he said, the captain had ordered me and not the machinist&#13;
to open the room. I also was a sOJldier and I know whait military dbedience means. Bult this cannot be called obedience,&#13;
but some kind of unmentionaJble stupidilty or i!Illfbecility&#13;
which wouid be capable of sticking pins under my fingernails just to find a key on me whirch I do not haive. I realized&#13;
then wlhy people, during the investigaltions in tJhe tortrure&#13;
cha.im!bers of the NKVD, confess to things which they never&#13;
committed.&#13;
The invest1gation began at seven in the morning and&#13;
lasted un1ti'l nine. I went to town on business arrd returned&#13;
a1boU1t eleven. Upon my arr,ivai the building was a·gai,n surrounded biy guards, but this time by the Prurtisans Security&#13;
c:1it.&#13;
&#13;
I wanted to enter the bui'1ding, but they wouid not let&#13;
me. I identified myse1f and said that I ld.ved there. Finailly&#13;
a boy, about 17, wit:Jh an automatic in his hands, let me&#13;
enter. It was very liive:ly in the hallways. The partrsa,n captain was giving orders. I did not know wh1at they were seeiking. I went through the investigation tortures again, but&#13;
qUJite fortunately. Again aftl the rooms, closets, desks, and&#13;
dressing cabinets were opened. The investigation was over at&#13;
about one o'ciock. Again some innocent peoiple were taken.&#13;
But that was not alt That was onJy t'he beginning.&#13;
Night feJ.,l and the stars shone brighUy over Br.atislava.&#13;
Finany, a lilttle rest, I thought But there is no restful or&#13;
peaceful night duiring a Russian occl..llpaition. A'boUJt midnight I was awa.ikened by some one pounding on my door.&#13;
Another investigaition !&#13;
I was on my feet in an instant and &lt;jpened the door.&#13;
Before me in the semidankness stood a man and a lady. Instead of identifying themselves, t!hey opened their short&#13;
coats so that I could see the revolvers in leather 'holsters.&#13;
"But, but, this is a spe:cia l visit, and so laite at night!"&#13;
"Your documents," said the man.&#13;
"Here they a,re, t:hank you."&#13;
"Were you a memlber of IDinka's Party?" - "I was."&#13;
"Since when?" - "From 1933." - "Were you in the&#13;
1&#13;
&#13;
46&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
Hlinka Guards?" - "I was not." - "Did you be'1ong to&#13;
Hlinlka's Youth?" - "No." - "Are you a So'ld!ieir?" - "I&#13;
am an oftfircer in the Sloivalk airnny." - "Did you ta.Ike pa.rt&#13;
in the revollit ?" - "No." - "Why not?" - "I was on druty in&#13;
Nitra." - "Are you a Slova;k ?" - "I am."&#13;
Then they entered my room. On my taJble was a small&#13;
bust o{ Andrew Hlin!k'a.&#13;
"And .t his?" - "That is a bust of Andrew Hilinlka."&#13;
"Hman., we adivi,se you, to destroy irt." - "I don't understand, whiy?" - "Welil, may!be tomorrow you will understand."&#13;
Wilth that t'.hey depa,rited. Ait thrr-ee in the morning the&#13;
inrve-stigat'ion olf .tlhe secret police was completed.&#13;
At eight in the morn.mg came the olffictaJl police, the&#13;
so-calied "Naitiona1 Secruritiy" po~ice, to find out who i,t was&#13;
thaJt a1hlowro an in1VestigaJtion at mghit when the ipolice knew&#13;
nothing aJbout it. "What kind o{ peop1e were they, how did&#13;
they look, w:hiat did they want?" I was asked. This then was&#13;
the new oroer - so ter:rrilbly dangerous because iit had so&#13;
many .srufety biU1reaus thalt one dlid not know aibout the other!&#13;
Or did they?&#13;
The Bratislava Commander Complains&#13;
&#13;
A month had already passed since the occ'Ulpation of&#13;
Bratisla1Va , but the streets were stilil wn:swept; dirt and&#13;
ruiblble were everywhere; liice and infectious diseases were&#13;
spreading rapidly. 'Ilhe local "National Oommittee" had a&#13;
loog session to decirle what to do with the riwbbish and&#13;
rull:fule clutterinig and burning in the streets. But how was&#13;
the mess to be C'leared ruway, wlhen the Ru'Ssians took an&#13;
the city dump trucks, a1l pri,v ate cars and al,l wagons and&#13;
horse's ?&#13;
Typhoid fever spread danger01Us ly; the numibers of inflicted increased. The Office of P.ropruganda, or, as it was&#13;
then called, the "Commissary of InfoTfl'nation" pfa'stered the&#13;
city witJh huge plaic-ards depio'ting a s'keleton poUII"iing lice&#13;
over BraJtis lava and t'.he wairning : "WATCH THID LICE,&#13;
THEY SPREAD TYPHOID. ''&#13;
People stared at the placarids and barked: "Bwt who in&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
47&#13;
&#13;
tarnation broughlt lice here? Send the lousy Russians baok&#13;
&#13;
to their lousy ooumrtey !"&#13;
'I.1he first plwcards had liiittle e.fifoot. Severrul druys later&#13;
new ones appeared: Origanilze energeti'C brig,ades of clearuiness ! But Il!cibodiy paid any atJtenMon. The :riUJbbish iblliI'Iled on&#13;
and spread its poisonous fiumes over the .popuil.&lt;ati.on. There&#13;
were no autos, no wrugons wiith which to do the hau[ing.&#13;
Hiarses, oows and siheeip were kept in the panks. The hot&#13;
sun blruzeid away and laughingJy loolked at the me!SS, which&#13;
the "new" government prdbalbly did not dear aJWay to this&#13;
day. And so the skeleton keipt pouring the lice, and t:Jhe placaros aJb,o ut the brig,a des. of cleanliness were covered witlh&#13;
new red ones, whicih unged us to attend lec!tUll'es on the&#13;
moraie of the SoVli.et man, So:vieit woman, and the Soviet&#13;
youth. The Soviet Russians wasted no time in edlucating the&#13;
masses accordtinlg to the dootrines orf Marx and Lenin.&#13;
&#13;
A Soviet Soldier Confesses&#13;
lit wrus a bea:urtri.:titd June afternoon in K 1rurl'ova Ves near&#13;
&#13;
Bratislava, when a Riu'SSian sOlldier rupproacihed us and struclk&#13;
up a oonvwsaiti.on. He reproved us saying tha.Jt we Slovruks&#13;
were Ullldiscipllined amid un.gratefUll. We shOIUJd not siay OII' believe tJhat t:Jhe RJussi,ans rure taikin.g everything that can be&#13;
ha'l.lll€1d aJWay, booau1se thaJt is only ibrud propaganda. Since&#13;
he was in a t~aJtiive mood', and did not have a revolver, we&#13;
dooided to malke WIOrds with him.&#13;
He spdke at length albout d!i.scipil[n.e in RUISSia, both in&#13;
thiin.lk.ing and in spealk~ng. In Slovaki·a, he said, everyone says&#13;
whatever he 'Pleases. "ThaJt does not exist in Ruissia. One&#13;
must hiO:ld to what St-a!lin says. That is the truth and a.Ill&#13;
else is ,proprugantla. Sta!lin to-Id UIS thaJt in Russia everything&#13;
iis fine a!nd dandy, everyrtJhin,g is beaut.if.td, that we have&#13;
enoUJgh to eait. And even though we know that everything i:s&#13;
not fine and dan:dy, be.mt'i:fiul, and thtat we do not ha;ve&#13;
enough to eaJt, yet we must say that everythmg is f,i ne and&#13;
dandy, and thaJt we have plenty to ea.t. Stalin has so ordered! Stalin has so spdken!"&#13;
He bec'ame so excited trying to prove his impossible&#13;
stand that I reaHy pit'ioo. him. I s:m:il.ed and sa,id softly:&#13;
&#13;
48&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
"My dear tovaris! We're a different kind of people,&#13;
strange to you, indeed. When a tihinrg is white, we say it is&#13;
white; when it is bladk, we say iJt is black. When we have&#13;
nothing to eat, we say thaJt we a~ hungry oir that we are&#13;
starving And if anyone orders us to speak otheirwise, we&#13;
still. say the truth. Stra'lin telJs you different, so be hruppy in&#13;
your belief. We believe in God, too, but with reason, never&#13;
against reason."&#13;
But our tovaris seemed to be far away; his mouth&#13;
opened, but he said nothing further. Shaiking hiis head, he&#13;
pwlled at his ear as he slowly wa;llked away.&#13;
The Soviet Lady Doct.or&#13;
&#13;
We weire oirdered to hand 01Ver the miili'ta,r y hospdital in&#13;
Bratishwa to the RUJSsians. As we were preparing inventory&#13;
lists, a Rmlssilan l'ady doctor stepped iruto .the room. After&#13;
talking for a time, we struck upon religion, belieif in God,&#13;
and other ba.pics. But my Russian colleague, a lieutenant,&#13;
!)TOclaimetl thait it was in vain we were trying to convince&#13;
her, becruuse she wm.tltl nort believe l1'S no matter what the&#13;
airgumenlts. I assured her that she had nothing to fear, because I had no ruposJtoilic intentions.&#13;
"Why do we write 1945," I asked her.&#13;
"I know but I won't tell you!"&#13;
"Burt even you designalte this year by thaJt numlber."&#13;
"You won't oon'V'ince me "&#13;
"I db not want to. But even the unbelieving world&#13;
admits that Christ was born."&#13;
"I heard rubout that also; burt I do not believe i,t."&#13;
"Why?"&#13;
"Becruuse in the history of the Communist Party there&#13;
isn't anything aJbout it."&#13;
"Alh, so!"&#13;
WhaJt is the use of debating? We looked at each other&#13;
srgnifioa,ntly, smiled, and talked aibout otheir things.&#13;
"How long did you study medicine?"&#13;
"I finished the course during the wair in a year and a&#13;
haJlf. In peaceful times the study takes aliJ. of two and a half&#13;
years."&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
49&#13;
&#13;
We 1,amghed loud1iy amd pitied the prutients who happened&#13;
to get under her kmfe.&#13;
Placards: Religious Freedom&#13;
&#13;
DtN-ing the veriy first weelk:s of occupatfon the Slovak&#13;
Communist Party posted placiar:ds everywhere, arnnlQuncing&#13;
that the ComJmuni'Slts wiant to respect the relii.g,ioos feelings&#13;
of a!hl the SloviaJk people and, therefore, are c,alloog aU Slovaks, regardless of the:ir religious convictions, into the&#13;
Party. Nay, eiven Catho'l:ic priests coul'd and shlOuiltl join the&#13;
party, we were to1ld. People sing a nfoe tune, when they&#13;
want to catch a biro!&#13;
But wlhrut if a mira'Cle had rea!Uy happened? Suppose&#13;
Comrm.mism had made a tll!I"11 for the ,better? May/be Commun:ism was no longer so excilusive; perhrups it was even&#13;
reipernting and had decided to let itself be baptized in Christian SlO'V'a'l da! We knew that the Communists were not sincere, but the fact is thaJt oultwarilly they did try tb deal humanely with the peopie for a wht[e to convince them that&#13;
Communism was not as bad as they thought. It was evident&#13;
that they were instiru~teld not to insult the sacred and traditionai feel'ings of the SlOIVak ,peop1e. But the pretense soon&#13;
wore off and the Reds opecl,y a1:&gt;t8iC'ked a11 ece'lesfastical instilbutions.&#13;
Catholic Schools in Nationalized Slovakia&#13;
lf there were some Sloivaiks who had iHu'Sions a,bout&#13;
the Communists going sofit., thek tllu1sions eJOPloded like&#13;
b,u!bbles, W:hen Laoo Novomesky, Commissar ('br:ulsitee) of&#13;
Exiucation, annOlmceld that ai11 Catholic scbioo[,s m Slovakia&#13;
were to be aJbo:Iished and their property was to be taken over&#13;
iby t!he Stale. He was leld to this action, he said, because it&#13;
wais inadimissaJble that the Ohiurich should o!ffer a different&#13;
kind of education than the State. The unity of the nation,&#13;
sa•: d No;voimesky, required a unifo:r,m eduicaJtiona1 system,&#13;
cultural and religious st!'.ife must cease, etc.&#13;
What could not be accomplished even during the first&#13;
Ozooho.jSloV'ruk republk, was done now with one stroke of the&#13;
pen · in tJhe shadow of Russi8JI1 bayionets. The Cat'ho[ic institrntions were hit first for ob:vious reasoos. The Reds had&#13;
&#13;
50&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
little dififiicuM.y in getting the badking of the non-Caitholiic&#13;
Christians. Al!l they ha:d to dt&gt; was promise them that they&#13;
w()IU[d get the CaJthoiJ.ii:c Churelh proiperrt:.ies. So-cailled followers oif Christ a1Jtadking and despoiling the fo1lowers of&#13;
Christ! The Reds knew what they were doing, but evidently&#13;
the non.CathoJic Christians did not, because they tooik the&#13;
bait. Slovaik IJuithera.ns, Jews, Unitarians, Baptists, etic , expected to gain by the deail against the Catho[ic Slovaks (80&#13;
per cent oif tJhe poipuliaibi.on) and, therefore, went a'long with&#13;
the Reds.&#13;
!Ton mrust be forged while it is hot. After publishing&#13;
the decree, all diredtors of Cruthoiic sciho01ls were dismissed.&#13;
Their places were taken over by so-ca;Ued "Czechoslovaks"&#13;
and Lwtherans. That was done e:spe'Cially in gymna'Sit1ms&#13;
managed by the reJl'igiorus &lt;YI'ders, for example, alt the UrS'llline s:c!hools in BrrutislJ.ava and Tuna.va. It was done designecily and systemaiticaHy. Fists were clenched and hearts&#13;
were steeled. Freedom, freedom! The Slova!k Catholic public&#13;
becrume extremely inili.gnarnt. People were saying that the&#13;
women of Tmava were getting ready to storm the Ursuline&#13;
institution there and throw oot tlhe new di!rectre'SIS, who was&#13;
perseC'lllting and intimidating the reiigioruis Sisters there.&#13;
The Bishops of Slovakia Protest&#13;
&#13;
E:ven though Siova..ks knew that nothing would be accomplished by protests, neverthe'Jess ail Catholics we.re&#13;
a.rgreed that they simply coufttl ndt a!hlow the fundamental&#13;
right of the Ohurch to iits own school's be taken away from&#13;
them without uttering a word. The peopile had to make&#13;
thernse1ves heard, or else the stones wmcld complain.&#13;
The CaithOllic Bishop's Collliloil presented a memorandll!In to the government and the Central Cat holic Chancery&#13;
was organizing a si-grratn.ure C·Mnipaign against the nationaHzing of scllodls. Lerufllets were distmi.lb uted, and on July 8,&#13;
1945, 1!he protest aigainst the confiscrution of the schools&#13;
was read from ahl puipiits.&#13;
1&#13;
&#13;
Well, alter Ju:ly 8, the Bratislava radio was heard from.&#13;
It blasted and attacked the Bishop's Council, using the wellknown phrase: The parish church belongs to the Church,&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
51&#13;
&#13;
Mlld the school to the StaJte ! Things came to a head and the&#13;
resrullt Olf the ,protest was that the dirootors Olf the Central&#13;
Cath~lic Bureau, who teohmca;Ny organi!Zed the action, were&#13;
jailed. We were again gilven prood' thaJt we were living in a&#13;
"democracy" and thiaJt the people were dooiding their own&#13;
fOiitunes. Wlhat a modkery !&#13;
&#13;
Catholic Bishops Imprisoned&#13;
The ffrst wa,s Hlis ExicellJency John Vojtassak, bjshop of&#13;
Spis. Hailf of Slwaikia was a'1ready occupied by the Russian&#13;
rumy. The Sl'O!VaJk National Council was already giving orders from Kosice. At the end of .AipriJ, Dr. Vav,r o Srobar,&#13;
chalirma.n of the S1ov,aik NaJtiorra1 CouncH at that time, came&#13;
to the Spisslka Ifupiroula (ISpis Chapter) to gain Bishop Vojtassak for the Slov:aJk Na.lbiona:l COIUnoil and for Dr. Edwa..ro&#13;
Benes. Srobar wanted ,t hat prilze catch, bec'ause he knew&#13;
that Bishop Vojttassa'k was an old and 'hard Slovak.&#13;
As they meit in the corri'd.10r of the bi,s hop's residence,&#13;
Dr. Srolbar explained why he came and then asked the bishO!p to back the new government. The bishop eyed him&#13;
co:l d[y for a moment and then srud:&#13;
&#13;
"I do nolt reoogni ze any S'1ovruk Nationall Council and&#13;
president Benes. My government is stilil in Bratislava, and&#13;
as president of the SlrovaJks I recognize oruy the Siovak,&#13;
Ms.g r. Dr. Tiso!"&#13;
The ~ytihe stmrok upon a stone. Dr. Srobar departed,&#13;
and bishop John VojtassaJk went to his room. Several days&#13;
later when the bishop received an order from the Slovak&#13;
N atiorral OownJCirl to beget himsellif to his p1race of confinement i-n Stl,ruvru:k, Vojtassaik replied energetica.!Uy: "I do not&#13;
have an auto, nor any means of transportation, not even a&#13;
horse. They -took ever.yrthing from me. I wi'M yie[d only to&#13;
force."&#13;
On May 5, 1945, an auto stopped in front oif the Kaipitula; it was a,mned with machine guns and severrul men with&#13;
auito:matiJc:s. The wovds of Ohris't again rang ou't: You are&#13;
come out as it were aigain,st a robber with clubs. The good&#13;
bishop of Spis was forcefuilily talken to Stiaivnik and, later,&#13;
to the jaml of the federal court in Bratislava.&#13;
1&#13;
&#13;
52&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
What hruppened to him? A1[ I knew at that time was&#13;
that the commwn1i1,it "Plravd'a" of Bramislava was inciting&#13;
aigainst h!im., head!linirrug its avticleis thus: "The Lord Bishop&#13;
is against chi:ldren of tJhe wmikers." It was a brazen lie, designed to U!Ilderunine the 1:Jrnst of the fovthfol in the social&#13;
ideO'logy of iits bishop, who during hd:s whole life proved himself to be the most social o,f alil episcopa:l dignitaries in&#13;
Sl0V1aikia.&#13;
Soon aflter the OOOU1pation of Bratislava by the Russians, the bishoip Ol.f Trnava, Mii.H'.tary Vicar and Rector of&#13;
the BraJtislaiva seminary, J. E. BwzaLka, was ja1iled. F\irst he&#13;
wais lodged in the pohce stati'On and tJhen transferred to the&#13;
federail prison where "heiavy offenders" weire penned. He&#13;
slept on a spring, no m'aJttress ,b eing availaJble, and the siliveT-haired poet, Va'lentine Beniruk, slept alongside him on&#13;
the bare stone :flloor.&#13;
After the bishops, t:he Slwialk National Co'Ullcil "took&#13;
care" of the oonons and other pre1'aJtes. Among the first to&#13;
be truken was Joseph Srobar of BraJti.sl'a:va, brother of Dr.&#13;
Vaviro Srdbar. The old churehman, ail heart, would never&#13;
hairun even a fly. But bo[shev,rk justice did not consider that.&#13;
In him it sa,w an "enem:y of the people" and inrcaTcerated&#13;
him.&#13;
.&#13;
Ma:nry othevs foHowed him, among them Dr. Charles&#13;
Kovper, weH-iknown among .American S:lova\ks, former editor of a Cathoi1'i'c neWS1pruper. Monsignor Marsina of Trenci.n cO'llild not even OOJt for nothing in the jail, but had to&#13;
work. And what work! He was forced to dig c011pses wit!h&#13;
his bare hand's firom ma$$ graves, then forced to wash and&#13;
·k!iss each one. I have a strong su1S1pidon thalt those mass&#13;
graives were made lby the Russians and not by the Germans&#13;
as claimed by the So:vie'ts.&#13;
&#13;
"Fascist Post.enyi Arrest.ed"&#13;
That's what a heai!'line said in the communist "Pravda."&#13;
And it stumned just albout the whole of Slo.vrukila. The discovery of America O!I' the Law of GI"avitation was no more&#13;
sensationall. Up to that time nobody knew that Monsignor&#13;
Postenyi was a fascilSt. Aime11ida,ri Slovaks know Msgr.&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
53&#13;
&#13;
Postenyi very weiN. He visiited America in the interests of&#13;
the S't Ada!llbert Society, pulljlisher of Catholiic literature&#13;
and inrf.cmmat&lt;ion, an origanwation equiivalent to the Book of&#13;
the Month 01wbs in Amerti!C'a. The Reds knew that his Slovak ,paltriotism was beyond question and that his merits, as&#13;
far as the l31rgesit CIUll,bural, Slovak, Catholk institution was&#13;
concerned, were greaJt. Monsignoir Po:s tenyi is an exemplary&#13;
priest of Gad, a S1ovaik hough and through, and an indefatfJi,gruble worlcer for the common people of his nation. He&#13;
was pe!I1S€Kmted for his Slovak ,p atriotism when the Commumst leaders and editors of the "Pravda" were strn in the&#13;
bOSOIIn of Albraham.&#13;
Never aclmvel.l,y interested in politics, Msg,r. Postenyi&#13;
sUldden!ly became a "fascist!" We knew whalt the C01Inmunisits wanted to aJOcorrniplish. 'Do put Posteny,i out of the way&#13;
woold me'an to destroy the Society of St. Ad•rutbert with iJts&#13;
libraries, priillt sh01ps and origan.izationrul appruratus. And so&#13;
the SlOViaJk N ationa;l CO'U!Ilici1 appointed the fina.ncirul secretary of the Sooiety, a Ozedh named Wa;gner, as the commissary of the Society. A few days l1ater a new management&#13;
was named, one that was rucceptaJble to the spirit and program of tJhe C01Inmunist-idk&gt;minia.ted SlovaJk NaJtional Cooncil.&#13;
This institution which was bui[it by generations of Slov,a ks inrto a going cultural concern wrus wiped oult in a momenit by the ruthilegs Reds The 150.000 members of the&#13;
Society of St. Ada1be,rtt co:uM not say a word against the action without inviting punishment, either inciariceration or&#13;
exile into Silberia. That is how the "people's demooracy" of&#13;
the Soviets operates.&#13;
Charit,a,ble Ecclesiastical Institutions&#13;
The la;rgesit oharitalble ooganization in Slovrukia wa,s the&#13;
Central Charity (Ustredna Karita), the central Catho1.ic institute of al'l the welfare, socitail, anld religious societi'es. It&#13;
ha;d its own hea11th cenltets, hospiita!ls for incuraJbO.es, children's nurseries, etc. The women'1s "Charilta:s" was a'1so a&#13;
mem~ of tJhe organi.&lt;Za,tion. 'Dhe CommUll!ists took (Wer ruH&#13;
soci:ail insbitiuttions of the Church. Some weeks after the ocCUipation, tihe Communist Union of Sloviak Women confi:s-&#13;
&#13;
54&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
cated the children's nuTsery of the Ustredna ~arita in Dornk~le, BraJtislava, and the Union of SloivaJk Y ouith toolk&#13;
over the ·b oarding sch06l nea,r the forestry school in Koliba,&#13;
Braltislavia.&#13;
The hwmanitari.an division oif the city o.f Bratislava&#13;
comisoated the estate of "Oharitas" in Braltisfava near the&#13;
Red Bridge. For the women's home of "Charitas" the commissari'at foT Social Welifare named as commissary the Communist Fla:TIIIly Hirusovsky. Dr. Ivan Horvath, the commissary&#13;
for sooiall welfare, prod.aimed that a:1'1 the charitable, social&#13;
instituJtions of the Church would be taken over by the state.&#13;
Protests clid not mean a thing, as usual.&#13;
&#13;
"Freedom" of the Press&#13;
One of the first ,a cts of the Commissariat for Initernal&#13;
AffaiTs was the suppression o;f aM news,prupers. With th~s&#13;
general order all Oathollic newpaJpers and :periodicais weTe&#13;
wiped out aultomalt!roally; noit only cruturrul and literrury periodicals, such as the "Ku!litura" (a.rl.,tmre.) and the "Obroda"&#13;
(Rffi"ilvaJl), but even an the religious and educational periodicals, such as The MessengeT of the Srucred Heart, The&#13;
Holy Family, The Queen of May, etc. And, ]ater the only&#13;
Caltholk Sloivruk weeldy "Katolicke Noviny" (The Catholic&#13;
News), which had a suibscription of 170,000, was also swppressed and ta:ken 01Ver by 1:!he Reds.&#13;
Cathollics protested to the authorities, but in. vadn. The&#13;
Catholic press was gone. Attaclks against the Church and&#13;
its priests increased daily, but they could not defend themselves; it was an unequa:l strwggk The enemy fought wfth&#13;
powerfU!l we8lpons, whi[e the Catholics had none.&#13;
&#13;
"Freedom" of Conscience&#13;
The wax was fought, we were told, aga.inst the suppressi~n of consoien.ce by imperial~stic means, and we haJVe lived&#13;
to see sucll a diclatorship and s:uch a barbaric viOllia.tion of&#13;
conscience and its inlterrra:l freedom, the likes of whl'C'h perhrups not even the most frurious f:aslci'Slt ever dreamed of. On&#13;
aH fronts of tlhis terrible wrur died the best sons of humanity for the rigih:t to speak free'ly about the most fundamental questions of 1iife against tlhe fascist terror. Men&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
55&#13;
&#13;
shed their blood so that concentration camps, wiith all theiT&#13;
horrors, might never a:ga:in operaJte. But soon aif.ter the war's&#13;
end aN dliistriot cities in SlovaJlda were ordered to set up a&#13;
concent.Taition camp and jaill. The war was fol.light for the&#13;
freed'Olffi of poilft.ic-aiJ. conviotlions, but in Sl'OVlalkia today there&#13;
are not enOUJgh jai!ls to talke care of aH those, whose only&#13;
gui,It is that they wilM not swear on the Siclcl.e anld: Hammer,&#13;
but prefer to rematin loyal to the fupal eneyclilc'als and the&#13;
fiUJnd:amen'ta:l princiiples of demooraJCy. ln a wore, the Slovaks want to be demO!crat:s and not 'boisiheviks.&#13;
What has rea;filry changed? Every ni!ght we waited&#13;
tensely to see whether they were coming for us. We had&#13;
no peace duirmg the day or night. Forever they were screening and investiigaJting UIS just 'becaUJSe we haippened to live&#13;
during the past era, and had to wor1k and keeip OUir families.&#13;
They perseouted us for "co'l:1-aborating" because we recorded oftficiail writings, in some office, or because we were&#13;
insigruffoant wiheells in the great machinery of life.&#13;
&#13;
In Conclusion&#13;
If I had not seen it, I would not hruve be'liieived it. Those&#13;
first three months in "l~beraJted" Bra;tislruva were a nightmare. It .st;ilfil hamnts me. The S[ovalk people dild not ha,ve a&#13;
clharuce. The,i r country was overrun bry bar:barians whom the&#13;
.AilHes had Wlken on as pa:rtners. Slovalkia was ru!led bry terror and violence f.rom the moment it was "rnberaJted" lby the&#13;
so-calil ed "Uniiteld Nations," which placed it in the Soviet&#13;
sphere o!f irufiluence. ]t was ruied 'by the Communist-dominated regime o!f the man who r~gned the presitleTIJCy in 1938&#13;
and returned as president..a.venger behind the Soviet ho:rdes&#13;
in 1945. 'Dhe independenJt Slo.ivaJk Repull:Afc, established by the&#13;
dully eledted representatives olf t!he Slovak people in 1939&#13;
and reoognlizetl by 27 countries, including GreaJt Britain and&#13;
F,r ance, was wanton!ly destroyed against the wiili of the&#13;
Slova:k people.&#13;
The vast majority of the Slovaik nation, the Catholics&#13;
of Slovakia - representing 80 per cent of the poipll1ation was oulUawed. No politioail parities, newspaipers, organizations, and eilltenprises cou~d exist, except th()[se aUowed by&#13;
&#13;
56&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
Dr. IDdwa,rd Benes and his Communist-dominated regime.&#13;
The non-Catholic minority in Slovakia - including aN those&#13;
who ca;Ned t!hemsetlives "Christians" - hel,p ed Benes and the&#13;
Co!Ir.JII1UJill1S'ts ruin Ca1fud1irc Slovrukia and so helped to ruin&#13;
themseilves and thetk in:stilbulticms. Whereas, in the beginning,&#13;
only Crutholics were perisem.uted and onily Cathol'i:c institUJtion:s&#13;
and enter,prises were nabion:a,lized, laJter the foNowers of ail&#13;
Christian faiths were crucified and their institulti'ons confiscalted b;y the State. Hi:istor:y repeateld itseJ.if. But ha,tred&#13;
of the Cathohc Ch'l11l'ch in S'lovakia did n01t solive any of the&#13;
social or economic probllems, bult oll!l.y aggrawated them; in&#13;
faot, it only he'lped the Communists realize their ends all the&#13;
more speedilly. It is high time thait a'11 Christians realized&#13;
this an:d aoted accordmgly.&#13;
In Slovalkia tihere sha/U be no rea;l peace, no flI'eedom,&#13;
as long 3IS 1t is governed by peopte wlho are hostile to the&#13;
nationa1 traditions of the Slovak nation and its rel:i!gious and&#13;
political convictions and, hence, are bent on the destru&lt;:tion of the SIJ.O'Vruk people. Slovaikia, one of the oldest Christian countries of Centra1 :Eiu!rope, never sho:uil(l. haive been desbroyed as an independent StaJte. That is more evident today&#13;
than it was in 1945. No nrution has fought Coonmunism more&#13;
pel'.sistentily and consistently than the Slovaik nation It's&#13;
time that this trutlh was recognized by a.Ill freedom-rl&lt;wing,&#13;
a:ruti-Com:rrmmist coll!Il1Jri-es and that they adj1U1st theiir pOllicies to,w ard the Slovaks to fit the present siitU1aition. Even&#13;
today the people of Slovruk.ia find iJt ha~d to belrieve that they&#13;
were sdld oUJt to the men of the Kremlin with the help of&#13;
file United StaJtes and Great Britain, the great sym'bols of&#13;
freedom and demooraicy. But they stitl exipect to be liberated&#13;
by them.&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
"THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is an American institu-&#13;
&#13;
tion. Its primary interest is America. As an American of Slovak descent, I say again and again that it ls in the interest of Amerlc-a and&#13;
the democratic world at large to work for the freedom and Independence of Slovakia. The Individuals and organizations affiliated with&#13;
the Slovak League of America - as true Americans - cannot wish&#13;
their brethren in Slovakia less fre edom than they themselves enjoy&#13;
in the U. S. A. We say: Give Slovakia back to the Slovak people!"&#13;
- (P. A. Hrobak, Detroit. Mich., 11-18-51)&#13;
&#13;
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                <text>Three Months in "Liberated" Bratislava</text>
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                <text>By: An Eyewitness&#13;
Slovakia, Vol. 3, No. 2 (7), July 1953&#13;
pp. 39-56</text>
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                    <text>SLOVAKIA

37

CASTLES OF SLOVAKIA

HRICOV
The ruins of Hni 001v (IHiritcllov) Castle m the Trencin
Distriot aire the smallest orf thO'se which stud the Vah vialley. At ()IIl.e time it was connected with the Sul'O!V Castle by a
road whildh sna'ked i'ts way over tlhe ,rMJge:s of mountains.
The ruins of Hiri.1co,v rest on a steep roc:k wit!h whi:c!h the rem'a ins of the waJ111s are. grown toge'fuer. The rulins are almlQls't ih'atelcess;iJble. The s,u mmiit on which the :mins rest is
one of the last sipll'I's orf the St'.rl'ov Roiciks, and tlhe castle
reaUy loolks like a ,rOlbber's hideout.
1

Hric·ov, it seems did not m'8Jke history, thoUJgh a document from 1'265 mentions it and chronicles say that the
castle wa'S buHt iby one Kia1i:jan, .the manager of the Bytca
Castile. The story goes tihia t t!he Lehar robber clan took it
from Kriliijan arud held it for many years. When the widOIW
of the la;st ~har d!ied, the caJSt'le rpassed on to her adopted
son, Franiciis Thur,zo. ~rom rtJhe time of Blazej Podmanin
(1496) 1Jhe f1ate of Htiicloiv was closely tied up wi'th 1Jhat of
Byitca and: the Lieitav&lt;a Castle.
After the deatih of the 1'ast Lehar, his widow ,r emained
in SO'l'rOW for three years, as. it wrus ouistorrl'ary in those
time!S. Hricoiv was a s;aJd and mournfu1l place. But rufter three
years the gates orf Hricoiv weire thrown open to receive
guests. Among the hopeifo1 caillers, who exipeeted to wed the
widow of Hriicov, was Frandis Tht1ir210, t!he you~g and gallant
owner of ithe neig1hlbo,r ing Lietaiva •s ltronghold. Thrur,zo had
his eye on Hricov for some time and wrus de'term'ine'd to get
i,t even if 'he had to marry the aging Leharr wiidow. The widow took a f1aney to 'Dhruirz•o, ,b ut told him t!hait marriage
was out af the questi'()IIl becalllSe orf her age. But she did
ad'opt him as her son and maJde him heir of her possessions .
'DhuJ:1zo, it seeims, soon became tired of waiting for hi's "mother" to die, so he decided to truke possession of Hricov by
foul means.
One ni.ghlt he oirdered his men to seize her and imprison her in the dungeon. The following morning Francis an-

�38

SLOVAKIA

nOUDJCed that the wlidow had become mental11y unbalanced
and had ito be placed in the dungeon. But Ftranci's Thurzo,
to keep his evil deed wvered Ulp at all times, had to be oo
glll'ard am.d ,t hat v.irtuiailly made him a prisoner in the castle
also. And so the years roB.e!d. on.
The legend has it thait a monk approached the castle
pO!rtaJls, made knolW'Il his ,p resence with his stafd', and begged
a mght''S lodging. Thwrzo ordered the monk away. The latter ,t urned Ulpon Thuma and threatened to di,sdose th€
haugfu..ty lard's orime. Thu11"2Jo flared up and 'Set his dogs on
the monk. Bult the moolk returned and toid Thurzo to do
penance. Thunzo, in turn, ordered his men to seize the monk,
beat him Ulp, cast lhfilll into the dungeon and starved him to
death. In the meantime fea:r .ruled Hlrifov and Thurao himself was losing his nerwe. While ,t he monlk was starving, his
ima;ge ilil stone ,beg,an to grow before the castle entrance.
Thwrzo had the petrified monk smashed to bits, but the
following mornmg the same petrified monk stood guard at
his door. This was too mucih even for Tihuirzo. Overcome by
compurnc,tion and fear, he decided to iet the Lehar widow
h•aive !her freediom. He set out for the dungeon with hisserv,anits - on1y to find the widow dead.
Thurno .became 1Jhe sole owner of Hricov at last. But
he did not stay for 1ong; his servants fled one by one and,
fina['ly, evern 'J:1hurzo aibantloned the haunlted castle. In time
H11icov foll into de-caiy. Bu:t the legend goes on to say th'at
the peitrifd.ed monlk stilil stands witness to 1:Jhe crime of F,rancis Thuirzo at the castle entrance. The S1~wa:ks liiV'i!ng in the
vioiruty of HricolV, however, say that Thurzo did not get
away so easily with hls crime. T.hey claim that he actually
did lO'Se his mind and committed suicide by jumipin!g off the
ca$tle wa'tl into the precipice below. At nd,g1ht the pitifll!l
cries anrl screams cxf tJhe imprisoned widow coulld be heard
by the V'fill:agers below. And Thnrr:z:o, beca:u:se o,f his crime,
evern rur.ter death wandered restlessly aJbout the vicinri:ty od'
Hr.icov . .Alf1ter Tihurno's death, the 1100k on whkh Hricov was
built burst into flames which ruined everything. That is the
st'Olry being passed on by generrutlions of Slovaks from
Hrioov.

�</text>
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                    <text>SLOVAKIA

37

CASTLES OF SLOVAKIA

HRICOV
The ruins of Hni 001v (IHiritcllov) Castle m the Trencin
Distriot aire the smallest orf thO'se which stud the Vah vialley. At ()IIl.e time it was connected with the Sul'O!V Castle by a
road whildh sna'ked i'ts way over tlhe ,rMJge:s of mountains.
The ruins of Hiri.1co,v rest on a steep roc:k wit!h whi:c!h the rem'a ins of the waJ111s are. grown toge'fuer. The rulins are almlQls't ih'atelcess;iJble. The s,u mmiit on which the :mins rest is
one of the last sipll'I's orf the St'.rl'ov Roiciks, and tlhe castle
reaUy loolks like a ,rOlbber's hideout.
1

Hric·ov, it seems did not m'8Jke history, thoUJgh a document from 1'265 mentions it and chronicles say that the
castle wa'S buHt iby one Kia1i:jan, .the manager of the Bytca
Castile. The story goes tihia t t!he Lehar robber clan took it
from Kriliijan arud held it for many years. When the widOIW
of the la;st ~har d!ied, the caJSt'le rpassed on to her adopted
son, Franiciis Thur,zo. ~rom rtJhe time of Blazej Podmanin
(1496) 1Jhe f1ate of Htiicloiv was closely tied up wi'th 1Jhat of
Byitca and: the Lieitav&lt;a Castle.
After the deatih of the 1'ast Lehar, his widow ,r emained
in SO'l'rOW for three years, as. it wrus ouistorrl'ary in those
time!S. Hricoiv was a s;aJd and mournfu1l place. But rufter three
years the gates orf Hricoiv weire thrown open to receive
guests. Among the hopeifo1 caillers, who exipeeted to wed the
widow of Hriicov, was Frandis Tht1ir210, t!he you~g and gallant
owner of ithe neig1hlbo,r ing Lietaiva •s ltronghold. Thrur,zo had
his eye on Hricov for some time and wrus de'term'ine'd to get
i,t even if 'he had to marry the aging Leharr wiidow. The widow took a f1aney to 'Dhruirz•o, ,b ut told him t!hait marriage
was out af the questi'()IIl becalllSe orf her age. But she did
ad'opt him as her son and maJde him heir of her possessions .
'DhuJ:1zo, it seeims, soon became tired of waiting for hi's "mother" to die, so he decided to truke possession of Hricov by
foul means.
One ni.ghlt he oirdered his men to seize her and imprison her in the dungeon. The following morning Francis an-

�38

SLOVAKIA

nOUDJCed that the wlidow had become mental11y unbalanced
and had ito be placed in the dungeon. But Ftranci's Thurzo,
to keep his evil deed wvered Ulp at all times, had to be oo
glll'ard am.d ,t hat v.irtuiailly made him a prisoner in the castle
also. And so the years roB.e!d. on.
The legend has it thait a monk approached the castle
pO!rtaJls, made knolW'Il his ,p resence with his stafd', and begged
a mght''S lodging. Thwrzo ordered the monk away. The latter ,t urned Ulpon Thuma and threatened to di,sdose th€
haugfu..ty lard's orime. Thu11"2Jo flared up and 'Set his dogs on
the monk. Bult the moolk returned and toid Thurzo to do
penance. Thunzo, in turn, ordered his men to seize the monk,
beat him Ulp, cast lhfilll into the dungeon and starved him to
death. In the meantime fea:r .ruled Hlrifov and Thurao himself was losing his nerwe. While ,t he monlk was starving, his
ima;ge ilil stone ,beg,an to grow before the castle entrance.
Thwrzo had the petrified monk smashed to bits, but the
following mornmg the same petrified monk stood guard at
his door. This was too mucih even for Tihuirzo. Overcome by
compurnc,tion and fear, he decided to iet the Lehar widow
h•aive !her freediom. He set out for the dungeon with hisserv,anits - on1y to find the widow dead.
Thurno .became 1Jhe sole owner of Hricov at last. But
he did not stay for 1ong; his servants fled one by one and,
fina['ly, evern 'J:1hurzo aibantloned the haunlted castle. In time
H11icov foll into de-caiy. Bu:t the legend goes on to say th'at
the peitrifd.ed monlk stilil stands witness to 1:Jhe crime of F,rancis Thuirzo at the castle entrance. The S1~wa:ks liiV'i!ng in the
vioiruty of HricolV, however, say that Thurzo did not get
away so easily with hls crime. T.hey claim that he actually
did lO'Se his mind and committed suicide by jumipin!g off the
ca$tle wa'tl into the precipice below. At nd,g1ht the pitifll!l
cries anrl screams cxf tJhe imprisoned widow coulld be heard
by the V'fill:agers below. And Thnrr:z:o, beca:u:se o,f his crime,
evern rur.ter death wandered restlessly aJbout the vicinri:ty od'
Hr.icov . .Alf1ter Tihurno's death, the 1100k on whkh Hricov was
built burst into flames which ruined everything. That is the
st'Olry being passed on by generrutlions of Slovaks from
Hrioov.

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                  <text>&lt;ul&gt;&lt;li&gt;Issue 1 (No. 6), April 1953.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Issue 2 (No. 7), July 1953.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Issue 3 (No. 8), September 1953.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Issue 4 (No. 9), December 1953.&lt;/li&gt;
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              <text>SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
37&#13;
&#13;
CASTLES OF SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
HRICOV&#13;
The ruins of Hni 001v (IHiritcllov) Castle m the Trencin&#13;
Distriot aire the smallest orf thO'se which stud the Vah vialley. At ()IIl.e time it was connected with the Sul'O!V Castle by a&#13;
road whildh sna'ked i'ts way over tlhe ,rMJge:s of mountains.&#13;
The ruins of Hiri.1co,v rest on a steep roc:k wit!h whi:c!h the rem'a ins of the waJ111s are. grown toge'fuer. The rulins are almlQls't ih'atelcess;iJble. The s,u mmiit on which the :mins rest is&#13;
one of the last sipll'I's orf the St'.rl'ov Roiciks, and tlhe castle&#13;
reaUy loolks like a ,rOlbber's hideout.&#13;
1&#13;
&#13;
Hric·ov, it seems did not m'8Jke history, thoUJgh a document from 1'265 mentions it and chronicles say that the&#13;
castle wa'S buHt iby one Kia1i:jan, .the manager of the Bytca&#13;
Castile. The story goes tihia t t!he Lehar robber clan took it&#13;
from Kriliijan arud held it for many years. When the widOIW&#13;
of the la;st ~har d!ied, the caJSt'le rpassed on to her adopted&#13;
son, Franiciis Thur,zo. ~rom rtJhe time of Blazej Podmanin&#13;
(1496) 1Jhe f1ate of Htiicloiv was closely tied up wi'th 1Jhat of&#13;
Byitca and: the Lieitav&lt;a Castle.&#13;
After the deatih of the 1'ast Lehar, his widow ,r emained&#13;
in SO'l'rOW for three years, as. it wrus ouistorrl'ary in those&#13;
time!S. Hricoiv was a s;aJd and mournfu1l place. But rufter three&#13;
years the gates orf Hricoiv weire thrown open to receive&#13;
guests. Among the hopeifo1 caillers, who exipeeted to wed the&#13;
widow of Hriicov, was Frandis Tht1ir210, t!he you~g and gallant&#13;
owner of ithe neig1hlbo,r ing Lietaiva •s ltronghold. Thrur,zo had&#13;
his eye on Hricov for some time and wrus de'term'ine'd to get&#13;
i,t even if 'he had to marry the aging Leharr wiidow. The widow took a f1aney to 'Dhruirz•o, ,b ut told him t!hait marriage&#13;
was out af the questi'()IIl becalllSe orf her age. But she did&#13;
ad'opt him as her son and maJde him heir of her possessions .&#13;
'DhuJ:1zo, it seeims, soon became tired of waiting for hi's "mother" to die, so he decided to truke possession of Hricov by&#13;
foul means.&#13;
One ni.ghlt he oirdered his men to seize her and imprison her in the dungeon. The following morning Francis an-&#13;
&#13;
38&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
nOUDJCed that the wlidow had become mental11y unbalanced&#13;
and had ito be placed in the dungeon. But Ftranci's Thurzo,&#13;
to keep his evil deed wvered Ulp at all times, had to be oo&#13;
glll'ard am.d ,t hat v.irtuiailly made him a prisoner in the castle&#13;
also. And so the years roB.e!d. on.&#13;
The legend has it thait a monk approached the castle&#13;
pO!rtaJls, made knolW'Il his ,p resence with his stafd', and begged&#13;
a mght''S lodging. Thwrzo ordered the monk away. The latter ,t urned Ulpon Thuma and threatened to di,sdose th€&#13;
haugfu..ty lard's orime. Thu11"2Jo flared up and 'Set his dogs on&#13;
the monk. Bult the moolk returned and toid Thurzo to do&#13;
penance. Thunzo, in turn, ordered his men to seize the monk,&#13;
beat him Ulp, cast lhfilll into the dungeon and starved him to&#13;
death. In the meantime fea:r .ruled Hlrifov and Thurao himself was losing his nerwe. While ,t he monlk was starving, his&#13;
ima;ge ilil stone ,beg,an to grow before the castle entrance.&#13;
Thwrzo had the petrified monk smashed to bits, but the&#13;
following mornmg the same petrified monk stood guard at&#13;
his door. This was too mucih even for Tihuirzo. Overcome by&#13;
compurnc,tion and fear, he decided to iet the Lehar widow&#13;
h•aive !her freediom. He set out for the dungeon with hisserv,anits - on1y to find the widow dead.&#13;
Thurno .became 1Jhe sole owner of Hricov at last. But&#13;
he did not stay for 1ong; his servants fled one by one and,&#13;
fina['ly, evern 'J:1hurzo aibantloned the haunlted castle. In time&#13;
H11icov foll into de-caiy. Bu:t the legend goes on to say th'at&#13;
the peitrifd.ed monlk stilil stands witness to 1:Jhe crime of F,rancis Thuirzo at the castle entrance. The S1~wa:ks liiV'i!ng in the&#13;
vioiruty of HricolV, however, say that Thurzo did not get&#13;
away so easily with hls crime. T.hey claim that he actually&#13;
did lO'Se his mind and committed suicide by jumipin!g off the&#13;
ca$tle wa'tl into the precipice below. At nd,g1ht the pitifll!l&#13;
cries anrl screams cxf tJhe imprisoned widow coulld be heard&#13;
by the V'fill:agers below. And Thnrr:z:o, beca:u:se o,f his crime,&#13;
evern rur.ter death wandered restlessly aJbout the vicinri:ty od'&#13;
Hr.icov . .Alf1ter Tihurno's death, the 1100k on whkh Hricov was&#13;
built burst into flames which ruined everything. That is the&#13;
st'Olry being passed on by generrutlions of Slovaks from&#13;
Hrioov.&#13;
&#13;
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