11 50 763 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/43238533a84c77e42113ebf07f3426a1.pdf ef777dbe49c69f4a4bc73ef517c5cad9 PDF Text Text 72 SLOVAKIA 2019 SLOVAK EMIGRES IN THE REPORTS OF THE CZECHOSLOVAK MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS ACTIONS AGAINST FERDINAND DURCANSKY AND JOZEF KIRSCHBAUM (1961-1966/68) Petr Kubik Large quantities of material concerning the Slovak post-war emigration have been preserved in the archives of the Czech Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Prague and are now available to researchers. The post-war Czechoslovak government and foreign offices all over the world followed the activities of various exile leaders and organizations regardless of what country they lived in. Two of these emigre groups were closely watched by the new leaders in power si nce the summer of 1945 - the (Czech General Lev) Prchala Group and Slovak "separatists."' This led to a paradox - often those who were actively involved in following and reporting on the exile leaders between 1945-4 7 went into exile themselves in the spring of 1948. These new exiles would also be followed by their communist successors in the Czechoslovak embassies. 2 It is interesting to compare the state and quality of the different archival materials according to the countries covered. The most informative collections concern the emigres in North and South America. Unlike Australia, where there was little information regarding exiles, the Czechoslovak authorities in Argentina, Canada and USA mapped the situation in a very thorough manner. Regarding Europe, many materials were preserved on Italy (Rome and the Vatican), some in Germany but only scant information from other countries such as France, Switzerland, Austria, Great Britain and Spain. In the present study, using archival materials, I would like to de- 1 The Prchala Group were Czech anti-Benes and anti-Communists, led by General Lev Prchala. They were forbidden to return to their homeland, which was ruled by Benes and the Communists. Slovak "separatists" were supporters of Slovak inderendence, a name given to them by Czechoslovak propaganda. E.g. Vladimir Vanek, Jan Pauliny-T6th (Rome), Frantisek Schwarzenberg (the Vatican), Frantisek Nemec (Ottawa) and Josef Kotrly (Montreal) . �SLOVAKIA 2019 73 scribe how the Czechoslovak authorities in the l 960's took major actions against key Slovak figures in exile. In Canada it was against Dr. Jozef Kirschbaum, former Secretary-General of the Slovak People 's Party in 1939-1940 and in Germany it was against Dr. Ferdinand Durcansky, former Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Slovak Republic, 1939-1940. For administrative reasons Durcansky and the former leader of the German ethnic group in Slovakia, Franz Karmasin, were treated together in the Prague archives. Actions Against Ferdinand Durcansky and Franz Karmasin During 1961-1968 On I 6/02/ 196 I the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (UV KSC) adopted a resolution to prepare and execute a campaign against Ferdinand Durcansky and Franz Karmasin. This was a part of the ongoing campaign against "the West German Revanchists" by the Czechoslovak Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The Ministry charged Karmasin with being "a war criminal," and Durcansky, who also lived in Germany, "the leader of the Slovak fascist emigration." Writing a propaganda brochure about "the fascist activities" of the two aforementioned leaders was assigned to Slovak regime historians -- Cubomir Liptak of the Historical Institute of the Slovak Academy of Sciences (HU SA V) and Lieutenant Colonel Navratil from the Military History Institute (VHU), both in Bratislava. On 02/ 11/1961 Liptak and Navratil went to Prague 's office of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to discuss and finalize some details for their publication, Ve znameni dvou kfizu (In the Sign of the Double Cross). 3 The secret propaganda materials were completed in the winter of 196 1/1962. 3,000 vo lumes of the publication In the Sign of the Double Cross were printed in German, with a planned distribution in Germany and other Western countries . The Czech News Agency (CTK) planned a series of propaganda activities supporting the work by Navratil and Liptak. The Czechoslovak Military Film Institute produced a 25-minute documentary concerning mainl y Franz Karmasi n. During this time, the Czechoslovak Ministry of Justice was 3 Archives MZV Prague, f. Territorial departments-Secret (TO-T) 1965-1969, box NSR 2, fi le 033964/61 -3 �74 SLOVAKIA 2019 preparing extradition requests for Durcansky and Karmasin, although their officers didn ' t believe that they would be successful. In addition, the Regional Court of Bratislava issued new arrest warrants for 4 Durcansky ( on 15/02/1962) and Karmas in (on 14/05/ 1962). In the spring of 1962, the Czechoslovak Ministry of Foregin Affairs presented extradition papers regarding Durcansky and Karmasin to the Embassy of the USA in Prague, because the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) did not have diplomatic relations.5 This took place publicly on 29/05/ l 962 with the official transmission of the diplomatic note to the government of the FRG via the American embassy. There was no response from the FRG. It was a conscious decision of the German authorities not to respond to this Czechoslovak provocation . Next, the Prague regime appealed to the Austrian authorities - the Czechoslovak embassy in Vienna issued an arrest warrant for Durcansky to the Austrian authorities . Despite Czechoslovak insistence on the extradition of Durcansky (a notice written on 22/ 12/ 1962), 6 there was no reaction. In the summer of 1963 , there was still no response from either German or Austrian authorities. Durcansky maintained his activities, even to the extent that he presided at the meeting of the GermanSlovak Society in Munich, held on the occasion of the 24th anniversary of the creation of the Slovak State on 13/03/ l 963. On the occasion of the Sudetenland Day on 3/6/ 1963, the Prague Ministry of Foreign Affairs started a new action with the goal of transmitting new diplomatic notes regarding the arrest of Durcansky to all Western countries. They transmitted again another urgent diplomatic note to the FRG government through the American embassy in Prague.7 On 10/08/ 1965 a Czechoslovak diplomatic note, focusing on Karmasin, 8 was finally transmitted to the American embassy, which passed it on to the German Foreign Office on 23/08/1965. On 4 Ibid, file 0 16696/62-80. In the present study the designation Federal Republic of Germany is used for the West Germany. 6 Archives MZV Prague, f. Territorial departments-Secret (TO-T) 1965-1969, box NSR 2, file 0 16696/62-80. 7 Archives MZV Prague, f. Territorial departments-Secret (TO-T) 1965-1969, box NSR 2, file 025560/63 . 8 Ibid, file 02648 1/65-3 . No justification for this delay is mentioned in the documents. 5 �SLOVAKIA 2019 75 07 /0 l/ 1966 the German Office responded categorically in the negative to the request regarding the extradition. The reason that the German authorities gave was because of the German Constitutional Basic Law and the Extradition Law, with Karmasin being a citizen of Germany and Durcansky being only involved in political activities. 9 The Czechoslovak Ministry of Foreign Affairs then decided to transmit the matter to the Czechoslovak Governmental Commission Charged with Identifying Nazi War Criminals, which was not successful. This Commission was in session on 14/05/1966 and it insisted on the extradition request. They intended to continue publishing propaganda materials and also to requesting the assistance of the Munich Public Prosecutor's Office in investigating Karmasin. 10 The office of the Munich Public Prosecutor sent a letter to Prague on 29/5/1966, asking for more evidence against Karmasin, as the information they had was insufficient to bring charges against him. The Commission took its time and only on 10/ l l/ 1966 did it decide 11 to help the Munich investigation by collecting more evidence. During this time, the Prague Ministry of Foreign Affairs sent a new note to the FRG Foreign Office via the US embassy on 10/ 10/1966, repeating the extradition request. It was rejected by the FRG Foreign Office on 11/7/ 196. It based its decision on the London Agreement of 08/08/ 1945 and the UN Resolution of 11/12/ 1946, that created no legal precedent for extraditing citizens. In response, the Czechoslovak Ministry of Foreign Affairs prepared another diplomatic note, attacking the FRG for this position and demanding the extradition of Durcansky and Karmasin. Otherwise, the Czechoslovaks would refuse to help with the Karmasin process in Munich. The arrival of the Prague Spring in 1968 did not halt this action. Another diplomatic note was delivered to the US embassy on 05/04/ 1968, and during April of 1968 all the embassies of W estem countries and Yugoslavia were notified. 12 The Czechoslovak authorities continued other diplomatic measures against Durcansky. In September of 1968 they protested to the Austrian government against his stay in Austria and in October of 1968 they protested to the US authorities against his travel to the 9 Ibid, file 02230 I /66-4. Ibid, file 024471 /66-4 . 11 Ibid, file 120894/66-4 . 12 Ibid, file 120894/66-4. 10 �76 SLOVAKIA 2019 USA . But the extradition issue was about to end. On 04/10/1968 Mr. Kastl , the head of the Department for Socialist Countries of the Bonn Freign Office, communicated to the Czechoslovak trade representative that he had prepared a negative response to the Czechoslovak diplomatic note from 05/04/1968 . He would not send it officially yet, due to the events of the Prague Spring of August of 1968. The Czechoslovak Commission for War Crimes stated, during their reunion on 05/ 11 / 1968, the impossibility of obtaining the extradition of Durcansky and Karmasin and communicated this information to the Prague Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The Prague Ministry had expected this to happen for some time. 13 The Action Against Jozef Kirschbaum in 1962-1965 At the beginning of the I 960's, the Czechoslovak authorities in Canada (the Embassy in Ottawa and the Consulate General in Montreal) started to worry about the growing influence of Jozef Kirschbaum within the Canadian Slovak League, as well as with Canadian politicians in general. During this time Jozef Kirschbaum lectured at the University of Toronto . In December of 1961 Canadian Prime Minister Diefenbaker received Kirschbaum, as a member of the delegation of the Captive EuropeanNations, and on 08/02/1 962 Kirschbaum was elected vice-president of the Canadian Ethnic Press Association. In addition, his friend and collaborator, the influential entrepreneur Stefan B. Roman , had many contacts with Canadian politicians, especially with Paul Martin, the future Minister of Foreign Affairs . The Czechoslovak authorities started a propaganda campaign against Kirschbaum with the aim of discreditng all Slovak emigres in Canada. On 26/0 I/ 1962 the Czechoslovak Consulate General in Montreal created an extensive document entitled Proposal for Executing the Action Against the Slovak Separatist, Professor Kirschbaum . They proposed to make use of the recent legal proceedings of Israel against the German war criminal Adolf Eichmann and raised the matter of possible other war criminals at large to the attention of the world. Furthermore, they planned to use the anti-Semitic measures taken by the government of Slovakia in 1939-1940 to slander 13 Ibid, file 11 7841 /68-6 . �SLOVAK.IA 2019 77 Kirschbaum, one of the leading figures of the Slovak separatist emigres. It would be a huge political coup for Czechoslovak authorities to discredit Kirschbaum. They planned to proceed in several ways, with the Czechoslovak authorities remaining in the background: a) publish several articles against Kirschbaum in the Canadian procommunist Slovak newspaper Eudove zvesti, b) publish a book in English about Kirschbaum which was being prepared in the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic and disseminate it in Canada, especially among Jews, c) use the Czechoslovak socialist student organizations in Canada to tum students at the University of Toronto against Kirschbaum, and d) review the preparation of an extradition diplo14 matic note. At the Prague Ministry of Foreign Affairs two sessions regarding Kirschbaum were held in February of I 962 . On 19/2/ 1962 it was decided that the book would be changed in order to point out the "fascist activities" of Kirschbaum in 1939-1940, but without offending the Canadian government. They also examined the possibility of extraditing Kirschbaum. At the second session, held on 28/02/ l 962, the final plans were formulated. To prevent the action from looking like a political persecution of Kirschbaum by the communist authorities, all the accusations would be presented by the Jewish Community of Prague, without the official involvement of the Czechoslovak Embassy. All the arguments regarding Kirschbaum 's political activism against the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic would be deleted, but they would focus instead on the anti-Semitic measures of the Slovak State and its collaboration with Eichmann. The first part of the action would consist of sending a small book about Kirschbaum 's activities, printed in English and in French, to several places in Canada. At the beginning of April 1962, Comenius University in Bratislava would contact the University of Toronto and try to discredit Kirschbaum and obtain his dismissal. The second part of the action would come after three weeks of publishing a series of articles in Eudove zvesti, focused not only on Kirschbaum, but against the Slovak exiles in general. Once these actions were finished , an extradition request would be considered. 15 14 Archives MZV Prague, f. Territorial departments-Secret (TO-T) 1965- 1969, box Kanada I, number 020/62-A . 15 Ibid, file 023325/62-6/ 1. �78 SLOVAKIA 2019 The text of the book that severely slandered Kirschbaum was modified many times during the spring of 1962. It contained many false statements and sheer nonsense, in line with the highest communist propaganda. The book stated that the "enraged fascist" Kirschbaum was responsible for the war against the USSR and the elimination of the political opponents of the Hlinka Slovak People's Party (HSI.:S). With the approval of then Prime Minister Vojtech Tuka and Minister of the Interior Alexander Mach, Kirschbaum allegdly led the Slovak embassy in Rome and Bern and he was allegedly a close collaborator of Eichmann . The text was approved on 27 /03/ I 962 by the head of the 3rd department, a certain Mr. Mikestik, with the focus on Kirschbaum 's allegedly anti-Semitic actions. A few changes were approved by Lieutenant Colonel Fejlek from the VHU on 06/04/ 1962, to accentuate the alleged Kirschbaum connection to Eichmann. 16 On 20/04/1962 the Prague Ministry of Foreign Affairs notified the Czechoslovak Embassy in Ottawa that the action against Kirschbaum was almost complete . The di stribution of the books would start at the beginning of May, especially to Jewish organizations . The Embassy was asked to pick 30-40 people from the University of Toronto to distribute the book. Ottawa answered affirmatively on 02/05/1962, together with an item for Minister of Northern Affaires and National Resources Walter Dinsdale in the name of a Slovak cultural officer. According to the wishes of the Czechoslovak Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Czechoslovak Council of Jewish Communities was invo lved in this action. The Council informed the Ministry about its actions on 14/06/ 1962. They published the article against Kirschbaum in their special edition of the Informationsbulletin des Rates der judischen Gemeinden in der bohmischen Liindern , which was published in English and German and sent to 479 addresses in Canada, the USA and other countries of the world. 17 In Canada a crucial article against Kirschbaum, entitled Th e Kirschbaum Enigma, was published in the The Canadian Jewish News . On 28/06/1962 the "progressive" Eudove zvesti and later the 16 ibid, files 023794/62-6/ 1, 024172/62 . Archives MZV Prague, f. Territorial departments-Secret (TO-T) 1965-1969, box Kanada I, file 024907/62 and number 073 /62. 17 �SLOVAKIA 2019 79 Czech weekly Nase hlasy joined in. 18 The Czechoslovak Consulate General in Montreal in its report about the Slovak emigration from 27/06/ 1962 reiterated the importance of accusing Kirschbaum as a helper of the Nazis, which would also weaken the position of Stefan B. Roman. 19 The slander campaign against Kirschbaum received a certain reaction in the Canadian press in the summer of 1962 and also provoked some disputes among the leaders of the Canadian Slovak League, which pleased the Czechoslovak authorities. However, the original aim to totally discredit Kirschbaum was not achieved. 20 Kirschbaum defended himself in the press, the American-Canadian Committee for the Defense of Slovak Honour was founded to support him, and Stefan B. Roman supported him as well. Kirschbaum successfully sued The Canadian Jewish News in June of 1963 and the newspaper apologized, publishing "Our Sincere Statement to Dr. Kirschbaum." 21 The publishing of this apology was explained by a letter of 06/08/ 1963, written by a Jewish functionary from Toronto, Herman Landau, who sent it to the Czechoslovak Council for Jewish Communities in Prague. The editor-in-chief, Mr. Niiremberger, was obliged to publish the apology, because he faced a million dollar fine and he would have no witnesses to prove the anti-Kirschbaum statements before a court. Without a living witness, there was no chance to prove before the court the alleged encounter between Kirschbaum and Eichmann. The existing testimony of Dr. Jozef Falath from Austria had no value, since Falath had since changed his mind and was 18 The pro-Czechoslovak newspaper Nase hlasy attacked Kirschbaum already in the spring of 1962, after he was elected vice-president of the Canadian Ethnic Press Association . He was accused of helping the German Nazis in Slovakia. 19 Archives MZV Prague, f. Political reports, box Kanada-Montreal 1948-1973, number 079/62. 20 The secretary of the Canadian Slovak League, Frantisek Kvetan, who often disagreed with Kirschbaum and Roman, welcomed the Jewish critiques of Kirschbaum and refused to apologize, even after the failure of the slander campaign . The issue wasn ' t resolved until 1965 when Kvetan resigned his position. The Czechoslovak authorities followed this issue, which can be shown in the report "Conflicts in the Direction of the Canadian Slovak League", 20/3/ 1965 - Po litical Reports Kanada, Montreal 1948-1973 , number 026/65 . 21 Archives MZV Prague, f. Territorial departments-Secret (TO-T) 1965-1969, box Kanada I, fil e 027282/63. �80 SLOVAKIA 2019 22 now willing to testify on behalf of Kirschbaum. The festivities of the 1100th anniversary of the arrival of Saints Cyril and Methodius on Slovak territory, held in Toronto on 2930/06/1963 , and attemded by 15,000 people, infuriated the Czechoslovak authorities. Paul Martin, Canada's Minister of Foreign Affairs , took part in these festivities and severely condemned Communi sm and supported the liberation of Eastern Europe from Soviet domination. This provoked an official Czechoslovak protest to the Canadian Ministry of Foreign Affairs . Martin, together with Roman , also publicly met with Kirschbaum and expressed their confidence in him. The Czechoslovak Embassy in Ottawa considered this a provocation and on 08/07/1963 it urgently demanded new materials concerning Kirschbaum's alleged collaboration with the Nazis. 23 On I 7/07/1963 the Prague authorities considered their next steps. They faced the danger that Kirschbaum would sue the newspaper Eudove zvesti, which would mean its financial ruin. They decided to protect Eudove zvesti and to reinvolve the Prague Council of Jewish Communities, which would then provide additional arguments to the Canadian Jewish press. It was also necessary to find more of Kirschbaum 's alleged crimes. The meeting held a month later, on 17/08/ 1963 , had a similar aim . The Council of Jewish Communities was asked to spread new incriminating documents to the world. The Slovak Academy of Sciences, particularly their pro-communist historian Liptak, would investigate more of Kirschbaum 's activities. Another extradition request whould be prepared, to include the extradition ofDurcansky and Karmasin from the FRG. 24 The Czechoslovak Embassy in Canada wasn't very optimistic. Ottawa and Montreal wrote a joint report about Kirschbaum on 16/07 / I 963 , stating that Kirschbaum was being strongly defended by all the Slovak separatist emigrants. Canadian politicians assured them that nothing wou ld happen to Kirschbaum, unless he was proven guilty. Also, the editors of Eudove zvesti, Nase hlasy and the communist Canadian Tribune, in danger of being sued, asked for 22 Archives MZV Prague, f. Territorial departments-Secret (TO-T) 1965-1969, box Kanada I, fil e 027282/63. 23 Archives MZV Prague, f. Territorial departments-Secret (TO-T) 1965-1969, box Kanada 2, file 028246/63 . 24 Archives MZV Prague, f. Territorial departments-Secret (TO-T) 1965-1969, box Kanada I, files 027282/63 and 027406/63 . �SLOVAK.IA 2019 81 new materials against Kirschbaum. 25 The functionaries in Prague and Bratislava, with the participation of the Ministry of the Interior and The Historical Institute of the Slovak Academy of Sciences, feverishly searched for new documents. They also gathered files from 1946/4 7, dealing with previous efforts to put Kirschbaum on the United Nations list of war criminals. 26 Kirschbaum and his lawyers were not in a hurry to sue the aforementioned newspapers. They asked Eudove zvesti to publish an apology and pay $5,000 before 27/ 10/ 1963, otherwise they would take them to court. Nevertheless, the editor-in-chief of Eudove zvesti, Jozef Durjancik, after having consulted with Czechoslovak authorities, didn't do anything and time passed without any action.27 During the winter of 1963/64, Durjancik kept on asking for new materials and assured himself of the support of the Czechoslovak authorities. In February of 1964, he commited an indiscretion by sending a letter by regular mail to Prague. The Czechoslovak Ministry of Foreign Affairs was worried that the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) would find out that everything was being directed from Prague, even though the RCMP already suspected it. 28 In March of 1965 Kirschbaum ended up suing the Nase hlasy newspaper. Then, a strange cooperation began began between the Czechoslovak communist authorities, Durjancik, the Council of Jewish Communities in Prague and the Czech emigrant newspaper Nase hlasy, which, despite being anti-communist, wasn ' t ashamed to collaborate with the communists against Kirschbaum. The lawyers for Nase hlasy, Mr. Pepper and Mr. Gellner, visited the Czechoslovak Republic on 20-23/04/ 1965, as the Czechoslovak embassy in Ottawa had recommended. They were unsuccessful in Prague, but in Slovakia, they appreciated the collaboration of the pro-communist historian Liptak and the archivist Michal Chreno. In August of 1965, Liptak sent them, via the Canadian embassy in Prague, 51 photocopies and I 08 photographs alleging that Kirschbaum was a Nazi collaboratot and, in return, he was sent many history books from the West. Chreno also sent several photographs, but he was dissatisfied 25 Ibid, file 027424/63. Ibid, file 029762/63 . 27 Ibid, number 076/63. 28 Archi ves MZV Prague, f. Territorial departments-Secret (TO-T) 1965- 1969, box Kanada 1, fil e 021444/64. 26 �82 SLOVAKIA 2019 with his reward. In the autumn of 1965, Chreno complained to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs that the State Bank refused to pay him $1 06CDN for his parcel. The bank wanted to transfer the payment directly to the National Archives account but he felt that the bank did not appreciate his work. This was the tragicomic end to the action called Kirschbaum , which is conserved in the archives of the Prague Ministry of Foreign Affairs .29 The slander campaigns in the I 960 ' s against Jozef Kirschbaum in Canada and Ferdinand Durcansky in Germany show the unflagging efforts of the Czechoslovak communist authorities to discredit Slovak nationalist emigres around the world. The communist authorities frequently used their subordinate organizations, e.g. the Prague Jewish Community or the Hi storical Institute of the Slovak Academy of Sciences (where Cubomir Liptak played an important role and later was praised by many people). 3 From a long-term perspective, the slander campaigns were unsuccessful, but they left bitter traces and needlessly complicated the lives of many exi le politicians. The extradition requests were always unsuccessful. Such were the activities of commnist authorities against Slovak nationalists who worked for the overthrow of the communist regime and for the independence of Slovakia. ° 29 Ibid. °For examples of such praise see "Zomrel Cubomir Liptak," Sm e (Bratislava), Oc- 3 tober 22, 2003 . � 72 SLOVAKIA 2019 SLOVAK EMIGRES IN THE REPORTS OF THE CZECHOSLOVAK MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS ACTIONS AGAINST FERDINAND DURCANSKY AND JOZEF KIRSCHBAUM (1961-1966/68) Petr Kubik Large quantities of material concerning the Slovak post-war emigration have been preserved in the archives of the Czech Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Prague and are now available to researchers. The post-war Czechoslovak government and foreign offices all over the world followed the activities of various exile leaders and organizations regardless of what country they lived in. Two of these emigre groups were closely watched by the new leaders in power si nce the summer of 1945 - the (Czech General Lev) Prchala Group and Slovak "separatists."' This led to a paradox - often those who were actively involved in following and reporting on the exile leaders between 1945-4 7 went into exile themselves in the spring of 1948. These new exiles would also be followed by their communist successors in the Czechoslovak embassies. 2 It is interesting to compare the state and quality of the different archival materials according to the countries covered. The most informative collections concern the emigres in North and South America. Unlike Australia, where there was little information regarding exiles, the Czechoslovak authorities in Argentina, Canada and USA mapped the situation in a very thorough manner. Regarding Europe, many materials were preserved on Italy (Rome and the Vatican), some in Germany but only scant information from other countries such as France, Switzerland, Austria, Great Britain and Spain. In the present study, using archival materials, I would like to de- 1 The Prchala Group were Czech anti-Benes and anti-Communists, led by General Lev Prchala. They were forbidden to return to their homeland, which was ruled by Benes and the Communists. Slovak "separatists" were supporters of Slovak inderendence, a name given to them by Czechoslovak propaganda. E.g. Vladimir Vanek, Jan Pauliny-T6th (Rome), Frantisek Schwarzenberg (the Vatican), Frantisek Nemec (Ottawa) and Josef Kotrly (Montreal) . �SLOVAKIA 2019 73 scribe how the Czechoslovak authorities in the l 960's took major actions against key Slovak figures in exile. In Canada it was against Dr. Jozef Kirschbaum, former Secretary-General of the Slovak People 's Party in 1939-1940 and in Germany it was against Dr. Ferdinand Durcansky, former Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Slovak Republic, 1939-1940. For administrative reasons Durcansky and the former leader of the German ethnic group in Slovakia, Franz Karmasin, were treated together in the Prague archives. Actions Against Ferdinand Durcansky and Franz Karmasin During 1961-1968 On I 6/02/ 196 I the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (UV KSC) adopted a resolution to prepare and execute a campaign against Ferdinand Durcansky and Franz Karmasin. This was a part of the ongoing campaign against "the West German Revanchists" by the Czechoslovak Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The Ministry charged Karmasin with being "a war criminal," and Durcansky, who also lived in Germany, "the leader of the Slovak fascist emigration." Writing a propaganda brochure about "the fascist activities" of the two aforementioned leaders was assigned to Slovak regime historians -- Cubomir Liptak of the Historical Institute of the Slovak Academy of Sciences (HU SA V) and Lieutenant Colonel Navratil from the Military History Institute (VHU), both in Bratislava. On 02/ 11/1961 Liptak and Navratil went to Prague 's office of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to discuss and finalize some details for their publication, Ve znameni dvou kfizu (In the Sign of the Double Cross). 3 The secret propaganda materials were completed in the winter of 196 1/1962. 3,000 vo lumes of the publication In the Sign of the Double Cross were printed in German, with a planned distribution in Germany and other Western countries . The Czech News Agency (CTK) planned a series of propaganda activities supporting the work by Navratil and Liptak. The Czechoslovak Military Film Institute produced a 25-minute documentary concerning mainl y Franz Karmasi n. During this time, the Czechoslovak Ministry of Justice was 3 Archives MZV Prague, f. Territorial departments-Secret (TO-T) 1965-1969, box NSR 2, fi le 033964/61 -3 �74 SLOVAKIA 2019 preparing extradition requests for Durcansky and Karmasin, although their officers didn ' t believe that they would be successful. In addition, the Regional Court of Bratislava issued new arrest warrants for 4 Durcansky ( on 15/02/1962) and Karmas in (on 14/05/ 1962). In the spring of 1962, the Czechoslovak Ministry of Foregin Affairs presented extradition papers regarding Durcansky and Karmasin to the Embassy of the USA in Prague, because the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) did not have diplomatic relations.5 This took place publicly on 29/05/ l 962 with the official transmission of the diplomatic note to the government of the FRG via the American embassy. There was no response from the FRG. It was a conscious decision of the German authorities not to respond to this Czechoslovak provocation . Next, the Prague regime appealed to the Austrian authorities - the Czechoslovak embassy in Vienna issued an arrest warrant for Durcansky to the Austrian authorities . Despite Czechoslovak insistence on the extradition of Durcansky (a notice written on 22/ 12/ 1962), 6 there was no reaction. In the summer of 1963 , there was still no response from either German or Austrian authorities. Durcansky maintained his activities, even to the extent that he presided at the meeting of the GermanSlovak Society in Munich, held on the occasion of the 24th anniversary of the creation of the Slovak State on 13/03/ l 963. On the occasion of the Sudetenland Day on 3/6/ 1963, the Prague Ministry of Foreign Affairs started a new action with the goal of transmitting new diplomatic notes regarding the arrest of Durcansky to all Western countries. They transmitted again another urgent diplomatic note to the FRG government through the American embassy in Prague.7 On 10/08/ 1965 a Czechoslovak diplomatic note, focusing on Karmasin, 8 was finally transmitted to the American embassy, which passed it on to the German Foreign Office on 23/08/1965. On 4 Ibid, file 0 16696/62-80. In the present study the designation Federal Republic of Germany is used for the West Germany. 6 Archives MZV Prague, f. Territorial departments-Secret (TO-T) 1965-1969, box NSR 2, file 0 16696/62-80. 7 Archives MZV Prague, f. Territorial departments-Secret (TO-T) 1965-1969, box NSR 2, file 025560/63 . 8 Ibid, file 02648 1/65-3 . No justification for this delay is mentioned in the documents. 5 �SLOVAKIA 2019 75 07 /0 l/ 1966 the German Office responded categorically in the negative to the request regarding the extradition. The reason that the German authorities gave was because of the German Constitutional Basic Law and the Extradition Law, with Karmasin being a citizen of Germany and Durcansky being only involved in political activities. 9 The Czechoslovak Ministry of Foreign Affairs then decided to transmit the matter to the Czechoslovak Governmental Commission Charged with Identifying Nazi War Criminals, which was not successful. This Commission was in session on 14/05/1966 and it insisted on the extradition request. They intended to continue publishing propaganda materials and also to requesting the assistance of the Munich Public Prosecutor's Office in investigating Karmasin. 10 The office of the Munich Public Prosecutor sent a letter to Prague on 29/5/1966, asking for more evidence against Karmasin, as the information they had was insufficient to bring charges against him. The Commission took its time and only on 10/ l l/ 1966 did it decide 11 to help the Munich investigation by collecting more evidence. During this time, the Prague Ministry of Foreign Affairs sent a new note to the FRG Foreign Office via the US embassy on 10/ 10/1966, repeating the extradition request. It was rejected by the FRG Foreign Office on 11/7/ 196. It based its decision on the London Agreement of 08/08/ 1945 and the UN Resolution of 11/12/ 1946, that created no legal precedent for extraditing citizens. In response, the Czechoslovak Ministry of Foreign Affairs prepared another diplomatic note, attacking the FRG for this position and demanding the extradition of Durcansky and Karmasin. Otherwise, the Czechoslovaks would refuse to help with the Karmasin process in Munich. The arrival of the Prague Spring in 1968 did not halt this action. Another diplomatic note was delivered to the US embassy on 05/04/ 1968, and during April of 1968 all the embassies of W estem countries and Yugoslavia were notified. 12 The Czechoslovak authorities continued other diplomatic measures against Durcansky. In September of 1968 they protested to the Austrian government against his stay in Austria and in October of 1968 they protested to the US authorities against his travel to the 9 Ibid, file 02230 I /66-4. Ibid, file 024471 /66-4 . 11 Ibid, file 120894/66-4 . 12 Ibid, file 120894/66-4. 10 �76 SLOVAKIA 2019 USA . But the extradition issue was about to end. On 04/10/1968 Mr. Kastl , the head of the Department for Socialist Countries of the Bonn Freign Office, communicated to the Czechoslovak trade representative that he had prepared a negative response to the Czechoslovak diplomatic note from 05/04/1968 . He would not send it officially yet, due to the events of the Prague Spring of August of 1968. The Czechoslovak Commission for War Crimes stated, during their reunion on 05/ 11 / 1968, the impossibility of obtaining the extradition of Durcansky and Karmasin and communicated this information to the Prague Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The Prague Ministry had expected this to happen for some time. 13 The Action Against Jozef Kirschbaum in 1962-1965 At the beginning of the I 960's, the Czechoslovak authorities in Canada (the Embassy in Ottawa and the Consulate General in Montreal) started to worry about the growing influence of Jozef Kirschbaum within the Canadian Slovak League, as well as with Canadian politicians in general. During this time Jozef Kirschbaum lectured at the University of Toronto . In December of 1961 Canadian Prime Minister Diefenbaker received Kirschbaum, as a member of the delegation of the Captive EuropeanNations, and on 08/02/1 962 Kirschbaum was elected vice-president of the Canadian Ethnic Press Association. In addition, his friend and collaborator, the influential entrepreneur Stefan B. Roman , had many contacts with Canadian politicians, especially with Paul Martin, the future Minister of Foreign Affairs . The Czechoslovak authorities started a propaganda campaign against Kirschbaum with the aim of discreditng all Slovak emigres in Canada. On 26/0 I/ 1962 the Czechoslovak Consulate General in Montreal created an extensive document entitled Proposal for Executing the Action Against the Slovak Separatist, Professor Kirschbaum . They proposed to make use of the recent legal proceedings of Israel against the German war criminal Adolf Eichmann and raised the matter of possible other war criminals at large to the attention of the world. Furthermore, they planned to use the anti-Semitic measures taken by the government of Slovakia in 1939-1940 to slander 13 Ibid, file 11 7841 /68-6 . �SLOVAK.IA 2019 77 Kirschbaum, one of the leading figures of the Slovak separatist emigres. It would be a huge political coup for Czechoslovak authorities to discredit Kirschbaum. They planned to proceed in several ways, with the Czechoslovak authorities remaining in the background: a) publish several articles against Kirschbaum in the Canadian procommunist Slovak newspaper Eudove zvesti, b) publish a book in English about Kirschbaum which was being prepared in the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic and disseminate it in Canada, especially among Jews, c) use the Czechoslovak socialist student organizations in Canada to tum students at the University of Toronto against Kirschbaum, and d) review the preparation of an extradition diplo14 matic note. At the Prague Ministry of Foreign Affairs two sessions regarding Kirschbaum were held in February of I 962 . On 19/2/ 1962 it was decided that the book would be changed in order to point out the "fascist activities" of Kirschbaum in 1939-1940, but without offending the Canadian government. They also examined the possibility of extraditing Kirschbaum. At the second session, held on 28/02/ l 962, the final plans were formulated. To prevent the action from looking like a political persecution of Kirschbaum by the communist authorities, all the accusations would be presented by the Jewish Community of Prague, without the official involvement of the Czechoslovak Embassy. All the arguments regarding Kirschbaum 's political activism against the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic would be deleted, but they would focus instead on the anti-Semitic measures of the Slovak State and its collaboration with Eichmann. The first part of the action would consist of sending a small book about Kirschbaum 's activities, printed in English and in French, to several places in Canada. At the beginning of April 1962, Comenius University in Bratislava would contact the University of Toronto and try to discredit Kirschbaum and obtain his dismissal. The second part of the action would come after three weeks of publishing a series of articles in Eudove zvesti, focused not only on Kirschbaum, but against the Slovak exiles in general. Once these actions were finished , an extradition request would be considered. 15 14 Archives MZV Prague, f. Territorial departments-Secret (TO-T) 1965- 1969, box Kanada I, number 020/62-A . 15 Ibid, file 023325/62-6/ 1. �78 SLOVAKIA 2019 The text of the book that severely slandered Kirschbaum was modified many times during the spring of 1962. It contained many false statements and sheer nonsense, in line with the highest communist propaganda. The book stated that the "enraged fascist" Kirschbaum was responsible for the war against the USSR and the elimination of the political opponents of the Hlinka Slovak People's Party (HSI.:S). With the approval of then Prime Minister Vojtech Tuka and Minister of the Interior Alexander Mach, Kirschbaum allegdly led the Slovak embassy in Rome and Bern and he was allegedly a close collaborator of Eichmann . The text was approved on 27 /03/ I 962 by the head of the 3rd department, a certain Mr. Mikestik, with the focus on Kirschbaum 's allegedly anti-Semitic actions. A few changes were approved by Lieutenant Colonel Fejlek from the VHU on 06/04/ 1962, to accentuate the alleged Kirschbaum connection to Eichmann. 16 On 20/04/1962 the Prague Ministry of Foreign Affairs notified the Czechoslovak Embassy in Ottawa that the action against Kirschbaum was almost complete . The di stribution of the books would start at the beginning of May, especially to Jewish organizations . The Embassy was asked to pick 30-40 people from the University of Toronto to distribute the book. Ottawa answered affirmatively on 02/05/1962, together with an item for Minister of Northern Affaires and National Resources Walter Dinsdale in the name of a Slovak cultural officer. According to the wishes of the Czechoslovak Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Czechoslovak Council of Jewish Communities was invo lved in this action. The Council informed the Ministry about its actions on 14/06/ 1962. They published the article against Kirschbaum in their special edition of the Informationsbulletin des Rates der judischen Gemeinden in der bohmischen Liindern , which was published in English and German and sent to 479 addresses in Canada, the USA and other countries of the world. 17 In Canada a crucial article against Kirschbaum, entitled Th e Kirschbaum Enigma, was published in the The Canadian Jewish News . On 28/06/1962 the "progressive" Eudove zvesti and later the 16 ibid, files 023794/62-6/ 1, 024172/62 . Archives MZV Prague, f. Territorial departments-Secret (TO-T) 1965-1969, box Kanada I, file 024907/62 and number 073 /62. 17 �SLOVAKIA 2019 79 Czech weekly Nase hlasy joined in. 18 The Czechoslovak Consulate General in Montreal in its report about the Slovak emigration from 27/06/ 1962 reiterated the importance of accusing Kirschbaum as a helper of the Nazis, which would also weaken the position of Stefan B. Roman. 19 The slander campaign against Kirschbaum received a certain reaction in the Canadian press in the summer of 1962 and also provoked some disputes among the leaders of the Canadian Slovak League, which pleased the Czechoslovak authorities. However, the original aim to totally discredit Kirschbaum was not achieved. 20 Kirschbaum defended himself in the press, the American-Canadian Committee for the Defense of Slovak Honour was founded to support him, and Stefan B. Roman supported him as well. Kirschbaum successfully sued The Canadian Jewish News in June of 1963 and the newspaper apologized, publishing "Our Sincere Statement to Dr. Kirschbaum." 21 The publishing of this apology was explained by a letter of 06/08/ 1963, written by a Jewish functionary from Toronto, Herman Landau, who sent it to the Czechoslovak Council for Jewish Communities in Prague. The editor-in-chief, Mr. Niiremberger, was obliged to publish the apology, because he faced a million dollar fine and he would have no witnesses to prove the anti-Kirschbaum statements before a court. Without a living witness, there was no chance to prove before the court the alleged encounter between Kirschbaum and Eichmann. The existing testimony of Dr. Jozef Falath from Austria had no value, since Falath had since changed his mind and was 18 The pro-Czechoslovak newspaper Nase hlasy attacked Kirschbaum already in the spring of 1962, after he was elected vice-president of the Canadian Ethnic Press Association . He was accused of helping the German Nazis in Slovakia. 19 Archives MZV Prague, f. Political reports, box Kanada-Montreal 1948-1973, number 079/62. 20 The secretary of the Canadian Slovak League, Frantisek Kvetan, who often disagreed with Kirschbaum and Roman, welcomed the Jewish critiques of Kirschbaum and refused to apologize, even after the failure of the slander campaign . The issue wasn ' t resolved until 1965 when Kvetan resigned his position. The Czechoslovak authorities followed this issue, which can be shown in the report "Conflicts in the Direction of the Canadian Slovak League", 20/3/ 1965 - Po litical Reports Kanada, Montreal 1948-1973 , number 026/65 . 21 Archives MZV Prague, f. Territorial departments-Secret (TO-T) 1965-1969, box Kanada I, fil e 027282/63. �80 SLOVAKIA 2019 22 now willing to testify on behalf of Kirschbaum. The festivities of the 1100th anniversary of the arrival of Saints Cyril and Methodius on Slovak territory, held in Toronto on 2930/06/1963 , and attemded by 15,000 people, infuriated the Czechoslovak authorities. Paul Martin, Canada's Minister of Foreign Affairs , took part in these festivities and severely condemned Communi sm and supported the liberation of Eastern Europe from Soviet domination. This provoked an official Czechoslovak protest to the Canadian Ministry of Foreign Affairs . Martin, together with Roman , also publicly met with Kirschbaum and expressed their confidence in him. The Czechoslovak Embassy in Ottawa considered this a provocation and on 08/07/1963 it urgently demanded new materials concerning Kirschbaum's alleged collaboration with the Nazis. 23 On I 7/07/1963 the Prague authorities considered their next steps. They faced the danger that Kirschbaum would sue the newspaper Eudove zvesti, which would mean its financial ruin. They decided to protect Eudove zvesti and to reinvolve the Prague Council of Jewish Communities, which would then provide additional arguments to the Canadian Jewish press. It was also necessary to find more of Kirschbaum 's alleged crimes. The meeting held a month later, on 17/08/ 1963 , had a similar aim . The Council of Jewish Communities was asked to spread new incriminating documents to the world. The Slovak Academy of Sciences, particularly their pro-communist historian Liptak, would investigate more of Kirschbaum 's activities. Another extradition request whould be prepared, to include the extradition ofDurcansky and Karmasin from the FRG. 24 The Czechoslovak Embassy in Canada wasn't very optimistic. Ottawa and Montreal wrote a joint report about Kirschbaum on 16/07 / I 963 , stating that Kirschbaum was being strongly defended by all the Slovak separatist emigrants. Canadian politicians assured them that nothing wou ld happen to Kirschbaum, unless he was proven guilty. Also, the editors of Eudove zvesti, Nase hlasy and the communist Canadian Tribune, in danger of being sued, asked for 22 Archives MZV Prague, f. Territorial departments-Secret (TO-T) 1965-1969, box Kanada I, fil e 027282/63. 23 Archives MZV Prague, f. Territorial departments-Secret (TO-T) 1965-1969, box Kanada 2, file 028246/63 . 24 Archives MZV Prague, f. Territorial departments-Secret (TO-T) 1965-1969, box Kanada I, files 027282/63 and 027406/63 . �SLOVAK.IA 2019 81 new materials against Kirschbaum. 25 The functionaries in Prague and Bratislava, with the participation of the Ministry of the Interior and The Historical Institute of the Slovak Academy of Sciences, feverishly searched for new documents. They also gathered files from 1946/4 7, dealing with previous efforts to put Kirschbaum on the United Nations list of war criminals. 26 Kirschbaum and his lawyers were not in a hurry to sue the aforementioned newspapers. They asked Eudove zvesti to publish an apology and pay $5,000 before 27/ 10/ 1963, otherwise they would take them to court. Nevertheless, the editor-in-chief of Eudove zvesti, Jozef Durjancik, after having consulted with Czechoslovak authorities, didn't do anything and time passed without any action.27 During the winter of 1963/64, Durjancik kept on asking for new materials and assured himself of the support of the Czechoslovak authorities. In February of 1964, he commited an indiscretion by sending a letter by regular mail to Prague. The Czechoslovak Ministry of Foreign Affairs was worried that the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) would find out that everything was being directed from Prague, even though the RCMP already suspected it. 28 In March of 1965 Kirschbaum ended up suing the Nase hlasy newspaper. Then, a strange cooperation began began between the Czechoslovak communist authorities, Durjancik, the Council of Jewish Communities in Prague and the Czech emigrant newspaper Nase hlasy, which, despite being anti-communist, wasn ' t ashamed to collaborate with the communists against Kirschbaum. The lawyers for Nase hlasy, Mr. Pepper and Mr. Gellner, visited the Czechoslovak Republic on 20-23/04/ 1965, as the Czechoslovak embassy in Ottawa had recommended. They were unsuccessful in Prague, but in Slovakia, they appreciated the collaboration of the pro-communist historian Liptak and the archivist Michal Chreno. In August of 1965, Liptak sent them, via the Canadian embassy in Prague, 51 photocopies and I 08 photographs alleging that Kirschbaum was a Nazi collaboratot and, in return, he was sent many history books from the West. Chreno also sent several photographs, but he was dissatisfied 25 Ibid, file 027424/63. Ibid, file 029762/63 . 27 Ibid, number 076/63. 28 Archi ves MZV Prague, f. Territorial departments-Secret (TO-T) 1965- 1969, box Kanada 1, fil e 021444/64. 26 �82 SLOVAKIA 2019 with his reward. In the autumn of 1965, Chreno complained to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs that the State Bank refused to pay him $1 06CDN for his parcel. The bank wanted to transfer the payment directly to the National Archives account but he felt that the bank did not appreciate his work. This was the tragicomic end to the action called Kirschbaum , which is conserved in the archives of the Prague Ministry of Foreign Affairs .29 The slander campaigns in the I 960 ' s against Jozef Kirschbaum in Canada and Ferdinand Durcansky in Germany show the unflagging efforts of the Czechoslovak communist authorities to discredit Slovak nationalist emigres around the world. The communist authorities frequently used their subordinate organizations, e.g. the Prague Jewish Community or the Hi storical Institute of the Slovak Academy of Sciences (where Cubomir Liptak played an important role and later was praised by many people). 3 From a long-term perspective, the slander campaigns were unsuccessful, but they left bitter traces and needlessly complicated the lives of many exi le politicians. The extradition requests were always unsuccessful. Such were the activities of commnist authorities against Slovak nationalists who worked for the overthrow of the communist regime and for the independence of Slovakia. ° 29 Ibid. °For examples of such praise see "Zomrel Cubomir Liptak," Sm e (Bratislava), Oc- 3 tober 22, 2003 . � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2019, Vol. 44 Description An account of the resource Vol. 44 (No. 82-83), 2019. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2019 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 72 SLOVAKIA 2019 SLOVAK EMIGRES IN THE REPORTS OF THE CZECHOSLOVAK MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS ACTIONS AGAINST FERDINAND DURCANSKY AND JOZEF KIRSCHBAUM (1961-1966/68) Petr Kubik Large quantities of material concerning the Slovak post-war emigration have been preserved in the archives of the Czech Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Prague and are now available to researchers. The post-war Czechoslovak government and foreign offices all over the world followed the activities of various exile leaders and organizations regardless of what country they lived in. Two of these emigre groups were closely watched by the new leaders in power si nce the summer of 1945 - the (Czech General Lev) Prchala Group and Slovak "separatists."' This led to a paradox - often those who were actively involved in following and reporting on the exile leaders between 1945-4 7 went into exile themselves in the spring of 1948. These new exiles would also be followed by their communist successors in the Czechoslovak embassies. 2 It is interesting to compare the state and quality of the different archival materials according to the countries covered. The most informative collections concern the emigres in North and South America. Unlike Australia, where there was little information regarding exiles, the Czechoslovak authorities in Argentina, Canada and USA mapped the situation in a very thorough manner. Regarding Europe, many materials were preserved on Italy (Rome and the Vatican), some in Germany but only scant information from other countries such as France, Switzerland, Austria, Great Britain and Spain. In the present study, using archival materials, I would like to de- 1 The Prchala Group were Czech anti-Benes and anti-Communists, led by General Lev Prchala. They were forbidden to return to their homeland, which was ruled by Benes and the Communists. Slovak "separatists" were supporters of Slovak inderendence, a name given to them by Czechoslovak propaganda. E.g. Vladimir Vanek, Jan Pauliny-T6th (Rome), Frantisek Schwarzenberg (the Vatican), Frantisek Nemec (Ottawa) and Josef Kotrly (Montreal) . SLOVAKIA 2019 73 scribe how the Czechoslovak authorities in the l 960's took major actions against key Slovak figures in exile. In Canada it was against Dr. Jozef Kirschbaum, former Secretary-General of the Slovak People 's Party in 1939-1940 and in Germany it was against Dr. Ferdinand Durcansky, former Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Slovak Republic, 1939-1940. For administrative reasons Durcansky and the former leader of the German ethnic group in Slovakia, Franz Karmasin, were treated together in the Prague archives. Actions Against Ferdinand Durcansky and Franz Karmasin During 1961-1968 On I 6/02/ 196 I the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (UV KSC) adopted a resolution to prepare and execute a campaign against Ferdinand Durcansky and Franz Karmasin. This was a part of the ongoing campaign against "the West German Revanchists" by the Czechoslovak Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The Ministry charged Karmasin with being "a war criminal," and Durcansky, who also lived in Germany, "the leader of the Slovak fascist emigration." Writing a propaganda brochure about "the fascist activities" of the two aforementioned leaders was assigned to Slovak regime historians -- Cubomir Liptak of the Historical Institute of the Slovak Academy of Sciences (HU SA V) and Lieutenant Colonel Navratil from the Military History Institute (VHU), both in Bratislava. On 02/ 11/1961 Liptak and Navratil went to Prague 's office of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to discuss and finalize some details for their publication, Ve znameni dvou kfizu (In the Sign of the Double Cross). 3 The secret propaganda materials were completed in the winter of 196 1/1962. 3,000 vo lumes of the publication In the Sign of the Double Cross were printed in German, with a planned distribution in Germany and other Western countries . The Czech News Agency (CTK) planned a series of propaganda activities supporting the work by Navratil and Liptak. The Czechoslovak Military Film Institute produced a 25-minute documentary concerning mainl y Franz Karmasi n. During this time, the Czechoslovak Ministry of Justice was 3 Archives MZV Prague, f. Territorial departments-Secret (TO-T) 1965-1969, box NSR 2, fi le 033964/61 -3 74 SLOVAKIA 2019 preparing extradition requests for Durcansky and Karmasin, although their officers didn ' t believe that they would be successful. In addition, the Regional Court of Bratislava issued new arrest warrants for 4 Durcansky ( on 15/02/1962) and Karmas in (on 14/05/ 1962). In the spring of 1962, the Czechoslovak Ministry of Foregin Affairs presented extradition papers regarding Durcansky and Karmasin to the Embassy of the USA in Prague, because the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) did not have diplomatic relations.5 This took place publicly on 29/05/ l 962 with the official transmission of the diplomatic note to the government of the FRG via the American embassy. There was no response from the FRG. It was a conscious decision of the German authorities not to respond to this Czechoslovak provocation . Next, the Prague regime appealed to the Austrian authorities - the Czechoslovak embassy in Vienna issued an arrest warrant for Durcansky to the Austrian authorities . Despite Czechoslovak insistence on the extradition of Durcansky (a notice written on 22/ 12/ 1962), 6 there was no reaction. In the summer of 1963 , there was still no response from either German or Austrian authorities. Durcansky maintained his activities, even to the extent that he presided at the meeting of the GermanSlovak Society in Munich, held on the occasion of the 24th anniversary of the creation of the Slovak State on 13/03/ l 963. On the occasion of the Sudetenland Day on 3/6/ 1963, the Prague Ministry of Foreign Affairs started a new action with the goal of transmitting new diplomatic notes regarding the arrest of Durcansky to all Western countries. They transmitted again another urgent diplomatic note to the FRG government through the American embassy in Prague.7 On 10/08/ 1965 a Czechoslovak diplomatic note, focusing on Karmasin, 8 was finally transmitted to the American embassy, which passed it on to the German Foreign Office on 23/08/1965. On 4 Ibid, file 0 16696/62-80. In the present study the designation Federal Republic of Germany is used for the West Germany. 6 Archives MZV Prague, f. Territorial departments-Secret (TO-T) 1965-1969, box NSR 2, file 0 16696/62-80. 7 Archives MZV Prague, f. Territorial departments-Secret (TO-T) 1965-1969, box NSR 2, file 025560/63 . 8 Ibid, file 02648 1/65-3 . No justification for this delay is mentioned in the documents. 5 SLOVAKIA 2019 75 07 /0 l/ 1966 the German Office responded categorically in the negative to the request regarding the extradition. The reason that the German authorities gave was because of the German Constitutional Basic Law and the Extradition Law, with Karmasin being a citizen of Germany and Durcansky being only involved in political activities. 9 The Czechoslovak Ministry of Foreign Affairs then decided to transmit the matter to the Czechoslovak Governmental Commission Charged with Identifying Nazi War Criminals, which was not successful. This Commission was in session on 14/05/1966 and it insisted on the extradition request. They intended to continue publishing propaganda materials and also to requesting the assistance of the Munich Public Prosecutor's Office in investigating Karmasin. 10 The office of the Munich Public Prosecutor sent a letter to Prague on 29/5/1966, asking for more evidence against Karmasin, as the information they had was insufficient to bring charges against him. The Commission took its time and only on 10/ l l/ 1966 did it decide 11 to help the Munich investigation by collecting more evidence. During this time, the Prague Ministry of Foreign Affairs sent a new note to the FRG Foreign Office via the US embassy on 10/ 10/1966, repeating the extradition request. It was rejected by the FRG Foreign Office on 11/7/ 196. It based its decision on the London Agreement of 08/08/ 1945 and the UN Resolution of 11/12/ 1946, that created no legal precedent for extraditing citizens. In response, the Czechoslovak Ministry of Foreign Affairs prepared another diplomatic note, attacking the FRG for this position and demanding the extradition of Durcansky and Karmasin. Otherwise, the Czechoslovaks would refuse to help with the Karmasin process in Munich. The arrival of the Prague Spring in 1968 did not halt this action. Another diplomatic note was delivered to the US embassy on 05/04/ 1968, and during April of 1968 all the embassies of W estem countries and Yugoslavia were notified. 12 The Czechoslovak authorities continued other diplomatic measures against Durcansky. In September of 1968 they protested to the Austrian government against his stay in Austria and in October of 1968 they protested to the US authorities against his travel to the 9 Ibid, file 02230 I /66-4. Ibid, file 024471 /66-4 . 11 Ibid, file 120894/66-4 . 12 Ibid, file 120894/66-4. 10 76 SLOVAKIA 2019 USA . But the extradition issue was about to end. On 04/10/1968 Mr. Kastl , the head of the Department for Socialist Countries of the Bonn Freign Office, communicated to the Czechoslovak trade representative that he had prepared a negative response to the Czechoslovak diplomatic note from 05/04/1968 . He would not send it officially yet, due to the events of the Prague Spring of August of 1968. The Czechoslovak Commission for War Crimes stated, during their reunion on 05/ 11 / 1968, the impossibility of obtaining the extradition of Durcansky and Karmasin and communicated this information to the Prague Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The Prague Ministry had expected this to happen for some time. 13 The Action Against Jozef Kirschbaum in 1962-1965 At the beginning of the I 960's, the Czechoslovak authorities in Canada (the Embassy in Ottawa and the Consulate General in Montreal) started to worry about the growing influence of Jozef Kirschbaum within the Canadian Slovak League, as well as with Canadian politicians in general. During this time Jozef Kirschbaum lectured at the University of Toronto . In December of 1961 Canadian Prime Minister Diefenbaker received Kirschbaum, as a member of the delegation of the Captive EuropeanNations, and on 08/02/1 962 Kirschbaum was elected vice-president of the Canadian Ethnic Press Association. In addition, his friend and collaborator, the influential entrepreneur Stefan B. Roman , had many contacts with Canadian politicians, especially with Paul Martin, the future Minister of Foreign Affairs . The Czechoslovak authorities started a propaganda campaign against Kirschbaum with the aim of discreditng all Slovak emigres in Canada. On 26/0 I/ 1962 the Czechoslovak Consulate General in Montreal created an extensive document entitled Proposal for Executing the Action Against the Slovak Separatist, Professor Kirschbaum . They proposed to make use of the recent legal proceedings of Israel against the German war criminal Adolf Eichmann and raised the matter of possible other war criminals at large to the attention of the world. Furthermore, they planned to use the anti-Semitic measures taken by the government of Slovakia in 1939-1940 to slander 13 Ibid, file 11 7841 /68-6 . SLOVAK.IA 2019 77 Kirschbaum, one of the leading figures of the Slovak separatist emigres. It would be a huge political coup for Czechoslovak authorities to discredit Kirschbaum. They planned to proceed in several ways, with the Czechoslovak authorities remaining in the background: a) publish several articles against Kirschbaum in the Canadian procommunist Slovak newspaper Eudove zvesti, b) publish a book in English about Kirschbaum which was being prepared in the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic and disseminate it in Canada, especially among Jews, c) use the Czechoslovak socialist student organizations in Canada to tum students at the University of Toronto against Kirschbaum, and d) review the preparation of an extradition diplo14 matic note. At the Prague Ministry of Foreign Affairs two sessions regarding Kirschbaum were held in February of I 962 . On 19/2/ 1962 it was decided that the book would be changed in order to point out the "fascist activities" of Kirschbaum in 1939-1940, but without offending the Canadian government. They also examined the possibility of extraditing Kirschbaum. At the second session, held on 28/02/ l 962, the final plans were formulated. To prevent the action from looking like a political persecution of Kirschbaum by the communist authorities, all the accusations would be presented by the Jewish Community of Prague, without the official involvement of the Czechoslovak Embassy. All the arguments regarding Kirschbaum 's political activism against the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic would be deleted, but they would focus instead on the anti-Semitic measures of the Slovak State and its collaboration with Eichmann. The first part of the action would consist of sending a small book about Kirschbaum 's activities, printed in English and in French, to several places in Canada. At the beginning of April 1962, Comenius University in Bratislava would contact the University of Toronto and try to discredit Kirschbaum and obtain his dismissal. The second part of the action would come after three weeks of publishing a series of articles in Eudove zvesti, focused not only on Kirschbaum, but against the Slovak exiles in general. Once these actions were finished , an extradition request would be considered. 15 14 Archives MZV Prague, f. Territorial departments-Secret (TO-T) 1965- 1969, box Kanada I, number 020/62-A . 15 Ibid, file 023325/62-6/ 1. 78 SLOVAKIA 2019 The text of the book that severely slandered Kirschbaum was modified many times during the spring of 1962. It contained many false statements and sheer nonsense, in line with the highest communist propaganda. The book stated that the "enraged fascist" Kirschbaum was responsible for the war against the USSR and the elimination of the political opponents of the Hlinka Slovak People's Party (HSI.:S). With the approval of then Prime Minister Vojtech Tuka and Minister of the Interior Alexander Mach, Kirschbaum allegdly led the Slovak embassy in Rome and Bern and he was allegedly a close collaborator of Eichmann . The text was approved on 27 /03/ I 962 by the head of the 3rd department, a certain Mr. Mikestik, with the focus on Kirschbaum 's allegedly anti-Semitic actions. A few changes were approved by Lieutenant Colonel Fejlek from the VHU on 06/04/ 1962, to accentuate the alleged Kirschbaum connection to Eichmann. 16 On 20/04/1962 the Prague Ministry of Foreign Affairs notified the Czechoslovak Embassy in Ottawa that the action against Kirschbaum was almost complete . The di stribution of the books would start at the beginning of May, especially to Jewish organizations . The Embassy was asked to pick 30-40 people from the University of Toronto to distribute the book. Ottawa answered affirmatively on 02/05/1962, together with an item for Minister of Northern Affaires and National Resources Walter Dinsdale in the name of a Slovak cultural officer. According to the wishes of the Czechoslovak Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Czechoslovak Council of Jewish Communities was invo lved in this action. The Council informed the Ministry about its actions on 14/06/ 1962. They published the article against Kirschbaum in their special edition of the Informationsbulletin des Rates der judischen Gemeinden in der bohmischen Liindern , which was published in English and German and sent to 479 addresses in Canada, the USA and other countries of the world. 17 In Canada a crucial article against Kirschbaum, entitled Th e Kirschbaum Enigma, was published in the The Canadian Jewish News . On 28/06/1962 the "progressive" Eudove zvesti and later the 16 ibid, files 023794/62-6/ 1, 024172/62 . Archives MZV Prague, f. Territorial departments-Secret (TO-T) 1965-1969, box Kanada I, file 024907/62 and number 073 /62. 17 SLOVAKIA 2019 79 Czech weekly Nase hlasy joined in. 18 The Czechoslovak Consulate General in Montreal in its report about the Slovak emigration from 27/06/ 1962 reiterated the importance of accusing Kirschbaum as a helper of the Nazis, which would also weaken the position of Stefan B. Roman. 19 The slander campaign against Kirschbaum received a certain reaction in the Canadian press in the summer of 1962 and also provoked some disputes among the leaders of the Canadian Slovak League, which pleased the Czechoslovak authorities. However, the original aim to totally discredit Kirschbaum was not achieved. 20 Kirschbaum defended himself in the press, the American-Canadian Committee for the Defense of Slovak Honour was founded to support him, and Stefan B. Roman supported him as well. Kirschbaum successfully sued The Canadian Jewish News in June of 1963 and the newspaper apologized, publishing "Our Sincere Statement to Dr. Kirschbaum." 21 The publishing of this apology was explained by a letter of 06/08/ 1963, written by a Jewish functionary from Toronto, Herman Landau, who sent it to the Czechoslovak Council for Jewish Communities in Prague. The editor-in-chief, Mr. Niiremberger, was obliged to publish the apology, because he faced a million dollar fine and he would have no witnesses to prove the anti-Kirschbaum statements before a court. Without a living witness, there was no chance to prove before the court the alleged encounter between Kirschbaum and Eichmann. The existing testimony of Dr. Jozef Falath from Austria had no value, since Falath had since changed his mind and was 18 The pro-Czechoslovak newspaper Nase hlasy attacked Kirschbaum already in the spring of 1962, after he was elected vice-president of the Canadian Ethnic Press Association . He was accused of helping the German Nazis in Slovakia. 19 Archives MZV Prague, f. Political reports, box Kanada-Montreal 1948-1973, number 079/62. 20 The secretary of the Canadian Slovak League, Frantisek Kvetan, who often disagreed with Kirschbaum and Roman, welcomed the Jewish critiques of Kirschbaum and refused to apologize, even after the failure of the slander campaign . The issue wasn ' t resolved until 1965 when Kvetan resigned his position. The Czechoslovak authorities followed this issue, which can be shown in the report "Conflicts in the Direction of the Canadian Slovak League", 20/3/ 1965 - Po litical Reports Kanada, Montreal 1948-1973 , number 026/65 . 21 Archives MZV Prague, f. Territorial departments-Secret (TO-T) 1965-1969, box Kanada I, fil e 027282/63. 80 SLOVAKIA 2019 22 now willing to testify on behalf of Kirschbaum. The festivities of the 1100th anniversary of the arrival of Saints Cyril and Methodius on Slovak territory, held in Toronto on 2930/06/1963 , and attemded by 15,000 people, infuriated the Czechoslovak authorities. Paul Martin, Canada's Minister of Foreign Affairs , took part in these festivities and severely condemned Communi sm and supported the liberation of Eastern Europe from Soviet domination. This provoked an official Czechoslovak protest to the Canadian Ministry of Foreign Affairs . Martin, together with Roman , also publicly met with Kirschbaum and expressed their confidence in him. The Czechoslovak Embassy in Ottawa considered this a provocation and on 08/07/1963 it urgently demanded new materials concerning Kirschbaum's alleged collaboration with the Nazis. 23 On I 7/07/1963 the Prague authorities considered their next steps. They faced the danger that Kirschbaum would sue the newspaper Eudove zvesti, which would mean its financial ruin. They decided to protect Eudove zvesti and to reinvolve the Prague Council of Jewish Communities, which would then provide additional arguments to the Canadian Jewish press. It was also necessary to find more of Kirschbaum 's alleged crimes. The meeting held a month later, on 17/08/ 1963 , had a similar aim . The Council of Jewish Communities was asked to spread new incriminating documents to the world. The Slovak Academy of Sciences, particularly their pro-communist historian Liptak, would investigate more of Kirschbaum 's activities. Another extradition request whould be prepared, to include the extradition ofDurcansky and Karmasin from the FRG. 24 The Czechoslovak Embassy in Canada wasn't very optimistic. Ottawa and Montreal wrote a joint report about Kirschbaum on 16/07 / I 963 , stating that Kirschbaum was being strongly defended by all the Slovak separatist emigrants. Canadian politicians assured them that nothing wou ld happen to Kirschbaum, unless he was proven guilty. Also, the editors of Eudove zvesti, Nase hlasy and the communist Canadian Tribune, in danger of being sued, asked for 22 Archives MZV Prague, f. Territorial departments-Secret (TO-T) 1965-1969, box Kanada I, fil e 027282/63. 23 Archives MZV Prague, f. Territorial departments-Secret (TO-T) 1965-1969, box Kanada 2, file 028246/63 . 24 Archives MZV Prague, f. Territorial departments-Secret (TO-T) 1965-1969, box Kanada I, files 027282/63 and 027406/63 . SLOVAK.IA 2019 81 new materials against Kirschbaum. 25 The functionaries in Prague and Bratislava, with the participation of the Ministry of the Interior and The Historical Institute of the Slovak Academy of Sciences, feverishly searched for new documents. They also gathered files from 1946/4 7, dealing with previous efforts to put Kirschbaum on the United Nations list of war criminals. 26 Kirschbaum and his lawyers were not in a hurry to sue the aforementioned newspapers. They asked Eudove zvesti to publish an apology and pay $5,000 before 27/ 10/ 1963, otherwise they would take them to court. Nevertheless, the editor-in-chief of Eudove zvesti, Jozef Durjancik, after having consulted with Czechoslovak authorities, didn't do anything and time passed without any action.27 During the winter of 1963/64, Durjancik kept on asking for new materials and assured himself of the support of the Czechoslovak authorities. In February of 1964, he commited an indiscretion by sending a letter by regular mail to Prague. The Czechoslovak Ministry of Foreign Affairs was worried that the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) would find out that everything was being directed from Prague, even though the RCMP already suspected it. 28 In March of 1965 Kirschbaum ended up suing the Nase hlasy newspaper. Then, a strange cooperation began began between the Czechoslovak communist authorities, Durjancik, the Council of Jewish Communities in Prague and the Czech emigrant newspaper Nase hlasy, which, despite being anti-communist, wasn ' t ashamed to collaborate with the communists against Kirschbaum. The lawyers for Nase hlasy, Mr. Pepper and Mr. Gellner, visited the Czechoslovak Republic on 20-23/04/ 1965, as the Czechoslovak embassy in Ottawa had recommended. They were unsuccessful in Prague, but in Slovakia, they appreciated the collaboration of the pro-communist historian Liptak and the archivist Michal Chreno. In August of 1965, Liptak sent them, via the Canadian embassy in Prague, 51 photocopies and I 08 photographs alleging that Kirschbaum was a Nazi collaboratot and, in return, he was sent many history books from the West. Chreno also sent several photographs, but he was dissatisfied 25 Ibid, file 027424/63. Ibid, file 029762/63 . 27 Ibid, number 076/63. 28 Archi ves MZV Prague, f. Territorial departments-Secret (TO-T) 1965- 1969, box Kanada 1, fil e 021444/64. 26 82 SLOVAKIA 2019 with his reward. In the autumn of 1965, Chreno complained to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs that the State Bank refused to pay him $1 06CDN for his parcel. The bank wanted to transfer the payment directly to the National Archives account but he felt that the bank did not appreciate his work. This was the tragicomic end to the action called Kirschbaum , which is conserved in the archives of the Prague Ministry of Foreign Affairs .29 The slander campaigns in the I 960 ' s against Jozef Kirschbaum in Canada and Ferdinand Durcansky in Germany show the unflagging efforts of the Czechoslovak communist authorities to discredit Slovak nationalist emigres around the world. The communist authorities frequently used their subordinate organizations, e.g. the Prague Jewish Community or the Hi storical Institute of the Slovak Academy of Sciences (where Cubomir Liptak played an important role and later was praised by many people). 3 From a long-term perspective, the slander campaigns were unsuccessful, but they left bitter traces and needlessly complicated the lives of many exi le politicians. The extradition requests were always unsuccessful. Such were the activities of commnist authorities against Slovak nationalists who worked for the overthrow of the communist regime and for the independence of Slovakia. ° 29 Ibid. °For examples of such praise see "Zomrel Cubomir Liptak," Sm e (Bratislava), Oc- 3 tober 22, 2003 .  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovak Émigrés in the Reports of the Czechoslovak Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Actions against Ferdinand Ďurčanský and Jozef Kirschbaum (1961-1966/68) Description An account of the resource Petr Kubík Slovakia, Vol. 44 (No. 82-83), 2019 pp. 72-82 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Kubík, Petr, 1963- Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2019 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/f2ad07509c80b9071281fcec807f2ce1.pdf 0a55e7d08c78272e510ec71b44796bee PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 47 have fought for the liberation. of his people from all alien tyranny, including the Czech brand as represented by T. G. Masaryk an.d Benes. S,lo,vaJks eveTywhere commemorate May 4th as Stefani'k Day, because it was on May 4, 1919, that their beloved wair hero crashed to his death in a plaine which was "a~cidentally" shot down by a Czech garrison at Vajnory, Slovakia. Many Slovaiks even todiay will tell you 1:!hat Stefanik haid to die, because he never consented to his Slovakiia being a colony o,£ the imperialistic Czechs led by T. G. Masarylk and Benes. On May 4, 1954, Slova,ks everywhere will recall: "it was 35 yeaI'S ago thait Stefarnk was killed by the men who resented his warnings rugainst Bolshevism. " • • • SLOVAK FOLKLORE GOLDILOCKS Once UlpOn a time there was a very poor blacksmith. At one time 'he fared weH, but then hard times struck, he had little work to do., and his wiife and small children were always hungry. Finally he lost everything; at hOlme he had not!hing left but seven ,pennies. His undernourished children cried constantly for something to eat until the blacksmith could stand it no longer. In his despair he boU!ght a rope witlh his last seven ,p ennies and started out for the hills to end it all. When he came into the hills, he sought out a stout branch on a mighty tree to which he fixed the roipe. As the bla;cksmith was a;bout to tie the rope albout his neck, a ,pretty black maiden suddenly appeared .b efore him and pleaded wHJh him not to hang himself, 1b ecause that was not a nice thing to do and, then, it was also a sin. The b,lacksmith was stunned when the black maiden disappeared into the nowhere whence she had come. As he waliked along, his mind wandered baok home where misery and want ruled and again he became despondent. U!P went his rope onto another stout ,h ranch. .&gain the blaJCk maiden s,uddemy appeaired out of the blue and begged him not to commit such an ugly deed. In a quadary, the blactksmith shoo'k his head, bwt said nothing. He did not throw away his rope, but stood �48 SLOVAKIA motionless for some moments. When the maiden disa:ppea.rred once a:gain, file hl.ooksmith pondered his misery over again and again, reruched the deci'sion to end it all. Once more the rope went wp airound the stQ!Ut branch. As he was nixing the other end rubout his neck, however, file bea,utiful black maiden aippeared directly before him and said: "Do not ha:n1g yourself, iblalCiksmith, do not hang yourse1f ! I will he1p you in yoUT misery. I wiH give you all the weali!h you desire, if you only promise me something you haJVe at home but about whiich you are not awa,re." "Huh, well whait can this be in my 'barren home about which I know nothing?" pondered the blaclrnmith, "this must undoulbtedly be some kind of a jo!ke!" But the blaciksmith promised the black maiden what she had requested, if she would only help him out of his misery. Fortiliiwith, the lo;ve:ly yourng black maiden filled a pouch with money and go ld and said: "Here you have what I promised you. And for what you ha,ve promised me I shall come in seven years." The lovely blaiok lady disaippeared just as mysteriously as she had appeared. The blaclksmith couhl scarcely believe what had haippened, but there was· the pouch with money and gold! He snatched it and hurried home. He cried joyously as he burst into his humble shack and poured the money and gold on the truble. His wife and children were stunned momentarily. Soon they had plenty of food on the taJble with which the SJtaI1Ved children stuffed themselves. Mter aN had had their fill, the wife turned to her husband and asked how he hrud come by all that money and goJ.d. "Thinlk nothing of it," reiplied the blacksmith, "it was just some kind oif a jolke. To get this money and gold I only had to promise to give something aJbout which I know nothing." As he sipoike these words, his wife beca:me frightened and screaJmed: "Noiw you did it. Why, you sold yoUT own child before it was born." The blaok,s mith also became frightened, but what could he do ? He gaJVe his word and had to keep it. 1 �49 SLOVAKIA Soon after the blaciksmith's wife gave birth to a beautiful, deHghtful girl with golden hair and a golden star on her forehead. Na:tura:lly, they called their little girl "Goldilocks." They cared for the child with love and tenderness and brought her U!p as best the¥ could. Their haippiness was marred only .by the thought that Goldilociks was their own and, yet, she was not. Exactly seven years after Goldilocks was bo rn, a black coach stopped in front of the blacksmith's ho:rne and out of it carrne the bladk maiden. The parents pleaded with the maiden, but to no awail. She placed Goldilocks beside her in the coach and started off. The blacksmith and his wife wailed and cried as they ran after the coach to the end of the viHruge. They woUJld hacve followed it farther, but the black maiden threatened to bewitch them id: they did. Sorrowfully they returned home and cried pitifUJlly for their beautiful Goidilociks, whom they thought they had lost forever. 1 . The blaick lady and· Goldilo:clks literally flew in the bla~k coach OJVer desolate lands rund dense forests until they firnillly came to a 'great, beaiutiful castle. The black maiden took Goldilociks into the castle, led heir through ninety-nine rooms and then said to her: "Here, my child, you shall res,ide. Ta.O{e care of these ninety-nine rooms for me. You can walk into and stay in any of the rooms yo:u please, but do not dare to look in the remaining room the hundredth room - belcause you shall fare badly. In seven years we shall meet again; until then fare thee weM!" As she spoke these words, the !black maiden disa;ppeared. For se'Ven whole years there was no sound or trace of the black maiden. And for seven long years our Goldilocks lived contentedly in the castle. She walked in and out of the ninety-nine rooms, sweeipinig and cleaning them so that everything glittered lilke gold. Of course, she was tempted to look into t:he hundredth room manry times, but resisted the temptation successfully, even though the thought of that room kept her awake many ni'ghts. �50 SLOVAKIA SuTe enoUJgh, when seven years had passed by, the blaclk maJden returned to the ,c astle and Goldilodks. "Did you look into the hundredth room?" she asked. GoldilO'C/k1s replied that she had not. Of course, the bl8.1Ck maiden lkneiw that; she was very hruppy that Goldilocks spO!ke the tmth. After repeating the order to Goldilocks, the black maiden a;gain disaippeared. · Our Gold.ilodks kept going throUJg,h the 1beautifu:l, spacious ninety-nine rooms day after day, cileanmg them so that they sparkled l.ilke mirrors.. Year after year ,p assed like a drnrum. As the second seven year period was coming to a close, our GoldUocks thoUJght how the black maiden would praise her :fior keepmg the rooms in such good order, when suddenly she heand deligh'bf.wl m1US1i.c flowing out of the last room, the hiUildTetltih room. L:i!ke a deer she ran to the door and paused mornentarilry. Enchanted by the sweet strains, Go'1dilook,s turned the iknob and, before she could realize what she had done, she was inside the room. In this hlJIIldiredith room twelve b,ewitiched persons were sitting behind •a talble. They were sitting there exa,ctly as they had been ait the time they were put under the spell. Still another man stood behind the door and this one said to Goldi-looks : "Goldilocks, for heaven's sake, do not diV11.1lge what you harve nOIW seen in this room! No matter what the · b1ack maiden does to you, do not let her know the sooret of thls ro.om. If you sary e1Ven one wo,nd aJbout this, you yourse:llf shall be unhappy eternaJlly and we wiU continue to remain here ac-cursed.'' Witlh this a dead silence followed. Goldilocks, frightened and stunned, ran out of the roo,m as speedily as she had entered it. Goldilocks did not e1Ven notice how or when the blaok maiden a;ppearetl beifo.re her, but there s:he was! Of course, t!he maiden knew that Goldilocks had seen that last room in the castle. Pointing aocusingly at Goldilooks, the black -ma,i den said: "Go1ldilociks, Goldilocks, what have you ·done? You haive looked into that hundredth- r-oom! Now, tell me, what did you see there'?" �SLOVAKIA 51 Goldilocks, however, denied she had seen anything. When the black maiiden realized that she could get no pl'cree wit'h Goldi.looks iby being nice, she begaJil to threaten her in various ways, but Goldilocks stood her ground and refused to divulge what she had seen in that last room. Finally, the bladk maiden screamed angrHy: "You have one more chance to teH me what you sa;w in that last room. If you do not tell, I shaJl throw you into the well and you shall become dumb!" Goldiloclks stead!fastly refused to answer, and the black maiden aictual:Iy threw her into a deep well and put a spell on her so that she could not sipeaJk with any one except the black lady. When Goldilocks regaii.ned her senses in the weill, she found herselrf on a sand bottom, and, lo and behold, she saw a large tunnel on the one side. She went into the passage and followed it until she eme11ged onto a delightful meadow. She remained there feeding herse1f with strawiberries and roots Olf plants. The blacik maiden, however, kept on appearing quite frequently. She continued to beg and threaten Goldilocks to learn the secret of the hundredth room in the castle, but Goldilocks fi:rnnly red'used to divulge the secret . • It so happened that in the vicinity of the meadow a youthful king went ahuntmg. As he hunted, he came wpon the meadow and fo.un.d our beautifiul Goldi.looks fast asleep on the grass. The young king ga;zed on Goldilocks in amazement and wondered how in t.l-ie world such a 1beautirful girl could be found on a meadow. And the more he looked at her, the more he, was eniamored of her. Finally, he decided to a,w aken her, taJke her home and maJke her his 'bride, no matter what t'he people might say aJbout it. He touched Goldilocks and awoke her. The young king asked her who she was and where she came from. But our Goldifodks could utter not a worn. The king thought this was 'because she was frightened or that she was bashful. He repeated tJhe· questions and then asked her whether she would go witih him to hi's castle. In answer to hi:s last question, Goldi-looks gesticulated with her hands and head that �52 SLOVAKIA she would be hruppy to go. So· the young king took her to his castle, dressed her up in beautiful clothes and soon after married her. Althouigih Goldilooks could not utter a word, the youthful king loved her so mUJoh that he did not care whether she could sipeaJk oir not and he lived with her peacefully and h~ily. After rubout a year, Goldilocks became very sad and fearf,u l; something troulbled her as the day drew near to give birth to her clhild. Wihen that time ca'Ine, our Goldilocks gruve birth to a delightd'ul boy with golden hair and witlh a golden star on his forehead. The . young king was overcome with joy. Ii:mmediately he invited all the landlords of the vicinity to a great feast so that they could share his joy with him. His happiness, however, soon changed into. a great sorrow. One night the black maiden ruppeared before Goldilocks and threatened to strangle her golden-haired boy, if she did not divulge what she had seen in that last room of the castle. Goldilooks became cold with fright and shook like an aSlpell tree, but she revealed norbhi1llg. "You yourself shall not fare well," screamed the blacik maiden. When Goldilocks refused to reiveal what she saw in that last room, the lady in black seized her beautiful boy and choked him. Smearing Goldilocks' mouth with blood, t!he 'blaclk maiden diSaippeared as mysteriously as she had appeared. When the i:nlfant boy was found dead the next morning, confusion and fright seized all in the castle. 'Dhe king was paled with fear and sorrow. He had every nook and cranny of the castle searched to find the guilty one, but the search proved fruitless. Since GoldHoclks' mouth was covered with blood, :people began to say that she had killed her own son: Our Goldilocks, of course, was innocent, but she oould not say a word in her own defense. The people of the castle said that she desenved to die for what she had done. The king heard all this, but continiued to liive with GoJidHooks in peace because he loved her intensely. A year later our Goldilocks gave birth to a charming girl with golden loclcs and a golden star on her forehead. The king was wi'ld with joy. To forestall all misfortune, 1 �SLOVAKIA 53 however, he immediately ordered a guard pla~ in Goldilocks' room throughout the night. But even this precaution meant nothing, because the blaok maiden bewitched the entire guard so that the men fell a,sloop lhl{e logs of wood. Then she approached Goldilooks and saiid: "You see, y;ou cannot escape me," she cacikled, "and I aan deternnined to learn what you sa,w in that last room of the castle. If you do not ten me noiw, you shall perish in o.ne way or another. 1if I now strangle your daughter, the king will most certainly haNe you burned." Goldilocik.s, however, remained as firm as a rock and said nothing. The black maiden then seized the infant girl and choked her. Again she smeared Goldilocks' mouth with blood and then disappeared. When the infant princess was found dead the next morning and the guard insisted that no one entered or left the room all n~ght, the king became exiceedingly angry, Again he had every nooik and cranny of the castle searched for the murderer, but to no avail. The king simply could not believe that Goldilociks was guilty of strangling her own child. But people said that under the circumstan,ces no1body could have ·k illed the child except the queen herself, because the room was under guard the whole night. Even her mouth was bloody, they sa,id, and she could not utter a word. A strange, dreadful creature, indeed, they thought. Overcome with grief, the king was at last influenced by what was being said rubowt GoJ.dilocks and he ordered her to be put to death. The hrupless GoldilO'dk:s wrus led outside the town and tied to a stake. A£ter dTy wood was placed all around her, the kinig ordered it to be fired. But at that moment a bla:cik coa:ch thundered through the dense throng witnessing the exooution and came to .a sudden halt near Goldilocks. Out came the black maiden who said: "You see, my words are being fulfilled. Your destruction is at hand. This is your last opportunity to tell me what you saiw in that last room in my castle. Now, tell me what did you see there?" �54 SLOVAKIA Goldilocks, however, kept her silence a:nd adamantly refused to tell the black maiden what she had seen. in that hundrndth roam of her castle. When the wood was lighted and the flames began to lerup toward Goldtlook s, the bl,a ck maiden suddenly began to chaJil!ge and her faJce became white. She ordered the fire extinguished, beca:U!se Goldilocks was innocent. Then she turned to Goldilocks and said: "It is your good fortune as well as mine, that you did not betra.y the secret olf that laist room in my castle. And because you keipt yoll!r secret well, the evil spell over me and the twelve men you saiw in that last room is broken. If you haid betrayed the seJCret, rul:I oif us, including y,ournelf, would have been doomed eternally! " To the utter SU11Prise olf the confoll!11ded throng, the beautifwl maiden then reached Ol\lt to Gol<lilOIC:ks a:nd returned her tiwo ch!ildren U!Ilhairmed and. whole. Within a flas h the coach disruppeared - a;s if a hurricane had carried it away. Goldilodkis then told the king the story from the very beginmg. '!1he 'king was dwmfounded; he coi.rl.d scan:ely believe his eyes and ears. But what could he do? His children, straingled under mysterious civcumstances, were alive and haippy. Overtaken with joy, the king emlbrruced his wife and his chi:1dren, tea:rfu!lly begging Goldilocks to forgirve hi'In for the terrible mistaJke he had made. Then he too>k his wife and ohildren to his east:le, where they lived happily thereafter. Of course, the king sought out the parents of Goldilocks, the b'la'dksmith and his wife, and had them brought to his ca_stle where they all lived hruppily together until the end of their da;ys. 1 • • WHO SAID IT? "LONG I.JIVE THE SOWET UNION AND MAY I'DS SOVIET LEADER AND .SKllPPER, J. V. STA.LEN LIVE IN FULL HEALTH TO SIDE M,ANY MORE OF ITS JOYOUS JUB1L:IDES!" - (Dr. Joseiph Lettrich, Vfoe-Chair1man of the Execl.lltive Committee of the "Council of Free Czechoslava,kia," C.NS, Norvem/ber 7, 1947). � SLOVAKIA 47 have fought for the liberation. of his people from all alien tyranny, including the Czech brand as represented by T. G. Masaryk an.d Benes. S,lo,vaJks eveTywhere commemorate May 4th as Stefani'k Day, because it was on May 4, 1919, that their beloved wair hero crashed to his death in a plaine which was "a~cidentally" shot down by a Czech garrison at Vajnory, Slovakia. Many Slovaiks even todiay will tell you 1:!hat Stefanik haid to die, because he never consented to his Slovakiia being a colony o,£ the imperialistic Czechs led by T. G. Masarylk and Benes. On May 4, 1954, Slova,ks everywhere will recall: "it was 35 yeaI'S ago thait Stefarnk was killed by the men who resented his warnings rugainst Bolshevism. " • • • SLOVAK FOLKLORE GOLDILOCKS Once UlpOn a time there was a very poor blacksmith. At one time 'he fared weH, but then hard times struck, he had little work to do., and his wiife and small children were always hungry. Finally he lost everything; at hOlme he had not!hing left but seven ,pennies. His undernourished children cried constantly for something to eat until the blacksmith could stand it no longer. In his despair he boU!ght a rope witlh his last seven ,p ennies and started out for the hills to end it all. When he came into the hills, he sought out a stout branch on a mighty tree to which he fixed the roipe. As the bla;cksmith was a;bout to tie the rope albout his neck, a ,pretty black maiden suddenly appeared .b efore him and pleaded wHJh him not to hang himself, 1b ecause that was not a nice thing to do and, then, it was also a sin. The b,lacksmith was stunned when the black maiden disappeared into the nowhere whence she had come. As he waliked along, his mind wandered baok home where misery and want ruled and again he became despondent. U!P went his rope onto another stout ,h ranch. .&gain the blaJCk maiden s,uddemy appeaired out of the blue and begged him not to commit such an ugly deed. In a quadary, the blactksmith shoo'k his head, bwt said nothing. He did not throw away his rope, but stood �48 SLOVAKIA motionless for some moments. When the maiden disa:ppea.rred once a:gain, file hl.ooksmith pondered his misery over again and again, reruched the deci'sion to end it all. Once more the rope went wp airound the stQ!Ut branch. As he was nixing the other end rubout his neck, however, file bea,utiful black maiden aippeared directly before him and said: "Do not ha:n1g yourself, iblalCiksmith, do not hang yourse1f ! I will he1p you in yoUT misery. I wiH give you all the weali!h you desire, if you only promise me something you haJVe at home but about whiich you are not awa,re." "Huh, well whait can this be in my 'barren home about which I know nothing?" pondered the blaclrnmith, "this must undoulbtedly be some kind of a jo!ke!" But the blaciksmith promised the black maiden what she had requested, if she would only help him out of his misery. Fortiliiwith, the lo;ve:ly yourng black maiden filled a pouch with money and go ld and said: "Here you have what I promised you. And for what you ha,ve promised me I shall come in seven years." The lovely blaiok lady disaippeared just as mysteriously as she had appeared. The blaclksmith couhl scarcely believe what had haippened, but there was· the pouch with money and gold! He snatched it and hurried home. He cried joyously as he burst into his humble shack and poured the money and gold on the truble. His wife and children were stunned momentarily. Soon they had plenty of food on the taJble with which the SJtaI1Ved children stuffed themselves. Mter aN had had their fill, the wife turned to her husband and asked how he hrud come by all that money and goJ.d. "Thinlk nothing of it," reiplied the blacksmith, "it was just some kind oif a jolke. To get this money and gold I only had to promise to give something aJbout which I know nothing." As he sipoike these words, his wife beca:me frightened and screaJmed: "Noiw you did it. Why, you sold yoUT own child before it was born." The blaok,s mith also became frightened, but what could he do ? He gaJVe his word and had to keep it. 1 �49 SLOVAKIA Soon after the blaciksmith's wife gave birth to a beautiful, deHghtful girl with golden hair and a golden star on her forehead. Na:tura:lly, they called their little girl "Goldilocks." They cared for the child with love and tenderness and brought her U!p as best the¥ could. Their haippiness was marred only .by the thought that Goldilociks was their own and, yet, she was not. Exactly seven years after Goldilocks was bo rn, a black coach stopped in front of the blacksmith's ho:rne and out of it carrne the bladk maiden. The parents pleaded with the maiden, but to no awail. She placed Goldilocks beside her in the coach and started off. The blacksmith and his wife wailed and cried as they ran after the coach to the end of the viHruge. They woUJld hacve followed it farther, but the black maiden threatened to bewitch them id: they did. Sorrowfully they returned home and cried pitifUJlly for their beautiful Goidilociks, whom they thought they had lost forever. 1 . The blaick lady and· Goldilo:clks literally flew in the bla~k coach OJVer desolate lands rund dense forests until they firnillly came to a 'great, beaiutiful castle. The black maiden took Goldilociks into the castle, led heir through ninety-nine rooms and then said to her: "Here, my child, you shall res,ide. Ta.O{e care of these ninety-nine rooms for me. You can walk into and stay in any of the rooms yo:u please, but do not dare to look in the remaining room the hundredth room - belcause you shall fare badly. In seven years we shall meet again; until then fare thee weM!" As she spoke these words, the !black maiden disa;ppeared. For se'Ven whole years there was no sound or trace of the black maiden. And for seven long years our Goldilocks lived contentedly in the castle. She walked in and out of the ninety-nine rooms, sweeipinig and cleaning them so that everything glittered lilke gold. Of course, she was tempted to look into t:he hundredth room manry times, but resisted the temptation successfully, even though the thought of that room kept her awake many ni'ghts. �50 SLOVAKIA SuTe enoUJgh, when seven years had passed by, the blaclk maJden returned to the ,c astle and Goldilodks. "Did you look into the hundredth room?" she asked. GoldilO'C/k1s replied that she had not. Of course, the bl8.1Ck maiden lkneiw that; she was very hruppy that Goldilocks spO!ke the tmth. After repeating the order to Goldilocks, the black maiden a;gain disaippeared. · Our Gold.ilodks kept going throUJg,h the 1beautifu:l, spacious ninety-nine rooms day after day, cileanmg them so that they sparkled l.ilke mirrors.. Year after year ,p assed like a drnrum. As the second seven year period was coming to a close, our GoldUocks thoUJght how the black maiden would praise her :fior keepmg the rooms in such good order, when suddenly she heand deligh'bf.wl m1US1i.c flowing out of the last room, the hiUildTetltih room. L:i!ke a deer she ran to the door and paused mornentarilry. Enchanted by the sweet strains, Go'1dilook,s turned the iknob and, before she could realize what she had done, she was inside the room. In this hlJIIldiredith room twelve b,ewitiched persons were sitting behind •a talble. They were sitting there exa,ctly as they had been ait the time they were put under the spell. Still another man stood behind the door and this one said to Goldi-looks : "Goldilocks, for heaven's sake, do not diV11.1lge what you harve nOIW seen in this room! No matter what the · b1ack maiden does to you, do not let her know the sooret of thls ro.om. If you sary e1Ven one wo,nd aJbout this, you yourse:llf shall be unhappy eternaJlly and we wiU continue to remain here ac-cursed.'' Witlh this a dead silence followed. Goldilocks, frightened and stunned, ran out of the roo,m as speedily as she had entered it. Goldilocks did not e1Ven notice how or when the blaok maiden a;ppearetl beifo.re her, but there s:he was! Of course, t!he maiden knew that Goldilocks had seen that last room in the castle. Pointing aocusingly at Goldilooks, the black -ma,i den said: "Go1ldilociks, Goldilocks, what have you ·done? You haive looked into that hundredth- r-oom! Now, tell me, what did you see there'?" �SLOVAKIA 51 Goldilocks, however, denied she had seen anything. When the black maiiden realized that she could get no pl'cree wit'h Goldi.looks iby being nice, she begaJil to threaten her in various ways, but Goldilocks stood her ground and refused to divulge what she had seen in that last room. Finally, the bladk maiden screamed angrHy: "You have one more chance to teH me what you sa;w in that last room. If you do not tell, I shaJl throw you into the well and you shall become dumb!" Goldiloclks stead!fastly refused to answer, and the black maiden aictual:Iy threw her into a deep well and put a spell on her so that she could not sipeaJk with any one except the black lady. When Goldilocks regaii.ned her senses in the weill, she found herselrf on a sand bottom, and, lo and behold, she saw a large tunnel on the one side. She went into the passage and followed it until she eme11ged onto a delightful meadow. She remained there feeding herse1f with strawiberries and roots Olf plants. The blacik maiden, however, kept on appearing quite frequently. She continued to beg and threaten Goldilocks to learn the secret of the hundredth room in the castle, but Goldilocks fi:rnnly red'used to divulge the secret . • It so happened that in the vicinity of the meadow a youthful king went ahuntmg. As he hunted, he came wpon the meadow and fo.un.d our beautifiul Goldi.looks fast asleep on the grass. The young king ga;zed on Goldilocks in amazement and wondered how in t.l-ie world such a 1beautirful girl could be found on a meadow. And the more he looked at her, the more he, was eniamored of her. Finally, he decided to a,w aken her, taJke her home and maJke her his 'bride, no matter what t'he people might say aJbout it. He touched Goldilocks and awoke her. The young king asked her who she was and where she came from. But our Goldifodks could utter not a worn. The king thought this was 'because she was frightened or that she was bashful. He repeated tJhe· questions and then asked her whether she would go witih him to hi's castle. In answer to hi:s last question, Goldi-looks gesticulated with her hands and head that �52 SLOVAKIA she would be hruppy to go. So· the young king took her to his castle, dressed her up in beautiful clothes and soon after married her. Althouigih Goldilooks could not utter a word, the youthful king loved her so mUJoh that he did not care whether she could sipeaJk oir not and he lived with her peacefully and h~ily. After rubout a year, Goldilocks became very sad and fearf,u l; something troulbled her as the day drew near to give birth to her clhild. Wihen that time ca'Ine, our Goldilocks gruve birth to a delightd'ul boy with golden hair and witlh a golden star on his forehead. The . young king was overcome with joy. Ii:mmediately he invited all the landlords of the vicinity to a great feast so that they could share his joy with him. His happiness, however, soon changed into. a great sorrow. One night the black maiden ruppeared before Goldilocks and threatened to strangle her golden-haired boy, if she did not divulge what she had seen in that last room of the castle. Goldilooks became cold with fright and shook like an aSlpell tree, but she revealed norbhi1llg. "You yourself shall not fare well," screamed the blacik maiden. When Goldilocks refused to reiveal what she saw in that last room, the lady in black seized her beautiful boy and choked him. Smearing Goldilocks' mouth with blood, t!he 'blaclk maiden diSaippeared as mysteriously as she had appeared. When the i:nlfant boy was found dead the next morning, confusion and fright seized all in the castle. 'Dhe king was paled with fear and sorrow. He had every nook and cranny of the castle searched to find the guilty one, but the search proved fruitless. Since GoldHoclks' mouth was covered with blood, :people began to say that she had killed her own son: Our Goldilocks, of course, was innocent, but she oould not say a word in her own defense. The people of the castle said that she desenved to die for what she had done. The king heard all this, but continiued to liive with GoJidHooks in peace because he loved her intensely. A year later our Goldilocks gave birth to a charming girl with golden loclcs and a golden star on her forehead. The king was wi'ld with joy. To forestall all misfortune, 1 �SLOVAKIA 53 however, he immediately ordered a guard pla~ in Goldilocks' room throughout the night. But even this precaution meant nothing, because the blaok maiden bewitched the entire guard so that the men fell a,sloop lhl{e logs of wood. Then she approached Goldilooks and saiid: "You see, y;ou cannot escape me," she cacikled, "and I aan deternnined to learn what you sa,w in that last room of the castle. If you do not ten me noiw, you shall perish in o.ne way or another. 1if I now strangle your daughter, the king will most certainly haNe you burned." Goldilocik.s, however, remained as firm as a rock and said nothing. The black maiden then seized the infant girl and choked her. Again she smeared Goldilocks' mouth with blood and then disappeared. When the infant princess was found dead the next morning and the guard insisted that no one entered or left the room all n~ght, the king became exiceedingly angry, Again he had every nooik and cranny of the castle searched for the murderer, but to no avail. The king simply could not believe that Goldilociks was guilty of strangling her own child. But people said that under the circumstan,ces no1body could have ·k illed the child except the queen herself, because the room was under guard the whole night. Even her mouth was bloody, they sa,id, and she could not utter a word. A strange, dreadful creature, indeed, they thought. Overcome with grief, the king was at last influenced by what was being said rubowt GoJ.dilocks and he ordered her to be put to death. The hrupless GoldilO'dk:s wrus led outside the town and tied to a stake. A£ter dTy wood was placed all around her, the kinig ordered it to be fired. But at that moment a bla:cik coa:ch thundered through the dense throng witnessing the exooution and came to .a sudden halt near Goldilocks. Out came the black maiden who said: "You see, my words are being fulfilled. Your destruction is at hand. This is your last opportunity to tell me what you saiw in that last room in my castle. Now, tell me what did you see there?" �54 SLOVAKIA Goldilocks, however, kept her silence a:nd adamantly refused to tell the black maiden what she had seen. in that hundrndth roam of her castle. When the wood was lighted and the flames began to lerup toward Goldtlook s, the bl,a ck maiden suddenly began to chaJil!ge and her faJce became white. She ordered the fire extinguished, beca:U!se Goldilocks was innocent. Then she turned to Goldilocks and said: "It is your good fortune as well as mine, that you did not betra.y the secret olf that laist room in my castle. And because you keipt yoll!r secret well, the evil spell over me and the twelve men you saiw in that last room is broken. If you haid betrayed the seJCret, rul:I oif us, including y,ournelf, would have been doomed eternally! " To the utter SU11Prise olf the confoll!11ded throng, the beautifwl maiden then reached Ol\lt to Gol<lilOIC:ks a:nd returned her tiwo ch!ildren U!Ilhairmed and. whole. Within a flas h the coach disruppeared - a;s if a hurricane had carried it away. Goldilodkis then told the king the story from the very beginmg. '!1he 'king was dwmfounded; he coi.rl.d scan:ely believe his eyes and ears. But what could he do? His children, straingled under mysterious civcumstances, were alive and haippy. Overtaken with joy, the king emlbrruced his wife and his chi:1dren, tea:rfu!lly begging Goldilocks to forgirve hi'In for the terrible mistaJke he had made. Then he too>k his wife and ohildren to his east:le, where they lived happily thereafter. Of course, the king sought out the parents of Goldilocks, the b'la'dksmith and his wife, and had them brought to his ca_stle where they all lived hruppily together until the end of their da;ys. 1 • • WHO SAID IT? "LONG I.JIVE THE SOWET UNION AND MAY I'DS SOVIET LEADER AND .SKllPPER, J. V. STA.LEN LIVE IN FULL HEALTH TO SIDE M,ANY MORE OF ITS JOYOUS JUB1L:IDES!" - (Dr. Joseiph Lettrich, Vfoe-Chair1man of the Execl.lltive Committee of the "Council of Free Czechoslava,kia," C.NS, Norvem/ber 7, 1947). � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1954, Vol. 4 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 10), March 1954.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 11), June 1954.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 12-13), Sept.-Dec. 1954.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1954 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 47 have fought for the liberation. of his people from all alien tyranny, including the Czech brand as represented by T. G. Masaryk an.d Benes. S,lo,vaJks eveTywhere commemorate May 4th as Stefani'k Day, because it was on May 4, 1919, that their beloved wair hero crashed to his death in a plaine which was "a~cidentally" shot down by a Czech garrison at Vajnory, Slovakia. Many Slovaiks even todiay will tell you 1:!hat Stefanik haid to die, because he never consented to his Slovakiia being a colony o,£ the imperialistic Czechs led by T. G. Masarylk and Benes. On May 4, 1954, Slova,ks everywhere will recall: "it was 35 yeaI'S ago thait Stefarnk was killed by the men who resented his warnings rugainst Bolshevism. " • • • SLOVAK FOLKLORE GOLDILOCKS Once UlpOn a time there was a very poor blacksmith. At one time 'he fared weH, but then hard times struck, he had little work to do., and his wiife and small children were always hungry. Finally he lost everything; at hOlme he had not!hing left but seven ,pennies. His undernourished children cried constantly for something to eat until the blacksmith could stand it no longer. In his despair he boU!ght a rope witlh his last seven ,p ennies and started out for the hills to end it all. When he came into the hills, he sought out a stout branch on a mighty tree to which he fixed the roipe. As the bla;cksmith was a;bout to tie the rope albout his neck, a ,pretty black maiden suddenly appeared .b efore him and pleaded wHJh him not to hang himself, 1b ecause that was not a nice thing to do and, then, it was also a sin. The b,lacksmith was stunned when the black maiden disappeared into the nowhere whence she had come. As he waliked along, his mind wandered baok home where misery and want ruled and again he became despondent. U!P went his rope onto another stout ,h ranch. .&gain the blaJCk maiden s,uddemy appeaired out of the blue and begged him not to commit such an ugly deed. In a quadary, the blactksmith shoo'k his head, bwt said nothing. He did not throw away his rope, but stood 48 SLOVAKIA motionless for some moments. When the maiden disa:ppea.rred once a:gain, file hl.ooksmith pondered his misery over again and again, reruched the deci'sion to end it all. Once more the rope went wp airound the stQ!Ut branch. As he was nixing the other end rubout his neck, however, file bea,utiful black maiden aippeared directly before him and said: "Do not ha:n1g yourself, iblalCiksmith, do not hang yourse1f ! I will he1p you in yoUT misery. I wiH give you all the weali!h you desire, if you only promise me something you haJVe at home but about whiich you are not awa,re." "Huh, well whait can this be in my 'barren home about which I know nothing?" pondered the blaclrnmith, "this must undoulbtedly be some kind of a jo!ke!" But the blaciksmith promised the black maiden what she had requested, if she would only help him out of his misery. Fortiliiwith, the lo;ve:ly yourng black maiden filled a pouch with money and go ld and said: "Here you have what I promised you. And for what you ha,ve promised me I shall come in seven years." The lovely blaiok lady disaippeared just as mysteriously as she had appeared. The blaclksmith couhl scarcely believe what had haippened, but there was· the pouch with money and gold! He snatched it and hurried home. He cried joyously as he burst into his humble shack and poured the money and gold on the truble. His wife and children were stunned momentarily. Soon they had plenty of food on the taJble with which the SJtaI1Ved children stuffed themselves. Mter aN had had their fill, the wife turned to her husband and asked how he hrud come by all that money and goJ.d. "Thinlk nothing of it," reiplied the blacksmith, "it was just some kind oif a jolke. To get this money and gold I only had to promise to give something aJbout which I know nothing." As he sipoike these words, his wife beca:me frightened and screaJmed: "Noiw you did it. Why, you sold yoUT own child before it was born." The blaok,s mith also became frightened, but what could he do ? He gaJVe his word and had to keep it. 1 49 SLOVAKIA Soon after the blaciksmith's wife gave birth to a beautiful, deHghtful girl with golden hair and a golden star on her forehead. Na:tura:lly, they called their little girl "Goldilocks." They cared for the child with love and tenderness and brought her U!p as best the¥ could. Their haippiness was marred only .by the thought that Goldilociks was their own and, yet, she was not. Exactly seven years after Goldilocks was bo rn, a black coach stopped in front of the blacksmith's ho:rne and out of it carrne the bladk maiden. The parents pleaded with the maiden, but to no awail. She placed Goldilocks beside her in the coach and started off. The blacksmith and his wife wailed and cried as they ran after the coach to the end of the viHruge. They woUJld hacve followed it farther, but the black maiden threatened to bewitch them id: they did. Sorrowfully they returned home and cried pitifUJlly for their beautiful Goidilociks, whom they thought they had lost forever. 1 . The blaick lady and· Goldilo:clks literally flew in the bla~k coach OJVer desolate lands rund dense forests until they firnillly came to a 'great, beaiutiful castle. The black maiden took Goldilociks into the castle, led heir through ninety-nine rooms and then said to her: "Here, my child, you shall res,ide. Ta.O{e care of these ninety-nine rooms for me. You can walk into and stay in any of the rooms yo:u please, but do not dare to look in the remaining room the hundredth room - belcause you shall fare badly. In seven years we shall meet again; until then fare thee weM!" As she spoke these words, the !black maiden disa;ppeared. For se'Ven whole years there was no sound or trace of the black maiden. And for seven long years our Goldilocks lived contentedly in the castle. She walked in and out of the ninety-nine rooms, sweeipinig and cleaning them so that everything glittered lilke gold. Of course, she was tempted to look into t:he hundredth room manry times, but resisted the temptation successfully, even though the thought of that room kept her awake many ni'ghts. 50 SLOVAKIA SuTe enoUJgh, when seven years had passed by, the blaclk maJden returned to the ,c astle and Goldilodks. "Did you look into the hundredth room?" she asked. GoldilO'C/k1s replied that she had not. Of course, the bl8.1Ck maiden lkneiw that; she was very hruppy that Goldilocks spO!ke the tmth. After repeating the order to Goldilocks, the black maiden a;gain disaippeared. · Our Gold.ilodks kept going throUJg,h the 1beautifu:l, spacious ninety-nine rooms day after day, cileanmg them so that they sparkled l.ilke mirrors.. Year after year ,p assed like a drnrum. As the second seven year period was coming to a close, our GoldUocks thoUJght how the black maiden would praise her :fior keepmg the rooms in such good order, when suddenly she heand deligh'bf.wl m1US1i.c flowing out of the last room, the hiUildTetltih room. L:i!ke a deer she ran to the door and paused mornentarilry. Enchanted by the sweet strains, Go'1dilook,s turned the iknob and, before she could realize what she had done, she was inside the room. In this hlJIIldiredith room twelve b,ewitiched persons were sitting behind •a talble. They were sitting there exa,ctly as they had been ait the time they were put under the spell. Still another man stood behind the door and this one said to Goldi-looks : "Goldilocks, for heaven's sake, do not diV11.1lge what you harve nOIW seen in this room! No matter what the · b1ack maiden does to you, do not let her know the sooret of thls ro.om. If you sary e1Ven one wo,nd aJbout this, you yourse:llf shall be unhappy eternaJlly and we wiU continue to remain here ac-cursed.'' Witlh this a dead silence followed. Goldilocks, frightened and stunned, ran out of the roo,m as speedily as she had entered it. Goldilocks did not e1Ven notice how or when the blaok maiden a;ppearetl beifo.re her, but there s:he was! Of course, t!he maiden knew that Goldilocks had seen that last room in the castle. Pointing aocusingly at Goldilooks, the black -ma,i den said: "Go1ldilociks, Goldilocks, what have you ·done? You haive looked into that hundredth- r-oom! Now, tell me, what did you see there'?" SLOVAKIA 51 Goldilocks, however, denied she had seen anything. When the black maiiden realized that she could get no pl'cree wit'h Goldi.looks iby being nice, she begaJil to threaten her in various ways, but Goldilocks stood her ground and refused to divulge what she had seen in that last room. Finally, the bladk maiden screamed angrHy: "You have one more chance to teH me what you sa;w in that last room. If you do not tell, I shaJl throw you into the well and you shall become dumb!" Goldiloclks stead!fastly refused to answer, and the black maiden aictual:Iy threw her into a deep well and put a spell on her so that she could not sipeaJk with any one except the black lady. When Goldilocks regaii.ned her senses in the weill, she found herselrf on a sand bottom, and, lo and behold, she saw a large tunnel on the one side. She went into the passage and followed it until she eme11ged onto a delightful meadow. She remained there feeding herse1f with strawiberries and roots Olf plants. The blacik maiden, however, kept on appearing quite frequently. She continued to beg and threaten Goldilocks to learn the secret of the hundredth room in the castle, but Goldilocks fi:rnnly red'used to divulge the secret . • It so happened that in the vicinity of the meadow a youthful king went ahuntmg. As he hunted, he came wpon the meadow and fo.un.d our beautifiul Goldi.looks fast asleep on the grass. The young king ga;zed on Goldilocks in amazement and wondered how in t.l-ie world such a 1beautirful girl could be found on a meadow. And the more he looked at her, the more he, was eniamored of her. Finally, he decided to a,w aken her, taJke her home and maJke her his 'bride, no matter what t'he people might say aJbout it. He touched Goldilocks and awoke her. The young king asked her who she was and where she came from. But our Goldifodks could utter not a worn. The king thought this was 'because she was frightened or that she was bashful. He repeated tJhe· questions and then asked her whether she would go witih him to hi's castle. In answer to hi:s last question, Goldi-looks gesticulated with her hands and head that 52 SLOVAKIA she would be hruppy to go. So· the young king took her to his castle, dressed her up in beautiful clothes and soon after married her. Althouigih Goldilooks could not utter a word, the youthful king loved her so mUJoh that he did not care whether she could sipeaJk oir not and he lived with her peacefully and h~ily. After rubout a year, Goldilocks became very sad and fearf,u l; something troulbled her as the day drew near to give birth to her clhild. Wihen that time ca'Ine, our Goldilocks gruve birth to a delightd'ul boy with golden hair and witlh a golden star on his forehead. The . young king was overcome with joy. Ii:mmediately he invited all the landlords of the vicinity to a great feast so that they could share his joy with him. His happiness, however, soon changed into. a great sorrow. One night the black maiden ruppeared before Goldilocks and threatened to strangle her golden-haired boy, if she did not divulge what she had seen in that last room of the castle. Goldilooks became cold with fright and shook like an aSlpell tree, but she revealed norbhi1llg. "You yourself shall not fare well," screamed the blacik maiden. When Goldilocks refused to reiveal what she saw in that last room, the lady in black seized her beautiful boy and choked him. Smearing Goldilocks' mouth with blood, t!he 'blaclk maiden diSaippeared as mysteriously as she had appeared. When the i:nlfant boy was found dead the next morning, confusion and fright seized all in the castle. 'Dhe king was paled with fear and sorrow. He had every nook and cranny of the castle searched to find the guilty one, but the search proved fruitless. Since GoldHoclks' mouth was covered with blood, :people began to say that she had killed her own son: Our Goldilocks, of course, was innocent, but she oould not say a word in her own defense. The people of the castle said that she desenved to die for what she had done. The king heard all this, but continiued to liive with GoJidHooks in peace because he loved her intensely. A year later our Goldilocks gave birth to a charming girl with golden loclcs and a golden star on her forehead. The king was wi'ld with joy. To forestall all misfortune, 1 SLOVAKIA 53 however, he immediately ordered a guard pla~ in Goldilocks' room throughout the night. But even this precaution meant nothing, because the blaok maiden bewitched the entire guard so that the men fell a,sloop lhl{e logs of wood. Then she approached Goldilooks and saiid: "You see, y;ou cannot escape me," she cacikled, "and I aan deternnined to learn what you sa,w in that last room of the castle. If you do not ten me noiw, you shall perish in o.ne way or another. 1if I now strangle your daughter, the king will most certainly haNe you burned." Goldilocik.s, however, remained as firm as a rock and said nothing. The black maiden then seized the infant girl and choked her. Again she smeared Goldilocks' mouth with blood and then disappeared. When the infant princess was found dead the next morning and the guard insisted that no one entered or left the room all n~ght, the king became exiceedingly angry, Again he had every nooik and cranny of the castle searched for the murderer, but to no avail. The king simply could not believe that Goldilociks was guilty of strangling her own child. But people said that under the circumstan,ces no1body could have ·k illed the child except the queen herself, because the room was under guard the whole night. Even her mouth was bloody, they sa,id, and she could not utter a word. A strange, dreadful creature, indeed, they thought. Overcome with grief, the king was at last influenced by what was being said rubowt GoJ.dilocks and he ordered her to be put to death. The hrupless GoldilO'dk:s wrus led outside the town and tied to a stake. A£ter dTy wood was placed all around her, the kinig ordered it to be fired. But at that moment a bla:cik coa:ch thundered through the dense throng witnessing the exooution and came to .a sudden halt near Goldilocks. Out came the black maiden who said: "You see, my words are being fulfilled. Your destruction is at hand. This is your last opportunity to tell me what you saiw in that last room in my castle. Now, tell me what did you see there?" 54 SLOVAKIA Goldilocks, however, kept her silence a:nd adamantly refused to tell the black maiden what she had seen. in that hundrndth roam of her castle. When the wood was lighted and the flames began to lerup toward Goldtlook s, the bl,a ck maiden suddenly began to chaJil!ge and her faJce became white. She ordered the fire extinguished, beca:U!se Goldilocks was innocent. Then she turned to Goldilocks and said: "It is your good fortune as well as mine, that you did not betra.y the secret olf that laist room in my castle. And because you keipt yoll!r secret well, the evil spell over me and the twelve men you saiw in that last room is broken. If you haid betrayed the seJCret, rul:I oif us, including y,ournelf, would have been doomed eternally! " To the utter SU11Prise olf the confoll!11ded throng, the beautifwl maiden then reached Ol\lt to Gol<lilOIC:ks a:nd returned her tiwo ch!ildren U!Ilhairmed and. whole. Within a flas h the coach disruppeared - a;s if a hurricane had carried it away. Goldilodkis then told the king the story from the very beginmg. '!1he 'king was dwmfounded; he coi.rl.d scan:ely believe his eyes and ears. But what could he do? His children, straingled under mysterious civcumstances, were alive and haippy. Overtaken with joy, the king emlbrruced his wife and his chi:1dren, tea:rfu!lly begging Goldilocks to forgirve hi'In for the terrible mistaJke he had made. Then he too>k his wife and ohildren to his east:le, where they lived happily thereafter. Of course, the king sought out the parents of Goldilocks, the b'la'dksmith and his wife, and had them brought to his ca_stle where they all lived hruppily together until the end of their da;ys. 1 • • WHO SAID IT? "LONG I.JIVE THE SOWET UNION AND MAY I'DS SOVIET LEADER AND .SKllPPER, J. V. STA.LEN LIVE IN FULL HEALTH TO SIDE M,ANY MORE OF ITS JOYOUS JUB1L:IDES!" - (Dr. Joseiph Lettrich, Vfoe-Chair1man of the Execl.lltive Committee of the "Council of Free Czechoslava,kia," C.NS, Norvem/ber 7, 1947).  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovak Folklore: Goldilocks Description An account of the resource Slovakia, Vol. 4, No. 1 (10), March 1954 pp. 47-54 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource March 1954 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/c068f9fc7cd4a586d430a70de3f6c892.pdf 0ad587cb3ca08c1b499e0ec4d59b5d33 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 62 SLOVAK FOLKLORE THE DEVIl, HAS TO WORK One .poor woodkmtter went into the mountains with his last piece of ibread, which he ca:rried in a small d:ooh bag. It was to 1ast him t!he wh<ile diay. When he came into the mountams, he hung the bag on a •b ranch and went to worik. The poor fellow choipped. and ch'Opped and split thick oaks until stirerums of sweat flowed from his. brow. Suddenly out of nowhere a blaick, dirty devil oame unawares f.rom the deepest depths of hades and stdl.e the last ,piece of bread fr·om the woodcutter's brug. When ,he returned to hades, the horny rascal boasted of his deed to his comrades.. "Look, 'bhi•s was supposed to last one woodcutter a who'le d:ay and I stole it from him." "What',s that, wihat's that?" roared Lulcifer himself. Wihen Luicifer heard the sto~y, he became very angry at the horny litble thief for having drured to steal the last piece of ,b read from a poor man. "And for that," said Lucifer, "you win have to serve that poor man for a whole yerur, commencing forthwith." The next day, as the woodcuitter was a:gain preparing to go into the hills with his ax on his shoU!lder, the door suddenly opened and a strong young man entered tlhe room. "Good day, .b oss!" the stranger said, "how albout letting me wo:rik for you?" "Aoh, my son, what would I do with you?" replied the woodcutter. "I have nothing to eat myse1f and, as you see, in that corner al[ my chil.dren a:re weeping ibecaooe they are hung-r y." "Well, just taike me on a:nyway. For my services you shall owe me nothing, and I assure you that you wiU be completely satisfied with me." "Well, ,t hen, come with me to chop trees, if that is what you want," said the woodcutter handing him an ax Before three days had passed, the hill, which the woodcutter wOUJld not have out in a year by himself, was aJlmos,t bare of brees, and the rows and rows of cord wood made the old woodoutter hruppy. From t!hait time on our woodcutter �SLOVAKIA 6::1 got along very wal!l, 8.!lld his chikliren no longer cried in the corner from huniger; they were ,h appy and healthy, because they were satfated. "Well, ,b oss," began :the servant, "you just keep on chopping little 1b y litJtle while l ,g o athreshing somewhere so that you might have bread and enoUJgh of everything in the howse for the wh'ole winter." "Go ahead, just go ahead," replied the woodcutter, "and whi1le you're gone, I',11 out as many trees as l can." In a g,r eat wN~erness dlweUed a wealthy man. Three hundred stooks of g,rain were in his fields and in his pens he had three htliildreld steers and tllree hundred ipigs. The woodicmrtter's serwant oarrne to this weaiLthy man and offered to thresh his graJin. "But wihere are you,r companions?" asked the man. "Do not worry abol.lit my compan~ons, just let me know whether you want yOU'r grain threshed." "Of coorse, I ,a m going to hawe it threshed, but don't tell me that you are going to d'O it yourrelf ?" "Whether I do it or not, yoo sha:N see the jdb done." "And w'haJt do you want for the threshing?" "Nothing my lorn, e:ireept whaJt I can carry away at one time," answered the serivant. "We11," the wea,l'thy man mused, "you will not be able to truke ten kilos away, so go to it." When it was .midnighlt, three thousand flails suddenly reso,u,ntled a,round the .stoclks of grain with a: whis:h, whash, whees'h, whoosh! The devils from the fires of hades came to helip their comrade By morni.intg the whole jdb of threshing was comp'leted and the grain stored in lra:rge saclks. Dawn was just .brealking as the thresher cruNed on the wea:lthy man to come out and see the jdb he had done. The man oo,tili:l not believe his eyes. The threshing was finished and the rich man was glad it was done so quickly. "Welil done, my lad," said the weialthy man, "and now you may taike whalt is y01UJrs for the threshing." Therewpon the disguised little devil ordered the lcmi's servants to plaJCe sa:clks of grain upon his shoU!l.ders. After ten kilos of wheat were 1plaieed upon his sh.ouJlders, the master smi>led and said: "WeN, young man, is that enough?" �64 SLOVAKIA "What do you mean encrugh ?" laughed ,t he thresher. "Ju.st keep pi'l.ing it on; look I can still hop around with it spryly.'' So the servants kept :p iling the saJoks of grain on the thresher's baok ,u ntil lib.ere were no more left. The wealthy man's hairr stood 'Uip from fear. "Well, w-eJl-1, now do ydu thinlk you have enough?" he asked. But the thresher let out a roar of laugihter, saying: "Not quite enOill!gh, my lord, just keep ptling on whatever you hruve. You see I .can stm dance around wit'h this stwflf " A huniclTed fattened ho,g s were taken out of their pens and pu<t on the bhres:her's .baok. The rich man was stupefied. "WeH, now perha•ps yoiu il:m'Ve enough?" he stuttered. But the ,l ittle devil danced around gayly and howled with giee: "J.ust keep ,pi.'ling it on!" The wealthy man was bUTsting with aD!ger, but he kept his word. "Let ouit a hundred fattened steers," he bar,ked at his senvants, "these he certainly ,wi!i not be able to carry." But the devil-thresher todk even the hundred steers, laughed in the master's face and then ran off to his boss as if he carried nothing at all. "WeH, boss, this is for y01U," said the servant ,ooiburdenh11g himself in t!he woodcutter's yard. "Now, even if I do leaive you, I do not thinlk that you shaM haive to fear hunger any more. My year is u1p, you know, but say, do you know who I am? Do you remember the day when yowr last piece of bread disappeared in the mountain?" The woodcutter shook his head and said: "I remember, yes, I do remem1ber." "Well, now I'U tell you who I am. I am a devil. It was I who stole your last piece of bread and as punishment I had to work for you one whole year Now my time is up. Fareweill." At that very moment the woodcutter's home was surrounded by laughter as if three thousand horses had brayed. It was the deviils who laughed at their comrade because he had to work for a poor woodcutter. � SLOVAKIA 62 SLOVAK FOLKLORE THE DEVIl, HAS TO WORK One .poor woodkmtter went into the mountains with his last piece of ibread, which he ca:rried in a small d:ooh bag. It was to 1ast him t!he wh<ile diay. When he came into the mountams, he hung the bag on a •b ranch and went to worik. The poor fellow choipped. and ch'Opped and split thick oaks until stirerums of sweat flowed from his. brow. Suddenly out of nowhere a blaick, dirty devil oame unawares f.rom the deepest depths of hades and stdl.e the last ,piece of bread fr·om the woodcutter's brug. When ,he returned to hades, the horny rascal boasted of his deed to his comrades.. "Look, 'bhi•s was supposed to last one woodcutter a who'le d:ay and I stole it from him." "What',s that, wihat's that?" roared Lulcifer himself. Wihen Luicifer heard the sto~y, he became very angry at the horny litble thief for having drured to steal the last piece of ,b read from a poor man. "And for that," said Lucifer, "you win have to serve that poor man for a whole yerur, commencing forthwith." The next day, as the woodcuitter was a:gain preparing to go into the hills with his ax on his shoU!lder, the door suddenly opened and a strong young man entered tlhe room. "Good day, .b oss!" the stranger said, "how albout letting me wo:rik for you?" "Aoh, my son, what would I do with you?" replied the woodcutter. "I have nothing to eat myse1f and, as you see, in that corner al[ my chil.dren a:re weeping ibecaooe they are hung-r y." "Well, just taike me on a:nyway. For my services you shall owe me nothing, and I assure you that you wiU be completely satisfied with me." "Well, ,t hen, come with me to chop trees, if that is what you want," said the woodcutter handing him an ax Before three days had passed, the hill, which the woodcutter wOUJld not have out in a year by himself, was aJlmos,t bare of brees, and the rows and rows of cord wood made the old woodoutter hruppy. From t!hait time on our woodcutter �SLOVAKIA 6::1 got along very wal!l, 8.!lld his chikliren no longer cried in the corner from huniger; they were ,h appy and healthy, because they were satfated. "Well, ,b oss," began :the servant, "you just keep on chopping little 1b y litJtle while l ,g o athreshing somewhere so that you might have bread and enoUJgh of everything in the howse for the wh'ole winter." "Go ahead, just go ahead," replied the woodcutter, "and whi1le you're gone, I',11 out as many trees as l can." In a g,r eat wN~erness dlweUed a wealthy man. Three hundred stooks of g,rain were in his fields and in his pens he had three htliildreld steers and tllree hundred ipigs. The woodicmrtter's serwant oarrne to this weaiLthy man and offered to thresh his graJin. "But wihere are you,r companions?" asked the man. "Do not worry abol.lit my compan~ons, just let me know whether you want yOU'r grain threshed." "Of coorse, I ,a m going to hawe it threshed, but don't tell me that you are going to d'O it yourrelf ?" "Whether I do it or not, yoo sha:N see the jdb done." "And w'haJt do you want for the threshing?" "Nothing my lorn, e:ireept whaJt I can carry away at one time," answered the serivant. "We11," the wea,l'thy man mused, "you will not be able to truke ten kilos away, so go to it." When it was .midnighlt, three thousand flails suddenly reso,u,ntled a,round the .stoclks of grain with a: whis:h, whash, whees'h, whoosh! The devils from the fires of hades came to helip their comrade By morni.intg the whole jdb of threshing was comp'leted and the grain stored in lra:rge saclks. Dawn was just .brealking as the thresher cruNed on the wea:lthy man to come out and see the jdb he had done. The man oo,tili:l not believe his eyes. The threshing was finished and the rich man was glad it was done so quickly. "Welil done, my lad," said the weialthy man, "and now you may taike whalt is y01UJrs for the threshing." Therewpon the disguised little devil ordered the lcmi's servants to plaJCe sa:clks of grain upon his shoU!l.ders. After ten kilos of wheat were 1plaieed upon his sh.ouJlders, the master smi>led and said: "WeN, young man, is that enough?" �64 SLOVAKIA "What do you mean encrugh ?" laughed ,t he thresher. "Ju.st keep pi'l.ing it on; look I can still hop around with it spryly.'' So the servants kept :p iling the saJoks of grain on the thresher's baok ,u ntil lib.ere were no more left. The wealthy man's hairr stood 'Uip from fear. "Well, w-eJl-1, now do ydu thinlk you have enough?" he asked. But the thresher let out a roar of laugihter, saying: "Not quite enOill!gh, my lord, just keep ptling on whatever you hruve. You see I .can stm dance around wit'h this stwflf " A huniclTed fattened ho,g s were taken out of their pens and pu<t on the bhres:her's .baok. The rich man was stupefied. "WeH, now perha•ps yoiu il:m'Ve enough?" he stuttered. But the ,l ittle devil danced around gayly and howled with giee: "J.ust keep ,pi.'ling it on!" The wealthy man was bUTsting with aD!ger, but he kept his word. "Let ouit a hundred fattened steers," he bar,ked at his senvants, "these he certainly ,wi!i not be able to carry." But the devil-thresher todk even the hundred steers, laughed in the master's face and then ran off to his boss as if he carried nothing at all. "WeH, boss, this is for y01U," said the servant ,ooiburdenh11g himself in t!he woodcutter's yard. "Now, even if I do leaive you, I do not thinlk that you shaM haive to fear hunger any more. My year is u1p, you know, but say, do you know who I am? Do you remember the day when yowr last piece of bread disappeared in the mountain?" The woodcutter shook his head and said: "I remember, yes, I do remem1ber." "Well, now I'U tell you who I am. I am a devil. It was I who stole your last piece of bread and as punishment I had to work for you one whole year Now my time is up. Fareweill." At that very moment the woodcutter's home was surrounded by laughter as if three thousand horses had brayed. It was the deviils who laughed at their comrade because he had to work for a poor woodcutter. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1953, Vol. 3 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 6), April 1953.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 7), July 1953.</li> <li>Issue 3 (No. 8), September 1953.</li> <li>Issue 4 (No. 9), December 1953.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1953 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 62 SLOVAK FOLKLORE THE DEVIl, HAS TO WORK One .poor woodkmtter went into the mountains with his last piece of ibread, which he ca:rried in a small d:ooh bag. It was to 1ast him t!he wh<ile diay. When he came into the mountams, he hung the bag on a •b ranch and went to worik. The poor fellow choipped. and ch'Opped and split thick oaks until stirerums of sweat flowed from his. brow. Suddenly out of nowhere a blaick, dirty devil oame unawares f.rom the deepest depths of hades and stdl.e the last ,piece of bread fr·om the woodcutter's brug. When ,he returned to hades, the horny rascal boasted of his deed to his comrades.. "Look, 'bhi•s was supposed to last one woodcutter a who'le d:ay and I stole it from him." "What',s that, wihat's that?" roared Lulcifer himself. Wihen Luicifer heard the sto~y, he became very angry at the horny litble thief for having drured to steal the last piece of ,b read from a poor man. "And for that," said Lucifer, "you win have to serve that poor man for a whole yerur, commencing forthwith." The next day, as the woodcuitter was a:gain preparing to go into the hills with his ax on his shoU!lder, the door suddenly opened and a strong young man entered tlhe room. "Good day, .b oss!" the stranger said, "how albout letting me wo:rik for you?" "Aoh, my son, what would I do with you?" replied the woodcutter. "I have nothing to eat myse1f and, as you see, in that corner al[ my chil.dren a:re weeping ibecaooe they are hung-r y." "Well, just taike me on a:nyway. For my services you shall owe me nothing, and I assure you that you wiU be completely satisfied with me." "Well, ,t hen, come with me to chop trees, if that is what you want," said the woodcutter handing him an ax Before three days had passed, the hill, which the woodcutter wOUJld not have out in a year by himself, was aJlmos,t bare of brees, and the rows and rows of cord wood made the old woodoutter hruppy. From t!hait time on our woodcutter SLOVAKIA 6::1 got along very wal!l, 8.!lld his chikliren no longer cried in the corner from huniger; they were ,h appy and healthy, because they were satfated. "Well, ,b oss," began :the servant, "you just keep on chopping little 1b y litJtle while l ,g o athreshing somewhere so that you might have bread and enoUJgh of everything in the howse for the wh'ole winter." "Go ahead, just go ahead," replied the woodcutter, "and whi1le you're gone, I',11 out as many trees as l can." In a g,r eat wN~erness dlweUed a wealthy man. Three hundred stooks of g,rain were in his fields and in his pens he had three htliildreld steers and tllree hundred ipigs. The woodicmrtter's serwant oarrne to this weaiLthy man and offered to thresh his graJin. "But wihere are you,r companions?" asked the man. "Do not worry abol.lit my compan~ons, just let me know whether you want yOU'r grain threshed." "Of coorse, I ,a m going to hawe it threshed, but don't tell me that you are going to d'O it yourrelf ?" "Whether I do it or not, yoo sha:N see the jdb done." "And w'haJt do you want for the threshing?" "Nothing my lorn, e:ireept whaJt I can carry away at one time," answered the serivant. "We11," the wea,l'thy man mused, "you will not be able to truke ten kilos away, so go to it." When it was .midnighlt, three thousand flails suddenly reso,u,ntled a,round the .stoclks of grain with a: whis:h, whash, whees'h, whoosh! The devils from the fires of hades came to helip their comrade By morni.intg the whole jdb of threshing was comp'leted and the grain stored in lra:rge saclks. Dawn was just .brealking as the thresher cruNed on the wea:lthy man to come out and see the jdb he had done. The man oo,tili:l not believe his eyes. The threshing was finished and the rich man was glad it was done so quickly. "Welil done, my lad," said the weialthy man, "and now you may taike whalt is y01UJrs for the threshing." Therewpon the disguised little devil ordered the lcmi's servants to plaJCe sa:clks of grain upon his shoU!l.ders. After ten kilos of wheat were 1plaieed upon his sh.ouJlders, the master smi>led and said: "WeN, young man, is that enough?" 64 SLOVAKIA "What do you mean encrugh ?" laughed ,t he thresher. "Ju.st keep pi'l.ing it on; look I can still hop around with it spryly.'' So the servants kept :p iling the saJoks of grain on the thresher's baok ,u ntil lib.ere were no more left. The wealthy man's hairr stood 'Uip from fear. "Well, w-eJl-1, now do ydu thinlk you have enough?" he asked. But the thresher let out a roar of laugihter, saying: "Not quite enOill!gh, my lord, just keep ptling on whatever you hruve. You see I .can stm dance around wit'h this stwflf " A huniclTed fattened ho,g s were taken out of their pens and pu<t on the bhres:her's .baok. The rich man was stupefied. "WeH, now perha•ps yoiu il:m'Ve enough?" he stuttered. But the ,l ittle devil danced around gayly and howled with giee: "J.ust keep ,pi.'ling it on!" The wealthy man was bUTsting with aD!ger, but he kept his word. "Let ouit a hundred fattened steers," he bar,ked at his senvants, "these he certainly ,wi!i not be able to carry." But the devil-thresher todk even the hundred steers, laughed in the master's face and then ran off to his boss as if he carried nothing at all. "WeH, boss, this is for y01U," said the servant ,ooiburdenh11g himself in t!he woodcutter's yard. "Now, even if I do leaive you, I do not thinlk that you shaM haive to fear hunger any more. My year is u1p, you know, but say, do you know who I am? Do you remember the day when yowr last piece of bread disappeared in the mountain?" The woodcutter shook his head and said: "I remember, yes, I do remem1ber." "Well, now I'U tell you who I am. I am a devil. It was I who stole your last piece of bread and as punishment I had to work for you one whole year Now my time is up. Fareweill." At that very moment the woodcutter's home was surrounded by laughter as if three thousand horses had brayed. It was the deviils who laughed at their comrade because he had to work for a poor woodcutter.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovak Folklore: The Devil Has to Work Description An account of the resource Slovakia, Vol. 3, No. 2 (7), July 1953 pp. 62-64 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource July 1953 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/3a416b849dc5c304286bb7127e026b60.pdf aabc41157f5922ee35512537dc87450e PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 49 low about 1 per cent ownership in a farm project, as mentioned a:oove in reference to JRD. After a complete turnaJbout af policy in Sl01Vrukia, in 1953, mruny farmers welcomed the chance to quit the JiRD and begin farming pri'Vately. Many see in this move, a wealkness of the Communists and are thus guilty Olf a serious er.ror, 1because the same thing is hO'Ulld to hruppen in Slovakia that haJppened in the lJISIS'R and wherever the Reds are in pOIWer: general collecti,vi,z ation is bound to come. It is unfortunate that so many people still do not understand how Communism woI"ks, the tactics 1:Jhe Communists use to attain their ends. In Slovakia, all the farmers who quit the 'kolchooes are m'3.11ked men. As soon as the economic situation improives and a surplus of farm products is lblri.lt up in Slo.vrukia, the farmers will be compelled to join the kolchooes and Sovhozes. Those who refuse to join will be lalbe-led "enemies" of the !State and dealt with accordingly . • • • SLOVAK FOLKLORE TI-IE MAN WHO NEVER SINNED In a certain village there once lived a poor but upright and devout man. Althoogh as gray as a pigeon, he had never, not even once, c<mmritted sin. He never hurt any one by word o:r deed, nor did he ever offend a siingle person in any way. This, Oif course, irritated the devil in hell, who said, scratching behind his ears : '"I1his is certainly exasperating with this man. Other persons, no matter how upright, render me a service at least once during their lifetime. This fellow, however, Slhall die today oir tomorro.w and as yet has not done my ibidding even Oll1Ce. But just wait, mister, I'll show you uip yet!" Not knowing of the trap the devil was setting for him, the poor man lirved ;peacefully in his shack, praying to God daily, never offending any one, CO'Veting not another's possessions, and conducting himself in an things according to God's commandments. �50 SLOVAKIA Suddenly, without a warning - would that he had stayed in the bottomless pit of hell! - the devil gallops into the poor man's room just as God had made him: he had teeth Hke pikes, legs like a horse, horns on his head, and even a tail behind. Without ado, he began: "Well, no dowbt albout it, you know who I am, do you not? I ha.ve ibeen trailing you since you were /born, but never once could I catch you committing sin. Now, you choose what it is you ,w ant to do: either you shall kill a man, or blaspheme God, or you shall get drunk. Whether you want to or not, Oille oif these three sins you must commit. Tomorroiw I shall come ag,ain to, hear what your decision is." As he finished spooking, the devil flew up the chimney. And what did the upright man do? Indeed, :he was not very frig\hte:ned, because he ikneiw that whosoever is Wiith God, with him God also is. Nevertheless, he spent the whole day thinlking albout what he should do. He could not ma!ke a decision. The enti.re God:-giiven day he read devout b.ooks and th.en prayed, sighing: "lead us not into temptation, but deliver us from evil." But what hruppened? The next morning the devil again came down the chimney and, facmg the poor man, said: "Well, have you thought over what I had said to you?" "Aye, I have, indeed I have. If you are a devil, go to hell, w,here the Lord Chiriist has p1'aced you and let upright ,p eople live in peace. I sha;ll not sin just to please you!" "But," retorted the deivil, ":I s,ay to you aigain that you cannot avoid this, !b ecause there is not, nor shall there be, a man in this world who shall not sin at least once during his lifetime. ltf you continue to defy me, I swear that you shall commit all three sins. Now, think it over again; I shall come again t01IDorow." With this the devil vanished up the chimney again. The poor mam. remained alooe fbehind a table with his head restinrg in t'he paJlms of his hands. He was thinking the matter over. The more he ra!ked his brains a.bout it, the more he was conviil!cing himself that the devil did say something. �51 SLOVAKIA "Indeed," he reasoned, "the devil was right. All of us axe sinners. Surely, the Lord Christ would nort ha,ve died in vain even for me - and I have not as yet sinned even once. Aye, the devil could be right. Well, I shall not pull fingers with him. But to kill a man? Thart would be a grave sin, indeed. Never in my Hfe haJVe I hurt any one, not even the smallest child, nor hruve I layed even my small finger on any one - and now I should kill some one? That I shall never do! But to iblaspheme the Lord, God, that, too, would ibe a gra,ve .sin. From my youth I have been careful not to say an evil word to any one and now, in my old age, I iaim supposed to iblasrpheme God? Even that is ourt! Get drunk? Hmm, that would perhaps lbe the smallest sin; with it I would harm no one. I shall get drUil!k, come home and sloop it off - and the matter shall lbe ended; the devil will not bother me any more." Hlaiving thought QIVer the matter in this manner, the uprigiht man rose from the talble as he uttered the last words to himself and wended his way to. a tavern. There he dranlk and drank until he could drink no more His feet quite unsteady, the poor but foolish man made his way home. Once in the house, tholl!gh it never had been his cmstom to create a scene, he now raved and ranted. Unfortunately his grandchild began to cry; un-• hesitatingly he t:Jhwm.ped it heavily QIVer the head, so that the child became silent for all eternity. Then he let loose a torrent of cur:ses and bJasrphemies that shoOlk the h(}IUSe. He cursed the devil, all the saints, a,nd blasrpemed God Himself. lBehold, the fruit of drunkeness ! 1f the poor man had avoided intoxication, he could have died a holy man. He did not want to commit murder o,r blaspheme God, but ooce under the influence of liquor he did both. And so it was that a righteous man tb ecame a scoundrel, thief and murderer. It is most difficult, they say, to get intoxicated the first time, but ever so easy after that first time. And the blacik, evil one in hell was overjoyed and is still rejoicing to the present time that his invention of whiskey was not in vain! - (Tra,nslated 1by Andrew Bachleda.) 1 � SLOVAKIA 49 low about 1 per cent ownership in a farm project, as mentioned a:oove in reference to JRD. After a complete turnaJbout af policy in Sl01Vrukia, in 1953, mruny farmers welcomed the chance to quit the JiRD and begin farming pri'Vately. Many see in this move, a wealkness of the Communists and are thus guilty Olf a serious er.ror, 1because the same thing is hO'Ulld to hruppen in Slovakia that haJppened in the lJISIS'R and wherever the Reds are in pOIWer: general collecti,vi,z ation is bound to come. It is unfortunate that so many people still do not understand how Communism woI"ks, the tactics 1:Jhe Communists use to attain their ends. In Slovakia, all the farmers who quit the 'kolchooes are m'3.11ked men. As soon as the economic situation improives and a surplus of farm products is lblri.lt up in Slo.vrukia, the farmers will be compelled to join the kolchooes and Sovhozes. Those who refuse to join will be lalbe-led "enemies" of the !State and dealt with accordingly . • • • SLOVAK FOLKLORE TI-IE MAN WHO NEVER SINNED In a certain village there once lived a poor but upright and devout man. Althoogh as gray as a pigeon, he had never, not even once, c<mmritted sin. He never hurt any one by word o:r deed, nor did he ever offend a siingle person in any way. This, Oif course, irritated the devil in hell, who said, scratching behind his ears : '"I1his is certainly exasperating with this man. Other persons, no matter how upright, render me a service at least once during their lifetime. This fellow, however, Slhall die today oir tomorro.w and as yet has not done my ibidding even Oll1Ce. But just wait, mister, I'll show you uip yet!" Not knowing of the trap the devil was setting for him, the poor man lirved ;peacefully in his shack, praying to God daily, never offending any one, CO'Veting not another's possessions, and conducting himself in an things according to God's commandments. �50 SLOVAKIA Suddenly, without a warning - would that he had stayed in the bottomless pit of hell! - the devil gallops into the poor man's room just as God had made him: he had teeth Hke pikes, legs like a horse, horns on his head, and even a tail behind. Without ado, he began: "Well, no dowbt albout it, you know who I am, do you not? I ha.ve ibeen trailing you since you were /born, but never once could I catch you committing sin. Now, you choose what it is you ,w ant to do: either you shall kill a man, or blaspheme God, or you shall get drunk. Whether you want to or not, Oille oif these three sins you must commit. Tomorroiw I shall come ag,ain to, hear what your decision is." As he finished spooking, the devil flew up the chimney. And what did the upright man do? Indeed, :he was not very frig\hte:ned, because he ikneiw that whosoever is Wiith God, with him God also is. Nevertheless, he spent the whole day thinlking albout what he should do. He could not ma!ke a decision. The enti.re God:-giiven day he read devout b.ooks and th.en prayed, sighing: "lead us not into temptation, but deliver us from evil." But what hruppened? The next morning the devil again came down the chimney and, facmg the poor man, said: "Well, have you thought over what I had said to you?" "Aye, I have, indeed I have. If you are a devil, go to hell, w,here the Lord Chiriist has p1'aced you and let upright ,p eople live in peace. I sha;ll not sin just to please you!" "But," retorted the deivil, ":I s,ay to you aigain that you cannot avoid this, !b ecause there is not, nor shall there be, a man in this world who shall not sin at least once during his lifetime. ltf you continue to defy me, I swear that you shall commit all three sins. Now, think it over again; I shall come again t01IDorow." With this the devil vanished up the chimney again. The poor mam. remained alooe fbehind a table with his head restinrg in t'he paJlms of his hands. He was thinking the matter over. The more he ra!ked his brains a.bout it, the more he was conviil!cing himself that the devil did say something. �51 SLOVAKIA "Indeed," he reasoned, "the devil was right. All of us axe sinners. Surely, the Lord Christ would nort ha,ve died in vain even for me - and I have not as yet sinned even once. Aye, the devil could be right. Well, I shall not pull fingers with him. But to kill a man? Thart would be a grave sin, indeed. Never in my Hfe haJVe I hurt any one, not even the smallest child, nor hruve I layed even my small finger on any one - and now I should kill some one? That I shall never do! But to iblaspheme the Lord, God, that, too, would ibe a gra,ve .sin. From my youth I have been careful not to say an evil word to any one and now, in my old age, I iaim supposed to iblasrpheme God? Even that is ourt! Get drunk? Hmm, that would perhaps lbe the smallest sin; with it I would harm no one. I shall get drUil!k, come home and sloop it off - and the matter shall lbe ended; the devil will not bother me any more." Hlaiving thought QIVer the matter in this manner, the uprigiht man rose from the talble as he uttered the last words to himself and wended his way to. a tavern. There he dranlk and drank until he could drink no more His feet quite unsteady, the poor but foolish man made his way home. Once in the house, tholl!gh it never had been his cmstom to create a scene, he now raved and ranted. Unfortunately his grandchild began to cry; un-• hesitatingly he t:Jhwm.ped it heavily QIVer the head, so that the child became silent for all eternity. Then he let loose a torrent of cur:ses and bJasrphemies that shoOlk the h(}IUSe. He cursed the devil, all the saints, a,nd blasrpemed God Himself. lBehold, the fruit of drunkeness ! 1f the poor man had avoided intoxication, he could have died a holy man. He did not want to commit murder o,r blaspheme God, but ooce under the influence of liquor he did both. And so it was that a righteous man tb ecame a scoundrel, thief and murderer. It is most difficult, they say, to get intoxicated the first time, but ever so easy after that first time. And the blacik, evil one in hell was overjoyed and is still rejoicing to the present time that his invention of whiskey was not in vain! - (Tra,nslated 1by Andrew Bachleda.) 1 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1954, Vol. 4 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 10), March 1954.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 11), June 1954.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 12-13), Sept.-Dec. 1954.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1954 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 49 low about 1 per cent ownership in a farm project, as mentioned a:oove in reference to JRD. After a complete turnaJbout af policy in Sl01Vrukia, in 1953, mruny farmers welcomed the chance to quit the JiRD and begin farming pri'Vately. Many see in this move, a wealkness of the Communists and are thus guilty Olf a serious er.ror, 1because the same thing is hO'Ulld to hruppen in Slovakia that haJppened in the lJISIS'R and wherever the Reds are in pOIWer: general collecti,vi,z ation is bound to come. It is unfortunate that so many people still do not understand how Communism woI"ks, the tactics 1:Jhe Communists use to attain their ends. In Slovakia, all the farmers who quit the 'kolchooes are m'3.11ked men. As soon as the economic situation improives and a surplus of farm products is lblri.lt up in Slo.vrukia, the farmers will be compelled to join the kolchooes and Sovhozes. Those who refuse to join will be lalbe-led "enemies" of the !State and dealt with accordingly . • • • SLOVAK FOLKLORE TI-IE MAN WHO NEVER SINNED In a certain village there once lived a poor but upright and devout man. Althoogh as gray as a pigeon, he had never, not even once, c<mmritted sin. He never hurt any one by word o:r deed, nor did he ever offend a siingle person in any way. This, Oif course, irritated the devil in hell, who said, scratching behind his ears : '"I1his is certainly exasperating with this man. Other persons, no matter how upright, render me a service at least once during their lifetime. This fellow, however, Slhall die today oir tomorro.w and as yet has not done my ibidding even Oll1Ce. But just wait, mister, I'll show you uip yet!" Not knowing of the trap the devil was setting for him, the poor man lirved ;peacefully in his shack, praying to God daily, never offending any one, CO'Veting not another's possessions, and conducting himself in an things according to God's commandments. 50 SLOVAKIA Suddenly, without a warning - would that he had stayed in the bottomless pit of hell! - the devil gallops into the poor man's room just as God had made him: he had teeth Hke pikes, legs like a horse, horns on his head, and even a tail behind. Without ado, he began: "Well, no dowbt albout it, you know who I am, do you not? I ha.ve ibeen trailing you since you were /born, but never once could I catch you committing sin. Now, you choose what it is you ,w ant to do: either you shall kill a man, or blaspheme God, or you shall get drunk. Whether you want to or not, Oille oif these three sins you must commit. Tomorroiw I shall come ag,ain to, hear what your decision is." As he finished spooking, the devil flew up the chimney. And what did the upright man do? Indeed, :he was not very frig\hte:ned, because he ikneiw that whosoever is Wiith God, with him God also is. Nevertheless, he spent the whole day thinlking albout what he should do. He could not ma!ke a decision. The enti.re God:-giiven day he read devout b.ooks and th.en prayed, sighing: "lead us not into temptation, but deliver us from evil." But what hruppened? The next morning the devil again came down the chimney and, facmg the poor man, said: "Well, have you thought over what I had said to you?" "Aye, I have, indeed I have. If you are a devil, go to hell, w,here the Lord Chiriist has p1'aced you and let upright ,p eople live in peace. I sha;ll not sin just to please you!" "But," retorted the deivil, ":I s,ay to you aigain that you cannot avoid this, !b ecause there is not, nor shall there be, a man in this world who shall not sin at least once during his lifetime. ltf you continue to defy me, I swear that you shall commit all three sins. Now, think it over again; I shall come again t01IDorow." With this the devil vanished up the chimney again. The poor mam. remained alooe fbehind a table with his head restinrg in t'he paJlms of his hands. He was thinking the matter over. The more he ra!ked his brains a.bout it, the more he was conviil!cing himself that the devil did say something. 51 SLOVAKIA "Indeed," he reasoned, "the devil was right. All of us axe sinners. Surely, the Lord Christ would nort ha,ve died in vain even for me - and I have not as yet sinned even once. Aye, the devil could be right. Well, I shall not pull fingers with him. But to kill a man? Thart would be a grave sin, indeed. Never in my Hfe haJVe I hurt any one, not even the smallest child, nor hruve I layed even my small finger on any one - and now I should kill some one? That I shall never do! But to iblaspheme the Lord, God, that, too, would ibe a gra,ve .sin. From my youth I have been careful not to say an evil word to any one and now, in my old age, I iaim supposed to iblasrpheme God? Even that is ourt! Get drunk? Hmm, that would perhaps lbe the smallest sin; with it I would harm no one. I shall get drUil!k, come home and sloop it off - and the matter shall lbe ended; the devil will not bother me any more." Hlaiving thought QIVer the matter in this manner, the uprigiht man rose from the talble as he uttered the last words to himself and wended his way to. a tavern. There he dranlk and drank until he could drink no more His feet quite unsteady, the poor but foolish man made his way home. Once in the house, tholl!gh it never had been his cmstom to create a scene, he now raved and ranted. Unfortunately his grandchild began to cry; un-• hesitatingly he t:Jhwm.ped it heavily QIVer the head, so that the child became silent for all eternity. Then he let loose a torrent of cur:ses and bJasrphemies that shoOlk the h(}IUSe. He cursed the devil, all the saints, a,nd blasrpemed God Himself. lBehold, the fruit of drunkeness ! 1f the poor man had avoided intoxication, he could have died a holy man. He did not want to commit murder o,r blaspheme God, but ooce under the influence of liquor he did both. And so it was that a righteous man tb ecame a scoundrel, thief and murderer. It is most difficult, they say, to get intoxicated the first time, but ever so easy after that first time. And the blacik, evil one in hell was overjoyed and is still rejoicing to the present time that his invention of whiskey was not in vain! - (Tra,nslated 1by Andrew Bachleda.) 1  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovak Folklore: The Man Who Never Sinned Description An account of the resource Slovakia, Vol. 4, No. 3-4 (12-13), Sept.-Dec. 1954 pp. 49-51 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Sept.-Dec. 1954 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/8bff0062ce6f837cb54405e30d7dd4dc.pdf dbe6d73eb70c45cc2a51179d2cb350e1 PDF Text Text 68 S L O V A KIA Slovak Fraternal Organizations Daniel F. T a n z o n e Slovak fraternalism had its origins in the mining and mill towns of Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, New York, New Jersey and Massachusetts. It was a product of the need to provide financial assistance to the victims of mine and mill disasters and their dependants; to provide a nucleus for social and religious activity among Slovak immigrants. Local groups began to develop in the early years of the 1880's and the first Slovak fraternal-benefit society was founded in New York City on March 3, 1883 under the name of the First Hungarian Slovak Fraternal Society. Soon other societies mushroomed in Bridgeport, Connecticut; Hazleton, Pennsylvania; Houtzdale, Pennsylvania; Scranton, Pennsylvania; and in 1885 the St. Stephen Society was established in Cleveland, Ohio, by the late Rev. Stephen Furdek. In 1887 the Society of Prince Rudolph in Bayone, New Jersey was established and a touch of humor accompanied the difficulties of this lodge when it had to change its name after the tragic death of Archduke Rudolph of Habsburg at Mayerling, because the other Slovaks ridiculed the members for having lost their patron. Although each Slovak society had basically similar objectives it was not until 1890 that 9, concerted effort was made to organize these various loosely knit societies into a national organization. It can be said that two distinct philosophies developed in these early efforts at unification. One camp was totally nationalistic and desired to maintain the Slovak language, culture and traditions among its members regardless of religious affiliation. The second camp was staunchly religious and although it held similar objectives regarding Slovak language, culture and traditions it added the important element of religion. Peter P. Rovnianek, known as the stormy petrel because of his bitter objection to Slovak oppression at the hands �SLOVAKIA 69 of the Austria-Hungarian monarchy, was the leader of the former camp and on February 15, 1890 he organized a group of Slovak societies with similar beliefs into the National Slovak Society. Similarily the Rev. Stephen Furdek gather representatives of eight Slovak Catholic societies in Cleveland on September 4, 1890 and the First Catholic Slovak Union commonly known as Jednota, which means Union, was established. The objectives of this society were to preserve the Catholic faith, to support fellow members, widows, and orphans in need, to preserve and extend the use of the Slovak language and nationality. Soon Slovak women organized societies. In 1891 Slovak women organized the zivena Beneti.cial Society in Pittsburgh. In 1892 Slovak Catholic women under the leadership of Anna Hurban with the assistance of Father Furdek organized the First Catholic Slovak Ladies Union in Cleveland. Divisions in these societies found the establishment of the Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union in 1893 by societies in Pennsylvania. In 1900 a break in the First Catholic Slovak Ladies Union saw the establishment of the Ladies Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union. Slovak Byzantine Catholics joined hands with their Rutl;lenian brothers and organized the Greek Catholic Union, although not a Greek was among them. The Slovaks' love for gymnastics saw the establishment of Slovak Sokol organizations. In 1896 in the city of Chicago the Slovak Gymnastic Union Sokol was born and promoted gymnastics and athletics among its members. In 1905, because of religious differences a group of 43 members of the National Sokol, as it is known, organized the Slovak Catholic Sokol in the city of Passaic, New Jersey. Although similar in its objectives the Catholic Sokol remained faithful to the Catholic faith and has over the years been among the most out~tanding Slovak Catholic societies in the world. Slovak Lutherans mganized the Slovak Evangelical Union in 1893. The Slovak Lutheran women followed with the establishment of the Slovak Evangelical Ladies Union. These two societies merged together in 1962 and are today known as the United Lutheran Brethren. Slov<:tk Calvinists organized the Slovak Calvinistic Union in 1894. �70 SLOVAKIA Smaller Slovak organizations developed such as the Slovak Catholic Cadet Union which merged with the First Catholic Slovak Ladies Union; tl\e First Slovak Wreath of the Free Eagle which still exists today and other smaller societies which eventually merged with larger societies. It was these societies which developed a sense of pride and love for Slovak things among the early immigrants and which today still encourages that goal. Over the years these sccieties played a monumental role in the life of the Slovaks not only in America but also played an important role in the life of the Slovaks in Slovakia. Hundreds of churches both Catholic and Protestant were established by these societies. Noteworthy is the fact that almost every one of the more than three hundred Slovak Catholic churches in America were established by a local branch of the First Catholic Slovak Union. Millions of dollars have been spent for the Slovak cultural, civic and fraternal activities. In Cleveland where we have the headquarters of the two largest Slovak fraternal societies the First Catholic Slovak Union and the First Catholic Slovak Ladies Association the many churches, schools, convents and religious institutions were established and supported by these societies. One need only look at the list of benefactors of St. Andrew's Abbey of the Slovak Benedictines here and one will see that it was and is the Slovak fraternals which have and are still supporting this great institution. Today these societies provide not only the opportunity of excellent financial planning but also provide the impetus to belong to a society where one's Slovak culture and heritage is promoted and supported. These societies are as relevant as they were in the mine or mill town of the nineteenth century. These societies are second to none in their benefits. When it comes to insurance you will find that these societies are the best investment for your money. One need only look at the statistics of some of these societies. Did you know that the Jednota has a membership of 100,000 with assets of over thirty-six million dollars? Did you know that the Jednota has given over fifty million dollars in benefits to its membership, or the fact that it has given over eight million dollars to works of charity and cultural endeavors? Are you aware of the fact that the First Catholic Slovak �SLOVAKIA 71 Ladies Association assets are approaching fifty-five million dollars with over 95,000 members ranking as the largest ethnic society of women in America? Did you realize that the Slovak Catholic Sokol, with its over 51,000 members and assets of over twenty-five million dollars spends hundreds of thousands of dollars on gymnastic and athletic activities for its members annually? There is no better way of saying that I am proud to be of Slovak ancestry than to become a member of one of these organizations. I have faith in our Slovak societies because of what they represented in the past and I am optimistic that in the future they will continue to be the valiant supporters of a gallant Slovak nation. The Slovak fraternals have been very much a part of my life and I know that if you show some interest they will enlighten and enliven each one of you to become better Americans, better humanitarians and better Slovaks. The finest thing I can say is that I am a member of the Jednota, the Slovak Catholic Sokol, the zenska Jednota and the Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union. Praised-be in the Coal Region ( though a hardcoal fire simmers through the tunnels and shafts of the mine year in and year out, though on rainy days the culm bank steams and on the stillest, humid days the sulfur-fog chokes, and the governor investigates by helicopter; though the slovak papa dies of black lung, and his widow files for benefits when the congressman comes) pochvdleny bud' shamokin creek and furnace run, the colliery and cranes, the slag piled mountain-high, the oldtime coalminers in boots, overalls, helmets with headlamps who shouldered pickaxes and lugged lunchpails, � 68 S L O V A KIA Slovak Fraternal Organizations Daniel F. T a n z o n e Slovak fraternalism had its origins in the mining and mill towns of Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, New York, New Jersey and Massachusetts. It was a product of the need to provide financial assistance to the victims of mine and mill disasters and their dependants; to provide a nucleus for social and religious activity among Slovak immigrants. Local groups began to develop in the early years of the 1880's and the first Slovak fraternal-benefit society was founded in New York City on March 3, 1883 under the name of the First Hungarian Slovak Fraternal Society. Soon other societies mushroomed in Bridgeport, Connecticut; Hazleton, Pennsylvania; Houtzdale, Pennsylvania; Scranton, Pennsylvania; and in 1885 the St. Stephen Society was established in Cleveland, Ohio, by the late Rev. Stephen Furdek. In 1887 the Society of Prince Rudolph in Bayone, New Jersey was established and a touch of humor accompanied the difficulties of this lodge when it had to change its name after the tragic death of Archduke Rudolph of Habsburg at Mayerling, because the other Slovaks ridiculed the members for having lost their patron. Although each Slovak society had basically similar objectives it was not until 1890 that 9, concerted effort was made to organize these various loosely knit societies into a national organization. It can be said that two distinct philosophies developed in these early efforts at unification. One camp was totally nationalistic and desired to maintain the Slovak language, culture and traditions among its members regardless of religious affiliation. The second camp was staunchly religious and although it held similar objectives regarding Slovak language, culture and traditions it added the important element of religion. Peter P. Rovnianek, known as the stormy petrel because of his bitter objection to Slovak oppression at the hands �SLOVAKIA 69 of the Austria-Hungarian monarchy, was the leader of the former camp and on February 15, 1890 he organized a group of Slovak societies with similar beliefs into the National Slovak Society. Similarily the Rev. Stephen Furdek gather representatives of eight Slovak Catholic societies in Cleveland on September 4, 1890 and the First Catholic Slovak Union commonly known as Jednota, which means Union, was established. The objectives of this society were to preserve the Catholic faith, to support fellow members, widows, and orphans in need, to preserve and extend the use of the Slovak language and nationality. Soon Slovak women organized societies. In 1891 Slovak women organized the zivena Beneti.cial Society in Pittsburgh. In 1892 Slovak Catholic women under the leadership of Anna Hurban with the assistance of Father Furdek organized the First Catholic Slovak Ladies Union in Cleveland. Divisions in these societies found the establishment of the Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union in 1893 by societies in Pennsylvania. In 1900 a break in the First Catholic Slovak Ladies Union saw the establishment of the Ladies Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union. Slovak Byzantine Catholics joined hands with their Rutl;lenian brothers and organized the Greek Catholic Union, although not a Greek was among them. The Slovaks' love for gymnastics saw the establishment of Slovak Sokol organizations. In 1896 in the city of Chicago the Slovak Gymnastic Union Sokol was born and promoted gymnastics and athletics among its members. In 1905, because of religious differences a group of 43 members of the National Sokol, as it is known, organized the Slovak Catholic Sokol in the city of Passaic, New Jersey. Although similar in its objectives the Catholic Sokol remained faithful to the Catholic faith and has over the years been among the most out~tanding Slovak Catholic societies in the world. Slovak Lutherans mganized the Slovak Evangelical Union in 1893. The Slovak Lutheran women followed with the establishment of the Slovak Evangelical Ladies Union. These two societies merged together in 1962 and are today known as the United Lutheran Brethren. Slov<:tk Calvinists organized the Slovak Calvinistic Union in 1894. �70 SLOVAKIA Smaller Slovak organizations developed such as the Slovak Catholic Cadet Union which merged with the First Catholic Slovak Ladies Union; tl\e First Slovak Wreath of the Free Eagle which still exists today and other smaller societies which eventually merged with larger societies. It was these societies which developed a sense of pride and love for Slovak things among the early immigrants and which today still encourages that goal. Over the years these sccieties played a monumental role in the life of the Slovaks not only in America but also played an important role in the life of the Slovaks in Slovakia. Hundreds of churches both Catholic and Protestant were established by these societies. Noteworthy is the fact that almost every one of the more than three hundred Slovak Catholic churches in America were established by a local branch of the First Catholic Slovak Union. Millions of dollars have been spent for the Slovak cultural, civic and fraternal activities. In Cleveland where we have the headquarters of the two largest Slovak fraternal societies the First Catholic Slovak Union and the First Catholic Slovak Ladies Association the many churches, schools, convents and religious institutions were established and supported by these societies. One need only look at the list of benefactors of St. Andrew's Abbey of the Slovak Benedictines here and one will see that it was and is the Slovak fraternals which have and are still supporting this great institution. Today these societies provide not only the opportunity of excellent financial planning but also provide the impetus to belong to a society where one's Slovak culture and heritage is promoted and supported. These societies are as relevant as they were in the mine or mill town of the nineteenth century. These societies are second to none in their benefits. When it comes to insurance you will find that these societies are the best investment for your money. One need only look at the statistics of some of these societies. Did you know that the Jednota has a membership of 100,000 with assets of over thirty-six million dollars? Did you know that the Jednota has given over fifty million dollars in benefits to its membership, or the fact that it has given over eight million dollars to works of charity and cultural endeavors? Are you aware of the fact that the First Catholic Slovak �SLOVAKIA 71 Ladies Association assets are approaching fifty-five million dollars with over 95,000 members ranking as the largest ethnic society of women in America? Did you realize that the Slovak Catholic Sokol, with its over 51,000 members and assets of over twenty-five million dollars spends hundreds of thousands of dollars on gymnastic and athletic activities for its members annually? There is no better way of saying that I am proud to be of Slovak ancestry than to become a member of one of these organizations. I have faith in our Slovak societies because of what they represented in the past and I am optimistic that in the future they will continue to be the valiant supporters of a gallant Slovak nation. The Slovak fraternals have been very much a part of my life and I know that if you show some interest they will enlighten and enliven each one of you to become better Americans, better humanitarians and better Slovaks. The finest thing I can say is that I am a member of the Jednota, the Slovak Catholic Sokol, the zenska Jednota and the Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union. Praised-be in the Coal Region ( though a hardcoal fire simmers through the tunnels and shafts of the mine year in and year out, though on rainy days the culm bank steams and on the stillest, humid days the sulfur-fog chokes, and the governor investigates by helicopter; though the slovak papa dies of black lung, and his widow files for benefits when the congressman comes) pochvdleny bud' shamokin creek and furnace run, the colliery and cranes, the slag piled mountain-high, the oldtime coalminers in boots, overalls, helmets with headlamps who shouldered pickaxes and lugged lunchpails, � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1975, Vol. 25 Description An account of the resource Vol. 25 (No. 48), 1975. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1975 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 68 S L O V A KIA Slovak Fraternal Organizations Daniel F. T a n z o n e Slovak fraternalism had its origins in the mining and mill towns of Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, New York, New Jersey and Massachusetts. It was a product of the need to provide financial assistance to the victims of mine and mill disasters and their dependants; to provide a nucleus for social and religious activity among Slovak immigrants. Local groups began to develop in the early years of the 1880's and the first Slovak fraternal-benefit society was founded in New York City on March 3, 1883 under the name of the First Hungarian Slovak Fraternal Society. Soon other societies mushroomed in Bridgeport, Connecticut; Hazleton, Pennsylvania; Houtzdale, Pennsylvania; Scranton, Pennsylvania; and in 1885 the St. Stephen Society was established in Cleveland, Ohio, by the late Rev. Stephen Furdek. In 1887 the Society of Prince Rudolph in Bayone, New Jersey was established and a touch of humor accompanied the difficulties of this lodge when it had to change its name after the tragic death of Archduke Rudolph of Habsburg at Mayerling, because the other Slovaks ridiculed the members for having lost their patron. Although each Slovak society had basically similar objectives it was not until 1890 that 9, concerted effort was made to organize these various loosely knit societies into a national organization. It can be said that two distinct philosophies developed in these early efforts at unification. One camp was totally nationalistic and desired to maintain the Slovak language, culture and traditions among its members regardless of religious affiliation. The second camp was staunchly religious and although it held similar objectives regarding Slovak language, culture and traditions it added the important element of religion. Peter P. Rovnianek, known as the stormy petrel because of his bitter objection to Slovak oppression at the hands SLOVAKIA 69 of the Austria-Hungarian monarchy, was the leader of the former camp and on February 15, 1890 he organized a group of Slovak societies with similar beliefs into the National Slovak Society. Similarily the Rev. Stephen Furdek gather representatives of eight Slovak Catholic societies in Cleveland on September 4, 1890 and the First Catholic Slovak Union commonly known as Jednota, which means Union, was established. The objectives of this society were to preserve the Catholic faith, to support fellow members, widows, and orphans in need, to preserve and extend the use of the Slovak language and nationality. Soon Slovak women organized societies. In 1891 Slovak women organized the zivena Beneti.cial Society in Pittsburgh. In 1892 Slovak Catholic women under the leadership of Anna Hurban with the assistance of Father Furdek organized the First Catholic Slovak Ladies Union in Cleveland. Divisions in these societies found the establishment of the Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union in 1893 by societies in Pennsylvania. In 1900 a break in the First Catholic Slovak Ladies Union saw the establishment of the Ladies Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union. Slovak Byzantine Catholics joined hands with their Rutl;lenian brothers and organized the Greek Catholic Union, although not a Greek was among them. The Slovaks' love for gymnastics saw the establishment of Slovak Sokol organizations. In 1896 in the city of Chicago the Slovak Gymnastic Union Sokol was born and promoted gymnastics and athletics among its members. In 1905, because of religious differences a group of 43 members of the National Sokol, as it is known, organized the Slovak Catholic Sokol in the city of Passaic, New Jersey. Although similar in its objectives the Catholic Sokol remained faithful to the Catholic faith and has over the years been among the most out~tanding Slovak Catholic societies in the world. Slovak Lutherans mganized the Slovak Evangelical Union in 1893. The Slovak Lutheran women followed with the establishment of the Slovak Evangelical Ladies Union. These two societies merged together in 1962 and are today known as the United Lutheran Brethren. Slov<:tk Calvinists organized the Slovak Calvinistic Union in 1894. 70 SLOVAKIA Smaller Slovak organizations developed such as the Slovak Catholic Cadet Union which merged with the First Catholic Slovak Ladies Union; tl\e First Slovak Wreath of the Free Eagle which still exists today and other smaller societies which eventually merged with larger societies. It was these societies which developed a sense of pride and love for Slovak things among the early immigrants and which today still encourages that goal. Over the years these sccieties played a monumental role in the life of the Slovaks not only in America but also played an important role in the life of the Slovaks in Slovakia. Hundreds of churches both Catholic and Protestant were established by these societies. Noteworthy is the fact that almost every one of the more than three hundred Slovak Catholic churches in America were established by a local branch of the First Catholic Slovak Union. Millions of dollars have been spent for the Slovak cultural, civic and fraternal activities. In Cleveland where we have the headquarters of the two largest Slovak fraternal societies the First Catholic Slovak Union and the First Catholic Slovak Ladies Association the many churches, schools, convents and religious institutions were established and supported by these societies. One need only look at the list of benefactors of St. Andrew's Abbey of the Slovak Benedictines here and one will see that it was and is the Slovak fraternals which have and are still supporting this great institution. Today these societies provide not only the opportunity of excellent financial planning but also provide the impetus to belong to a society where one's Slovak culture and heritage is promoted and supported. These societies are as relevant as they were in the mine or mill town of the nineteenth century. These societies are second to none in their benefits. When it comes to insurance you will find that these societies are the best investment for your money. One need only look at the statistics of some of these societies. Did you know that the Jednota has a membership of 100,000 with assets of over thirty-six million dollars? Did you know that the Jednota has given over fifty million dollars in benefits to its membership, or the fact that it has given over eight million dollars to works of charity and cultural endeavors? Are you aware of the fact that the First Catholic Slovak SLOVAKIA 71 Ladies Association assets are approaching fifty-five million dollars with over 95,000 members ranking as the largest ethnic society of women in America? Did you realize that the Slovak Catholic Sokol, with its over 51,000 members and assets of over twenty-five million dollars spends hundreds of thousands of dollars on gymnastic and athletic activities for its members annually? There is no better way of saying that I am proud to be of Slovak ancestry than to become a member of one of these organizations. I have faith in our Slovak societies because of what they represented in the past and I am optimistic that in the future they will continue to be the valiant supporters of a gallant Slovak nation. The Slovak fraternals have been very much a part of my life and I know that if you show some interest they will enlighten and enliven each one of you to become better Americans, better humanitarians and better Slovaks. The finest thing I can say is that I am a member of the Jednota, the Slovak Catholic Sokol, the zenska Jednota and the Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union. Praised-be in the Coal Region ( though a hardcoal fire simmers through the tunnels and shafts of the mine year in and year out, though on rainy days the culm bank steams and on the stillest, humid days the sulfur-fog chokes, and the governor investigates by helicopter; though the slovak papa dies of black lung, and his widow files for benefits when the congressman comes) pochvdleny bud' shamokin creek and furnace run, the colliery and cranes, the slag piled mountain-high, the oldtime coalminers in boots, overalls, helmets with headlamps who shouldered pickaxes and lugged lunchpails,  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovak Fraternal Organizations Description An account of the resource Daniel F. Tanzone Slovakia, Vol. 25 (No. 48), 1975 pp. 68-71 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Tanzone, Daniel F. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1975 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/331321884c9f55aa84206b61ad4f3cc0.pdf 64fa100b538c3e122102ada6133bffb9 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 7 Slovak FraternalBenefit Societies in North America: An Overview (1883-1993) M. Mark Stolarik (Conference on The Development and Significance of the Fraternal Movement and Fraternal Organizations Among Immigrants in North and South America and Europe, Maribor, Slovenia, May, 1994) In a book of essays that set out to explore how ethnic groups have used the principles of collectivism to deal with their new life in America, Scott Cummings lamented that "Relatively little has been written about self-help institutions and mutual benefit societies created by immigrant groups." 1 When applied to the Slovaks in North America, this statement still holds true. While several community studies of Slovaks in North America have appeared in recent years, none have compared and contrasted the creation of fraternal-benefit societies among Slovaks in the United States and Canada. 2 This essay will make such an attempt, 1 Scott Cummings, ed., Self-Help in Urban America: Patterns of Minority Business Enterprise (Port Washington, N.Y.: Kennikat Press, 1980), 5. 2 The principal community studies are M. Mark Stolarik, Growing Up on the South Side: Three Generations of Slovaks in Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, /880- 1976 (Lewisburg: Bucknell University Press, 1985) and June Granatir Alexander, �8 SLOVAKIA although only in a preliminary fashion, because we still lack professional studies of the many fraternal-benefit societies established by Slovak immigrants to North America over the last 100 years. 3 When Slovaks from the Kingdom of Hungary (and other immigrants as well) began to migrate to North America in search of work in the late 19th century, they quickly discovered that, while the New World had plenty of job opportunities in the coal mines, steel mills and oil refineries, it did not provide much in the way of social welfare benefits. Thus, if an immigrant fell ill, was injured on the job, or even killed, neither his employer, nor The Immigrant Church and Community: Pittsburgh's Slovak Catholics and Lutherans, 1880-1915 (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1987). 3 Besides many jubilee-books written by talented amateurs (some of which will be cited later on), three semi-professional histories of Slovak fratemals do exist: Jozef Pauco's 75 rokov Prvej Katolfckej Slovenskej Jednoty (75 Years of the First Catholic Slovak Union] (Cleveland : First Catholic Slovak Union , 1965); Anthony X. Sutherland's The Canadian Slovak League: A History, /9321982 (Toronto: Canadian Slovak League, 1984); and R. Vladimir Baumgarten's and Joseph Stefka's The National Slovak Society: JOO Year History, 1890-1990 (Pittsburgh: National Slovak Society, 1990). Although the latter do provide us with basic information about these societies over time, they are all "in-house" histories aimed at their members and ignore the basic conventions of professional historians, especially the concerns of the new social history. In addition, three articles (or chapters in books) written by professional historians or anthropologists focusing on Slovak fraternals in specific locations also exist. June Alexander has detailed the rise and functions of fraternals in the Pittsburgh area in chapter two "From Self-Help to Community Development: Slovak Fraternal-Benefit Societies," of her book cited above, pp.15-27; the psycho-anthropologist Howard F. Stein has analyzed Slovak fraternals in western Pennsylvania, especially in the McKeesport and Duquesne settlements in "An Ethnohistory of Slovak-American Religious and Fraternal Associations: A Study in Cultural Meaning, Group Identity, and Social Institutions," in Slovakia, XXIX (1980-1981) , 63-88; and the author of this paper has provided an over-view of Slovak-American fraternals based upon his study of the Slovak community in Bethlehem in "A Place for Everyone: Slovak Fraternal-Benefit Societies," in the book edited by Scott Cummings, cited above, pp.130-41. �SLOVAKIA 9 any level of government, paid him or his family any form of support or compensation. 4 The Slovaks were not the first to discover this shortcoming in American society. Indeed, as early as the 17th century, Scottish immigrants to America began to form self-help organizations, which later came to be known as fraternal-benefit societies. These were private bodies consisting of immigrants and their descendants who pooled their resources, established a common treasury, and paid relief or compensation to members who had become victims of some misfortune. 5 Contrary to Oscar Handlin's claim that they were products of the American environment, fraternal-benefit societies had roots in Europe dating back to at least the 15th century, and perhaps even earlier. Similarly, craft-guilds, which were not abolished until 1872 in the Kingdom of Hungary, also had a social-welfare component. 6 4 Margaret Byington, Homestead: The Households of a Mill Town (Pitt sburgh : The Russell Sage Foundation, 1910. Reprinted by the University of Pittsburgh Press, 1974), 161. 5 Gordon Donaldson, "Scots," in Stephan Thernstrom et.al., Harvard Encyclo- pedia of American Ethnic Groups (Cambridge, Mass.: The Belknap Press, 1980), 915 . 6 Oscar Handlin, The Uprooted: The Epic Story of the Great Migrations that MadetheAmerican People (New York: Grosset & Dunlap, 1951), 170-71, 176; Al:!beta Gacsova traced the first fraternal-benefit society in Hungary to the silver miners of Slovakia in 1460. See her Boje slovenskeho fudu proti feudalnemu utlaku a vykorist'ovaniu [The Struggle of the Slovak People Against Feudal Oppression and Exploitation] (Bratislava: Slovak Academy of Sciences, 1960), 64; Slovak editors discussed both fraternal-benefit societies and craft guilds in Narodnf hlasnik (National Herald , Turc. Sv. Martin), October 31, 1868, p.225 ; January 31, 1869, p.22; November 30, 1871, pp.331-32; and August 31, 1872, pp.242-44; and workers in Slovakia did try to organize fraternal-benefit societies in the 1870's and l 880's, before the massive emigration of Slovaks to the United States began. Cf. Narodnf hlasnik, March 31, 1874, pp.62-3, and Narodnie noviny (National News, Turc. Sv. Martin), February 8, 1881 , p. I. For an analysis of workers' societies in the city of Kosice in eastern Slovakia in the late �SLOVAKIA Thus, when central and eastern European migrants came to North America in the late 19th century, they had several models to choose from when they began to establish fraternal-benefit societies. They could copy from their American neighbours the structure of their fraternal-benefit societies, or some of these Slovaks, especially the skilled craftsmen or former miners, could draw upon previous experiences with craft guilds or fraternalbenefit societies in their homelands.7 Whatever their model, Slovak immigrants, who started to appear in the United States in the late 1870's, established around 50 local fraternal-benefit societies by 1890. 8 When one looks closely at these societies, one is bound to notice a tremendous variety in their origins, composition, religious, secular or national orientation. From Stefan Vesely's recent description, and listing of Slovak-American fraternals between 1883 and 1890, I extrapolated the following information: seven of these fraternals included the word "Hungarian" (along with "Slovak") in their titles; 26 used only the word "Slovak" (and not Hungarian) in their official name; 16 were secular-oriented, and 33 were religious. Of the 16 secular ones, two were organized by and for craftsmen. Furthermore, 25 of the fratemals arose in Pennsylvania, 8 in New Jersey, 6 in Ohio, 5 in New York, 3 in Connecticut and 1 each in Illinois and Minnesota. The largest concentration in and around cities was found in the Pittsburgh region 19th century, see Pavel Hapak, "K dejinam robotnfckych spolkov v Ko~iciach v druhej polovici 19. storocia," Nove obzory, 4 (1962), 162-63. 7 Slovaks in Bayonne, New Jersey and in Braddock, Pennsylvania said they learned about fraternal -benefit societies from their German and Irish neighbours. Cf. Ignac Gessay, "Spolky pred organizaciami." [Fraternals Before Organizations] , Narodnf kalendar, 191 I (Pittsburgh), 74-76. For a discussion of fraternal-benefit societies in Slovakia in the late 19th century see my Immigration and Urbanization: The Slovak Experience, 1870-/918 (New York : AMS Press, 1989), 70-72. 8 Stefan Vesely, "Prve slovenske spolky v Spojenych Statoch Americkych" [The First Slovak Fraternal-Benefit Societies in America], S/ovaci v zahranicf, 4-5 (Martin: Matica slovenska, 1979, 53-55. �SLOVAKIA 11 (7), followed by Cleveland (6), New York City (3), Passaic, New Jersey (3) and Bridgeport, Connecticut (3). The largest regional concentration was in eastern Pennsylvania, where 16 of the 50 fraternals sprang up. 9 The above statistical summary very nicely parallels what is widely-known about the Slovak-American community: that approximately half of all Slovak immigrants settled in Pennsylvania, and the rest in the surrounding Northeastern states; that the religious orientation of Slovak immigrants outweighed the secular, and that Slovak nationalism established a quick foothold in America at the expense of pro-Hungarian feeling. 10 Furthermore, when one looks at Slovak fraternals at a local level, as I have done in Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, one will learn even more about the Slovak community in America. Between 1891 and 1918, the approximately 1,000 Slovaks who settled in the steel town of Bethlehem in eastern Pennsylvania, established 19 fraternal-benefit societies. Since the men had come first, they created the 10 earliest fraternals, starting in 1891, and their wives followed suit with 9 fraternals of their own (the men initially did not allow women to join their fraternals ). 11 In addition to this division by sex, Slovak fraternals were also established on the basis of religion. Thus, of the 19 fraternals in Bethlehem, 12 were religious, with the Roman Catholics claiming eight, the Lutherans two and the Greek Catholics two as well. These religiously-based fraternals were equally divided by gender. 12 9 Ibid. IO Fourteenth Census of the United States Taken in the Year 1920, Vol. II, Population: General Report and Analytical Tables (Washington, D.C., 1922), 984. Stolarik, Immigration and Urbanization, 99; Alexander, Immigrant Church and Community, 132-34; and M. Mark Stolarik, "The Slovak Search for Identity in the United States, 1880-19 I 8," Canadian Review of Studies in Nationalism , XX (Nos. 1-2, 1993), 45-55 . I I Stolarik, Growing Up, 34-38. 12 Ibid. �12 SLOVAKIA Seven of the Slovak fraternals in Bethlehem were secularoriented, and they also highlighted both national and regional differences among the Slovaks. Six of these fraternals were ultra-nationalist, and their members hailed predominantly from central and western Slovakia. 13 This major difference among Slovaks in Bethlehem became apparent only in the fraternal records, because the majority of Slovaks in this town came from Eastern Slovakia. 14 Both dialectical, and national feelings, divided the Slovaks in Bethlehem. Furthermore, some of the fraternal records in Bethlehem also revealed class divisions within the Slovak community. The Sts. Cyril and Methodius Society, for instance, which was the first to be founded (in 1891 ), attracted the wealthiest and most successful of the Slovak businessmen in town, and by 1900 it demanded a $6.00 initiation fee from prospective members. Since this represented half a week's wages in the steel mill, only the better-off Slovaks could afford to join this lodge. The rest had to content themselves with less-expensive (and lessprestigious) lodges.1 s While Slovak fraternals mirrored the divisions within the community, they also performed many positive functions. As already mentioned, in return for monthly dues of about $0.50 they provided accident, illness or death benefits to their members, or their survivors. 16 They also provided personal loans, or even mortgages, to members in good standing, if their treasuries were large enough. 17 Furthermore, they taught their members the principles of democracy through their election of officers, and through the procedure of their meetings. 18 Indeed, many Slovak 13 Ibid., 36. 14 Ibid., 23, 28-30, 36. 15 Ibid., 34-5. I 6 Ibid., 38, 17 Ibid. 18 Ibid., 39. �SLOVAKIA 13 politicians started their careers as officers of fraternal-benefit societies, and used them as launching pads for election to city and even state offices. 19 Fratemals also enforced a personal code of behavior, especially if they were founded on religious principles. 20 And, by helping to establish parish churches, by publishing their own newspapers, and often by erecting meeting halls, they helped to create other very important pillars of their ethnic communities. 21 Meanwhile, among the Slovaks in North America, local fratemals began to federate into larger bodies starting in 1890. This movement was launched by the ex-seminarian and leading Slovak nationalist Peter V. Rovnianek ( 1867-1933 ). He dreamed of uniting all Slovak fratemals into a National Slovak Society, which he founded in Pittsburgh on February 15, 1890.22 However, another budding leader of American Slovaks, the Rev. Stefan Furdek ( 1855-1915) dashed Rovnianek's dreams. Furdek, who was pastor of a Czech parish in Cleveland, had witnessed the growing anti-clericalism of the secular Czech Slavic Benevolent Society which had been founded in St. Louis in 1854. Furdek feared that Rovnianek's society would follow a similar path. Therefore, on September 4, 1890, he founded the First Catholic Slovak Union of the United States of America I 9 Ibid., 102-03. 20 Ibid., 39. 21 Ibid., 45-9, 39-40; for the story of Slovak newspapers published by fraternal- benefit societies see my "The Slovak-American Press," in Sally M. Miller's The Ethnic Press in the United States: A Historical Analysis and Handbook (New York: Greenwood Press, 1987), 356. 22 P.V. Rovnianek, Zapisky z.a liva pochovaneho. Z mojho 25 rocneho verejneho ucinkovania na naroda roli dedicnej [Notes of One Buried Alive: My 25 Years of Work on Behalf of the Slovak Nation] (Pittsburgh : National Slovak Society, 1924), 127-30. �14 SLOVAKIA (and later Canada) and formalized at the national level what had already been happening locally. 23 Once the secular-Catholic split was formalized, other groups followed suit. Slovak Lutherans established their Slovak Evangelical Union in Freeland, Pennsylvania in 1893, and the Calvinists likewise created their Slovak Calvin Presbyterian Union in Mount Carmel, Pennsylvania in 1901.24 Militant Slovak nationalists, meanwhile, formed the Slovak Gymnastic Union Sokol in 1896 in New York City, while their more devout countrymen split off and established the Slovak Roman and Greek Catholic Sokol in Passaic, New Jersey in 1905. 25 Even a tiny group of Slovak socialists established a Slovak Workers' Society in Newark, New Jersey, in 1915. 26 All of these organizations encouraged the local fratemals to federate with their national bodies, and most did so. 23 Ibid., 127; Jan Pankuch, Dejiny Clevelandskfch a Lakewoodskfch Slovakov [A History of Cleveland and Lakewood Slovaks] (Cleveland: Author's publication, I 930), 32; Stefan Furdek, "Katolfcka Slovenska Jednota v Spojenych Statoch Americkych" [The First Catholic Slovak Union of the United States of America], Kalendar Jednota, 1896 (Cleveland), 26-7; for more Information on the Czech Slavic Benevolent Society see Jan Habenicht, Dejiny Cechuv Americkfch [A History of American Czechs] (St. Louis: Hlas Publishing Co., 1910), 36-7, and Thomas Capek, The Cechs (Bohemians) in America (Boston : Houghton Mifflin), 1920, 258 . 24 Stefan Zeman, "Pat'desiat rokov st'achetnej prace slov . evanjelikov v Amerike," in Martin Brozek ed., Zlata kniha Slovenskej Evanje/ickej Jednoty, 1893-/943 [Golden Jubilee of the Slovak Evangelical Union, 1893-1943] (Pittsburgh : Slovenskf hlasnik, 1943), 33-36; Frank Uherk.a, "Kratky prehfad S.K.P. Jednoty" [A Short History of the Slovak Calvin Presbyterian Union], Kalendar pre slovenskfch Kalvfnov, 1927 (Pittsburgh), 37-8. 25 Amerikansko-slovenske noviny (Pittsburgh), July 13, 1896, p.l, and Gusto Kosfk, "Prve desairocie nasej Jednoty" [The First Decade of Our Union], Sbomik Rfmsko a Grecko Katolfckej Telocvitnej Jednoty Sokol, 1916 (Passaic, NJ.), 35-51. 26 Jan Diacik, "Z dejin Slovenskeho Robotnickeho Spolku" [A History of the Slovak Workers' Society], in Jan Vrabel ed., Pamatnik Slovenskeho Robotnfckeho Spolku, 1915-1925 (Chicago, Rovnos( l:udu, 1925), 5. �SLOVAKIA 15 Since these national Slovak fratemals were founded by men, and initially most did not admit women into their ranks, Slovak women quickly proceeded to establish their own national organizations. The first to do so were the wives of the men who had founded the National Slovak Society. Urged on by P. V. Rovnianek, these women founded the 'Zivena' Slovak National Women's Benefit Society on July 19, 1891 in New York City. 27 Not to be outdone, the Reverend Stefan Furdek then urged a group of Roman Catholic women in Cleveland to establish the First Catholic Slovak Ladies Union in 1892. 28 After this Lutheran women established their own Evangelical Slovak Women's Union, and the wives of the secular and Catholic Sokols established their own "Wreaths" as adjuncts to the men's national organizations. 29 In addition, Slovaks also established fraternals on a regional basis. For instance, in 1893 Slovak men in eastern Pennsylvania created the Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union and a little later their wives organized the Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Ladies Union.30 Similarly, in Bridgeport, Connecticut, Slovaks founded the Slovak Wreath of the Free Eagle in 1896. 31 Similar regional organizations also arose in New York, Passaic, New Jersey, 27 Helen Pn1cazky, "Kratke dejiny I. odboru v New York, N.Y." [A Short Hi story of Branch I in New York], in Pavel Blazek, ed., Pamiitnica k zlatemu jubileju Ziveny, 1891-1941 (Pittsburgh : Slavia Printing Company, 1941), 211. 28 Kenneth Baka, "The First Catholic Slovak Ladies Association," in Joseph C. Krajsa et.al., Slovaks in America: A Bicentennial Study (Middletown, PA: Slovak League of America, 1976), 172. 29 Alvin J. Schmidt, Fraternal Organizations (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1980), 343 for the establishment of the Evangelical Slovak Women's Union, and Joseph G. Prufa, ed., Golden Jubilee (1905-1955) Souvenir Book of the Slovak Catholic Sokol (Passaic, NJ : Slovak Catholic Sokol, 1955), for the Sokol Wreaths. 30 Amerikansko-slovenske noviny, July 4, I 896, p. l ; "Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union," in Krajsa et.al., Slovaks in America, 197; and "The Ladies Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union, 1898-1976," Ibid., 20 I. 31 "First Slovak Wreath of the Free Eagle," Ibid., 22 I. �16 SLOVAKIA Pittsburgh, Cleveland, Chicago, and elsewhere, and many soon also began to recruit members nation-wide.32 If we look at some membership statistics, we will quickly notice that Slovak Catholic fratemals attracted far more members than the secular ones in the United States. For instance, Thomas Capek Jr. did a survey of the principal Slovak national fratemals in 1920 and discovered that twelve such societies had a combined adult membership of 212,241. 33 This was an astonishing number when one considers that the 1920 United States Census counted 619,866 Slovaks in this country. 34 Furthermore, Capek's survey actually under-counted the number of Slovaks enrolled in fraternals because he did not list members of youth divisions. For instance, in 1920 the First Catholic Slovak Union also had 21,860 Youth Division members and the National Slovak Society's Young Folks Circle counted 14,124. 35 Nevertheless, if we break down Capek's adult members into those who belonged to religious fraternals versus those who belonged to secular ones, we discover that 142,946 were members of religious fraternals and only 69,315 belonged to non-denominational ones.36 If we compare the principal Catholic versus secular societies established by Slovaks in the United States over a longer period of time, we will notice an ever-widening gulf between them. Thus, while the National Slovak Society initially enrolled more members than the First Catholic Slovak Union (2,871 versus 864 in 1891), by 1898 the FCSU had overtaken the NSS 32 Thomas Capek, Jr., The Slovaks in America (New York: Czechoslovak Section of America's Making, Inc. , 1921 ), 88-9. 33 Ibid., 89. 34 See above, footnote 10. 35 Paufo, 75 rokov, 158; and Juraj J. Niznansky and Vendelin Platek, compilers, Dejiny a Pamatnica Narodneho Slovenskeho Spolku, 1890-1950 (Pittsburgh: National Slovak Society, 1950), 219. 36 Capek, Jr., op.cit., 88-9. �SLOVAKIA 17 (10,547 versus 9,573) and eventually left it far behind. 37 By 1929, when the membership of the National Slovak Society peaked, the latter had 42,646 adult members and 21,437 youth, for a grand total of 64,083, whereas the First Catholic Slovak Union had 102,000 adult and youth members that year. 38 Indeed, after 1929 membership in the NSS began a slow and steady decline to only 30,129 adult members and 7,508 youth in 1949, while the FCSU actually grew to 104,558 members in 1931, declined to 91,719 in 1939 due to the Great Depression, but rebounded after World War II to 95,712 members in 1948, and ultimately to 105,800 members in 1977, when its membership peaked.39 By contrast, membership in the National Slovak Society had fallen to 23,415 in 1975.40 While no-one has yet systematically studied the rise and decline of the major Slovak fraternal-benefit societies in America, I have noticed a surprising trend when briefly comparing men's and women's fratemals. For instance, while Capek reported 49,680 adult members in the First Catholic Slovak Union in 1920, and only 28,264 adult members in the First Catholic Slovak Ladies Union that year,41 by 1985 the women's organization had outstripped the men in both membership and assets. In that year the women's Union had 105,955 members and assets of $94,000,000 versus 95,090 members in the men's Union, and assets of only $51 ,800,000.42 How and why the women overtook the men still needs to be determined. 37 Nifoansky & Platek, Dejiny, 2 14; Pauco, 75 rokov, 13, 31. 38 Nifoansky & Platek, Dejiny, 214, 219; Pauco, 75 rokov, 230. 39 Nifoansky & Platek, Dejiny, 214; Pauco, 75 rokov, 246, 322, 370, and Slovakia, 27 (1977), back cover. 4o Baumgarten & Stefka, The National Slovak Society, 156. 4 l Capek, Jr., op.cit., 88. 42 1985 Statistics of Fraternal Benefit Societies, 1986 Edition (Naperville, ILL: The National Fraternal Congress of America, 1986), I I 8-19. �18 SLOVAKIA The story of the establishment of Slovak fraternal-benefit societies in Canada likewise reveals a great deal about the Slovak-Canadian community, and its similarities and differences when compared with the American community. Unlike Slovak immigration to the United States, which proceeded directly from Slovakia to the industrial heartland of the American Northeast in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, Slovak immigration to Canada before World War I was principally from the United States to the western provinces. American Slovaks were lured to Canada's west either by work to be found in the newly-opened coal mines of Alberta or British Columbia, to construction of spurs of Canada's railroads through the Rocky Mountains, or by cheap and available farmland on the prairies. 43 Since these Slovak pioneers had gone to Canada via the United States, they naturally brought with them ties to SlovakAmerican institutions, including fraternal-benefit societies. From the only complete list of Canadian branches of an American Slovak fraternal in existence, we can clearly see the pattern of Slovak settlement in Canada. The first branch of a SlovakAmerican fraternal arose in the coal-mining town of Ladysmith, British Columbia in 1891. It was Assembly number 52 of the 4 3 Slovak-American newspapers had many reports from these "pioneers" who settled in Canada before World War I. For examples of coal miners who settled in British Columbia and Alberta see Amerikansko-slovenske noviny, January 28, 1902, p.1, Slovak v Amerike (New York), January 12, 1902, p.1, February 11 , 1902, p.l, February 9, 1906, p.3, July 29, 1913, p.7, Narodnie noviny, No. 69 (1902), p.3, Jed nota (Cleveland), August 23, 1905, p.5, October 10, 1906, p.1, April 9, 1909, p.2, November 15, 191 I, p.2, December 20, 1911, p.2, December 4, 1912, p.2, November 26, 1913, p.2; for examples of American Slovaks who settled on Canada's prairies and took up farming see Slovak v Amerike, October 29, 1901, p.3, January 2, 1908, p.2, June 17, 1909, p.2, December 21, 1909, p.4, August 25, 1910, p.2, January 2, 1912, p.3, June 17, 1913, p.6, Jednota, February 22, 1905, p.5, October 15, 1905, p.5, June 27, 1906, p.2, January 8, 1914, p.3 . For the story of a railroad worker who came to British Columbia via the United States in 1910 consult my interview with Andrej Potocky of Thunder Bay, Ontario, June 24, 1977, tapes STO-C-46, 47, 48, 49, Canadian Museum of Civilization, Hull, Quebec. �SLOVAKIA 19 National Slovak Society, and in subsequent years branches of the NSS also arose in Fernie, British Columbia (1900), in Natal, B.C. (1903), in Coleman, Alberta (1904), in Frank Alberta (1905), in Trail, B.C. (1906), in Canmore, Alberta (1906), in Corbin, B.C. (1909), in Maple Leaf, Ontario (1913) and in Blainnore, Alberta ( 1918). 44 Thus, nine of the ten branches of the NSS established in Canada before the end of World War I were in the two westernmost provinces of Alberta and British Columbia. Only after World War I, when the United States started to close its borders to unrestricted immigration, while Canada still accepted cheap laborers, did the pattern of Slovak settlement change. 45 Now Slovaks immigrated directly to Canada via the ports of Quebec and Montreal, and, although the Canadian government wanted them to continue on to the West, most chose to settle in Ontario and Quebec, which formed the industrial heartland of Canada. 46 Thus, branches of the National Slovak Society sprang up in Windsor in 1929 and in 1937; in Montreal in 1931; in Hamilton in 1931 and 1939 and in Timmins in 1932. After World War II more branches arose in Toronto in 1956, and in Montreal that same year; in Welland in 1957, another one in Toronto in 1964, and in Galt in 1965.47 In spite of this growth in branches, membership in the NSS in Canada was unimpres- 44 Baumgarten & Stefka, The National Slovak Society, 251, 264, 266-67, 27071, 275-76, 278. 45 For the story of the Immigration Restriction Acts in the United States see E.P. Hutchinson, Legislative History of American Immigration Policy, 1798-1965 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press for the Balch Institute, 1981 ), 171-213. 46 For Canada's Immigration Policies during the 1920's see Donald Avery, Reluctant Host: Canada's Response to Immigrant Workers , 1896-1994 (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart Inc., 1995), 82-107. 4 7 Baumgarten & Stefka, op.cit., 279-82. �20 SLOVAKIA sive at only 320 adults in 1964.48 Indeed, in 1989 the few remaining members of the NSS in Canada were urged by the Head Officers in Pittsburgh to join local branches of the First Catholic Slovak Union because the cost of administering so few members had become prohibitive. 49 While we do not have complete lists of branches of other Slovak-American societies in Canada, we do have partial listings of their locations, and these confirm the above observations. Thus, the first five branches of the First Catholic Slovak Union established in Canada before World War I appeared in Lethbridge, Alberta (1894), Fernie, B.C., Canmore and Coleman, Alberta, and Fort William, Ontario. 50 After the first and second World Wars another 51 branches of the "Jednota" were established principally in Ontario and Quebec, and by 1965 all the Jednota branches combined had 2,988 members, making them by far the largest American-Slovak fraternal-benefit society in Canada. 51 Meanwhile, among other American fraternals established in Canada, the same pattern appears. Thus, two branches of the Slovak Catholic Sokol arose in Canmore and Blairmore, Alberta, before World War I; and one each in Toronto and Montreal after the war. 52 The Slovak Evangelical Union did not move into Canada until after World War I, probably because Slovak Lutherans did not come in any great numbers until that time. However, it did eventually establish twelve branches in Ontario and Quebec, starting in Fort William in 1927, and later in Windsor, 48 Joseph M. Kirschbaum, Slovaks in Canada (Toronto: Canadian Ethnic Press Association of Ontario, 1967), 182. 49 Baumgarten & Stefka, op.cit., 184. 5o Kirschbaum, op.cit., 184; and Elena Jake~ova, Vysfahovalectvo Slovakov do Kanady (Bratislava: Slovak Academy of Sciences, 1981), 75-6. 5 l Kirschbaum, op.cit., 185. 52 Ibid., 187. �SLOVAKIA 21 Timmins, Toronto, Montreal, and elsewhere. 53 The Slovak Workers' Society also established six branches in Canada between 1926 and 1929, principally in Ontario and Quebec. 54 By 1934 various American Slovak fraternal-benefit societies had organized around 100 branches in Canada performing the same functions, and reflecting the same divisions in the Slovak community, as they had had in the United States. 55 Meanwhile, with the arrival of immigrants directly from Slovakia in the 1920's, a movement arose to establish purely Canadian fraternals as well. It started in Montreal in 1924 when the restaurant-owner Frantisek Capkovic decided to create a Slovak fraternal-benefit society. However, some Czechs also wished to join it, and the local Czechoslovak Consul persuaded Capkovic to organize the Czechoslovak Benefit Society, in order to promote the philosophy of "Czechoslovakism" among immigrants in Canada. This philosophy received official government sanction in 1918 with the creation of the new Republic of Czechoslovakia upon the ruins of Austria-Hungary. Thus, the new Czechoslovak Consulate in Montreal subsidized the Czechoslovak Benefit Society with a monthly contribution of $60.00. 56 While this Czechoslovak society grew to 1, 135 members in 17 branches across Ontario and Quebec, and even a few in the west by 1931, old-world politics ultimately divided it. Slovak nationalists in both the United States and Canada attacked this society as a tool of the Czechoslovak government. Therefore, in 1931 it split into the First Slovak Benefit Society headquartered 53 Jake§ova, op. cit., 113. 5 4 Ibid., 113-15. 55 This is my estimate, based upon my reading of Kirschbaum, Jake~ova, Baumgarten & Stefka. Kirschbaum under-counted them at only 78 in that year. Cf. Kirschbaum, op.cit., 193. The exact number of branches of Slovak-American fratemals in Canada in that year, and in others, still remains to be determined. 56 Jakdova, op. cit., I 16. �22 SLOVAKIA in Montreal (8 branches) and the old Czechoslovak Benefit Society (9 branches).57 Furthermore, one of the early organizers and supporters of the original Czechoslovak Benefit Society also broke with it Gabriel Kurdel, who had been its secretary in 1926-1927, decided to take up farming near Regina, Saskatchewan, in 1928. However, his organizing instinct spurred him to establish several Slovak Benefit Societies in the West, and also among the precious metals miners in Northern Ontario between 1929 and 1932. These societies eventually federated into the Canadian Slovak Benefit Society in 1946, and became the second-largest purely Canadian fraternal with 38 branches and 2,035 members in 1965. 58 The largest Slovak-Canadian fraternal-benefit society, ironically enough, was a child of an American organization. Nationalist Slovaks in Fort William, Ontario, had established a branch of the Slovak League of America in 1916, and other branches arose soon after the war in Corbin, British Columbia, Flin Flon and Winnipeg, Manitoba, Toronto and Oshawa, Ontario, Montreal, Quebec, and in New Waterford, Nova Scotia. 59 Slovaks in these centers were grateful that a delegate of the Slovak League of America had visited various camps in Canada in which Slovaks, among others, had been interned as "enemy aliens" in 1915 and 1916, and had persuaded the Canadian authorities to release them. 60 Unfortunately for these Canadian members of the Slovak League of America, the latter was not a fraternal-benefit society. It was the cover organization that spoke for most American57 Ibid. 58 Ibid., 117-20; Kirschbaum, op. cit., 194-95, 204, 206-09. 59 Kirschbaum, op. cit., 198-20 I ; Jakefova, op. cit., 120; Sutherland, op. cit., 24-8. 60 Jednota , June 9, 1915, p.1, June 23 , 1915, p.5, July 14, 1915, p.l , July 21, 1915, p.1, August 11 , 1915, p. l , January 12, 1916, p.5, February 2, 1916, p.1, June 13, 1917, p.6. See also Kirschbaum, op. cit. , 92-3. �SLOVAKIA 23 Slovak fratemals, but it had few assets of its own. 61 Thus, after the Great Depression had broken out, members of the Slovak League of America in Canada felt the need to organize a mutualaid society, and, therefore, in December, 1932, in a meeting in Winnipeg, Manitoba, delegates from Slovak League of America branches in Winnipeg, Montreal, and Corbin, B.C., met and established the Canadian Slovak League, which remained strongly nationalist, but also began to function as a fraternalbenefit society.62 In the next few decades the Canadian Slovak League grew into the largest Slovak organization in Canada, with 55 branches and 3,247 members in 1965. 63 Also, as a reflection of the shifting population of Slovaks in the Dominion, the Canadian Slovak League moved its headquarters first from Winnipeg to Fort William, Ontario, later to Montreal, and finally , to Toronto, where most Slovak-Canadian fraternals are now headquartered. 64 Slovak socialists, meanwhile, also began to shift allegiances. After the Great Depression broke out, Canadian members of the American Slovak Workers' Society were no longer able to pay their dues, and the six branches of the American society withered. 65 However, the Canadian socialists did not abandon the cause. Instead, in 1931 they began to establish "Workers' Education Clubs," along the lines followed by other ethnic groups, principally the Hungarians. In 1934 these clubs joined the Communist Party of Canada, and by 1936 they federated into the 61 For a brief history of the Slovak League of America see Mikula~ Sprinc, ed., Slovenska Liga v Amerike styridsalrocna [Forty Y~ of the Slovak League of America], (Scranton, PA: Obrana Press, 1947). 62 Sutherland, op. cit., 25 . 63 Kirschbaum, op. cit., 198, 204. 64 Jake~ova, op.cit., 120, and Sutherland, op. cit., 70. According to lmrich Stolarik, who was president of the CSL at the time, the League's headquarters was moved to Toronto in 1980, when the League purchased a building for this purpose (telephone conversation with the author, May 6, 1994). 65 Jake~ova, op. cit., 120. �24 SLOVAKIA Slovak Cultural Society. During the Second World War these Slovak socialists finally formed a fraternal Slovak Benefit Society and by 1965 it had grown to 27 branches with 1,200 members, making it the third-largest Slovak-Canadian fraternalbenefit organization at that time. 66 Having surveyed the creation of the principal American and Canadian Slovak fraternal-benefit societies over the last 100 years, we are now in a position to notice their similarities and differences. American Slovak fraternals tended to reflect their earlier origins and were divided by religion, gender, class, regionalism and nationalism. Thus, among American fraternals the religious ones predominated, the men and women established their own organizations, there was some class differentiation both at the local, and at the national level, as there was in regional origins, and the chief political division initially had to do with Slovak nationalism versus loyalty to Hungary. Branches of American fraternals established in Canada tended to reflect these divisions. Canadian Slovak fraternals, by contrast, were founded later and reflected new political and other concerns. The major political divisions among them concerned Slovak identity versus 'Czechoslovakism.' On the other hand, Canadian Slovaks did not establish fraternals based upon gender, nor did they splinter along religious lines. Their much stronger national feeling, arising from their origins in the new Republic of Czechoslovakia, seemed to overcome these potential divisions. On class lines, however, Canadian Slovaks showed a much greater propensity towards division than did American Slovaks. While both groups founded Slovak "workers" organizations, those in Canada had proportionately more members than their cousins in the United States. Thus, in 1939, when the American Slovak Workers' Society peaked at approximately 11,000 members (out of a total of perhaps 400,000 Slovaks organized in 66 Ibid., 121-23, and Kirschbaum, op. cit., 209-12. �SLOVAKIA 25 fratemals), its Canadian counterpart peaked at 1,200 members in 1965.67 At first glance, the latter number seems very small, but it actually represents third place among Slovak-Canadian fratemals (the Canadian Slovak League had over 3,000 members and the Canadian Slovak Benefit Society around 2,000 in that same year). If we were to rank the American Slovak Workers' Society in 1939, it would not even have made tenth place among its countrymen's fraternals . Thus, socialism had a much stronger hold upon Canadian Slovaks than it did among its American cousins. In the final analysis, when establishing fraternal-benefit societies, Canadian Slovaks faced the same dilemmas that other immigrants to North America confronted: would they follow American models, or create distinctly Canadian ones? They ended up doing both, which is a typically Canadian reaction to the problem of ethnic identity in North America. 68 67 Milo~ Gosiorovsky, "K hist6rii Slovenskeho robotnfckeho spolku v USA" (A History of the Slovak Workers Society in the USA], Zbomlk Fi/ozofickej Fakulty Univerzity Komenskeho, historica , //-12 (Bratislava: Comenius University, 1962), 56. 68 For a brilliant discussion of Canada's continuing efforts to forge a national identity see Robert F. Hamey, "So Great a Heritage as Ours" : Immigration and the Survival of the Canadian Polity," Daedalus, 117 (No. 4, 1988), 51-97. � SLOVAKIA 7 Slovak FraternalBenefit Societies in North America: An Overview (1883-1993) M. Mark Stolarik (Conference on The Development and Significance of the Fraternal Movement and Fraternal Organizations Among Immigrants in North and South America and Europe, Maribor, Slovenia, May, 1994) In a book of essays that set out to explore how ethnic groups have used the principles of collectivism to deal with their new life in America, Scott Cummings lamented that "Relatively little has been written about self-help institutions and mutual benefit societies created by immigrant groups." 1 When applied to the Slovaks in North America, this statement still holds true. While several community studies of Slovaks in North America have appeared in recent years, none have compared and contrasted the creation of fraternal-benefit societies among Slovaks in the United States and Canada. 2 This essay will make such an attempt, 1 Scott Cummings, ed., Self-Help in Urban America: Patterns of Minority Business Enterprise (Port Washington, N.Y.: Kennikat Press, 1980), 5. 2 The principal community studies are M. Mark Stolarik, Growing Up on the South Side: Three Generations of Slovaks in Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, /880- 1976 (Lewisburg: Bucknell University Press, 1985) and June Granatir Alexander, �8 SLOVAKIA although only in a preliminary fashion, because we still lack professional studies of the many fraternal-benefit societies established by Slovak immigrants to North America over the last 100 years. 3 When Slovaks from the Kingdom of Hungary (and other immigrants as well) began to migrate to North America in search of work in the late 19th century, they quickly discovered that, while the New World had plenty of job opportunities in the coal mines, steel mills and oil refineries, it did not provide much in the way of social welfare benefits. Thus, if an immigrant fell ill, was injured on the job, or even killed, neither his employer, nor The Immigrant Church and Community: Pittsburgh's Slovak Catholics and Lutherans, 1880-1915 (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1987). 3 Besides many jubilee-books written by talented amateurs (some of which will be cited later on), three semi-professional histories of Slovak fratemals do exist: Jozef Pauco's 75 rokov Prvej Katolfckej Slovenskej Jednoty (75 Years of the First Catholic Slovak Union] (Cleveland : First Catholic Slovak Union , 1965); Anthony X. Sutherland's The Canadian Slovak League: A History, /9321982 (Toronto: Canadian Slovak League, 1984); and R. Vladimir Baumgarten's and Joseph Stefka's The National Slovak Society: JOO Year History, 1890-1990 (Pittsburgh: National Slovak Society, 1990). Although the latter do provide us with basic information about these societies over time, they are all "in-house" histories aimed at their members and ignore the basic conventions of professional historians, especially the concerns of the new social history. In addition, three articles (or chapters in books) written by professional historians or anthropologists focusing on Slovak fraternals in specific locations also exist. June Alexander has detailed the rise and functions of fraternals in the Pittsburgh area in chapter two "From Self-Help to Community Development: Slovak Fraternal-Benefit Societies," of her book cited above, pp.15-27; the psycho-anthropologist Howard F. Stein has analyzed Slovak fraternals in western Pennsylvania, especially in the McKeesport and Duquesne settlements in "An Ethnohistory of Slovak-American Religious and Fraternal Associations: A Study in Cultural Meaning, Group Identity, and Social Institutions," in Slovakia, XXIX (1980-1981) , 63-88; and the author of this paper has provided an over-view of Slovak-American fraternals based upon his study of the Slovak community in Bethlehem in "A Place for Everyone: Slovak Fraternal-Benefit Societies," in the book edited by Scott Cummings, cited above, pp.130-41. �SLOVAKIA 9 any level of government, paid him or his family any form of support or compensation. 4 The Slovaks were not the first to discover this shortcoming in American society. Indeed, as early as the 17th century, Scottish immigrants to America began to form self-help organizations, which later came to be known as fraternal-benefit societies. These were private bodies consisting of immigrants and their descendants who pooled their resources, established a common treasury, and paid relief or compensation to members who had become victims of some misfortune. 5 Contrary to Oscar Handlin's claim that they were products of the American environment, fraternal-benefit societies had roots in Europe dating back to at least the 15th century, and perhaps even earlier. Similarly, craft-guilds, which were not abolished until 1872 in the Kingdom of Hungary, also had a social-welfare component. 6 4 Margaret Byington, Homestead: The Households of a Mill Town (Pitt sburgh : The Russell Sage Foundation, 1910. Reprinted by the University of Pittsburgh Press, 1974), 161. 5 Gordon Donaldson, "Scots," in Stephan Thernstrom et.al., Harvard Encyclo- pedia of American Ethnic Groups (Cambridge, Mass.: The Belknap Press, 1980), 915 . 6 Oscar Handlin, The Uprooted: The Epic Story of the Great Migrations that MadetheAmerican People (New York: Grosset & Dunlap, 1951), 170-71, 176; Al:!beta Gacsova traced the first fraternal-benefit society in Hungary to the silver miners of Slovakia in 1460. See her Boje slovenskeho fudu proti feudalnemu utlaku a vykorist'ovaniu [The Struggle of the Slovak People Against Feudal Oppression and Exploitation] (Bratislava: Slovak Academy of Sciences, 1960), 64; Slovak editors discussed both fraternal-benefit societies and craft guilds in Narodnf hlasnik (National Herald , Turc. Sv. Martin), October 31, 1868, p.225 ; January 31, 1869, p.22; November 30, 1871, pp.331-32; and August 31, 1872, pp.242-44; and workers in Slovakia did try to organize fraternal-benefit societies in the 1870's and l 880's, before the massive emigration of Slovaks to the United States began. Cf. Narodnf hlasnik, March 31, 1874, pp.62-3, and Narodnie noviny (National News, Turc. Sv. Martin), February 8, 1881 , p. I. For an analysis of workers' societies in the city of Kosice in eastern Slovakia in the late �SLOVAKIA Thus, when central and eastern European migrants came to North America in the late 19th century, they had several models to choose from when they began to establish fraternal-benefit societies. They could copy from their American neighbours the structure of their fraternal-benefit societies, or some of these Slovaks, especially the skilled craftsmen or former miners, could draw upon previous experiences with craft guilds or fraternalbenefit societies in their homelands.7 Whatever their model, Slovak immigrants, who started to appear in the United States in the late 1870's, established around 50 local fraternal-benefit societies by 1890. 8 When one looks closely at these societies, one is bound to notice a tremendous variety in their origins, composition, religious, secular or national orientation. From Stefan Vesely's recent description, and listing of Slovak-American fraternals between 1883 and 1890, I extrapolated the following information: seven of these fraternals included the word "Hungarian" (along with "Slovak") in their titles; 26 used only the word "Slovak" (and not Hungarian) in their official name; 16 were secular-oriented, and 33 were religious. Of the 16 secular ones, two were organized by and for craftsmen. Furthermore, 25 of the fratemals arose in Pennsylvania, 8 in New Jersey, 6 in Ohio, 5 in New York, 3 in Connecticut and 1 each in Illinois and Minnesota. The largest concentration in and around cities was found in the Pittsburgh region 19th century, see Pavel Hapak, "K dejinam robotnfckych spolkov v Ko~iciach v druhej polovici 19. storocia," Nove obzory, 4 (1962), 162-63. 7 Slovaks in Bayonne, New Jersey and in Braddock, Pennsylvania said they learned about fraternal -benefit societies from their German and Irish neighbours. Cf. Ignac Gessay, "Spolky pred organizaciami." [Fraternals Before Organizations] , Narodnf kalendar, 191 I (Pittsburgh), 74-76. For a discussion of fraternal-benefit societies in Slovakia in the late 19th century see my Immigration and Urbanization: The Slovak Experience, 1870-/918 (New York : AMS Press, 1989), 70-72. 8 Stefan Vesely, "Prve slovenske spolky v Spojenych Statoch Americkych" [The First Slovak Fraternal-Benefit Societies in America], S/ovaci v zahranicf, 4-5 (Martin: Matica slovenska, 1979, 53-55. �SLOVAKIA 11 (7), followed by Cleveland (6), New York City (3), Passaic, New Jersey (3) and Bridgeport, Connecticut (3). The largest regional concentration was in eastern Pennsylvania, where 16 of the 50 fraternals sprang up. 9 The above statistical summary very nicely parallels what is widely-known about the Slovak-American community: that approximately half of all Slovak immigrants settled in Pennsylvania, and the rest in the surrounding Northeastern states; that the religious orientation of Slovak immigrants outweighed the secular, and that Slovak nationalism established a quick foothold in America at the expense of pro-Hungarian feeling. 10 Furthermore, when one looks at Slovak fraternals at a local level, as I have done in Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, one will learn even more about the Slovak community in America. Between 1891 and 1918, the approximately 1,000 Slovaks who settled in the steel town of Bethlehem in eastern Pennsylvania, established 19 fraternal-benefit societies. Since the men had come first, they created the 10 earliest fraternals, starting in 1891, and their wives followed suit with 9 fraternals of their own (the men initially did not allow women to join their fraternals ). 11 In addition to this division by sex, Slovak fraternals were also established on the basis of religion. Thus, of the 19 fraternals in Bethlehem, 12 were religious, with the Roman Catholics claiming eight, the Lutherans two and the Greek Catholics two as well. These religiously-based fraternals were equally divided by gender. 12 9 Ibid. IO Fourteenth Census of the United States Taken in the Year 1920, Vol. II, Population: General Report and Analytical Tables (Washington, D.C., 1922), 984. Stolarik, Immigration and Urbanization, 99; Alexander, Immigrant Church and Community, 132-34; and M. Mark Stolarik, "The Slovak Search for Identity in the United States, 1880-19 I 8," Canadian Review of Studies in Nationalism , XX (Nos. 1-2, 1993), 45-55 . I I Stolarik, Growing Up, 34-38. 12 Ibid. �12 SLOVAKIA Seven of the Slovak fraternals in Bethlehem were secularoriented, and they also highlighted both national and regional differences among the Slovaks. Six of these fraternals were ultra-nationalist, and their members hailed predominantly from central and western Slovakia. 13 This major difference among Slovaks in Bethlehem became apparent only in the fraternal records, because the majority of Slovaks in this town came from Eastern Slovakia. 14 Both dialectical, and national feelings, divided the Slovaks in Bethlehem. Furthermore, some of the fraternal records in Bethlehem also revealed class divisions within the Slovak community. The Sts. Cyril and Methodius Society, for instance, which was the first to be founded (in 1891 ), attracted the wealthiest and most successful of the Slovak businessmen in town, and by 1900 it demanded a $6.00 initiation fee from prospective members. Since this represented half a week's wages in the steel mill, only the better-off Slovaks could afford to join this lodge. The rest had to content themselves with less-expensive (and lessprestigious) lodges.1 s While Slovak fraternals mirrored the divisions within the community, they also performed many positive functions. As already mentioned, in return for monthly dues of about $0.50 they provided accident, illness or death benefits to their members, or their survivors. 16 They also provided personal loans, or even mortgages, to members in good standing, if their treasuries were large enough. 17 Furthermore, they taught their members the principles of democracy through their election of officers, and through the procedure of their meetings. 18 Indeed, many Slovak 13 Ibid., 36. 14 Ibid., 23, 28-30, 36. 15 Ibid., 34-5. I 6 Ibid., 38, 17 Ibid. 18 Ibid., 39. �SLOVAKIA 13 politicians started their careers as officers of fraternal-benefit societies, and used them as launching pads for election to city and even state offices. 19 Fratemals also enforced a personal code of behavior, especially if they were founded on religious principles. 20 And, by helping to establish parish churches, by publishing their own newspapers, and often by erecting meeting halls, they helped to create other very important pillars of their ethnic communities. 21 Meanwhile, among the Slovaks in North America, local fratemals began to federate into larger bodies starting in 1890. This movement was launched by the ex-seminarian and leading Slovak nationalist Peter V. Rovnianek ( 1867-1933 ). He dreamed of uniting all Slovak fratemals into a National Slovak Society, which he founded in Pittsburgh on February 15, 1890.22 However, another budding leader of American Slovaks, the Rev. Stefan Furdek ( 1855-1915) dashed Rovnianek's dreams. Furdek, who was pastor of a Czech parish in Cleveland, had witnessed the growing anti-clericalism of the secular Czech Slavic Benevolent Society which had been founded in St. Louis in 1854. Furdek feared that Rovnianek's society would follow a similar path. Therefore, on September 4, 1890, he founded the First Catholic Slovak Union of the United States of America I 9 Ibid., 102-03. 20 Ibid., 39. 21 Ibid., 45-9, 39-40; for the story of Slovak newspapers published by fraternal- benefit societies see my "The Slovak-American Press," in Sally M. Miller's The Ethnic Press in the United States: A Historical Analysis and Handbook (New York: Greenwood Press, 1987), 356. 22 P.V. Rovnianek, Zapisky z.a liva pochovaneho. Z mojho 25 rocneho verejneho ucinkovania na naroda roli dedicnej [Notes of One Buried Alive: My 25 Years of Work on Behalf of the Slovak Nation] (Pittsburgh : National Slovak Society, 1924), 127-30. �14 SLOVAKIA (and later Canada) and formalized at the national level what had already been happening locally. 23 Once the secular-Catholic split was formalized, other groups followed suit. Slovak Lutherans established their Slovak Evangelical Union in Freeland, Pennsylvania in 1893, and the Calvinists likewise created their Slovak Calvin Presbyterian Union in Mount Carmel, Pennsylvania in 1901.24 Militant Slovak nationalists, meanwhile, formed the Slovak Gymnastic Union Sokol in 1896 in New York City, while their more devout countrymen split off and established the Slovak Roman and Greek Catholic Sokol in Passaic, New Jersey in 1905. 25 Even a tiny group of Slovak socialists established a Slovak Workers' Society in Newark, New Jersey, in 1915. 26 All of these organizations encouraged the local fratemals to federate with their national bodies, and most did so. 23 Ibid., 127; Jan Pankuch, Dejiny Clevelandskfch a Lakewoodskfch Slovakov [A History of Cleveland and Lakewood Slovaks] (Cleveland: Author's publication, I 930), 32; Stefan Furdek, "Katolfcka Slovenska Jednota v Spojenych Statoch Americkych" [The First Catholic Slovak Union of the United States of America], Kalendar Jednota, 1896 (Cleveland), 26-7; for more Information on the Czech Slavic Benevolent Society see Jan Habenicht, Dejiny Cechuv Americkfch [A History of American Czechs] (St. Louis: Hlas Publishing Co., 1910), 36-7, and Thomas Capek, The Cechs (Bohemians) in America (Boston : Houghton Mifflin), 1920, 258 . 24 Stefan Zeman, "Pat'desiat rokov st'achetnej prace slov . evanjelikov v Amerike," in Martin Brozek ed., Zlata kniha Slovenskej Evanje/ickej Jednoty, 1893-/943 [Golden Jubilee of the Slovak Evangelical Union, 1893-1943] (Pittsburgh : Slovenskf hlasnik, 1943), 33-36; Frank Uherk.a, "Kratky prehfad S.K.P. Jednoty" [A Short History of the Slovak Calvin Presbyterian Union], Kalendar pre slovenskfch Kalvfnov, 1927 (Pittsburgh), 37-8. 25 Amerikansko-slovenske noviny (Pittsburgh), July 13, 1896, p.l, and Gusto Kosfk, "Prve desairocie nasej Jednoty" [The First Decade of Our Union], Sbomik Rfmsko a Grecko Katolfckej Telocvitnej Jednoty Sokol, 1916 (Passaic, NJ.), 35-51. 26 Jan Diacik, "Z dejin Slovenskeho Robotnickeho Spolku" [A History of the Slovak Workers' Society], in Jan Vrabel ed., Pamatnik Slovenskeho Robotnfckeho Spolku, 1915-1925 (Chicago, Rovnos( l:udu, 1925), 5. �SLOVAKIA 15 Since these national Slovak fratemals were founded by men, and initially most did not admit women into their ranks, Slovak women quickly proceeded to establish their own national organizations. The first to do so were the wives of the men who had founded the National Slovak Society. Urged on by P. V. Rovnianek, these women founded the 'Zivena' Slovak National Women's Benefit Society on July 19, 1891 in New York City. 27 Not to be outdone, the Reverend Stefan Furdek then urged a group of Roman Catholic women in Cleveland to establish the First Catholic Slovak Ladies Union in 1892. 28 After this Lutheran women established their own Evangelical Slovak Women's Union, and the wives of the secular and Catholic Sokols established their own "Wreaths" as adjuncts to the men's national organizations. 29 In addition, Slovaks also established fraternals on a regional basis. For instance, in 1893 Slovak men in eastern Pennsylvania created the Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union and a little later their wives organized the Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Ladies Union.30 Similarly, in Bridgeport, Connecticut, Slovaks founded the Slovak Wreath of the Free Eagle in 1896. 31 Similar regional organizations also arose in New York, Passaic, New Jersey, 27 Helen Pn1cazky, "Kratke dejiny I. odboru v New York, N.Y." [A Short Hi story of Branch I in New York], in Pavel Blazek, ed., Pamiitnica k zlatemu jubileju Ziveny, 1891-1941 (Pittsburgh : Slavia Printing Company, 1941), 211. 28 Kenneth Baka, "The First Catholic Slovak Ladies Association," in Joseph C. Krajsa et.al., Slovaks in America: A Bicentennial Study (Middletown, PA: Slovak League of America, 1976), 172. 29 Alvin J. Schmidt, Fraternal Organizations (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1980), 343 for the establishment of the Evangelical Slovak Women's Union, and Joseph G. Prufa, ed., Golden Jubilee (1905-1955) Souvenir Book of the Slovak Catholic Sokol (Passaic, NJ : Slovak Catholic Sokol, 1955), for the Sokol Wreaths. 30 Amerikansko-slovenske noviny, July 4, I 896, p. l ; "Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union," in Krajsa et.al., Slovaks in America, 197; and "The Ladies Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union, 1898-1976," Ibid., 20 I. 31 "First Slovak Wreath of the Free Eagle," Ibid., 22 I. �16 SLOVAKIA Pittsburgh, Cleveland, Chicago, and elsewhere, and many soon also began to recruit members nation-wide.32 If we look at some membership statistics, we will quickly notice that Slovak Catholic fratemals attracted far more members than the secular ones in the United States. For instance, Thomas Capek Jr. did a survey of the principal Slovak national fratemals in 1920 and discovered that twelve such societies had a combined adult membership of 212,241. 33 This was an astonishing number when one considers that the 1920 United States Census counted 619,866 Slovaks in this country. 34 Furthermore, Capek's survey actually under-counted the number of Slovaks enrolled in fraternals because he did not list members of youth divisions. For instance, in 1920 the First Catholic Slovak Union also had 21,860 Youth Division members and the National Slovak Society's Young Folks Circle counted 14,124. 35 Nevertheless, if we break down Capek's adult members into those who belonged to religious fraternals versus those who belonged to secular ones, we discover that 142,946 were members of religious fraternals and only 69,315 belonged to non-denominational ones.36 If we compare the principal Catholic versus secular societies established by Slovaks in the United States over a longer period of time, we will notice an ever-widening gulf between them. Thus, while the National Slovak Society initially enrolled more members than the First Catholic Slovak Union (2,871 versus 864 in 1891), by 1898 the FCSU had overtaken the NSS 32 Thomas Capek, Jr., The Slovaks in America (New York: Czechoslovak Section of America's Making, Inc. , 1921 ), 88-9. 33 Ibid., 89. 34 See above, footnote 10. 35 Paufo, 75 rokov, 158; and Juraj J. Niznansky and Vendelin Platek, compilers, Dejiny a Pamatnica Narodneho Slovenskeho Spolku, 1890-1950 (Pittsburgh: National Slovak Society, 1950), 219. 36 Capek, Jr., op.cit., 88-9. �SLOVAKIA 17 (10,547 versus 9,573) and eventually left it far behind. 37 By 1929, when the membership of the National Slovak Society peaked, the latter had 42,646 adult members and 21,437 youth, for a grand total of 64,083, whereas the First Catholic Slovak Union had 102,000 adult and youth members that year. 38 Indeed, after 1929 membership in the NSS began a slow and steady decline to only 30,129 adult members and 7,508 youth in 1949, while the FCSU actually grew to 104,558 members in 1931, declined to 91,719 in 1939 due to the Great Depression, but rebounded after World War II to 95,712 members in 1948, and ultimately to 105,800 members in 1977, when its membership peaked.39 By contrast, membership in the National Slovak Society had fallen to 23,415 in 1975.40 While no-one has yet systematically studied the rise and decline of the major Slovak fraternal-benefit societies in America, I have noticed a surprising trend when briefly comparing men's and women's fratemals. For instance, while Capek reported 49,680 adult members in the First Catholic Slovak Union in 1920, and only 28,264 adult members in the First Catholic Slovak Ladies Union that year,41 by 1985 the women's organization had outstripped the men in both membership and assets. In that year the women's Union had 105,955 members and assets of $94,000,000 versus 95,090 members in the men's Union, and assets of only $51 ,800,000.42 How and why the women overtook the men still needs to be determined. 37 Nifoansky & Platek, Dejiny, 2 14; Pauco, 75 rokov, 13, 31. 38 Nifoansky & Platek, Dejiny, 214, 219; Pauco, 75 rokov, 230. 39 Nifoansky & Platek, Dejiny, 214; Pauco, 75 rokov, 246, 322, 370, and Slovakia, 27 (1977), back cover. 4o Baumgarten & Stefka, The National Slovak Society, 156. 4 l Capek, Jr., op.cit., 88. 42 1985 Statistics of Fraternal Benefit Societies, 1986 Edition (Naperville, ILL: The National Fraternal Congress of America, 1986), I I 8-19. �18 SLOVAKIA The story of the establishment of Slovak fraternal-benefit societies in Canada likewise reveals a great deal about the Slovak-Canadian community, and its similarities and differences when compared with the American community. Unlike Slovak immigration to the United States, which proceeded directly from Slovakia to the industrial heartland of the American Northeast in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, Slovak immigration to Canada before World War I was principally from the United States to the western provinces. American Slovaks were lured to Canada's west either by work to be found in the newly-opened coal mines of Alberta or British Columbia, to construction of spurs of Canada's railroads through the Rocky Mountains, or by cheap and available farmland on the prairies. 43 Since these Slovak pioneers had gone to Canada via the United States, they naturally brought with them ties to SlovakAmerican institutions, including fraternal-benefit societies. From the only complete list of Canadian branches of an American Slovak fraternal in existence, we can clearly see the pattern of Slovak settlement in Canada. The first branch of a SlovakAmerican fraternal arose in the coal-mining town of Ladysmith, British Columbia in 1891. It was Assembly number 52 of the 4 3 Slovak-American newspapers had many reports from these "pioneers" who settled in Canada before World War I. For examples of coal miners who settled in British Columbia and Alberta see Amerikansko-slovenske noviny, January 28, 1902, p.1, Slovak v Amerike (New York), January 12, 1902, p.1, February 11 , 1902, p.l, February 9, 1906, p.3, July 29, 1913, p.7, Narodnie noviny, No. 69 (1902), p.3, Jed nota (Cleveland), August 23, 1905, p.5, October 10, 1906, p.1, April 9, 1909, p.2, November 15, 191 I, p.2, December 20, 1911, p.2, December 4, 1912, p.2, November 26, 1913, p.2; for examples of American Slovaks who settled on Canada's prairies and took up farming see Slovak v Amerike, October 29, 1901, p.3, January 2, 1908, p.2, June 17, 1909, p.2, December 21, 1909, p.4, August 25, 1910, p.2, January 2, 1912, p.3, June 17, 1913, p.6, Jednota, February 22, 1905, p.5, October 15, 1905, p.5, June 27, 1906, p.2, January 8, 1914, p.3 . For the story of a railroad worker who came to British Columbia via the United States in 1910 consult my interview with Andrej Potocky of Thunder Bay, Ontario, June 24, 1977, tapes STO-C-46, 47, 48, 49, Canadian Museum of Civilization, Hull, Quebec. �SLOVAKIA 19 National Slovak Society, and in subsequent years branches of the NSS also arose in Fernie, British Columbia (1900), in Natal, B.C. (1903), in Coleman, Alberta (1904), in Frank Alberta (1905), in Trail, B.C. (1906), in Canmore, Alberta (1906), in Corbin, B.C. (1909), in Maple Leaf, Ontario (1913) and in Blainnore, Alberta ( 1918). 44 Thus, nine of the ten branches of the NSS established in Canada before the end of World War I were in the two westernmost provinces of Alberta and British Columbia. Only after World War I, when the United States started to close its borders to unrestricted immigration, while Canada still accepted cheap laborers, did the pattern of Slovak settlement change. 45 Now Slovaks immigrated directly to Canada via the ports of Quebec and Montreal, and, although the Canadian government wanted them to continue on to the West, most chose to settle in Ontario and Quebec, which formed the industrial heartland of Canada. 46 Thus, branches of the National Slovak Society sprang up in Windsor in 1929 and in 1937; in Montreal in 1931; in Hamilton in 1931 and 1939 and in Timmins in 1932. After World War II more branches arose in Toronto in 1956, and in Montreal that same year; in Welland in 1957, another one in Toronto in 1964, and in Galt in 1965.47 In spite of this growth in branches, membership in the NSS in Canada was unimpres- 44 Baumgarten & Stefka, The National Slovak Society, 251, 264, 266-67, 27071, 275-76, 278. 45 For the story of the Immigration Restriction Acts in the United States see E.P. Hutchinson, Legislative History of American Immigration Policy, 1798-1965 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press for the Balch Institute, 1981 ), 171-213. 46 For Canada's Immigration Policies during the 1920's see Donald Avery, Reluctant Host: Canada's Response to Immigrant Workers , 1896-1994 (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart Inc., 1995), 82-107. 4 7 Baumgarten & Stefka, op.cit., 279-82. �20 SLOVAKIA sive at only 320 adults in 1964.48 Indeed, in 1989 the few remaining members of the NSS in Canada were urged by the Head Officers in Pittsburgh to join local branches of the First Catholic Slovak Union because the cost of administering so few members had become prohibitive. 49 While we do not have complete lists of branches of other Slovak-American societies in Canada, we do have partial listings of their locations, and these confirm the above observations. Thus, the first five branches of the First Catholic Slovak Union established in Canada before World War I appeared in Lethbridge, Alberta (1894), Fernie, B.C., Canmore and Coleman, Alberta, and Fort William, Ontario. 50 After the first and second World Wars another 51 branches of the "Jednota" were established principally in Ontario and Quebec, and by 1965 all the Jednota branches combined had 2,988 members, making them by far the largest American-Slovak fraternal-benefit society in Canada. 51 Meanwhile, among other American fraternals established in Canada, the same pattern appears. Thus, two branches of the Slovak Catholic Sokol arose in Canmore and Blairmore, Alberta, before World War I; and one each in Toronto and Montreal after the war. 52 The Slovak Evangelical Union did not move into Canada until after World War I, probably because Slovak Lutherans did not come in any great numbers until that time. However, it did eventually establish twelve branches in Ontario and Quebec, starting in Fort William in 1927, and later in Windsor, 48 Joseph M. Kirschbaum, Slovaks in Canada (Toronto: Canadian Ethnic Press Association of Ontario, 1967), 182. 49 Baumgarten & Stefka, op.cit., 184. 5o Kirschbaum, op.cit., 184; and Elena Jake~ova, Vysfahovalectvo Slovakov do Kanady (Bratislava: Slovak Academy of Sciences, 1981), 75-6. 5 l Kirschbaum, op.cit., 185. 52 Ibid., 187. �SLOVAKIA 21 Timmins, Toronto, Montreal, and elsewhere. 53 The Slovak Workers' Society also established six branches in Canada between 1926 and 1929, principally in Ontario and Quebec. 54 By 1934 various American Slovak fraternal-benefit societies had organized around 100 branches in Canada performing the same functions, and reflecting the same divisions in the Slovak community, as they had had in the United States. 55 Meanwhile, with the arrival of immigrants directly from Slovakia in the 1920's, a movement arose to establish purely Canadian fraternals as well. It started in Montreal in 1924 when the restaurant-owner Frantisek Capkovic decided to create a Slovak fraternal-benefit society. However, some Czechs also wished to join it, and the local Czechoslovak Consul persuaded Capkovic to organize the Czechoslovak Benefit Society, in order to promote the philosophy of "Czechoslovakism" among immigrants in Canada. This philosophy received official government sanction in 1918 with the creation of the new Republic of Czechoslovakia upon the ruins of Austria-Hungary. Thus, the new Czechoslovak Consulate in Montreal subsidized the Czechoslovak Benefit Society with a monthly contribution of $60.00. 56 While this Czechoslovak society grew to 1, 135 members in 17 branches across Ontario and Quebec, and even a few in the west by 1931, old-world politics ultimately divided it. Slovak nationalists in both the United States and Canada attacked this society as a tool of the Czechoslovak government. Therefore, in 1931 it split into the First Slovak Benefit Society headquartered 53 Jake§ova, op. cit., 113. 5 4 Ibid., 113-15. 55 This is my estimate, based upon my reading of Kirschbaum, Jake~ova, Baumgarten & Stefka. Kirschbaum under-counted them at only 78 in that year. Cf. Kirschbaum, op.cit., 193. The exact number of branches of Slovak-American fratemals in Canada in that year, and in others, still remains to be determined. 56 Jakdova, op. cit., I 16. �22 SLOVAKIA in Montreal (8 branches) and the old Czechoslovak Benefit Society (9 branches).57 Furthermore, one of the early organizers and supporters of the original Czechoslovak Benefit Society also broke with it Gabriel Kurdel, who had been its secretary in 1926-1927, decided to take up farming near Regina, Saskatchewan, in 1928. However, his organizing instinct spurred him to establish several Slovak Benefit Societies in the West, and also among the precious metals miners in Northern Ontario between 1929 and 1932. These societies eventually federated into the Canadian Slovak Benefit Society in 1946, and became the second-largest purely Canadian fraternal with 38 branches and 2,035 members in 1965. 58 The largest Slovak-Canadian fraternal-benefit society, ironically enough, was a child of an American organization. Nationalist Slovaks in Fort William, Ontario, had established a branch of the Slovak League of America in 1916, and other branches arose soon after the war in Corbin, British Columbia, Flin Flon and Winnipeg, Manitoba, Toronto and Oshawa, Ontario, Montreal, Quebec, and in New Waterford, Nova Scotia. 59 Slovaks in these centers were grateful that a delegate of the Slovak League of America had visited various camps in Canada in which Slovaks, among others, had been interned as "enemy aliens" in 1915 and 1916, and had persuaded the Canadian authorities to release them. 60 Unfortunately for these Canadian members of the Slovak League of America, the latter was not a fraternal-benefit society. It was the cover organization that spoke for most American57 Ibid. 58 Ibid., 117-20; Kirschbaum, op. cit., 194-95, 204, 206-09. 59 Kirschbaum, op. cit., 198-20 I ; Jakefova, op. cit., 120; Sutherland, op. cit., 24-8. 60 Jednota , June 9, 1915, p.1, June 23 , 1915, p.5, July 14, 1915, p.l , July 21, 1915, p.1, August 11 , 1915, p. l , January 12, 1916, p.5, February 2, 1916, p.1, June 13, 1917, p.6. See also Kirschbaum, op. cit. , 92-3. �SLOVAKIA 23 Slovak fratemals, but it had few assets of its own. 61 Thus, after the Great Depression had broken out, members of the Slovak League of America in Canada felt the need to organize a mutualaid society, and, therefore, in December, 1932, in a meeting in Winnipeg, Manitoba, delegates from Slovak League of America branches in Winnipeg, Montreal, and Corbin, B.C., met and established the Canadian Slovak League, which remained strongly nationalist, but also began to function as a fraternalbenefit society.62 In the next few decades the Canadian Slovak League grew into the largest Slovak organization in Canada, with 55 branches and 3,247 members in 1965. 63 Also, as a reflection of the shifting population of Slovaks in the Dominion, the Canadian Slovak League moved its headquarters first from Winnipeg to Fort William, Ontario, later to Montreal, and finally , to Toronto, where most Slovak-Canadian fraternals are now headquartered. 64 Slovak socialists, meanwhile, also began to shift allegiances. After the Great Depression broke out, Canadian members of the American Slovak Workers' Society were no longer able to pay their dues, and the six branches of the American society withered. 65 However, the Canadian socialists did not abandon the cause. Instead, in 1931 they began to establish "Workers' Education Clubs," along the lines followed by other ethnic groups, principally the Hungarians. In 1934 these clubs joined the Communist Party of Canada, and by 1936 they federated into the 61 For a brief history of the Slovak League of America see Mikula~ Sprinc, ed., Slovenska Liga v Amerike styridsalrocna [Forty Y~ of the Slovak League of America], (Scranton, PA: Obrana Press, 1947). 62 Sutherland, op. cit., 25 . 63 Kirschbaum, op. cit., 198, 204. 64 Jake~ova, op.cit., 120, and Sutherland, op. cit., 70. According to lmrich Stolarik, who was president of the CSL at the time, the League's headquarters was moved to Toronto in 1980, when the League purchased a building for this purpose (telephone conversation with the author, May 6, 1994). 65 Jake~ova, op. cit., 120. �24 SLOVAKIA Slovak Cultural Society. During the Second World War these Slovak socialists finally formed a fraternal Slovak Benefit Society and by 1965 it had grown to 27 branches with 1,200 members, making it the third-largest Slovak-Canadian fraternalbenefit organization at that time. 66 Having surveyed the creation of the principal American and Canadian Slovak fraternal-benefit societies over the last 100 years, we are now in a position to notice their similarities and differences. American Slovak fraternals tended to reflect their earlier origins and were divided by religion, gender, class, regionalism and nationalism. Thus, among American fraternals the religious ones predominated, the men and women established their own organizations, there was some class differentiation both at the local, and at the national level, as there was in regional origins, and the chief political division initially had to do with Slovak nationalism versus loyalty to Hungary. Branches of American fraternals established in Canada tended to reflect these divisions. Canadian Slovak fraternals, by contrast, were founded later and reflected new political and other concerns. The major political divisions among them concerned Slovak identity versus 'Czechoslovakism.' On the other hand, Canadian Slovaks did not establish fraternals based upon gender, nor did they splinter along religious lines. Their much stronger national feeling, arising from their origins in the new Republic of Czechoslovakia, seemed to overcome these potential divisions. On class lines, however, Canadian Slovaks showed a much greater propensity towards division than did American Slovaks. While both groups founded Slovak "workers" organizations, those in Canada had proportionately more members than their cousins in the United States. Thus, in 1939, when the American Slovak Workers' Society peaked at approximately 11,000 members (out of a total of perhaps 400,000 Slovaks organized in 66 Ibid., 121-23, and Kirschbaum, op. cit., 209-12. �SLOVAKIA 25 fratemals), its Canadian counterpart peaked at 1,200 members in 1965.67 At first glance, the latter number seems very small, but it actually represents third place among Slovak-Canadian fratemals (the Canadian Slovak League had over 3,000 members and the Canadian Slovak Benefit Society around 2,000 in that same year). If we were to rank the American Slovak Workers' Society in 1939, it would not even have made tenth place among its countrymen's fraternals . Thus, socialism had a much stronger hold upon Canadian Slovaks than it did among its American cousins. In the final analysis, when establishing fraternal-benefit societies, Canadian Slovaks faced the same dilemmas that other immigrants to North America confronted: would they follow American models, or create distinctly Canadian ones? They ended up doing both, which is a typically Canadian reaction to the problem of ethnic identity in North America. 68 67 Milo~ Gosiorovsky, "K hist6rii Slovenskeho robotnfckeho spolku v USA" (A History of the Slovak Workers Society in the USA], Zbomlk Fi/ozofickej Fakulty Univerzity Komenskeho, historica , //-12 (Bratislava: Comenius University, 1962), 56. 68 For a brilliant discussion of Canada's continuing efforts to forge a national identity see Robert F. Hamey, "So Great a Heritage as Ours" : Immigration and the Survival of the Canadian Polity," Daedalus, 117 (No. 4, 1988), 51-97. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1998, Vol. 36 Description An account of the resource Vol. 36 (No. 66-67), 1998. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1998 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 7 Slovak FraternalBenefit Societies in North America: An Overview (1883-1993) M. Mark Stolarik (Conference on The Development and Significance of the Fraternal Movement and Fraternal Organizations Among Immigrants in North and South America and Europe, Maribor, Slovenia, May, 1994) In a book of essays that set out to explore how ethnic groups have used the principles of collectivism to deal with their new life in America, Scott Cummings lamented that "Relatively little has been written about self-help institutions and mutual benefit societies created by immigrant groups." 1 When applied to the Slovaks in North America, this statement still holds true. While several community studies of Slovaks in North America have appeared in recent years, none have compared and contrasted the creation of fraternal-benefit societies among Slovaks in the United States and Canada. 2 This essay will make such an attempt, 1 Scott Cummings, ed., Self-Help in Urban America: Patterns of Minority Business Enterprise (Port Washington, N.Y.: Kennikat Press, 1980), 5. 2 The principal community studies are M. Mark Stolarik, Growing Up on the South Side: Three Generations of Slovaks in Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, /880- 1976 (Lewisburg: Bucknell University Press, 1985) and June Granatir Alexander, 8 SLOVAKIA although only in a preliminary fashion, because we still lack professional studies of the many fraternal-benefit societies established by Slovak immigrants to North America over the last 100 years. 3 When Slovaks from the Kingdom of Hungary (and other immigrants as well) began to migrate to North America in search of work in the late 19th century, they quickly discovered that, while the New World had plenty of job opportunities in the coal mines, steel mills and oil refineries, it did not provide much in the way of social welfare benefits. Thus, if an immigrant fell ill, was injured on the job, or even killed, neither his employer, nor The Immigrant Church and Community: Pittsburgh's Slovak Catholics and Lutherans, 1880-1915 (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1987). 3 Besides many jubilee-books written by talented amateurs (some of which will be cited later on), three semi-professional histories of Slovak fratemals do exist: Jozef Pauco's 75 rokov Prvej Katolfckej Slovenskej Jednoty (75 Years of the First Catholic Slovak Union] (Cleveland : First Catholic Slovak Union , 1965); Anthony X. Sutherland's The Canadian Slovak League: A History, /9321982 (Toronto: Canadian Slovak League, 1984); and R. Vladimir Baumgarten's and Joseph Stefka's The National Slovak Society: JOO Year History, 1890-1990 (Pittsburgh: National Slovak Society, 1990). Although the latter do provide us with basic information about these societies over time, they are all "in-house" histories aimed at their members and ignore the basic conventions of professional historians, especially the concerns of the new social history. In addition, three articles (or chapters in books) written by professional historians or anthropologists focusing on Slovak fraternals in specific locations also exist. June Alexander has detailed the rise and functions of fraternals in the Pittsburgh area in chapter two "From Self-Help to Community Development: Slovak Fraternal-Benefit Societies," of her book cited above, pp.15-27; the psycho-anthropologist Howard F. Stein has analyzed Slovak fraternals in western Pennsylvania, especially in the McKeesport and Duquesne settlements in "An Ethnohistory of Slovak-American Religious and Fraternal Associations: A Study in Cultural Meaning, Group Identity, and Social Institutions," in Slovakia, XXIX (1980-1981) , 63-88; and the author of this paper has provided an over-view of Slovak-American fraternals based upon his study of the Slovak community in Bethlehem in "A Place for Everyone: Slovak Fraternal-Benefit Societies," in the book edited by Scott Cummings, cited above, pp.130-41. SLOVAKIA 9 any level of government, paid him or his family any form of support or compensation. 4 The Slovaks were not the first to discover this shortcoming in American society. Indeed, as early as the 17th century, Scottish immigrants to America began to form self-help organizations, which later came to be known as fraternal-benefit societies. These were private bodies consisting of immigrants and their descendants who pooled their resources, established a common treasury, and paid relief or compensation to members who had become victims of some misfortune. 5 Contrary to Oscar Handlin's claim that they were products of the American environment, fraternal-benefit societies had roots in Europe dating back to at least the 15th century, and perhaps even earlier. Similarly, craft-guilds, which were not abolished until 1872 in the Kingdom of Hungary, also had a social-welfare component. 6 4 Margaret Byington, Homestead: The Households of a Mill Town (Pitt sburgh : The Russell Sage Foundation, 1910. Reprinted by the University of Pittsburgh Press, 1974), 161. 5 Gordon Donaldson, "Scots," in Stephan Thernstrom et.al., Harvard Encyclo- pedia of American Ethnic Groups (Cambridge, Mass.: The Belknap Press, 1980), 915 . 6 Oscar Handlin, The Uprooted: The Epic Story of the Great Migrations that MadetheAmerican People (New York: Grosset & Dunlap, 1951), 170-71, 176; Al:!beta Gacsova traced the first fraternal-benefit society in Hungary to the silver miners of Slovakia in 1460. See her Boje slovenskeho fudu proti feudalnemu utlaku a vykorist'ovaniu [The Struggle of the Slovak People Against Feudal Oppression and Exploitation] (Bratislava: Slovak Academy of Sciences, 1960), 64; Slovak editors discussed both fraternal-benefit societies and craft guilds in Narodnf hlasnik (National Herald , Turc. Sv. Martin), October 31, 1868, p.225 ; January 31, 1869, p.22; November 30, 1871, pp.331-32; and August 31, 1872, pp.242-44; and workers in Slovakia did try to organize fraternal-benefit societies in the 1870's and l 880's, before the massive emigration of Slovaks to the United States began. Cf. Narodnf hlasnik, March 31, 1874, pp.62-3, and Narodnie noviny (National News, Turc. Sv. Martin), February 8, 1881 , p. I. For an analysis of workers' societies in the city of Kosice in eastern Slovakia in the late SLOVAKIA Thus, when central and eastern European migrants came to North America in the late 19th century, they had several models to choose from when they began to establish fraternal-benefit societies. They could copy from their American neighbours the structure of their fraternal-benefit societies, or some of these Slovaks, especially the skilled craftsmen or former miners, could draw upon previous experiences with craft guilds or fraternalbenefit societies in their homelands.7 Whatever their model, Slovak immigrants, who started to appear in the United States in the late 1870's, established around 50 local fraternal-benefit societies by 1890. 8 When one looks closely at these societies, one is bound to notice a tremendous variety in their origins, composition, religious, secular or national orientation. From Stefan Vesely's recent description, and listing of Slovak-American fraternals between 1883 and 1890, I extrapolated the following information: seven of these fraternals included the word "Hungarian" (along with "Slovak") in their titles; 26 used only the word "Slovak" (and not Hungarian) in their official name; 16 were secular-oriented, and 33 were religious. Of the 16 secular ones, two were organized by and for craftsmen. Furthermore, 25 of the fratemals arose in Pennsylvania, 8 in New Jersey, 6 in Ohio, 5 in New York, 3 in Connecticut and 1 each in Illinois and Minnesota. The largest concentration in and around cities was found in the Pittsburgh region 19th century, see Pavel Hapak, "K dejinam robotnfckych spolkov v Ko~iciach v druhej polovici 19. storocia," Nove obzory, 4 (1962), 162-63. 7 Slovaks in Bayonne, New Jersey and in Braddock, Pennsylvania said they learned about fraternal -benefit societies from their German and Irish neighbours. Cf. Ignac Gessay, "Spolky pred organizaciami." [Fraternals Before Organizations] , Narodnf kalendar, 191 I (Pittsburgh), 74-76. For a discussion of fraternal-benefit societies in Slovakia in the late 19th century see my Immigration and Urbanization: The Slovak Experience, 1870-/918 (New York : AMS Press, 1989), 70-72. 8 Stefan Vesely, "Prve slovenske spolky v Spojenych Statoch Americkych" [The First Slovak Fraternal-Benefit Societies in America], S/ovaci v zahranicf, 4-5 (Martin: Matica slovenska, 1979, 53-55. SLOVAKIA 11 (7), followed by Cleveland (6), New York City (3), Passaic, New Jersey (3) and Bridgeport, Connecticut (3). The largest regional concentration was in eastern Pennsylvania, where 16 of the 50 fraternals sprang up. 9 The above statistical summary very nicely parallels what is widely-known about the Slovak-American community: that approximately half of all Slovak immigrants settled in Pennsylvania, and the rest in the surrounding Northeastern states; that the religious orientation of Slovak immigrants outweighed the secular, and that Slovak nationalism established a quick foothold in America at the expense of pro-Hungarian feeling. 10 Furthermore, when one looks at Slovak fraternals at a local level, as I have done in Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, one will learn even more about the Slovak community in America. Between 1891 and 1918, the approximately 1,000 Slovaks who settled in the steel town of Bethlehem in eastern Pennsylvania, established 19 fraternal-benefit societies. Since the men had come first, they created the 10 earliest fraternals, starting in 1891, and their wives followed suit with 9 fraternals of their own (the men initially did not allow women to join their fraternals ). 11 In addition to this division by sex, Slovak fraternals were also established on the basis of religion. Thus, of the 19 fraternals in Bethlehem, 12 were religious, with the Roman Catholics claiming eight, the Lutherans two and the Greek Catholics two as well. These religiously-based fraternals were equally divided by gender. 12 9 Ibid. IO Fourteenth Census of the United States Taken in the Year 1920, Vol. II, Population: General Report and Analytical Tables (Washington, D.C., 1922), 984. Stolarik, Immigration and Urbanization, 99; Alexander, Immigrant Church and Community, 132-34; and M. Mark Stolarik, "The Slovak Search for Identity in the United States, 1880-19 I 8," Canadian Review of Studies in Nationalism , XX (Nos. 1-2, 1993), 45-55 . I I Stolarik, Growing Up, 34-38. 12 Ibid. 12 SLOVAKIA Seven of the Slovak fraternals in Bethlehem were secularoriented, and they also highlighted both national and regional differences among the Slovaks. Six of these fraternals were ultra-nationalist, and their members hailed predominantly from central and western Slovakia. 13 This major difference among Slovaks in Bethlehem became apparent only in the fraternal records, because the majority of Slovaks in this town came from Eastern Slovakia. 14 Both dialectical, and national feelings, divided the Slovaks in Bethlehem. Furthermore, some of the fraternal records in Bethlehem also revealed class divisions within the Slovak community. The Sts. Cyril and Methodius Society, for instance, which was the first to be founded (in 1891 ), attracted the wealthiest and most successful of the Slovak businessmen in town, and by 1900 it demanded a $6.00 initiation fee from prospective members. Since this represented half a week's wages in the steel mill, only the better-off Slovaks could afford to join this lodge. The rest had to content themselves with less-expensive (and lessprestigious) lodges.1 s While Slovak fraternals mirrored the divisions within the community, they also performed many positive functions. As already mentioned, in return for monthly dues of about $0.50 they provided accident, illness or death benefits to their members, or their survivors. 16 They also provided personal loans, or even mortgages, to members in good standing, if their treasuries were large enough. 17 Furthermore, they taught their members the principles of democracy through their election of officers, and through the procedure of their meetings. 18 Indeed, many Slovak 13 Ibid., 36. 14 Ibid., 23, 28-30, 36. 15 Ibid., 34-5. I 6 Ibid., 38, 17 Ibid. 18 Ibid., 39. SLOVAKIA 13 politicians started their careers as officers of fraternal-benefit societies, and used them as launching pads for election to city and even state offices. 19 Fratemals also enforced a personal code of behavior, especially if they were founded on religious principles. 20 And, by helping to establish parish churches, by publishing their own newspapers, and often by erecting meeting halls, they helped to create other very important pillars of their ethnic communities. 21 Meanwhile, among the Slovaks in North America, local fratemals began to federate into larger bodies starting in 1890. This movement was launched by the ex-seminarian and leading Slovak nationalist Peter V. Rovnianek ( 1867-1933 ). He dreamed of uniting all Slovak fratemals into a National Slovak Society, which he founded in Pittsburgh on February 15, 1890.22 However, another budding leader of American Slovaks, the Rev. Stefan Furdek ( 1855-1915) dashed Rovnianek's dreams. Furdek, who was pastor of a Czech parish in Cleveland, had witnessed the growing anti-clericalism of the secular Czech Slavic Benevolent Society which had been founded in St. Louis in 1854. Furdek feared that Rovnianek's society would follow a similar path. Therefore, on September 4, 1890, he founded the First Catholic Slovak Union of the United States of America I 9 Ibid., 102-03. 20 Ibid., 39. 21 Ibid., 45-9, 39-40; for the story of Slovak newspapers published by fraternal- benefit societies see my "The Slovak-American Press," in Sally M. Miller's The Ethnic Press in the United States: A Historical Analysis and Handbook (New York: Greenwood Press, 1987), 356. 22 P.V. Rovnianek, Zapisky z.a liva pochovaneho. Z mojho 25 rocneho verejneho ucinkovania na naroda roli dedicnej [Notes of One Buried Alive: My 25 Years of Work on Behalf of the Slovak Nation] (Pittsburgh : National Slovak Society, 1924), 127-30. 14 SLOVAKIA (and later Canada) and formalized at the national level what had already been happening locally. 23 Once the secular-Catholic split was formalized, other groups followed suit. Slovak Lutherans established their Slovak Evangelical Union in Freeland, Pennsylvania in 1893, and the Calvinists likewise created their Slovak Calvin Presbyterian Union in Mount Carmel, Pennsylvania in 1901.24 Militant Slovak nationalists, meanwhile, formed the Slovak Gymnastic Union Sokol in 1896 in New York City, while their more devout countrymen split off and established the Slovak Roman and Greek Catholic Sokol in Passaic, New Jersey in 1905. 25 Even a tiny group of Slovak socialists established a Slovak Workers' Society in Newark, New Jersey, in 1915. 26 All of these organizations encouraged the local fratemals to federate with their national bodies, and most did so. 23 Ibid., 127; Jan Pankuch, Dejiny Clevelandskfch a Lakewoodskfch Slovakov [A History of Cleveland and Lakewood Slovaks] (Cleveland: Author's publication, I 930), 32; Stefan Furdek, "Katolfcka Slovenska Jednota v Spojenych Statoch Americkych" [The First Catholic Slovak Union of the United States of America], Kalendar Jednota, 1896 (Cleveland), 26-7; for more Information on the Czech Slavic Benevolent Society see Jan Habenicht, Dejiny Cechuv Americkfch [A History of American Czechs] (St. Louis: Hlas Publishing Co., 1910), 36-7, and Thomas Capek, The Cechs (Bohemians) in America (Boston : Houghton Mifflin), 1920, 258 . 24 Stefan Zeman, "Pat'desiat rokov st'achetnej prace slov . evanjelikov v Amerike," in Martin Brozek ed., Zlata kniha Slovenskej Evanje/ickej Jednoty, 1893-/943 [Golden Jubilee of the Slovak Evangelical Union, 1893-1943] (Pittsburgh : Slovenskf hlasnik, 1943), 33-36; Frank Uherk.a, "Kratky prehfad S.K.P. Jednoty" [A Short History of the Slovak Calvin Presbyterian Union], Kalendar pre slovenskfch Kalvfnov, 1927 (Pittsburgh), 37-8. 25 Amerikansko-slovenske noviny (Pittsburgh), July 13, 1896, p.l, and Gusto Kosfk, "Prve desairocie nasej Jednoty" [The First Decade of Our Union], Sbomik Rfmsko a Grecko Katolfckej Telocvitnej Jednoty Sokol, 1916 (Passaic, NJ.), 35-51. 26 Jan Diacik, "Z dejin Slovenskeho Robotnickeho Spolku" [A History of the Slovak Workers' Society], in Jan Vrabel ed., Pamatnik Slovenskeho Robotnfckeho Spolku, 1915-1925 (Chicago, Rovnos( l:udu, 1925), 5. SLOVAKIA 15 Since these national Slovak fratemals were founded by men, and initially most did not admit women into their ranks, Slovak women quickly proceeded to establish their own national organizations. The first to do so were the wives of the men who had founded the National Slovak Society. Urged on by P. V. Rovnianek, these women founded the 'Zivena' Slovak National Women's Benefit Society on July 19, 1891 in New York City. 27 Not to be outdone, the Reverend Stefan Furdek then urged a group of Roman Catholic women in Cleveland to establish the First Catholic Slovak Ladies Union in 1892. 28 After this Lutheran women established their own Evangelical Slovak Women's Union, and the wives of the secular and Catholic Sokols established their own "Wreaths" as adjuncts to the men's national organizations. 29 In addition, Slovaks also established fraternals on a regional basis. For instance, in 1893 Slovak men in eastern Pennsylvania created the Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union and a little later their wives organized the Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Ladies Union.30 Similarly, in Bridgeport, Connecticut, Slovaks founded the Slovak Wreath of the Free Eagle in 1896. 31 Similar regional organizations also arose in New York, Passaic, New Jersey, 27 Helen Pn1cazky, "Kratke dejiny I. odboru v New York, N.Y." [A Short Hi story of Branch I in New York], in Pavel Blazek, ed., Pamiitnica k zlatemu jubileju Ziveny, 1891-1941 (Pittsburgh : Slavia Printing Company, 1941), 211. 28 Kenneth Baka, "The First Catholic Slovak Ladies Association," in Joseph C. Krajsa et.al., Slovaks in America: A Bicentennial Study (Middletown, PA: Slovak League of America, 1976), 172. 29 Alvin J. Schmidt, Fraternal Organizations (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1980), 343 for the establishment of the Evangelical Slovak Women's Union, and Joseph G. Prufa, ed., Golden Jubilee (1905-1955) Souvenir Book of the Slovak Catholic Sokol (Passaic, NJ : Slovak Catholic Sokol, 1955), for the Sokol Wreaths. 30 Amerikansko-slovenske noviny, July 4, I 896, p. l ; "Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union," in Krajsa et.al., Slovaks in America, 197; and "The Ladies Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union, 1898-1976," Ibid., 20 I. 31 "First Slovak Wreath of the Free Eagle," Ibid., 22 I. 16 SLOVAKIA Pittsburgh, Cleveland, Chicago, and elsewhere, and many soon also began to recruit members nation-wide.32 If we look at some membership statistics, we will quickly notice that Slovak Catholic fratemals attracted far more members than the secular ones in the United States. For instance, Thomas Capek Jr. did a survey of the principal Slovak national fratemals in 1920 and discovered that twelve such societies had a combined adult membership of 212,241. 33 This was an astonishing number when one considers that the 1920 United States Census counted 619,866 Slovaks in this country. 34 Furthermore, Capek's survey actually under-counted the number of Slovaks enrolled in fraternals because he did not list members of youth divisions. For instance, in 1920 the First Catholic Slovak Union also had 21,860 Youth Division members and the National Slovak Society's Young Folks Circle counted 14,124. 35 Nevertheless, if we break down Capek's adult members into those who belonged to religious fraternals versus those who belonged to secular ones, we discover that 142,946 were members of religious fraternals and only 69,315 belonged to non-denominational ones.36 If we compare the principal Catholic versus secular societies established by Slovaks in the United States over a longer period of time, we will notice an ever-widening gulf between them. Thus, while the National Slovak Society initially enrolled more members than the First Catholic Slovak Union (2,871 versus 864 in 1891), by 1898 the FCSU had overtaken the NSS 32 Thomas Capek, Jr., The Slovaks in America (New York: Czechoslovak Section of America's Making, Inc. , 1921 ), 88-9. 33 Ibid., 89. 34 See above, footnote 10. 35 Paufo, 75 rokov, 158; and Juraj J. Niznansky and Vendelin Platek, compilers, Dejiny a Pamatnica Narodneho Slovenskeho Spolku, 1890-1950 (Pittsburgh: National Slovak Society, 1950), 219. 36 Capek, Jr., op.cit., 88-9. SLOVAKIA 17 (10,547 versus 9,573) and eventually left it far behind. 37 By 1929, when the membership of the National Slovak Society peaked, the latter had 42,646 adult members and 21,437 youth, for a grand total of 64,083, whereas the First Catholic Slovak Union had 102,000 adult and youth members that year. 38 Indeed, after 1929 membership in the NSS began a slow and steady decline to only 30,129 adult members and 7,508 youth in 1949, while the FCSU actually grew to 104,558 members in 1931, declined to 91,719 in 1939 due to the Great Depression, but rebounded after World War II to 95,712 members in 1948, and ultimately to 105,800 members in 1977, when its membership peaked.39 By contrast, membership in the National Slovak Society had fallen to 23,415 in 1975.40 While no-one has yet systematically studied the rise and decline of the major Slovak fraternal-benefit societies in America, I have noticed a surprising trend when briefly comparing men's and women's fratemals. For instance, while Capek reported 49,680 adult members in the First Catholic Slovak Union in 1920, and only 28,264 adult members in the First Catholic Slovak Ladies Union that year,41 by 1985 the women's organization had outstripped the men in both membership and assets. In that year the women's Union had 105,955 members and assets of $94,000,000 versus 95,090 members in the men's Union, and assets of only $51 ,800,000.42 How and why the women overtook the men still needs to be determined. 37 Nifoansky & Platek, Dejiny, 2 14; Pauco, 75 rokov, 13, 31. 38 Nifoansky & Platek, Dejiny, 214, 219; Pauco, 75 rokov, 230. 39 Nifoansky & Platek, Dejiny, 214; Pauco, 75 rokov, 246, 322, 370, and Slovakia, 27 (1977), back cover. 4o Baumgarten & Stefka, The National Slovak Society, 156. 4 l Capek, Jr., op.cit., 88. 42 1985 Statistics of Fraternal Benefit Societies, 1986 Edition (Naperville, ILL: The National Fraternal Congress of America, 1986), I I 8-19. 18 SLOVAKIA The story of the establishment of Slovak fraternal-benefit societies in Canada likewise reveals a great deal about the Slovak-Canadian community, and its similarities and differences when compared with the American community. Unlike Slovak immigration to the United States, which proceeded directly from Slovakia to the industrial heartland of the American Northeast in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, Slovak immigration to Canada before World War I was principally from the United States to the western provinces. American Slovaks were lured to Canada's west either by work to be found in the newly-opened coal mines of Alberta or British Columbia, to construction of spurs of Canada's railroads through the Rocky Mountains, or by cheap and available farmland on the prairies. 43 Since these Slovak pioneers had gone to Canada via the United States, they naturally brought with them ties to SlovakAmerican institutions, including fraternal-benefit societies. From the only complete list of Canadian branches of an American Slovak fraternal in existence, we can clearly see the pattern of Slovak settlement in Canada. The first branch of a SlovakAmerican fraternal arose in the coal-mining town of Ladysmith, British Columbia in 1891. It was Assembly number 52 of the 4 3 Slovak-American newspapers had many reports from these "pioneers" who settled in Canada before World War I. For examples of coal miners who settled in British Columbia and Alberta see Amerikansko-slovenske noviny, January 28, 1902, p.1, Slovak v Amerike (New York), January 12, 1902, p.1, February 11 , 1902, p.l, February 9, 1906, p.3, July 29, 1913, p.7, Narodnie noviny, No. 69 (1902), p.3, Jed nota (Cleveland), August 23, 1905, p.5, October 10, 1906, p.1, April 9, 1909, p.2, November 15, 191 I, p.2, December 20, 1911, p.2, December 4, 1912, p.2, November 26, 1913, p.2; for examples of American Slovaks who settled on Canada's prairies and took up farming see Slovak v Amerike, October 29, 1901, p.3, January 2, 1908, p.2, June 17, 1909, p.2, December 21, 1909, p.4, August 25, 1910, p.2, January 2, 1912, p.3, June 17, 1913, p.6, Jednota, February 22, 1905, p.5, October 15, 1905, p.5, June 27, 1906, p.2, January 8, 1914, p.3 . For the story of a railroad worker who came to British Columbia via the United States in 1910 consult my interview with Andrej Potocky of Thunder Bay, Ontario, June 24, 1977, tapes STO-C-46, 47, 48, 49, Canadian Museum of Civilization, Hull, Quebec. SLOVAKIA 19 National Slovak Society, and in subsequent years branches of the NSS also arose in Fernie, British Columbia (1900), in Natal, B.C. (1903), in Coleman, Alberta (1904), in Frank Alberta (1905), in Trail, B.C. (1906), in Canmore, Alberta (1906), in Corbin, B.C. (1909), in Maple Leaf, Ontario (1913) and in Blainnore, Alberta ( 1918). 44 Thus, nine of the ten branches of the NSS established in Canada before the end of World War I were in the two westernmost provinces of Alberta and British Columbia. Only after World War I, when the United States started to close its borders to unrestricted immigration, while Canada still accepted cheap laborers, did the pattern of Slovak settlement change. 45 Now Slovaks immigrated directly to Canada via the ports of Quebec and Montreal, and, although the Canadian government wanted them to continue on to the West, most chose to settle in Ontario and Quebec, which formed the industrial heartland of Canada. 46 Thus, branches of the National Slovak Society sprang up in Windsor in 1929 and in 1937; in Montreal in 1931; in Hamilton in 1931 and 1939 and in Timmins in 1932. After World War II more branches arose in Toronto in 1956, and in Montreal that same year; in Welland in 1957, another one in Toronto in 1964, and in Galt in 1965.47 In spite of this growth in branches, membership in the NSS in Canada was unimpres- 44 Baumgarten & Stefka, The National Slovak Society, 251, 264, 266-67, 27071, 275-76, 278. 45 For the story of the Immigration Restriction Acts in the United States see E.P. Hutchinson, Legislative History of American Immigration Policy, 1798-1965 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press for the Balch Institute, 1981 ), 171-213. 46 For Canada's Immigration Policies during the 1920's see Donald Avery, Reluctant Host: Canada's Response to Immigrant Workers , 1896-1994 (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart Inc., 1995), 82-107. 4 7 Baumgarten & Stefka, op.cit., 279-82. 20 SLOVAKIA sive at only 320 adults in 1964.48 Indeed, in 1989 the few remaining members of the NSS in Canada were urged by the Head Officers in Pittsburgh to join local branches of the First Catholic Slovak Union because the cost of administering so few members had become prohibitive. 49 While we do not have complete lists of branches of other Slovak-American societies in Canada, we do have partial listings of their locations, and these confirm the above observations. Thus, the first five branches of the First Catholic Slovak Union established in Canada before World War I appeared in Lethbridge, Alberta (1894), Fernie, B.C., Canmore and Coleman, Alberta, and Fort William, Ontario. 50 After the first and second World Wars another 51 branches of the "Jednota" were established principally in Ontario and Quebec, and by 1965 all the Jednota branches combined had 2,988 members, making them by far the largest American-Slovak fraternal-benefit society in Canada. 51 Meanwhile, among other American fraternals established in Canada, the same pattern appears. Thus, two branches of the Slovak Catholic Sokol arose in Canmore and Blairmore, Alberta, before World War I; and one each in Toronto and Montreal after the war. 52 The Slovak Evangelical Union did not move into Canada until after World War I, probably because Slovak Lutherans did not come in any great numbers until that time. However, it did eventually establish twelve branches in Ontario and Quebec, starting in Fort William in 1927, and later in Windsor, 48 Joseph M. Kirschbaum, Slovaks in Canada (Toronto: Canadian Ethnic Press Association of Ontario, 1967), 182. 49 Baumgarten & Stefka, op.cit., 184. 5o Kirschbaum, op.cit., 184; and Elena Jake~ova, Vysfahovalectvo Slovakov do Kanady (Bratislava: Slovak Academy of Sciences, 1981), 75-6. 5 l Kirschbaum, op.cit., 185. 52 Ibid., 187. SLOVAKIA 21 Timmins, Toronto, Montreal, and elsewhere. 53 The Slovak Workers' Society also established six branches in Canada between 1926 and 1929, principally in Ontario and Quebec. 54 By 1934 various American Slovak fraternal-benefit societies had organized around 100 branches in Canada performing the same functions, and reflecting the same divisions in the Slovak community, as they had had in the United States. 55 Meanwhile, with the arrival of immigrants directly from Slovakia in the 1920's, a movement arose to establish purely Canadian fraternals as well. It started in Montreal in 1924 when the restaurant-owner Frantisek Capkovic decided to create a Slovak fraternal-benefit society. However, some Czechs also wished to join it, and the local Czechoslovak Consul persuaded Capkovic to organize the Czechoslovak Benefit Society, in order to promote the philosophy of "Czechoslovakism" among immigrants in Canada. This philosophy received official government sanction in 1918 with the creation of the new Republic of Czechoslovakia upon the ruins of Austria-Hungary. Thus, the new Czechoslovak Consulate in Montreal subsidized the Czechoslovak Benefit Society with a monthly contribution of $60.00. 56 While this Czechoslovak society grew to 1, 135 members in 17 branches across Ontario and Quebec, and even a few in the west by 1931, old-world politics ultimately divided it. Slovak nationalists in both the United States and Canada attacked this society as a tool of the Czechoslovak government. Therefore, in 1931 it split into the First Slovak Benefit Society headquartered 53 Jake§ova, op. cit., 113. 5 4 Ibid., 113-15. 55 This is my estimate, based upon my reading of Kirschbaum, Jake~ova, Baumgarten & Stefka. Kirschbaum under-counted them at only 78 in that year. Cf. Kirschbaum, op.cit., 193. The exact number of branches of Slovak-American fratemals in Canada in that year, and in others, still remains to be determined. 56 Jakdova, op. cit., I 16. 22 SLOVAKIA in Montreal (8 branches) and the old Czechoslovak Benefit Society (9 branches).57 Furthermore, one of the early organizers and supporters of the original Czechoslovak Benefit Society also broke with it Gabriel Kurdel, who had been its secretary in 1926-1927, decided to take up farming near Regina, Saskatchewan, in 1928. However, his organizing instinct spurred him to establish several Slovak Benefit Societies in the West, and also among the precious metals miners in Northern Ontario between 1929 and 1932. These societies eventually federated into the Canadian Slovak Benefit Society in 1946, and became the second-largest purely Canadian fraternal with 38 branches and 2,035 members in 1965. 58 The largest Slovak-Canadian fraternal-benefit society, ironically enough, was a child of an American organization. Nationalist Slovaks in Fort William, Ontario, had established a branch of the Slovak League of America in 1916, and other branches arose soon after the war in Corbin, British Columbia, Flin Flon and Winnipeg, Manitoba, Toronto and Oshawa, Ontario, Montreal, Quebec, and in New Waterford, Nova Scotia. 59 Slovaks in these centers were grateful that a delegate of the Slovak League of America had visited various camps in Canada in which Slovaks, among others, had been interned as "enemy aliens" in 1915 and 1916, and had persuaded the Canadian authorities to release them. 60 Unfortunately for these Canadian members of the Slovak League of America, the latter was not a fraternal-benefit society. It was the cover organization that spoke for most American57 Ibid. 58 Ibid., 117-20; Kirschbaum, op. cit., 194-95, 204, 206-09. 59 Kirschbaum, op. cit., 198-20 I ; Jakefova, op. cit., 120; Sutherland, op. cit., 24-8. 60 Jednota , June 9, 1915, p.1, June 23 , 1915, p.5, July 14, 1915, p.l , July 21, 1915, p.1, August 11 , 1915, p. l , January 12, 1916, p.5, February 2, 1916, p.1, June 13, 1917, p.6. See also Kirschbaum, op. cit. , 92-3. SLOVAKIA 23 Slovak fratemals, but it had few assets of its own. 61 Thus, after the Great Depression had broken out, members of the Slovak League of America in Canada felt the need to organize a mutualaid society, and, therefore, in December, 1932, in a meeting in Winnipeg, Manitoba, delegates from Slovak League of America branches in Winnipeg, Montreal, and Corbin, B.C., met and established the Canadian Slovak League, which remained strongly nationalist, but also began to function as a fraternalbenefit society.62 In the next few decades the Canadian Slovak League grew into the largest Slovak organization in Canada, with 55 branches and 3,247 members in 1965. 63 Also, as a reflection of the shifting population of Slovaks in the Dominion, the Canadian Slovak League moved its headquarters first from Winnipeg to Fort William, Ontario, later to Montreal, and finally , to Toronto, where most Slovak-Canadian fraternals are now headquartered. 64 Slovak socialists, meanwhile, also began to shift allegiances. After the Great Depression broke out, Canadian members of the American Slovak Workers' Society were no longer able to pay their dues, and the six branches of the American society withered. 65 However, the Canadian socialists did not abandon the cause. Instead, in 1931 they began to establish "Workers' Education Clubs," along the lines followed by other ethnic groups, principally the Hungarians. In 1934 these clubs joined the Communist Party of Canada, and by 1936 they federated into the 61 For a brief history of the Slovak League of America see Mikula~ Sprinc, ed., Slovenska Liga v Amerike styridsalrocna [Forty Y~ of the Slovak League of America], (Scranton, PA: Obrana Press, 1947). 62 Sutherland, op. cit., 25 . 63 Kirschbaum, op. cit., 198, 204. 64 Jake~ova, op.cit., 120, and Sutherland, op. cit., 70. According to lmrich Stolarik, who was president of the CSL at the time, the League's headquarters was moved to Toronto in 1980, when the League purchased a building for this purpose (telephone conversation with the author, May 6, 1994). 65 Jake~ova, op. cit., 120. 24 SLOVAKIA Slovak Cultural Society. During the Second World War these Slovak socialists finally formed a fraternal Slovak Benefit Society and by 1965 it had grown to 27 branches with 1,200 members, making it the third-largest Slovak-Canadian fraternalbenefit organization at that time. 66 Having surveyed the creation of the principal American and Canadian Slovak fraternal-benefit societies over the last 100 years, we are now in a position to notice their similarities and differences. American Slovak fraternals tended to reflect their earlier origins and were divided by religion, gender, class, regionalism and nationalism. Thus, among American fraternals the religious ones predominated, the men and women established their own organizations, there was some class differentiation both at the local, and at the national level, as there was in regional origins, and the chief political division initially had to do with Slovak nationalism versus loyalty to Hungary. Branches of American fraternals established in Canada tended to reflect these divisions. Canadian Slovak fraternals, by contrast, were founded later and reflected new political and other concerns. The major political divisions among them concerned Slovak identity versus 'Czechoslovakism.' On the other hand, Canadian Slovaks did not establish fraternals based upon gender, nor did they splinter along religious lines. Their much stronger national feeling, arising from their origins in the new Republic of Czechoslovakia, seemed to overcome these potential divisions. On class lines, however, Canadian Slovaks showed a much greater propensity towards division than did American Slovaks. While both groups founded Slovak "workers" organizations, those in Canada had proportionately more members than their cousins in the United States. Thus, in 1939, when the American Slovak Workers' Society peaked at approximately 11,000 members (out of a total of perhaps 400,000 Slovaks organized in 66 Ibid., 121-23, and Kirschbaum, op. cit., 209-12. SLOVAKIA 25 fratemals), its Canadian counterpart peaked at 1,200 members in 1965.67 At first glance, the latter number seems very small, but it actually represents third place among Slovak-Canadian fratemals (the Canadian Slovak League had over 3,000 members and the Canadian Slovak Benefit Society around 2,000 in that same year). If we were to rank the American Slovak Workers' Society in 1939, it would not even have made tenth place among its countrymen's fraternals . Thus, socialism had a much stronger hold upon Canadian Slovaks than it did among its American cousins. In the final analysis, when establishing fraternal-benefit societies, Canadian Slovaks faced the same dilemmas that other immigrants to North America confronted: would they follow American models, or create distinctly Canadian ones? They ended up doing both, which is a typically Canadian reaction to the problem of ethnic identity in North America. 68 67 Milo~ Gosiorovsky, "K hist6rii Slovenskeho robotnfckeho spolku v USA" (A History of the Slovak Workers Society in the USA], Zbomlk Fi/ozofickej Fakulty Univerzity Komenskeho, historica , //-12 (Bratislava: Comenius University, 1962), 56. 68 For a brilliant discussion of Canada's continuing efforts to forge a national identity see Robert F. Hamey, "So Great a Heritage as Ours" : Immigration and the Survival of the Canadian Polity," Daedalus, 117 (No. 4, 1988), 51-97.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovak Fraternal-Benefit Societies in North America: An Overview (1883-1993) Description An account of the resource M. Mark Stolarik Slovakia, Vol. 36 (No. 66-67), 1998 pp. 7-25 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Stolarik, M. Mark, 1943- Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1998 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/efdd0fb781b17d3de5567c2e9c360e4f.pdf 2b61d04f355f3bfeebd984321c4e80f0 PDF Text Text 84 SLOVAKIA Slovak Heritage By Michael O'P a k e, Esq. There were only three of us on deck that cold, foggy morning-Joseph, Stephen and I. On the distant horizon we could percive the faint outline of a women, standing like a sentinel in the middle of New York harbor. As we drew closer, her haunting voice seemed to penetrate the very depths of our souls and even brought tears to the eyes of my Slovak friends: "Give me your tired, your poor, your huddled masses yearning to breathe free; the wretched refuse of your teeming shore; send these, the homeless, tempest-tossed, to me." I watched Joseph who had been hungry and persecuted, brainwashed and forced by the party to sell his soul for the "glorious revolution of the proletariat." I followed Stephen who, untouched by freedom, had not been able to voice his own opinion or never able to worship his God. I thought of the other millions of enslaved human-beings, drifting helplessly on the sea of uncertainty, brutality, and prejudice-starvin g for a taste of freedom. I wondered what the Statue of Liberty thought when Joseph, in a voice choked up joy, said to her: "I wonder what it's like to be free." Yes, I learned a lesson that morning. We, the youth of America, as well as you . . . and you . . . and you-take freedom for granted. Little do we realize that it was bought with and protected by a precious coin-the blood spilled by the Joes and Jims at Bunker Hill, Gettysburg, at the Marne and on Heartbreak Ridge. Because these men died, we are free to live-to talk, laugh, and pray freedom. Freedom is a process-it must be handled and practiced in order to be known and loved. If freedom were taken away from American, then would we truly appreciate what a precious heritage that freedom is. Perhaps, then, fathers would be thankful that every man's home is his castle where he reigns king. Maybe mothers would appreciate being free to pray and equally important, to teach little Johnny or Susie the Our Father, the Hail Mary or a Psalm. Perhaps then and only then would 167 million Americans wake up! Then would they realize that their God- �SLOVAKIA 85 given rights of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness could be snatched away and buried on the other side of the Iron Curtain. Perhaps then would all of the grumblers and ·groaners; who praise every century but their own, every country but this, realize that America is a synonym for freedom. , But what are you doing to prevent that dreadful daythe day when America could become freedomless? Oh, you_ celebrate every 4th of July with a picnic and fireworks-you pay your taxes because it's getting harder and harder to cheat -you skip casting your ballot on election day because "it's such a bother" -you separate the black-skinned from the, white in your segregated schools. Is this the way to safeguard our most precious heritage? Is this the way the people of America are answering the little boy's question? The Statue of Liberty, in all her pomp and glory, couldn't answer but we Americans can. What would you say to Joseph if he should. ask you: "I wonder what it's like to be free?" That story, or speech, was written by me in 1956--while still in high school. The thoughts are as valid today as they were 17 years ago but today in 1973-all of us as free proud Slovaks here in America- should be asking ourselves some · additional questions. The freedom and independence and religious liberty which we cherish and about which our ancestors in the old country dreamed-what are we doing to make it a realityin an independent Slovakia? A peaceful and independent Slovakia should be the goal of each and every one of us. One enemy of that goal is Communism. The raucous rumble of the Russian tanks and the screams of the innocent victims of Communist tyranny sinking into pools of their own blood were heard not too long ago in Eastern Europe. The presence and fear are still there. Communism lays its eggs in poverty, feeds on filth, grows in hatred and ignorance and then rears its ugly head for all the world to see. Communism is no idle economic theory for intellectuals to debate. It is a real scourge that saps the lifeblood of a people and subjugates them. It is godless, but it is a powerful religion. It makes machines out of men but they carry out their orders. Communism has threatened to bury us. What is your answer? �86 SLOVAKIA Communism, be it Russian, Chinese or Nationalistic, has always feared religion. That's why it's so important that your efforts to establish Slovakia as an independent religious province be successful. And now is the time. I urge you, Catholics as well as Lutheran and Greek Catholic leaders-to implore the Vatican to recognize now that Slovakia deserves its own cardinal, arehbishops and independent r,eligious ex,istence. I commend you for your efforts in this direction and ask you-are you doing enough? A letter once a year may not convey the sense of urgency and support that thousands of frequent letters from individuals and organizations and maybe even a personal audience. The second question I would like you to ponder-are you satisfied with the moral and political and social climate here in America? Look around you. What do you see? Materialism? This is a more subtle, more insidious growth. Like a cancer, it eats from within to weaken the body of our society. The moral fiber of our nation is slowly taking on the texture of the shiny synthetic creation called pleasure. "Enjoy yourself, it's later than you think." "What counts is a good time." These are the slogans being peddled by today's hucksters of materialism as they count their 30 pieces of silver. Our sense of values is being warped and we're too busy enjoying ourselves to care. Is it any wonder that youth seeks its thrills on the streets when parents are never home either? It is a surprise that marriages don't work when the concept of love has been stripped of its dignity and transformed into lust? Is the business world bribe or political pay-off unusual when a "full day's work for a full day's pay" is a thing of the past? Materialism takes many forms as it gradually weakens our spiritual values. One of the bulwarks against that erosion of values is the unity of the family-a trait so characteristic of the Slovak heritage. Love and closeness of family. We have much to give to America. What else do you see? A third dangerous enemy closely linked to materialism is complacency. "Why bother?" This is the tranquilizer that soothes our minds when a difficult task or problem presents itself. You've heard it many times''Why work harder than you have to, nobody else does?" �SLOVAKIA 87 "Why get involved in politics, it's a crooked game?" And so it goes. The most powerful and most comfortable nation in the world is content to grow fat and soft. The industriousness, the willingness, the pride in work of the Slovak is well-known and respected. But how about the political involvement? Are you satisfied? Are you satisfied that there is no Slovak governor in the entire United States? Are you satisfied that there are so few Slovak Congressmen and Senators? While the Slovaks were busy building churches, the Irish were building political organizations. We can learn a lesson. What else do you see? Another dangerous enemy is lawlessness. People get shook and disgusted ever so often when a national tragedy strikes. As though seared with a burning iron, our minds react and we feel sorry for ourselves-for awhile. But why does it take an assassins bullet to pierce our consciences. The disrespect for law which causes national tragedy starts with small things-with you and me- cheating at school, in the car, at parties, then it's robberies, assaults, drugs, rapes, murders. Draft cards are burned, the American Flag is desecreated, students riot and abuse lawful authority, and then withdraw from all this ugly reality with LSD, the pot party, the trip. God and country have given us law-for the good of us all. Let us respect it and be constructive in changing man's law when needed. No problems are solved by merely being against. Ask not, "Can I get away with it?" ask, "Is this right or wrong?" One way to combat this tide of lawnessness is to channel your energy into active involvement in organizing Slovak organizations, societies and clubs. Are you satisfied with the activities of all of our organizations? Could they be strengthened-by merger, by more youth involvement? These are some of the challenges facing all of us who are interested in freedom for all peoples everywhere. I urge you to do your part right now in achieving that goal. Together we can take the first step that will lead to the goals that all of us hold so dear. (Address given at the Conference of the Slovak League of America, May 19, 1973.) � 84 SLOVAKIA Slovak Heritage By Michael O'P a k e, Esq. There were only three of us on deck that cold, foggy morning-Joseph, Stephen and I. On the distant horizon we could percive the faint outline of a women, standing like a sentinel in the middle of New York harbor. As we drew closer, her haunting voice seemed to penetrate the very depths of our souls and even brought tears to the eyes of my Slovak friends: "Give me your tired, your poor, your huddled masses yearning to breathe free; the wretched refuse of your teeming shore; send these, the homeless, tempest-tossed, to me." I watched Joseph who had been hungry and persecuted, brainwashed and forced by the party to sell his soul for the "glorious revolution of the proletariat." I followed Stephen who, untouched by freedom, had not been able to voice his own opinion or never able to worship his God. I thought of the other millions of enslaved human-beings, drifting helplessly on the sea of uncertainty, brutality, and prejudice-starvin g for a taste of freedom. I wondered what the Statue of Liberty thought when Joseph, in a voice choked up joy, said to her: "I wonder what it's like to be free." Yes, I learned a lesson that morning. We, the youth of America, as well as you . . . and you . . . and you-take freedom for granted. Little do we realize that it was bought with and protected by a precious coin-the blood spilled by the Joes and Jims at Bunker Hill, Gettysburg, at the Marne and on Heartbreak Ridge. Because these men died, we are free to live-to talk, laugh, and pray freedom. Freedom is a process-it must be handled and practiced in order to be known and loved. If freedom were taken away from American, then would we truly appreciate what a precious heritage that freedom is. Perhaps, then, fathers would be thankful that every man's home is his castle where he reigns king. Maybe mothers would appreciate being free to pray and equally important, to teach little Johnny or Susie the Our Father, the Hail Mary or a Psalm. Perhaps then and only then would 167 million Americans wake up! Then would they realize that their God- �SLOVAKIA 85 given rights of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness could be snatched away and buried on the other side of the Iron Curtain. Perhaps then would all of the grumblers and ·groaners; who praise every century but their own, every country but this, realize that America is a synonym for freedom. , But what are you doing to prevent that dreadful daythe day when America could become freedomless? Oh, you_ celebrate every 4th of July with a picnic and fireworks-you pay your taxes because it's getting harder and harder to cheat -you skip casting your ballot on election day because "it's such a bother" -you separate the black-skinned from the, white in your segregated schools. Is this the way to safeguard our most precious heritage? Is this the way the people of America are answering the little boy's question? The Statue of Liberty, in all her pomp and glory, couldn't answer but we Americans can. What would you say to Joseph if he should. ask you: "I wonder what it's like to be free?" That story, or speech, was written by me in 1956--while still in high school. The thoughts are as valid today as they were 17 years ago but today in 1973-all of us as free proud Slovaks here in America- should be asking ourselves some · additional questions. The freedom and independence and religious liberty which we cherish and about which our ancestors in the old country dreamed-what are we doing to make it a realityin an independent Slovakia? A peaceful and independent Slovakia should be the goal of each and every one of us. One enemy of that goal is Communism. The raucous rumble of the Russian tanks and the screams of the innocent victims of Communist tyranny sinking into pools of their own blood were heard not too long ago in Eastern Europe. The presence and fear are still there. Communism lays its eggs in poverty, feeds on filth, grows in hatred and ignorance and then rears its ugly head for all the world to see. Communism is no idle economic theory for intellectuals to debate. It is a real scourge that saps the lifeblood of a people and subjugates them. It is godless, but it is a powerful religion. It makes machines out of men but they carry out their orders. Communism has threatened to bury us. What is your answer? �86 SLOVAKIA Communism, be it Russian, Chinese or Nationalistic, has always feared religion. That's why it's so important that your efforts to establish Slovakia as an independent religious province be successful. And now is the time. I urge you, Catholics as well as Lutheran and Greek Catholic leaders-to implore the Vatican to recognize now that Slovakia deserves its own cardinal, arehbishops and independent r,eligious ex,istence. I commend you for your efforts in this direction and ask you-are you doing enough? A letter once a year may not convey the sense of urgency and support that thousands of frequent letters from individuals and organizations and maybe even a personal audience. The second question I would like you to ponder-are you satisfied with the moral and political and social climate here in America? Look around you. What do you see? Materialism? This is a more subtle, more insidious growth. Like a cancer, it eats from within to weaken the body of our society. The moral fiber of our nation is slowly taking on the texture of the shiny synthetic creation called pleasure. "Enjoy yourself, it's later than you think." "What counts is a good time." These are the slogans being peddled by today's hucksters of materialism as they count their 30 pieces of silver. Our sense of values is being warped and we're too busy enjoying ourselves to care. Is it any wonder that youth seeks its thrills on the streets when parents are never home either? It is a surprise that marriages don't work when the concept of love has been stripped of its dignity and transformed into lust? Is the business world bribe or political pay-off unusual when a "full day's work for a full day's pay" is a thing of the past? Materialism takes many forms as it gradually weakens our spiritual values. One of the bulwarks against that erosion of values is the unity of the family-a trait so characteristic of the Slovak heritage. Love and closeness of family. We have much to give to America. What else do you see? A third dangerous enemy closely linked to materialism is complacency. "Why bother?" This is the tranquilizer that soothes our minds when a difficult task or problem presents itself. You've heard it many times''Why work harder than you have to, nobody else does?" �SLOVAKIA 87 "Why get involved in politics, it's a crooked game?" And so it goes. The most powerful and most comfortable nation in the world is content to grow fat and soft. The industriousness, the willingness, the pride in work of the Slovak is well-known and respected. But how about the political involvement? Are you satisfied? Are you satisfied that there is no Slovak governor in the entire United States? Are you satisfied that there are so few Slovak Congressmen and Senators? While the Slovaks were busy building churches, the Irish were building political organizations. We can learn a lesson. What else do you see? Another dangerous enemy is lawlessness. People get shook and disgusted ever so often when a national tragedy strikes. As though seared with a burning iron, our minds react and we feel sorry for ourselves-for awhile. But why does it take an assassins bullet to pierce our consciences. The disrespect for law which causes national tragedy starts with small things-with you and me- cheating at school, in the car, at parties, then it's robberies, assaults, drugs, rapes, murders. Draft cards are burned, the American Flag is desecreated, students riot and abuse lawful authority, and then withdraw from all this ugly reality with LSD, the pot party, the trip. God and country have given us law-for the good of us all. Let us respect it and be constructive in changing man's law when needed. No problems are solved by merely being against. Ask not, "Can I get away with it?" ask, "Is this right or wrong?" One way to combat this tide of lawnessness is to channel your energy into active involvement in organizing Slovak organizations, societies and clubs. Are you satisfied with the activities of all of our organizations? Could they be strengthened-by merger, by more youth involvement? These are some of the challenges facing all of us who are interested in freedom for all peoples everywhere. I urge you to do your part right now in achieving that goal. Together we can take the first step that will lead to the goals that all of us hold so dear. (Address given at the Conference of the Slovak League of America, May 19, 1973.) � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1974, Vol. 24 Description An account of the resource Vol. 24 (No. 47), 1974. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1974 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 84 SLOVAKIA Slovak Heritage By Michael O'P a k e, Esq. There were only three of us on deck that cold, foggy morning-Joseph, Stephen and I. On the distant horizon we could percive the faint outline of a women, standing like a sentinel in the middle of New York harbor. As we drew closer, her haunting voice seemed to penetrate the very depths of our souls and even brought tears to the eyes of my Slovak friends: "Give me your tired, your poor, your huddled masses yearning to breathe free; the wretched refuse of your teeming shore; send these, the homeless, tempest-tossed, to me." I watched Joseph who had been hungry and persecuted, brainwashed and forced by the party to sell his soul for the "glorious revolution of the proletariat." I followed Stephen who, untouched by freedom, had not been able to voice his own opinion or never able to worship his God. I thought of the other millions of enslaved human-beings, drifting helplessly on the sea of uncertainty, brutality, and prejudice-starvin g for a taste of freedom. I wondered what the Statue of Liberty thought when Joseph, in a voice choked up joy, said to her: "I wonder what it's like to be free." Yes, I learned a lesson that morning. We, the youth of America, as well as you . . . and you . . . and you-take freedom for granted. Little do we realize that it was bought with and protected by a precious coin-the blood spilled by the Joes and Jims at Bunker Hill, Gettysburg, at the Marne and on Heartbreak Ridge. Because these men died, we are free to live-to talk, laugh, and pray freedom. Freedom is a process-it must be handled and practiced in order to be known and loved. If freedom were taken away from American, then would we truly appreciate what a precious heritage that freedom is. Perhaps, then, fathers would be thankful that every man's home is his castle where he reigns king. Maybe mothers would appreciate being free to pray and equally important, to teach little Johnny or Susie the Our Father, the Hail Mary or a Psalm. Perhaps then and only then would 167 million Americans wake up! Then would they realize that their God- SLOVAKIA 85 given rights of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness could be snatched away and buried on the other side of the Iron Curtain. Perhaps then would all of the grumblers and ·groaners; who praise every century but their own, every country but this, realize that America is a synonym for freedom. , But what are you doing to prevent that dreadful daythe day when America could become freedomless? Oh, you_ celebrate every 4th of July with a picnic and fireworks-you pay your taxes because it's getting harder and harder to cheat -you skip casting your ballot on election day because "it's such a bother" -you separate the black-skinned from the, white in your segregated schools. Is this the way to safeguard our most precious heritage? Is this the way the people of America are answering the little boy's question? The Statue of Liberty, in all her pomp and glory, couldn't answer but we Americans can. What would you say to Joseph if he should. ask you: "I wonder what it's like to be free?" That story, or speech, was written by me in 1956--while still in high school. The thoughts are as valid today as they were 17 years ago but today in 1973-all of us as free proud Slovaks here in America- should be asking ourselves some · additional questions. The freedom and independence and religious liberty which we cherish and about which our ancestors in the old country dreamed-what are we doing to make it a realityin an independent Slovakia? A peaceful and independent Slovakia should be the goal of each and every one of us. One enemy of that goal is Communism. The raucous rumble of the Russian tanks and the screams of the innocent victims of Communist tyranny sinking into pools of their own blood were heard not too long ago in Eastern Europe. The presence and fear are still there. Communism lays its eggs in poverty, feeds on filth, grows in hatred and ignorance and then rears its ugly head for all the world to see. Communism is no idle economic theory for intellectuals to debate. It is a real scourge that saps the lifeblood of a people and subjugates them. It is godless, but it is a powerful religion. It makes machines out of men but they carry out their orders. Communism has threatened to bury us. What is your answer? 86 SLOVAKIA Communism, be it Russian, Chinese or Nationalistic, has always feared religion. That's why it's so important that your efforts to establish Slovakia as an independent religious province be successful. And now is the time. I urge you, Catholics as well as Lutheran and Greek Catholic leaders-to implore the Vatican to recognize now that Slovakia deserves its own cardinal, arehbishops and independent r,eligious ex,istence. I commend you for your efforts in this direction and ask you-are you doing enough? A letter once a year may not convey the sense of urgency and support that thousands of frequent letters from individuals and organizations and maybe even a personal audience. The second question I would like you to ponder-are you satisfied with the moral and political and social climate here in America? Look around you. What do you see? Materialism? This is a more subtle, more insidious growth. Like a cancer, it eats from within to weaken the body of our society. The moral fiber of our nation is slowly taking on the texture of the shiny synthetic creation called pleasure. "Enjoy yourself, it's later than you think." "What counts is a good time." These are the slogans being peddled by today's hucksters of materialism as they count their 30 pieces of silver. Our sense of values is being warped and we're too busy enjoying ourselves to care. Is it any wonder that youth seeks its thrills on the streets when parents are never home either? It is a surprise that marriages don't work when the concept of love has been stripped of its dignity and transformed into lust? Is the business world bribe or political pay-off unusual when a "full day's work for a full day's pay" is a thing of the past? Materialism takes many forms as it gradually weakens our spiritual values. One of the bulwarks against that erosion of values is the unity of the family-a trait so characteristic of the Slovak heritage. Love and closeness of family. We have much to give to America. What else do you see? A third dangerous enemy closely linked to materialism is complacency. "Why bother?" This is the tranquilizer that soothes our minds when a difficult task or problem presents itself. You've heard it many times''Why work harder than you have to, nobody else does?" SLOVAKIA 87 "Why get involved in politics, it's a crooked game?" And so it goes. The most powerful and most comfortable nation in the world is content to grow fat and soft. The industriousness, the willingness, the pride in work of the Slovak is well-known and respected. But how about the political involvement? Are you satisfied? Are you satisfied that there is no Slovak governor in the entire United States? Are you satisfied that there are so few Slovak Congressmen and Senators? While the Slovaks were busy building churches, the Irish were building political organizations. We can learn a lesson. What else do you see? Another dangerous enemy is lawlessness. People get shook and disgusted ever so often when a national tragedy strikes. As though seared with a burning iron, our minds react and we feel sorry for ourselves-for awhile. But why does it take an assassins bullet to pierce our consciences. The disrespect for law which causes national tragedy starts with small things-with you and me- cheating at school, in the car, at parties, then it's robberies, assaults, drugs, rapes, murders. Draft cards are burned, the American Flag is desecreated, students riot and abuse lawful authority, and then withdraw from all this ugly reality with LSD, the pot party, the trip. God and country have given us law-for the good of us all. Let us respect it and be constructive in changing man's law when needed. No problems are solved by merely being against. Ask not, "Can I get away with it?" ask, "Is this right or wrong?" One way to combat this tide of lawnessness is to channel your energy into active involvement in organizing Slovak organizations, societies and clubs. Are you satisfied with the activities of all of our organizations? Could they be strengthened-by merger, by more youth involvement? These are some of the challenges facing all of us who are interested in freedom for all peoples everywhere. I urge you to do your part right now in achieving that goal. Together we can take the first step that will lead to the goals that all of us hold so dear. (Address given at the Conference of the Slovak League of America, May 19, 1973.)  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovak Heritage Description An account of the resource Michael O'Pake, Esq. Slovakia, Vol. 24 (No. 47), 1974 pp. 84-87 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource O'Pake, Michael A., 1940-2010 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1974 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/2ebce1988b17156d13ec144732cc216d.pdf ea0c4e9fec3eae43da258b2468bdfa3c PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 47 Slovak Immigration to the United States and its Relation to the American Socialist and Labor Movements M. MARK STOLARIK If one looks at the large number of books and articles that Slovak Marxist historians have written about Slovak immigrants and their relation to the socialist and labor movements, one will get the impression that most Slovak immigrants to the United States joined socialist organizations and took a leading role in the American labor movement. 1 There is very little evidence to support such conclusions. As I will demonstrate in this paper, most Slovak immigrants came to the United States as single young men who wanted to make their "fortunes" and return home and their leaders were more concerned with promoting Slovak nationalism than with any socialist or labor ideology. Slovaks left their homeland in Hungary in the 19th century for three basic reasons: lack of land, lack of industry and lack of opportunity. While serfdom was abolished during the Revolution of 1848, there was no corresponding land reform. Therefore, the nobility (ten per cent of the population) continued to hold more than half of the best arable land. The vast majority of freed serfs held fewer than five hectares of land and soon they began to break up even these meager holdings among their children. Furthermore, the Kingdom of Hungary, unlike the Austrian part of the Empire, did not promote much industry (the nobility preferred the ''rustic'' life to pollution and grime) and, hence , the growing number of landless peasants found it increasingly difficult to make ends meet.2 In addition, the Slovaks had only a tiny middle class which �48 SLOVAKIA was engaged in an uneven struggle with the Hungarian government over the issue of 'Magyarization' (the forcible assimilation of non-Magyar nationalities by the Magyars) . This small number of individuals, faced by government discrimination , could not possibly either build up industry large enough to employ all the job-seekers or force the government into land reform. 3 Therefore, by the 1870s it had become common practice for Slovak peasants to migrate each summer to the Hungarian (and in some instances Austrian) lowlands and take in the harvest of the wealthy nobles. Others, particularly from Trencin county, had begun to wander all over Europe as tinkers who would offer to fix household implements, sharpen knives and scissors and do other odd jobs for the few pennies tossed them by sympathetic housewives. Others still sought work in the booming ·metropolises of Vienna and Budapest. 4 Meanwhile, after the American Civil War had ended, the United States of America began to industrialize in earnest. The railroad, coal, steel and oil industries began to greatly expand and they required large numbers of cheap , unskilled laborers, to make them profitable. American industrialists refused to pay the Irish and other immigrants who were already in America a decent wage, and the industrialists also rejected the alternatives of Black labor. Instead, they sent agents to Europe to seek workers who would settle for wages of around $1.50 a day and the agents found such people in eastern and southern Europe. 5 To a Slovak peasant, who could not make a living on five hectares of land, and who earned only the equivalent of 15 to 30 cents a day on a noble's estate, if he could find the work, $1.50 a day was a very handsome salary. Therefore , a few Slovaks responded to the entreaties of railroad agents (who advanced them the $70.00 it would cost to make the trip) in the 1870s and went to America. By then steamships began to carry immigrants across the Ocean in the relatively short time of two weeks. 6 And, while the work on the railroads, in the mines or mills was long and hard, the Slovaks put up with all these hardships because they had not come to stay. Instead, the vast majority were single young men (or newly-married) who came to make their 'fortunes' (usually $1 ,000) and then hoped to return home, buy enough land to make �SLOVAKIA 49 a living, and settle down to the good life in Hungary. Living in cramped boarding houses, the frugal Slovaks managed to pay off the cost of the trip in six months and after that they began to send money home to support their families and to also bring additional relatives to America. 7 Once this process got underway the trickle of Slovaks turned into a deluge in the 1880s and 1890s and peaked in 1905 when over 50,000 made the voyage. Altogether 650,000 Slovaks migrated to the United States between 1870 and 1924 (when immigration was largely halted by the U.S. Congress) and 500,000 eventually chose to remain in the New World. 8 Those who did then sent for their wives and children. Most Slovaks settled in the industrial Northeast and Midwest, half in Pennsylvania and the rest in New York, New Jersey, Ohio, Illinois, Michigan and Minnesota. 9 While life was more livable for Slovaks in the New World than in the Old, they did soon come to realize that they were being exploited and started to strike. The first recorded strike by Slovaks in the United States was in Bessemer, Pennsylvania in January of 1886 when 300 men, led by Stefan Stanek, walked off the job because the mine operators refused their modest request for an increase from 2 7 cents per wagon of coal produced to 30 cents per wagon. The mine owners decided to disperse the strikers with local police forces but the miners ' wives saved the day by hurling stones at the police and preventing them from making many arrests. 10 After this Slovaks were found participating in all the major strikes that affected the coal and steel industries, whether in the great Connellsville coal and coke strike of 1891 , the Homestead steel strike of 1892 , the Anthracite coal strike of 1894, the Lattimer coal strike of 1897, the Anthracite strikes of 1900 and 1902 , the Bethlehem Steel strike of 1910, the Westmoreland coal strike of 1911-1912 and the 1919 "Hunky" steel strike. 11 In the Lattimer strike, which turned into a massacre when sheriff's deputies opened fire upon 1,000 peaceful marching strikers , six Slovaks were killed, along with eight Poles and two Lithuanians, and 35 other workers were wounded. 12 In view of the Slovak willingness to strike for better wages and conditions, one might conclude that they were ripe for recruitment by socialist ideologies and organizations . Such w as not the �50 SLOVAKIA case. As early as 1890 the editor of the workers' weekly Slovak v Amerike (The Slovak in America) denounced socialism for two reasons: he charged that socialists advocated the violent overthrow of the capitalist system, an action which he deemed immoral; and socialism propagated internationalism, which to the beleaguered Slovaks who were fighting 'Magyarization' meant national suicide. 13 A.S. Ambrose , the founder and editor of Slovak v Amerike, had been an organizer of the ill-fated Knights of Labor, who made the first attempt to create an industrial union of unskilled workers in the United States in the 1880s. 14 Thus , while Ambrose was sympathetic to the plight of the workers, he rejected socialism and most other Slovak leaders in American followed suit. In a later article the Reverend Stefan Furdek, who was the most respected of Slovak Catholic clergymen in America, rejected socialism as well , principally because he felt it violated human nature - "people are not sheep" - and also because it opposed organized religion and wanted to root out belief in God. 15 Since both secular and clerical leaders of Slovak-Americans opposed socialism in the United States, it had little chance of success among the masses. This is not to say that socialist societies and newspapers did not arise among American Slovaks. They did , but when compared to other Slovak organizations , the socialist ones came relatively late and in such small numbers that they made very little impact upn Slovak-American life. For instance, A.S. Ambrose joined with P.V. Rovnianek (an ex-seminarian) to found the first nation-wide National Slovak Society of the United States and Canada in 1890 (between 1882 and 1890 more than 40 local fraternals had been established by American Slovaks). 16 Besides providing for fraternal-benefit insurance, the National Slovak Society became the leading nationalist and second-largest Slovak fraternal in the United States by 1918. 17 The largest was the First Catholic Slovak Union, also founded in 1890, but by the Reverend Stefan Furdek. Its goals were fraternal-benefit insurance for its members, and defense of the Catholic faith and the Slovak nation , as embodied in its slogan "Za Boha a narod" (For God and the Nation). 18 Since American Slovaks had interests that went beyond those espoused by the National Slovak Society and the First Catholic �SLOVAKIA 51 Slovak Union, they established even more fraternals. The two aforementioned societies initially admitted only men. Therefore, the wives of the men in these societies established the Zivena (Giver of Life) Beneficial Union in 1891 and the First Catholic Slovak Ladies Union in 1892. 19 Lutherans followed suit with the Slovak Evangelical Union in 1892. 20 A regional group founded the Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union in 1893. 21 Militant nationalists established the Slovak Gymnastic Union Sokol in 1896 (from which devout Catholics split off to found the larger Slovak Catholic Sokol in 1905) 22 and even Slovak Calvinists, a tiny minority, founded their Slovak Calvin Presbyterian Union in 1901 (all of these later established women's counterparts). 23 By 1918 twelve of the largest nation-wide Slovak societies in the United States enrolled over 200,000 members. The religious ones led with a total of 145,053 (51,817 in the First Catholic Slovak Union), with Catholics enrolling 133,904 and Lutherans 11,149. Secular societies had 69,315 members, and the National Slovak Society led these with 29,118. 24 By 1940 these societies, largely by enrolling their members' children, had doubled their combined membership to over 400,000. Meanwhile, a few isolated Slovak socialist organizations appeared at the turn of the century. The most important one arose in Chicago in 1902. In that year Stefan Martincek arrived from Budapest, where he had been a member of the Hungarian Socialist Party since 1897 and editor of the Slovak Socialist newspaper Nova doba in 1898-1899. He had also helped organize socialist cells among Slovaks in the southernmost counties of the Banat and Backa. However, by 1902 he tired of the Hungarian government's refusal to allow the creation of a Slovak Workers ' Society on the old pretext that ''there is no Slovak nation,'' and left for Chicago where a friend had preceded him. Soon after his arrival Martincek organized the First Slovak Workers Educational Society "Rovnost"' (Equality), which affiliated with the Czech Workers' Section of the Socialist party of America. The latter had been founded in 1901. 25 In the next few years other Slovak socialist societies sprang up in Cleveland, Newark, N.J., and New York City, and elsewhere . By 1911 these various societies decided to federate into the Slovak Section of the American Socialist Party. 26 �52 SLOVAKIA The aim of all of them was to try to spread the socialist ideology among their people and help the Socialist Party win as many elections as possible in order to eventually turn to the United States into a socialist country. Meanwhle, Martincek also wished to establish a Slovak Workers' (fraternal-benefit) Society but found too few potential followers and had to postpone this project until 1915. In that year he managed to persuade 60 members of the Slovak Socialist Section to meet in Newark and organize the Slovak Workers' Society. By the time of its first convention in 1917 it had enrolled 507 members. 27 It slowly grew to 11,107 by 1939 by actively recruiting not only among Slovaks but also among Czechs, Rusins and even Magyars, thereby giving credence to the Slovak nationalist charge that Slovak socialists were not good Slovaks. 28 The tremendous unemployment of the Great Depression also contributed to its growth. On the other hand, the Slovak Section of the Socialist Party in 1919, and the Slovak Workers' Society in 1920 joined the III International and thereby adopted the communist cause, losing significant numbers of members in the process. 29 If one looks at the Slovak-American newspaper press, one will likewise find a dearth of Slovak-American socialist newspapers. The first Slovak-American newspaper was founded in Pittsburgh in 1885 as a commercial venture to provide news from home. 30 By 1918 121 Slovak-language newspapers had sprung up in-this country (although only 41 were still publishing by then) and of 93 newspapers on which there is information regarding their ideology, 54% were Slovak nationalist, 18% were Magyarone, 17% had no political orientation, 4% were "Czechoslovak," 4% were socialist and 2% were neutral. Furthermore, in terms ofreligious orientation, 79% had none, 15% were Roman Catholic, 5% were Lutheran and one was Calvinist. Thus, the Slovak-American press was , by-and-large, secular and nationalist between 1885 and 1918. 31 Only four Slovak-American socialist newspapers appeared between 1885 and 1918, and only one survived. The first sprang up as the weekly Robotnik (Worker) in Connellsville, Pennsylvania, in 1889, but little is known about it and it died a quick death. 32 The second was founded by the brilliant ex-Jesuit (he �SLOVAKIA 53 could speak twelve languages) Frantisek Pucher-Ciernovodsky in 1894. Entitled Fakl'a (Torch), this New York monthly lasted for only nine months because there was not enough of a demand for it. 33 The third (and only successful) attempt to establish a SlovakAmerican socialist newspaper occurred in Chicago in 1906 when a small group, led by Stefan Martincek, established the monthly Rovnost' l'udu (Equality of the people). It became a weekly in 1908 and a daily in 1926. The newspaper changed its name to Eudovy dennfk (The People's Daily) in 1935 and to Eudove noviny (The People's News) in 1945; it folded in 1981. 34 The fou'ith (and last) attempt to establish a Slovak socialist newspaper in America occurred in New York in 1914 when a local group founded the Hlas svobody (Voice of Freedom) to principally serve as the official (fraternal) organ of the about-to-be organized Slovak Workers Society. It lasted only to 1917 because it opposed World War I and such a stand became untenable after the United States entered the war the same year. 35 Having surveyed Slovak immigration to the United States and the establishment of two of its three principal institutions , fraternal-benefit societies and newspapers (the other institution was the parish church) , the question that now arises is why was the socialist movement among American Slovaks so weak, especially when compared to other ehtnic groups who also came from southern or eastern Europe? We know, for instance, that the Czechs , Slovenes and Finns had very vigorous socialist organizations and newspapers. 36 Why did not the Slovaks? The answers are very complex and involve the type of immigrant who came to America, what region he/she came from , who the leaders were, their hopes and aspirations , and the wishes of the immigrants themselves . As we have already seen, most Slovak immigrants who came to the United States in the 19th century were single young men who hoped to make their fortunes and return home. Furthermore, the vast majority came from eastern Slovakia, particularly from the counties of Spis , Saris , Zemplin and Abov. This was the most over-populated and economically depressed area of Slovakia and also the weakest in national feeling.37 The principal concerns of the peasants who left this area , whether seasonally to the Hungarian lowlands, or across the Ocean �54 SLOVAKIA to America, was to find work, save their money , help their families survive and, perhaps, even buy some land back home. Until the 20th century they had virtually no knowledge of or contact with socialist ideology. Hungary itself had only a weak socialist movement that got underway in the late 19th century, principally in Budapest. 38 Immigrants from western Slovakia , particularly from Bratislava and Nitra counties, were different. They held more land than their counterparts in the east, were more nationallyconscious, had frequent contacts with their neighbors the Czechs, and often worked on the estates of rich Austrian nobles. They encountered socialist ideas in both the Czech lands and in Austria (Austria had the third-largest socialist movement in terms of votes in Europe in 1912) and brought such ideas with them to America. 39 Thus , not only did Frantisek Pucher-Ciernovodsky , the founder of the socialist Fakl'a (1894) hail from Bursky Sviity Jur, in Bratislava county, but the majority of the members of the Slovak Workers Society also came from western Slovakia. 40 That region, on the other hand , sent only a small number of immigrants to America, and, hence, the " pool" of potential Slovak socialists in the United States was very small. 41 American Slovak leaders , whether secular or clerical, tended to come frorp. central Slovakia. When one looks at the priests , fraternal leaders and journalists who presented themselves as the leaders of American Slovaks, one is bound to notice (as did Hungarian government leaders) that the majority came from the central Slovak counties , particularly from Orava and Turiec - the most nationalist of all Slovak counties . Indeed , the intellectual center of Slovak nationalism in the 19th century was the little town of Turciansky Sviity Martin. Here the Slovaks established their 'Matica slovenska' (a combination of National Library and National Academy) in 1863 (the Hungarian government closed it in 1875) and also their 'Muzealna Slovenska spolocnost" (Slovak Museum Society) in 1893. 42 Slovak-American leaders who originated here , such as the Reverend Stefan Furdek (Orava) , mentioned above , or Jan Spevak, (Turiec) , the second publisher of Slovak v Amerike, or Matus Jankola (Orava) founder of the first Slovak-American religious order of the Sisters of Saints Cyril and Methodius, or �SLOVAKIA 55 Albert Mamatey (Turiec) wartime president of the Slovak League of America, were first and foremost Slovak nationalists. 43 To all of them socialism was anathema because it preached internationalism which, one of them pointed out, meant for the Slovaks national suicide. Therefore, while most Slovak leaders in America were sympathetic to the plight of Slovak workers , they steered them away from socialist ideology. For instance, while the publisher of Slovak v Amerike might condemn the Pennsylvania state constabulary as "State Cossacks" for their brutality in breaking up a 1912 strike ,44 his colleague Jozef Husek (From Liptov, in central Slovakia) in the Cleveland monthly Kritika would blame the violence of the Colorado miners' strike of 1914 upon "socialist agitators" (in this case the Industrial Workers of the World) .45 Furthermore , at least one powerful Slovak leader was corrupted by greed. P.V. Rovnianek, a co-founder of the National Slovak Society and for many years editor of the first and largest Slovak-American newspaper, Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny (American-Slovak News), allowed himself to be bribed by mine owners during the Connellsville coal strike of 1891. Rovnianek told the miners in his paper that their cause was hopeless and urged them to return to work. The strike collapsed shortly thereafter. 46 Thus, whether they were concerned with the cause of Slovak nationalism, with keeping their people religious, or with lining their pockets with money , most Slovak-American leaders did nothing to advance the cause of socialism among their people . On the contrary, they opposed it whenever they felt it was necessary. Slovak socialists in America could only lament this stand by " our conservative and clerical leaders. " 47 Furthermore , Slovak socialists (and later communists) in America eventually fell victim to the allure of capitalism. When one looks at the almanacs published by Slovak socialists, one will notice a slow but steady trend away from socialist or communist zealotry . For instance , the first Slovak socialist Robotnicky Kalendar, published in 1914 , rather than having a religious calendar at the beginning , had one featuring secular heroes; it did not list Christmas ; it had many attacks upon the Roman Catholic Church, whether in articles , jokes or cartoons; and it carried only three advertisements , two by fellow-socialists who were selling �56 SLOVAKIA artificial limbs and socialist newspapers. 48 The contents of these almanacs started to change with the second issue (1915) which restored the Roman Catholic and Lutheran calendars, as well as Christmas , and also printed twenty-four advertisements by small businessmen, most of them socialists. 49 By the time the 1946 Eudovy Kalendar (it changed its name in 1935) appeared, it carried Roman Catholic, Lutheran, Greek Catholic and American Saints and heroes, it actually listed Christmas as the birth of Christ, and it had no anti-clerical articles whatever. Indeed, it published the pictures of two Roman Catholic nuns who were daughters of its communist readers! Furthermore, it published 405 advertisements of small businessmen, many of whom were also ostensibly communists. 50 Thus, even though the United States government forced the Slovak Workers Society (which had joined the International Workers' Order in 1931) to disband as a "subversive" society under the McCarren-Walter Act in 1953, the seeds of its dissolution really lay in the success of many of its members in becoming entrepreneurs and also in their children's apparent lack of interest in continuing the old struggle. 51 In view of the relatively late appearance of Slovak socialists in America , their small number, and insignificant organizations, one is left wondering why Slovak Marxist historians have made so much of them. One reason may simply be pride in the fact that the Slovak sodalist movement occurred on both sides of the Atlantic. A more plausible reason is , I think, the fact that SlovakAmerican socialists helped to organize the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia. While most Slovak-American socialists had become communists by 1920, this kind of split had not yet occurred in the newly-created Czechoslovakia. Therefore , Slovak-American communists sent Jozef Schiffel of Newark, N.J., and Marek Culen of Chicago (both western Slovaks from the Zahorie region) to Slovakia to size up the situation and help lead their comrades to the ''right path.'' Schiffel quickly had himself elected secretary of the more radical wing of the socialists and called a meeting offellow-radicals in I.:ubochna in January, 1921 , which his colleague Marek Culen chaired. Culen was then elected president of the "Action Committee" which planned the organizing meeting of the Czechoslovak Communist Party in May. At this �SLOVAKIA 57 meeting Jozef Schiffel was elected to the Central Committee of the newly-formed Czechoslovak Communist Party. Schiffel later returned to the United States while Culen remained in Slovakia. 52 Thus, just as American Slovaks had helped create the Czechoslovak Republic during World War I, so they helped to establish the Czechoslovak Communist Party. 53 And, this may be the principal reason why Slovak Marxist historians have paid so much attention to the Slovak-American socialist movement which, in the context of Slovak-American history, was relatively unimportant. Meanwhile, what about the Slovak workers and their reactions to labor organizing? This is largely 'terra incognita' at the moment. Paul Krause recently wrote a fine article about the willingness of Slovaks to join with their Anglo-Amer,ican fellowworkers in organizing and striking at Homestead in 1892. 54 I have previously given examples of the willingness of Slovak workers to strike, both in this paper and in my doctoral dissertation. 55 And, in my recent study of Slovaks in Bethlehem, I found them joining in the 1910 strike against Bethlehem Steel and again in 1941. 56 In the latter case they also helped organize the Congress of Industrial Organizations in Bethlehem, just as Thomas Bell, the Slovak-American writer had his hero do in his novel Out of this Furnace. 57 On the other hand, Slovaks were also guilty of scabbing and joining company-controlled unions. The Slovak press occasionally reported such practices, whether or not it approved of them. 58 Furthermore, Slovaks in Bethlehem joined company-sponsored unions in the 1920's and such activities were detrimental to true union organizing. 59 To complicate matters further, American labor organizers were not always receptive to foreigners. The Knights of Labor had tried to organize an industrial union in the coal fields in the 1880' s and did welcome immigrants such as A.S. Ambrose into their ranks, but the union ultimately failed due to poor leadership. In the 1890's skilled workers organized themselves into the American Federation of Labor and systematically excluded unskilled immigrants from their ranks, particularly in the steel mills, and this was one of the main reasons for the failure of the Bethlehem Steel �58 SLOVAKIA strike of 1910. 61 Only the United Mine Workers and the Industrial Workers of the World, which appeared in the early 1900's, successfully recruited and organized immigrant unskilled laborers, the Slovaks among them. 62 While the UMW grew into a large and powerful union, the IWW was destroyed by the United States government during World War I because, as a socialist-syndicalist organization, it opposed American entry into World War 1. 63 Only in the 1930's, during Franklin Delano Roosevelt's "New Deal," did labor organizers not have to worry about government interference in their efforts to establish a union. That was when the Congress of Industrial Organizations finally managed to organize unions in most of America's heavy industries .64 While Slovaks did join the UMW and the CIO in large numbers, the role played by Slovaks in the creation of these unions remains largely unknown. In my research I ran across no Slovak equivalent to Terrence Powderly (the leader of the Knights of Labor) Big Bill Heywood (a leader of the Industrial Workers of the World), John L. Lewis (a leader of the United Mine Workers) or even a Helen Gurley Flynn (an IWW organizer) or a Giuseppe Ettor, another IWW organizer. There may well have been such figures at a lower level of organizing because Anglo-Americans, and later Irish-Americans, tended to dominate the leadership of America's labor unions. 65 If there were Slovaks who tooks a lead in organizing labor unions at local levels, they remain to be discovered ,, Thus, we have seen that socialism and socialist organizations did not attract the vast majority of Slovak-Americans, in spite of what Slovak Marxist historians have written. Furthermore, SlovakAmericans cannot be said to have taken a leading role in the organization of American labor unions , although they may have played minor roles at local levels , and if so, these roles remain to be discovered. Various factors such as the place of origin of the majority of Slovak-Americans (eastern Slovakia) , their leadership (conservative and clerical), the weakness of socialism in Hungary, and the initial desire of Slovak-Americans to make their ''fortunes '' and return home, all worked against the establishment of strong socialist and labor movements among Slovak-Americans. �SLOVAKIA 59 NOTES 1 See for example Milos Gosiorovsky, "K podielu americko-slovenskeho proletariatu na vzniku CSR," in the collection of essays Ke vzniku CSR (Prague, 1958), 171-84 and by the same author "K hist6rii Slovenskeho robotnickeho spolku v USA ," in Zbornfk Filozofickej Fakulty Univenity Komenskeho, historica, 11-12 (Bratislava , 1962), 40-74 , and " Frantisek Pucher-Ciemovodsky a robotnicke hnutie, " in Zaciatky ceskej a slovenskej emigracie do USA (Bratislava, 1970), 197-207. While Gosiorovsky set the tone, others followed. Examples are Frantisek Bielik and Stefan Vesely, "Zapisnice slovenskych politickych organizacii v Spojenych statoch americky<;h,'' in Slovaci v zahranicf, 3 (Martin, 1979), 147-166; Frantisek Bielik et. al., Slovacl vo Svete, 2 (Martin, 1980); Ondrej Kutes, "Spomienky na zivot Slovakov vo Whitingu v state Indiana a m6j prichod do USA," in Slovaci v zahranicf, 8 (Martin, 1982), 127-131 ; Ivan Poljak, "Stefan Martincek," in Slovaci v zahranicf, 4-5 (Martin, 1979), 305; Jan Siracky, "Pokrokove tradicie zahranicnych Slovakov a ich vyvrcholenie v obdobi boja proti fasizmu pocas druhej svetovej vojny," Slovaci v zahranicf, 3 (Martin, 1979), 7-25; and Siracky, ' ' Sucasny stav a problematika vyskumu dejin zahranicnych Slovakov,'' in Bielik et. al., Vyst'ahovalectvo a zivot krajanov vo svete (Martin, 1982), 49-58. 2 Karol Rebro, "Agra.me reformy v habsburskej monarchii od zaciatku 18. stor. do roku 1848 s osobintym zretel'om na Slovensko, Historicke ~tudie XIlI (1968) , 11-13; and Endre Arat6, "K hospodarskym dejinam Slovenska od roku 1848 do 1900," Historicky casopis, I (No. 3, 1953). 432. 3 Arat6, Ibid., 480-86 . 4 Jan Hanzlik, "Zaciatky vyst'ahovalectva zo Slovenska do USA a jeho priebeh az do roku 1918, jeho priciny a nasledky," in Zaciatky ceskej a slovenskej emigracie do USA (Bratislava, 1970), 55; See also Narodny hlasnik (Skalica, June 30, 1869), 166 and (February 8, 1881), 1. 5 Emily Greene Balch, Our Slavic Fellow Citizens (New York, 1910), 239. See also Obzor (Skalica) , June 25 , 1881; Narodnie noviny (Martin), November 14, 1882, 1; February 24, 1887, 4; March 17, 1892 , 3; May 3, 1898 , 1; Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny (Pittsburgh), April 26 , 1900, 9; and July 4, 1901 ; see also the governor's correspondence in the Slovak State Archives for Abov county, Kosice , 460/1900. s Balch, Ibid., 285 . 7 M. Mark Stolarik , " Slovak Migration from Europe to North America , 1870-1918, " in Slovak Studies, XX (Rome, 1980), 34-35. 8 Jan Svetoii., "Slovenske vyst'ahovalectvo v obdobi uhorskeho kapitalizmu," Ekonomicky casopis, IV (No . 2, 1956), 171-79; and Fourteenth Census of the United States Taken in the Year 1920, Vol. II, Population: General Report and Analytical Tables (Washington, 1922), 973 . 9 Fourteenth Census, Ibid., 984. Narodnie noviny, February 9, 1886, 3. 10 11 Gustav Marsall-Petrovsky to Julo Kuchta, October 11, 1894, in the Matica slovenska's Literary Archives, Martin, 37-060; Narodnie noviny, June 30, 1984, 3; August 9, 1894; Slovak v Amerike (New York), September 30, 1897, 2; October 7, 1897, 1; March 31, 1898, 4; Narodny Kalendar (Pittsburgh), 1903, 49-64; Slovak v Amerike, July 7, 1908, 1; Narodny Kalendar, 1912, 241-250; M. Mark Stolarik, Growing Up on the South Side: �SLOVAKIA 60 Three Generations of Slovaks in Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, 1880-1976 (Lewisburg, 1985), 97-98. 12 The Most complete account of the Lattimer strike is Michael Novak's The Guns of Lattimer: The True Story of a Massacre and Trial, August 1897-March 1898 (New York, 1978) . 13 As cited in Narodnie noviny, November 6, 1890, 2. 14 Narodny Kalendar, 1912, 58-62. 15 Kalendar Jednota (Cleveland , 1910), 190-98. 16 P.V. Rovnianek, Zapisky za ziva pochovaneho (Pittsburgh, 1924). 128-130; Ignac Gessay, "Spolky pred organisaciami," Narodny Kalendar, 1911, 67. 17 Thomas Capek, Jr., The Slovaks in America (New York, 1921). 88-9 . 18 Jozef Pauco, 75 rokov Prvej Katolfckej Slovenskej Jednoty (Cleveland , 1965), passim. 19 Pamiitnica k zlatemu jubileu Ziveny, 1891-1941 (Pittsburgh, 1941), passim; and Jednota (Cleveland , December 9, 1908), 4. 20 Jan Pankuch, Dejiny Clevelandskych a Lakewoodskych Slovakov (Cleveland, 1930), 11. 21 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny, July 4, 1896, 1. 22 Ibid., July 13 , 1896, 1; and Gusto KoMk, "Prve desat'rocie nasej Jednoty," Sbomik Rfmsko a Grecko Katolickej Telocvicnej Jednoty Sokol (Passaic, N.J., 1916), 35-51. 23 Frank Uherka, "Kratky prehl'ad S.K.P.J. Jednoty," Kalendar pre Slovenskych Kalvfnov (Pittsburgh, 1927). 37-8. 24 Capek, op. cit. 25 Stefan Martincek, "Z minulosti slovenskeho robotnickeho hnutia, " Robotnicky Kalendar (Chicago, 1927), 25-28. 26 Gosiorovsky , "K historii Slovenskeho robotnickeho spolku v USA," op. cit. , 45 . 27 Ibid ., 49. 28 Ibid., 41 and 56; and Ivan Poljak and Eva Fordinalova, " Slovenske robotnicke hnutie v Spojenych statoch americkych," in Frantisek Bielik et. al. , Slovaci vo svete, 2 (Martin , 1980). 124. 29 Poljak and Fordinalova, Ibid ., and Robotnfcky Kalendar, 1930, 38. ° Konstantin Culen, Slovenske casopisy v Amerike (Cleveland , 1970), 29-32 . 3 31 M. Mark Stolarik, "At Horne Abroad: The Slovak-American Press, 1885-1918," in Owen V. Johnson , ed ., Mobilizing the Mobilized: The Role and Functions of the Mass Media in Eastern Europe (Forthcoming) . 32 Culen, op. cit., 101. 33 Ibid. , 41-2 ; Gosiorovsky, "Frantisek Pucher-Ciernovodsky " op . cit. 34 Culen, op. cit., 104-07; For a general discussion of the Slovak-American press see M. Mark Stolarik, " The Slovak-American Press ," in Sally M. Miller ed. , The Ethnic Press in the United States (Westport, Conn., 1987). 353-68. 35 Culen, op. cit., 47 . 36 In a pamphlet entitled Socialist Party Meeting National Committee, May, 1915: Reports of Foreign Federations (No publisher, place or date given), in the papers of the Slovene National Benefit Society Immigration History Research Center, University of Minnesota, �SLOVAKIA 61 groups such as the Czechs, Slovenes and Finns were reported with tens of thousands of members but the Slovaks had only 751. See also the articles about these groups in the Harvard Encyclopedia of American Ethnic Groups (Cambridge, Mass., 1980). 37 Ladislav Tajtak, "Vychodoslovenske vyst'ahovalectvo do prvej svetovej vojny," Nave obzory (Kosice , III, 1961), 221 -47 . 38 Gabriel Louis Jaraj , La Question Sociale et le Socialisme en Hongrie (Paris, 1909), 54-8 ; and Martinl':ek, op. cit., 25 . 39 Poljak & Fordinalova in Slovaci vo svete, 2, op. cit. , 115; Zoltan Sarkozi, "Prfspevok k dejinam slovenskych pol'nohospodarskych sez6nnych robotnfkov {1848-1914)," Historicky tasopis (Bratislava , 1964), 12 , 75-103; and Robotnfcky Kalendar, (1914), in which the editors give the world-wide socialist vote in 1912 as follows: Germany, 4,238,919; France, 1,120,000; Austria, 1,041,948; USA 905,768; Finland, 330,000; Hungary 80 ,000 . •0 Gosiorovsky, "Frantisek Pucher-Ciernovodsky," op. cit., and Poljak and Fordinalova , op. cit. 41 Frantisek Bielik & Elo Rakos, Slovenske vyst'ahovalectvo: Dokumenty I, do roku 1918 (Bratislava , 1969), 30. 42 Julius Mesaros a kolektiv, Dejiny Slovenska II, od roku 1848 do roku 1900 (Bratislava, 1968), 236-306 ; Monika Glettler, Pittsburg-Wien-Budapest: Program und Praxis der Nationalitlitenpolitik bei der Auswanderung der Ungarischen Slowaken nach Amerika um 1900 (Vienna, 1980), 208-17. 43 See Jozef Paul':o , Slovenskf priekopnfci v Amerike (Cleveland, 1972) for the biographies of Furdek (72-127), Jankola (208-22), and Mamatey (269-75), and Culen, Slovenske tasopisy op . cit., 125 , for the origins of Jan Spevak. 44 Slovak v Amerike, May 14, 1912 , 1. 45 Kritika, May 20, 1914, 2. 46 Gustav Marsall-Petrovsky to Julo Kuchta , op. cit., and Slovak v Amerike, July 7, 1908, 1. 47 Robotnfcky Kalendar, 1914, 15 . 48 Ibid. , passim . Robotnfcky Kalendar, 1915 , passim. so L:udovy Kalendar, 1946, passim. 49 s, Gosiorovsky, " K historii Slovenskeho robotnickeho spolku," op. cit., 70-71. Even the covers of the Slovak Communist Almanac cited above changed dramatically over the years. The 1932 cover, for instance, featured a very revolutionary scene of workers storming the barricades, whereas the 1950 cover showed a rather bourgeois photograph of a beautiful Slovak mother and child. 52 Gosiorovsky, "K historii Slovenskeho robotnickeho spolku," op. cit., 52-3 . 53 For the story of the World War I liberation movement see my The Role of American Slovaks in th e Creation ofCzecho-Slovakia, 1914-1918 (Rome , Slovak Studies, VIII , 1968) . 54 Paul Krause, "Labor Republicanism and 'Za Chlebom ': Anglo-Americans and Slavic Solidarity in Homestead, " in Dirk Hoerder ed ., " Struggle a Hard Battle ": Essays on Working-Class Immigrants (DeKalb , Ill ., 1986), 121-42 . �62 55 SLOVAKIA See above, page 4 and Stolarik, " Slovak Migration from Europe to North America," op. cit., 65-7 . 56 Stolarik, Growing Up on the South Side, op. cit., 97-9 . 57 Thomas Bell, Out of this Furnace (Boston, 1941) , 395-404. 58 Na.rodnie noviny, August 13 , 1892, 3; June 30, 1894, 3; and Na.rodny Kalenda.r, 1912, 246-50. 59 Stolarik, Growing Up, op. cit. , 98 . 6 °For an excellent article on immigrants and the American labor movement see David Brody's contribution "Labor" in the Harvard Encyclopedia of American Ethnic Groups, op. cit., 609-18. 61 62 Robert Hessen, Steel Titan: The Life of Charles M. Schwab (New York, 1976), 194-208 . Na.rodny Kalenda.r, 1903, 49-64; Slovak v Amerike, April 11 , 1905, 4; March 27, 1906, 1; July 30 , 1907, 1; Na.rodny Kalenda.r, 1908, 144-56; Ibid., 1912 , 241-50. 63 For the story of the IWW see Melvin Dubofsky, We Shall Be All: A History of the Industrial Workers of the World (Chicago , 1969). The section on their destruction appears on pages 350-462. 64 The role of the CIO in organizing many of America's heavy industries was outlined by Sidney lens in The Labor Wars: From the Molly Maguires to the Sitdowns (Garden City, N.J., 1973), 285-375 . 65 David Brody makes this point about the ethnic composition of America 's labor leaders in his article, cited above, on pages 611 and 615. � SLOVAKIA 47 Slovak Immigration to the United States and its Relation to the American Socialist and Labor Movements M. MARK STOLARIK If one looks at the large number of books and articles that Slovak Marxist historians have written about Slovak immigrants and their relation to the socialist and labor movements, one will get the impression that most Slovak immigrants to the United States joined socialist organizations and took a leading role in the American labor movement. 1 There is very little evidence to support such conclusions. As I will demonstrate in this paper, most Slovak immigrants came to the United States as single young men who wanted to make their "fortunes" and return home and their leaders were more concerned with promoting Slovak nationalism than with any socialist or labor ideology. Slovaks left their homeland in Hungary in the 19th century for three basic reasons: lack of land, lack of industry and lack of opportunity. While serfdom was abolished during the Revolution of 1848, there was no corresponding land reform. Therefore, the nobility (ten per cent of the population) continued to hold more than half of the best arable land. The vast majority of freed serfs held fewer than five hectares of land and soon they began to break up even these meager holdings among their children. Furthermore, the Kingdom of Hungary, unlike the Austrian part of the Empire, did not promote much industry (the nobility preferred the ''rustic'' life to pollution and grime) and, hence , the growing number of landless peasants found it increasingly difficult to make ends meet.2 In addition, the Slovaks had only a tiny middle class which �48 SLOVAKIA was engaged in an uneven struggle with the Hungarian government over the issue of 'Magyarization' (the forcible assimilation of non-Magyar nationalities by the Magyars) . This small number of individuals, faced by government discrimination , could not possibly either build up industry large enough to employ all the job-seekers or force the government into land reform. 3 Therefore, by the 1870s it had become common practice for Slovak peasants to migrate each summer to the Hungarian (and in some instances Austrian) lowlands and take in the harvest of the wealthy nobles. Others, particularly from Trencin county, had begun to wander all over Europe as tinkers who would offer to fix household implements, sharpen knives and scissors and do other odd jobs for the few pennies tossed them by sympathetic housewives. Others still sought work in the booming ·metropolises of Vienna and Budapest. 4 Meanwhile, after the American Civil War had ended, the United States of America began to industrialize in earnest. The railroad, coal, steel and oil industries began to greatly expand and they required large numbers of cheap , unskilled laborers, to make them profitable. American industrialists refused to pay the Irish and other immigrants who were already in America a decent wage, and the industrialists also rejected the alternatives of Black labor. Instead, they sent agents to Europe to seek workers who would settle for wages of around $1.50 a day and the agents found such people in eastern and southern Europe. 5 To a Slovak peasant, who could not make a living on five hectares of land, and who earned only the equivalent of 15 to 30 cents a day on a noble's estate, if he could find the work, $1.50 a day was a very handsome salary. Therefore , a few Slovaks responded to the entreaties of railroad agents (who advanced them the $70.00 it would cost to make the trip) in the 1870s and went to America. By then steamships began to carry immigrants across the Ocean in the relatively short time of two weeks. 6 And, while the work on the railroads, in the mines or mills was long and hard, the Slovaks put up with all these hardships because they had not come to stay. Instead, the vast majority were single young men (or newly-married) who came to make their 'fortunes' (usually $1 ,000) and then hoped to return home, buy enough land to make �SLOVAKIA 49 a living, and settle down to the good life in Hungary. Living in cramped boarding houses, the frugal Slovaks managed to pay off the cost of the trip in six months and after that they began to send money home to support their families and to also bring additional relatives to America. 7 Once this process got underway the trickle of Slovaks turned into a deluge in the 1880s and 1890s and peaked in 1905 when over 50,000 made the voyage. Altogether 650,000 Slovaks migrated to the United States between 1870 and 1924 (when immigration was largely halted by the U.S. Congress) and 500,000 eventually chose to remain in the New World. 8 Those who did then sent for their wives and children. Most Slovaks settled in the industrial Northeast and Midwest, half in Pennsylvania and the rest in New York, New Jersey, Ohio, Illinois, Michigan and Minnesota. 9 While life was more livable for Slovaks in the New World than in the Old, they did soon come to realize that they were being exploited and started to strike. The first recorded strike by Slovaks in the United States was in Bessemer, Pennsylvania in January of 1886 when 300 men, led by Stefan Stanek, walked off the job because the mine operators refused their modest request for an increase from 2 7 cents per wagon of coal produced to 30 cents per wagon. The mine owners decided to disperse the strikers with local police forces but the miners ' wives saved the day by hurling stones at the police and preventing them from making many arrests. 10 After this Slovaks were found participating in all the major strikes that affected the coal and steel industries, whether in the great Connellsville coal and coke strike of 1891 , the Homestead steel strike of 1892 , the Anthracite coal strike of 1894, the Lattimer coal strike of 1897, the Anthracite strikes of 1900 and 1902 , the Bethlehem Steel strike of 1910, the Westmoreland coal strike of 1911-1912 and the 1919 "Hunky" steel strike. 11 In the Lattimer strike, which turned into a massacre when sheriff's deputies opened fire upon 1,000 peaceful marching strikers , six Slovaks were killed, along with eight Poles and two Lithuanians, and 35 other workers were wounded. 12 In view of the Slovak willingness to strike for better wages and conditions, one might conclude that they were ripe for recruitment by socialist ideologies and organizations . Such w as not the �50 SLOVAKIA case. As early as 1890 the editor of the workers' weekly Slovak v Amerike (The Slovak in America) denounced socialism for two reasons: he charged that socialists advocated the violent overthrow of the capitalist system, an action which he deemed immoral; and socialism propagated internationalism, which to the beleaguered Slovaks who were fighting 'Magyarization' meant national suicide. 13 A.S. Ambrose , the founder and editor of Slovak v Amerike, had been an organizer of the ill-fated Knights of Labor, who made the first attempt to create an industrial union of unskilled workers in the United States in the 1880s. 14 Thus , while Ambrose was sympathetic to the plight of the workers, he rejected socialism and most other Slovak leaders in American followed suit. In a later article the Reverend Stefan Furdek, who was the most respected of Slovak Catholic clergymen in America, rejected socialism as well , principally because he felt it violated human nature - "people are not sheep" - and also because it opposed organized religion and wanted to root out belief in God. 15 Since both secular and clerical leaders of Slovak-Americans opposed socialism in the United States, it had little chance of success among the masses. This is not to say that socialist societies and newspapers did not arise among American Slovaks. They did , but when compared to other Slovak organizations , the socialist ones came relatively late and in such small numbers that they made very little impact upn Slovak-American life. For instance, A.S. Ambrose joined with P.V. Rovnianek (an ex-seminarian) to found the first nation-wide National Slovak Society of the United States and Canada in 1890 (between 1882 and 1890 more than 40 local fraternals had been established by American Slovaks). 16 Besides providing for fraternal-benefit insurance, the National Slovak Society became the leading nationalist and second-largest Slovak fraternal in the United States by 1918. 17 The largest was the First Catholic Slovak Union, also founded in 1890, but by the Reverend Stefan Furdek. Its goals were fraternal-benefit insurance for its members, and defense of the Catholic faith and the Slovak nation , as embodied in its slogan "Za Boha a narod" (For God and the Nation). 18 Since American Slovaks had interests that went beyond those espoused by the National Slovak Society and the First Catholic �SLOVAKIA 51 Slovak Union, they established even more fraternals. The two aforementioned societies initially admitted only men. Therefore, the wives of the men in these societies established the Zivena (Giver of Life) Beneficial Union in 1891 and the First Catholic Slovak Ladies Union in 1892. 19 Lutherans followed suit with the Slovak Evangelical Union in 1892. 20 A regional group founded the Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union in 1893. 21 Militant nationalists established the Slovak Gymnastic Union Sokol in 1896 (from which devout Catholics split off to found the larger Slovak Catholic Sokol in 1905) 22 and even Slovak Calvinists, a tiny minority, founded their Slovak Calvin Presbyterian Union in 1901 (all of these later established women's counterparts). 23 By 1918 twelve of the largest nation-wide Slovak societies in the United States enrolled over 200,000 members. The religious ones led with a total of 145,053 (51,817 in the First Catholic Slovak Union), with Catholics enrolling 133,904 and Lutherans 11,149. Secular societies had 69,315 members, and the National Slovak Society led these with 29,118. 24 By 1940 these societies, largely by enrolling their members' children, had doubled their combined membership to over 400,000. Meanwhile, a few isolated Slovak socialist organizations appeared at the turn of the century. The most important one arose in Chicago in 1902. In that year Stefan Martincek arrived from Budapest, where he had been a member of the Hungarian Socialist Party since 1897 and editor of the Slovak Socialist newspaper Nova doba in 1898-1899. He had also helped organize socialist cells among Slovaks in the southernmost counties of the Banat and Backa. However, by 1902 he tired of the Hungarian government's refusal to allow the creation of a Slovak Workers ' Society on the old pretext that ''there is no Slovak nation,'' and left for Chicago where a friend had preceded him. Soon after his arrival Martincek organized the First Slovak Workers Educational Society "Rovnost"' (Equality), which affiliated with the Czech Workers' Section of the Socialist party of America. The latter had been founded in 1901. 25 In the next few years other Slovak socialist societies sprang up in Cleveland, Newark, N.J., and New York City, and elsewhere . By 1911 these various societies decided to federate into the Slovak Section of the American Socialist Party. 26 �52 SLOVAKIA The aim of all of them was to try to spread the socialist ideology among their people and help the Socialist Party win as many elections as possible in order to eventually turn to the United States into a socialist country. Meanwhle, Martincek also wished to establish a Slovak Workers' (fraternal-benefit) Society but found too few potential followers and had to postpone this project until 1915. In that year he managed to persuade 60 members of the Slovak Socialist Section to meet in Newark and organize the Slovak Workers' Society. By the time of its first convention in 1917 it had enrolled 507 members. 27 It slowly grew to 11,107 by 1939 by actively recruiting not only among Slovaks but also among Czechs, Rusins and even Magyars, thereby giving credence to the Slovak nationalist charge that Slovak socialists were not good Slovaks. 28 The tremendous unemployment of the Great Depression also contributed to its growth. On the other hand, the Slovak Section of the Socialist Party in 1919, and the Slovak Workers' Society in 1920 joined the III International and thereby adopted the communist cause, losing significant numbers of members in the process. 29 If one looks at the Slovak-American newspaper press, one will likewise find a dearth of Slovak-American socialist newspapers. The first Slovak-American newspaper was founded in Pittsburgh in 1885 as a commercial venture to provide news from home. 30 By 1918 121 Slovak-language newspapers had sprung up in-this country (although only 41 were still publishing by then) and of 93 newspapers on which there is information regarding their ideology, 54% were Slovak nationalist, 18% were Magyarone, 17% had no political orientation, 4% were "Czechoslovak," 4% were socialist and 2% were neutral. Furthermore, in terms ofreligious orientation, 79% had none, 15% were Roman Catholic, 5% were Lutheran and one was Calvinist. Thus, the Slovak-American press was , by-and-large, secular and nationalist between 1885 and 1918. 31 Only four Slovak-American socialist newspapers appeared between 1885 and 1918, and only one survived. The first sprang up as the weekly Robotnik (Worker) in Connellsville, Pennsylvania, in 1889, but little is known about it and it died a quick death. 32 The second was founded by the brilliant ex-Jesuit (he �SLOVAKIA 53 could speak twelve languages) Frantisek Pucher-Ciernovodsky in 1894. Entitled Fakl'a (Torch), this New York monthly lasted for only nine months because there was not enough of a demand for it. 33 The third (and only successful) attempt to establish a SlovakAmerican socialist newspaper occurred in Chicago in 1906 when a small group, led by Stefan Martincek, established the monthly Rovnost' l'udu (Equality of the people). It became a weekly in 1908 and a daily in 1926. The newspaper changed its name to Eudovy dennfk (The People's Daily) in 1935 and to Eudove noviny (The People's News) in 1945; it folded in 1981. 34 The fou'ith (and last) attempt to establish a Slovak socialist newspaper in America occurred in New York in 1914 when a local group founded the Hlas svobody (Voice of Freedom) to principally serve as the official (fraternal) organ of the about-to-be organized Slovak Workers Society. It lasted only to 1917 because it opposed World War I and such a stand became untenable after the United States entered the war the same year. 35 Having surveyed Slovak immigration to the United States and the establishment of two of its three principal institutions , fraternal-benefit societies and newspapers (the other institution was the parish church) , the question that now arises is why was the socialist movement among American Slovaks so weak, especially when compared to other ehtnic groups who also came from southern or eastern Europe? We know, for instance, that the Czechs , Slovenes and Finns had very vigorous socialist organizations and newspapers. 36 Why did not the Slovaks? The answers are very complex and involve the type of immigrant who came to America, what region he/she came from , who the leaders were, their hopes and aspirations , and the wishes of the immigrants themselves . As we have already seen, most Slovak immigrants who came to the United States in the 19th century were single young men who hoped to make their fortunes and return home. Furthermore, the vast majority came from eastern Slovakia, particularly from the counties of Spis , Saris , Zemplin and Abov. This was the most over-populated and economically depressed area of Slovakia and also the weakest in national feeling.37 The principal concerns of the peasants who left this area , whether seasonally to the Hungarian lowlands, or across the Ocean �54 SLOVAKIA to America, was to find work, save their money , help their families survive and, perhaps, even buy some land back home. Until the 20th century they had virtually no knowledge of or contact with socialist ideology. Hungary itself had only a weak socialist movement that got underway in the late 19th century, principally in Budapest. 38 Immigrants from western Slovakia , particularly from Bratislava and Nitra counties, were different. They held more land than their counterparts in the east, were more nationallyconscious, had frequent contacts with their neighbors the Czechs, and often worked on the estates of rich Austrian nobles. They encountered socialist ideas in both the Czech lands and in Austria (Austria had the third-largest socialist movement in terms of votes in Europe in 1912) and brought such ideas with them to America. 39 Thus , not only did Frantisek Pucher-Ciernovodsky , the founder of the socialist Fakl'a (1894) hail from Bursky Sviity Jur, in Bratislava county, but the majority of the members of the Slovak Workers Society also came from western Slovakia. 40 That region, on the other hand , sent only a small number of immigrants to America, and, hence, the " pool" of potential Slovak socialists in the United States was very small. 41 American Slovak leaders , whether secular or clerical, tended to come frorp. central Slovakia. When one looks at the priests , fraternal leaders and journalists who presented themselves as the leaders of American Slovaks, one is bound to notice (as did Hungarian government leaders) that the majority came from the central Slovak counties , particularly from Orava and Turiec - the most nationalist of all Slovak counties . Indeed , the intellectual center of Slovak nationalism in the 19th century was the little town of Turciansky Sviity Martin. Here the Slovaks established their 'Matica slovenska' (a combination of National Library and National Academy) in 1863 (the Hungarian government closed it in 1875) and also their 'Muzealna Slovenska spolocnost" (Slovak Museum Society) in 1893. 42 Slovak-American leaders who originated here , such as the Reverend Stefan Furdek (Orava) , mentioned above , or Jan Spevak, (Turiec) , the second publisher of Slovak v Amerike, or Matus Jankola (Orava) founder of the first Slovak-American religious order of the Sisters of Saints Cyril and Methodius, or �SLOVAKIA 55 Albert Mamatey (Turiec) wartime president of the Slovak League of America, were first and foremost Slovak nationalists. 43 To all of them socialism was anathema because it preached internationalism which, one of them pointed out, meant for the Slovaks national suicide. Therefore, while most Slovak leaders in America were sympathetic to the plight of Slovak workers , they steered them away from socialist ideology. For instance, while the publisher of Slovak v Amerike might condemn the Pennsylvania state constabulary as "State Cossacks" for their brutality in breaking up a 1912 strike ,44 his colleague Jozef Husek (From Liptov, in central Slovakia) in the Cleveland monthly Kritika would blame the violence of the Colorado miners' strike of 1914 upon "socialist agitators" (in this case the Industrial Workers of the World) .45 Furthermore , at least one powerful Slovak leader was corrupted by greed. P.V. Rovnianek, a co-founder of the National Slovak Society and for many years editor of the first and largest Slovak-American newspaper, Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny (American-Slovak News), allowed himself to be bribed by mine owners during the Connellsville coal strike of 1891. Rovnianek told the miners in his paper that their cause was hopeless and urged them to return to work. The strike collapsed shortly thereafter. 46 Thus, whether they were concerned with the cause of Slovak nationalism, with keeping their people religious, or with lining their pockets with money , most Slovak-American leaders did nothing to advance the cause of socialism among their people . On the contrary, they opposed it whenever they felt it was necessary. Slovak socialists in America could only lament this stand by " our conservative and clerical leaders. " 47 Furthermore , Slovak socialists (and later communists) in America eventually fell victim to the allure of capitalism. When one looks at the almanacs published by Slovak socialists, one will notice a slow but steady trend away from socialist or communist zealotry . For instance , the first Slovak socialist Robotnicky Kalendar, published in 1914 , rather than having a religious calendar at the beginning , had one featuring secular heroes; it did not list Christmas ; it had many attacks upon the Roman Catholic Church, whether in articles , jokes or cartoons; and it carried only three advertisements , two by fellow-socialists who were selling �56 SLOVAKIA artificial limbs and socialist newspapers. 48 The contents of these almanacs started to change with the second issue (1915) which restored the Roman Catholic and Lutheran calendars, as well as Christmas , and also printed twenty-four advertisements by small businessmen, most of them socialists. 49 By the time the 1946 Eudovy Kalendar (it changed its name in 1935) appeared, it carried Roman Catholic, Lutheran, Greek Catholic and American Saints and heroes, it actually listed Christmas as the birth of Christ, and it had no anti-clerical articles whatever. Indeed, it published the pictures of two Roman Catholic nuns who were daughters of its communist readers! Furthermore, it published 405 advertisements of small businessmen, many of whom were also ostensibly communists. 50 Thus, even though the United States government forced the Slovak Workers Society (which had joined the International Workers' Order in 1931) to disband as a "subversive" society under the McCarren-Walter Act in 1953, the seeds of its dissolution really lay in the success of many of its members in becoming entrepreneurs and also in their children's apparent lack of interest in continuing the old struggle. 51 In view of the relatively late appearance of Slovak socialists in America , their small number, and insignificant organizations, one is left wondering why Slovak Marxist historians have made so much of them. One reason may simply be pride in the fact that the Slovak sodalist movement occurred on both sides of the Atlantic. A more plausible reason is , I think, the fact that SlovakAmerican socialists helped to organize the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia. While most Slovak-American socialists had become communists by 1920, this kind of split had not yet occurred in the newly-created Czechoslovakia. Therefore , Slovak-American communists sent Jozef Schiffel of Newark, N.J., and Marek Culen of Chicago (both western Slovaks from the Zahorie region) to Slovakia to size up the situation and help lead their comrades to the ''right path.'' Schiffel quickly had himself elected secretary of the more radical wing of the socialists and called a meeting offellow-radicals in I.:ubochna in January, 1921 , which his colleague Marek Culen chaired. Culen was then elected president of the "Action Committee" which planned the organizing meeting of the Czechoslovak Communist Party in May. At this �SLOVAKIA 57 meeting Jozef Schiffel was elected to the Central Committee of the newly-formed Czechoslovak Communist Party. Schiffel later returned to the United States while Culen remained in Slovakia. 52 Thus, just as American Slovaks had helped create the Czechoslovak Republic during World War I, so they helped to establish the Czechoslovak Communist Party. 53 And, this may be the principal reason why Slovak Marxist historians have paid so much attention to the Slovak-American socialist movement which, in the context of Slovak-American history, was relatively unimportant. Meanwhile, what about the Slovak workers and their reactions to labor organizing? This is largely 'terra incognita' at the moment. Paul Krause recently wrote a fine article about the willingness of Slovaks to join with their Anglo-Amer,ican fellowworkers in organizing and striking at Homestead in 1892. 54 I have previously given examples of the willingness of Slovak workers to strike, both in this paper and in my doctoral dissertation. 55 And, in my recent study of Slovaks in Bethlehem, I found them joining in the 1910 strike against Bethlehem Steel and again in 1941. 56 In the latter case they also helped organize the Congress of Industrial Organizations in Bethlehem, just as Thomas Bell, the Slovak-American writer had his hero do in his novel Out of this Furnace. 57 On the other hand, Slovaks were also guilty of scabbing and joining company-controlled unions. The Slovak press occasionally reported such practices, whether or not it approved of them. 58 Furthermore, Slovaks in Bethlehem joined company-sponsored unions in the 1920's and such activities were detrimental to true union organizing. 59 To complicate matters further, American labor organizers were not always receptive to foreigners. The Knights of Labor had tried to organize an industrial union in the coal fields in the 1880' s and did welcome immigrants such as A.S. Ambrose into their ranks, but the union ultimately failed due to poor leadership. In the 1890's skilled workers organized themselves into the American Federation of Labor and systematically excluded unskilled immigrants from their ranks, particularly in the steel mills, and this was one of the main reasons for the failure of the Bethlehem Steel �58 SLOVAKIA strike of 1910. 61 Only the United Mine Workers and the Industrial Workers of the World, which appeared in the early 1900's, successfully recruited and organized immigrant unskilled laborers, the Slovaks among them. 62 While the UMW grew into a large and powerful union, the IWW was destroyed by the United States government during World War I because, as a socialist-syndicalist organization, it opposed American entry into World War 1. 63 Only in the 1930's, during Franklin Delano Roosevelt's "New Deal," did labor organizers not have to worry about government interference in their efforts to establish a union. That was when the Congress of Industrial Organizations finally managed to organize unions in most of America's heavy industries .64 While Slovaks did join the UMW and the CIO in large numbers, the role played by Slovaks in the creation of these unions remains largely unknown. In my research I ran across no Slovak equivalent to Terrence Powderly (the leader of the Knights of Labor) Big Bill Heywood (a leader of the Industrial Workers of the World), John L. Lewis (a leader of the United Mine Workers) or even a Helen Gurley Flynn (an IWW organizer) or a Giuseppe Ettor, another IWW organizer. There may well have been such figures at a lower level of organizing because Anglo-Americans, and later Irish-Americans, tended to dominate the leadership of America's labor unions. 65 If there were Slovaks who tooks a lead in organizing labor unions at local levels, they remain to be discovered ,, Thus, we have seen that socialism and socialist organizations did not attract the vast majority of Slovak-Americans, in spite of what Slovak Marxist historians have written. Furthermore, SlovakAmericans cannot be said to have taken a leading role in the organization of American labor unions , although they may have played minor roles at local levels , and if so, these roles remain to be discovered. Various factors such as the place of origin of the majority of Slovak-Americans (eastern Slovakia) , their leadership (conservative and clerical), the weakness of socialism in Hungary, and the initial desire of Slovak-Americans to make their ''fortunes '' and return home, all worked against the establishment of strong socialist and labor movements among Slovak-Americans. �SLOVAKIA 59 NOTES 1 See for example Milos Gosiorovsky, "K podielu americko-slovenskeho proletariatu na vzniku CSR," in the collection of essays Ke vzniku CSR (Prague, 1958), 171-84 and by the same author "K hist6rii Slovenskeho robotnickeho spolku v USA ," in Zbornfk Filozofickej Fakulty Univenity Komenskeho, historica, 11-12 (Bratislava , 1962), 40-74 , and " Frantisek Pucher-Ciemovodsky a robotnicke hnutie, " in Zaciatky ceskej a slovenskej emigracie do USA (Bratislava, 1970), 197-207. While Gosiorovsky set the tone, others followed. Examples are Frantisek Bielik and Stefan Vesely, "Zapisnice slovenskych politickych organizacii v Spojenych statoch americky<;h,'' in Slovaci v zahranicf, 3 (Martin, 1979), 147-166; Frantisek Bielik et. al., Slovacl vo Svete, 2 (Martin, 1980); Ondrej Kutes, "Spomienky na zivot Slovakov vo Whitingu v state Indiana a m6j prichod do USA," in Slovaci v zahranicf, 8 (Martin, 1982), 127-131 ; Ivan Poljak, "Stefan Martincek," in Slovaci v zahranicf, 4-5 (Martin, 1979), 305; Jan Siracky, "Pokrokove tradicie zahranicnych Slovakov a ich vyvrcholenie v obdobi boja proti fasizmu pocas druhej svetovej vojny," Slovaci v zahranicf, 3 (Martin, 1979), 7-25; and Siracky, ' ' Sucasny stav a problematika vyskumu dejin zahranicnych Slovakov,'' in Bielik et. al., Vyst'ahovalectvo a zivot krajanov vo svete (Martin, 1982), 49-58. 2 Karol Rebro, "Agra.me reformy v habsburskej monarchii od zaciatku 18. stor. do roku 1848 s osobintym zretel'om na Slovensko, Historicke ~tudie XIlI (1968) , 11-13; and Endre Arat6, "K hospodarskym dejinam Slovenska od roku 1848 do 1900," Historicky casopis, I (No. 3, 1953). 432. 3 Arat6, Ibid., 480-86 . 4 Jan Hanzlik, "Zaciatky vyst'ahovalectva zo Slovenska do USA a jeho priebeh az do roku 1918, jeho priciny a nasledky," in Zaciatky ceskej a slovenskej emigracie do USA (Bratislava, 1970), 55; See also Narodny hlasnik (Skalica, June 30, 1869), 166 and (February 8, 1881), 1. 5 Emily Greene Balch, Our Slavic Fellow Citizens (New York, 1910), 239. See also Obzor (Skalica) , June 25 , 1881; Narodnie noviny (Martin), November 14, 1882, 1; February 24, 1887, 4; March 17, 1892 , 3; May 3, 1898 , 1; Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny (Pittsburgh), April 26 , 1900, 9; and July 4, 1901 ; see also the governor's correspondence in the Slovak State Archives for Abov county, Kosice , 460/1900. s Balch, Ibid., 285 . 7 M. Mark Stolarik , " Slovak Migration from Europe to North America , 1870-1918, " in Slovak Studies, XX (Rome, 1980), 34-35. 8 Jan Svetoii., "Slovenske vyst'ahovalectvo v obdobi uhorskeho kapitalizmu," Ekonomicky casopis, IV (No . 2, 1956), 171-79; and Fourteenth Census of the United States Taken in the Year 1920, Vol. II, Population: General Report and Analytical Tables (Washington, 1922), 973 . 9 Fourteenth Census, Ibid., 984. Narodnie noviny, February 9, 1886, 3. 10 11 Gustav Marsall-Petrovsky to Julo Kuchta, October 11, 1894, in the Matica slovenska's Literary Archives, Martin, 37-060; Narodnie noviny, June 30, 1984, 3; August 9, 1894; Slovak v Amerike (New York), September 30, 1897, 2; October 7, 1897, 1; March 31, 1898, 4; Narodny Kalendar (Pittsburgh), 1903, 49-64; Slovak v Amerike, July 7, 1908, 1; Narodny Kalendar, 1912, 241-250; M. Mark Stolarik, Growing Up on the South Side: �SLOVAKIA 60 Three Generations of Slovaks in Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, 1880-1976 (Lewisburg, 1985), 97-98. 12 The Most complete account of the Lattimer strike is Michael Novak's The Guns of Lattimer: The True Story of a Massacre and Trial, August 1897-March 1898 (New York, 1978) . 13 As cited in Narodnie noviny, November 6, 1890, 2. 14 Narodny Kalendar, 1912, 58-62. 15 Kalendar Jednota (Cleveland , 1910), 190-98. 16 P.V. Rovnianek, Zapisky za ziva pochovaneho (Pittsburgh, 1924). 128-130; Ignac Gessay, "Spolky pred organisaciami," Narodny Kalendar, 1911, 67. 17 Thomas Capek, Jr., The Slovaks in America (New York, 1921). 88-9 . 18 Jozef Pauco, 75 rokov Prvej Katolfckej Slovenskej Jednoty (Cleveland , 1965), passim. 19 Pamiitnica k zlatemu jubileu Ziveny, 1891-1941 (Pittsburgh, 1941), passim; and Jednota (Cleveland , December 9, 1908), 4. 20 Jan Pankuch, Dejiny Clevelandskych a Lakewoodskych Slovakov (Cleveland, 1930), 11. 21 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny, July 4, 1896, 1. 22 Ibid., July 13 , 1896, 1; and Gusto KoMk, "Prve desat'rocie nasej Jednoty," Sbomik Rfmsko a Grecko Katolickej Telocvicnej Jednoty Sokol (Passaic, N.J., 1916), 35-51. 23 Frank Uherka, "Kratky prehl'ad S.K.P.J. Jednoty," Kalendar pre Slovenskych Kalvfnov (Pittsburgh, 1927). 37-8. 24 Capek, op. cit. 25 Stefan Martincek, "Z minulosti slovenskeho robotnickeho hnutia, " Robotnicky Kalendar (Chicago, 1927), 25-28. 26 Gosiorovsky , "K historii Slovenskeho robotnickeho spolku v USA," op. cit. , 45 . 27 Ibid ., 49. 28 Ibid., 41 and 56; and Ivan Poljak and Eva Fordinalova, " Slovenske robotnicke hnutie v Spojenych statoch americkych," in Frantisek Bielik et. al. , Slovaci vo svete, 2 (Martin , 1980). 124. 29 Poljak and Fordinalova, Ibid ., and Robotnfcky Kalendar, 1930, 38. ° Konstantin Culen, Slovenske casopisy v Amerike (Cleveland , 1970), 29-32 . 3 31 M. Mark Stolarik, "At Horne Abroad: The Slovak-American Press, 1885-1918," in Owen V. Johnson , ed ., Mobilizing the Mobilized: The Role and Functions of the Mass Media in Eastern Europe (Forthcoming) . 32 Culen, op. cit., 101. 33 Ibid. , 41-2 ; Gosiorovsky, "Frantisek Pucher-Ciernovodsky " op . cit. 34 Culen, op. cit., 104-07; For a general discussion of the Slovak-American press see M. Mark Stolarik, " The Slovak-American Press ," in Sally M. Miller ed. , The Ethnic Press in the United States (Westport, Conn., 1987). 353-68. 35 Culen, op. cit., 47 . 36 In a pamphlet entitled Socialist Party Meeting National Committee, May, 1915: Reports of Foreign Federations (No publisher, place or date given), in the papers of the Slovene National Benefit Society Immigration History Research Center, University of Minnesota, �SLOVAKIA 61 groups such as the Czechs, Slovenes and Finns were reported with tens of thousands of members but the Slovaks had only 751. See also the articles about these groups in the Harvard Encyclopedia of American Ethnic Groups (Cambridge, Mass., 1980). 37 Ladislav Tajtak, "Vychodoslovenske vyst'ahovalectvo do prvej svetovej vojny," Nave obzory (Kosice , III, 1961), 221 -47 . 38 Gabriel Louis Jaraj , La Question Sociale et le Socialisme en Hongrie (Paris, 1909), 54-8 ; and Martinl':ek, op. cit., 25 . 39 Poljak & Fordinalova in Slovaci vo svete, 2, op. cit. , 115; Zoltan Sarkozi, "Prfspevok k dejinam slovenskych pol'nohospodarskych sez6nnych robotnfkov {1848-1914)," Historicky tasopis (Bratislava , 1964), 12 , 75-103; and Robotnfcky Kalendar, (1914), in which the editors give the world-wide socialist vote in 1912 as follows: Germany, 4,238,919; France, 1,120,000; Austria, 1,041,948; USA 905,768; Finland, 330,000; Hungary 80 ,000 . •0 Gosiorovsky, "Frantisek Pucher-Ciernovodsky," op. cit., and Poljak and Fordinalova , op. cit. 41 Frantisek Bielik & Elo Rakos, Slovenske vyst'ahovalectvo: Dokumenty I, do roku 1918 (Bratislava , 1969), 30. 42 Julius Mesaros a kolektiv, Dejiny Slovenska II, od roku 1848 do roku 1900 (Bratislava, 1968), 236-306 ; Monika Glettler, Pittsburg-Wien-Budapest: Program und Praxis der Nationalitlitenpolitik bei der Auswanderung der Ungarischen Slowaken nach Amerika um 1900 (Vienna, 1980), 208-17. 43 See Jozef Paul':o , Slovenskf priekopnfci v Amerike (Cleveland, 1972) for the biographies of Furdek (72-127), Jankola (208-22), and Mamatey (269-75), and Culen, Slovenske tasopisy op . cit., 125 , for the origins of Jan Spevak. 44 Slovak v Amerike, May 14, 1912 , 1. 45 Kritika, May 20, 1914, 2. 46 Gustav Marsall-Petrovsky to Julo Kuchta , op. cit., and Slovak v Amerike, July 7, 1908, 1. 47 Robotnfcky Kalendar, 1914, 15 . 48 Ibid. , passim . Robotnfcky Kalendar, 1915 , passim. so L:udovy Kalendar, 1946, passim. 49 s, Gosiorovsky, " K historii Slovenskeho robotnickeho spolku," op. cit., 70-71. Even the covers of the Slovak Communist Almanac cited above changed dramatically over the years. The 1932 cover, for instance, featured a very revolutionary scene of workers storming the barricades, whereas the 1950 cover showed a rather bourgeois photograph of a beautiful Slovak mother and child. 52 Gosiorovsky, "K historii Slovenskeho robotnickeho spolku," op. cit., 52-3 . 53 For the story of the World War I liberation movement see my The Role of American Slovaks in th e Creation ofCzecho-Slovakia, 1914-1918 (Rome , Slovak Studies, VIII , 1968) . 54 Paul Krause, "Labor Republicanism and 'Za Chlebom ': Anglo-Americans and Slavic Solidarity in Homestead, " in Dirk Hoerder ed ., " Struggle a Hard Battle ": Essays on Working-Class Immigrants (DeKalb , Ill ., 1986), 121-42 . �62 55 SLOVAKIA See above, page 4 and Stolarik, " Slovak Migration from Europe to North America," op. cit., 65-7 . 56 Stolarik, Growing Up on the South Side, op. cit., 97-9 . 57 Thomas Bell, Out of this Furnace (Boston, 1941) , 395-404. 58 Na.rodnie noviny, August 13 , 1892, 3; June 30, 1894, 3; and Na.rodny Kalenda.r, 1912, 246-50. 59 Stolarik, Growing Up, op. cit. , 98 . 6 °For an excellent article on immigrants and the American labor movement see David Brody's contribution "Labor" in the Harvard Encyclopedia of American Ethnic Groups, op. cit., 609-18. 61 62 Robert Hessen, Steel Titan: The Life of Charles M. Schwab (New York, 1976), 194-208 . Na.rodny Kalenda.r, 1903, 49-64; Slovak v Amerike, April 11 , 1905, 4; March 27, 1906, 1; July 30 , 1907, 1; Na.rodny Kalenda.r, 1908, 144-56; Ibid., 1912 , 241-50. 63 For the story of the IWW see Melvin Dubofsky, We Shall Be All: A History of the Industrial Workers of the World (Chicago , 1969). The section on their destruction appears on pages 350-462. 64 The role of the CIO in organizing many of America's heavy industries was outlined by Sidney lens in The Labor Wars: From the Molly Maguires to the Sitdowns (Garden City, N.J., 1973), 285-375 . 65 David Brody makes this point about the ethnic composition of America 's labor leaders in his article, cited above, on pages 611 and 615. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1987-88, Vol. 33 Description An account of the resource Vol. 33 (No. 60-61), 1987-88. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1987-88 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 47 Slovak Immigration to the United States and its Relation to the American Socialist and Labor Movements M. MARK STOLARIK If one looks at the large number of books and articles that Slovak Marxist historians have written about Slovak immigrants and their relation to the socialist and labor movements, one will get the impression that most Slovak immigrants to the United States joined socialist organizations and took a leading role in the American labor movement. 1 There is very little evidence to support such conclusions. As I will demonstrate in this paper, most Slovak immigrants came to the United States as single young men who wanted to make their "fortunes" and return home and their leaders were more concerned with promoting Slovak nationalism than with any socialist or labor ideology. Slovaks left their homeland in Hungary in the 19th century for three basic reasons: lack of land, lack of industry and lack of opportunity. While serfdom was abolished during the Revolution of 1848, there was no corresponding land reform. Therefore, the nobility (ten per cent of the population) continued to hold more than half of the best arable land. The vast majority of freed serfs held fewer than five hectares of land and soon they began to break up even these meager holdings among their children. Furthermore, the Kingdom of Hungary, unlike the Austrian part of the Empire, did not promote much industry (the nobility preferred the ''rustic'' life to pollution and grime) and, hence , the growing number of landless peasants found it increasingly difficult to make ends meet.2 In addition, the Slovaks had only a tiny middle class which 48 SLOVAKIA was engaged in an uneven struggle with the Hungarian government over the issue of 'Magyarization' (the forcible assimilation of non-Magyar nationalities by the Magyars) . This small number of individuals, faced by government discrimination , could not possibly either build up industry large enough to employ all the job-seekers or force the government into land reform. 3 Therefore, by the 1870s it had become common practice for Slovak peasants to migrate each summer to the Hungarian (and in some instances Austrian) lowlands and take in the harvest of the wealthy nobles. Others, particularly from Trencin county, had begun to wander all over Europe as tinkers who would offer to fix household implements, sharpen knives and scissors and do other odd jobs for the few pennies tossed them by sympathetic housewives. Others still sought work in the booming ·metropolises of Vienna and Budapest. 4 Meanwhile, after the American Civil War had ended, the United States of America began to industrialize in earnest. The railroad, coal, steel and oil industries began to greatly expand and they required large numbers of cheap , unskilled laborers, to make them profitable. American industrialists refused to pay the Irish and other immigrants who were already in America a decent wage, and the industrialists also rejected the alternatives of Black labor. Instead, they sent agents to Europe to seek workers who would settle for wages of around $1.50 a day and the agents found such people in eastern and southern Europe. 5 To a Slovak peasant, who could not make a living on five hectares of land, and who earned only the equivalent of 15 to 30 cents a day on a noble's estate, if he could find the work, $1.50 a day was a very handsome salary. Therefore , a few Slovaks responded to the entreaties of railroad agents (who advanced them the $70.00 it would cost to make the trip) in the 1870s and went to America. By then steamships began to carry immigrants across the Ocean in the relatively short time of two weeks. 6 And, while the work on the railroads, in the mines or mills was long and hard, the Slovaks put up with all these hardships because they had not come to stay. Instead, the vast majority were single young men (or newly-married) who came to make their 'fortunes' (usually $1 ,000) and then hoped to return home, buy enough land to make SLOVAKIA 49 a living, and settle down to the good life in Hungary. Living in cramped boarding houses, the frugal Slovaks managed to pay off the cost of the trip in six months and after that they began to send money home to support their families and to also bring additional relatives to America. 7 Once this process got underway the trickle of Slovaks turned into a deluge in the 1880s and 1890s and peaked in 1905 when over 50,000 made the voyage. Altogether 650,000 Slovaks migrated to the United States between 1870 and 1924 (when immigration was largely halted by the U.S. Congress) and 500,000 eventually chose to remain in the New World. 8 Those who did then sent for their wives and children. Most Slovaks settled in the industrial Northeast and Midwest, half in Pennsylvania and the rest in New York, New Jersey, Ohio, Illinois, Michigan and Minnesota. 9 While life was more livable for Slovaks in the New World than in the Old, they did soon come to realize that they were being exploited and started to strike. The first recorded strike by Slovaks in the United States was in Bessemer, Pennsylvania in January of 1886 when 300 men, led by Stefan Stanek, walked off the job because the mine operators refused their modest request for an increase from 2 7 cents per wagon of coal produced to 30 cents per wagon. The mine owners decided to disperse the strikers with local police forces but the miners ' wives saved the day by hurling stones at the police and preventing them from making many arrests. 10 After this Slovaks were found participating in all the major strikes that affected the coal and steel industries, whether in the great Connellsville coal and coke strike of 1891 , the Homestead steel strike of 1892 , the Anthracite coal strike of 1894, the Lattimer coal strike of 1897, the Anthracite strikes of 1900 and 1902 , the Bethlehem Steel strike of 1910, the Westmoreland coal strike of 1911-1912 and the 1919 "Hunky" steel strike. 11 In the Lattimer strike, which turned into a massacre when sheriff's deputies opened fire upon 1,000 peaceful marching strikers , six Slovaks were killed, along with eight Poles and two Lithuanians, and 35 other workers were wounded. 12 In view of the Slovak willingness to strike for better wages and conditions, one might conclude that they were ripe for recruitment by socialist ideologies and organizations . Such w as not the 50 SLOVAKIA case. As early as 1890 the editor of the workers' weekly Slovak v Amerike (The Slovak in America) denounced socialism for two reasons: he charged that socialists advocated the violent overthrow of the capitalist system, an action which he deemed immoral; and socialism propagated internationalism, which to the beleaguered Slovaks who were fighting 'Magyarization' meant national suicide. 13 A.S. Ambrose , the founder and editor of Slovak v Amerike, had been an organizer of the ill-fated Knights of Labor, who made the first attempt to create an industrial union of unskilled workers in the United States in the 1880s. 14 Thus , while Ambrose was sympathetic to the plight of the workers, he rejected socialism and most other Slovak leaders in American followed suit. In a later article the Reverend Stefan Furdek, who was the most respected of Slovak Catholic clergymen in America, rejected socialism as well , principally because he felt it violated human nature - "people are not sheep" - and also because it opposed organized religion and wanted to root out belief in God. 15 Since both secular and clerical leaders of Slovak-Americans opposed socialism in the United States, it had little chance of success among the masses. This is not to say that socialist societies and newspapers did not arise among American Slovaks. They did , but when compared to other Slovak organizations , the socialist ones came relatively late and in such small numbers that they made very little impact upn Slovak-American life. For instance, A.S. Ambrose joined with P.V. Rovnianek (an ex-seminarian) to found the first nation-wide National Slovak Society of the United States and Canada in 1890 (between 1882 and 1890 more than 40 local fraternals had been established by American Slovaks). 16 Besides providing for fraternal-benefit insurance, the National Slovak Society became the leading nationalist and second-largest Slovak fraternal in the United States by 1918. 17 The largest was the First Catholic Slovak Union, also founded in 1890, but by the Reverend Stefan Furdek. Its goals were fraternal-benefit insurance for its members, and defense of the Catholic faith and the Slovak nation , as embodied in its slogan "Za Boha a narod" (For God and the Nation). 18 Since American Slovaks had interests that went beyond those espoused by the National Slovak Society and the First Catholic SLOVAKIA 51 Slovak Union, they established even more fraternals. The two aforementioned societies initially admitted only men. Therefore, the wives of the men in these societies established the Zivena (Giver of Life) Beneficial Union in 1891 and the First Catholic Slovak Ladies Union in 1892. 19 Lutherans followed suit with the Slovak Evangelical Union in 1892. 20 A regional group founded the Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union in 1893. 21 Militant nationalists established the Slovak Gymnastic Union Sokol in 1896 (from which devout Catholics split off to found the larger Slovak Catholic Sokol in 1905) 22 and even Slovak Calvinists, a tiny minority, founded their Slovak Calvin Presbyterian Union in 1901 (all of these later established women's counterparts). 23 By 1918 twelve of the largest nation-wide Slovak societies in the United States enrolled over 200,000 members. The religious ones led with a total of 145,053 (51,817 in the First Catholic Slovak Union), with Catholics enrolling 133,904 and Lutherans 11,149. Secular societies had 69,315 members, and the National Slovak Society led these with 29,118. 24 By 1940 these societies, largely by enrolling their members' children, had doubled their combined membership to over 400,000. Meanwhile, a few isolated Slovak socialist organizations appeared at the turn of the century. The most important one arose in Chicago in 1902. In that year Stefan Martincek arrived from Budapest, where he had been a member of the Hungarian Socialist Party since 1897 and editor of the Slovak Socialist newspaper Nova doba in 1898-1899. He had also helped organize socialist cells among Slovaks in the southernmost counties of the Banat and Backa. However, by 1902 he tired of the Hungarian government's refusal to allow the creation of a Slovak Workers ' Society on the old pretext that ''there is no Slovak nation,'' and left for Chicago where a friend had preceded him. Soon after his arrival Martincek organized the First Slovak Workers Educational Society "Rovnost"' (Equality), which affiliated with the Czech Workers' Section of the Socialist party of America. The latter had been founded in 1901. 25 In the next few years other Slovak socialist societies sprang up in Cleveland, Newark, N.J., and New York City, and elsewhere . By 1911 these various societies decided to federate into the Slovak Section of the American Socialist Party. 26 52 SLOVAKIA The aim of all of them was to try to spread the socialist ideology among their people and help the Socialist Party win as many elections as possible in order to eventually turn to the United States into a socialist country. Meanwhle, Martincek also wished to establish a Slovak Workers' (fraternal-benefit) Society but found too few potential followers and had to postpone this project until 1915. In that year he managed to persuade 60 members of the Slovak Socialist Section to meet in Newark and organize the Slovak Workers' Society. By the time of its first convention in 1917 it had enrolled 507 members. 27 It slowly grew to 11,107 by 1939 by actively recruiting not only among Slovaks but also among Czechs, Rusins and even Magyars, thereby giving credence to the Slovak nationalist charge that Slovak socialists were not good Slovaks. 28 The tremendous unemployment of the Great Depression also contributed to its growth. On the other hand, the Slovak Section of the Socialist Party in 1919, and the Slovak Workers' Society in 1920 joined the III International and thereby adopted the communist cause, losing significant numbers of members in the process. 29 If one looks at the Slovak-American newspaper press, one will likewise find a dearth of Slovak-American socialist newspapers. The first Slovak-American newspaper was founded in Pittsburgh in 1885 as a commercial venture to provide news from home. 30 By 1918 121 Slovak-language newspapers had sprung up in-this country (although only 41 were still publishing by then) and of 93 newspapers on which there is information regarding their ideology, 54% were Slovak nationalist, 18% were Magyarone, 17% had no political orientation, 4% were "Czechoslovak," 4% were socialist and 2% were neutral. Furthermore, in terms ofreligious orientation, 79% had none, 15% were Roman Catholic, 5% were Lutheran and one was Calvinist. Thus, the Slovak-American press was , by-and-large, secular and nationalist between 1885 and 1918. 31 Only four Slovak-American socialist newspapers appeared between 1885 and 1918, and only one survived. The first sprang up as the weekly Robotnik (Worker) in Connellsville, Pennsylvania, in 1889, but little is known about it and it died a quick death. 32 The second was founded by the brilliant ex-Jesuit (he SLOVAKIA 53 could speak twelve languages) Frantisek Pucher-Ciernovodsky in 1894. Entitled Fakl'a (Torch), this New York monthly lasted for only nine months because there was not enough of a demand for it. 33 The third (and only successful) attempt to establish a SlovakAmerican socialist newspaper occurred in Chicago in 1906 when a small group, led by Stefan Martincek, established the monthly Rovnost' l'udu (Equality of the people). It became a weekly in 1908 and a daily in 1926. The newspaper changed its name to Eudovy dennfk (The People's Daily) in 1935 and to Eudove noviny (The People's News) in 1945; it folded in 1981. 34 The fou'ith (and last) attempt to establish a Slovak socialist newspaper in America occurred in New York in 1914 when a local group founded the Hlas svobody (Voice of Freedom) to principally serve as the official (fraternal) organ of the about-to-be organized Slovak Workers Society. It lasted only to 1917 because it opposed World War I and such a stand became untenable after the United States entered the war the same year. 35 Having surveyed Slovak immigration to the United States and the establishment of two of its three principal institutions , fraternal-benefit societies and newspapers (the other institution was the parish church) , the question that now arises is why was the socialist movement among American Slovaks so weak, especially when compared to other ehtnic groups who also came from southern or eastern Europe? We know, for instance, that the Czechs , Slovenes and Finns had very vigorous socialist organizations and newspapers. 36 Why did not the Slovaks? The answers are very complex and involve the type of immigrant who came to America, what region he/she came from , who the leaders were, their hopes and aspirations , and the wishes of the immigrants themselves . As we have already seen, most Slovak immigrants who came to the United States in the 19th century were single young men who hoped to make their fortunes and return home. Furthermore, the vast majority came from eastern Slovakia, particularly from the counties of Spis , Saris , Zemplin and Abov. This was the most over-populated and economically depressed area of Slovakia and also the weakest in national feeling.37 The principal concerns of the peasants who left this area , whether seasonally to the Hungarian lowlands, or across the Ocean 54 SLOVAKIA to America, was to find work, save their money , help their families survive and, perhaps, even buy some land back home. Until the 20th century they had virtually no knowledge of or contact with socialist ideology. Hungary itself had only a weak socialist movement that got underway in the late 19th century, principally in Budapest. 38 Immigrants from western Slovakia , particularly from Bratislava and Nitra counties, were different. They held more land than their counterparts in the east, were more nationallyconscious, had frequent contacts with their neighbors the Czechs, and often worked on the estates of rich Austrian nobles. They encountered socialist ideas in both the Czech lands and in Austria (Austria had the third-largest socialist movement in terms of votes in Europe in 1912) and brought such ideas with them to America. 39 Thus , not only did Frantisek Pucher-Ciernovodsky , the founder of the socialist Fakl'a (1894) hail from Bursky Sviity Jur, in Bratislava county, but the majority of the members of the Slovak Workers Society also came from western Slovakia. 40 That region, on the other hand , sent only a small number of immigrants to America, and, hence, the " pool" of potential Slovak socialists in the United States was very small. 41 American Slovak leaders , whether secular or clerical, tended to come frorp. central Slovakia. When one looks at the priests , fraternal leaders and journalists who presented themselves as the leaders of American Slovaks, one is bound to notice (as did Hungarian government leaders) that the majority came from the central Slovak counties , particularly from Orava and Turiec - the most nationalist of all Slovak counties . Indeed , the intellectual center of Slovak nationalism in the 19th century was the little town of Turciansky Sviity Martin. Here the Slovaks established their 'Matica slovenska' (a combination of National Library and National Academy) in 1863 (the Hungarian government closed it in 1875) and also their 'Muzealna Slovenska spolocnost" (Slovak Museum Society) in 1893. 42 Slovak-American leaders who originated here , such as the Reverend Stefan Furdek (Orava) , mentioned above , or Jan Spevak, (Turiec) , the second publisher of Slovak v Amerike, or Matus Jankola (Orava) founder of the first Slovak-American religious order of the Sisters of Saints Cyril and Methodius, or SLOVAKIA 55 Albert Mamatey (Turiec) wartime president of the Slovak League of America, were first and foremost Slovak nationalists. 43 To all of them socialism was anathema because it preached internationalism which, one of them pointed out, meant for the Slovaks national suicide. Therefore, while most Slovak leaders in America were sympathetic to the plight of Slovak workers , they steered them away from socialist ideology. For instance, while the publisher of Slovak v Amerike might condemn the Pennsylvania state constabulary as "State Cossacks" for their brutality in breaking up a 1912 strike ,44 his colleague Jozef Husek (From Liptov, in central Slovakia) in the Cleveland monthly Kritika would blame the violence of the Colorado miners' strike of 1914 upon "socialist agitators" (in this case the Industrial Workers of the World) .45 Furthermore , at least one powerful Slovak leader was corrupted by greed. P.V. Rovnianek, a co-founder of the National Slovak Society and for many years editor of the first and largest Slovak-American newspaper, Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny (American-Slovak News), allowed himself to be bribed by mine owners during the Connellsville coal strike of 1891. Rovnianek told the miners in his paper that their cause was hopeless and urged them to return to work. The strike collapsed shortly thereafter. 46 Thus, whether they were concerned with the cause of Slovak nationalism, with keeping their people religious, or with lining their pockets with money , most Slovak-American leaders did nothing to advance the cause of socialism among their people . On the contrary, they opposed it whenever they felt it was necessary. Slovak socialists in America could only lament this stand by " our conservative and clerical leaders. " 47 Furthermore , Slovak socialists (and later communists) in America eventually fell victim to the allure of capitalism. When one looks at the almanacs published by Slovak socialists, one will notice a slow but steady trend away from socialist or communist zealotry . For instance , the first Slovak socialist Robotnicky Kalendar, published in 1914 , rather than having a religious calendar at the beginning , had one featuring secular heroes; it did not list Christmas ; it had many attacks upon the Roman Catholic Church, whether in articles , jokes or cartoons; and it carried only three advertisements , two by fellow-socialists who were selling 56 SLOVAKIA artificial limbs and socialist newspapers. 48 The contents of these almanacs started to change with the second issue (1915) which restored the Roman Catholic and Lutheran calendars, as well as Christmas , and also printed twenty-four advertisements by small businessmen, most of them socialists. 49 By the time the 1946 Eudovy Kalendar (it changed its name in 1935) appeared, it carried Roman Catholic, Lutheran, Greek Catholic and American Saints and heroes, it actually listed Christmas as the birth of Christ, and it had no anti-clerical articles whatever. Indeed, it published the pictures of two Roman Catholic nuns who were daughters of its communist readers! Furthermore, it published 405 advertisements of small businessmen, many of whom were also ostensibly communists. 50 Thus, even though the United States government forced the Slovak Workers Society (which had joined the International Workers' Order in 1931) to disband as a "subversive" society under the McCarren-Walter Act in 1953, the seeds of its dissolution really lay in the success of many of its members in becoming entrepreneurs and also in their children's apparent lack of interest in continuing the old struggle. 51 In view of the relatively late appearance of Slovak socialists in America , their small number, and insignificant organizations, one is left wondering why Slovak Marxist historians have made so much of them. One reason may simply be pride in the fact that the Slovak sodalist movement occurred on both sides of the Atlantic. A more plausible reason is , I think, the fact that SlovakAmerican socialists helped to organize the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia. While most Slovak-American socialists had become communists by 1920, this kind of split had not yet occurred in the newly-created Czechoslovakia. Therefore , Slovak-American communists sent Jozef Schiffel of Newark, N.J., and Marek Culen of Chicago (both western Slovaks from the Zahorie region) to Slovakia to size up the situation and help lead their comrades to the ''right path.'' Schiffel quickly had himself elected secretary of the more radical wing of the socialists and called a meeting offellow-radicals in I.:ubochna in January, 1921 , which his colleague Marek Culen chaired. Culen was then elected president of the "Action Committee" which planned the organizing meeting of the Czechoslovak Communist Party in May. At this SLOVAKIA 57 meeting Jozef Schiffel was elected to the Central Committee of the newly-formed Czechoslovak Communist Party. Schiffel later returned to the United States while Culen remained in Slovakia. 52 Thus, just as American Slovaks had helped create the Czechoslovak Republic during World War I, so they helped to establish the Czechoslovak Communist Party. 53 And, this may be the principal reason why Slovak Marxist historians have paid so much attention to the Slovak-American socialist movement which, in the context of Slovak-American history, was relatively unimportant. Meanwhile, what about the Slovak workers and their reactions to labor organizing? This is largely 'terra incognita' at the moment. Paul Krause recently wrote a fine article about the willingness of Slovaks to join with their Anglo-Amer,ican fellowworkers in organizing and striking at Homestead in 1892. 54 I have previously given examples of the willingness of Slovak workers to strike, both in this paper and in my doctoral dissertation. 55 And, in my recent study of Slovaks in Bethlehem, I found them joining in the 1910 strike against Bethlehem Steel and again in 1941. 56 In the latter case they also helped organize the Congress of Industrial Organizations in Bethlehem, just as Thomas Bell, the Slovak-American writer had his hero do in his novel Out of this Furnace. 57 On the other hand, Slovaks were also guilty of scabbing and joining company-controlled unions. The Slovak press occasionally reported such practices, whether or not it approved of them. 58 Furthermore, Slovaks in Bethlehem joined company-sponsored unions in the 1920's and such activities were detrimental to true union organizing. 59 To complicate matters further, American labor organizers were not always receptive to foreigners. The Knights of Labor had tried to organize an industrial union in the coal fields in the 1880' s and did welcome immigrants such as A.S. Ambrose into their ranks, but the union ultimately failed due to poor leadership. In the 1890's skilled workers organized themselves into the American Federation of Labor and systematically excluded unskilled immigrants from their ranks, particularly in the steel mills, and this was one of the main reasons for the failure of the Bethlehem Steel 58 SLOVAKIA strike of 1910. 61 Only the United Mine Workers and the Industrial Workers of the World, which appeared in the early 1900's, successfully recruited and organized immigrant unskilled laborers, the Slovaks among them. 62 While the UMW grew into a large and powerful union, the IWW was destroyed by the United States government during World War I because, as a socialist-syndicalist organization, it opposed American entry into World War 1. 63 Only in the 1930's, during Franklin Delano Roosevelt's "New Deal," did labor organizers not have to worry about government interference in their efforts to establish a union. That was when the Congress of Industrial Organizations finally managed to organize unions in most of America's heavy industries .64 While Slovaks did join the UMW and the CIO in large numbers, the role played by Slovaks in the creation of these unions remains largely unknown. In my research I ran across no Slovak equivalent to Terrence Powderly (the leader of the Knights of Labor) Big Bill Heywood (a leader of the Industrial Workers of the World), John L. Lewis (a leader of the United Mine Workers) or even a Helen Gurley Flynn (an IWW organizer) or a Giuseppe Ettor, another IWW organizer. There may well have been such figures at a lower level of organizing because Anglo-Americans, and later Irish-Americans, tended to dominate the leadership of America's labor unions. 65 If there were Slovaks who tooks a lead in organizing labor unions at local levels, they remain to be discovered ,, Thus, we have seen that socialism and socialist organizations did not attract the vast majority of Slovak-Americans, in spite of what Slovak Marxist historians have written. Furthermore, SlovakAmericans cannot be said to have taken a leading role in the organization of American labor unions , although they may have played minor roles at local levels , and if so, these roles remain to be discovered. Various factors such as the place of origin of the majority of Slovak-Americans (eastern Slovakia) , their leadership (conservative and clerical), the weakness of socialism in Hungary, and the initial desire of Slovak-Americans to make their ''fortunes '' and return home, all worked against the establishment of strong socialist and labor movements among Slovak-Americans. SLOVAKIA 59 NOTES 1 See for example Milos Gosiorovsky, "K podielu americko-slovenskeho proletariatu na vzniku CSR," in the collection of essays Ke vzniku CSR (Prague, 1958), 171-84 and by the same author "K hist6rii Slovenskeho robotnickeho spolku v USA ," in Zbornfk Filozofickej Fakulty Univenity Komenskeho, historica, 11-12 (Bratislava , 1962), 40-74 , and " Frantisek Pucher-Ciemovodsky a robotnicke hnutie, " in Zaciatky ceskej a slovenskej emigracie do USA (Bratislava, 1970), 197-207. While Gosiorovsky set the tone, others followed. Examples are Frantisek Bielik and Stefan Vesely, "Zapisnice slovenskych politickych organizacii v Spojenych statoch americky<;h,'' in Slovaci v zahranicf, 3 (Martin, 1979), 147-166; Frantisek Bielik et. al., Slovacl vo Svete, 2 (Martin, 1980); Ondrej Kutes, "Spomienky na zivot Slovakov vo Whitingu v state Indiana a m6j prichod do USA," in Slovaci v zahranicf, 8 (Martin, 1982), 127-131 ; Ivan Poljak, "Stefan Martincek," in Slovaci v zahranicf, 4-5 (Martin, 1979), 305; Jan Siracky, "Pokrokove tradicie zahranicnych Slovakov a ich vyvrcholenie v obdobi boja proti fasizmu pocas druhej svetovej vojny," Slovaci v zahranicf, 3 (Martin, 1979), 7-25; and Siracky, ' ' Sucasny stav a problematika vyskumu dejin zahranicnych Slovakov,'' in Bielik et. al., Vyst'ahovalectvo a zivot krajanov vo svete (Martin, 1982), 49-58. 2 Karol Rebro, "Agra.me reformy v habsburskej monarchii od zaciatku 18. stor. do roku 1848 s osobintym zretel'om na Slovensko, Historicke ~tudie XIlI (1968) , 11-13; and Endre Arat6, "K hospodarskym dejinam Slovenska od roku 1848 do 1900," Historicky casopis, I (No. 3, 1953). 432. 3 Arat6, Ibid., 480-86 . 4 Jan Hanzlik, "Zaciatky vyst'ahovalectva zo Slovenska do USA a jeho priebeh az do roku 1918, jeho priciny a nasledky," in Zaciatky ceskej a slovenskej emigracie do USA (Bratislava, 1970), 55; See also Narodny hlasnik (Skalica, June 30, 1869), 166 and (February 8, 1881), 1. 5 Emily Greene Balch, Our Slavic Fellow Citizens (New York, 1910), 239. See also Obzor (Skalica) , June 25 , 1881; Narodnie noviny (Martin), November 14, 1882, 1; February 24, 1887, 4; March 17, 1892 , 3; May 3, 1898 , 1; Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny (Pittsburgh), April 26 , 1900, 9; and July 4, 1901 ; see also the governor's correspondence in the Slovak State Archives for Abov county, Kosice , 460/1900. s Balch, Ibid., 285 . 7 M. Mark Stolarik , " Slovak Migration from Europe to North America , 1870-1918, " in Slovak Studies, XX (Rome, 1980), 34-35. 8 Jan Svetoii., "Slovenske vyst'ahovalectvo v obdobi uhorskeho kapitalizmu," Ekonomicky casopis, IV (No . 2, 1956), 171-79; and Fourteenth Census of the United States Taken in the Year 1920, Vol. II, Population: General Report and Analytical Tables (Washington, 1922), 973 . 9 Fourteenth Census, Ibid., 984. Narodnie noviny, February 9, 1886, 3. 10 11 Gustav Marsall-Petrovsky to Julo Kuchta, October 11, 1894, in the Matica slovenska's Literary Archives, Martin, 37-060; Narodnie noviny, June 30, 1984, 3; August 9, 1894; Slovak v Amerike (New York), September 30, 1897, 2; October 7, 1897, 1; March 31, 1898, 4; Narodny Kalendar (Pittsburgh), 1903, 49-64; Slovak v Amerike, July 7, 1908, 1; Narodny Kalendar, 1912, 241-250; M. Mark Stolarik, Growing Up on the South Side: SLOVAKIA 60 Three Generations of Slovaks in Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, 1880-1976 (Lewisburg, 1985), 97-98. 12 The Most complete account of the Lattimer strike is Michael Novak's The Guns of Lattimer: The True Story of a Massacre and Trial, August 1897-March 1898 (New York, 1978) . 13 As cited in Narodnie noviny, November 6, 1890, 2. 14 Narodny Kalendar, 1912, 58-62. 15 Kalendar Jednota (Cleveland , 1910), 190-98. 16 P.V. Rovnianek, Zapisky za ziva pochovaneho (Pittsburgh, 1924). 128-130; Ignac Gessay, "Spolky pred organisaciami," Narodny Kalendar, 1911, 67. 17 Thomas Capek, Jr., The Slovaks in America (New York, 1921). 88-9 . 18 Jozef Pauco, 75 rokov Prvej Katolfckej Slovenskej Jednoty (Cleveland , 1965), passim. 19 Pamiitnica k zlatemu jubileu Ziveny, 1891-1941 (Pittsburgh, 1941), passim; and Jednota (Cleveland , December 9, 1908), 4. 20 Jan Pankuch, Dejiny Clevelandskych a Lakewoodskych Slovakov (Cleveland, 1930), 11. 21 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny, July 4, 1896, 1. 22 Ibid., July 13 , 1896, 1; and Gusto KoMk, "Prve desat'rocie nasej Jednoty," Sbomik Rfmsko a Grecko Katolickej Telocvicnej Jednoty Sokol (Passaic, N.J., 1916), 35-51. 23 Frank Uherka, "Kratky prehl'ad S.K.P.J. Jednoty," Kalendar pre Slovenskych Kalvfnov (Pittsburgh, 1927). 37-8. 24 Capek, op. cit. 25 Stefan Martincek, "Z minulosti slovenskeho robotnickeho hnutia, " Robotnicky Kalendar (Chicago, 1927), 25-28. 26 Gosiorovsky , "K historii Slovenskeho robotnickeho spolku v USA," op. cit. , 45 . 27 Ibid ., 49. 28 Ibid., 41 and 56; and Ivan Poljak and Eva Fordinalova, " Slovenske robotnicke hnutie v Spojenych statoch americkych," in Frantisek Bielik et. al. , Slovaci vo svete, 2 (Martin , 1980). 124. 29 Poljak and Fordinalova, Ibid ., and Robotnfcky Kalendar, 1930, 38. ° Konstantin Culen, Slovenske casopisy v Amerike (Cleveland , 1970), 29-32 . 3 31 M. Mark Stolarik, "At Horne Abroad: The Slovak-American Press, 1885-1918," in Owen V. Johnson , ed ., Mobilizing the Mobilized: The Role and Functions of the Mass Media in Eastern Europe (Forthcoming) . 32 Culen, op. cit., 101. 33 Ibid. , 41-2 ; Gosiorovsky, "Frantisek Pucher-Ciernovodsky " op . cit. 34 Culen, op. cit., 104-07; For a general discussion of the Slovak-American press see M. Mark Stolarik, " The Slovak-American Press ," in Sally M. Miller ed. , The Ethnic Press in the United States (Westport, Conn., 1987). 353-68. 35 Culen, op. cit., 47 . 36 In a pamphlet entitled Socialist Party Meeting National Committee, May, 1915: Reports of Foreign Federations (No publisher, place or date given), in the papers of the Slovene National Benefit Society Immigration History Research Center, University of Minnesota, SLOVAKIA 61 groups such as the Czechs, Slovenes and Finns were reported with tens of thousands of members but the Slovaks had only 751. See also the articles about these groups in the Harvard Encyclopedia of American Ethnic Groups (Cambridge, Mass., 1980). 37 Ladislav Tajtak, "Vychodoslovenske vyst'ahovalectvo do prvej svetovej vojny," Nave obzory (Kosice , III, 1961), 221 -47 . 38 Gabriel Louis Jaraj , La Question Sociale et le Socialisme en Hongrie (Paris, 1909), 54-8 ; and Martinl':ek, op. cit., 25 . 39 Poljak & Fordinalova in Slovaci vo svete, 2, op. cit. , 115; Zoltan Sarkozi, "Prfspevok k dejinam slovenskych pol'nohospodarskych sez6nnych robotnfkov {1848-1914)," Historicky tasopis (Bratislava , 1964), 12 , 75-103; and Robotnfcky Kalendar, (1914), in which the editors give the world-wide socialist vote in 1912 as follows: Germany, 4,238,919; France, 1,120,000; Austria, 1,041,948; USA 905,768; Finland, 330,000; Hungary 80 ,000 . •0 Gosiorovsky, "Frantisek Pucher-Ciernovodsky," op. cit., and Poljak and Fordinalova , op. cit. 41 Frantisek Bielik & Elo Rakos, Slovenske vyst'ahovalectvo: Dokumenty I, do roku 1918 (Bratislava , 1969), 30. 42 Julius Mesaros a kolektiv, Dejiny Slovenska II, od roku 1848 do roku 1900 (Bratislava, 1968), 236-306 ; Monika Glettler, Pittsburg-Wien-Budapest: Program und Praxis der Nationalitlitenpolitik bei der Auswanderung der Ungarischen Slowaken nach Amerika um 1900 (Vienna, 1980), 208-17. 43 See Jozef Paul':o , Slovenskf priekopnfci v Amerike (Cleveland, 1972) for the biographies of Furdek (72-127), Jankola (208-22), and Mamatey (269-75), and Culen, Slovenske tasopisy op . cit., 125 , for the origins of Jan Spevak. 44 Slovak v Amerike, May 14, 1912 , 1. 45 Kritika, May 20, 1914, 2. 46 Gustav Marsall-Petrovsky to Julo Kuchta , op. cit., and Slovak v Amerike, July 7, 1908, 1. 47 Robotnfcky Kalendar, 1914, 15 . 48 Ibid. , passim . Robotnfcky Kalendar, 1915 , passim. so L:udovy Kalendar, 1946, passim. 49 s, Gosiorovsky, " K historii Slovenskeho robotnickeho spolku," op. cit., 70-71. Even the covers of the Slovak Communist Almanac cited above changed dramatically over the years. The 1932 cover, for instance, featured a very revolutionary scene of workers storming the barricades, whereas the 1950 cover showed a rather bourgeois photograph of a beautiful Slovak mother and child. 52 Gosiorovsky, "K historii Slovenskeho robotnickeho spolku," op. cit., 52-3 . 53 For the story of the World War I liberation movement see my The Role of American Slovaks in th e Creation ofCzecho-Slovakia, 1914-1918 (Rome , Slovak Studies, VIII , 1968) . 54 Paul Krause, "Labor Republicanism and 'Za Chlebom ': Anglo-Americans and Slavic Solidarity in Homestead, " in Dirk Hoerder ed ., " Struggle a Hard Battle ": Essays on Working-Class Immigrants (DeKalb , Ill ., 1986), 121-42 . 62 55 SLOVAKIA See above, page 4 and Stolarik, " Slovak Migration from Europe to North America," op. cit., 65-7 . 56 Stolarik, Growing Up on the South Side, op. cit., 97-9 . 57 Thomas Bell, Out of this Furnace (Boston, 1941) , 395-404. 58 Na.rodnie noviny, August 13 , 1892, 3; June 30, 1894, 3; and Na.rodny Kalenda.r, 1912, 246-50. 59 Stolarik, Growing Up, op. cit. , 98 . 6 °For an excellent article on immigrants and the American labor movement see David Brody's contribution "Labor" in the Harvard Encyclopedia of American Ethnic Groups, op. cit., 609-18. 61 62 Robert Hessen, Steel Titan: The Life of Charles M. Schwab (New York, 1976), 194-208 . Na.rodny Kalenda.r, 1903, 49-64; Slovak v Amerike, April 11 , 1905, 4; March 27, 1906, 1; July 30 , 1907, 1; Na.rodny Kalenda.r, 1908, 144-56; Ibid., 1912 , 241-50. 63 For the story of the IWW see Melvin Dubofsky, We Shall Be All: A History of the Industrial Workers of the World (Chicago , 1969). The section on their destruction appears on pages 350-462. 64 The role of the CIO in organizing many of America's heavy industries was outlined by Sidney lens in The Labor Wars: From the Molly Maguires to the Sitdowns (Garden City, N.J., 1973), 285-375 . 65 David Brody makes this point about the ethnic composition of America 's labor leaders in his article, cited above, on pages 611 and 615.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovak Immigration to the United States and Its Relation to the American Socialist and Labor Movements Description An account of the resource M. Mark Stolarik Slovakia, Vol. 33 (No. 60-61), 1987-88 pp. 47-62 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Stolarik, M. Mark, 1943- Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1987-88 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/b53c4395391beb62c9c502a71a3b4099.pdf 02ecce86e7f735a5d9d6ac3243f9e1f5 PDF Text Text 68 SLOVAKIA IN RETROSPECT - SLOVAK ISSUES IN EVERY LI'.lTLE TOWN Alexander Kendrick (In the Chicago Sun, Sept. 14, 1947.) In every little town in Slovakia the Cross of the Church stands high above everything else. In many places there is an industrial plant not far away, with a hammer and sickle or a red star above its gates. There two symbols starkly represent the struggle that is taking place among 3,500,000 Slovaks, from the high Tatras to the Danube lowland. And the conflict has become compounded by the fact that the religious symbol, the Cross, has entered -p olitics also. In most pf the things which make this one third of the Czecho.:Slovak Republic a real economic, political and psychological problem - indeed, the chief problem by all odds of the coalition government - the Catholic Church and the Communist party are on opposing sides. On the No. 1 issue of Slovak autonomy, many church leaders who before the war belonged to the IIlinka party and who during the German occupation fared extremely well in the "independent" Slovak State, continue to be for full separation of 'Slovakia from the rest of the land. The Communists used to favor the "one state, one Czechoslovak nation" idea, but under pressure of the traditional and very real Slovak urge for as much self-rule as possible, they now are willing to place a hyphen in Czecho-Slovakia and have adopted the formula "two nationals in a single state." But they are against federation and, of course, against Slovak independence. On the basic economic issue of nationalization and state planning, which are accomplished facts, the church and its civil arm, the Slovakian Democratic Party, are for less of them while the Communists are for more. On the surface, Slovakia, the Ireland of central Europe, is a pleasant land, much more easy-going that the busy �SLOVAKIA 69 "Czech lands" up north. There is no rationing here as in the rest of Czecho-Slovakia. There is plenty to eat, good ibeer to drink, and fine native wines including a .p assable imitation of French champagne called Chateau Trencin. The Carpathians are filled with rest homes for workers. Everything looks fine. But underneath there are unhealed scars and smoldering fires·. Many people feel that "it was better under the Germans." Hitler, trying to demonstrate a model "independent" state, let the Slovaks pretty much alone. The other side of the picture is equally clear. The Slovak legions which Hitler sent to fight the Soviet Union deserted to the other side and came back to fight the Germans. The Slov;ak uprising in Banska Bystrica and Turciansky Svaty Martin - the third anniversary of which was joyously celebrated here the other day - were the first signs of a new Slovakia being born. Though they were put down with heavy bloodshed and the leaders had to flee to Moscow - I have talked with one of them, who flew all of Slovakia's gold reserve there - they came back with the returning Czecho-Slovakian government, and many of them hold high places in the present Slovakian Council of Trustees, the governing body, and in the trade unions. Most of them are Communists. This explains the phenomenom of the hammer and sickle and the red star over factory plants. They merely denote the fact that the plant union happens to be a Communist union. For more than two years, since the liberation of CzechoSlovakia, the opposing forces in Slovakia have had an armed truce. Now it appears to be coming to an end. Elections and a new constitution are due next year, and the campaign for both has started. Feelings run high. Armed bands are reported roving the lower Slovakian countryside, making attacks on small villages. They are the remnants of the socalled Benderovtsi, formed by a Ukrainian nationalist named Bender for anti-'Soviet action. Slovak Partisans who fought the Germans have demanded that they be rearmed to clean up the Benderovtsi, and this has aroused fears of Democratic party members that some other sort of "plot" may be afoot. �60 SLOVAKIA Members of Husak's entourage made no bones about the part they thought the Catholic church was playing in the present Slovakian turmoil. They said that by adopting an outright anti-Commun ist platform the Catholic leaders were able to attract a great many Slovak Protestants who also have no love for Communism or Russia, and were using the supposedly non-sectarian Democratic party as their instrument. In addition to anti-Commun ist and anti-Soviet feeling, anti-Czech sentiments are widespread. The recent war has heightened these feelings, for as an "independent" State Slovakia speeded up her economy and attained a considerable prosperity. Now Slovaks say they were held back by the Czechs from showing what they could do. But not all the sentiment here is anti-Commun ist, anti-.Soviet and anti-Czech. As far as the Russians are concerned, there are too many Russian graves and markers along every footpath in the Carpathians to let Slovaks forget what the Red Army did there. Agriculture and transport are to be modernized. Moreover, although the Slovaks are eating well this year, the harvest is poor because of the drqught. The Soviet grain which Czecho-Slovakia is now receiving under the new Cz.echSoviet trade agreement will go largely to Slovakia. Thus the economics of the full stomach, a language always understood in Slovakia, may help to bring about a solution of a politically terider and potentially dangerous situation. But even such a solution will not resolve the inner conflict which is outwardly represented here by the Cross on one side and the hammer and sickle on the other. That conflict will go on as long as there is a Czecho-Slovak Republic. • • • WHO SAID IT? " It is not true that an anti-Communist front exists in our coun, try (Slovakia) . . . . And nobody Is thinking of organizing one . ... such is the situation in our country today. What shall it be tomorrow? We do not think the conditions exist tor forming an anti-Communist front in our country. We do not feel the necessity for it and we do not ever( \1esire it. But just the opposite." - (CAS, offi ci al organ of Lettrich's D'E!mocratlc "Party, January 11, 19-t7.) � 68 SLOVAKIA IN RETROSPECT - SLOVAK ISSUES IN EVERY LI'.lTLE TOWN Alexander Kendrick (In the Chicago Sun, Sept. 14, 1947.) In every little town in Slovakia the Cross of the Church stands high above everything else. In many places there is an industrial plant not far away, with a hammer and sickle or a red star above its gates. There two symbols starkly represent the struggle that is taking place among 3,500,000 Slovaks, from the high Tatras to the Danube lowland. And the conflict has become compounded by the fact that the religious symbol, the Cross, has entered -p olitics also. In most pf the things which make this one third of the Czecho.:Slovak Republic a real economic, political and psychological problem - indeed, the chief problem by all odds of the coalition government - the Catholic Church and the Communist party are on opposing sides. On the No. 1 issue of Slovak autonomy, many church leaders who before the war belonged to the IIlinka party and who during the German occupation fared extremely well in the "independent" Slovak State, continue to be for full separation of 'Slovakia from the rest of the land. The Communists used to favor the "one state, one Czechoslovak nation" idea, but under pressure of the traditional and very real Slovak urge for as much self-rule as possible, they now are willing to place a hyphen in Czecho-Slovakia and have adopted the formula "two nationals in a single state." But they are against federation and, of course, against Slovak independence. On the basic economic issue of nationalization and state planning, which are accomplished facts, the church and its civil arm, the Slovakian Democratic Party, are for less of them while the Communists are for more. On the surface, Slovakia, the Ireland of central Europe, is a pleasant land, much more easy-going that the busy �SLOVAKIA 69 "Czech lands" up north. There is no rationing here as in the rest of Czecho-Slovakia. There is plenty to eat, good ibeer to drink, and fine native wines including a .p assable imitation of French champagne called Chateau Trencin. The Carpathians are filled with rest homes for workers. Everything looks fine. But underneath there are unhealed scars and smoldering fires·. Many people feel that "it was better under the Germans." Hitler, trying to demonstrate a model "independent" state, let the Slovaks pretty much alone. The other side of the picture is equally clear. The Slovak legions which Hitler sent to fight the Soviet Union deserted to the other side and came back to fight the Germans. The Slov;ak uprising in Banska Bystrica and Turciansky Svaty Martin - the third anniversary of which was joyously celebrated here the other day - were the first signs of a new Slovakia being born. Though they were put down with heavy bloodshed and the leaders had to flee to Moscow - I have talked with one of them, who flew all of Slovakia's gold reserve there - they came back with the returning Czecho-Slovakian government, and many of them hold high places in the present Slovakian Council of Trustees, the governing body, and in the trade unions. Most of them are Communists. This explains the phenomenom of the hammer and sickle and the red star over factory plants. They merely denote the fact that the plant union happens to be a Communist union. For more than two years, since the liberation of CzechoSlovakia, the opposing forces in Slovakia have had an armed truce. Now it appears to be coming to an end. Elections and a new constitution are due next year, and the campaign for both has started. Feelings run high. Armed bands are reported roving the lower Slovakian countryside, making attacks on small villages. They are the remnants of the socalled Benderovtsi, formed by a Ukrainian nationalist named Bender for anti-'Soviet action. Slovak Partisans who fought the Germans have demanded that they be rearmed to clean up the Benderovtsi, and this has aroused fears of Democratic party members that some other sort of "plot" may be afoot. �60 SLOVAKIA Members of Husak's entourage made no bones about the part they thought the Catholic church was playing in the present Slovakian turmoil. They said that by adopting an outright anti-Commun ist platform the Catholic leaders were able to attract a great many Slovak Protestants who also have no love for Communism or Russia, and were using the supposedly non-sectarian Democratic party as their instrument. In addition to anti-Commun ist and anti-Soviet feeling, anti-Czech sentiments are widespread. The recent war has heightened these feelings, for as an "independent" State Slovakia speeded up her economy and attained a considerable prosperity. Now Slovaks say they were held back by the Czechs from showing what they could do. But not all the sentiment here is anti-Commun ist, anti-.Soviet and anti-Czech. As far as the Russians are concerned, there are too many Russian graves and markers along every footpath in the Carpathians to let Slovaks forget what the Red Army did there. Agriculture and transport are to be modernized. Moreover, although the Slovaks are eating well this year, the harvest is poor because of the drqught. The Soviet grain which Czecho-Slovakia is now receiving under the new Cz.echSoviet trade agreement will go largely to Slovakia. Thus the economics of the full stomach, a language always understood in Slovakia, may help to bring about a solution of a politically terider and potentially dangerous situation. But even such a solution will not resolve the inner conflict which is outwardly represented here by the Cross on one side and the hammer and sickle on the other. That conflict will go on as long as there is a Czecho-Slovak Republic. • • • WHO SAID IT? " It is not true that an anti-Communist front exists in our coun, try (Slovakia) . . . . And nobody Is thinking of organizing one . ... such is the situation in our country today. What shall it be tomorrow? We do not think the conditions exist tor forming an anti-Communist front in our country. We do not feel the necessity for it and we do not ever( \1esire it. But just the opposite." - (CAS, offi ci al organ of Lettrich's D'E!mocratlc "Party, January 11, 19-t7.) � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1953, Vol. 3 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 6), April 1953.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 7), July 1953.</li> <li>Issue 3 (No. 8), September 1953.</li> <li>Issue 4 (No. 9), December 1953.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1953 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Original Format The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data 58 SLOVAKIA IN RETROSPECT - SLOVAK ISSUES IN EVERY LI'.lTLE TOWN Alexander Kendrick (In the Chicago Sun, Sept. 14, 1947.) In every little town in Slovakia the Cross of the Church stands high above everything else. In many places there is an industrial plant not far away, with a hammer and sickle or a red star above its gates. There two symbols starkly represent the struggle that is taking place among 3,500,000 Slovaks, from the high Tatras to the Danube lowland. And the conflict has become compounded by the fact that the religious symbol, the Cross, has entered -p olitics also. In most pf the things which make this one third of the Czecho.:Slovak Republic a real economic, political and psychological problem - indeed, the chief problem by all odds of the coalition government - the Catholic Church and the Communist party are on opposing sides. On the No. 1 issue of Slovak autonomy, many church leaders who before the war belonged to the IIlinka party and who during the German occupation fared extremely well in the "independent" Slovak State, continue to be for full separation of 'Slovakia from the rest of the land. The Communists used to favor the "one state, one Czechoslovak nation" idea, but under pressure of the traditional and very real Slovak urge for as much self-rule as possible, they now are willing to place a hyphen in Czecho-Slovakia and have adopted the formula "two nationals in a single state." But they are against federation and, of course, against Slovak independence. On the basic economic issue of nationalization and state planning, which are accomplished facts, the church and its civil arm, the Slovakian Democratic Party, are for less of them while the Communists are for more. On the surface, Slovakia, the Ireland of central Europe, is a pleasant land, much more easy-going that the busy SLOVAKIA 69 "Czech lands" up north. There is no rationing here as in the rest of Czecho-Slovakia. There is plenty to eat, good ibeer to drink, and fine native wines including a .p assable imitation of French champagne called Chateau Trencin. The Carpathians are filled with rest homes for workers. Everything looks fine. But underneath there are unhealed scars and smoldering fires·. Many people feel that "it was better under the Germans." Hitler, trying to demonstrate a model "independent" state, let the Slovaks pretty much alone. The other side of the picture is equally clear. The Slovak legions which Hitler sent to fight the Soviet Union deserted to the other side and came back to fight the Germans. The Slov;ak uprising in Banska Bystrica and Turciansky Svaty Martin - the third anniversary of which was joyously celebrated here the other day - were the first signs of a new Slovakia being born. Though they were put down with heavy bloodshed and the leaders had to flee to Moscow - I have talked with one of them, who flew all of Slovakia's gold reserve there - they came back with the returning Czecho-Slovakian government, and many of them hold high places in the present Slovakian Council of Trustees, the governing body, and in the trade unions. Most of them are Communists. This explains the phenomenom of the hammer and sickle and the red star over factory plants. They merely denote the fact that the plant union happens to be a Communist union. For more than two years, since the liberation of CzechoSlovakia, the opposing forces in Slovakia have had an armed truce. Now it appears to be coming to an end. Elections and a new constitution are due next year, and the campaign for both has started. Feelings run high. Armed bands are reported roving the lower Slovakian countryside, making attacks on small villages. They are the remnants of the socalled Benderovtsi, formed by a Ukrainian nationalist named Bender for anti-'Soviet action. Slovak Partisans who fought the Germans have demanded that they be rearmed to clean up the Benderovtsi, and this has aroused fears of Democratic party members that some other sort of "plot" may be afoot. 60 SLOVAKIA Members of Husak's entourage made no bones about the part they thought the Catholic church was playing in the present Slovakian turmoil. They said that by adopting an outright anti-Commun ist platform the Catholic leaders were able to attract a great many Slovak Protestants who also have no love for Communism or Russia, and were using the supposedly non-sectarian Democratic party as their instrument. In addition to anti-Commun ist and anti-Soviet feeling, anti-Czech sentiments are widespread. The recent war has heightened these feelings, for as an "independent" State Slovakia speeded up her economy and attained a considerable prosperity. Now Slovaks say they were held back by the Czechs from showing what they could do. But not all the sentiment here is anti-Commun ist, anti-.Soviet and anti-Czech. As far as the Russians are concerned, there are too many Russian graves and markers along every footpath in the Carpathians to let Slovaks forget what the Red Army did there. Agriculture and transport are to be modernized. Moreover, although the Slovaks are eating well this year, the harvest is poor because of the drqught. The Soviet grain which Czecho-Slovakia is now receiving under the new Cz.echSoviet trade agreement will go largely to Slovakia. Thus the economics of the full stomach, a language always understood in Slovakia, may help to bring about a solution of a politically terider and potentially dangerous situation. But even such a solution will not resolve the inner conflict which is outwardly represented here by the Cross on one side and the hammer and sickle on the other. That conflict will go on as long as there is a Czecho-Slovak Republic. • • • WHO SAID IT? " It is not true that an anti-Communist front exists in our coun, try (Slovakia) . . . . And nobody Is thinking of organizing one . ... such is the situation in our country today. What shall it be tomorrow? We do not think the conditions exist tor forming an anti-Communist front in our country. We do not feel the necessity for it and we do not ever( \1esire it. But just the opposite." - (CAS, offi ci al organ of Lettrich's D'E!mocratlc "Party, January 11, 19-t7.)  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovak Issues in Every Little Town Description An account of the resource Alexander Kendrick Slovakia, Vol. 3, No. 1 (6), April 1953 pp. 58-60 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Kendrick, Alexander Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource April 1953 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/79e6f7cc0cfc9f2755b01fc0f2f8c215.pdf e8d9971cc9195b43fa1ca9625bfe5654 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 3 F. Vnuk: Slovak Language and Literature A BRIEF SURVEY The Slovak language, one of the 13 Slavonic languages, belongs to the Western group of Slavonic languages. It developed from the old Slavonic language which in the 8th century was a common tongue for all Slavonic tribes. For this language the holy brothers Constantine ( d. 869) and M ethodius ( d. 885) devised a new alphabet ( the Glagolitic). They also translated the Bible and liturgical texts and thus laid the foundation of not only Slovak but all Slavonic literatures. In the 10th century the use of this language (known as Old Church Slavonic) in Slovakia came to an abrupt end and in the 11th century was completely replaced by Latin. The Slovak language, along with the German and Czech, was degraded to a secondary role and hence only very few written Slovak records survived, the oldest one being the "Spis Sermon" ("Spisskci. kdzeii, " circa 1480) . At the time of the Protestant Reformation the language spoken by the Slovaks had no written grammar and no established norms. Instead of making a laborious codification of their own language, the Slovak Protestants adopted as their literary language the Czech, which had been perfected and codified by John Hus (1369-1415) and was very close to the Slovak. The best known book in this language was the "Bible of Kralice" (1579-93) and thus the language came later to be known as 'biblictina'. The Catholics did not follow suit. They wrote in a language which bore many marks of the Czech but also unmistakeable Slovak characteristics. (S. Szollosi in " Cantus Catholici", 1655, writes 'u' instead of Czech 'ou', uses prefix 'naj-' instead of 'nej-', leaves out such Czech characters as 'f', etc.). This trend continued also in the 18th century, as can be seen in the works of Mdcsay, Gavlovic, Bajza and others. The first successful attempt to codify the Slovak �4 SLOVAKIA language was carried out by a Catholic priest, A. Bernol<ik 0762-1813). By his theoretical treatise ("De litteris Slavorum", " Orthographia," 1787) , grammar ("Grammatica Slavica", 1790) and dictionary (published posthumously 1825-7) Bernolak laid the foundations of a literary Slovak based on a western dialect ('bernolacina'). The Protestants viewed the step with open dislike and continued to use the Czech. But after Dobrovsky's reform of the Czech language in 1809 they found themselves -with their 'biblictina'-isolated. This led a young Protestant publicist, E. stur (1815-56), to devise in the mid-forties a new literary language, based on the central dialect and acceptable to both the Catholics and Protestants. stur explained his step in a theoretical work, "The Slovak Dialect and the Need to write in that Dialect" ("Narecja slovenskuo a potreba pisania v tomto n<ireci, " 1846) and gave the language its grammar ("N<iuka reci slovenskej", 1846) . In spite of some opposition the new language-known as 'sturovcina'-was accepted. Some modifications by M . M. Hodza ( Epigenes Slovenicus, 1847) and M. Hattala (Grammatica Linguae Slavonicae, 1850) who replaced stur's phonemiq system by an etymological one, gave the language its present form. SLOVAK LITERATURE Period of Old Church Slavonic. The old Slavonic inhabitants of Slovakia had their own songs, proverbs, myths, etc. Of these only fragments are left, since the old ancestors of present-day Slovaks did not have an alphabet of their own. In 863 the Byzantine missionaries Constantine-Cyril and Methodius arrived in Slovakia. They brought with them the translations of the Scriptures and liturgical and canonical texts. Their missionary activity led to the conversion of the Slav tribes of the Danube basin. Hand in hand with the spread of the Gospel went an extensive cultural and literary activity to which several religious legends and hagiographical texts bear eloquent witness ("Life of St. Constantine", "Life of St. Methodius", etc.) Period of Latin. After Methodius' death (885) King, Svatopluk (870-894) expelled Methodius' students and disciples from the Great Moravian kingdom. Then at the �SLOVAKIA 5 beginning of the 10th century Great Moravia fell with the onslaught of the Magyars and for the next 1000 years Slovakia became a part of Hungary. The Hungarian king Stephen (997-1038), following the pattern of medieval Western Europe, imposed Latin as a liturgical language and the administrative language of his kingdom. Books were written in Latin and were predominantly religious and didactic in content. Renaissance. Secular motives appeared more frequently in the Renaissance period which came to Hungary in the 15th and 16th centuries. Some writers of the period reached world fame: Johannes Sambucus of Trnava (15341584), Martin Rakovsky 0532-79), z. Rohoznik-Mosovsky 0542-87) the bishop of Nitra, etc. A university was opened at Bratislava (Academia Istropolitana) but it did not last long ( 1467-91). Reformation and Baroque. The Reformation of 1517 reached Slovakia through the German population of the Slovak towns. It came in the wake of a disastrous defeat of the Hungarians by the Turks at Mohacs (1526). The imminent Turkish peril was a source of many historical songs (most by authors unknown), e.g. " Siladi a Hadmazy" (1560). The Reformation had a profound effect on the development of Slovak literature. It was a period of prolific literary activity. The books were polemic or homiletic in character, but they were directed primarily to thei middle class. Thus they had to be written in the language of the people and the people had to be taught to read. Among the Protestant writers were many able composers of spiritual hymns and songs: J. Silvan (1493-1572) , J. Pruno-Frastacky (d. 1586), Elias Lani (1570-1618), J. Kalinka (1601-78). Many of their hymns found a way into the well-known and still used hymn-book of the Slovak Protestants-the " Tranoscius." The compiler and publisher of the book (originally called "Cithara Sanctorum", 1635 ) was Jirik Tranovsky (1592-1637) a native of Teschen (Silesia). At approximately the same time there appeared a hymnal "Cantus Catholici" ( 1655) edited by a Slovak Jezuit Benedikt Szollosi (1609-56). It contains 290 hymns of �6 SLOVAKIA which some 100 can be found both in the " Cantus" and in the "Tranoscius ." In the Latin introduction the author proudly recalled the old Slavonic and Cyrillo-Methodian tradition of Slovak Catholicism. Other Catholic authors published apologies (M. Thanuissy's "First Catholic Handbook", 1691), prayer books ( J. Abraham/fy 's " H olocaustum quotidianum', 1695), didactic works ( B . Smrtnik's " Ars bene moriendi", 1697) , polemic writings ( $. Dubnicsay's " Eductus coluber tortu osus", 1723 ), etc. Of unusual interest-both linguistically and thematically- are the writings of the Franciscan friar H. Gavlovic, especially his " Valasskd skola"("The mountainshepherds' school, the storehouse of virtues", 1755). Other Protestant writers who excelled were: $ . Pilldrik 0615-93) the author of spiritual songs and of an interesting autobiography in verse " Sors Pilarikiana", (1666), D . Sina p i us-Horcicka (1640-88 ), T . Masnik (1 640-97 ), D . Krman (1663-1740 ), etc . Drama also made its entry during the Reformation. Foreign plays were gradually supplemented by those of native authors such as P. Kyrmezer (d. 1589 ), J. TesdkMosovsk'J} (1545-1617 ) , E . Ladiver (1633-86). Scientific works emanated mainly from Trnava, where in 1635 Peter Cardinal Pazmdny (1570-1637) founded a university. One of its professors, the Jesuit M . Szentivdnyi (1633-1705 ), published a comprehensive six-volume encyclopedia ("Curiosiora et selectiora variarum scientarium miscelanea", 1686-1702 ). I . Caban, lecturer at the Protestant lyceum at Presov, was the author of " Existentia atomorum'' (1667 ). Historico-geographical works were written by S . Timon (1675-1736) and especially by M. Bel (1684-1749) . M. Rotarides is known as a literary historian. An 'Apologia' ( 1728 ) directed against the slanderers of the Slovak past was written by J. B. Magin (1682-1735), a Catholic priest. Enlightenment . The Toleration Edict of 1781 officially terminated the religious strifes and polemics of the past 150 years. Instead there appeared nationality and national sentiment as the new keynotes of the literary activity. J . Sklenar (1745-91) and J . Papdnek (1738-1802 ) wrote popular histories of Great Moravia. Learned societies were founded of which 'Tovarisstvo' ( Slovak Learned Society, �SLOVAKIA 7 founded 1792) was the largest ( 452 members, some 350 of them Catholic clergymen). The first Slovak novel "Adventures and Experiences of a young man Rene" ("Rene mladenca prihody a skusenosti", 1783) was published by J. I. Bajza (1755-1836). Bernolak's codification of literary Slovak proved to have a very beneficial effect on the national and literary revival. Around Bernolak grouped about 100 writers, the most prominent among them J. Holly (1785-1849), creator of the national epio ("Sviitopluk", 1833, "Slav", 1839) and a capable translator of the classical poets. Canon J. Palkovic (1763-1835) translated the Bible (1829-33). J. Fandly (17501811) wrote practical books for the instruction and education of the people. Apart from the Bernolak group, and even against it, stood the Protestant writers: B. Tablic (1769-1832) translator from the English. A. Dolezal (1737-1802) author of a "holy novel" ("The Fall of the First Parents Described in Verse ", 1791), Jifi Palkovic (1769-1850), J. Ribay 07541812). Romanticism. The new focus of Slovak literary life concentrated round the chair of Slovak language and literature at the Bratislava Lyceum. Its spiritus mavens was E. stur (1815-56) who after his return from Germany was accepted as a leader of the Slovak youth studying at Bratislava. Influenced by Herder, Hegel and German romanticism stur's followers became zealous admirers ( and collectors) of folklore and modelled their poetry on simple folk songs. Their achievements were remarkable, particularly the poetry of J. Kral' ( 1822-76), J. Botto (1829-81) and S. Chalupka (1812-83). The most outstanding success of the new literary Slovak was "Marina" (1846) a masterpiece of intimate lyricism by A. Sladkovic(1820-72) . The best prose writer of the group was J. Kalinciak (1822-71). Dramatic works were composed mainly by J . Chalupka (1791-1871), J. Zaborsky (1812-76) and J. Paldrik (1822-70). Among the opponents of the stur circle, the protagonists of the Panslavist movement, J. Kollar (1793-1852) and P. J. Safarik (1795-1861), deserve mentioning. Realism. Th~ 60's and 70's are often called "the years �8 SLOVAKIA of Slovak hopes and disappointments." Liberal currents in the Habsburg Empire created favourable conditions for the rapid growth of literary and cultural life. Several literary annuals and periodicals started their publication and in 1863 a national cultural organization "Matica Slovenskd', was founded. The cultural awakening moved hand in hand with the political one. This movement was frowned upon by the Magyar state authorities who countered it with the idea of a unitary Hungarian nation. In 1875 the Matica was closed. Yet in this oppressive atmosphere Slovak literature reached its classical age. Slovak poetry was brought to its zenith in the perfect verse of P. 0. Hviezdoslav (1849-1921) who successfully exploited all the beauty and flexibility of the language in delightful lyrical poems, ballads, epics. S. H. Vajansky (1847-1916), besides being a distinguished poet, novelist and literary critic, was also an acknowledged national leader. The third star of this bright constellation was M. Kukucin (1860-1928), who spent half of his life in voluntary exile. In spite of his long separation from his native land he created masterly short stories and novels. Other significant writers of the period included: J. G. Tajovsky (1874-1940), J. cajak (1863-1943), Jege (18661938), and G. M. Petrovsky (1862-1916) who lived in the USA. Several women-writers made their debut also. E . M. Soltesov<i (1855-1939), T . Vansov<i (1857-1941, Timrava (1867-1951) and a fine poetess E. Podjavorinskd (1872-1951) . While the older literary generation looked mainly toward Russia for artistic guidance and political salvation, there arose in Slovakia at the beginning of the 20th century a new literary schools the 'Moderna'. Centred around the literary magazine " Prudy" ("The Currents, " 1909-14), they were looking for their inspiration more in the West than in the East and opposed the passive political attitude of their Russophile fathers . The most prominent representative of the school was I. Kraska (1876-1958) , author of two slender books of poems ("Nox et solitudo," 1909, " Verses," 1912) which were destined to have a lasting influence on the further development of Slovak lyrical poetry. Other modernists were: J. Jesensky (1874-1945), V. Roy (1885-1935), M. Rdzus (1888-1937). Interwar Years (1918-45). The post-war years witness- �SLOVAKIA 9 ed an unprecedented activity in the literary field. The poet and critic s. Krcmery (1892-1955)' dubbed the period "the years of the untying tongues". The young poets of the pre-war era reached their maturity. Their ranks were soon joined by new arrivals such as J. Smrek (b. 1892), E. B. Lukac <b. 1900), v. Beniak (b. 1894), s. Krcmery (1892-1935) to mention the best known. There emerged also some talented prose writers: T. J. Gaspar (b . 1893 ), J. C. Bronsky (1896-1960), G. Vamos (1901-46) and especially M. Urban (b. 1904) the creator of "ziv'J} bic" ('The living whip', 1927) the most successful Slovak novel so far. The writers were grouped around several literary reviews. The Catholic writers around "Vatra" ("The Bonfire", 1919-25) included M. Urban, K . Sidor (1902-56), A. zarnov (b . 1903), J. Nizn<insky (b. 1903), A. N. Borin (b. 1903). Out of this group later grew a second generation of co-called "Catholic modernists": P. G. Hlbina (b. 1908), R. Dilong (b. 1905), J. Silan (b. 1918), K. Strmen (b. 1921) , J . Haranta (b. 1909), S. Veigl (b. 1915) and others. In the second group around "Mlade Slovensko" ("The Young Slovakia». 1919-29) we find E. B. Lukac, M. Halamova (b. 1908), I. Horvath 0904-59), G. Vamos. The left-oriented writers gathered around " Dav" ("The Mob", 1924-37) and included J . Ponican (b. 1902), L. Novomesk'J} (b. 1904) , F. Kral' (1903-55). Slovak surrealists made their appearance rather belatedly, in the late 1920's. They included: s. zary (b . 1918, V. Reisel (b. 1915), J. Brezina (b. 1917). The leading playwrights of the period were: F. Urbanek (1859-1934), V. Hurban (1884-?), I. Stodola (b. 1888) , J. Bare-Ivan (1909-1955). Literary criticism and literary history found their exponents in A. Mraz (1904-1964), P. Bujn<ik (1882-1932),L. Hanus (b. 1907), J. Ambrus (b.1914), Post-1945 Development. In 1945, and particularly after 1948, Slovak literature was dealt a heavy blow from which it still has not recovered. Many prominent writers sought freedom in escape to the West (Hronsky, Dilong, zarnov, Urban, Gaspar; the last two were later forcibly repatriated), others were gradually silenced (Beniak, Lukac, Graf, the Catholic modernists). The surrealists farcically "dissolved" their group and offered their services to the Communists. Under the guidance of the commissars the rule of "socialist realism" was proclaimed and in the process �10 SLOVAKIA even the erstwhile Communist writers were purged (Novomesky, Horvath, Oka.Ii). Many gifted writers degenerated into versifiers parroting party-slogans in rhymes: J. Kostra (b. 1910) wrote a long rhapsodic poem "On Stalin" (1949), J. Brezina entitled his book of poems "The Song of Love the New China" (1950), etc. The officially-approved "socialist realism" precisely prescribed and strictly enforced the theme, style and content of all work. As a result of this imposition all literary output of the 1950-60 period is uniformly marked with mediocrity and dullness in which all the artistic individuality of a writer is debased or completely lost. The writers made several attempts to shake off the Party's guidance and solicitude over their creative activity: in 1956, in 1962 and again in 1967-8; but each time with little success. As demonstrated by the recent Soviet invasion of Czecho-Slovakia (Aug. 1968 ) the Party views artistic liberty as an inadmissible challenge to its power monopoly. From among the writers labouring under these depressing and degrading circumstances one could single out the following: D. Tatarka (b. 1912), M. Figuli (b. 1910), A. Bednar (b . 1914), P. Karvas (b. 1920), V . Mihalik (b . 1926), M. Rufus (b . 1928), J. Blazkovci (b . 1929), A. Hykisch (b. 1930), J. Johanides (b. 1934). Literary critics and historians of some originality include A. Matuska (b. 1910), J. Felix (b. 1913), M. Pisut (b. 1908), M . Hamada and P. Stevcek (b . 1932) . Slovak Exile Literature. Since 1945 Slovak literature had a sizeable group of exile writers who left their enslaved country in 1945 and after. They continue to publish even under increasingly difficult conditions of emigre life. Poetry is well represented by such fine artists as K. Strmeii, R. Dilong, M. Sprinc (b. 1914), G. Zvonicky (b. 1913), M. Ziar (b, 1914), J. Okcil' (b. 1915), E. Vesnin (b. 1913) . Dramatic writing is being pursued by J. Dorcinsky (b . 1911), J. Zvoncir-Tieii (b. 1919). Noteworthy prose works have been written by M. K. Mlynarovic (b. 1887), J. C. Bronsky, P. Hrtus-Jurina (b. 1919), Draga Divinska (b. 1922). In the field of literary history and criticism one meets the names of J.E. Bor (b. 1907), S. Meciar (b. 1910), J. Rekem (b. 1917), J.M. Kirschbaum (b. 1913), J. Mest'ancik (b. 1908), F . Vnuk (b. 1926). � SLOVAKIA 3 F. Vnuk: Slovak Language and Literature A BRIEF SURVEY The Slovak language, one of the 13 Slavonic languages, belongs to the Western group of Slavonic languages. It developed from the old Slavonic language which in the 8th century was a common tongue for all Slavonic tribes. For this language the holy brothers Constantine ( d. 869) and M ethodius ( d. 885) devised a new alphabet ( the Glagolitic). They also translated the Bible and liturgical texts and thus laid the foundation of not only Slovak but all Slavonic literatures. In the 10th century the use of this language (known as Old Church Slavonic) in Slovakia came to an abrupt end and in the 11th century was completely replaced by Latin. The Slovak language, along with the German and Czech, was degraded to a secondary role and hence only very few written Slovak records survived, the oldest one being the "Spis Sermon" ("Spisskci. kdzeii, " circa 1480) . At the time of the Protestant Reformation the language spoken by the Slovaks had no written grammar and no established norms. Instead of making a laborious codification of their own language, the Slovak Protestants adopted as their literary language the Czech, which had been perfected and codified by John Hus (1369-1415) and was very close to the Slovak. The best known book in this language was the "Bible of Kralice" (1579-93) and thus the language came later to be known as 'biblictina'. The Catholics did not follow suit. They wrote in a language which bore many marks of the Czech but also unmistakeable Slovak characteristics. (S. Szollosi in " Cantus Catholici", 1655, writes 'u' instead of Czech 'ou', uses prefix 'naj-' instead of 'nej-', leaves out such Czech characters as 'f', etc.). This trend continued also in the 18th century, as can be seen in the works of Mdcsay, Gavlovic, Bajza and others. The first successful attempt to codify the Slovak �4 SLOVAKIA language was carried out by a Catholic priest, A. Bernol<ik 0762-1813). By his theoretical treatise ("De litteris Slavorum", " Orthographia," 1787) , grammar ("Grammatica Slavica", 1790) and dictionary (published posthumously 1825-7) Bernolak laid the foundations of a literary Slovak based on a western dialect ('bernolacina'). The Protestants viewed the step with open dislike and continued to use the Czech. But after Dobrovsky's reform of the Czech language in 1809 they found themselves -with their 'biblictina'-isolated. This led a young Protestant publicist, E. stur (1815-56), to devise in the mid-forties a new literary language, based on the central dialect and acceptable to both the Catholics and Protestants. stur explained his step in a theoretical work, "The Slovak Dialect and the Need to write in that Dialect" ("Narecja slovenskuo a potreba pisania v tomto n<ireci, " 1846) and gave the language its grammar ("N<iuka reci slovenskej", 1846) . In spite of some opposition the new language-known as 'sturovcina'-was accepted. Some modifications by M . M. Hodza ( Epigenes Slovenicus, 1847) and M. Hattala (Grammatica Linguae Slavonicae, 1850) who replaced stur's phonemiq system by an etymological one, gave the language its present form. SLOVAK LITERATURE Period of Old Church Slavonic. The old Slavonic inhabitants of Slovakia had their own songs, proverbs, myths, etc. Of these only fragments are left, since the old ancestors of present-day Slovaks did not have an alphabet of their own. In 863 the Byzantine missionaries Constantine-Cyril and Methodius arrived in Slovakia. They brought with them the translations of the Scriptures and liturgical and canonical texts. Their missionary activity led to the conversion of the Slav tribes of the Danube basin. Hand in hand with the spread of the Gospel went an extensive cultural and literary activity to which several religious legends and hagiographical texts bear eloquent witness ("Life of St. Constantine", "Life of St. Methodius", etc.) Period of Latin. After Methodius' death (885) King, Svatopluk (870-894) expelled Methodius' students and disciples from the Great Moravian kingdom. Then at the �SLOVAKIA 5 beginning of the 10th century Great Moravia fell with the onslaught of the Magyars and for the next 1000 years Slovakia became a part of Hungary. The Hungarian king Stephen (997-1038), following the pattern of medieval Western Europe, imposed Latin as a liturgical language and the administrative language of his kingdom. Books were written in Latin and were predominantly religious and didactic in content. Renaissance. Secular motives appeared more frequently in the Renaissance period which came to Hungary in the 15th and 16th centuries. Some writers of the period reached world fame: Johannes Sambucus of Trnava (15341584), Martin Rakovsky 0532-79), z. Rohoznik-Mosovsky 0542-87) the bishop of Nitra, etc. A university was opened at Bratislava (Academia Istropolitana) but it did not last long ( 1467-91). Reformation and Baroque. The Reformation of 1517 reached Slovakia through the German population of the Slovak towns. It came in the wake of a disastrous defeat of the Hungarians by the Turks at Mohacs (1526). The imminent Turkish peril was a source of many historical songs (most by authors unknown), e.g. " Siladi a Hadmazy" (1560). The Reformation had a profound effect on the development of Slovak literature. It was a period of prolific literary activity. The books were polemic or homiletic in character, but they were directed primarily to thei middle class. Thus they had to be written in the language of the people and the people had to be taught to read. Among the Protestant writers were many able composers of spiritual hymns and songs: J. Silvan (1493-1572) , J. Pruno-Frastacky (d. 1586), Elias Lani (1570-1618), J. Kalinka (1601-78). Many of their hymns found a way into the well-known and still used hymn-book of the Slovak Protestants-the " Tranoscius." The compiler and publisher of the book (originally called "Cithara Sanctorum", 1635 ) was Jirik Tranovsky (1592-1637) a native of Teschen (Silesia). At approximately the same time there appeared a hymnal "Cantus Catholici" ( 1655) edited by a Slovak Jezuit Benedikt Szollosi (1609-56). It contains 290 hymns of �6 SLOVAKIA which some 100 can be found both in the " Cantus" and in the "Tranoscius ." In the Latin introduction the author proudly recalled the old Slavonic and Cyrillo-Methodian tradition of Slovak Catholicism. Other Catholic authors published apologies (M. Thanuissy's "First Catholic Handbook", 1691), prayer books ( J. Abraham/fy 's " H olocaustum quotidianum', 1695), didactic works ( B . Smrtnik's " Ars bene moriendi", 1697) , polemic writings ( $. Dubnicsay's " Eductus coluber tortu osus", 1723 ), etc. Of unusual interest-both linguistically and thematically- are the writings of the Franciscan friar H. Gavlovic, especially his " Valasskd skola"("The mountainshepherds' school, the storehouse of virtues", 1755). Other Protestant writers who excelled were: $ . Pilldrik 0615-93) the author of spiritual songs and of an interesting autobiography in verse " Sors Pilarikiana", (1666), D . Sina p i us-Horcicka (1640-88 ), T . Masnik (1 640-97 ), D . Krman (1663-1740 ), etc . Drama also made its entry during the Reformation. Foreign plays were gradually supplemented by those of native authors such as P. Kyrmezer (d. 1589 ), J. TesdkMosovsk'J} (1545-1617 ) , E . Ladiver (1633-86). Scientific works emanated mainly from Trnava, where in 1635 Peter Cardinal Pazmdny (1570-1637) founded a university. One of its professors, the Jesuit M . Szentivdnyi (1633-1705 ), published a comprehensive six-volume encyclopedia ("Curiosiora et selectiora variarum scientarium miscelanea", 1686-1702 ). I . Caban, lecturer at the Protestant lyceum at Presov, was the author of " Existentia atomorum'' (1667 ). Historico-geographical works were written by S . Timon (1675-1736) and especially by M. Bel (1684-1749) . M. Rotarides is known as a literary historian. An 'Apologia' ( 1728 ) directed against the slanderers of the Slovak past was written by J. B. Magin (1682-1735), a Catholic priest. Enlightenment . The Toleration Edict of 1781 officially terminated the religious strifes and polemics of the past 150 years. Instead there appeared nationality and national sentiment as the new keynotes of the literary activity. J . Sklenar (1745-91) and J . Papdnek (1738-1802 ) wrote popular histories of Great Moravia. Learned societies were founded of which 'Tovarisstvo' ( Slovak Learned Society, �SLOVAKIA 7 founded 1792) was the largest ( 452 members, some 350 of them Catholic clergymen). The first Slovak novel "Adventures and Experiences of a young man Rene" ("Rene mladenca prihody a skusenosti", 1783) was published by J. I. Bajza (1755-1836). Bernolak's codification of literary Slovak proved to have a very beneficial effect on the national and literary revival. Around Bernolak grouped about 100 writers, the most prominent among them J. Holly (1785-1849), creator of the national epio ("Sviitopluk", 1833, "Slav", 1839) and a capable translator of the classical poets. Canon J. Palkovic (1763-1835) translated the Bible (1829-33). J. Fandly (17501811) wrote practical books for the instruction and education of the people. Apart from the Bernolak group, and even against it, stood the Protestant writers: B. Tablic (1769-1832) translator from the English. A. Dolezal (1737-1802) author of a "holy novel" ("The Fall of the First Parents Described in Verse ", 1791), Jifi Palkovic (1769-1850), J. Ribay 07541812). Romanticism. The new focus of Slovak literary life concentrated round the chair of Slovak language and literature at the Bratislava Lyceum. Its spiritus mavens was E. stur (1815-56) who after his return from Germany was accepted as a leader of the Slovak youth studying at Bratislava. Influenced by Herder, Hegel and German romanticism stur's followers became zealous admirers ( and collectors) of folklore and modelled their poetry on simple folk songs. Their achievements were remarkable, particularly the poetry of J. Kral' ( 1822-76), J. Botto (1829-81) and S. Chalupka (1812-83). The most outstanding success of the new literary Slovak was "Marina" (1846) a masterpiece of intimate lyricism by A. Sladkovic(1820-72) . The best prose writer of the group was J. Kalinciak (1822-71). Dramatic works were composed mainly by J . Chalupka (1791-1871), J. Zaborsky (1812-76) and J. Paldrik (1822-70). Among the opponents of the stur circle, the protagonists of the Panslavist movement, J. Kollar (1793-1852) and P. J. Safarik (1795-1861), deserve mentioning. Realism. Th~ 60's and 70's are often called "the years �8 SLOVAKIA of Slovak hopes and disappointments." Liberal currents in the Habsburg Empire created favourable conditions for the rapid growth of literary and cultural life. Several literary annuals and periodicals started their publication and in 1863 a national cultural organization "Matica Slovenskd', was founded. The cultural awakening moved hand in hand with the political one. This movement was frowned upon by the Magyar state authorities who countered it with the idea of a unitary Hungarian nation. In 1875 the Matica was closed. Yet in this oppressive atmosphere Slovak literature reached its classical age. Slovak poetry was brought to its zenith in the perfect verse of P. 0. Hviezdoslav (1849-1921) who successfully exploited all the beauty and flexibility of the language in delightful lyrical poems, ballads, epics. S. H. Vajansky (1847-1916), besides being a distinguished poet, novelist and literary critic, was also an acknowledged national leader. The third star of this bright constellation was M. Kukucin (1860-1928), who spent half of his life in voluntary exile. In spite of his long separation from his native land he created masterly short stories and novels. Other significant writers of the period included: J. G. Tajovsky (1874-1940), J. cajak (1863-1943), Jege (18661938), and G. M. Petrovsky (1862-1916) who lived in the USA. Several women-writers made their debut also. E . M. Soltesov<i (1855-1939), T . Vansov<i (1857-1941, Timrava (1867-1951) and a fine poetess E. Podjavorinskd (1872-1951) . While the older literary generation looked mainly toward Russia for artistic guidance and political salvation, there arose in Slovakia at the beginning of the 20th century a new literary schools the 'Moderna'. Centred around the literary magazine " Prudy" ("The Currents, " 1909-14), they were looking for their inspiration more in the West than in the East and opposed the passive political attitude of their Russophile fathers . The most prominent representative of the school was I. Kraska (1876-1958) , author of two slender books of poems ("Nox et solitudo," 1909, " Verses," 1912) which were destined to have a lasting influence on the further development of Slovak lyrical poetry. Other modernists were: J. Jesensky (1874-1945), V. Roy (1885-1935), M. Rdzus (1888-1937). Interwar Years (1918-45). The post-war years witness- �SLOVAKIA 9 ed an unprecedented activity in the literary field. The poet and critic s. Krcmery (1892-1955)' dubbed the period "the years of the untying tongues". The young poets of the pre-war era reached their maturity. Their ranks were soon joined by new arrivals such as J. Smrek (b. 1892), E. B. Lukac <b. 1900), v. Beniak (b. 1894), s. Krcmery (1892-1935) to mention the best known. There emerged also some talented prose writers: T. J. Gaspar (b . 1893 ), J. C. Bronsky (1896-1960), G. Vamos (1901-46) and especially M. Urban (b. 1904) the creator of "ziv'J} bic" ('The living whip', 1927) the most successful Slovak novel so far. The writers were grouped around several literary reviews. The Catholic writers around "Vatra" ("The Bonfire", 1919-25) included M. Urban, K . Sidor (1902-56), A. zarnov (b . 1903), J. Nizn<insky (b. 1903), A. N. Borin (b. 1903). Out of this group later grew a second generation of co-called "Catholic modernists": P. G. Hlbina (b. 1908), R. Dilong (b. 1905), J. Silan (b. 1918), K. Strmen (b. 1921) , J . Haranta (b. 1909), S. Veigl (b. 1915) and others. In the second group around "Mlade Slovensko" ("The Young Slovakia». 1919-29) we find E. B. Lukac, M. Halamova (b. 1908), I. Horvath 0904-59), G. Vamos. The left-oriented writers gathered around " Dav" ("The Mob", 1924-37) and included J . Ponican (b. 1902), L. Novomesk'J} (b. 1904) , F. Kral' (1903-55). Slovak surrealists made their appearance rather belatedly, in the late 1920's. They included: s. zary (b . 1918, V. Reisel (b. 1915), J. Brezina (b. 1917). The leading playwrights of the period were: F. Urbanek (1859-1934), V. Hurban (1884-?), I. Stodola (b. 1888) , J. Bare-Ivan (1909-1955). Literary criticism and literary history found their exponents in A. Mraz (1904-1964), P. Bujn<ik (1882-1932),L. Hanus (b. 1907), J. Ambrus (b.1914), Post-1945 Development. In 1945, and particularly after 1948, Slovak literature was dealt a heavy blow from which it still has not recovered. Many prominent writers sought freedom in escape to the West (Hronsky, Dilong, zarnov, Urban, Gaspar; the last two were later forcibly repatriated), others were gradually silenced (Beniak, Lukac, Graf, the Catholic modernists). The surrealists farcically "dissolved" their group and offered their services to the Communists. Under the guidance of the commissars the rule of "socialist realism" was proclaimed and in the process �10 SLOVAKIA even the erstwhile Communist writers were purged (Novomesky, Horvath, Oka.Ii). Many gifted writers degenerated into versifiers parroting party-slogans in rhymes: J. Kostra (b. 1910) wrote a long rhapsodic poem "On Stalin" (1949), J. Brezina entitled his book of poems "The Song of Love the New China" (1950), etc. The officially-approved "socialist realism" precisely prescribed and strictly enforced the theme, style and content of all work. As a result of this imposition all literary output of the 1950-60 period is uniformly marked with mediocrity and dullness in which all the artistic individuality of a writer is debased or completely lost. The writers made several attempts to shake off the Party's guidance and solicitude over their creative activity: in 1956, in 1962 and again in 1967-8; but each time with little success. As demonstrated by the recent Soviet invasion of Czecho-Slovakia (Aug. 1968 ) the Party views artistic liberty as an inadmissible challenge to its power monopoly. From among the writers labouring under these depressing and degrading circumstances one could single out the following: D. Tatarka (b. 1912), M. Figuli (b. 1910), A. Bednar (b . 1914), P. Karvas (b. 1920), V . Mihalik (b . 1926), M. Rufus (b . 1928), J. Blazkovci (b . 1929), A. Hykisch (b. 1930), J. Johanides (b. 1934). Literary critics and historians of some originality include A. Matuska (b. 1910), J. Felix (b. 1913), M. Pisut (b. 1908), M . Hamada and P. Stevcek (b . 1932) . Slovak Exile Literature. Since 1945 Slovak literature had a sizeable group of exile writers who left their enslaved country in 1945 and after. They continue to publish even under increasingly difficult conditions of emigre life. Poetry is well represented by such fine artists as K. Strmeii, R. Dilong, M. Sprinc (b. 1914), G. Zvonicky (b. 1913), M. Ziar (b, 1914), J. Okcil' (b. 1915), E. Vesnin (b. 1913) . Dramatic writing is being pursued by J. Dorcinsky (b . 1911), J. Zvoncir-Tieii (b. 1919). Noteworthy prose works have been written by M. K. Mlynarovic (b. 1887), J. C. Bronsky, P. Hrtus-Jurina (b. 1919), Draga Divinska (b. 1922). In the field of literary history and criticism one meets the names of J.E. Bor (b. 1907), S. Meciar (b. 1910), J. Rekem (b. 1917), J.M. Kirschbaum (b. 1913), J. Mest'ancik (b. 1908), F . Vnuk (b. 1926). � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1970, Vol. 20 Description An account of the resource Vol. 20 (No. 43), 1970. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1970 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 3 F. Vnuk: Slovak Language and Literature A BRIEF SURVEY The Slovak language, one of the 13 Slavonic languages, belongs to the Western group of Slavonic languages. It developed from the old Slavonic language which in the 8th century was a common tongue for all Slavonic tribes. For this language the holy brothers Constantine ( d. 869) and M ethodius ( d. 885) devised a new alphabet ( the Glagolitic). They also translated the Bible and liturgical texts and thus laid the foundation of not only Slovak but all Slavonic literatures. In the 10th century the use of this language (known as Old Church Slavonic) in Slovakia came to an abrupt end and in the 11th century was completely replaced by Latin. The Slovak language, along with the German and Czech, was degraded to a secondary role and hence only very few written Slovak records survived, the oldest one being the "Spis Sermon" ("Spisskci. kdzeii, " circa 1480) . At the time of the Protestant Reformation the language spoken by the Slovaks had no written grammar and no established norms. Instead of making a laborious codification of their own language, the Slovak Protestants adopted as their literary language the Czech, which had been perfected and codified by John Hus (1369-1415) and was very close to the Slovak. The best known book in this language was the "Bible of Kralice" (1579-93) and thus the language came later to be known as 'biblictina'. The Catholics did not follow suit. They wrote in a language which bore many marks of the Czech but also unmistakeable Slovak characteristics. (S. Szollosi in " Cantus Catholici", 1655, writes 'u' instead of Czech 'ou', uses prefix 'naj-' instead of 'nej-', leaves out such Czech characters as 'f', etc.). This trend continued also in the 18th century, as can be seen in the works of Mdcsay, Gavlovic, Bajza and others. The first successful attempt to codify the Slovak 4 SLOVAKIA language was carried out by a Catholic priest, A. Bernol<ik 0762-1813). By his theoretical treatise ("De litteris Slavorum", " Orthographia," 1787) , grammar ("Grammatica Slavica", 1790) and dictionary (published posthumously 1825-7) Bernolak laid the foundations of a literary Slovak based on a western dialect ('bernolacina'). The Protestants viewed the step with open dislike and continued to use the Czech. But after Dobrovsky's reform of the Czech language in 1809 they found themselves -with their 'biblictina'-isolated. This led a young Protestant publicist, E. stur (1815-56), to devise in the mid-forties a new literary language, based on the central dialect and acceptable to both the Catholics and Protestants. stur explained his step in a theoretical work, "The Slovak Dialect and the Need to write in that Dialect" ("Narecja slovenskuo a potreba pisania v tomto n<ireci, " 1846) and gave the language its grammar ("N<iuka reci slovenskej", 1846) . In spite of some opposition the new language-known as 'sturovcina'-was accepted. Some modifications by M . M. Hodza ( Epigenes Slovenicus, 1847) and M. Hattala (Grammatica Linguae Slavonicae, 1850) who replaced stur's phonemiq system by an etymological one, gave the language its present form. SLOVAK LITERATURE Period of Old Church Slavonic. The old Slavonic inhabitants of Slovakia had their own songs, proverbs, myths, etc. Of these only fragments are left, since the old ancestors of present-day Slovaks did not have an alphabet of their own. In 863 the Byzantine missionaries Constantine-Cyril and Methodius arrived in Slovakia. They brought with them the translations of the Scriptures and liturgical and canonical texts. Their missionary activity led to the conversion of the Slav tribes of the Danube basin. Hand in hand with the spread of the Gospel went an extensive cultural and literary activity to which several religious legends and hagiographical texts bear eloquent witness ("Life of St. Constantine", "Life of St. Methodius", etc.) Period of Latin. After Methodius' death (885) King, Svatopluk (870-894) expelled Methodius' students and disciples from the Great Moravian kingdom. Then at the SLOVAKIA 5 beginning of the 10th century Great Moravia fell with the onslaught of the Magyars and for the next 1000 years Slovakia became a part of Hungary. The Hungarian king Stephen (997-1038), following the pattern of medieval Western Europe, imposed Latin as a liturgical language and the administrative language of his kingdom. Books were written in Latin and were predominantly religious and didactic in content. Renaissance. Secular motives appeared more frequently in the Renaissance period which came to Hungary in the 15th and 16th centuries. Some writers of the period reached world fame: Johannes Sambucus of Trnava (15341584), Martin Rakovsky 0532-79), z. Rohoznik-Mosovsky 0542-87) the bishop of Nitra, etc. A university was opened at Bratislava (Academia Istropolitana) but it did not last long ( 1467-91). Reformation and Baroque. The Reformation of 1517 reached Slovakia through the German population of the Slovak towns. It came in the wake of a disastrous defeat of the Hungarians by the Turks at Mohacs (1526). The imminent Turkish peril was a source of many historical songs (most by authors unknown), e.g. " Siladi a Hadmazy" (1560). The Reformation had a profound effect on the development of Slovak literature. It was a period of prolific literary activity. The books were polemic or homiletic in character, but they were directed primarily to thei middle class. Thus they had to be written in the language of the people and the people had to be taught to read. Among the Protestant writers were many able composers of spiritual hymns and songs: J. Silvan (1493-1572) , J. Pruno-Frastacky (d. 1586), Elias Lani (1570-1618), J. Kalinka (1601-78). Many of their hymns found a way into the well-known and still used hymn-book of the Slovak Protestants-the " Tranoscius." The compiler and publisher of the book (originally called "Cithara Sanctorum", 1635 ) was Jirik Tranovsky (1592-1637) a native of Teschen (Silesia). At approximately the same time there appeared a hymnal "Cantus Catholici" ( 1655) edited by a Slovak Jezuit Benedikt Szollosi (1609-56). It contains 290 hymns of 6 SLOVAKIA which some 100 can be found both in the " Cantus" and in the "Tranoscius ." In the Latin introduction the author proudly recalled the old Slavonic and Cyrillo-Methodian tradition of Slovak Catholicism. Other Catholic authors published apologies (M. Thanuissy's "First Catholic Handbook", 1691), prayer books ( J. Abraham/fy 's " H olocaustum quotidianum', 1695), didactic works ( B . Smrtnik's " Ars bene moriendi", 1697) , polemic writings ( $. Dubnicsay's " Eductus coluber tortu osus", 1723 ), etc. Of unusual interest-both linguistically and thematically- are the writings of the Franciscan friar H. Gavlovic, especially his " Valasskd skola"("The mountainshepherds' school, the storehouse of virtues", 1755). Other Protestant writers who excelled were: $ . Pilldrik 0615-93) the author of spiritual songs and of an interesting autobiography in verse " Sors Pilarikiana", (1666), D . Sina p i us-Horcicka (1640-88 ), T . Masnik (1 640-97 ), D . Krman (1663-1740 ), etc . Drama also made its entry during the Reformation. Foreign plays were gradually supplemented by those of native authors such as P. Kyrmezer (d. 1589 ), J. TesdkMosovsk'J} (1545-1617 ) , E . Ladiver (1633-86). Scientific works emanated mainly from Trnava, where in 1635 Peter Cardinal Pazmdny (1570-1637) founded a university. One of its professors, the Jesuit M . Szentivdnyi (1633-1705 ), published a comprehensive six-volume encyclopedia ("Curiosiora et selectiora variarum scientarium miscelanea", 1686-1702 ). I . Caban, lecturer at the Protestant lyceum at Presov, was the author of " Existentia atomorum'' (1667 ). Historico-geographical works were written by S . Timon (1675-1736) and especially by M. Bel (1684-1749) . M. Rotarides is known as a literary historian. An 'Apologia' ( 1728 ) directed against the slanderers of the Slovak past was written by J. B. Magin (1682-1735), a Catholic priest. Enlightenment . The Toleration Edict of 1781 officially terminated the religious strifes and polemics of the past 150 years. Instead there appeared nationality and national sentiment as the new keynotes of the literary activity. J . Sklenar (1745-91) and J . Papdnek (1738-1802 ) wrote popular histories of Great Moravia. Learned societies were founded of which 'Tovarisstvo' ( Slovak Learned Society, SLOVAKIA 7 founded 1792) was the largest ( 452 members, some 350 of them Catholic clergymen). The first Slovak novel "Adventures and Experiences of a young man Rene" ("Rene mladenca prihody a skusenosti", 1783) was published by J. I. Bajza (1755-1836). Bernolak's codification of literary Slovak proved to have a very beneficial effect on the national and literary revival. Around Bernolak grouped about 100 writers, the most prominent among them J. Holly (1785-1849), creator of the national epio ("Sviitopluk", 1833, "Slav", 1839) and a capable translator of the classical poets. Canon J. Palkovic (1763-1835) translated the Bible (1829-33). J. Fandly (17501811) wrote practical books for the instruction and education of the people. Apart from the Bernolak group, and even against it, stood the Protestant writers: B. Tablic (1769-1832) translator from the English. A. Dolezal (1737-1802) author of a "holy novel" ("The Fall of the First Parents Described in Verse ", 1791), Jifi Palkovic (1769-1850), J. Ribay 07541812). Romanticism. The new focus of Slovak literary life concentrated round the chair of Slovak language and literature at the Bratislava Lyceum. Its spiritus mavens was E. stur (1815-56) who after his return from Germany was accepted as a leader of the Slovak youth studying at Bratislava. Influenced by Herder, Hegel and German romanticism stur's followers became zealous admirers ( and collectors) of folklore and modelled their poetry on simple folk songs. Their achievements were remarkable, particularly the poetry of J. Kral' ( 1822-76), J. Botto (1829-81) and S. Chalupka (1812-83). The most outstanding success of the new literary Slovak was "Marina" (1846) a masterpiece of intimate lyricism by A. Sladkovic(1820-72) . The best prose writer of the group was J. Kalinciak (1822-71). Dramatic works were composed mainly by J . Chalupka (1791-1871), J. Zaborsky (1812-76) and J. Paldrik (1822-70). Among the opponents of the stur circle, the protagonists of the Panslavist movement, J. Kollar (1793-1852) and P. J. Safarik (1795-1861), deserve mentioning. Realism. Th~ 60's and 70's are often called "the years 8 SLOVAKIA of Slovak hopes and disappointments." Liberal currents in the Habsburg Empire created favourable conditions for the rapid growth of literary and cultural life. Several literary annuals and periodicals started their publication and in 1863 a national cultural organization "Matica Slovenskd', was founded. The cultural awakening moved hand in hand with the political one. This movement was frowned upon by the Magyar state authorities who countered it with the idea of a unitary Hungarian nation. In 1875 the Matica was closed. Yet in this oppressive atmosphere Slovak literature reached its classical age. Slovak poetry was brought to its zenith in the perfect verse of P. 0. Hviezdoslav (1849-1921) who successfully exploited all the beauty and flexibility of the language in delightful lyrical poems, ballads, epics. S. H. Vajansky (1847-1916), besides being a distinguished poet, novelist and literary critic, was also an acknowledged national leader. The third star of this bright constellation was M. Kukucin (1860-1928), who spent half of his life in voluntary exile. In spite of his long separation from his native land he created masterly short stories and novels. Other significant writers of the period included: J. G. Tajovsky (1874-1940), J. cajak (1863-1943), Jege (18661938), and G. M. Petrovsky (1862-1916) who lived in the USA. Several women-writers made their debut also. E . M. Soltesov<i (1855-1939), T . Vansov<i (1857-1941, Timrava (1867-1951) and a fine poetess E. Podjavorinskd (1872-1951) . While the older literary generation looked mainly toward Russia for artistic guidance and political salvation, there arose in Slovakia at the beginning of the 20th century a new literary schools the 'Moderna'. Centred around the literary magazine " Prudy" ("The Currents, " 1909-14), they were looking for their inspiration more in the West than in the East and opposed the passive political attitude of their Russophile fathers . The most prominent representative of the school was I. Kraska (1876-1958) , author of two slender books of poems ("Nox et solitudo," 1909, " Verses," 1912) which were destined to have a lasting influence on the further development of Slovak lyrical poetry. Other modernists were: J. Jesensky (1874-1945), V. Roy (1885-1935), M. Rdzus (1888-1937). Interwar Years (1918-45). The post-war years witness- SLOVAKIA 9 ed an unprecedented activity in the literary field. The poet and critic s. Krcmery (1892-1955)' dubbed the period "the years of the untying tongues". The young poets of the pre-war era reached their maturity. Their ranks were soon joined by new arrivals such as J. Smrek (b. 1892), E. B. Lukac <b. 1900), v. Beniak (b. 1894), s. Krcmery (1892-1935) to mention the best known. There emerged also some talented prose writers: T. J. Gaspar (b . 1893 ), J. C. Bronsky (1896-1960), G. Vamos (1901-46) and especially M. Urban (b. 1904) the creator of "ziv'J} bic" ('The living whip', 1927) the most successful Slovak novel so far. The writers were grouped around several literary reviews. The Catholic writers around "Vatra" ("The Bonfire", 1919-25) included M. Urban, K . Sidor (1902-56), A. zarnov (b . 1903), J. Nizn<insky (b. 1903), A. N. Borin (b. 1903). Out of this group later grew a second generation of co-called "Catholic modernists": P. G. Hlbina (b. 1908), R. Dilong (b. 1905), J. Silan (b. 1918), K. Strmen (b. 1921) , J . Haranta (b. 1909), S. Veigl (b. 1915) and others. In the second group around "Mlade Slovensko" ("The Young Slovakia». 1919-29) we find E. B. Lukac, M. Halamova (b. 1908), I. Horvath 0904-59), G. Vamos. The left-oriented writers gathered around " Dav" ("The Mob", 1924-37) and included J . Ponican (b. 1902), L. Novomesk'J} (b. 1904) , F. Kral' (1903-55). Slovak surrealists made their appearance rather belatedly, in the late 1920's. They included: s. zary (b . 1918, V. Reisel (b. 1915), J. Brezina (b. 1917). The leading playwrights of the period were: F. Urbanek (1859-1934), V. Hurban (1884-?), I. Stodola (b. 1888) , J. Bare-Ivan (1909-1955). Literary criticism and literary history found their exponents in A. Mraz (1904-1964), P. Bujn<ik (1882-1932),L. Hanus (b. 1907), J. Ambrus (b.1914), Post-1945 Development. In 1945, and particularly after 1948, Slovak literature was dealt a heavy blow from which it still has not recovered. Many prominent writers sought freedom in escape to the West (Hronsky, Dilong, zarnov, Urban, Gaspar; the last two were later forcibly repatriated), others were gradually silenced (Beniak, Lukac, Graf, the Catholic modernists). The surrealists farcically "dissolved" their group and offered their services to the Communists. Under the guidance of the commissars the rule of "socialist realism" was proclaimed and in the process 10 SLOVAKIA even the erstwhile Communist writers were purged (Novomesky, Horvath, Oka.Ii). Many gifted writers degenerated into versifiers parroting party-slogans in rhymes: J. Kostra (b. 1910) wrote a long rhapsodic poem "On Stalin" (1949), J. Brezina entitled his book of poems "The Song of Love the New China" (1950), etc. The officially-approved "socialist realism" precisely prescribed and strictly enforced the theme, style and content of all work. As a result of this imposition all literary output of the 1950-60 period is uniformly marked with mediocrity and dullness in which all the artistic individuality of a writer is debased or completely lost. The writers made several attempts to shake off the Party's guidance and solicitude over their creative activity: in 1956, in 1962 and again in 1967-8; but each time with little success. As demonstrated by the recent Soviet invasion of Czecho-Slovakia (Aug. 1968 ) the Party views artistic liberty as an inadmissible challenge to its power monopoly. From among the writers labouring under these depressing and degrading circumstances one could single out the following: D. Tatarka (b. 1912), M. Figuli (b. 1910), A. Bednar (b . 1914), P. Karvas (b. 1920), V . Mihalik (b . 1926), M. Rufus (b . 1928), J. Blazkovci (b . 1929), A. Hykisch (b. 1930), J. Johanides (b. 1934). Literary critics and historians of some originality include A. Matuska (b. 1910), J. Felix (b. 1913), M. Pisut (b. 1908), M . Hamada and P. Stevcek (b . 1932) . Slovak Exile Literature. Since 1945 Slovak literature had a sizeable group of exile writers who left their enslaved country in 1945 and after. They continue to publish even under increasingly difficult conditions of emigre life. Poetry is well represented by such fine artists as K. Strmeii, R. Dilong, M. Sprinc (b. 1914), G. Zvonicky (b. 1913), M. Ziar (b, 1914), J. Okcil' (b. 1915), E. Vesnin (b. 1913) . Dramatic writing is being pursued by J. Dorcinsky (b . 1911), J. Zvoncir-Tieii (b. 1919). Noteworthy prose works have been written by M. K. Mlynarovic (b. 1887), J. C. Bronsky, P. Hrtus-Jurina (b. 1919), Draga Divinska (b. 1922). In the field of literary history and criticism one meets the names of J.E. Bor (b. 1907), S. Meciar (b. 1910), J. Rekem (b. 1917), J.M. Kirschbaum (b. 1913), J. Mest'ancik (b. 1908), F . Vnuk (b. 1926).  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovak Language and Literature Description An account of the resource F. Vnuk Slovakia, Vol. 20 (No. 43), 1970 pp. 3-10 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Vnuk, František, 1926- Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1970 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/21b94f30889d6c1fd49952f3b57d9503.pdf 83c0b89e2c828868c96df4cd561c93ba PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 63 SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA AND INDEPENDENT SLOVAKIA By Mikulds Sprinc On October 6, 1938, when the Slovaks attained autonomy and the Pittsburgh Agreement was incorporated into the Constitution of Czecho-Slovakia, the Slovak League in America had a great and unquestioned share in the great event. In the days that followed there was an outburst of fresh enthusiasm. The Slovaks were beginning to build their own new national home on the pattern of the Pittsburgh Agreement. Slovakia fully appreciated the support which had been given the country by the Slovak League in America for the attainment of its self-government. The Slovak nation immediately wanted to know about the life of the American Slovaks because a mutual affection and friendship develops through knowledge and understanding. Konstantin Culen, a dynamic writer and ace newspaperman, was sent by Karol Sidor and the Slovak autonomous government to the U.S. His chief role was to establish closer cultural ties with the American Slovaks and to write a history of the Slovaks in America, - and as a secondary purpose, to act as a life-line between the Slovaks in their homeland and their fellow countrymen overseas; also, to maintain communication between the American Slovak organizations and the Slovaks at home. What the attitude of the Slovak League was towards the new form of Slovak national life in the old country was at this time we readily deduce from the special meeting of the executive committee of the Slovak League on March 2-3, 1939, in Pittsburgh, Pa. We read the following minutes : "President Rusek warmly welcomed the distinguished guest, Konstantin Culen, from Slovakia. The Slovak emissary thanked him sincerely and in his brief response expressed his feelings and extended the greetings of the Slovak government and parliament to all the American Slovaks. The applause was spontaneous and enthusiastic." In another section of the above minutes of the same �64 SLOVAKIA meeting, culen's impressions of the public reaction in Slovakia to the first session of the Slovak parliament in Bratislava are recorded as follows: "We were indeed sorry that there were no American Slovaks present at the opening session of the first Slovak parliament in history. The places reserved for you were vacant. But since you were absent from this historic session, I feel sure you will be represented at the next session, the second one, at which the Slovak parliament will discuss the Constitution. You must come, and others, too, from all over America." How vitally interested. the Slovak League of America was in the matter of Slovak autonomy in 1939 is evident from the same special executive meeting, for a nominating committee was named to select a delegation to visit Slovakia. This committee immediately chose the following: Ivan Bielek, J . A. Kocur, Jozef Rusek, Mrs. Gabriela Vavrek r.nd Dr. Peter P . Hletko, alternates were P . Jamriska, Rev. Klemo Hrtanek. Rev. Florian Billy, Andrej Suroviak and Michal Sincak. Jozef Rusek, the president, was designated to head the special delegation, which received unanimous approval. It was decided at the meeting that the Slovak League delegation should take the original Pittsburgh Agreement document and present it to the Slovak nation 'with due ceremonies' - and added remark in the minutes. The executive committee of the Slovak League made this decision on the basis of the previous Congress of the Slovak League which had approved the proposal to surrender the original draft of the Pittsburgh Agreement, a precious historical document, and present it officially to the Slovak parliament as soon as the political requirements guaranteed to the Slovak nation were fulfilled and carried out as outlined .3pecifically in the pact. A fund raising campaign to help Slovakia was organized, which again shows the enthusiastic support in behalf of the freedom of Slovakia by the Slovak League of America. This received the unanimous approval of all present because they realized how important it was to lend a helping hand at this particular time of the Slovak nation's history. Practically everybody pledged his aid. Mr. Kridlo res- �SLOVAKIA 65 ponded first. His organization ( the Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union) voted $150 and promised to contact all of its branches for donations. Virostek, Jamriska, Dlhos, Salva and Kostolnik spoke approvingly - Kostolnik presented a check from the Federation of Slovak Societies in Detroit and later sent in the sum of $270 which he had personally collected for aid to Slovakia. Good will and generosity were in evidence everywhere for this good and worthy cause. The Slovak League records show the magnanimity of our people on this occasion. One feels anew the spirit of the times of Furdek and the first campaign of the American Slovaks during World War I. It is no wonder that the Slovak League rejoiced, for this was the first time since the fall of its kingdom of Moravia (at the beginning· of the 10th century) that the Slovaks had their own national parliament and were assured self-government. The Slovak State and the Slovak League of America Slovakia's struggle of two decades ended on a triumphant note of victory and the Slovak League had had a major share in the winning of national autonomy. But Divine Providence decreed that the Slovak nation should have not only self-government but an independent Slovak state. From October, 1938, to March, 1939, the Slovak spirit of national pride reached its highest point of development and it became increasingly clear that Slovakia was ripe not only for autonomy but for a complete, self-governing state. Meantime, Slovakia was ridding itself of Czechs whom the Slovak autonomous government sent home to Prague. Treaty-breaking Czechs who bitterly assailed the emergence of a new Slovakia and plotted to take autonomy away from the Slovak nation by force of arms, even though the Constitution of the Czecho-Slovak Republic solemnly guaranteed it. Under the heavy pressure of the European political situation and subject to aggression by Germany, the Republic of Czecho-Slovakia fell apart at the seams. At the same time the Slovaks who were united under their own . national parliament and government in Bratislava �65 SLOVAKIA cheered the unanimous decision of the parliament to declare the Slovak nation's independence and the establishment of an independent Slovak state, the Slovak Republic on March 14, 1939. These events in the history of the Slovak nation are m omentous and unforgettable. No one pressurized the Slovak parliament on March 14, 1939, to its unanimous declaration to organize its own, free self-governing and sovereign state. If the idea of Slovak statehood had not been ripe, and if the legally constituted body of Slovak representatives had not grasped that this was the final phase of the Slovak struggle for self-government, if they had not realized that their unanimous vote for independence was in harmony with the will of the vast majority of the Slovak people, they would have timidly surrendered to the tragic circumstances of having their country torn asunder by neighbors who had never been true friends but covetous foes of the 8.lovak nation. Fully conscious of their opportunity, responsibility and dangers ahead, they decided to go forward as a free nation towards its destiny. Germany's hand of friendship was extended, it had not been solicited, but now that it was given, it was accepted because a refusal would have not only been inexpedient but perhaps suicidal in view of the political tension of the times. No one can justly blame the Slovaks for the acceptance cf German support. They could not know in advance that in the future their self-proclaimed champion would become barbaric and inhumane, nor could they foresee future developments when actually on March 14, 1939, the Germans solemnly announced that they had no territorial demands other than the Sudeten lands . From every angle the Slovak state was to become in reality what the Slovak nation dreamed about and fought ior through the centuries, namely, the highest development of a nation's genius as the result of the embodiment of Slovak rights to freedom and independent progress, a renewal of the glorious and triumphant tradition of Slovak princes and rulers, the fulfillment of the aspirations of all Slovak generations, the actualization of the right to �SLOVAKIA 67 regulate their own affairs by themselves, and for themselves, and for their own Slovak welfare and happiness in building and maintaining their own free, national state. This was their golden destiny. At no time had the renaissance of the Slovak national spirit soared to such heights of glory as during the Slovak Republic. Never before had the country's administration been in the hands of native Slovaks and never before had the Slovaks worked so hard and so willingly, or paid their taxes so readily as then. Slovak lands for the first time in history produced everything in abundance for the benefit of the Slovaks who finally ruled and governed themselves, and were masters of their national destiny. As nothing but destruction and ruin met the eye beyond the borders of the Slovak Republic, Slovakia enjoyed a period of phenomenal growth and prosperity. The Slovaks gave their Republic a democratic Constitution while totalitarianism and dictatorship surrounded them on every side. Slovak statesmen constructed their political edifice on the foundations of God's law and providence at a time when everywhere in Europe Christian morality was being almost universally supplanted by the savage cult of force and a new pagan philosophy. Archbishop Karol Kmet'ko recalled the universal acclamation that had greeted the founding of the Slovak Republic and he spoke of the Slovak state openly at the procommunistic trial held in Bratislava after the war. His testimony clearly indicates that the declaration of Slovak independence on March 14, 1939, was the occasion for a spontaneous celebration throughout Slovakia. Catholics and Protestants rejoiced alike . Every true Slovak was genuinely pleased and happy at the turn of events that brought the Slovak nation its own free, independent state. Moreover, he began to appreciate more and more the many opportunities to develop his native talents for his individual welfare, as well as for the benefit of his own country. For too long he had been denied these opportunities because of alien rule. Slovak League archives contain the following text of a letter from a Protestant school inspector in Slovakia: �68 SLOVAKIA It was adressed to Jozef Rusek, President, Slovak League of America, Pittsburgh, Pa. The text of the letter: Teachers of the Slovak school inspectors' committee in Trencin who have taken the oath of loyalty to the Slovak state, gratefully recall your vigorous fight for the recognition of the independence of our Slovak nation. In this free Slovak state we will work with might and main, God helping us, for the spiritual and material welfare of our nation and state. We respectfully request your aid, Mr. President, so that we may succeed in our common endeavor. With the approval of the teachers I send you sincere greetings from the 'old country.' With sentiments of profound esteem, Na straz! - On Guard, Michal Balafovic, School Inspector in Trencin, Slovakia This is only one of many expressions of hope, confidence and joy that greeted the founding of the free, Slovak state, and as usual, was accompanied by a message of gratitude addressed to the Slovak League of America. Not even for a moment did the Slovak League hesitate to take its proper stand on the question of the newly-created Slovak state. Accordingly, at an executive meeting on May l 2, 1939, in Pittsburgh, Pa., the officers formulated the official reaction on the basis of the recommendations made by the president, Jozef Rusek, namely: 1) Establish a special committee to draw up a Memorandum to 1e addressed to the governments of the U.S., Britain and France in the interests of and for the recognition of the Slovak state, a revision of the boundaries, and a provision to guarantee the cultural rights of 700,000 Slovaks residing inside Hungary. 2) Designate a reporter from the Slovak League and dispatch him to Slovakia to determine the situation there and investigate the exact conditions under which the Slovaks decided to terminate their alliance with the Czechs. After discussing the matter, the members at the meeting agreed to authorize the Slovak League executive officers: 1) To name the necessary committees. 2) To establish an information bureau in Washington, D.C. in order to counteract false , deceitful and slanted anti-Slovak news in the American press and furnish the American press instead with information founded on facts and the truth. 3) To edit English memoranda and pamphlets in the int.erest of the Slovak nati.on and its officially constituted �SLOVAKIA 69 free state, the Slovak Republic. 4) To take the necessary steps for a hearing in the State Department in the nation's capital in order to obtair, U.S. recognition of the Slovak Republic. All these fo:re-going resolutions are duly registered and taken verbatim from the minutes of the above meeting of the Slovak League's executive committee, May 12, 1939. They prove that the Slovak League gave prompt approval to the Slovak state. and, as always, sought to lend a helping hand by seeking to obtain the diplomatic and official recognition of the Slovak state by the United States government in Washington, D.C. On the otherhand, the Slovak state was not un-mindful of the Slovak League of America. The first president of the Slovak Republic sent a greeting by cablegram addressed directly to the 22nd Congress of the Slovak League, in the city of Cleveland, Ohio. The minutes of the Congress refer to this as follows: The president announced that Dr. Jozef Tiso, the president of the Slovak Republic, sent his greetings to the Congress and he asked Dr. Peter Hletko, honorary president of the Slovak League, to read the message. Whereupon, Dr. Hletko read the cablegram informing the American Slovaks of the warmth and loyalty prevailing everywhere throughout the country to the new Slovak state. The message also indicated the immediate necessity of defending the young Republic against enemy aggression and the happy outcome of events in perilous and challenging times. Moreover, there was a note of assurance anct hope for the future destiny of the Slovak nation. Prolonged applause followed the reading of the cablegram from President Tiso. This Congress of the Slovak League in Cleveland directed the administration of the League to reply with a cablegram to Dr. Jozef Tiso, the first president of the Slovak Republic. (Minutes of the 22nd Congress of the Slovak League of America, Cleveland, Ohio, May 12-14, 1939). Czechoslovakia on the Horizon While the Slovaks in their free Slovak Republic rolled up their sleeves and went to work in full strength to build their Slovak state, and while the Slovak League took the first step to secure recognition for the newly-formed Slovak Republic by the government of the United States, the defeated, cowardly ex-president of the Czecho-Slovak Re- �70 SLOVAKIA public, Dr. Benes, appeared on the scene here with his entire entourage. History repeats itself - as in World War I his gaze was directed again towards the American Slovaks who de facto had set up the Czecho-Slovak Republic financially, so now Dr. Benes sought the sympathy and support of the Slovak League of America. He did not approach the League personally but sent his faithful servant, Dr. Juraj Slavik. Dr. Slavik therefore, appeared on May 12, 1939, at the Slovak League executive meeting in Pittsburgh, Pa. Dr. Slavik's visit is described in the minutes of the meeting as follows: Then President Josef Husek introduced Dr. Slavik, former minister in the Czecho-Slovak Republic, and requested him to state the nature of his mission. The guest speaker extended his greetings and then proceeded to explain what had happened in Slovakia, especially how the Slovak state had been created, how much of his property had been confiscated by the Slovak government, and his reasons for cooperation with Dr. Benes for the re-establishment of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. He further stated that it was Professor Tuka, Sano Mach, chief of propaganda, Karol Murgas, head of he Hlinka Guards (Militia) , and Dr. Ferdinand !>urcansky who were the instigators of a plot that enabled Hitler to destroy the Czecho-Slovak Republic. He referred to Sidor, a member of parliament, and declared that Sidor had been opposed to Slovak independence and for that reason the Hlinka party dismissed him from the Slovak government. Mr. Husek interrupted the Benes emissary and gave him a letter from Sidor who explained the events in an entirely different vein ; and even his account of why he was dropped from the formation of the new Slovak government differed substantially from Slavik's report. Reaction to Sidor's letter was simply a smile on Slavik's face when he returned the letter to Husek without comment. Various questions touching on discrimination, persecution and imprisonments to which loyal Slovaks were subjected at the hands of the central regime in Prague were directed at the visitor. Whereupon, Slavik made only feeble attempts to exonerate his Czechoslovak and Czech colleagues - and these, of course, were all in vain. His hearers remained unimpressed. Dr. Slavik's sweet talk did not win the Slovak League because now as never before it stood solidly behind the idea and reality of the free Slovak state. The official reply was clear as implied in the recommendation at the meeting: "To draw up a resolution that would concisely and clearly express the Slovak League's reasons to oppose Dr. Eduard Benes's program and leadership which were designed for the renewal of the old Czecho-Slovakia." �SLOVAKIA 71 That was a genuinely Slovak reply of the Slovak League. Dr. Slavik's visit was merely the first of several attempts to derail the Slovak League so that the people, led by Dr. Benes, might once more get the League into their clutches. Although the Slovak League remained firm, Benes did not cease his machinatio ns. Rocky Path for the Slovak League of America In the interim, the most dreadful of wars had spread throughou t Europe. All communic ations between Slovakia and the Slovak League of America was suddenly cut off. Against its will Slovakia was dragged into the conflict. As the bitter aftermath of Dr. Benes's failure to lure the Slovak League into a position of unqualified support of the Czechoslov ak camp against the Slovak state, the Czechoslovak governmen t-in-exile simply began a campaign of revenge against the League. A nationwide Czechoslov ak apparatus hit the Slovak League with a ferocious propagand a barrage. It was the intention of Benes to destroy the League by discreditin g it in Washingto n in a vicious smear campaign that sought to put the stamp of nazism on the organizatio n, labeling the Slovak League maliciously as a loyal Hitler ally, and therefore, an enemy of the U.S. and the United Nations . Against this web of lies circulated by the Czechoslov ak propagand a agency here against the Slovak League, naturally, the latter had great difficulties in meeting charges that were made arbitrarily but which could not be adequately answered because the Slovak League lacked necessary informatio n from Slovakia to refute the malicious propagand a. With no communic ation because of the war, it seemed that the Slovak League was completely at the mercy of the merciless foes of Slovak freedom who attempted to cut the vital roots of the organizatio n and destroy it forever . In fact, matters went so far that officers in the Slovak League were subjected to federal investigation on charges of being dangerous to the national interests of the U.S. as subversive elements. The Czechs had their allies in Washingto n and they were not particular about the methods and means to be used to attain their mad objective of destroying the Slovak League. �72 SLOVAKIA This was an unequal and bitterly fought contest. Benes and his informants were the sources of information of the highest military propaganda bureaus in Washington. Jozef Rusek as president of the Slovak League had presented a Memorandum in Washington, D.C. asking for U.S. recognition of the Slovak state. It was ignored. Meanwhile, reports (false) were circulated that Slovakia got involved in the war by declaring hostilities on the U.S. There was no way for the Slovak League to verify or deny these reports . . the line of communication with Slovakia was closed tightly. If the Slovak League, in 1943, had only known one salient fact , namely, that the so-called war-declaration on the U.S. was not a legally declared state of war because neither the Slovak parliament nor President Tiso had given their assent to such a grave act, and that in actuality the reported 'state of war' between Slovakia and this country was an illegal proclamation of one man, Dr. Vojtech Tuka, who. without any authority what-so-ever simply declared war on the U.S. Extreme determination to destroy the Slovak Republic motivated Dr. Benes in his policy. Consequently, this declaration of war was utilized to the utmost in distorted form by the resigned second president of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. It served Benes well to emphasize this status of an 'official act of hostility' presumably on the part of the Slovak nation, which actually was against such n declaration, as was the Slovak government with its parliament and President Tiso . Indisputably, on the face of it, without explaining the circumstances of the reported declaration of war on the U.S. by Slovakia, this was a great opportunity for Dr . Benes to exploit the occasion and he did, to the hilt. His intrigues for the despicable objective of the destruction of the Slovak nation's own free state knew no bounds. Monsignor Francis Dubosh, wartime president of the Slovak League of America, was shouldered with the heavy responsibility of defending the organization against · vilification by its enemies. Slovak League archives of 1943 contain a complete record of correspondence between Msgr. Dubosh and the OWI (Office of War Information). �SLOVAKIA 73 Faced by an endless series of barefaced lies that poured into Washington from the sworn foes of Slovak freed.om, the Slovak League stood fast in its defense of the truth and freedom for Slovakia. Moreover, there was nothing to hide, for the Slovak League membership, its president and executive officers were men of personal integrity and loyal citizens of the United States. They met the challenge without flinching and withstood the test with courage and dignity. Some timid souls, it is unfortunately true, became terrorized by this vicious attack of the enemy but the leadership of such stalwart men as Monsignor Dubosh rallied the faithful under the unsullied banner of the Slovak League of America. In the end they prevailed in the fight for Slovak freedom , self-government and free statehood. Now that they sensed the type of opposition they had to contend with, they became determined to maintain the struggle until final victory over the evil forces arrayed against the gallant men they were associated with in the Slovak League . Many resolutions and statements on behalf of the Slovak nation were formulated and proclaimed by the Slovak League despite the bitter attacks levelled against its daring leaders and resolute program. Dr. Benes and his paid propagandists spent several million dollars but all their fiery and venomous darts failed to pierce the stout armor of the American Slovak champion who defended the great citadel of freedom for Slovakia, namely, the Slovak League of America. Though under tremendous tension and pressure in this struggle, the Slovak League did not falter. Its leaders addressed new resolutions that reached the highest government circles in Washington. The historic 'Memorandum', which was entitled, "The Slovaks and their Rights to Nationhood", was sent directly to President Franklin D. Roosevelt. Signed by Msgr. Dubosh and Jan A. Kocur, this wartime document was a review of the struggle of the Slovaks through the centuries for their national freedom and their right to determine their own national destiny on the fundamental democratic principle and tradition of self-determination. �74 SLOVAKIA Whether the Slovaks should have their own independent state, or whether they should belong to the CzechoSlovak Republic, the Slovak League, being deprived of factual news from Slovakia, did not presume to be a competent judge - and hence, it merely wished to re-emphasize President Roosevelt's proclamation and democratic creed that "every nation, no matter how small, has the inherent right to its own nationhood." American statesmen are formally addressed in the prophetic and fearless appeal which deals fundamentally with the Slovak problem: We Americans of Slovak ancestry who make sacrifices and fight side by side with other nations, and have dedicated our lives to the cause of freedom, appeal to our leaders in this momentous struggle and ask them especially to have the destiny of Slovakia in mind lest the foes of Slovak rights to freedom and nationhood deceive them in an unguarded moment, we further respectfully request them to bear in mind the sacred right of the Slovak nation to its own national selfgoverning state, which, as a matter of history, the Slovak nation established after many centuries of struggle against oppression and tyranny; and finally, we ask that liberty, self-determination and the means to a democratic way of life be guaranteed to the Slovaks in the same full measure as will be guaranteed all other nations in the world. This memorable document explains quite extensively 2nd manifestly Czech treacheries aimed against the Slovaks and takes a firm, uncompromising stand against Dr. Benes and his Slovak and Czechoslovak janizaries. It remains a historic testimony that not all Slovak emigrants were on the side of Dr. Benes. The examples of Dr. Osusky and Dr. Hodfa are cited because their political programs coincided essentially with the articles of the Pittsburgh Agreement (Pact) . Remarkable in many respects, but especially amazing is the fact that the Slovak League's life and death struggle was carried on despite an empty treasury against the millions of dollars expended by Benes and his anti-Slovak confederates! Dr. Milan Hodza and the Slovak League of America Dr. Milan Hodfa was invited to be a guest speaker at the 25th Congress of the Slovak League of America. Hodfa, an emigrant political leader from Slovakia, ex- �SLOVAKIA 75 pressed his regrets but sent in an extensive letter or message dated April 9, 1943, and addressed to Msgr. Dubosh, President, in which he explains, in detail, his stand on the Slovak problem and outlines his suggestions and proposals to the Slovak League which was involved vitally in the struggle for Slovakia's rights to national freedom and statehood. About American Slovaks Dr. Hodza has this opinion: First, I highly esteem the Slovak League as an institution of the American Slovaks, one that has done meritorious work in behalf of the Slovak nation and its native homeland. Hodza pays tribute to Furdek, the founder of the Slovak League, and reviews the currents of Slovak political action. He has words of praise for Slovak patriotism and pride that was inspired by the Slovak League, the great champion of the Slovak nation's struggle for freedom. On the subject of World War II , he expressed his understanding of the perilous times: Everyone who knows anything of Slovak loyalty could never have any shadow of doubt about the allegiance of American Slovaks to American democracy or deny their wholehearted dedication to the ideals of freedom and democracy - for America and Slovakia. But someone rashly has said that the majority of American Slovaks have 'fascist leanings.' To that unfounded charge I reply: When it became necessary to defend their country and the highest moral values of mankind, the American Slovaks proved themselves by their deeds and sacrifices. They purchased bonds and bombers, joined the military forces in large numbers, with their young men and women enrolling in all the services-hundreds, perhaps thousands of whom now are wounded or dead on battlefields in every corner of the globe . .. suffering death or wounds in defense of American democracy, security and freedom. Such are Slovak 'fascists.' This moving testimonial to the Slovak League's program by a leading Slovak politician and statesman excels anything that might be added on the subject. It is an honest, heartfelt evaluation of the work of the Slovak League based on firsthand observation and information. Moreover, Hodza, as he notes in his long letter to the Slovak League, considered it his solemn duty to inform the Slovaks of America of the events that occurred up to the year, 1938, in Czecho-Slovakia. He recalls the visit of the Slovak League delegation in Praha. Upon being approached to support the Pittsburgh Agreement, he ob- �?(, SLOVAKIA served that he had already drawn up his own draft for Slovak rights, which, in his personal opinion, he deemed substantially even better and proposed it as a substitute. Hodza explains that his political views were based on the fact that both economically and financially Slovakia was very weak at the conclusion of World War I. He goes on record: In a public statement of May 17, 1938, I spoke about the Pittsburgh Agreement, and in the discussion I urged that the time for criticizing it was long past. Now was the time to actualize it in reality, I said. Finally, at the end of June or the beginning of July, 1938, I succeeded in securing a virtual promise of the government to recognize it and put it into effect, namely, the official extension of self government and the establishment of a parliament in Bratislava for Slovakia. Subsequent remarks by Hodza emphasized his advocating the international political continuity of the Czecho-Slovak Republic and the self-same continuity of the internal political policies and acts of the Republic. Since the legality of the Zilina Agreement was nullified on the grounds that it had been drawn up a week after Munich, the legality of the decisions of the constitutional government of the Czecho-Slovak Republic in June and July, 1938, could not be questioned, and therefore he favored guarantees for self-rule and the rights of the Slovak nation in their native home country. Under all circumstances Hodza stood his ground in this manifest policy. He added: What type of federal or political system we will decide upon, that will be our domestic problem. But to be specific: No longer shall we tolerate the machinery of the Czecho-Slovak Assembly in Prague to dominate by its majority vote. Why not? Because in a total of some 300 members the Czechs have approximately 150 votes, the Slovaks scarcely 60. Thus a 2/3 or a 3/ 5 majority vote would automatically determine Slovak policy with or without a small Slovak minority. No longer can we allow this government monopoly by a Czech regime in Praha. The new reorganization of the state must take into consideration a constitutional measure respecting a Slovak national majority as well as a Czech national majority correspondingly in their own national assembly or parliament. This is the principle and policy that was enunciated and approved by the Czecho-Slovak National Committee on January 1, 1940. In the future, Hodza believed, that the vast majority of the Czechs would abandon centralism as a national policy and accept the new effective policy of mutual Czech �SLOVAKIA 77 and Slovak cooperation through proper Slovak representation on the basis of a federative status of national equality. "I am continuing my efforts in behalf of Slovakia today on the basis of international law," Dr. Hodza declared, "and in accord with England which in March, 1939, of its own volition, and on the basis of fundamental reasons, refused to recognize German dis-memberm ent of the Czecho-Slova k Republic." Both the U.S and the Soviet Union, according to Hodza, adhered to this view of continuity, and he, therefore, thought this was the only sure foundation for future action in behalf of Slovakia. Peace in Europe Hodza envisioned as the development of an intimate association of America, England and Russia and the creation of a central European federation to which Yugoslavia and Romania should belong also. This federation, he believed, would be an effective defensive bloc against any possible future German aggression. "Slavonic democracy' --, in Hodza's opinion, "in which the Slovaks must have a role, must guarantee both national and religious freedom, human dignity, the rights of the individual, provide social and economic security, preserve representativ e government that is based on the free expression of each nation's will." American Slovaks, through its Slovak League, demanded all the guarantees of democratic freedom and the free exercise of natural rights for the Slovak nation on the basis of the Atlantic Charter, namely, the Four Freedoms, self-determin ation and the right to choose their own national destiny. Conclusion of Dr. Hodza's message reads: "Continue as you have begun. You are on the right road." All Slovaks with few exceptions at home and abroad Hnanimously agree that the Slovaks are entitled as a nation to the rights of freedom and self-determin ation, the cardinal principles of the victorious united nations of World War II. There were no substantial differences between his political doctrine and the Slovak League's program, Hodza �78 SLOVAKIA contended. Nevertheless, there was one difference, and it was that the Slovak League of America maintained the belief that it is the Slovak nation's prerogative to decide whether it wants to rejoin the Czechs in a newly-recreated Czecho-Slovakia, or remain in its own separate independent state. As a matter of fact, Hodza, at one time a centralist, could not free himself from the personal conviction that the Czechs and Slova,ks belong indubitably in a united state. Hodza lacked the experience and enlightenment of being a citizen in his own native Slovak political state. Very interesting, indeed, would have been Hodza's views, and relationship with the Slovak League, after Benes' treasonable act in Moscow (1943) and the aftermath of the 'paper agreement' in Kosice with the Slovak national council (1945). We can presume, in view of the sad events in the second Czecho-Slovak Republic, that the Slovak political leader would have followed the leadership of the Slovak League and the vast majority of the Slovaks in their home country in demanding a plebiscite in postwar Slovakia to determine: 1) Whether the Slovak nation wanted to be an integral part of Czecho-Slovakia. 2) Or whether it wanted to be an independent state. 3) Or whether it wanted to join a federation. Death ended any further speculation, and because of the situation in Czecho-Slovakia after the war, the Prague regime refused to grant permission to the Hodza family tc have the body of an eminent Slovak political figure to be returned to his native Slovakia for burial. A Final Break with Benes Intrigues and slanders, coarse and cynical comments marked the careers and attitudes of Dr. Benes and his colleagues. As immediate consequences of their ignoble activities there was a complete disregard of Slovak rights in U.S. State Department circles that determined our international policy while a cloud of dark suspicion hovered over the Slovak League. Refusal to bow down under the crushing pressure exerted by Benes and his clique maddened the Czech plotter and his slanderous propagandists. All of their plans to destroy the Slovak League of America failed miserably. �SLOVAKIA 79 After reviewing the activities of Dr. Benes in World War I and World War II, the Slovak League of America went on record as being irrevocably opposed to Dr. Benes and his ideology. Monsignor Dubosh, the president, declared publicly in his report at the 25th Congress of the Slovak League in October, 1943: I have explained the situation of the Slovak League in relationship to Dr. Benes and his intrigues. Now, where shall we go? What should we do ? Well, Dr. Benes, acknowledged as a skillful diplomat, has refused to negotiate with us. He seems to think that if he looks down upon us with disdain, we 'stupid Slovaks' will shake with trepidation and run to him seeking his help. It is unfortunate that he, a diplomat and political leader, never learned to know the Slovaks better. Perhaps the Slovaks were somewhat naive for tolerating him so long. He forgets that in America, the sons of Slovak immigrants who escaped to America had the opportunity for an education. One of the lessons they learned well was not to take abuse from anybody. He acts as if the Slovaks had no rights whatsoever, not even the right to speak up and say whether they want to live with the Czechs or not. Dr. Benes is sadly mistaken if he thinks the Slovaks were given to the Czechs by divine decree. The Slovaks voluntarily entered into partnership with the Czechs, and they can voluntarily dissolve that partnership. If this is not true, then the Slovaks are not human beings, but slaves, even worse, for then they are but mere animals. That we refuse to accept. We will never allow the Slovaks to be treated as brutes, not even for the price of a million Beneses! Msgr. Dubosh concluded his statement: Truly wise would Benes have been had he and his disciples finally realized that they cannot act as if the Slovaks had no rights at all, that they cannot destroy the Slovak nation which has survived so many centuries, that the Slovak was, is, and will always remain a Slovak, that there will be no peace between the Czechs and Slovaks until justice and equality are established between the two, that nobody will ever convince the Slovak he is anything than what he is: a Slovak. A number of renegades among the Slovaks may be found, as in the case of the Magyar era, and these will agree with Benes and propagate his ideas. But the vast majority of the Slovaks here and in their historic homeland have remained unmoved and unconvinced because they know the true history of the Slovak nation. This is a clear-cut view and a definite stand. Andrej Hlinka would have spoken the same way - and every loyal Slovak agrees with this unqualified view that refuses to surrender the rights of the Slovak nation to freedom and nationhood. The year, 1943, definitely witnessed another resurgence of dynamic and invincible spirit of Slovak national pride in the Slovak League of America. �8Li SLOVAKIA The Slovak League of America and the Slovak National Council in Slovakia War was slowly coming to an end and it was clear who would win by this time. For the Slovak League serious problems and grave responsibilities were anticipated. At the beginning of autum, 1944, the first news from Slovakia reported a revolt. The information was incomplete, distorted, and, therefore, confusing and unreliable. As might be expected the Slovak Republic was presented in a bad light by hostile propaganda forces. There was no direct connection with Slovakia to counteract the highly distorted image of the Slovaks who deserved a better fate. Moreover, the Slovak League was not aware of the many instances of official and unofficial opposition to German policies in Slovakia. Awaiting the outcome of the war and hoping for reliable reports from Slovakia, the Slovak League, meanwhile, had to ward off the Benes propagandists. Laboring under a terrible disadvantage, the Slovak League president, Msgr. Dubosh, told the Slovak League Congress on October 18-19, 1944, that "we have assured the state department in Washington the Slovaks will be heard from as soon as they get the opportunity. Our hope has not been in vain as current events prove. The Slovaks, we are told, have revolted . . .but not the Czechs ... and they are now fighting the Germans . How fortunate I am to be able to report that en my last visit to the state department in Washington I pointed out this latest development. Moreover, we had the happy occasion of launching a new warship, the General Milan R. Stefanik, at the time." Such was the first reaction to the report of the socalled Slovak revolt in the early days of September 1944. But it is interesting to note that during the 26th Congress resolutions were adopted against the Slovak national council and its self-assumed program. In this instance, again, sound Slovak instinct guided the Slovak League leadership. A special proclamation on Slovakia was issued, to wit, With great caution and intense interest we have followed and are following progress of events in Slovakia day by day. We have read a declaration, greetings, etc. from the so-called Slovak national council �SLOVAK!.'. 81 which under its own authority has assumed or rather usurped the exclusive right to speak in the name of the Slovak nation and seeks to take over the legislative and executive power into its hands for the complete control of Slovakia. We replied that the Slovak League could hardly be expected to decide what position to take in this matter when there was doubt about the background to the so-called Slovak uprising since the sources of information were not checked out but appeared unreliable because they were inaccurate and incomplete. What made the American Slovaks suspicious from the start was t.lle declaration of the Slovak national council that seemed at first ~o defend the sovereignity of the Slovak nation but later to have tipped its hand by extending greetings to the Benes government in exile . . . and the greetings ended with a promise of loyalty and aid to the Czechoslovak resistance movement - to all intents and purposes an indication of the ultimate return of Slovakia to re-union with the Czechs in a new, reconstructed postwar Czechoslovakia! Without consulting the will of the Slovak nation the so-called Slovak national council placed the country into a definite state organization, thereby denying the Slovak nation the right of self-determination for which we are fighting and presumed to associate the Slovak nation with actions to which we American Slovaks have no sympathy, and to which we are not at all attracted, and which we believe to be completely unfavorable to the Slovaks in their own historic homeland. All these circumstances prompt us to maintain the utmost reserve towards the activity of the so-called national council because we fear that this activity instead of helping to liberate the Slovak nation leads to disruption, disintegration and ultimately to the weakening of the Slovak cause. Neither the leadership nor the aims of the Slovak national council, combined with the names of those who are cooperating with it, give us any assurance that the interests of Slovakia are in capable hands since the so-called Slovak uprising. People whose names we have noted are connected with the national council so-called, as well as in association with the so-called Slovak revolt, do not have our confidence er trust, and for those reasons we must proceed with caution if not entirely in opposition to these so-called representatives of the Slovak nation. Finally, it is quite obvious that the Slovak national council does not represent all classes of Slovak society. It does not represent either the .democratic or progressive elements in the Slovak nation, and hence, in our opinion, the council is not a qualified representative body of the Slovak people in whose name it presumes to speak, has taken over all law-enforcement agencies and assumed executive authority, and even has already decided arbitrarily that the Slovaks must give their allegiance to a pre-determined state re-organization, namely, Czechoslovakia again. Clear and concise was this formulation of official Slovak League policy in this situation, and it coincides with the refusal of the Slovak government and its president to join the revolt for precisely the same reasons. This judgment will always remain the true analysis of the will of the Slovak nation and its duly-constituted government of the Slovak Republic as opposed to the so-called national council. The latter's blunders and many crimes will one day be justly �82 SLOVAKIA attributed to its personnel when the genuinely true history of Slovakia may once again be written in freedom when a new era of truth, justice and peace will prevail. Zeroing in the Slovak nation as a victim to be re-assigned to a postwar re-creation of Czechoslovakia was a colossal historic blunder and crime of the so-called Slovak national council against the sovereignity of the Slovak nation, against its just rights to freedom, self-determination and democracy, and against truth and justice. The 1945 Washington Resolution of the Slovak League of America During the last months of the war from October, 1944, to April, 1945, the situation changed rapidly and essentially. The Russians had captured Bratislava and the war in Europe was just about ended. Sources of information for the Slovak League at this time were controlled completely by the U.S. Office of War Information agencies. And these were under the full censorship of Benes and his staff that had succeeded in winning the Slovak national council, so-called, to their side. Naturally, all information from them was favorable to the council . . . another Czechoslovak agency. What made the Slovak League officials anxious to get in contact with the Slovaks overseas was their desire to help them get on their feet after the most devastating of wars ... and since this was the only source of news available, they were forced to rely on it with reservations, however. These first news indicated that the Slovak national council had persuaded Benes ( who was in Moscow at the time ) to recognize the individuality of the Slovak nation and to grant extensive self-government to the Slovak nation in a new post-war Czecho-Slovakia. At first glance this program of the Slovak national council so-called ran parallel with the objectives of the Slovak League of America. That is what prompted the Slovak League to express its desire to get in touch with the council ... this fact enemies of both the Slovak nation and its champion, the Slovak League of America, take delight in citing when explaining their own policies. Before condemning this resolution it is well to take into consideration all the circumstances in which it was made and then study its contents. The entire first half of the resolution deals with the program and aspirations of �SLOVAKIA 83 the Slovak League designed to guarantee the Slovak nation the absolute right of self-determination. Then follows this controversial paragraph: Let it be further resolved that to realize these aforementioned objectives, the Slovak League in America is willing to establish communication with the Slovak national council for the purpose of cooperating in matters that would benefit the Slovak nation and actualize the above program. Other 'insurance clauses' are also incorporated in the message in order to be on the safe side when dealing with the Slovak national council. In no manner was this a de facto recognition of the Slovak national council by the Slovak League but merely a statement of willingness to discuss mutually all phases of the Slovak problem, one may speak with someone without adopting his views or accepting his proposals, and in this case it was an expression of mere willingness to sit down and discuss the Slovak nation's problems of the present and map the future destiny of Slovakia. Personally, Msgr. Dubosh, the president of the Slovak League, described the entire affair as a resolution declaring a willingness to discuss the matter, nothing less, nothing more. Confirmation of the motives and genuine approach to the problem by the Slovak League of America on this occasion is made on the basis of the fact that as soon as the Slovak League administration got the record straight from Slovakia and diagnosed the case correctly, the Slovak League did not make any further attempts to get in touch officially with the so-called Slovak national council. Among the Slovaks in America this episode caused a. great deal of excitement and the Slovak League had to issue a public statement to clarify the matter. In its public statement, the Slovak League declared the Slovak national council guilty of deceit, and since it showed no inclination of guaranteeing freedom for the Slovak nation for which the League had always fought and would continue to fight, the traditional position of the Slovak League was emphatically repeated, namely, that the platform adopted at the 26th Congress of the Slovak League was still the guideline for the future policy of the League. A policy of �84 SLOVAKIA 'watchful waiting' would be pursued and the League officers would be more than wary where the Slovak national council was concerned. American Activity of the Slovak League The Slovak League of America is an organization of American citizens of Slovak ancestry. Consequently , it invariably coordinates its program and activities with the program and political policy of the United States. Beginning in 1907 and continuing up to now, the Slovak League, uesides its avowed program for the welfare of the Slovak nation in its homeland, was always actively engaged in work that was exclusively designed for the benefit and national interests of America. What was true in World War I, as far as the activity of the Slovak League was concerned, was more than doubly true in World War II. Perhaps Dr. Hodza's description of this united program suffices (as quoted above) to prove this. His words of commendatio n in the message to the Slovak League Congress constitute a remarkable testimony of its manifold contributions . Loyalty and fidelity, Hodza listed as among the foremost virtues of the American Slovaks because his fellow countrymen always felt that their faithfulness to the U.S., their adopted country, must ever be profound and complete. When, therefore, this country became involved in the war against nazism, the Slovak League joined America with all its resources for the strife. Never has the Slovak League boasted of this American activity. Actually it was a duty to be performed and no need to publicize it. But Benes and his alien propagandists incessantly attacked the Slovak League in American circles and assailed it as a nazi agency, and therefore, an enemy to the national interests of America, and even contrary to the Slovak League's program in behalf of Slovakia! Monsignor Dubosh, who had to combat the malicious propaganda levelled at the Slovak League of America, had to swallow many a bitter pill on this account, and only because of his devotion to America - and his love for the Slovak nation . Undoubtedly, the best argument in favor of the Slovak �SLOVAKIA 85 League was its activity for the welfare of America. This action included the following: 1) The Slovak League Campaign for U.S. War Bonds Merely to have a birds-eye view of the gigantic patriotic efforts of the Slovak League in behalf of the U.S., it is sufficient to cite a few facts and figures. Under the dynamic leadership of the patriotic Father John J. Lach the Slovak League gave full support to a war-bond campaign. From the report by Father Lach at the Slovak League executive meeting in Pittsburgh, Pa. on October 17-18, 1944, we learn that under Slovak League sponsorship approximately 53 million dollars' worth of bonds were purchased during World War II. This and similar cases attest to the loyalty of Slovak individuals and their societies throughout the country. Who can doubt the sincere patriotism of the American Slovaks or deny their loyalty? 2) Airplanes War bonds were not the only means by which American Slovaks supported the war effort. One of its activities was the purchase of airplanes for the U.S. Airforce. First, the Slovensk<i Obrana, edited and published by Michael Bosak, Jr., Scranton, Pa., opened the campaign for three airplanes. Chicago's Osadne Hlasy weekly joined the campaign. The fund brought in $31,000. The ceremony of presenting a trio of training planes to the U.S. armed forces occured at the Cleveland airport on May 29, 1943. Each plane bore the slogan, "Spirit of the Slovak League of America," but even on this occasion the Czech propagandists tried to reap undeserved honors by claiming this act to be a part of their program. Monsignor Dubosh reported to the 25th Congress of the Slovak League: This was a capital idea, which, naturally, our Czechoslovak 'friends' tried to exploit for their benefit just as they tried to do last year when the Slovaks in Pittsburgh and Cleveland purchased war bonds. Their propaganda machine gave credit to 'Czechs' and Czechoslovaks. Such are our so-called brothers . . . everything we have they consider their very own. 3) Warships Liberty ships, three of them, bore the names submitted by the Slovak League in recognition of its highly successful war-bond campaign. Elaborate ceremonies marked �BG SLOVAKIA the launching of the "Stephen Furdek," "Sgt. Matej Kocak," and the "General Milan R. Stefanik." Altogether this variety of activity brought the Slovak League and the American Slovaks widespread publicity and recognition. They were the most telling arguments to refute libelous propaganda aimed at the Slovak League which was unjustly smeared by its foes as anti-American and pro-nazi. The patriotic acts by the Slovak League completely vindicated the honor of the American Slovaks, and the press in America recorded them with great admiration and enthusiasm. 4) Social Action of the Slovak League Increased social and charitable deeds of the Slovak League in wartime belong to a special phase of the history of the times because this was a new form of action that vvas directly under the sponsorship of a new organizational branch, namely, the Ladies Auxiliary of the Slovak League, officially known as "Slovenske Vcielky" - Slovak bees. At an executive meeting of the Slovak League on August 23, 1941, a definite plan was formulated to organize the "Slovak bees" under the leadership of Mrs. Julia Krajcovic, vice-president of the League. Accordingly, she became the president of the Ladies Auxiliary of the Slovak League, the official title of the 'Vcielky' group. Slovak women from all parts of America enrolled as members in the new auxiliary, which cooperated closely with the work of the Red Cross. By their unselfish service, social action and samaritan-like deeds, the American Slovak women contributed invaluable service to their country and enhanced the good name of the Slovak League and the Slovaks in America generally. Details of some of the work accomplished by the Slovak ladies auxiliary were reported at the 24th Congress of the Slovak League on February 25-26, 1943. They constitute a glorious record of achievements in the history of the American Slovaks. In one cell, alone, in Chicago more t.han 300 women were enrolled. These women presented the Red Cross with 66,900 surgical dressings, 2,246 suits of clothing for refugees ( for children and adults), 717 knitted sweaters, caps, shawls, gloves, etc. for soldiers; and �SLOVAKIA 87 455 hospital gowns. Blood was donated by 214 cells. More than 200 cells completed first-aid courses and 36 were trained in home-care of the sick. A total of 630 shipments were sent to American soldiers of Slovak ancestry. These are only a sample of the type of activities performed by the Ladies Auxiliary cells throughout the country. As soon as the war €nded, pleas for help came from Slovakia. The Ladies Auxiliary cells were the first to respond. Shipments of canned goods and clothing were immediately dispatched to the war-torn areas of Slovakia. Slovak emigrants fleeing from their war-devastated homeland were given emergency aid by the auxiliary. Value in dollars to cover this essential aid exceeds tens of thousands of American dollars that were given freely and generously for a worthy cause in the name of the Slovak League through the charitable agency of the Ladies Auxiliary of the League. This added a new chapter of charitable action to the history of the Slovak League of America. A special postwar campaign for funds under the traditional slogan, 'Za tu nasu slovencinu,' - for our Slovak mother-language-was inaugurated in the very first months after the war. This netted thousands of dollars for much needed help to the Slovaks in their home country, and to those in exile because these had lost all their worldly possessions in the war. No less important in its salutary effects, aside from the continued struggle for Slovakia's national freedom, was this social work which had as its primary source a deep American sense of patriotism and a profound Slovak and Christian philosophy of life to be of service to one's fellow man, and particularly to one's Slovak countrymen. Cultural Program of the Slovak League Versatility has marked the activity of the Slovak League of America. The cultural aspect was not neglected despite the pressure of the needs of the immediate present. In this respect a need was perceived to reach the Englishreading public for two reasons: 1) To combat the false �88 SLOVAKIA propaganda of anti-Slovak groups. 2) To furnish genuine information about the Slovak nation's history, the Slovaks in America, the Slovak League, etc. Too often, well-disposed Americans in high governmental positions were misled as to the real purpose of the Slovak League simply because they were uninformed or misinformed. The information had to be in the English language. Proposals to publish a Slovak League informational publication in English were made and approved at an executive meeting of the Slovak League on Nov. 13, 1942. It was designed both for the general American public and the young Slovak generations that no longer understood the language of their parents or grandparents. This was necessary to win the sympathy of the American public by Ehowing how important had been, and still was, the role of the Slovaks in mankind's struggle for liberty, human dignity and peace. An immediate result of this conference was the " Slovak Record " which began publication under the capable editorship of Joseph G. Prusa. The first issue appeared precisely on the 28th anniversary of the death of ~tefan Furdek, founder of the Slovak League of America. This wartime " Slovak Record" quarterly was well edited. It presented u true and clear picture of American Slovak life and thought that was reflected from its pages as if from a wellpolished mirror. The Record was listed officially as quarterly review of the Slovak League of America. Any future historian will find a wealth of material on Slovak history and the life of American Slovaks in the comparatively few issues that were published during World War II. The Slovak Record was an informative and cultural periodical, which for the first time presented a great many literary and political facts to the American public. Moreover, it acquainted many readers with the history, culture and aspirations of the Slovak nation. Congressmen and high officials in our government received the Slovak Record. So did American radio stati ons, newspaper offices and libraries. In a word, it was distributed where it would do the most good for the Slovak cause. Unfortunately, the Slovak Record ceased publication �SLOVAKIA 89 after two and a half years. But the year after its demise, ie., in 1946, the Slovak Review, a political magazine, and the Slovak Digest, a cultural quarterly, made their appearance. These, too, had a brief existence. Never-the-less, they did their work well while they lasted. Among other cultural projects inaugurated by the Slovak League was an American-Slovak museum. This was the work of the cultural committee which met in Cleveland in the spring of 1945. Benedictine High School was designated as the temporary center where Rev. Andrej Pir, O.S .B., a young, talented American-Slovak historian and journalist, had already established an extensive Slovak library under the auspices of St. Andrew's Abbey. As director of the newly-established Slovak museum, Father Pir obtained permission from Abbot Stanislaus Gmuca, O.S .B. to have a special room as the cultural center for Slovak books , historical records, museum articles, etc. at the Abbey in Cleveland. This later was destined to become the Slovak Institute established in 1952 by Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S .B. who named Dr. Francis Hrusovsky as the first director. On a high cultural level were all the memoranda and other publications of the Slovak League of America; all issued in behalf of Slovak national freedom and sent to the highest American political quarters. The most important of these perhaps was "The Slovaks and their Rights to Nationhood" in 1943. Representatives of the Slovak League at the International Conference in San Francisco 1945 This historic conference of allied nations was called to decide the national destinies of peoples all over the world, but particularly in Europe The fate of the Slovaks was also to be determined there. Never amiss where the welfare of the Slovak nation was concerned, the Slovak League was anxious to present the Slovak problem and all its ramifications at this world parley. It particularly wanted to present the just right of the Slovak nation. Although the Slovak League had the right to seek and obtain representation officially at the �90 SLOVAKIA conference, its delegates were denied entry because the Czechoslovaks usurped this right by securing official admittance as the spokesmen for Slovakia. Ironically, Jan Masaryk, one of the most prominent Czechs, was registered as a Slovak! Failure to secure official recognition for its representatives prompted the executive council of the Slovak League to send an observer. As an observer, Rev. John J. Lach of Whiting, Indiana, was selected to represent the Slovak League at the San Francisco conference. He remained there in that capacity from April 25 to June 21. Msgr. Milos Mlynarovic accompanied him. It was difficult for them even to obtain entry, and impossible for a pass to attend some of the meetings . In fact, Jan Masaryk's Czechoslovak delegation sought to have them excluded entirely. Nevertheless, Father Lach ~ucceeded by skillful maneuvering to outwit his opponents. He got a registration card with full credentials as an official observer for the proceedings. Since Father Lach was not permitted a voice at the conference, he visited delegations of a number of nationality groups and informed them of the Slovak cause, stressing especially the Slovak nation's rights to freedom and nationhood. Although it did not have any influence on Jan Masaryk, Father Lach's visit to his office at least emphasized the fact that the Slovaks had their rights and that the Slovak League of America stood foursquare behind them in their struggle for freedom and nationhood. Upon his return from San Francisco, Father Lach reported the outcome of his presence at the International Conference as follows: In conclusion, I want to say that always and everywhere I emphasized the good work of the Slovak League and I explained its program as a noble and worthy endeavor that is nothing more or less than a program for the welfare of the American Slovaks and the Slovak nation's destiny as a free people in their historic homeland. I told them of my conviction that the Slovaks as a nation with an individual entity and a glorious history must have a place of honor among the nations of the world , a place that the United Nations must one day officially assign to them in the family of nations. One must not under-estimate the importance of this attempt for world recognition at an international forum �SLOVAKIA 91 by a Slovak League delegate. Had there been direct communication with Slovakia instead of being forced to rely on Jan Masaryk, self-appointed as he was to represent the Slovaks, things might have worked out differently. Yet, the fact remains the Slovak League tried, and the attempt, though unsuccessful, was, none-the-less, a noble if futile gesture in behalf of a down-trodden Slovak nation. The battle in San Francisco with the Czechoslovak faction led by Dr. Benes and Jan Masaryk was lost mainly because they used utterly false propaganda to discredit the Slovak nation and its cause. In this case truth, which Thomas Masaryk liked to talk about so much, did not prevail, instead a neatly-bound pack of Czechoslovak lies doomed the Slovak people to domination by the Czechs again in the postwar era. Perseverance in I deals - Endurance in Combat Not even when the United Nations officially granted recognition to Czecho-Slovakia did the Slovak League throw in the towel. It retained its program intact and continued its fight for the Slovak nation's cause of freedom . Attorney Peter P. Jurcak, a writer and political leader from Pennsylvania, succeeded Msgr. Dubosh as president in 1945. He discussed at great length the Slovak League's program and ideals with Husek, Hletko and Msgr. Dubosh, all former presidents. Jozef Husek soon afterwards retired from public life because of illness. But both Dr. Hletko and Msgr. Dubosh remained at the side of Jurcak, the new president, and gave him their whole-hearted cooperation in the unending fight for the rights of the Slovak nation. Like a strong tree that looses its dry branches in 8, storm but continues to grow stronger, so the Slovak League of America thrives and grows taller and more mighty than ever before. The war that subjected the Slovak League to violent attacks only tested it and proved its vitality and power. It stands a living monument to the heroic courage of the stalwart sons of Slovakia and their unceasing fight for the sacred rights to justice, truth and liberty for their nation beneath the Tatras. Once more the Slovak League takes the offensive in 1946. It addresses an appeal to the President of the United �92 SLOVAKIA States and to Congress, as well as to the General Assembly of the United Nations. The appeal in behalf of the Slovak national cause of freedom reviews the history of the Slovaks, calls attention to their struggle for freedom and explains their sad experience of trying to live with the Czechs in one state. According to the principles of the Atlantic Charter, the Slovak League makes a request for a plebiscite in Slovakia under the supervision of the United Nations to give the Slovaks the opportunity to decide in a free election whether they wish to continue to live in a political union with the Czechs, or whether they want their own independent state; or if they prefer to be incorporated in a federation of free, self-governing states in central Europe. The State Department and Congressmen are kept well informed of the injustices suffered by the Slovaks in the past and present by the Slovak League's news agency and information in the nation's capital. Finally, the true facts about the Slovak Republic are available to American statesmen in Washington, D.C. For too long a time our American leaders in public life were kept shamelessly misinformed by Dr. Benes and his cohorts of false propagandists. Genuine information b now provided from first-hand experiences of Slovak emigrants who lived under the regime of the Slovak Republic from 1939 to 1945. At long last, too, we know the true facts about the so-called Slovak revolt of 1944 and the distorted picture of wartime Slovakia is coming sharply into proper focus. Meantime, too, the Slovak League of America maintains a full-time political, cultural and social program. Culturally, the work begun by the Slovak Record quarterly is carried on by the Slovak Review and the Slovak Digest quarterlies. Moreover, President Jurcak has published his book The Slovaks-Their History and Traditions, which is doing good work in behalf of the Slovak nation by a concise review of the history of Slovakia. Slovak music is perhaps the best means to reach the young generation. In this field the Slovak League plans a score of concerts by Slovak artists. At the suggestion of Msgr. Dubosh, the Slovak League �SLOVAKIA 93 is inaugurating a National Fund campaign to which every American Slovak is asked to contribute at least a quarter a year. During its struggle the past several years, the Slovak League administration discovered that finances are essential to carry on effective work for realizing high ideals. Perhaps the most urgent task at the present is the publication of books and periodicals about the Slovak nation in the English language . Mrs. Julia Krajcovic, the president of the Slovak League's ladies auxiliary, continues to inspire greater efforts in behalf of an extensive social and charitable program to help war-torn Slovakia as well as to provide necessary funds and help to Slovak emigrants who were forced to escape to the west. Under her dynamic leadership the Slovak 'Vcielky' - bees have accomplished an incredible amount of good work by providing for immediate needs of food, shelter and clothing for the people of Slovakia and for those who had to leave their homeland to save their very lives. Truly, the 'Vcielky' have shown themselves to be loving mothers by their dedication and devotion to their Slovak children in need. The Program approaches its zenith As we follow the ideological development of the Slovak League of America, from the year of its founding, 1907, to the present, we note that it passed through several phases that ran concurrently with the evolution of the idea of Slovak independent statehood. Three cities and a trio of Slovak League Congresses are historic milestones in the gradual development of an idea and an Ideal: Slovak national freedom. They are : Cleveland, Pittsburgh and Detroit where nation-wide Congresses of American Slovak representatives took progressive strides towards the fulfilment of the Slovak ideal of political liberty. We are justified in declaring that the struggle of all Slovak generations has been the fight for a Slovak state as the highest fulfillment of the aspirations of an entire nation, namely, the achievement of national freedom . This idea was not born on March 14, 1939. It merely became a reality on that memorable day. It had first sprung to life �94 SLOVAKIA in Svatopluk's time in the 9th century, came back to life as an ideal in the era of Bernolak. Holly, stur and Hurban, during the early 19th century, was again very much alive during the struggle led by Andrej Hlinka before and during the era of the Czecho-Slovak Republic of World War I vintage, until the idea came ultimately to full maturity on March 14, 1939, with the founding of the Slovak Republic. Ideologically, the aim of the Slovak League was always in this direction because it invariably and reliably reflected the degree of Slovak aspirations for self-government in Slovakia itself. As a happy coincidence and consequence the Slovak League of America never presented a false image of the Slovak nation. Despite the temporary set-back inflicted on the Slovak League by Dr. Benes's false propagandists, the fact that the Slovak League stood firm in defense of the Slovak nation's rights to freedom and selfgoverning statehood only confirms the amazing similarity of objectives of the Slovak nation and its great champion overseas, the Slovak League of America. There never has been, therefore, any major divergence of views or objectives between the two. Detroit (Michigan) was host to the 28th Congress of the Slovak League on October 29, 1946. It proved to be a dramatic convention. All the cards were placed on the table at this historic Detroit Congress. Dr. Benes who had promised to make Czecho-Slovakia an island of democracy had just announced that he had placed the reorganized state into the hands of Moscow, and thereby surrendered central Europe to Communism. International developments reached a crisis soon so that there was an immediate cleavage between the East and West. Dr. Benes chose the East with communism and Soviet dictatorship that seized complete control of all countries under various pretexts in the Russian orbit. The Iron Curtain was about to come down and divide Europe into two hostile camps. In direct opposition to Dr. Benes, the Slovak League made its momentous decision. Moreover, the Slovak nation, too, in the May elections of 1946 cast more than a % democratic majority vote while the communist party in �SLOVAKIA 95 Slovakia garnered considerably less than a third of the total vote in the country . Slovak statehood as the most responsible form of political organization had been cherished for ages by the Slovak nation. In modern times this ideal was upheld admirably by the Slovak League of America. At its 26th Congress in Detroit, the Slovak League unanimously adopted a declaration favoring independent statehood for the Slovaks in their historic homeland ( since the 5th century A.D . the Slovaks have lived in their present country ). Dr. Peter Hletko, M.D. headed the special committee that had drawn up this declaration: "The Committee of the future program has taken into consideration the whole world situation, and in relationship to it the present status of the Slovak nation's aspirations to liberty; also the mind of the American Slovaks. After much deliberation and discussion, therefore, this committee submits the following program with confidence that its ideas and proposals will win approval and adoption at this Congress so that all of the supreme officers, the various local officials and all the assemblies of the Slovak League throughout America will accept this program as its very own. "The proposed program for the future destiny of the Slovaks is designed to coordinate all of our efforts so that by unified action we can reach our common goal that will be of immense value to the Slovaks in their home country and to the American Slovaks, too. "Our stand in the Slovak League of America, therefore, requires that we clarify our policies on a number of issues. Consequently, we propose to express precisely what position we take in relationship to the following : The Czecho-Slovak R epublic " So far, the Slovak League of America never maintained a hostile attitude towards the Czecho-Slovak Republic. We admit we criticized the government and the representatives of that country, and we came to the aid of the Slovak nation in its struggle for a recognition of its just rights, and we condemned the injustices perpetrated on the Slovak people, but we never advocated nor took any �ga SLOVAKIA steps to destroy the Republic of Czecho-Slovakia even when our detractors labelled us unjustly as the destroyers of this state. "Not even after the Slovaks established their own state six months before World War II, nor during the entire conflict when Czechoslovak adherents were busily planning to reconstruct Czecho-Slovakia, did the Slovak League in America declare itself in opposition to a renewal of that country, but it unequivocally maintained the right of selfdetermination for the Slovak nation and it openly fought for this right to be exercised by the Slovaks freely to determine what type of self-government they wished and what form of state administration they wanted as the will of the majority of the Slovak people. "We often repeated our views that if the Slovaks were granted the opportunity to express their will freely as to what form of government they wished to have, or what type of state or federation they preferred, and even if they should choose Czecho-Slovakia all over again, we said that we would be completely _satisfied and would not disagree or opposE: their choice. We insisted, however, and fought for the right of the Slovak nation during World War II that once Europe and the world would be reorganized after the conflict the Slovaks must be guaranteed a free vote, subject to no pressure, violence or force - in a word, complete freedom to express their own national will . "In spite of every assurance by the great powers, however, and contrary to various world declarations, by which all nations, particularly the small ones, were given high hopes of liberation, freedom and independence, and despite the Atlantic Charter which won the trust of all the small nations but which was discarded once the objectives for which it was proclaimed were secure, and in spite of all the promises for free expression and choice of the future destiny of the Slovaks, f:.bsolutely no opportunity was given to the Slovak nation for making a free choice at all. "Simply and definitely once more the Slovaks were thrown back into the Benes's pre-fabricated structure, namely, the postwar Czecho-Slovak Republic. It was explained that this was necessary in order to re-establish the pre- �SLOVAKIA 97 Munich status quo but this was sheer deceit, for the restoration of the pre-Munich status quo was only done whenever and wherever it was to the advantage of a number of world-powers, if it was not to their advantage, there was simply no restoration at all. "Neither the so-called national revolt, nor the Kosice agreement were manifestations of the Slovak nation's will, and therefore there was no obligation on the part of the Slovaks to return to Czecho-Slovakia. No one asked the Slovaks their preference - all at once they found themselves back in the old, slightly-mended Czecho-Slovakia. "As we have noted on the very first occasion that the Slovaks had to manifest their will and they did so by an overwhelming majority of more than two-thirds against communism but this was not counted in any way-and the Slovak nation was retained as an oppressed nation under communist rule . . . and has remained under communist dictatorship since 1946. "Nevertheless, the Slovaks were not granted a choice to vote on the issue if they wanted to remain in the old Czecho-Slovak Republic or not. They were forced to accept the fait accompli situation with the Czechs again in power. This injustice is all the greater since we know and are firmly convinced that the Slovak nation been given an opportunity of free choice, it certainly would have voted overwhelmingly against being re-attached to Benes's postwar creation, Czecho-Slovakia III. "Apparently the Slovaks have a semblance of autonomy in postwar Czecho-Slovakia but this does not alter the fact that they were denied their freedom of choice. Moreover, the Republic is officially named Czechoslovakia and continues to be written without the controversial hyphen (it should be Czecho-Slovakia). As it is now, this jndicates that the new government is still imbued with the spirit of the false and artificial identity of a Czechoslovak nation. A return to the 'old sins' presages a gradual taking away of self-government from the Slovaks because Benes has reiterated his belief that the Slovaks must not be permitted to have 'wild dreams of self-rule.' "Czech centralism still rules, for Slovak administration is subject to Praha. For these, and other reasons not �98 SLOVAKIA mentioned, we are forced to come to the conclusion that inevitably we must restrain our tolerant policy and favorable attitude to the Czecho-Slovak state by abandoning what we American Slovaks for so many years held as proper and hopeful for the future. The present demands another policy, hence, we stand in opposition to the new, illegal Czecho-Slovakia and we now emphasize the fact that the Slovaks were wronged as a nation. We intend to inform the great powers and the whole world of this grave injustice because the Slovaks were forced into the postwar Czecho-Slovak Republic. " As free American Slovaks we further protest that the Slovak nation is held in political bondage in a state that leans away from western democracy and is helping to create an anti-democratic bloc while the Slovaks are truly democratic-minded as they surely indicated by the recent vote that left no doubt of their resistance to communist influence and infiltration from the East. The Slovak State "Many good and sound reasons would prompt the Slovaks to vote against re-attaching Slovakia to the newlyre-created Czecho-Slovakia, and that by a vast majority of votes against re-union, for while the Slovaks were discriminated against in pre-war Czecho-Slovakia, the same is true today. "Under their own regime in their own Slovak Republic the Slovaks were happy and prosperous, they worked and progressed economically, politically, culturally, they built, created and developed a new life of their own. Never before were the Slovaks so content with their lot. This good fortune not even the enemies of the Slovak State can deny . The record of the Slovak Republic speaks for itself. "World conditions in wartime brought temporary prosperity not only to America but to other countries, too. Nevertheless, prosperity for the Slovak state, though necessarily stimulated by the war, had as its permanent basis the industry, ingenuity and inspiration of the Slovak nation that was vitally interested in its destiny. The Slovak people cooperated splendidly and enthusiastically in the building of their own self-governing state. �SLOVAKIA 99 "Dependence, to some extent, upon its powerful neighbor, Germany, was a natural relationship, for small nations always depend upon strong nations in time of peace or war. Here it must be noted, however, that neither England, the U.S. nor the USSR were of any assistance to the Slovak Republic . "Every small state seeks protection and security wherever it can. The Slovak state needed protection for national survival. Yet, it must be affirmed that the Slovak Republic was not a gift to the Slovaks from either the Germans or their leader, Hitler. Further, the Slovak state was not a German creation. On the contrary, the Slovaks had to defend their country against German machinations, and intrigues of other nations. The Slovak Republic was truly the result of the aspirations of the Slovak nation for freedom and their own state. A free state is the zenith and fulfillment of the highest and noblest ideals of every nation. "A return to limited rights, or a surrender of all rights of the Slovak nation by the involuntary incorporation of the Slovak people in the Czecho-Slovak Republic, is a step backwards and definitely contrary to sttir's motto: 'We cannot go backward - We must go forward.' "Our duty is to inform and influence the world in this direction, namely, the renewal of a free Slovak Republic, the existence of which is at the same time the obligation of all the nations of the world . "Unconditionally, the Slovak League of America urges the great powers to re-establish the Slovak Republic because in it the Slovak nation found its true destiny, enjoyed peace, prosperity and freedom, and made unpresedented progress in every phase of its national culture. The Slovak League and Dr. Tiso "Dr. Jozef Tiso, president of the Slovak Republic, had the welfare of the Slovak nation at heart. Not even his enemies can deny that he was sincere in his efforts to insure the national well-being of the Slovak people in their own, free and independent state. While many others fled to safety after resigning high positions, Dr. Tiso remained in his country to serve it in a grave crisis. To minimize �100 SLOVAKIA his virtues and magnify his faults, mistakes, methods, policies etc., is easy, but it will not change the facts that despite his real or imaginary administrative deficiencies he not only succeeded in saving the Slovak nation from destruction but supervised the Slovak state so admirably that the people in Slovakia enjoyed peace, prosperity and great cultural and economic progress. "Nobody can erase the true image of Dr. Tiso as a kind, just and wise president of the Slovak Republic. The Slovak nation reveres his memory today despite the attempts of the enemy to destroy that image by false propaganda spread throughout the world. We are horrified at the malice of our enemies who seek to brand President Tiso as a traitor to his Slovak nation and as such are planning to try him in a court-of-law ... the impending trial, of course, to be supervised by his enemies and the enemies of the Slovak nation. "To defend Dr. Tiso is our most solemn duty. We must arouse world opinion in his favor to offset the slanderous campaign against him. It is quite obvious that the efforts to discredit his good name is done with a vengeance, and H our enemies succeed in unjustly dishonoring him they will wreak their utmost revenge upon him. And it would be a great crime of gross injustice against a just man and the Slovak nation. "Dr. Tiso is not a war criminal. He did not torture anyone, he did not execute one person, or give orders to execute anyone. Father Tiso did not commit any crime. He was the great defender and benefactor of his country which he served with distinction and honor. The Slovak National Council "Much has been written and discussed about the socalled Slovak national council. Our position towards this organization remains unchanged. We still regard it as an agency that has usurped power and authority because it was not elected or authorized by the Slovaks, nor approved de facto by the Slovak nation, and consequently in a democratic system it is not a legal body and has no legal standing or jurisdiction. �SLOVAKIA 101 The Slovak Liberation Committee "Against no one who wishes to work conscientiously for the liberation of the Slovak nation does the Slovak League of America have any arguments. In fact it welcomes any positive action. However, to achieve success there is need for a common united front - not a faction or several factions. "Assumption of definite rights and obligations is the prerogative of the Slovak League of America because it is recognized as the highest cultural-political organization of American Slovaks, and as such it wants to retain this preeminent position and prestige by the pursuit of a prudent policy and by its charitable activities . Therefore, if anyone desires to participate in a national program involving the Slovak League must, necessarily coordinate his efforts with the program of the Slovak League. He must never misuse the name of the League, nor use the name prematurely without being properly authorized to do so. "Our organization has experienced many crises but has ultimately taken the proper stand on many intricate problems and questions mainly because it has acted discretely, carefully, and always adopted a course of action only after a thorough study of all the problems involved. It has refrained from following the opinion of this or that 5ndividual and hence has avoided being influenced by the enthusiasm of individuals, often admirable, but too often erroneous. "We do not condemn the Slovak Action Committee, nor do we suspect its aims, but because this committee has committed a number of errors of judgment and because its program does not assure us of the successful liberation of the Slovak nation at this time, and finally, because as yet we have not come to any agreement with its spokesmen, the Slovak League of America maintains its friendly attitude but continues its traditional policy of watchful waiting towards this committee. "Never has the Slovak League in America lost out in much more serious affairs by 'watchful waiting,' and we believe it will not lose anything by keeping this policy. Be it noted well, that the use of sharp and bitter phrases �l.02 SLOVAKIA against Slovak leaders in America or Europe, or the general attitude, which gives the impression that the Slovak Action Committee wants to by-pass, ignore or sabotage the action of the Slovak League of America, certainly does not constitute the best means of winning the friendship, confidence or cooperation of the League . "We are well informed that the Slovak Action Committee must come to friendly terms with other prominent persons in Europe who have the best interests of the Slovak nation at heart. These must not exclude each other by mutual disagreement or refusal to arrive at mutual understanding. "Until that time when all the responsible Slovak leaders meet and agree on a common program in behalf of the Slovak nation's fight for freedom and welfare, the Slovak League cannot give an unqualified endorsement to the Slovak Action Committee. What is far more important in this case is that the American government will not sanction our formal union with the activity of the Slovak Action Committee. The Three 'Isms "Against the trio of the present three 'isms: nazism, fascism, and communism, the Slovak League has gone on record long ago. The first two are vanquished. We, too, helped to crush them. But our stand against the third one, namely, communism, has not changed. We will not stop fighting until this one, too, is completely destroyed. "American public opinion is subject to various changes but we remain unchanged and unmoved in our position to communism. It is necessary to do everything possible in opposition to it because the sooner we get rid of this 'ism the sooner will Slovakia be liberated and the less will America suffer from its intrigues, plots and machinations. "Communism today has a death-grip on Slovakia, and the Slovaks are helpless. If it were not for this alien power, the Slovak nation would easily dispose of Benes, the Czechoslovaks and the Czech imperialists. And communist bayonets which escorted Benes to power in Praha keep the Slovaks imprisoned in their own country while they �SLOVAKIA 103 keep Benes in his position as head of the post-war Czechoslovak satellite of the Soviet Union. "As loyal Americans, as true Slovaks, and as Christians, too, it is our sacred duty to fight communism no matter where it appears, except perhaps in Moscow, if they want it there let them keep it there." When at one of its very first sessions, Vice-President Pavol Jamriska, presiding chairman, gave a brief review of the above declaration and the position taken by the Slovak League of America, there was a spontaneous outburst of applause The vote was unanimously in approval and all the subsequent sessions were conducted in this spirit. Everyone present sensed the importance of this momentous decision and when Dr . Peter P. Hletko finished reading the detailed program of the Slovak League the approval was unanimous. The Canadian Slovak League, which was holding its convention simultaneously, adopted the American Slovak League's resolution and proclamation. Embattled in their homeland, the Slovaks have found a true champion in the Slovak League of America which once again supports their noble cause of political liberty, cultural freedom, economic opportunity and, in our day, the added sacred cause of religious freedom. These foregoing facts are merely segments from many pages of the illustrious history of the Slovak League. Its history will undoubtedly some day be enshrined as a glorious chapter in the history of the Slovak nation. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA heartily commends all efforts of our governmental and other organs to ferret out and unmask all Communists and fellow travellers, as well as all persons and organizations who wittingly or unwittingly give aid and comfort to the conspiracy of Communism promoted by the Soviet Union. � SLOVAKIA 63 SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA AND INDEPENDENT SLOVAKIA By Mikulds Sprinc On October 6, 1938, when the Slovaks attained autonomy and the Pittsburgh Agreement was incorporated into the Constitution of Czecho-Slovakia, the Slovak League in America had a great and unquestioned share in the great event. In the days that followed there was an outburst of fresh enthusiasm. The Slovaks were beginning to build their own new national home on the pattern of the Pittsburgh Agreement. Slovakia fully appreciated the support which had been given the country by the Slovak League in America for the attainment of its self-government. The Slovak nation immediately wanted to know about the life of the American Slovaks because a mutual affection and friendship develops through knowledge and understanding. Konstantin Culen, a dynamic writer and ace newspaperman, was sent by Karol Sidor and the Slovak autonomous government to the U.S. His chief role was to establish closer cultural ties with the American Slovaks and to write a history of the Slovaks in America, - and as a secondary purpose, to act as a life-line between the Slovaks in their homeland and their fellow countrymen overseas; also, to maintain communication between the American Slovak organizations and the Slovaks at home. What the attitude of the Slovak League was towards the new form of Slovak national life in the old country was at this time we readily deduce from the special meeting of the executive committee of the Slovak League on March 2-3, 1939, in Pittsburgh, Pa. We read the following minutes : "President Rusek warmly welcomed the distinguished guest, Konstantin Culen, from Slovakia. The Slovak emissary thanked him sincerely and in his brief response expressed his feelings and extended the greetings of the Slovak government and parliament to all the American Slovaks. The applause was spontaneous and enthusiastic." In another section of the above minutes of the same �64 SLOVAKIA meeting, culen's impressions of the public reaction in Slovakia to the first session of the Slovak parliament in Bratislava are recorded as follows: "We were indeed sorry that there were no American Slovaks present at the opening session of the first Slovak parliament in history. The places reserved for you were vacant. But since you were absent from this historic session, I feel sure you will be represented at the next session, the second one, at which the Slovak parliament will discuss the Constitution. You must come, and others, too, from all over America." How vitally interested. the Slovak League of America was in the matter of Slovak autonomy in 1939 is evident from the same special executive meeting, for a nominating committee was named to select a delegation to visit Slovakia. This committee immediately chose the following: Ivan Bielek, J . A. Kocur, Jozef Rusek, Mrs. Gabriela Vavrek r.nd Dr. Peter P . Hletko, alternates were P . Jamriska, Rev. Klemo Hrtanek. Rev. Florian Billy, Andrej Suroviak and Michal Sincak. Jozef Rusek, the president, was designated to head the special delegation, which received unanimous approval. It was decided at the meeting that the Slovak League delegation should take the original Pittsburgh Agreement document and present it to the Slovak nation 'with due ceremonies' - and added remark in the minutes. The executive committee of the Slovak League made this decision on the basis of the previous Congress of the Slovak League which had approved the proposal to surrender the original draft of the Pittsburgh Agreement, a precious historical document, and present it officially to the Slovak parliament as soon as the political requirements guaranteed to the Slovak nation were fulfilled and carried out as outlined .3pecifically in the pact. A fund raising campaign to help Slovakia was organized, which again shows the enthusiastic support in behalf of the freedom of Slovakia by the Slovak League of America. This received the unanimous approval of all present because they realized how important it was to lend a helping hand at this particular time of the Slovak nation's history. Practically everybody pledged his aid. Mr. Kridlo res- �SLOVAKIA 65 ponded first. His organization ( the Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union) voted $150 and promised to contact all of its branches for donations. Virostek, Jamriska, Dlhos, Salva and Kostolnik spoke approvingly - Kostolnik presented a check from the Federation of Slovak Societies in Detroit and later sent in the sum of $270 which he had personally collected for aid to Slovakia. Good will and generosity were in evidence everywhere for this good and worthy cause. The Slovak League records show the magnanimity of our people on this occasion. One feels anew the spirit of the times of Furdek and the first campaign of the American Slovaks during World War I. It is no wonder that the Slovak League rejoiced, for this was the first time since the fall of its kingdom of Moravia (at the beginning· of the 10th century) that the Slovaks had their own national parliament and were assured self-government. The Slovak State and the Slovak League of America Slovakia's struggle of two decades ended on a triumphant note of victory and the Slovak League had had a major share in the winning of national autonomy. But Divine Providence decreed that the Slovak nation should have not only self-government but an independent Slovak state. From October, 1938, to March, 1939, the Slovak spirit of national pride reached its highest point of development and it became increasingly clear that Slovakia was ripe not only for autonomy but for a complete, self-governing state. Meantime, Slovakia was ridding itself of Czechs whom the Slovak autonomous government sent home to Prague. Treaty-breaking Czechs who bitterly assailed the emergence of a new Slovakia and plotted to take autonomy away from the Slovak nation by force of arms, even though the Constitution of the Czecho-Slovak Republic solemnly guaranteed it. Under the heavy pressure of the European political situation and subject to aggression by Germany, the Republic of Czecho-Slovakia fell apart at the seams. At the same time the Slovaks who were united under their own . national parliament and government in Bratislava �65 SLOVAKIA cheered the unanimous decision of the parliament to declare the Slovak nation's independence and the establishment of an independent Slovak state, the Slovak Republic on March 14, 1939. These events in the history of the Slovak nation are m omentous and unforgettable. No one pressurized the Slovak parliament on March 14, 1939, to its unanimous declaration to organize its own, free self-governing and sovereign state. If the idea of Slovak statehood had not been ripe, and if the legally constituted body of Slovak representatives had not grasped that this was the final phase of the Slovak struggle for self-government, if they had not realized that their unanimous vote for independence was in harmony with the will of the vast majority of the Slovak people, they would have timidly surrendered to the tragic circumstances of having their country torn asunder by neighbors who had never been true friends but covetous foes of the 8.lovak nation. Fully conscious of their opportunity, responsibility and dangers ahead, they decided to go forward as a free nation towards its destiny. Germany's hand of friendship was extended, it had not been solicited, but now that it was given, it was accepted because a refusal would have not only been inexpedient but perhaps suicidal in view of the political tension of the times. No one can justly blame the Slovaks for the acceptance cf German support. They could not know in advance that in the future their self-proclaimed champion would become barbaric and inhumane, nor could they foresee future developments when actually on March 14, 1939, the Germans solemnly announced that they had no territorial demands other than the Sudeten lands . From every angle the Slovak state was to become in reality what the Slovak nation dreamed about and fought ior through the centuries, namely, the highest development of a nation's genius as the result of the embodiment of Slovak rights to freedom and independent progress, a renewal of the glorious and triumphant tradition of Slovak princes and rulers, the fulfillment of the aspirations of all Slovak generations, the actualization of the right to �SLOVAKIA 67 regulate their own affairs by themselves, and for themselves, and for their own Slovak welfare and happiness in building and maintaining their own free, national state. This was their golden destiny. At no time had the renaissance of the Slovak national spirit soared to such heights of glory as during the Slovak Republic. Never before had the country's administration been in the hands of native Slovaks and never before had the Slovaks worked so hard and so willingly, or paid their taxes so readily as then. Slovak lands for the first time in history produced everything in abundance for the benefit of the Slovaks who finally ruled and governed themselves, and were masters of their national destiny. As nothing but destruction and ruin met the eye beyond the borders of the Slovak Republic, Slovakia enjoyed a period of phenomenal growth and prosperity. The Slovaks gave their Republic a democratic Constitution while totalitarianism and dictatorship surrounded them on every side. Slovak statesmen constructed their political edifice on the foundations of God's law and providence at a time when everywhere in Europe Christian morality was being almost universally supplanted by the savage cult of force and a new pagan philosophy. Archbishop Karol Kmet'ko recalled the universal acclamation that had greeted the founding of the Slovak Republic and he spoke of the Slovak state openly at the procommunistic trial held in Bratislava after the war. His testimony clearly indicates that the declaration of Slovak independence on March 14, 1939, was the occasion for a spontaneous celebration throughout Slovakia. Catholics and Protestants rejoiced alike . Every true Slovak was genuinely pleased and happy at the turn of events that brought the Slovak nation its own free, independent state. Moreover, he began to appreciate more and more the many opportunities to develop his native talents for his individual welfare, as well as for the benefit of his own country. For too long he had been denied these opportunities because of alien rule. Slovak League archives contain the following text of a letter from a Protestant school inspector in Slovakia: �68 SLOVAKIA It was adressed to Jozef Rusek, President, Slovak League of America, Pittsburgh, Pa. The text of the letter: Teachers of the Slovak school inspectors' committee in Trencin who have taken the oath of loyalty to the Slovak state, gratefully recall your vigorous fight for the recognition of the independence of our Slovak nation. In this free Slovak state we will work with might and main, God helping us, for the spiritual and material welfare of our nation and state. We respectfully request your aid, Mr. President, so that we may succeed in our common endeavor. With the approval of the teachers I send you sincere greetings from the 'old country.' With sentiments of profound esteem, Na straz! - On Guard, Michal Balafovic, School Inspector in Trencin, Slovakia This is only one of many expressions of hope, confidence and joy that greeted the founding of the free, Slovak state, and as usual, was accompanied by a message of gratitude addressed to the Slovak League of America. Not even for a moment did the Slovak League hesitate to take its proper stand on the question of the newly-created Slovak state. Accordingly, at an executive meeting on May l 2, 1939, in Pittsburgh, Pa., the officers formulated the official reaction on the basis of the recommendations made by the president, Jozef Rusek, namely: 1) Establish a special committee to draw up a Memorandum to 1e addressed to the governments of the U.S., Britain and France in the interests of and for the recognition of the Slovak state, a revision of the boundaries, and a provision to guarantee the cultural rights of 700,000 Slovaks residing inside Hungary. 2) Designate a reporter from the Slovak League and dispatch him to Slovakia to determine the situation there and investigate the exact conditions under which the Slovaks decided to terminate their alliance with the Czechs. After discussing the matter, the members at the meeting agreed to authorize the Slovak League executive officers: 1) To name the necessary committees. 2) To establish an information bureau in Washington, D.C. in order to counteract false , deceitful and slanted anti-Slovak news in the American press and furnish the American press instead with information founded on facts and the truth. 3) To edit English memoranda and pamphlets in the int.erest of the Slovak nati.on and its officially constituted �SLOVAKIA 69 free state, the Slovak Republic. 4) To take the necessary steps for a hearing in the State Department in the nation's capital in order to obtair, U.S. recognition of the Slovak Republic. All these fo:re-going resolutions are duly registered and taken verbatim from the minutes of the above meeting of the Slovak League's executive committee, May 12, 1939. They prove that the Slovak League gave prompt approval to the Slovak state. and, as always, sought to lend a helping hand by seeking to obtain the diplomatic and official recognition of the Slovak state by the United States government in Washington, D.C. On the otherhand, the Slovak state was not un-mindful of the Slovak League of America. The first president of the Slovak Republic sent a greeting by cablegram addressed directly to the 22nd Congress of the Slovak League, in the city of Cleveland, Ohio. The minutes of the Congress refer to this as follows: The president announced that Dr. Jozef Tiso, the president of the Slovak Republic, sent his greetings to the Congress and he asked Dr. Peter Hletko, honorary president of the Slovak League, to read the message. Whereupon, Dr. Hletko read the cablegram informing the American Slovaks of the warmth and loyalty prevailing everywhere throughout the country to the new Slovak state. The message also indicated the immediate necessity of defending the young Republic against enemy aggression and the happy outcome of events in perilous and challenging times. Moreover, there was a note of assurance anct hope for the future destiny of the Slovak nation. Prolonged applause followed the reading of the cablegram from President Tiso. This Congress of the Slovak League in Cleveland directed the administration of the League to reply with a cablegram to Dr. Jozef Tiso, the first president of the Slovak Republic. (Minutes of the 22nd Congress of the Slovak League of America, Cleveland, Ohio, May 12-14, 1939). Czechoslovakia on the Horizon While the Slovaks in their free Slovak Republic rolled up their sleeves and went to work in full strength to build their Slovak state, and while the Slovak League took the first step to secure recognition for the newly-formed Slovak Republic by the government of the United States, the defeated, cowardly ex-president of the Czecho-Slovak Re- �70 SLOVAKIA public, Dr. Benes, appeared on the scene here with his entire entourage. History repeats itself - as in World War I his gaze was directed again towards the American Slovaks who de facto had set up the Czecho-Slovak Republic financially, so now Dr. Benes sought the sympathy and support of the Slovak League of America. He did not approach the League personally but sent his faithful servant, Dr. Juraj Slavik. Dr. Slavik therefore, appeared on May 12, 1939, at the Slovak League executive meeting in Pittsburgh, Pa. Dr. Slavik's visit is described in the minutes of the meeting as follows: Then President Josef Husek introduced Dr. Slavik, former minister in the Czecho-Slovak Republic, and requested him to state the nature of his mission. The guest speaker extended his greetings and then proceeded to explain what had happened in Slovakia, especially how the Slovak state had been created, how much of his property had been confiscated by the Slovak government, and his reasons for cooperation with Dr. Benes for the re-establishment of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. He further stated that it was Professor Tuka, Sano Mach, chief of propaganda, Karol Murgas, head of he Hlinka Guards (Militia) , and Dr. Ferdinand !>urcansky who were the instigators of a plot that enabled Hitler to destroy the Czecho-Slovak Republic. He referred to Sidor, a member of parliament, and declared that Sidor had been opposed to Slovak independence and for that reason the Hlinka party dismissed him from the Slovak government. Mr. Husek interrupted the Benes emissary and gave him a letter from Sidor who explained the events in an entirely different vein ; and even his account of why he was dropped from the formation of the new Slovak government differed substantially from Slavik's report. Reaction to Sidor's letter was simply a smile on Slavik's face when he returned the letter to Husek without comment. Various questions touching on discrimination, persecution and imprisonments to which loyal Slovaks were subjected at the hands of the central regime in Prague were directed at the visitor. Whereupon, Slavik made only feeble attempts to exonerate his Czechoslovak and Czech colleagues - and these, of course, were all in vain. His hearers remained unimpressed. Dr. Slavik's sweet talk did not win the Slovak League because now as never before it stood solidly behind the idea and reality of the free Slovak state. The official reply was clear as implied in the recommendation at the meeting: "To draw up a resolution that would concisely and clearly express the Slovak League's reasons to oppose Dr. Eduard Benes's program and leadership which were designed for the renewal of the old Czecho-Slovakia." �SLOVAKIA 71 That was a genuinely Slovak reply of the Slovak League. Dr. Slavik's visit was merely the first of several attempts to derail the Slovak League so that the people, led by Dr. Benes, might once more get the League into their clutches. Although the Slovak League remained firm, Benes did not cease his machinatio ns. Rocky Path for the Slovak League of America In the interim, the most dreadful of wars had spread throughou t Europe. All communic ations between Slovakia and the Slovak League of America was suddenly cut off. Against its will Slovakia was dragged into the conflict. As the bitter aftermath of Dr. Benes's failure to lure the Slovak League into a position of unqualified support of the Czechoslov ak camp against the Slovak state, the Czechoslovak governmen t-in-exile simply began a campaign of revenge against the League. A nationwide Czechoslov ak apparatus hit the Slovak League with a ferocious propagand a barrage. It was the intention of Benes to destroy the League by discreditin g it in Washingto n in a vicious smear campaign that sought to put the stamp of nazism on the organizatio n, labeling the Slovak League maliciously as a loyal Hitler ally, and therefore, an enemy of the U.S. and the United Nations . Against this web of lies circulated by the Czechoslov ak propagand a agency here against the Slovak League, naturally, the latter had great difficulties in meeting charges that were made arbitrarily but which could not be adequately answered because the Slovak League lacked necessary informatio n from Slovakia to refute the malicious propagand a. With no communic ation because of the war, it seemed that the Slovak League was completely at the mercy of the merciless foes of Slovak freedom who attempted to cut the vital roots of the organizatio n and destroy it forever . In fact, matters went so far that officers in the Slovak League were subjected to federal investigation on charges of being dangerous to the national interests of the U.S. as subversive elements. The Czechs had their allies in Washingto n and they were not particular about the methods and means to be used to attain their mad objective of destroying the Slovak League. �72 SLOVAKIA This was an unequal and bitterly fought contest. Benes and his informants were the sources of information of the highest military propaganda bureaus in Washington. Jozef Rusek as president of the Slovak League had presented a Memorandum in Washington, D.C. asking for U.S. recognition of the Slovak state. It was ignored. Meanwhile, reports (false) were circulated that Slovakia got involved in the war by declaring hostilities on the U.S. There was no way for the Slovak League to verify or deny these reports . . the line of communication with Slovakia was closed tightly. If the Slovak League, in 1943, had only known one salient fact , namely, that the so-called war-declaration on the U.S. was not a legally declared state of war because neither the Slovak parliament nor President Tiso had given their assent to such a grave act, and that in actuality the reported 'state of war' between Slovakia and this country was an illegal proclamation of one man, Dr. Vojtech Tuka, who. without any authority what-so-ever simply declared war on the U.S. Extreme determination to destroy the Slovak Republic motivated Dr. Benes in his policy. Consequently, this declaration of war was utilized to the utmost in distorted form by the resigned second president of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. It served Benes well to emphasize this status of an 'official act of hostility' presumably on the part of the Slovak nation, which actually was against such n declaration, as was the Slovak government with its parliament and President Tiso . Indisputably, on the face of it, without explaining the circumstances of the reported declaration of war on the U.S. by Slovakia, this was a great opportunity for Dr . Benes to exploit the occasion and he did, to the hilt. His intrigues for the despicable objective of the destruction of the Slovak nation's own free state knew no bounds. Monsignor Francis Dubosh, wartime president of the Slovak League of America, was shouldered with the heavy responsibility of defending the organization against · vilification by its enemies. Slovak League archives of 1943 contain a complete record of correspondence between Msgr. Dubosh and the OWI (Office of War Information). �SLOVAKIA 73 Faced by an endless series of barefaced lies that poured into Washington from the sworn foes of Slovak freed.om, the Slovak League stood fast in its defense of the truth and freedom for Slovakia. Moreover, there was nothing to hide, for the Slovak League membership, its president and executive officers were men of personal integrity and loyal citizens of the United States. They met the challenge without flinching and withstood the test with courage and dignity. Some timid souls, it is unfortunately true, became terrorized by this vicious attack of the enemy but the leadership of such stalwart men as Monsignor Dubosh rallied the faithful under the unsullied banner of the Slovak League of America. In the end they prevailed in the fight for Slovak freedom , self-government and free statehood. Now that they sensed the type of opposition they had to contend with, they became determined to maintain the struggle until final victory over the evil forces arrayed against the gallant men they were associated with in the Slovak League . Many resolutions and statements on behalf of the Slovak nation were formulated and proclaimed by the Slovak League despite the bitter attacks levelled against its daring leaders and resolute program. Dr. Benes and his paid propagandists spent several million dollars but all their fiery and venomous darts failed to pierce the stout armor of the American Slovak champion who defended the great citadel of freedom for Slovakia, namely, the Slovak League of America. Though under tremendous tension and pressure in this struggle, the Slovak League did not falter. Its leaders addressed new resolutions that reached the highest government circles in Washington. The historic 'Memorandum', which was entitled, "The Slovaks and their Rights to Nationhood", was sent directly to President Franklin D. Roosevelt. Signed by Msgr. Dubosh and Jan A. Kocur, this wartime document was a review of the struggle of the Slovaks through the centuries for their national freedom and their right to determine their own national destiny on the fundamental democratic principle and tradition of self-determination. �74 SLOVAKIA Whether the Slovaks should have their own independent state, or whether they should belong to the CzechoSlovak Republic, the Slovak League, being deprived of factual news from Slovakia, did not presume to be a competent judge - and hence, it merely wished to re-emphasize President Roosevelt's proclamation and democratic creed that "every nation, no matter how small, has the inherent right to its own nationhood." American statesmen are formally addressed in the prophetic and fearless appeal which deals fundamentally with the Slovak problem: We Americans of Slovak ancestry who make sacrifices and fight side by side with other nations, and have dedicated our lives to the cause of freedom, appeal to our leaders in this momentous struggle and ask them especially to have the destiny of Slovakia in mind lest the foes of Slovak rights to freedom and nationhood deceive them in an unguarded moment, we further respectfully request them to bear in mind the sacred right of the Slovak nation to its own national selfgoverning state, which, as a matter of history, the Slovak nation established after many centuries of struggle against oppression and tyranny; and finally, we ask that liberty, self-determination and the means to a democratic way of life be guaranteed to the Slovaks in the same full measure as will be guaranteed all other nations in the world. This memorable document explains quite extensively 2nd manifestly Czech treacheries aimed against the Slovaks and takes a firm, uncompromising stand against Dr. Benes and his Slovak and Czechoslovak janizaries. It remains a historic testimony that not all Slovak emigrants were on the side of Dr. Benes. The examples of Dr. Osusky and Dr. Hodfa are cited because their political programs coincided essentially with the articles of the Pittsburgh Agreement (Pact) . Remarkable in many respects, but especially amazing is the fact that the Slovak League's life and death struggle was carried on despite an empty treasury against the millions of dollars expended by Benes and his anti-Slovak confederates! Dr. Milan Hodza and the Slovak League of America Dr. Milan Hodfa was invited to be a guest speaker at the 25th Congress of the Slovak League of America. Hodfa, an emigrant political leader from Slovakia, ex- �SLOVAKIA 75 pressed his regrets but sent in an extensive letter or message dated April 9, 1943, and addressed to Msgr. Dubosh, President, in which he explains, in detail, his stand on the Slovak problem and outlines his suggestions and proposals to the Slovak League which was involved vitally in the struggle for Slovakia's rights to national freedom and statehood. About American Slovaks Dr. Hodza has this opinion: First, I highly esteem the Slovak League as an institution of the American Slovaks, one that has done meritorious work in behalf of the Slovak nation and its native homeland. Hodza pays tribute to Furdek, the founder of the Slovak League, and reviews the currents of Slovak political action. He has words of praise for Slovak patriotism and pride that was inspired by the Slovak League, the great champion of the Slovak nation's struggle for freedom. On the subject of World War II , he expressed his understanding of the perilous times: Everyone who knows anything of Slovak loyalty could never have any shadow of doubt about the allegiance of American Slovaks to American democracy or deny their wholehearted dedication to the ideals of freedom and democracy - for America and Slovakia. But someone rashly has said that the majority of American Slovaks have 'fascist leanings.' To that unfounded charge I reply: When it became necessary to defend their country and the highest moral values of mankind, the American Slovaks proved themselves by their deeds and sacrifices. They purchased bonds and bombers, joined the military forces in large numbers, with their young men and women enrolling in all the services-hundreds, perhaps thousands of whom now are wounded or dead on battlefields in every corner of the globe . .. suffering death or wounds in defense of American democracy, security and freedom. Such are Slovak 'fascists.' This moving testimonial to the Slovak League's program by a leading Slovak politician and statesman excels anything that might be added on the subject. It is an honest, heartfelt evaluation of the work of the Slovak League based on firsthand observation and information. Moreover, Hodza, as he notes in his long letter to the Slovak League, considered it his solemn duty to inform the Slovaks of America of the events that occurred up to the year, 1938, in Czecho-Slovakia. He recalls the visit of the Slovak League delegation in Praha. Upon being approached to support the Pittsburgh Agreement, he ob- �?(, SLOVAKIA served that he had already drawn up his own draft for Slovak rights, which, in his personal opinion, he deemed substantially even better and proposed it as a substitute. Hodza explains that his political views were based on the fact that both economically and financially Slovakia was very weak at the conclusion of World War I. He goes on record: In a public statement of May 17, 1938, I spoke about the Pittsburgh Agreement, and in the discussion I urged that the time for criticizing it was long past. Now was the time to actualize it in reality, I said. Finally, at the end of June or the beginning of July, 1938, I succeeded in securing a virtual promise of the government to recognize it and put it into effect, namely, the official extension of self government and the establishment of a parliament in Bratislava for Slovakia. Subsequent remarks by Hodza emphasized his advocating the international political continuity of the Czecho-Slovak Republic and the self-same continuity of the internal political policies and acts of the Republic. Since the legality of the Zilina Agreement was nullified on the grounds that it had been drawn up a week after Munich, the legality of the decisions of the constitutional government of the Czecho-Slovak Republic in June and July, 1938, could not be questioned, and therefore he favored guarantees for self-rule and the rights of the Slovak nation in their native home country. Under all circumstances Hodza stood his ground in this manifest policy. He added: What type of federal or political system we will decide upon, that will be our domestic problem. But to be specific: No longer shall we tolerate the machinery of the Czecho-Slovak Assembly in Prague to dominate by its majority vote. Why not? Because in a total of some 300 members the Czechs have approximately 150 votes, the Slovaks scarcely 60. Thus a 2/3 or a 3/ 5 majority vote would automatically determine Slovak policy with or without a small Slovak minority. No longer can we allow this government monopoly by a Czech regime in Praha. The new reorganization of the state must take into consideration a constitutional measure respecting a Slovak national majority as well as a Czech national majority correspondingly in their own national assembly or parliament. This is the principle and policy that was enunciated and approved by the Czecho-Slovak National Committee on January 1, 1940. In the future, Hodza believed, that the vast majority of the Czechs would abandon centralism as a national policy and accept the new effective policy of mutual Czech �SLOVAKIA 77 and Slovak cooperation through proper Slovak representation on the basis of a federative status of national equality. "I am continuing my efforts in behalf of Slovakia today on the basis of international law," Dr. Hodza declared, "and in accord with England which in March, 1939, of its own volition, and on the basis of fundamental reasons, refused to recognize German dis-memberm ent of the Czecho-Slova k Republic." Both the U.S and the Soviet Union, according to Hodza, adhered to this view of continuity, and he, therefore, thought this was the only sure foundation for future action in behalf of Slovakia. Peace in Europe Hodza envisioned as the development of an intimate association of America, England and Russia and the creation of a central European federation to which Yugoslavia and Romania should belong also. This federation, he believed, would be an effective defensive bloc against any possible future German aggression. "Slavonic democracy' --, in Hodza's opinion, "in which the Slovaks must have a role, must guarantee both national and religious freedom, human dignity, the rights of the individual, provide social and economic security, preserve representativ e government that is based on the free expression of each nation's will." American Slovaks, through its Slovak League, demanded all the guarantees of democratic freedom and the free exercise of natural rights for the Slovak nation on the basis of the Atlantic Charter, namely, the Four Freedoms, self-determin ation and the right to choose their own national destiny. Conclusion of Dr. Hodza's message reads: "Continue as you have begun. You are on the right road." All Slovaks with few exceptions at home and abroad Hnanimously agree that the Slovaks are entitled as a nation to the rights of freedom and self-determin ation, the cardinal principles of the victorious united nations of World War II. There were no substantial differences between his political doctrine and the Slovak League's program, Hodza �78 SLOVAKIA contended. Nevertheless, there was one difference, and it was that the Slovak League of America maintained the belief that it is the Slovak nation's prerogative to decide whether it wants to rejoin the Czechs in a newly-recreated Czecho-Slovakia, or remain in its own separate independent state. As a matter of fact, Hodza, at one time a centralist, could not free himself from the personal conviction that the Czechs and Slova,ks belong indubitably in a united state. Hodza lacked the experience and enlightenment of being a citizen in his own native Slovak political state. Very interesting, indeed, would have been Hodza's views, and relationship with the Slovak League, after Benes' treasonable act in Moscow (1943) and the aftermath of the 'paper agreement' in Kosice with the Slovak national council (1945). We can presume, in view of the sad events in the second Czecho-Slovak Republic, that the Slovak political leader would have followed the leadership of the Slovak League and the vast majority of the Slovaks in their home country in demanding a plebiscite in postwar Slovakia to determine: 1) Whether the Slovak nation wanted to be an integral part of Czecho-Slovakia. 2) Or whether it wanted to be an independent state. 3) Or whether it wanted to join a federation. Death ended any further speculation, and because of the situation in Czecho-Slovakia after the war, the Prague regime refused to grant permission to the Hodza family tc have the body of an eminent Slovak political figure to be returned to his native Slovakia for burial. A Final Break with Benes Intrigues and slanders, coarse and cynical comments marked the careers and attitudes of Dr. Benes and his colleagues. As immediate consequences of their ignoble activities there was a complete disregard of Slovak rights in U.S. State Department circles that determined our international policy while a cloud of dark suspicion hovered over the Slovak League. Refusal to bow down under the crushing pressure exerted by Benes and his clique maddened the Czech plotter and his slanderous propagandists. All of their plans to destroy the Slovak League of America failed miserably. �SLOVAKIA 79 After reviewing the activities of Dr. Benes in World War I and World War II, the Slovak League of America went on record as being irrevocably opposed to Dr. Benes and his ideology. Monsignor Dubosh, the president, declared publicly in his report at the 25th Congress of the Slovak League in October, 1943: I have explained the situation of the Slovak League in relationship to Dr. Benes and his intrigues. Now, where shall we go? What should we do ? Well, Dr. Benes, acknowledged as a skillful diplomat, has refused to negotiate with us. He seems to think that if he looks down upon us with disdain, we 'stupid Slovaks' will shake with trepidation and run to him seeking his help. It is unfortunate that he, a diplomat and political leader, never learned to know the Slovaks better. Perhaps the Slovaks were somewhat naive for tolerating him so long. He forgets that in America, the sons of Slovak immigrants who escaped to America had the opportunity for an education. One of the lessons they learned well was not to take abuse from anybody. He acts as if the Slovaks had no rights whatsoever, not even the right to speak up and say whether they want to live with the Czechs or not. Dr. Benes is sadly mistaken if he thinks the Slovaks were given to the Czechs by divine decree. The Slovaks voluntarily entered into partnership with the Czechs, and they can voluntarily dissolve that partnership. If this is not true, then the Slovaks are not human beings, but slaves, even worse, for then they are but mere animals. That we refuse to accept. We will never allow the Slovaks to be treated as brutes, not even for the price of a million Beneses! Msgr. Dubosh concluded his statement: Truly wise would Benes have been had he and his disciples finally realized that they cannot act as if the Slovaks had no rights at all, that they cannot destroy the Slovak nation which has survived so many centuries, that the Slovak was, is, and will always remain a Slovak, that there will be no peace between the Czechs and Slovaks until justice and equality are established between the two, that nobody will ever convince the Slovak he is anything than what he is: a Slovak. A number of renegades among the Slovaks may be found, as in the case of the Magyar era, and these will agree with Benes and propagate his ideas. But the vast majority of the Slovaks here and in their historic homeland have remained unmoved and unconvinced because they know the true history of the Slovak nation. This is a clear-cut view and a definite stand. Andrej Hlinka would have spoken the same way - and every loyal Slovak agrees with this unqualified view that refuses to surrender the rights of the Slovak nation to freedom and nationhood. The year, 1943, definitely witnessed another resurgence of dynamic and invincible spirit of Slovak national pride in the Slovak League of America. �8Li SLOVAKIA The Slovak League of America and the Slovak National Council in Slovakia War was slowly coming to an end and it was clear who would win by this time. For the Slovak League serious problems and grave responsibilities were anticipated. At the beginning of autum, 1944, the first news from Slovakia reported a revolt. The information was incomplete, distorted, and, therefore, confusing and unreliable. As might be expected the Slovak Republic was presented in a bad light by hostile propaganda forces. There was no direct connection with Slovakia to counteract the highly distorted image of the Slovaks who deserved a better fate. Moreover, the Slovak League was not aware of the many instances of official and unofficial opposition to German policies in Slovakia. Awaiting the outcome of the war and hoping for reliable reports from Slovakia, the Slovak League, meanwhile, had to ward off the Benes propagandists. Laboring under a terrible disadvantage, the Slovak League president, Msgr. Dubosh, told the Slovak League Congress on October 18-19, 1944, that "we have assured the state department in Washington the Slovaks will be heard from as soon as they get the opportunity. Our hope has not been in vain as current events prove. The Slovaks, we are told, have revolted . . .but not the Czechs ... and they are now fighting the Germans . How fortunate I am to be able to report that en my last visit to the state department in Washington I pointed out this latest development. Moreover, we had the happy occasion of launching a new warship, the General Milan R. Stefanik, at the time." Such was the first reaction to the report of the socalled Slovak revolt in the early days of September 1944. But it is interesting to note that during the 26th Congress resolutions were adopted against the Slovak national council and its self-assumed program. In this instance, again, sound Slovak instinct guided the Slovak League leadership. A special proclamation on Slovakia was issued, to wit, With great caution and intense interest we have followed and are following progress of events in Slovakia day by day. We have read a declaration, greetings, etc. from the so-called Slovak national council �SLOVAK!.'. 81 which under its own authority has assumed or rather usurped the exclusive right to speak in the name of the Slovak nation and seeks to take over the legislative and executive power into its hands for the complete control of Slovakia. We replied that the Slovak League could hardly be expected to decide what position to take in this matter when there was doubt about the background to the so-called Slovak uprising since the sources of information were not checked out but appeared unreliable because they were inaccurate and incomplete. What made the American Slovaks suspicious from the start was t.lle declaration of the Slovak national council that seemed at first ~o defend the sovereignity of the Slovak nation but later to have tipped its hand by extending greetings to the Benes government in exile . . . and the greetings ended with a promise of loyalty and aid to the Czechoslovak resistance movement - to all intents and purposes an indication of the ultimate return of Slovakia to re-union with the Czechs in a new, reconstructed postwar Czechoslovakia! Without consulting the will of the Slovak nation the so-called Slovak national council placed the country into a definite state organization, thereby denying the Slovak nation the right of self-determination for which we are fighting and presumed to associate the Slovak nation with actions to which we American Slovaks have no sympathy, and to which we are not at all attracted, and which we believe to be completely unfavorable to the Slovaks in their own historic homeland. All these circumstances prompt us to maintain the utmost reserve towards the activity of the so-called national council because we fear that this activity instead of helping to liberate the Slovak nation leads to disruption, disintegration and ultimately to the weakening of the Slovak cause. Neither the leadership nor the aims of the Slovak national council, combined with the names of those who are cooperating with it, give us any assurance that the interests of Slovakia are in capable hands since the so-called Slovak uprising. People whose names we have noted are connected with the national council so-called, as well as in association with the so-called Slovak revolt, do not have our confidence er trust, and for those reasons we must proceed with caution if not entirely in opposition to these so-called representatives of the Slovak nation. Finally, it is quite obvious that the Slovak national council does not represent all classes of Slovak society. It does not represent either the .democratic or progressive elements in the Slovak nation, and hence, in our opinion, the council is not a qualified representative body of the Slovak people in whose name it presumes to speak, has taken over all law-enforcement agencies and assumed executive authority, and even has already decided arbitrarily that the Slovaks must give their allegiance to a pre-determined state re-organization, namely, Czechoslovakia again. Clear and concise was this formulation of official Slovak League policy in this situation, and it coincides with the refusal of the Slovak government and its president to join the revolt for precisely the same reasons. This judgment will always remain the true analysis of the will of the Slovak nation and its duly-constituted government of the Slovak Republic as opposed to the so-called national council. The latter's blunders and many crimes will one day be justly �82 SLOVAKIA attributed to its personnel when the genuinely true history of Slovakia may once again be written in freedom when a new era of truth, justice and peace will prevail. Zeroing in the Slovak nation as a victim to be re-assigned to a postwar re-creation of Czechoslovakia was a colossal historic blunder and crime of the so-called Slovak national council against the sovereignity of the Slovak nation, against its just rights to freedom, self-determination and democracy, and against truth and justice. The 1945 Washington Resolution of the Slovak League of America During the last months of the war from October, 1944, to April, 1945, the situation changed rapidly and essentially. The Russians had captured Bratislava and the war in Europe was just about ended. Sources of information for the Slovak League at this time were controlled completely by the U.S. Office of War Information agencies. And these were under the full censorship of Benes and his staff that had succeeded in winning the Slovak national council, so-called, to their side. Naturally, all information from them was favorable to the council . . . another Czechoslovak agency. What made the Slovak League officials anxious to get in contact with the Slovaks overseas was their desire to help them get on their feet after the most devastating of wars ... and since this was the only source of news available, they were forced to rely on it with reservations, however. These first news indicated that the Slovak national council had persuaded Benes ( who was in Moscow at the time ) to recognize the individuality of the Slovak nation and to grant extensive self-government to the Slovak nation in a new post-war Czecho-Slovakia. At first glance this program of the Slovak national council so-called ran parallel with the objectives of the Slovak League of America. That is what prompted the Slovak League to express its desire to get in touch with the council ... this fact enemies of both the Slovak nation and its champion, the Slovak League of America, take delight in citing when explaining their own policies. Before condemning this resolution it is well to take into consideration all the circumstances in which it was made and then study its contents. The entire first half of the resolution deals with the program and aspirations of �SLOVAKIA 83 the Slovak League designed to guarantee the Slovak nation the absolute right of self-determination. Then follows this controversial paragraph: Let it be further resolved that to realize these aforementioned objectives, the Slovak League in America is willing to establish communication with the Slovak national council for the purpose of cooperating in matters that would benefit the Slovak nation and actualize the above program. Other 'insurance clauses' are also incorporated in the message in order to be on the safe side when dealing with the Slovak national council. In no manner was this a de facto recognition of the Slovak national council by the Slovak League but merely a statement of willingness to discuss mutually all phases of the Slovak problem, one may speak with someone without adopting his views or accepting his proposals, and in this case it was an expression of mere willingness to sit down and discuss the Slovak nation's problems of the present and map the future destiny of Slovakia. Personally, Msgr. Dubosh, the president of the Slovak League, described the entire affair as a resolution declaring a willingness to discuss the matter, nothing less, nothing more. Confirmation of the motives and genuine approach to the problem by the Slovak League of America on this occasion is made on the basis of the fact that as soon as the Slovak League administration got the record straight from Slovakia and diagnosed the case correctly, the Slovak League did not make any further attempts to get in touch officially with the so-called Slovak national council. Among the Slovaks in America this episode caused a. great deal of excitement and the Slovak League had to issue a public statement to clarify the matter. In its public statement, the Slovak League declared the Slovak national council guilty of deceit, and since it showed no inclination of guaranteeing freedom for the Slovak nation for which the League had always fought and would continue to fight, the traditional position of the Slovak League was emphatically repeated, namely, that the platform adopted at the 26th Congress of the Slovak League was still the guideline for the future policy of the League. A policy of �84 SLOVAKIA 'watchful waiting' would be pursued and the League officers would be more than wary where the Slovak national council was concerned. American Activity of the Slovak League The Slovak League of America is an organization of American citizens of Slovak ancestry. Consequently , it invariably coordinates its program and activities with the program and political policy of the United States. Beginning in 1907 and continuing up to now, the Slovak League, uesides its avowed program for the welfare of the Slovak nation in its homeland, was always actively engaged in work that was exclusively designed for the benefit and national interests of America. What was true in World War I, as far as the activity of the Slovak League was concerned, was more than doubly true in World War II. Perhaps Dr. Hodza's description of this united program suffices (as quoted above) to prove this. His words of commendatio n in the message to the Slovak League Congress constitute a remarkable testimony of its manifold contributions . Loyalty and fidelity, Hodza listed as among the foremost virtues of the American Slovaks because his fellow countrymen always felt that their faithfulness to the U.S., their adopted country, must ever be profound and complete. When, therefore, this country became involved in the war against nazism, the Slovak League joined America with all its resources for the strife. Never has the Slovak League boasted of this American activity. Actually it was a duty to be performed and no need to publicize it. But Benes and his alien propagandists incessantly attacked the Slovak League in American circles and assailed it as a nazi agency, and therefore, an enemy to the national interests of America, and even contrary to the Slovak League's program in behalf of Slovakia! Monsignor Dubosh, who had to combat the malicious propaganda levelled at the Slovak League of America, had to swallow many a bitter pill on this account, and only because of his devotion to America - and his love for the Slovak nation . Undoubtedly, the best argument in favor of the Slovak �SLOVAKIA 85 League was its activity for the welfare of America. This action included the following: 1) The Slovak League Campaign for U.S. War Bonds Merely to have a birds-eye view of the gigantic patriotic efforts of the Slovak League in behalf of the U.S., it is sufficient to cite a few facts and figures. Under the dynamic leadership of the patriotic Father John J. Lach the Slovak League gave full support to a war-bond campaign. From the report by Father Lach at the Slovak League executive meeting in Pittsburgh, Pa. on October 17-18, 1944, we learn that under Slovak League sponsorship approximately 53 million dollars' worth of bonds were purchased during World War II. This and similar cases attest to the loyalty of Slovak individuals and their societies throughout the country. Who can doubt the sincere patriotism of the American Slovaks or deny their loyalty? 2) Airplanes War bonds were not the only means by which American Slovaks supported the war effort. One of its activities was the purchase of airplanes for the U.S. Airforce. First, the Slovensk<i Obrana, edited and published by Michael Bosak, Jr., Scranton, Pa., opened the campaign for three airplanes. Chicago's Osadne Hlasy weekly joined the campaign. The fund brought in $31,000. The ceremony of presenting a trio of training planes to the U.S. armed forces occured at the Cleveland airport on May 29, 1943. Each plane bore the slogan, "Spirit of the Slovak League of America," but even on this occasion the Czech propagandists tried to reap undeserved honors by claiming this act to be a part of their program. Monsignor Dubosh reported to the 25th Congress of the Slovak League: This was a capital idea, which, naturally, our Czechoslovak 'friends' tried to exploit for their benefit just as they tried to do last year when the Slovaks in Pittsburgh and Cleveland purchased war bonds. Their propaganda machine gave credit to 'Czechs' and Czechoslovaks. Such are our so-called brothers . . . everything we have they consider their very own. 3) Warships Liberty ships, three of them, bore the names submitted by the Slovak League in recognition of its highly successful war-bond campaign. Elaborate ceremonies marked �BG SLOVAKIA the launching of the "Stephen Furdek," "Sgt. Matej Kocak," and the "General Milan R. Stefanik." Altogether this variety of activity brought the Slovak League and the American Slovaks widespread publicity and recognition. They were the most telling arguments to refute libelous propaganda aimed at the Slovak League which was unjustly smeared by its foes as anti-American and pro-nazi. The patriotic acts by the Slovak League completely vindicated the honor of the American Slovaks, and the press in America recorded them with great admiration and enthusiasm. 4) Social Action of the Slovak League Increased social and charitable deeds of the Slovak League in wartime belong to a special phase of the history of the times because this was a new form of action that vvas directly under the sponsorship of a new organizational branch, namely, the Ladies Auxiliary of the Slovak League, officially known as "Slovenske Vcielky" - Slovak bees. At an executive meeting of the Slovak League on August 23, 1941, a definite plan was formulated to organize the "Slovak bees" under the leadership of Mrs. Julia Krajcovic, vice-president of the League. Accordingly, she became the president of the Ladies Auxiliary of the Slovak League, the official title of the 'Vcielky' group. Slovak women from all parts of America enrolled as members in the new auxiliary, which cooperated closely with the work of the Red Cross. By their unselfish service, social action and samaritan-like deeds, the American Slovak women contributed invaluable service to their country and enhanced the good name of the Slovak League and the Slovaks in America generally. Details of some of the work accomplished by the Slovak ladies auxiliary were reported at the 24th Congress of the Slovak League on February 25-26, 1943. They constitute a glorious record of achievements in the history of the American Slovaks. In one cell, alone, in Chicago more t.han 300 women were enrolled. These women presented the Red Cross with 66,900 surgical dressings, 2,246 suits of clothing for refugees ( for children and adults), 717 knitted sweaters, caps, shawls, gloves, etc. for soldiers; and �SLOVAKIA 87 455 hospital gowns. Blood was donated by 214 cells. More than 200 cells completed first-aid courses and 36 were trained in home-care of the sick. A total of 630 shipments were sent to American soldiers of Slovak ancestry. These are only a sample of the type of activities performed by the Ladies Auxiliary cells throughout the country. As soon as the war €nded, pleas for help came from Slovakia. The Ladies Auxiliary cells were the first to respond. Shipments of canned goods and clothing were immediately dispatched to the war-torn areas of Slovakia. Slovak emigrants fleeing from their war-devastated homeland were given emergency aid by the auxiliary. Value in dollars to cover this essential aid exceeds tens of thousands of American dollars that were given freely and generously for a worthy cause in the name of the Slovak League through the charitable agency of the Ladies Auxiliary of the League. This added a new chapter of charitable action to the history of the Slovak League of America. A special postwar campaign for funds under the traditional slogan, 'Za tu nasu slovencinu,' - for our Slovak mother-language-was inaugurated in the very first months after the war. This netted thousands of dollars for much needed help to the Slovaks in their home country, and to those in exile because these had lost all their worldly possessions in the war. No less important in its salutary effects, aside from the continued struggle for Slovakia's national freedom, was this social work which had as its primary source a deep American sense of patriotism and a profound Slovak and Christian philosophy of life to be of service to one's fellow man, and particularly to one's Slovak countrymen. Cultural Program of the Slovak League Versatility has marked the activity of the Slovak League of America. The cultural aspect was not neglected despite the pressure of the needs of the immediate present. In this respect a need was perceived to reach the Englishreading public for two reasons: 1) To combat the false �88 SLOVAKIA propaganda of anti-Slovak groups. 2) To furnish genuine information about the Slovak nation's history, the Slovaks in America, the Slovak League, etc. Too often, well-disposed Americans in high governmental positions were misled as to the real purpose of the Slovak League simply because they were uninformed or misinformed. The information had to be in the English language. Proposals to publish a Slovak League informational publication in English were made and approved at an executive meeting of the Slovak League on Nov. 13, 1942. It was designed both for the general American public and the young Slovak generations that no longer understood the language of their parents or grandparents. This was necessary to win the sympathy of the American public by Ehowing how important had been, and still was, the role of the Slovaks in mankind's struggle for liberty, human dignity and peace. An immediate result of this conference was the " Slovak Record " which began publication under the capable editorship of Joseph G. Prusa. The first issue appeared precisely on the 28th anniversary of the death of ~tefan Furdek, founder of the Slovak League of America. This wartime " Slovak Record" quarterly was well edited. It presented u true and clear picture of American Slovak life and thought that was reflected from its pages as if from a wellpolished mirror. The Record was listed officially as quarterly review of the Slovak League of America. Any future historian will find a wealth of material on Slovak history and the life of American Slovaks in the comparatively few issues that were published during World War II. The Slovak Record was an informative and cultural periodical, which for the first time presented a great many literary and political facts to the American public. Moreover, it acquainted many readers with the history, culture and aspirations of the Slovak nation. Congressmen and high officials in our government received the Slovak Record. So did American radio stati ons, newspaper offices and libraries. In a word, it was distributed where it would do the most good for the Slovak cause. Unfortunately, the Slovak Record ceased publication �SLOVAKIA 89 after two and a half years. But the year after its demise, ie., in 1946, the Slovak Review, a political magazine, and the Slovak Digest, a cultural quarterly, made their appearance. These, too, had a brief existence. Never-the-less, they did their work well while they lasted. Among other cultural projects inaugurated by the Slovak League was an American-Slovak museum. This was the work of the cultural committee which met in Cleveland in the spring of 1945. Benedictine High School was designated as the temporary center where Rev. Andrej Pir, O.S .B., a young, talented American-Slovak historian and journalist, had already established an extensive Slovak library under the auspices of St. Andrew's Abbey. As director of the newly-established Slovak museum, Father Pir obtained permission from Abbot Stanislaus Gmuca, O.S .B. to have a special room as the cultural center for Slovak books , historical records, museum articles, etc. at the Abbey in Cleveland. This later was destined to become the Slovak Institute established in 1952 by Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S .B. who named Dr. Francis Hrusovsky as the first director. On a high cultural level were all the memoranda and other publications of the Slovak League of America; all issued in behalf of Slovak national freedom and sent to the highest American political quarters. The most important of these perhaps was "The Slovaks and their Rights to Nationhood" in 1943. Representatives of the Slovak League at the International Conference in San Francisco 1945 This historic conference of allied nations was called to decide the national destinies of peoples all over the world, but particularly in Europe The fate of the Slovaks was also to be determined there. Never amiss where the welfare of the Slovak nation was concerned, the Slovak League was anxious to present the Slovak problem and all its ramifications at this world parley. It particularly wanted to present the just right of the Slovak nation. Although the Slovak League had the right to seek and obtain representation officially at the �90 SLOVAKIA conference, its delegates were denied entry because the Czechoslovaks usurped this right by securing official admittance as the spokesmen for Slovakia. Ironically, Jan Masaryk, one of the most prominent Czechs, was registered as a Slovak! Failure to secure official recognition for its representatives prompted the executive council of the Slovak League to send an observer. As an observer, Rev. John J. Lach of Whiting, Indiana, was selected to represent the Slovak League at the San Francisco conference. He remained there in that capacity from April 25 to June 21. Msgr. Milos Mlynarovic accompanied him. It was difficult for them even to obtain entry, and impossible for a pass to attend some of the meetings . In fact, Jan Masaryk's Czechoslovak delegation sought to have them excluded entirely. Nevertheless, Father Lach ~ucceeded by skillful maneuvering to outwit his opponents. He got a registration card with full credentials as an official observer for the proceedings. Since Father Lach was not permitted a voice at the conference, he visited delegations of a number of nationality groups and informed them of the Slovak cause, stressing especially the Slovak nation's rights to freedom and nationhood. Although it did not have any influence on Jan Masaryk, Father Lach's visit to his office at least emphasized the fact that the Slovaks had their rights and that the Slovak League of America stood foursquare behind them in their struggle for freedom and nationhood. Upon his return from San Francisco, Father Lach reported the outcome of his presence at the International Conference as follows: In conclusion, I want to say that always and everywhere I emphasized the good work of the Slovak League and I explained its program as a noble and worthy endeavor that is nothing more or less than a program for the welfare of the American Slovaks and the Slovak nation's destiny as a free people in their historic homeland. I told them of my conviction that the Slovaks as a nation with an individual entity and a glorious history must have a place of honor among the nations of the world , a place that the United Nations must one day officially assign to them in the family of nations. One must not under-estimate the importance of this attempt for world recognition at an international forum �SLOVAKIA 91 by a Slovak League delegate. Had there been direct communication with Slovakia instead of being forced to rely on Jan Masaryk, self-appointed as he was to represent the Slovaks, things might have worked out differently. Yet, the fact remains the Slovak League tried, and the attempt, though unsuccessful, was, none-the-less, a noble if futile gesture in behalf of a down-trodden Slovak nation. The battle in San Francisco with the Czechoslovak faction led by Dr. Benes and Jan Masaryk was lost mainly because they used utterly false propaganda to discredit the Slovak nation and its cause. In this case truth, which Thomas Masaryk liked to talk about so much, did not prevail, instead a neatly-bound pack of Czechoslovak lies doomed the Slovak people to domination by the Czechs again in the postwar era. Perseverance in I deals - Endurance in Combat Not even when the United Nations officially granted recognition to Czecho-Slovakia did the Slovak League throw in the towel. It retained its program intact and continued its fight for the Slovak nation's cause of freedom . Attorney Peter P. Jurcak, a writer and political leader from Pennsylvania, succeeded Msgr. Dubosh as president in 1945. He discussed at great length the Slovak League's program and ideals with Husek, Hletko and Msgr. Dubosh, all former presidents. Jozef Husek soon afterwards retired from public life because of illness. But both Dr. Hletko and Msgr. Dubosh remained at the side of Jurcak, the new president, and gave him their whole-hearted cooperation in the unending fight for the rights of the Slovak nation. Like a strong tree that looses its dry branches in 8, storm but continues to grow stronger, so the Slovak League of America thrives and grows taller and more mighty than ever before. The war that subjected the Slovak League to violent attacks only tested it and proved its vitality and power. It stands a living monument to the heroic courage of the stalwart sons of Slovakia and their unceasing fight for the sacred rights to justice, truth and liberty for their nation beneath the Tatras. Once more the Slovak League takes the offensive in 1946. It addresses an appeal to the President of the United �92 SLOVAKIA States and to Congress, as well as to the General Assembly of the United Nations. The appeal in behalf of the Slovak national cause of freedom reviews the history of the Slovaks, calls attention to their struggle for freedom and explains their sad experience of trying to live with the Czechs in one state. According to the principles of the Atlantic Charter, the Slovak League makes a request for a plebiscite in Slovakia under the supervision of the United Nations to give the Slovaks the opportunity to decide in a free election whether they wish to continue to live in a political union with the Czechs, or whether they want their own independent state; or if they prefer to be incorporated in a federation of free, self-governing states in central Europe. The State Department and Congressmen are kept well informed of the injustices suffered by the Slovaks in the past and present by the Slovak League's news agency and information in the nation's capital. Finally, the true facts about the Slovak Republic are available to American statesmen in Washington, D.C. For too long a time our American leaders in public life were kept shamelessly misinformed by Dr. Benes and his cohorts of false propagandists. Genuine information b now provided from first-hand experiences of Slovak emigrants who lived under the regime of the Slovak Republic from 1939 to 1945. At long last, too, we know the true facts about the so-called Slovak revolt of 1944 and the distorted picture of wartime Slovakia is coming sharply into proper focus. Meantime, too, the Slovak League of America maintains a full-time political, cultural and social program. Culturally, the work begun by the Slovak Record quarterly is carried on by the Slovak Review and the Slovak Digest quarterlies. Moreover, President Jurcak has published his book The Slovaks-Their History and Traditions, which is doing good work in behalf of the Slovak nation by a concise review of the history of Slovakia. Slovak music is perhaps the best means to reach the young generation. In this field the Slovak League plans a score of concerts by Slovak artists. At the suggestion of Msgr. Dubosh, the Slovak League �SLOVAKIA 93 is inaugurating a National Fund campaign to which every American Slovak is asked to contribute at least a quarter a year. During its struggle the past several years, the Slovak League administration discovered that finances are essential to carry on effective work for realizing high ideals. Perhaps the most urgent task at the present is the publication of books and periodicals about the Slovak nation in the English language . Mrs. Julia Krajcovic, the president of the Slovak League's ladies auxiliary, continues to inspire greater efforts in behalf of an extensive social and charitable program to help war-torn Slovakia as well as to provide necessary funds and help to Slovak emigrants who were forced to escape to the west. Under her dynamic leadership the Slovak 'Vcielky' - bees have accomplished an incredible amount of good work by providing for immediate needs of food, shelter and clothing for the people of Slovakia and for those who had to leave their homeland to save their very lives. Truly, the 'Vcielky' have shown themselves to be loving mothers by their dedication and devotion to their Slovak children in need. The Program approaches its zenith As we follow the ideological development of the Slovak League of America, from the year of its founding, 1907, to the present, we note that it passed through several phases that ran concurrently with the evolution of the idea of Slovak independent statehood. Three cities and a trio of Slovak League Congresses are historic milestones in the gradual development of an idea and an Ideal: Slovak national freedom. They are : Cleveland, Pittsburgh and Detroit where nation-wide Congresses of American Slovak representatives took progressive strides towards the fulfilment of the Slovak ideal of political liberty. We are justified in declaring that the struggle of all Slovak generations has been the fight for a Slovak state as the highest fulfillment of the aspirations of an entire nation, namely, the achievement of national freedom . This idea was not born on March 14, 1939. It merely became a reality on that memorable day. It had first sprung to life �94 SLOVAKIA in Svatopluk's time in the 9th century, came back to life as an ideal in the era of Bernolak. Holly, stur and Hurban, during the early 19th century, was again very much alive during the struggle led by Andrej Hlinka before and during the era of the Czecho-Slovak Republic of World War I vintage, until the idea came ultimately to full maturity on March 14, 1939, with the founding of the Slovak Republic. Ideologically, the aim of the Slovak League was always in this direction because it invariably and reliably reflected the degree of Slovak aspirations for self-government in Slovakia itself. As a happy coincidence and consequence the Slovak League of America never presented a false image of the Slovak nation. Despite the temporary set-back inflicted on the Slovak League by Dr. Benes's false propagandists, the fact that the Slovak League stood firm in defense of the Slovak nation's rights to freedom and selfgoverning statehood only confirms the amazing similarity of objectives of the Slovak nation and its great champion overseas, the Slovak League of America. There never has been, therefore, any major divergence of views or objectives between the two. Detroit (Michigan) was host to the 28th Congress of the Slovak League on October 29, 1946. It proved to be a dramatic convention. All the cards were placed on the table at this historic Detroit Congress. Dr. Benes who had promised to make Czecho-Slovakia an island of democracy had just announced that he had placed the reorganized state into the hands of Moscow, and thereby surrendered central Europe to Communism. International developments reached a crisis soon so that there was an immediate cleavage between the East and West. Dr. Benes chose the East with communism and Soviet dictatorship that seized complete control of all countries under various pretexts in the Russian orbit. The Iron Curtain was about to come down and divide Europe into two hostile camps. In direct opposition to Dr. Benes, the Slovak League made its momentous decision. Moreover, the Slovak nation, too, in the May elections of 1946 cast more than a % democratic majority vote while the communist party in �SLOVAKIA 95 Slovakia garnered considerably less than a third of the total vote in the country . Slovak statehood as the most responsible form of political organization had been cherished for ages by the Slovak nation. In modern times this ideal was upheld admirably by the Slovak League of America. At its 26th Congress in Detroit, the Slovak League unanimously adopted a declaration favoring independent statehood for the Slovaks in their historic homeland ( since the 5th century A.D . the Slovaks have lived in their present country ). Dr. Peter Hletko, M.D. headed the special committee that had drawn up this declaration: "The Committee of the future program has taken into consideration the whole world situation, and in relationship to it the present status of the Slovak nation's aspirations to liberty; also the mind of the American Slovaks. After much deliberation and discussion, therefore, this committee submits the following program with confidence that its ideas and proposals will win approval and adoption at this Congress so that all of the supreme officers, the various local officials and all the assemblies of the Slovak League throughout America will accept this program as its very own. "The proposed program for the future destiny of the Slovaks is designed to coordinate all of our efforts so that by unified action we can reach our common goal that will be of immense value to the Slovaks in their home country and to the American Slovaks, too. "Our stand in the Slovak League of America, therefore, requires that we clarify our policies on a number of issues. Consequently, we propose to express precisely what position we take in relationship to the following : The Czecho-Slovak R epublic " So far, the Slovak League of America never maintained a hostile attitude towards the Czecho-Slovak Republic. We admit we criticized the government and the representatives of that country, and we came to the aid of the Slovak nation in its struggle for a recognition of its just rights, and we condemned the injustices perpetrated on the Slovak people, but we never advocated nor took any �ga SLOVAKIA steps to destroy the Republic of Czecho-Slovakia even when our detractors labelled us unjustly as the destroyers of this state. "Not even after the Slovaks established their own state six months before World War II, nor during the entire conflict when Czechoslovak adherents were busily planning to reconstruct Czecho-Slovakia, did the Slovak League in America declare itself in opposition to a renewal of that country, but it unequivocally maintained the right of selfdetermination for the Slovak nation and it openly fought for this right to be exercised by the Slovaks freely to determine what type of self-government they wished and what form of state administration they wanted as the will of the majority of the Slovak people. "We often repeated our views that if the Slovaks were granted the opportunity to express their will freely as to what form of government they wished to have, or what type of state or federation they preferred, and even if they should choose Czecho-Slovakia all over again, we said that we would be completely _satisfied and would not disagree or opposE: their choice. We insisted, however, and fought for the right of the Slovak nation during World War II that once Europe and the world would be reorganized after the conflict the Slovaks must be guaranteed a free vote, subject to no pressure, violence or force - in a word, complete freedom to express their own national will . "In spite of every assurance by the great powers, however, and contrary to various world declarations, by which all nations, particularly the small ones, were given high hopes of liberation, freedom and independence, and despite the Atlantic Charter which won the trust of all the small nations but which was discarded once the objectives for which it was proclaimed were secure, and in spite of all the promises for free expression and choice of the future destiny of the Slovaks, f:.bsolutely no opportunity was given to the Slovak nation for making a free choice at all. "Simply and definitely once more the Slovaks were thrown back into the Benes's pre-fabricated structure, namely, the postwar Czecho-Slovak Republic. It was explained that this was necessary in order to re-establish the pre- �SLOVAKIA 97 Munich status quo but this was sheer deceit, for the restoration of the pre-Munich status quo was only done whenever and wherever it was to the advantage of a number of world-powers, if it was not to their advantage, there was simply no restoration at all. "Neither the so-called national revolt, nor the Kosice agreement were manifestations of the Slovak nation's will, and therefore there was no obligation on the part of the Slovaks to return to Czecho-Slovakia. No one asked the Slovaks their preference - all at once they found themselves back in the old, slightly-mended Czecho-Slovakia. "As we have noted on the very first occasion that the Slovaks had to manifest their will and they did so by an overwhelming majority of more than two-thirds against communism but this was not counted in any way-and the Slovak nation was retained as an oppressed nation under communist rule . . . and has remained under communist dictatorship since 1946. "Nevertheless, the Slovaks were not granted a choice to vote on the issue if they wanted to remain in the old Czecho-Slovak Republic or not. They were forced to accept the fait accompli situation with the Czechs again in power. This injustice is all the greater since we know and are firmly convinced that the Slovak nation been given an opportunity of free choice, it certainly would have voted overwhelmingly against being re-attached to Benes's postwar creation, Czecho-Slovakia III. "Apparently the Slovaks have a semblance of autonomy in postwar Czecho-Slovakia but this does not alter the fact that they were denied their freedom of choice. Moreover, the Republic is officially named Czechoslovakia and continues to be written without the controversial hyphen (it should be Czecho-Slovakia). As it is now, this jndicates that the new government is still imbued with the spirit of the false and artificial identity of a Czechoslovak nation. A return to the 'old sins' presages a gradual taking away of self-government from the Slovaks because Benes has reiterated his belief that the Slovaks must not be permitted to have 'wild dreams of self-rule.' "Czech centralism still rules, for Slovak administration is subject to Praha. For these, and other reasons not �98 SLOVAKIA mentioned, we are forced to come to the conclusion that inevitably we must restrain our tolerant policy and favorable attitude to the Czecho-Slovak state by abandoning what we American Slovaks for so many years held as proper and hopeful for the future. The present demands another policy, hence, we stand in opposition to the new, illegal Czecho-Slovakia and we now emphasize the fact that the Slovaks were wronged as a nation. We intend to inform the great powers and the whole world of this grave injustice because the Slovaks were forced into the postwar Czecho-Slovak Republic. " As free American Slovaks we further protest that the Slovak nation is held in political bondage in a state that leans away from western democracy and is helping to create an anti-democratic bloc while the Slovaks are truly democratic-minded as they surely indicated by the recent vote that left no doubt of their resistance to communist influence and infiltration from the East. The Slovak State "Many good and sound reasons would prompt the Slovaks to vote against re-attaching Slovakia to the newlyre-created Czecho-Slovakia, and that by a vast majority of votes against re-union, for while the Slovaks were discriminated against in pre-war Czecho-Slovakia, the same is true today. "Under their own regime in their own Slovak Republic the Slovaks were happy and prosperous, they worked and progressed economically, politically, culturally, they built, created and developed a new life of their own. Never before were the Slovaks so content with their lot. This good fortune not even the enemies of the Slovak State can deny . The record of the Slovak Republic speaks for itself. "World conditions in wartime brought temporary prosperity not only to America but to other countries, too. Nevertheless, prosperity for the Slovak state, though necessarily stimulated by the war, had as its permanent basis the industry, ingenuity and inspiration of the Slovak nation that was vitally interested in its destiny. The Slovak people cooperated splendidly and enthusiastically in the building of their own self-governing state. �SLOVAKIA 99 "Dependence, to some extent, upon its powerful neighbor, Germany, was a natural relationship, for small nations always depend upon strong nations in time of peace or war. Here it must be noted, however, that neither England, the U.S. nor the USSR were of any assistance to the Slovak Republic . "Every small state seeks protection and security wherever it can. The Slovak state needed protection for national survival. Yet, it must be affirmed that the Slovak Republic was not a gift to the Slovaks from either the Germans or their leader, Hitler. Further, the Slovak state was not a German creation. On the contrary, the Slovaks had to defend their country against German machinations, and intrigues of other nations. The Slovak Republic was truly the result of the aspirations of the Slovak nation for freedom and their own state. A free state is the zenith and fulfillment of the highest and noblest ideals of every nation. "A return to limited rights, or a surrender of all rights of the Slovak nation by the involuntary incorporation of the Slovak people in the Czecho-Slovak Republic, is a step backwards and definitely contrary to sttir's motto: 'We cannot go backward - We must go forward.' "Our duty is to inform and influence the world in this direction, namely, the renewal of a free Slovak Republic, the existence of which is at the same time the obligation of all the nations of the world . "Unconditionally, the Slovak League of America urges the great powers to re-establish the Slovak Republic because in it the Slovak nation found its true destiny, enjoyed peace, prosperity and freedom, and made unpresedented progress in every phase of its national culture. The Slovak League and Dr. Tiso "Dr. Jozef Tiso, president of the Slovak Republic, had the welfare of the Slovak nation at heart. Not even his enemies can deny that he was sincere in his efforts to insure the national well-being of the Slovak people in their own, free and independent state. While many others fled to safety after resigning high positions, Dr. Tiso remained in his country to serve it in a grave crisis. To minimize �100 SLOVAKIA his virtues and magnify his faults, mistakes, methods, policies etc., is easy, but it will not change the facts that despite his real or imaginary administrative deficiencies he not only succeeded in saving the Slovak nation from destruction but supervised the Slovak state so admirably that the people in Slovakia enjoyed peace, prosperity and great cultural and economic progress. "Nobody can erase the true image of Dr. Tiso as a kind, just and wise president of the Slovak Republic. The Slovak nation reveres his memory today despite the attempts of the enemy to destroy that image by false propaganda spread throughout the world. We are horrified at the malice of our enemies who seek to brand President Tiso as a traitor to his Slovak nation and as such are planning to try him in a court-of-law ... the impending trial, of course, to be supervised by his enemies and the enemies of the Slovak nation. "To defend Dr. Tiso is our most solemn duty. We must arouse world opinion in his favor to offset the slanderous campaign against him. It is quite obvious that the efforts to discredit his good name is done with a vengeance, and H our enemies succeed in unjustly dishonoring him they will wreak their utmost revenge upon him. And it would be a great crime of gross injustice against a just man and the Slovak nation. "Dr. Tiso is not a war criminal. He did not torture anyone, he did not execute one person, or give orders to execute anyone. Father Tiso did not commit any crime. He was the great defender and benefactor of his country which he served with distinction and honor. The Slovak National Council "Much has been written and discussed about the socalled Slovak national council. Our position towards this organization remains unchanged. We still regard it as an agency that has usurped power and authority because it was not elected or authorized by the Slovaks, nor approved de facto by the Slovak nation, and consequently in a democratic system it is not a legal body and has no legal standing or jurisdiction. �SLOVAKIA 101 The Slovak Liberation Committee "Against no one who wishes to work conscientiously for the liberation of the Slovak nation does the Slovak League of America have any arguments. In fact it welcomes any positive action. However, to achieve success there is need for a common united front - not a faction or several factions. "Assumption of definite rights and obligations is the prerogative of the Slovak League of America because it is recognized as the highest cultural-political organization of American Slovaks, and as such it wants to retain this preeminent position and prestige by the pursuit of a prudent policy and by its charitable activities . Therefore, if anyone desires to participate in a national program involving the Slovak League must, necessarily coordinate his efforts with the program of the Slovak League. He must never misuse the name of the League, nor use the name prematurely without being properly authorized to do so. "Our organization has experienced many crises but has ultimately taken the proper stand on many intricate problems and questions mainly because it has acted discretely, carefully, and always adopted a course of action only after a thorough study of all the problems involved. It has refrained from following the opinion of this or that 5ndividual and hence has avoided being influenced by the enthusiasm of individuals, often admirable, but too often erroneous. "We do not condemn the Slovak Action Committee, nor do we suspect its aims, but because this committee has committed a number of errors of judgment and because its program does not assure us of the successful liberation of the Slovak nation at this time, and finally, because as yet we have not come to any agreement with its spokesmen, the Slovak League of America maintains its friendly attitude but continues its traditional policy of watchful waiting towards this committee. "Never has the Slovak League in America lost out in much more serious affairs by 'watchful waiting,' and we believe it will not lose anything by keeping this policy. Be it noted well, that the use of sharp and bitter phrases �l.02 SLOVAKIA against Slovak leaders in America or Europe, or the general attitude, which gives the impression that the Slovak Action Committee wants to by-pass, ignore or sabotage the action of the Slovak League of America, certainly does not constitute the best means of winning the friendship, confidence or cooperation of the League . "We are well informed that the Slovak Action Committee must come to friendly terms with other prominent persons in Europe who have the best interests of the Slovak nation at heart. These must not exclude each other by mutual disagreement or refusal to arrive at mutual understanding. "Until that time when all the responsible Slovak leaders meet and agree on a common program in behalf of the Slovak nation's fight for freedom and welfare, the Slovak League cannot give an unqualified endorsement to the Slovak Action Committee. What is far more important in this case is that the American government will not sanction our formal union with the activity of the Slovak Action Committee. The Three 'Isms "Against the trio of the present three 'isms: nazism, fascism, and communism, the Slovak League has gone on record long ago. The first two are vanquished. We, too, helped to crush them. But our stand against the third one, namely, communism, has not changed. We will not stop fighting until this one, too, is completely destroyed. "American public opinion is subject to various changes but we remain unchanged and unmoved in our position to communism. It is necessary to do everything possible in opposition to it because the sooner we get rid of this 'ism the sooner will Slovakia be liberated and the less will America suffer from its intrigues, plots and machinations. "Communism today has a death-grip on Slovakia, and the Slovaks are helpless. If it were not for this alien power, the Slovak nation would easily dispose of Benes, the Czechoslovaks and the Czech imperialists. And communist bayonets which escorted Benes to power in Praha keep the Slovaks imprisoned in their own country while they �SLOVAKIA 103 keep Benes in his position as head of the post-war Czechoslovak satellite of the Soviet Union. "As loyal Americans, as true Slovaks, and as Christians, too, it is our sacred duty to fight communism no matter where it appears, except perhaps in Moscow, if they want it there let them keep it there." When at one of its very first sessions, Vice-President Pavol Jamriska, presiding chairman, gave a brief review of the above declaration and the position taken by the Slovak League of America, there was a spontaneous outburst of applause The vote was unanimously in approval and all the subsequent sessions were conducted in this spirit. Everyone present sensed the importance of this momentous decision and when Dr . Peter P. Hletko finished reading the detailed program of the Slovak League the approval was unanimous. The Canadian Slovak League, which was holding its convention simultaneously, adopted the American Slovak League's resolution and proclamation. Embattled in their homeland, the Slovaks have found a true champion in the Slovak League of America which once again supports their noble cause of political liberty, cultural freedom, economic opportunity and, in our day, the added sacred cause of religious freedom. These foregoing facts are merely segments from many pages of the illustrious history of the Slovak League. Its history will undoubtedly some day be enshrined as a glorious chapter in the history of the Slovak nation. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA heartily commends all efforts of our governmental and other organs to ferret out and unmask all Communists and fellow travellers, as well as all persons and organizations who wittingly or unwittingly give aid and comfort to the conspiracy of Communism promoted by the Soviet Union. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1967, Vol. 17 Description An account of the resource Special Issue: Sixty Years of the Slovak League of America Vol. 17 (No. 40), 1967. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1967 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 63 SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA AND INDEPENDENT SLOVAKIA By Mikulds Sprinc On October 6, 1938, when the Slovaks attained autonomy and the Pittsburgh Agreement was incorporated into the Constitution of Czecho-Slovakia, the Slovak League in America had a great and unquestioned share in the great event. In the days that followed there was an outburst of fresh enthusiasm. The Slovaks were beginning to build their own new national home on the pattern of the Pittsburgh Agreement. Slovakia fully appreciated the support which had been given the country by the Slovak League in America for the attainment of its self-government. The Slovak nation immediately wanted to know about the life of the American Slovaks because a mutual affection and friendship develops through knowledge and understanding. Konstantin Culen, a dynamic writer and ace newspaperman, was sent by Karol Sidor and the Slovak autonomous government to the U.S. His chief role was to establish closer cultural ties with the American Slovaks and to write a history of the Slovaks in America, - and as a secondary purpose, to act as a life-line between the Slovaks in their homeland and their fellow countrymen overseas; also, to maintain communication between the American Slovak organizations and the Slovaks at home. What the attitude of the Slovak League was towards the new form of Slovak national life in the old country was at this time we readily deduce from the special meeting of the executive committee of the Slovak League on March 2-3, 1939, in Pittsburgh, Pa. We read the following minutes : "President Rusek warmly welcomed the distinguished guest, Konstantin Culen, from Slovakia. The Slovak emissary thanked him sincerely and in his brief response expressed his feelings and extended the greetings of the Slovak government and parliament to all the American Slovaks. The applause was spontaneous and enthusiastic." In another section of the above minutes of the same 64 SLOVAKIA meeting, culen's impressions of the public reaction in Slovakia to the first session of the Slovak parliament in Bratislava are recorded as follows: "We were indeed sorry that there were no American Slovaks present at the opening session of the first Slovak parliament in history. The places reserved for you were vacant. But since you were absent from this historic session, I feel sure you will be represented at the next session, the second one, at which the Slovak parliament will discuss the Constitution. You must come, and others, too, from all over America." How vitally interested. the Slovak League of America was in the matter of Slovak autonomy in 1939 is evident from the same special executive meeting, for a nominating committee was named to select a delegation to visit Slovakia. This committee immediately chose the following: Ivan Bielek, J . A. Kocur, Jozef Rusek, Mrs. Gabriela Vavrek r.nd Dr. Peter P . Hletko, alternates were P . Jamriska, Rev. Klemo Hrtanek. Rev. Florian Billy, Andrej Suroviak and Michal Sincak. Jozef Rusek, the president, was designated to head the special delegation, which received unanimous approval. It was decided at the meeting that the Slovak League delegation should take the original Pittsburgh Agreement document and present it to the Slovak nation 'with due ceremonies' - and added remark in the minutes. The executive committee of the Slovak League made this decision on the basis of the previous Congress of the Slovak League which had approved the proposal to surrender the original draft of the Pittsburgh Agreement, a precious historical document, and present it officially to the Slovak parliament as soon as the political requirements guaranteed to the Slovak nation were fulfilled and carried out as outlined .3pecifically in the pact. A fund raising campaign to help Slovakia was organized, which again shows the enthusiastic support in behalf of the freedom of Slovakia by the Slovak League of America. This received the unanimous approval of all present because they realized how important it was to lend a helping hand at this particular time of the Slovak nation's history. Practically everybody pledged his aid. Mr. Kridlo res- SLOVAKIA 65 ponded first. His organization ( the Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union) voted $150 and promised to contact all of its branches for donations. Virostek, Jamriska, Dlhos, Salva and Kostolnik spoke approvingly - Kostolnik presented a check from the Federation of Slovak Societies in Detroit and later sent in the sum of $270 which he had personally collected for aid to Slovakia. Good will and generosity were in evidence everywhere for this good and worthy cause. The Slovak League records show the magnanimity of our people on this occasion. One feels anew the spirit of the times of Furdek and the first campaign of the American Slovaks during World War I. It is no wonder that the Slovak League rejoiced, for this was the first time since the fall of its kingdom of Moravia (at the beginning· of the 10th century) that the Slovaks had their own national parliament and were assured self-government. The Slovak State and the Slovak League of America Slovakia's struggle of two decades ended on a triumphant note of victory and the Slovak League had had a major share in the winning of national autonomy. But Divine Providence decreed that the Slovak nation should have not only self-government but an independent Slovak state. From October, 1938, to March, 1939, the Slovak spirit of national pride reached its highest point of development and it became increasingly clear that Slovakia was ripe not only for autonomy but for a complete, self-governing state. Meantime, Slovakia was ridding itself of Czechs whom the Slovak autonomous government sent home to Prague. Treaty-breaking Czechs who bitterly assailed the emergence of a new Slovakia and plotted to take autonomy away from the Slovak nation by force of arms, even though the Constitution of the Czecho-Slovak Republic solemnly guaranteed it. Under the heavy pressure of the European political situation and subject to aggression by Germany, the Republic of Czecho-Slovakia fell apart at the seams. At the same time the Slovaks who were united under their own . national parliament and government in Bratislava 65 SLOVAKIA cheered the unanimous decision of the parliament to declare the Slovak nation's independence and the establishment of an independent Slovak state, the Slovak Republic on March 14, 1939. These events in the history of the Slovak nation are m omentous and unforgettable. No one pressurized the Slovak parliament on March 14, 1939, to its unanimous declaration to organize its own, free self-governing and sovereign state. If the idea of Slovak statehood had not been ripe, and if the legally constituted body of Slovak representatives had not grasped that this was the final phase of the Slovak struggle for self-government, if they had not realized that their unanimous vote for independence was in harmony with the will of the vast majority of the Slovak people, they would have timidly surrendered to the tragic circumstances of having their country torn asunder by neighbors who had never been true friends but covetous foes of the 8.lovak nation. Fully conscious of their opportunity, responsibility and dangers ahead, they decided to go forward as a free nation towards its destiny. Germany's hand of friendship was extended, it had not been solicited, but now that it was given, it was accepted because a refusal would have not only been inexpedient but perhaps suicidal in view of the political tension of the times. No one can justly blame the Slovaks for the acceptance cf German support. They could not know in advance that in the future their self-proclaimed champion would become barbaric and inhumane, nor could they foresee future developments when actually on March 14, 1939, the Germans solemnly announced that they had no territorial demands other than the Sudeten lands . From every angle the Slovak state was to become in reality what the Slovak nation dreamed about and fought ior through the centuries, namely, the highest development of a nation's genius as the result of the embodiment of Slovak rights to freedom and independent progress, a renewal of the glorious and triumphant tradition of Slovak princes and rulers, the fulfillment of the aspirations of all Slovak generations, the actualization of the right to SLOVAKIA 67 regulate their own affairs by themselves, and for themselves, and for their own Slovak welfare and happiness in building and maintaining their own free, national state. This was their golden destiny. At no time had the renaissance of the Slovak national spirit soared to such heights of glory as during the Slovak Republic. Never before had the country's administration been in the hands of native Slovaks and never before had the Slovaks worked so hard and so willingly, or paid their taxes so readily as then. Slovak lands for the first time in history produced everything in abundance for the benefit of the Slovaks who finally ruled and governed themselves, and were masters of their national destiny. As nothing but destruction and ruin met the eye beyond the borders of the Slovak Republic, Slovakia enjoyed a period of phenomenal growth and prosperity. The Slovaks gave their Republic a democratic Constitution while totalitarianism and dictatorship surrounded them on every side. Slovak statesmen constructed their political edifice on the foundations of God's law and providence at a time when everywhere in Europe Christian morality was being almost universally supplanted by the savage cult of force and a new pagan philosophy. Archbishop Karol Kmet'ko recalled the universal acclamation that had greeted the founding of the Slovak Republic and he spoke of the Slovak state openly at the procommunistic trial held in Bratislava after the war. His testimony clearly indicates that the declaration of Slovak independence on March 14, 1939, was the occasion for a spontaneous celebration throughout Slovakia. Catholics and Protestants rejoiced alike . Every true Slovak was genuinely pleased and happy at the turn of events that brought the Slovak nation its own free, independent state. Moreover, he began to appreciate more and more the many opportunities to develop his native talents for his individual welfare, as well as for the benefit of his own country. For too long he had been denied these opportunities because of alien rule. Slovak League archives contain the following text of a letter from a Protestant school inspector in Slovakia: 68 SLOVAKIA It was adressed to Jozef Rusek, President, Slovak League of America, Pittsburgh, Pa. The text of the letter: Teachers of the Slovak school inspectors' committee in Trencin who have taken the oath of loyalty to the Slovak state, gratefully recall your vigorous fight for the recognition of the independence of our Slovak nation. In this free Slovak state we will work with might and main, God helping us, for the spiritual and material welfare of our nation and state. We respectfully request your aid, Mr. President, so that we may succeed in our common endeavor. With the approval of the teachers I send you sincere greetings from the 'old country.' With sentiments of profound esteem, Na straz! - On Guard, Michal Balafovic, School Inspector in Trencin, Slovakia This is only one of many expressions of hope, confidence and joy that greeted the founding of the free, Slovak state, and as usual, was accompanied by a message of gratitude addressed to the Slovak League of America. Not even for a moment did the Slovak League hesitate to take its proper stand on the question of the newly-created Slovak state. Accordingly, at an executive meeting on May l 2, 1939, in Pittsburgh, Pa., the officers formulated the official reaction on the basis of the recommendations made by the president, Jozef Rusek, namely: 1) Establish a special committee to draw up a Memorandum to 1e addressed to the governments of the U.S., Britain and France in the interests of and for the recognition of the Slovak state, a revision of the boundaries, and a provision to guarantee the cultural rights of 700,000 Slovaks residing inside Hungary. 2) Designate a reporter from the Slovak League and dispatch him to Slovakia to determine the situation there and investigate the exact conditions under which the Slovaks decided to terminate their alliance with the Czechs. After discussing the matter, the members at the meeting agreed to authorize the Slovak League executive officers: 1) To name the necessary committees. 2) To establish an information bureau in Washington, D.C. in order to counteract false , deceitful and slanted anti-Slovak news in the American press and furnish the American press instead with information founded on facts and the truth. 3) To edit English memoranda and pamphlets in the int.erest of the Slovak nati.on and its officially constituted SLOVAKIA 69 free state, the Slovak Republic. 4) To take the necessary steps for a hearing in the State Department in the nation's capital in order to obtair, U.S. recognition of the Slovak Republic. All these fo:re-going resolutions are duly registered and taken verbatim from the minutes of the above meeting of the Slovak League's executive committee, May 12, 1939. They prove that the Slovak League gave prompt approval to the Slovak state. and, as always, sought to lend a helping hand by seeking to obtain the diplomatic and official recognition of the Slovak state by the United States government in Washington, D.C. On the otherhand, the Slovak state was not un-mindful of the Slovak League of America. The first president of the Slovak Republic sent a greeting by cablegram addressed directly to the 22nd Congress of the Slovak League, in the city of Cleveland, Ohio. The minutes of the Congress refer to this as follows: The president announced that Dr. Jozef Tiso, the president of the Slovak Republic, sent his greetings to the Congress and he asked Dr. Peter Hletko, honorary president of the Slovak League, to read the message. Whereupon, Dr. Hletko read the cablegram informing the American Slovaks of the warmth and loyalty prevailing everywhere throughout the country to the new Slovak state. The message also indicated the immediate necessity of defending the young Republic against enemy aggression and the happy outcome of events in perilous and challenging times. Moreover, there was a note of assurance anct hope for the future destiny of the Slovak nation. Prolonged applause followed the reading of the cablegram from President Tiso. This Congress of the Slovak League in Cleveland directed the administration of the League to reply with a cablegram to Dr. Jozef Tiso, the first president of the Slovak Republic. (Minutes of the 22nd Congress of the Slovak League of America, Cleveland, Ohio, May 12-14, 1939). Czechoslovakia on the Horizon While the Slovaks in their free Slovak Republic rolled up their sleeves and went to work in full strength to build their Slovak state, and while the Slovak League took the first step to secure recognition for the newly-formed Slovak Republic by the government of the United States, the defeated, cowardly ex-president of the Czecho-Slovak Re- 70 SLOVAKIA public, Dr. Benes, appeared on the scene here with his entire entourage. History repeats itself - as in World War I his gaze was directed again towards the American Slovaks who de facto had set up the Czecho-Slovak Republic financially, so now Dr. Benes sought the sympathy and support of the Slovak League of America. He did not approach the League personally but sent his faithful servant, Dr. Juraj Slavik. Dr. Slavik therefore, appeared on May 12, 1939, at the Slovak League executive meeting in Pittsburgh, Pa. Dr. Slavik's visit is described in the minutes of the meeting as follows: Then President Josef Husek introduced Dr. Slavik, former minister in the Czecho-Slovak Republic, and requested him to state the nature of his mission. The guest speaker extended his greetings and then proceeded to explain what had happened in Slovakia, especially how the Slovak state had been created, how much of his property had been confiscated by the Slovak government, and his reasons for cooperation with Dr. Benes for the re-establishment of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. He further stated that it was Professor Tuka, Sano Mach, chief of propaganda, Karol Murgas, head of he Hlinka Guards (Militia) , and Dr. Ferdinand !>urcansky who were the instigators of a plot that enabled Hitler to destroy the Czecho-Slovak Republic. He referred to Sidor, a member of parliament, and declared that Sidor had been opposed to Slovak independence and for that reason the Hlinka party dismissed him from the Slovak government. Mr. Husek interrupted the Benes emissary and gave him a letter from Sidor who explained the events in an entirely different vein ; and even his account of why he was dropped from the formation of the new Slovak government differed substantially from Slavik's report. Reaction to Sidor's letter was simply a smile on Slavik's face when he returned the letter to Husek without comment. Various questions touching on discrimination, persecution and imprisonments to which loyal Slovaks were subjected at the hands of the central regime in Prague were directed at the visitor. Whereupon, Slavik made only feeble attempts to exonerate his Czechoslovak and Czech colleagues - and these, of course, were all in vain. His hearers remained unimpressed. Dr. Slavik's sweet talk did not win the Slovak League because now as never before it stood solidly behind the idea and reality of the free Slovak state. The official reply was clear as implied in the recommendation at the meeting: "To draw up a resolution that would concisely and clearly express the Slovak League's reasons to oppose Dr. Eduard Benes's program and leadership which were designed for the renewal of the old Czecho-Slovakia." SLOVAKIA 71 That was a genuinely Slovak reply of the Slovak League. Dr. Slavik's visit was merely the first of several attempts to derail the Slovak League so that the people, led by Dr. Benes, might once more get the League into their clutches. Although the Slovak League remained firm, Benes did not cease his machinatio ns. Rocky Path for the Slovak League of America In the interim, the most dreadful of wars had spread throughou t Europe. All communic ations between Slovakia and the Slovak League of America was suddenly cut off. Against its will Slovakia was dragged into the conflict. As the bitter aftermath of Dr. Benes's failure to lure the Slovak League into a position of unqualified support of the Czechoslov ak camp against the Slovak state, the Czechoslovak governmen t-in-exile simply began a campaign of revenge against the League. A nationwide Czechoslov ak apparatus hit the Slovak League with a ferocious propagand a barrage. It was the intention of Benes to destroy the League by discreditin g it in Washingto n in a vicious smear campaign that sought to put the stamp of nazism on the organizatio n, labeling the Slovak League maliciously as a loyal Hitler ally, and therefore, an enemy of the U.S. and the United Nations . Against this web of lies circulated by the Czechoslov ak propagand a agency here against the Slovak League, naturally, the latter had great difficulties in meeting charges that were made arbitrarily but which could not be adequately answered because the Slovak League lacked necessary informatio n from Slovakia to refute the malicious propagand a. With no communic ation because of the war, it seemed that the Slovak League was completely at the mercy of the merciless foes of Slovak freedom who attempted to cut the vital roots of the organizatio n and destroy it forever . In fact, matters went so far that officers in the Slovak League were subjected to federal investigation on charges of being dangerous to the national interests of the U.S. as subversive elements. The Czechs had their allies in Washingto n and they were not particular about the methods and means to be used to attain their mad objective of destroying the Slovak League. 72 SLOVAKIA This was an unequal and bitterly fought contest. Benes and his informants were the sources of information of the highest military propaganda bureaus in Washington. Jozef Rusek as president of the Slovak League had presented a Memorandum in Washington, D.C. asking for U.S. recognition of the Slovak state. It was ignored. Meanwhile, reports (false) were circulated that Slovakia got involved in the war by declaring hostilities on the U.S. There was no way for the Slovak League to verify or deny these reports . . the line of communication with Slovakia was closed tightly. If the Slovak League, in 1943, had only known one salient fact , namely, that the so-called war-declaration on the U.S. was not a legally declared state of war because neither the Slovak parliament nor President Tiso had given their assent to such a grave act, and that in actuality the reported 'state of war' between Slovakia and this country was an illegal proclamation of one man, Dr. Vojtech Tuka, who. without any authority what-so-ever simply declared war on the U.S. Extreme determination to destroy the Slovak Republic motivated Dr. Benes in his policy. Consequently, this declaration of war was utilized to the utmost in distorted form by the resigned second president of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. It served Benes well to emphasize this status of an 'official act of hostility' presumably on the part of the Slovak nation, which actually was against such n declaration, as was the Slovak government with its parliament and President Tiso . Indisputably, on the face of it, without explaining the circumstances of the reported declaration of war on the U.S. by Slovakia, this was a great opportunity for Dr . Benes to exploit the occasion and he did, to the hilt. His intrigues for the despicable objective of the destruction of the Slovak nation's own free state knew no bounds. Monsignor Francis Dubosh, wartime president of the Slovak League of America, was shouldered with the heavy responsibility of defending the organization against · vilification by its enemies. Slovak League archives of 1943 contain a complete record of correspondence between Msgr. Dubosh and the OWI (Office of War Information). SLOVAKIA 73 Faced by an endless series of barefaced lies that poured into Washington from the sworn foes of Slovak freed.om, the Slovak League stood fast in its defense of the truth and freedom for Slovakia. Moreover, there was nothing to hide, for the Slovak League membership, its president and executive officers were men of personal integrity and loyal citizens of the United States. They met the challenge without flinching and withstood the test with courage and dignity. Some timid souls, it is unfortunately true, became terrorized by this vicious attack of the enemy but the leadership of such stalwart men as Monsignor Dubosh rallied the faithful under the unsullied banner of the Slovak League of America. In the end they prevailed in the fight for Slovak freedom , self-government and free statehood. Now that they sensed the type of opposition they had to contend with, they became determined to maintain the struggle until final victory over the evil forces arrayed against the gallant men they were associated with in the Slovak League . Many resolutions and statements on behalf of the Slovak nation were formulated and proclaimed by the Slovak League despite the bitter attacks levelled against its daring leaders and resolute program. Dr. Benes and his paid propagandists spent several million dollars but all their fiery and venomous darts failed to pierce the stout armor of the American Slovak champion who defended the great citadel of freedom for Slovakia, namely, the Slovak League of America. Though under tremendous tension and pressure in this struggle, the Slovak League did not falter. Its leaders addressed new resolutions that reached the highest government circles in Washington. The historic 'Memorandum', which was entitled, "The Slovaks and their Rights to Nationhood", was sent directly to President Franklin D. Roosevelt. Signed by Msgr. Dubosh and Jan A. Kocur, this wartime document was a review of the struggle of the Slovaks through the centuries for their national freedom and their right to determine their own national destiny on the fundamental democratic principle and tradition of self-determination. 74 SLOVAKIA Whether the Slovaks should have their own independent state, or whether they should belong to the CzechoSlovak Republic, the Slovak League, being deprived of factual news from Slovakia, did not presume to be a competent judge - and hence, it merely wished to re-emphasize President Roosevelt's proclamation and democratic creed that "every nation, no matter how small, has the inherent right to its own nationhood." American statesmen are formally addressed in the prophetic and fearless appeal which deals fundamentally with the Slovak problem: We Americans of Slovak ancestry who make sacrifices and fight side by side with other nations, and have dedicated our lives to the cause of freedom, appeal to our leaders in this momentous struggle and ask them especially to have the destiny of Slovakia in mind lest the foes of Slovak rights to freedom and nationhood deceive them in an unguarded moment, we further respectfully request them to bear in mind the sacred right of the Slovak nation to its own national selfgoverning state, which, as a matter of history, the Slovak nation established after many centuries of struggle against oppression and tyranny; and finally, we ask that liberty, self-determination and the means to a democratic way of life be guaranteed to the Slovaks in the same full measure as will be guaranteed all other nations in the world. This memorable document explains quite extensively 2nd manifestly Czech treacheries aimed against the Slovaks and takes a firm, uncompromising stand against Dr. Benes and his Slovak and Czechoslovak janizaries. It remains a historic testimony that not all Slovak emigrants were on the side of Dr. Benes. The examples of Dr. Osusky and Dr. Hodfa are cited because their political programs coincided essentially with the articles of the Pittsburgh Agreement (Pact) . Remarkable in many respects, but especially amazing is the fact that the Slovak League's life and death struggle was carried on despite an empty treasury against the millions of dollars expended by Benes and his anti-Slovak confederates! Dr. Milan Hodza and the Slovak League of America Dr. Milan Hodfa was invited to be a guest speaker at the 25th Congress of the Slovak League of America. Hodfa, an emigrant political leader from Slovakia, ex- SLOVAKIA 75 pressed his regrets but sent in an extensive letter or message dated April 9, 1943, and addressed to Msgr. Dubosh, President, in which he explains, in detail, his stand on the Slovak problem and outlines his suggestions and proposals to the Slovak League which was involved vitally in the struggle for Slovakia's rights to national freedom and statehood. About American Slovaks Dr. Hodza has this opinion: First, I highly esteem the Slovak League as an institution of the American Slovaks, one that has done meritorious work in behalf of the Slovak nation and its native homeland. Hodza pays tribute to Furdek, the founder of the Slovak League, and reviews the currents of Slovak political action. He has words of praise for Slovak patriotism and pride that was inspired by the Slovak League, the great champion of the Slovak nation's struggle for freedom. On the subject of World War II , he expressed his understanding of the perilous times: Everyone who knows anything of Slovak loyalty could never have any shadow of doubt about the allegiance of American Slovaks to American democracy or deny their wholehearted dedication to the ideals of freedom and democracy - for America and Slovakia. But someone rashly has said that the majority of American Slovaks have 'fascist leanings.' To that unfounded charge I reply: When it became necessary to defend their country and the highest moral values of mankind, the American Slovaks proved themselves by their deeds and sacrifices. They purchased bonds and bombers, joined the military forces in large numbers, with their young men and women enrolling in all the services-hundreds, perhaps thousands of whom now are wounded or dead on battlefields in every corner of the globe . .. suffering death or wounds in defense of American democracy, security and freedom. Such are Slovak 'fascists.' This moving testimonial to the Slovak League's program by a leading Slovak politician and statesman excels anything that might be added on the subject. It is an honest, heartfelt evaluation of the work of the Slovak League based on firsthand observation and information. Moreover, Hodza, as he notes in his long letter to the Slovak League, considered it his solemn duty to inform the Slovaks of America of the events that occurred up to the year, 1938, in Czecho-Slovakia. He recalls the visit of the Slovak League delegation in Praha. Upon being approached to support the Pittsburgh Agreement, he ob- ?(, SLOVAKIA served that he had already drawn up his own draft for Slovak rights, which, in his personal opinion, he deemed substantially even better and proposed it as a substitute. Hodza explains that his political views were based on the fact that both economically and financially Slovakia was very weak at the conclusion of World War I. He goes on record: In a public statement of May 17, 1938, I spoke about the Pittsburgh Agreement, and in the discussion I urged that the time for criticizing it was long past. Now was the time to actualize it in reality, I said. Finally, at the end of June or the beginning of July, 1938, I succeeded in securing a virtual promise of the government to recognize it and put it into effect, namely, the official extension of self government and the establishment of a parliament in Bratislava for Slovakia. Subsequent remarks by Hodza emphasized his advocating the international political continuity of the Czecho-Slovak Republic and the self-same continuity of the internal political policies and acts of the Republic. Since the legality of the Zilina Agreement was nullified on the grounds that it had been drawn up a week after Munich, the legality of the decisions of the constitutional government of the Czecho-Slovak Republic in June and July, 1938, could not be questioned, and therefore he favored guarantees for self-rule and the rights of the Slovak nation in their native home country. Under all circumstances Hodza stood his ground in this manifest policy. He added: What type of federal or political system we will decide upon, that will be our domestic problem. But to be specific: No longer shall we tolerate the machinery of the Czecho-Slovak Assembly in Prague to dominate by its majority vote. Why not? Because in a total of some 300 members the Czechs have approximately 150 votes, the Slovaks scarcely 60. Thus a 2/3 or a 3/ 5 majority vote would automatically determine Slovak policy with or without a small Slovak minority. No longer can we allow this government monopoly by a Czech regime in Praha. The new reorganization of the state must take into consideration a constitutional measure respecting a Slovak national majority as well as a Czech national majority correspondingly in their own national assembly or parliament. This is the principle and policy that was enunciated and approved by the Czecho-Slovak National Committee on January 1, 1940. In the future, Hodza believed, that the vast majority of the Czechs would abandon centralism as a national policy and accept the new effective policy of mutual Czech SLOVAKIA 77 and Slovak cooperation through proper Slovak representation on the basis of a federative status of national equality. "I am continuing my efforts in behalf of Slovakia today on the basis of international law," Dr. Hodza declared, "and in accord with England which in March, 1939, of its own volition, and on the basis of fundamental reasons, refused to recognize German dis-memberm ent of the Czecho-Slova k Republic." Both the U.S and the Soviet Union, according to Hodza, adhered to this view of continuity, and he, therefore, thought this was the only sure foundation for future action in behalf of Slovakia. Peace in Europe Hodza envisioned as the development of an intimate association of America, England and Russia and the creation of a central European federation to which Yugoslavia and Romania should belong also. This federation, he believed, would be an effective defensive bloc against any possible future German aggression. "Slavonic democracy' --, in Hodza's opinion, "in which the Slovaks must have a role, must guarantee both national and religious freedom, human dignity, the rights of the individual, provide social and economic security, preserve representativ e government that is based on the free expression of each nation's will." American Slovaks, through its Slovak League, demanded all the guarantees of democratic freedom and the free exercise of natural rights for the Slovak nation on the basis of the Atlantic Charter, namely, the Four Freedoms, self-determin ation and the right to choose their own national destiny. Conclusion of Dr. Hodza's message reads: "Continue as you have begun. You are on the right road." All Slovaks with few exceptions at home and abroad Hnanimously agree that the Slovaks are entitled as a nation to the rights of freedom and self-determin ation, the cardinal principles of the victorious united nations of World War II. There were no substantial differences between his political doctrine and the Slovak League's program, Hodza 78 SLOVAKIA contended. Nevertheless, there was one difference, and it was that the Slovak League of America maintained the belief that it is the Slovak nation's prerogative to decide whether it wants to rejoin the Czechs in a newly-recreated Czecho-Slovakia, or remain in its own separate independent state. As a matter of fact, Hodza, at one time a centralist, could not free himself from the personal conviction that the Czechs and Slova,ks belong indubitably in a united state. Hodza lacked the experience and enlightenment of being a citizen in his own native Slovak political state. Very interesting, indeed, would have been Hodza's views, and relationship with the Slovak League, after Benes' treasonable act in Moscow (1943) and the aftermath of the 'paper agreement' in Kosice with the Slovak national council (1945). We can presume, in view of the sad events in the second Czecho-Slovak Republic, that the Slovak political leader would have followed the leadership of the Slovak League and the vast majority of the Slovaks in their home country in demanding a plebiscite in postwar Slovakia to determine: 1) Whether the Slovak nation wanted to be an integral part of Czecho-Slovakia. 2) Or whether it wanted to be an independent state. 3) Or whether it wanted to join a federation. Death ended any further speculation, and because of the situation in Czecho-Slovakia after the war, the Prague regime refused to grant permission to the Hodza family tc have the body of an eminent Slovak political figure to be returned to his native Slovakia for burial. A Final Break with Benes Intrigues and slanders, coarse and cynical comments marked the careers and attitudes of Dr. Benes and his colleagues. As immediate consequences of their ignoble activities there was a complete disregard of Slovak rights in U.S. State Department circles that determined our international policy while a cloud of dark suspicion hovered over the Slovak League. Refusal to bow down under the crushing pressure exerted by Benes and his clique maddened the Czech plotter and his slanderous propagandists. All of their plans to destroy the Slovak League of America failed miserably. SLOVAKIA 79 After reviewing the activities of Dr. Benes in World War I and World War II, the Slovak League of America went on record as being irrevocably opposed to Dr. Benes and his ideology. Monsignor Dubosh, the president, declared publicly in his report at the 25th Congress of the Slovak League in October, 1943: I have explained the situation of the Slovak League in relationship to Dr. Benes and his intrigues. Now, where shall we go? What should we do ? Well, Dr. Benes, acknowledged as a skillful diplomat, has refused to negotiate with us. He seems to think that if he looks down upon us with disdain, we 'stupid Slovaks' will shake with trepidation and run to him seeking his help. It is unfortunate that he, a diplomat and political leader, never learned to know the Slovaks better. Perhaps the Slovaks were somewhat naive for tolerating him so long. He forgets that in America, the sons of Slovak immigrants who escaped to America had the opportunity for an education. One of the lessons they learned well was not to take abuse from anybody. He acts as if the Slovaks had no rights whatsoever, not even the right to speak up and say whether they want to live with the Czechs or not. Dr. Benes is sadly mistaken if he thinks the Slovaks were given to the Czechs by divine decree. The Slovaks voluntarily entered into partnership with the Czechs, and they can voluntarily dissolve that partnership. If this is not true, then the Slovaks are not human beings, but slaves, even worse, for then they are but mere animals. That we refuse to accept. We will never allow the Slovaks to be treated as brutes, not even for the price of a million Beneses! Msgr. Dubosh concluded his statement: Truly wise would Benes have been had he and his disciples finally realized that they cannot act as if the Slovaks had no rights at all, that they cannot destroy the Slovak nation which has survived so many centuries, that the Slovak was, is, and will always remain a Slovak, that there will be no peace between the Czechs and Slovaks until justice and equality are established between the two, that nobody will ever convince the Slovak he is anything than what he is: a Slovak. A number of renegades among the Slovaks may be found, as in the case of the Magyar era, and these will agree with Benes and propagate his ideas. But the vast majority of the Slovaks here and in their historic homeland have remained unmoved and unconvinced because they know the true history of the Slovak nation. This is a clear-cut view and a definite stand. Andrej Hlinka would have spoken the same way - and every loyal Slovak agrees with this unqualified view that refuses to surrender the rights of the Slovak nation to freedom and nationhood. The year, 1943, definitely witnessed another resurgence of dynamic and invincible spirit of Slovak national pride in the Slovak League of America. 8Li SLOVAKIA The Slovak League of America and the Slovak National Council in Slovakia War was slowly coming to an end and it was clear who would win by this time. For the Slovak League serious problems and grave responsibilities were anticipated. At the beginning of autum, 1944, the first news from Slovakia reported a revolt. The information was incomplete, distorted, and, therefore, confusing and unreliable. As might be expected the Slovak Republic was presented in a bad light by hostile propaganda forces. There was no direct connection with Slovakia to counteract the highly distorted image of the Slovaks who deserved a better fate. Moreover, the Slovak League was not aware of the many instances of official and unofficial opposition to German policies in Slovakia. Awaiting the outcome of the war and hoping for reliable reports from Slovakia, the Slovak League, meanwhile, had to ward off the Benes propagandists. Laboring under a terrible disadvantage, the Slovak League president, Msgr. Dubosh, told the Slovak League Congress on October 18-19, 1944, that "we have assured the state department in Washington the Slovaks will be heard from as soon as they get the opportunity. Our hope has not been in vain as current events prove. The Slovaks, we are told, have revolted . . .but not the Czechs ... and they are now fighting the Germans . How fortunate I am to be able to report that en my last visit to the state department in Washington I pointed out this latest development. Moreover, we had the happy occasion of launching a new warship, the General Milan R. Stefanik, at the time." Such was the first reaction to the report of the socalled Slovak revolt in the early days of September 1944. But it is interesting to note that during the 26th Congress resolutions were adopted against the Slovak national council and its self-assumed program. In this instance, again, sound Slovak instinct guided the Slovak League leadership. A special proclamation on Slovakia was issued, to wit, With great caution and intense interest we have followed and are following progress of events in Slovakia day by day. We have read a declaration, greetings, etc. from the so-called Slovak national council SLOVAK!.'. 81 which under its own authority has assumed or rather usurped the exclusive right to speak in the name of the Slovak nation and seeks to take over the legislative and executive power into its hands for the complete control of Slovakia. We replied that the Slovak League could hardly be expected to decide what position to take in this matter when there was doubt about the background to the so-called Slovak uprising since the sources of information were not checked out but appeared unreliable because they were inaccurate and incomplete. What made the American Slovaks suspicious from the start was t.lle declaration of the Slovak national council that seemed at first ~o defend the sovereignity of the Slovak nation but later to have tipped its hand by extending greetings to the Benes government in exile . . . and the greetings ended with a promise of loyalty and aid to the Czechoslovak resistance movement - to all intents and purposes an indication of the ultimate return of Slovakia to re-union with the Czechs in a new, reconstructed postwar Czechoslovakia! Without consulting the will of the Slovak nation the so-called Slovak national council placed the country into a definite state organization, thereby denying the Slovak nation the right of self-determination for which we are fighting and presumed to associate the Slovak nation with actions to which we American Slovaks have no sympathy, and to which we are not at all attracted, and which we believe to be completely unfavorable to the Slovaks in their own historic homeland. All these circumstances prompt us to maintain the utmost reserve towards the activity of the so-called national council because we fear that this activity instead of helping to liberate the Slovak nation leads to disruption, disintegration and ultimately to the weakening of the Slovak cause. Neither the leadership nor the aims of the Slovak national council, combined with the names of those who are cooperating with it, give us any assurance that the interests of Slovakia are in capable hands since the so-called Slovak uprising. People whose names we have noted are connected with the national council so-called, as well as in association with the so-called Slovak revolt, do not have our confidence er trust, and for those reasons we must proceed with caution if not entirely in opposition to these so-called representatives of the Slovak nation. Finally, it is quite obvious that the Slovak national council does not represent all classes of Slovak society. It does not represent either the .democratic or progressive elements in the Slovak nation, and hence, in our opinion, the council is not a qualified representative body of the Slovak people in whose name it presumes to speak, has taken over all law-enforcement agencies and assumed executive authority, and even has already decided arbitrarily that the Slovaks must give their allegiance to a pre-determined state re-organization, namely, Czechoslovakia again. Clear and concise was this formulation of official Slovak League policy in this situation, and it coincides with the refusal of the Slovak government and its president to join the revolt for precisely the same reasons. This judgment will always remain the true analysis of the will of the Slovak nation and its duly-constituted government of the Slovak Republic as opposed to the so-called national council. The latter's blunders and many crimes will one day be justly 82 SLOVAKIA attributed to its personnel when the genuinely true history of Slovakia may once again be written in freedom when a new era of truth, justice and peace will prevail. Zeroing in the Slovak nation as a victim to be re-assigned to a postwar re-creation of Czechoslovakia was a colossal historic blunder and crime of the so-called Slovak national council against the sovereignity of the Slovak nation, against its just rights to freedom, self-determination and democracy, and against truth and justice. The 1945 Washington Resolution of the Slovak League of America During the last months of the war from October, 1944, to April, 1945, the situation changed rapidly and essentially. The Russians had captured Bratislava and the war in Europe was just about ended. Sources of information for the Slovak League at this time were controlled completely by the U.S. Office of War Information agencies. And these were under the full censorship of Benes and his staff that had succeeded in winning the Slovak national council, so-called, to their side. Naturally, all information from them was favorable to the council . . . another Czechoslovak agency. What made the Slovak League officials anxious to get in contact with the Slovaks overseas was their desire to help them get on their feet after the most devastating of wars ... and since this was the only source of news available, they were forced to rely on it with reservations, however. These first news indicated that the Slovak national council had persuaded Benes ( who was in Moscow at the time ) to recognize the individuality of the Slovak nation and to grant extensive self-government to the Slovak nation in a new post-war Czecho-Slovakia. At first glance this program of the Slovak national council so-called ran parallel with the objectives of the Slovak League of America. That is what prompted the Slovak League to express its desire to get in touch with the council ... this fact enemies of both the Slovak nation and its champion, the Slovak League of America, take delight in citing when explaining their own policies. Before condemning this resolution it is well to take into consideration all the circumstances in which it was made and then study its contents. The entire first half of the resolution deals with the program and aspirations of SLOVAKIA 83 the Slovak League designed to guarantee the Slovak nation the absolute right of self-determination. Then follows this controversial paragraph: Let it be further resolved that to realize these aforementioned objectives, the Slovak League in America is willing to establish communication with the Slovak national council for the purpose of cooperating in matters that would benefit the Slovak nation and actualize the above program. Other 'insurance clauses' are also incorporated in the message in order to be on the safe side when dealing with the Slovak national council. In no manner was this a de facto recognition of the Slovak national council by the Slovak League but merely a statement of willingness to discuss mutually all phases of the Slovak problem, one may speak with someone without adopting his views or accepting his proposals, and in this case it was an expression of mere willingness to sit down and discuss the Slovak nation's problems of the present and map the future destiny of Slovakia. Personally, Msgr. Dubosh, the president of the Slovak League, described the entire affair as a resolution declaring a willingness to discuss the matter, nothing less, nothing more. Confirmation of the motives and genuine approach to the problem by the Slovak League of America on this occasion is made on the basis of the fact that as soon as the Slovak League administration got the record straight from Slovakia and diagnosed the case correctly, the Slovak League did not make any further attempts to get in touch officially with the so-called Slovak national council. Among the Slovaks in America this episode caused a. great deal of excitement and the Slovak League had to issue a public statement to clarify the matter. In its public statement, the Slovak League declared the Slovak national council guilty of deceit, and since it showed no inclination of guaranteeing freedom for the Slovak nation for which the League had always fought and would continue to fight, the traditional position of the Slovak League was emphatically repeated, namely, that the platform adopted at the 26th Congress of the Slovak League was still the guideline for the future policy of the League. A policy of 84 SLOVAKIA 'watchful waiting' would be pursued and the League officers would be more than wary where the Slovak national council was concerned. American Activity of the Slovak League The Slovak League of America is an organization of American citizens of Slovak ancestry. Consequently , it invariably coordinates its program and activities with the program and political policy of the United States. Beginning in 1907 and continuing up to now, the Slovak League, uesides its avowed program for the welfare of the Slovak nation in its homeland, was always actively engaged in work that was exclusively designed for the benefit and national interests of America. What was true in World War I, as far as the activity of the Slovak League was concerned, was more than doubly true in World War II. Perhaps Dr. Hodza's description of this united program suffices (as quoted above) to prove this. His words of commendatio n in the message to the Slovak League Congress constitute a remarkable testimony of its manifold contributions . Loyalty and fidelity, Hodza listed as among the foremost virtues of the American Slovaks because his fellow countrymen always felt that their faithfulness to the U.S., their adopted country, must ever be profound and complete. When, therefore, this country became involved in the war against nazism, the Slovak League joined America with all its resources for the strife. Never has the Slovak League boasted of this American activity. Actually it was a duty to be performed and no need to publicize it. But Benes and his alien propagandists incessantly attacked the Slovak League in American circles and assailed it as a nazi agency, and therefore, an enemy to the national interests of America, and even contrary to the Slovak League's program in behalf of Slovakia! Monsignor Dubosh, who had to combat the malicious propaganda levelled at the Slovak League of America, had to swallow many a bitter pill on this account, and only because of his devotion to America - and his love for the Slovak nation . Undoubtedly, the best argument in favor of the Slovak SLOVAKIA 85 League was its activity for the welfare of America. This action included the following: 1) The Slovak League Campaign for U.S. War Bonds Merely to have a birds-eye view of the gigantic patriotic efforts of the Slovak League in behalf of the U.S., it is sufficient to cite a few facts and figures. Under the dynamic leadership of the patriotic Father John J. Lach the Slovak League gave full support to a war-bond campaign. From the report by Father Lach at the Slovak League executive meeting in Pittsburgh, Pa. on October 17-18, 1944, we learn that under Slovak League sponsorship approximately 53 million dollars' worth of bonds were purchased during World War II. This and similar cases attest to the loyalty of Slovak individuals and their societies throughout the country. Who can doubt the sincere patriotism of the American Slovaks or deny their loyalty? 2) Airplanes War bonds were not the only means by which American Slovaks supported the war effort. One of its activities was the purchase of airplanes for the U.S. Airforce. First, the Slovensk<i Obrana, edited and published by Michael Bosak, Jr., Scranton, Pa., opened the campaign for three airplanes. Chicago's Osadne Hlasy weekly joined the campaign. The fund brought in $31,000. The ceremony of presenting a trio of training planes to the U.S. armed forces occured at the Cleveland airport on May 29, 1943. Each plane bore the slogan, "Spirit of the Slovak League of America," but even on this occasion the Czech propagandists tried to reap undeserved honors by claiming this act to be a part of their program. Monsignor Dubosh reported to the 25th Congress of the Slovak League: This was a capital idea, which, naturally, our Czechoslovak 'friends' tried to exploit for their benefit just as they tried to do last year when the Slovaks in Pittsburgh and Cleveland purchased war bonds. Their propaganda machine gave credit to 'Czechs' and Czechoslovaks. Such are our so-called brothers . . . everything we have they consider their very own. 3) Warships Liberty ships, three of them, bore the names submitted by the Slovak League in recognition of its highly successful war-bond campaign. Elaborate ceremonies marked BG SLOVAKIA the launching of the "Stephen Furdek," "Sgt. Matej Kocak," and the "General Milan R. Stefanik." Altogether this variety of activity brought the Slovak League and the American Slovaks widespread publicity and recognition. They were the most telling arguments to refute libelous propaganda aimed at the Slovak League which was unjustly smeared by its foes as anti-American and pro-nazi. The patriotic acts by the Slovak League completely vindicated the honor of the American Slovaks, and the press in America recorded them with great admiration and enthusiasm. 4) Social Action of the Slovak League Increased social and charitable deeds of the Slovak League in wartime belong to a special phase of the history of the times because this was a new form of action that vvas directly under the sponsorship of a new organizational branch, namely, the Ladies Auxiliary of the Slovak League, officially known as "Slovenske Vcielky" - Slovak bees. At an executive meeting of the Slovak League on August 23, 1941, a definite plan was formulated to organize the "Slovak bees" under the leadership of Mrs. Julia Krajcovic, vice-president of the League. Accordingly, she became the president of the Ladies Auxiliary of the Slovak League, the official title of the 'Vcielky' group. Slovak women from all parts of America enrolled as members in the new auxiliary, which cooperated closely with the work of the Red Cross. By their unselfish service, social action and samaritan-like deeds, the American Slovak women contributed invaluable service to their country and enhanced the good name of the Slovak League and the Slovaks in America generally. Details of some of the work accomplished by the Slovak ladies auxiliary were reported at the 24th Congress of the Slovak League on February 25-26, 1943. They constitute a glorious record of achievements in the history of the American Slovaks. In one cell, alone, in Chicago more t.han 300 women were enrolled. These women presented the Red Cross with 66,900 surgical dressings, 2,246 suits of clothing for refugees ( for children and adults), 717 knitted sweaters, caps, shawls, gloves, etc. for soldiers; and SLOVAKIA 87 455 hospital gowns. Blood was donated by 214 cells. More than 200 cells completed first-aid courses and 36 were trained in home-care of the sick. A total of 630 shipments were sent to American soldiers of Slovak ancestry. These are only a sample of the type of activities performed by the Ladies Auxiliary cells throughout the country. As soon as the war €nded, pleas for help came from Slovakia. The Ladies Auxiliary cells were the first to respond. Shipments of canned goods and clothing were immediately dispatched to the war-torn areas of Slovakia. Slovak emigrants fleeing from their war-devastated homeland were given emergency aid by the auxiliary. Value in dollars to cover this essential aid exceeds tens of thousands of American dollars that were given freely and generously for a worthy cause in the name of the Slovak League through the charitable agency of the Ladies Auxiliary of the League. This added a new chapter of charitable action to the history of the Slovak League of America. A special postwar campaign for funds under the traditional slogan, 'Za tu nasu slovencinu,' - for our Slovak mother-language-was inaugurated in the very first months after the war. This netted thousands of dollars for much needed help to the Slovaks in their home country, and to those in exile because these had lost all their worldly possessions in the war. No less important in its salutary effects, aside from the continued struggle for Slovakia's national freedom, was this social work which had as its primary source a deep American sense of patriotism and a profound Slovak and Christian philosophy of life to be of service to one's fellow man, and particularly to one's Slovak countrymen. Cultural Program of the Slovak League Versatility has marked the activity of the Slovak League of America. The cultural aspect was not neglected despite the pressure of the needs of the immediate present. In this respect a need was perceived to reach the Englishreading public for two reasons: 1) To combat the false 88 SLOVAKIA propaganda of anti-Slovak groups. 2) To furnish genuine information about the Slovak nation's history, the Slovaks in America, the Slovak League, etc. Too often, well-disposed Americans in high governmental positions were misled as to the real purpose of the Slovak League simply because they were uninformed or misinformed. The information had to be in the English language. Proposals to publish a Slovak League informational publication in English were made and approved at an executive meeting of the Slovak League on Nov. 13, 1942. It was designed both for the general American public and the young Slovak generations that no longer understood the language of their parents or grandparents. This was necessary to win the sympathy of the American public by Ehowing how important had been, and still was, the role of the Slovaks in mankind's struggle for liberty, human dignity and peace. An immediate result of this conference was the " Slovak Record " which began publication under the capable editorship of Joseph G. Prusa. The first issue appeared precisely on the 28th anniversary of the death of ~tefan Furdek, founder of the Slovak League of America. This wartime " Slovak Record" quarterly was well edited. It presented u true and clear picture of American Slovak life and thought that was reflected from its pages as if from a wellpolished mirror. The Record was listed officially as quarterly review of the Slovak League of America. Any future historian will find a wealth of material on Slovak history and the life of American Slovaks in the comparatively few issues that were published during World War II. The Slovak Record was an informative and cultural periodical, which for the first time presented a great many literary and political facts to the American public. Moreover, it acquainted many readers with the history, culture and aspirations of the Slovak nation. Congressmen and high officials in our government received the Slovak Record. So did American radio stati ons, newspaper offices and libraries. In a word, it was distributed where it would do the most good for the Slovak cause. Unfortunately, the Slovak Record ceased publication SLOVAKIA 89 after two and a half years. But the year after its demise, ie., in 1946, the Slovak Review, a political magazine, and the Slovak Digest, a cultural quarterly, made their appearance. These, too, had a brief existence. Never-the-less, they did their work well while they lasted. Among other cultural projects inaugurated by the Slovak League was an American-Slovak museum. This was the work of the cultural committee which met in Cleveland in the spring of 1945. Benedictine High School was designated as the temporary center where Rev. Andrej Pir, O.S .B., a young, talented American-Slovak historian and journalist, had already established an extensive Slovak library under the auspices of St. Andrew's Abbey. As director of the newly-established Slovak museum, Father Pir obtained permission from Abbot Stanislaus Gmuca, O.S .B. to have a special room as the cultural center for Slovak books , historical records, museum articles, etc. at the Abbey in Cleveland. This later was destined to become the Slovak Institute established in 1952 by Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S .B. who named Dr. Francis Hrusovsky as the first director. On a high cultural level were all the memoranda and other publications of the Slovak League of America; all issued in behalf of Slovak national freedom and sent to the highest American political quarters. The most important of these perhaps was "The Slovaks and their Rights to Nationhood" in 1943. Representatives of the Slovak League at the International Conference in San Francisco 1945 This historic conference of allied nations was called to decide the national destinies of peoples all over the world, but particularly in Europe The fate of the Slovaks was also to be determined there. Never amiss where the welfare of the Slovak nation was concerned, the Slovak League was anxious to present the Slovak problem and all its ramifications at this world parley. It particularly wanted to present the just right of the Slovak nation. Although the Slovak League had the right to seek and obtain representation officially at the 90 SLOVAKIA conference, its delegates were denied entry because the Czechoslovaks usurped this right by securing official admittance as the spokesmen for Slovakia. Ironically, Jan Masaryk, one of the most prominent Czechs, was registered as a Slovak! Failure to secure official recognition for its representatives prompted the executive council of the Slovak League to send an observer. As an observer, Rev. John J. Lach of Whiting, Indiana, was selected to represent the Slovak League at the San Francisco conference. He remained there in that capacity from April 25 to June 21. Msgr. Milos Mlynarovic accompanied him. It was difficult for them even to obtain entry, and impossible for a pass to attend some of the meetings . In fact, Jan Masaryk's Czechoslovak delegation sought to have them excluded entirely. Nevertheless, Father Lach ~ucceeded by skillful maneuvering to outwit his opponents. He got a registration card with full credentials as an official observer for the proceedings. Since Father Lach was not permitted a voice at the conference, he visited delegations of a number of nationality groups and informed them of the Slovak cause, stressing especially the Slovak nation's rights to freedom and nationhood. Although it did not have any influence on Jan Masaryk, Father Lach's visit to his office at least emphasized the fact that the Slovaks had their rights and that the Slovak League of America stood foursquare behind them in their struggle for freedom and nationhood. Upon his return from San Francisco, Father Lach reported the outcome of his presence at the International Conference as follows: In conclusion, I want to say that always and everywhere I emphasized the good work of the Slovak League and I explained its program as a noble and worthy endeavor that is nothing more or less than a program for the welfare of the American Slovaks and the Slovak nation's destiny as a free people in their historic homeland. I told them of my conviction that the Slovaks as a nation with an individual entity and a glorious history must have a place of honor among the nations of the world , a place that the United Nations must one day officially assign to them in the family of nations. One must not under-estimate the importance of this attempt for world recognition at an international forum SLOVAKIA 91 by a Slovak League delegate. Had there been direct communication with Slovakia instead of being forced to rely on Jan Masaryk, self-appointed as he was to represent the Slovaks, things might have worked out differently. Yet, the fact remains the Slovak League tried, and the attempt, though unsuccessful, was, none-the-less, a noble if futile gesture in behalf of a down-trodden Slovak nation. The battle in San Francisco with the Czechoslovak faction led by Dr. Benes and Jan Masaryk was lost mainly because they used utterly false propaganda to discredit the Slovak nation and its cause. In this case truth, which Thomas Masaryk liked to talk about so much, did not prevail, instead a neatly-bound pack of Czechoslovak lies doomed the Slovak people to domination by the Czechs again in the postwar era. Perseverance in I deals - Endurance in Combat Not even when the United Nations officially granted recognition to Czecho-Slovakia did the Slovak League throw in the towel. It retained its program intact and continued its fight for the Slovak nation's cause of freedom . Attorney Peter P. Jurcak, a writer and political leader from Pennsylvania, succeeded Msgr. Dubosh as president in 1945. He discussed at great length the Slovak League's program and ideals with Husek, Hletko and Msgr. Dubosh, all former presidents. Jozef Husek soon afterwards retired from public life because of illness. But both Dr. Hletko and Msgr. Dubosh remained at the side of Jurcak, the new president, and gave him their whole-hearted cooperation in the unending fight for the rights of the Slovak nation. Like a strong tree that looses its dry branches in 8, storm but continues to grow stronger, so the Slovak League of America thrives and grows taller and more mighty than ever before. The war that subjected the Slovak League to violent attacks only tested it and proved its vitality and power. It stands a living monument to the heroic courage of the stalwart sons of Slovakia and their unceasing fight for the sacred rights to justice, truth and liberty for their nation beneath the Tatras. Once more the Slovak League takes the offensive in 1946. It addresses an appeal to the President of the United 92 SLOVAKIA States and to Congress, as well as to the General Assembly of the United Nations. The appeal in behalf of the Slovak national cause of freedom reviews the history of the Slovaks, calls attention to their struggle for freedom and explains their sad experience of trying to live with the Czechs in one state. According to the principles of the Atlantic Charter, the Slovak League makes a request for a plebiscite in Slovakia under the supervision of the United Nations to give the Slovaks the opportunity to decide in a free election whether they wish to continue to live in a political union with the Czechs, or whether they want their own independent state; or if they prefer to be incorporated in a federation of free, self-governing states in central Europe. The State Department and Congressmen are kept well informed of the injustices suffered by the Slovaks in the past and present by the Slovak League's news agency and information in the nation's capital. Finally, the true facts about the Slovak Republic are available to American statesmen in Washington, D.C. For too long a time our American leaders in public life were kept shamelessly misinformed by Dr. Benes and his cohorts of false propagandists. Genuine information b now provided from first-hand experiences of Slovak emigrants who lived under the regime of the Slovak Republic from 1939 to 1945. At long last, too, we know the true facts about the so-called Slovak revolt of 1944 and the distorted picture of wartime Slovakia is coming sharply into proper focus. Meantime, too, the Slovak League of America maintains a full-time political, cultural and social program. Culturally, the work begun by the Slovak Record quarterly is carried on by the Slovak Review and the Slovak Digest quarterlies. Moreover, President Jurcak has published his book The Slovaks-Their History and Traditions, which is doing good work in behalf of the Slovak nation by a concise review of the history of Slovakia. Slovak music is perhaps the best means to reach the young generation. In this field the Slovak League plans a score of concerts by Slovak artists. At the suggestion of Msgr. Dubosh, the Slovak League SLOVAKIA 93 is inaugurating a National Fund campaign to which every American Slovak is asked to contribute at least a quarter a year. During its struggle the past several years, the Slovak League administration discovered that finances are essential to carry on effective work for realizing high ideals. Perhaps the most urgent task at the present is the publication of books and periodicals about the Slovak nation in the English language . Mrs. Julia Krajcovic, the president of the Slovak League's ladies auxiliary, continues to inspire greater efforts in behalf of an extensive social and charitable program to help war-torn Slovakia as well as to provide necessary funds and help to Slovak emigrants who were forced to escape to the west. Under her dynamic leadership the Slovak 'Vcielky' - bees have accomplished an incredible amount of good work by providing for immediate needs of food, shelter and clothing for the people of Slovakia and for those who had to leave their homeland to save their very lives. Truly, the 'Vcielky' have shown themselves to be loving mothers by their dedication and devotion to their Slovak children in need. The Program approaches its zenith As we follow the ideological development of the Slovak League of America, from the year of its founding, 1907, to the present, we note that it passed through several phases that ran concurrently with the evolution of the idea of Slovak independent statehood. Three cities and a trio of Slovak League Congresses are historic milestones in the gradual development of an idea and an Ideal: Slovak national freedom. They are : Cleveland, Pittsburgh and Detroit where nation-wide Congresses of American Slovak representatives took progressive strides towards the fulfilment of the Slovak ideal of political liberty. We are justified in declaring that the struggle of all Slovak generations has been the fight for a Slovak state as the highest fulfillment of the aspirations of an entire nation, namely, the achievement of national freedom . This idea was not born on March 14, 1939. It merely became a reality on that memorable day. It had first sprung to life 94 SLOVAKIA in Svatopluk's time in the 9th century, came back to life as an ideal in the era of Bernolak. Holly, stur and Hurban, during the early 19th century, was again very much alive during the struggle led by Andrej Hlinka before and during the era of the Czecho-Slovak Republic of World War I vintage, until the idea came ultimately to full maturity on March 14, 1939, with the founding of the Slovak Republic. Ideologically, the aim of the Slovak League was always in this direction because it invariably and reliably reflected the degree of Slovak aspirations for self-government in Slovakia itself. As a happy coincidence and consequence the Slovak League of America never presented a false image of the Slovak nation. Despite the temporary set-back inflicted on the Slovak League by Dr. Benes's false propagandists, the fact that the Slovak League stood firm in defense of the Slovak nation's rights to freedom and selfgoverning statehood only confirms the amazing similarity of objectives of the Slovak nation and its great champion overseas, the Slovak League of America. There never has been, therefore, any major divergence of views or objectives between the two. Detroit (Michigan) was host to the 28th Congress of the Slovak League on October 29, 1946. It proved to be a dramatic convention. All the cards were placed on the table at this historic Detroit Congress. Dr. Benes who had promised to make Czecho-Slovakia an island of democracy had just announced that he had placed the reorganized state into the hands of Moscow, and thereby surrendered central Europe to Communism. International developments reached a crisis soon so that there was an immediate cleavage between the East and West. Dr. Benes chose the East with communism and Soviet dictatorship that seized complete control of all countries under various pretexts in the Russian orbit. The Iron Curtain was about to come down and divide Europe into two hostile camps. In direct opposition to Dr. Benes, the Slovak League made its momentous decision. Moreover, the Slovak nation, too, in the May elections of 1946 cast more than a % democratic majority vote while the communist party in SLOVAKIA 95 Slovakia garnered considerably less than a third of the total vote in the country . Slovak statehood as the most responsible form of political organization had been cherished for ages by the Slovak nation. In modern times this ideal was upheld admirably by the Slovak League of America. At its 26th Congress in Detroit, the Slovak League unanimously adopted a declaration favoring independent statehood for the Slovaks in their historic homeland ( since the 5th century A.D . the Slovaks have lived in their present country ). Dr. Peter Hletko, M.D. headed the special committee that had drawn up this declaration: "The Committee of the future program has taken into consideration the whole world situation, and in relationship to it the present status of the Slovak nation's aspirations to liberty; also the mind of the American Slovaks. After much deliberation and discussion, therefore, this committee submits the following program with confidence that its ideas and proposals will win approval and adoption at this Congress so that all of the supreme officers, the various local officials and all the assemblies of the Slovak League throughout America will accept this program as its very own. "The proposed program for the future destiny of the Slovaks is designed to coordinate all of our efforts so that by unified action we can reach our common goal that will be of immense value to the Slovaks in their home country and to the American Slovaks, too. "Our stand in the Slovak League of America, therefore, requires that we clarify our policies on a number of issues. Consequently, we propose to express precisely what position we take in relationship to the following : The Czecho-Slovak R epublic " So far, the Slovak League of America never maintained a hostile attitude towards the Czecho-Slovak Republic. We admit we criticized the government and the representatives of that country, and we came to the aid of the Slovak nation in its struggle for a recognition of its just rights, and we condemned the injustices perpetrated on the Slovak people, but we never advocated nor took any ga SLOVAKIA steps to destroy the Republic of Czecho-Slovakia even when our detractors labelled us unjustly as the destroyers of this state. "Not even after the Slovaks established their own state six months before World War II, nor during the entire conflict when Czechoslovak adherents were busily planning to reconstruct Czecho-Slovakia, did the Slovak League in America declare itself in opposition to a renewal of that country, but it unequivocally maintained the right of selfdetermination for the Slovak nation and it openly fought for this right to be exercised by the Slovaks freely to determine what type of self-government they wished and what form of state administration they wanted as the will of the majority of the Slovak people. "We often repeated our views that if the Slovaks were granted the opportunity to express their will freely as to what form of government they wished to have, or what type of state or federation they preferred, and even if they should choose Czecho-Slovakia all over again, we said that we would be completely _satisfied and would not disagree or opposE: their choice. We insisted, however, and fought for the right of the Slovak nation during World War II that once Europe and the world would be reorganized after the conflict the Slovaks must be guaranteed a free vote, subject to no pressure, violence or force - in a word, complete freedom to express their own national will . "In spite of every assurance by the great powers, however, and contrary to various world declarations, by which all nations, particularly the small ones, were given high hopes of liberation, freedom and independence, and despite the Atlantic Charter which won the trust of all the small nations but which was discarded once the objectives for which it was proclaimed were secure, and in spite of all the promises for free expression and choice of the future destiny of the Slovaks, f:.bsolutely no opportunity was given to the Slovak nation for making a free choice at all. "Simply and definitely once more the Slovaks were thrown back into the Benes's pre-fabricated structure, namely, the postwar Czecho-Slovak Republic. It was explained that this was necessary in order to re-establish the pre- SLOVAKIA 97 Munich status quo but this was sheer deceit, for the restoration of the pre-Munich status quo was only done whenever and wherever it was to the advantage of a number of world-powers, if it was not to their advantage, there was simply no restoration at all. "Neither the so-called national revolt, nor the Kosice agreement were manifestations of the Slovak nation's will, and therefore there was no obligation on the part of the Slovaks to return to Czecho-Slovakia. No one asked the Slovaks their preference - all at once they found themselves back in the old, slightly-mended Czecho-Slovakia. "As we have noted on the very first occasion that the Slovaks had to manifest their will and they did so by an overwhelming majority of more than two-thirds against communism but this was not counted in any way-and the Slovak nation was retained as an oppressed nation under communist rule . . . and has remained under communist dictatorship since 1946. "Nevertheless, the Slovaks were not granted a choice to vote on the issue if they wanted to remain in the old Czecho-Slovak Republic or not. They were forced to accept the fait accompli situation with the Czechs again in power. This injustice is all the greater since we know and are firmly convinced that the Slovak nation been given an opportunity of free choice, it certainly would have voted overwhelmingly against being re-attached to Benes's postwar creation, Czecho-Slovakia III. "Apparently the Slovaks have a semblance of autonomy in postwar Czecho-Slovakia but this does not alter the fact that they were denied their freedom of choice. Moreover, the Republic is officially named Czechoslovakia and continues to be written without the controversial hyphen (it should be Czecho-Slovakia). As it is now, this jndicates that the new government is still imbued with the spirit of the false and artificial identity of a Czechoslovak nation. A return to the 'old sins' presages a gradual taking away of self-government from the Slovaks because Benes has reiterated his belief that the Slovaks must not be permitted to have 'wild dreams of self-rule.' "Czech centralism still rules, for Slovak administration is subject to Praha. For these, and other reasons not 98 SLOVAKIA mentioned, we are forced to come to the conclusion that inevitably we must restrain our tolerant policy and favorable attitude to the Czecho-Slovak state by abandoning what we American Slovaks for so many years held as proper and hopeful for the future. The present demands another policy, hence, we stand in opposition to the new, illegal Czecho-Slovakia and we now emphasize the fact that the Slovaks were wronged as a nation. We intend to inform the great powers and the whole world of this grave injustice because the Slovaks were forced into the postwar Czecho-Slovak Republic. " As free American Slovaks we further protest that the Slovak nation is held in political bondage in a state that leans away from western democracy and is helping to create an anti-democratic bloc while the Slovaks are truly democratic-minded as they surely indicated by the recent vote that left no doubt of their resistance to communist influence and infiltration from the East. The Slovak State "Many good and sound reasons would prompt the Slovaks to vote against re-attaching Slovakia to the newlyre-created Czecho-Slovakia, and that by a vast majority of votes against re-union, for while the Slovaks were discriminated against in pre-war Czecho-Slovakia, the same is true today. "Under their own regime in their own Slovak Republic the Slovaks were happy and prosperous, they worked and progressed economically, politically, culturally, they built, created and developed a new life of their own. Never before were the Slovaks so content with their lot. This good fortune not even the enemies of the Slovak State can deny . The record of the Slovak Republic speaks for itself. "World conditions in wartime brought temporary prosperity not only to America but to other countries, too. Nevertheless, prosperity for the Slovak state, though necessarily stimulated by the war, had as its permanent basis the industry, ingenuity and inspiration of the Slovak nation that was vitally interested in its destiny. The Slovak people cooperated splendidly and enthusiastically in the building of their own self-governing state. SLOVAKIA 99 "Dependence, to some extent, upon its powerful neighbor, Germany, was a natural relationship, for small nations always depend upon strong nations in time of peace or war. Here it must be noted, however, that neither England, the U.S. nor the USSR were of any assistance to the Slovak Republic . "Every small state seeks protection and security wherever it can. The Slovak state needed protection for national survival. Yet, it must be affirmed that the Slovak Republic was not a gift to the Slovaks from either the Germans or their leader, Hitler. Further, the Slovak state was not a German creation. On the contrary, the Slovaks had to defend their country against German machinations, and intrigues of other nations. The Slovak Republic was truly the result of the aspirations of the Slovak nation for freedom and their own state. A free state is the zenith and fulfillment of the highest and noblest ideals of every nation. "A return to limited rights, or a surrender of all rights of the Slovak nation by the involuntary incorporation of the Slovak people in the Czecho-Slovak Republic, is a step backwards and definitely contrary to sttir's motto: 'We cannot go backward - We must go forward.' "Our duty is to inform and influence the world in this direction, namely, the renewal of a free Slovak Republic, the existence of which is at the same time the obligation of all the nations of the world . "Unconditionally, the Slovak League of America urges the great powers to re-establish the Slovak Republic because in it the Slovak nation found its true destiny, enjoyed peace, prosperity and freedom, and made unpresedented progress in every phase of its national culture. The Slovak League and Dr. Tiso "Dr. Jozef Tiso, president of the Slovak Republic, had the welfare of the Slovak nation at heart. Not even his enemies can deny that he was sincere in his efforts to insure the national well-being of the Slovak people in their own, free and independent state. While many others fled to safety after resigning high positions, Dr. Tiso remained in his country to serve it in a grave crisis. To minimize 100 SLOVAKIA his virtues and magnify his faults, mistakes, methods, policies etc., is easy, but it will not change the facts that despite his real or imaginary administrative deficiencies he not only succeeded in saving the Slovak nation from destruction but supervised the Slovak state so admirably that the people in Slovakia enjoyed peace, prosperity and great cultural and economic progress. "Nobody can erase the true image of Dr. Tiso as a kind, just and wise president of the Slovak Republic. The Slovak nation reveres his memory today despite the attempts of the enemy to destroy that image by false propaganda spread throughout the world. We are horrified at the malice of our enemies who seek to brand President Tiso as a traitor to his Slovak nation and as such are planning to try him in a court-of-law ... the impending trial, of course, to be supervised by his enemies and the enemies of the Slovak nation. "To defend Dr. Tiso is our most solemn duty. We must arouse world opinion in his favor to offset the slanderous campaign against him. It is quite obvious that the efforts to discredit his good name is done with a vengeance, and H our enemies succeed in unjustly dishonoring him they will wreak their utmost revenge upon him. And it would be a great crime of gross injustice against a just man and the Slovak nation. "Dr. Tiso is not a war criminal. He did not torture anyone, he did not execute one person, or give orders to execute anyone. Father Tiso did not commit any crime. He was the great defender and benefactor of his country which he served with distinction and honor. The Slovak National Council "Much has been written and discussed about the socalled Slovak national council. Our position towards this organization remains unchanged. We still regard it as an agency that has usurped power and authority because it was not elected or authorized by the Slovaks, nor approved de facto by the Slovak nation, and consequently in a democratic system it is not a legal body and has no legal standing or jurisdiction. SLOVAKIA 101 The Slovak Liberation Committee "Against no one who wishes to work conscientiously for the liberation of the Slovak nation does the Slovak League of America have any arguments. In fact it welcomes any positive action. However, to achieve success there is need for a common united front - not a faction or several factions. "Assumption of definite rights and obligations is the prerogative of the Slovak League of America because it is recognized as the highest cultural-political organization of American Slovaks, and as such it wants to retain this preeminent position and prestige by the pursuit of a prudent policy and by its charitable activities . Therefore, if anyone desires to participate in a national program involving the Slovak League must, necessarily coordinate his efforts with the program of the Slovak League. He must never misuse the name of the League, nor use the name prematurely without being properly authorized to do so. "Our organization has experienced many crises but has ultimately taken the proper stand on many intricate problems and questions mainly because it has acted discretely, carefully, and always adopted a course of action only after a thorough study of all the problems involved. It has refrained from following the opinion of this or that 5ndividual and hence has avoided being influenced by the enthusiasm of individuals, often admirable, but too often erroneous. "We do not condemn the Slovak Action Committee, nor do we suspect its aims, but because this committee has committed a number of errors of judgment and because its program does not assure us of the successful liberation of the Slovak nation at this time, and finally, because as yet we have not come to any agreement with its spokesmen, the Slovak League of America maintains its friendly attitude but continues its traditional policy of watchful waiting towards this committee. "Never has the Slovak League in America lost out in much more serious affairs by 'watchful waiting,' and we believe it will not lose anything by keeping this policy. Be it noted well, that the use of sharp and bitter phrases l.02 SLOVAKIA against Slovak leaders in America or Europe, or the general attitude, which gives the impression that the Slovak Action Committee wants to by-pass, ignore or sabotage the action of the Slovak League of America, certainly does not constitute the best means of winning the friendship, confidence or cooperation of the League . "We are well informed that the Slovak Action Committee must come to friendly terms with other prominent persons in Europe who have the best interests of the Slovak nation at heart. These must not exclude each other by mutual disagreement or refusal to arrive at mutual understanding. "Until that time when all the responsible Slovak leaders meet and agree on a common program in behalf of the Slovak nation's fight for freedom and welfare, the Slovak League cannot give an unqualified endorsement to the Slovak Action Committee. What is far more important in this case is that the American government will not sanction our formal union with the activity of the Slovak Action Committee. The Three 'Isms "Against the trio of the present three 'isms: nazism, fascism, and communism, the Slovak League has gone on record long ago. The first two are vanquished. We, too, helped to crush them. But our stand against the third one, namely, communism, has not changed. We will not stop fighting until this one, too, is completely destroyed. "American public opinion is subject to various changes but we remain unchanged and unmoved in our position to communism. It is necessary to do everything possible in opposition to it because the sooner we get rid of this 'ism the sooner will Slovakia be liberated and the less will America suffer from its intrigues, plots and machinations. "Communism today has a death-grip on Slovakia, and the Slovaks are helpless. If it were not for this alien power, the Slovak nation would easily dispose of Benes, the Czechoslovaks and the Czech imperialists. And communist bayonets which escorted Benes to power in Praha keep the Slovaks imprisoned in their own country while they SLOVAKIA 103 keep Benes in his position as head of the post-war Czechoslovak satellite of the Soviet Union. "As loyal Americans, as true Slovaks, and as Christians, too, it is our sacred duty to fight communism no matter where it appears, except perhaps in Moscow, if they want it there let them keep it there." When at one of its very first sessions, Vice-President Pavol Jamriska, presiding chairman, gave a brief review of the above declaration and the position taken by the Slovak League of America, there was a spontaneous outburst of applause The vote was unanimously in approval and all the subsequent sessions were conducted in this spirit. Everyone present sensed the importance of this momentous decision and when Dr . Peter P. Hletko finished reading the detailed program of the Slovak League the approval was unanimous. The Canadian Slovak League, which was holding its convention simultaneously, adopted the American Slovak League's resolution and proclamation. Embattled in their homeland, the Slovaks have found a true champion in the Slovak League of America which once again supports their noble cause of political liberty, cultural freedom, economic opportunity and, in our day, the added sacred cause of religious freedom. These foregoing facts are merely segments from many pages of the illustrious history of the Slovak League. Its history will undoubtedly some day be enshrined as a glorious chapter in the history of the Slovak nation. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA heartily commends all efforts of our governmental and other organs to ferret out and unmask all Communists and fellow travellers, as well as all persons and organizations who wittingly or unwittingly give aid and comfort to the conspiracy of Communism promoted by the Soviet Union.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovak League of America and Independent Slovakia Description An account of the resource Mikuláš Šprinc Slovakia, Vol. 17 (No. 40), 1967 pp. 63-103 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Šprinc, Mikuláš, 1914-1986 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1967 Relation A related resource This article is one of five from this special issue republished as a monograph: Paučo, Jozef, ed. 1967. <em>Sixty Years of the Slovak League of America.</em> Middletown Pennsylvania: Slovak League of America. <a href="https://worldcat.org/en/title/36616" target="_blank" title="Link to WorldCat" rel="noreferrer noopener">https://worldcat.org/en/title/36616</a> 60years SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/df353948399f5034df14401db3114502.pdf ad9b12e7af62c4acb9b45cf9bc721e8e PDF Text Text 60 SLOVAKIA Slovak League of America and Slovak World Congress Edward J . B e h u n c i k President of the Slovak League of America Remarks at the closing banque t - Slovak World Congress Saturday, June 30, 1973, Pick-Congress Hotel, Chicago, Illinois Tonight, as you did two years ago at Toronto, you do me the honor of having me as President of the Slovak League of America speak on behalf of the Slovak American organizations and societies. It is a great pleasure to join this assemblage where we find a greater amount of Slovak cultivation of mind, of natural genius, of everything which constitutes the development of Slovak intelligence than undoubtedly ever has assembled within the same space anywhere else except perhaps at another Slovak World Congress. Three years ago, week before last, we free men of Slovak origin made a great decision. With an unanimity so complete that it absolutely silenced opposition, we took our place formally against the schemes and purposes of the temporary oppressors of our brethren in subjugated Slovakia. We have a peculiar satisfaction today in the reflection that when we made the decision we made no reservation. We cast in all we had; we asked nothing for ourselves for, even if we had, our oppressed brethren could not, however they might wish, give us anything. But, we made no terms with anyone but ourselves. Our newly formed organization was to be, and is, open to all men af good will, freedom loving and God fearing, whether they be Protestant or Catholic, Gentile or Jew, irrespective of color or creed - only so long as they be Slovak, by origin or marriage. Immediately after that great decision, and largely as a result of that great decision, we soon became the target of the Communist dominated governments in the subjugated �SLOVAKIA 61 states of Eastern Europe, especially that of Prague. This action, however, merely proved that we had become a recognizable enemy, worthy of the attention of, and of interest to, the Prague stooges of Moscow. Today, I venture to say, that deep in the heart of every Slovak everywhere throughout the globe, - and even for a brief time on the moon when Slovak Astronaut Ceman was aloft - there is a feeling of pride, pride about which we grow more certain everyday; pride over something we did that we believe will be endorsed absolutely by history, and vrill be the richest heritage we can leave to our children; pride not merely because we were able, at this time of crisis in Slovak history, to strike a giant blow in the interests of humanity but pride primarily because we struck that blow unselfishly. Your very presence at this Chicago Congress reinvigorates and revives all the impulses which earlier gripped and drove us on and made us worthy morally and with dedication to undertake to germinate the noble idea of a Slovak World Congress. We are now in a time of progress - that means advancement not retrogression, improvement not decay; it means accomplishment not failure, it means onward and forward. And so we must go or we will merely be making the Congress a factor only inside our small parochial circles. This we must not do! For if we regress instead of progress, if our drift is away from and not toward its highest ideals and traditions, slowly but surely the vitality which sustains the Slovak World Congress will slip away, and I say, without hesitation, that our Congress and the Slovak cause will cease to appeal to intelligent men. It will become nothing but an empty shell, a jargon of titles and platitudes - for we will be following the shadow and not the substance. That we must not permit it to become. And I am confident that we will not. No matter what previous opinions we have entertained, �62 SLOVAKIA no matter what we may charge to the past lack of cooperation between our various groups, no matter what our own ideas of the future relations of these groups - our paramount duty for the present and future is, as I said at Toronto, and again here repeat - to rise above all selfish contributions , all jealousies, all prejudices and give the Slovak people the true Slovak ideals - the best there is in us. This is the day of test for free Slovaks everywhere, but it is also the day of priceless opportunity. And those who today spend their treasure and give of their blood and energy in this sacred cause will have their memory perpetuated for all time. First, as the true defenders of freedom, then as the true children of our institutions those who learned from our fathers and retained the simple lessons of trust. This trust is the sincere trust in Almighty God and in the principles of justice that He has put in the hearts of men. Let us then look and move forward and onward as we fight and struggle not only for ourselves and our brethren in Slovakia but for future generations as well. Because if we do, then those who come after us will enjoy the freedom which will have been bought by our contributions of time, energy, money and dedicated devotion. Thus, we will be fully carrying out our duties as energetic and inspired members of our Slovak World Congress. Thus, I am fully confident, we will move forward in peace and harmony. And thus, we will help our subjugated brothers and sisters in oppressed Slovakia to approach the dream of Milton, where he says: Methinks I see in my mind a noble and puissant nation rousing herself like a strong man after sleep, and shaking her invincible locks; Methinks I see her as an eagle mewing her mighty youU and kindling her un<lazzled eyes at the full midday beam . . . � 60 SLOVAKIA Slovak League of America and Slovak World Congress Edward J . B e h u n c i k President of the Slovak League of America Remarks at the closing banque t - Slovak World Congress Saturday, June 30, 1973, Pick-Congress Hotel, Chicago, Illinois Tonight, as you did two years ago at Toronto, you do me the honor of having me as President of the Slovak League of America speak on behalf of the Slovak American organizations and societies. It is a great pleasure to join this assemblage where we find a greater amount of Slovak cultivation of mind, of natural genius, of everything which constitutes the development of Slovak intelligence than undoubtedly ever has assembled within the same space anywhere else except perhaps at another Slovak World Congress. Three years ago, week before last, we free men of Slovak origin made a great decision. With an unanimity so complete that it absolutely silenced opposition, we took our place formally against the schemes and purposes of the temporary oppressors of our brethren in subjugated Slovakia. We have a peculiar satisfaction today in the reflection that when we made the decision we made no reservation. We cast in all we had; we asked nothing for ourselves for, even if we had, our oppressed brethren could not, however they might wish, give us anything. But, we made no terms with anyone but ourselves. Our newly formed organization was to be, and is, open to all men af good will, freedom loving and God fearing, whether they be Protestant or Catholic, Gentile or Jew, irrespective of color or creed - only so long as they be Slovak, by origin or marriage. Immediately after that great decision, and largely as a result of that great decision, we soon became the target of the Communist dominated governments in the subjugated �SLOVAKIA 61 states of Eastern Europe, especially that of Prague. This action, however, merely proved that we had become a recognizable enemy, worthy of the attention of, and of interest to, the Prague stooges of Moscow. Today, I venture to say, that deep in the heart of every Slovak everywhere throughout the globe, - and even for a brief time on the moon when Slovak Astronaut Ceman was aloft - there is a feeling of pride, pride about which we grow more certain everyday; pride over something we did that we believe will be endorsed absolutely by history, and vrill be the richest heritage we can leave to our children; pride not merely because we were able, at this time of crisis in Slovak history, to strike a giant blow in the interests of humanity but pride primarily because we struck that blow unselfishly. Your very presence at this Chicago Congress reinvigorates and revives all the impulses which earlier gripped and drove us on and made us worthy morally and with dedication to undertake to germinate the noble idea of a Slovak World Congress. We are now in a time of progress - that means advancement not retrogression, improvement not decay; it means accomplishment not failure, it means onward and forward. And so we must go or we will merely be making the Congress a factor only inside our small parochial circles. This we must not do! For if we regress instead of progress, if our drift is away from and not toward its highest ideals and traditions, slowly but surely the vitality which sustains the Slovak World Congress will slip away, and I say, without hesitation, that our Congress and the Slovak cause will cease to appeal to intelligent men. It will become nothing but an empty shell, a jargon of titles and platitudes - for we will be following the shadow and not the substance. That we must not permit it to become. And I am confident that we will not. No matter what previous opinions we have entertained, �62 SLOVAKIA no matter what we may charge to the past lack of cooperation between our various groups, no matter what our own ideas of the future relations of these groups - our paramount duty for the present and future is, as I said at Toronto, and again here repeat - to rise above all selfish contributions , all jealousies, all prejudices and give the Slovak people the true Slovak ideals - the best there is in us. This is the day of test for free Slovaks everywhere, but it is also the day of priceless opportunity. And those who today spend their treasure and give of their blood and energy in this sacred cause will have their memory perpetuated for all time. First, as the true defenders of freedom, then as the true children of our institutions those who learned from our fathers and retained the simple lessons of trust. This trust is the sincere trust in Almighty God and in the principles of justice that He has put in the hearts of men. Let us then look and move forward and onward as we fight and struggle not only for ourselves and our brethren in Slovakia but for future generations as well. Because if we do, then those who come after us will enjoy the freedom which will have been bought by our contributions of time, energy, money and dedicated devotion. Thus, we will be fully carrying out our duties as energetic and inspired members of our Slovak World Congress. Thus, I am fully confident, we will move forward in peace and harmony. And thus, we will help our subjugated brothers and sisters in oppressed Slovakia to approach the dream of Milton, where he says: Methinks I see in my mind a noble and puissant nation rousing herself like a strong man after sleep, and shaking her invincible locks; Methinks I see her as an eagle mewing her mighty youU and kindling her un<lazzled eyes at the full midday beam . . . � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1974, Vol. 24 Description An account of the resource Vol. 24 (No. 47), 1974. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1974 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 60 SLOVAKIA Slovak League of America and Slovak World Congress Edward J . B e h u n c i k President of the Slovak League of America Remarks at the closing banque t - Slovak World Congress Saturday, June 30, 1973, Pick-Congress Hotel, Chicago, Illinois Tonight, as you did two years ago at Toronto, you do me the honor of having me as President of the Slovak League of America speak on behalf of the Slovak American organizations and societies. It is a great pleasure to join this assemblage where we find a greater amount of Slovak cultivation of mind, of natural genius, of everything which constitutes the development of Slovak intelligence than undoubtedly ever has assembled within the same space anywhere else except perhaps at another Slovak World Congress. Three years ago, week before last, we free men of Slovak origin made a great decision. With an unanimity so complete that it absolutely silenced opposition, we took our place formally against the schemes and purposes of the temporary oppressors of our brethren in subjugated Slovakia. We have a peculiar satisfaction today in the reflection that when we made the decision we made no reservation. We cast in all we had; we asked nothing for ourselves for, even if we had, our oppressed brethren could not, however they might wish, give us anything. But, we made no terms with anyone but ourselves. Our newly formed organization was to be, and is, open to all men af good will, freedom loving and God fearing, whether they be Protestant or Catholic, Gentile or Jew, irrespective of color or creed - only so long as they be Slovak, by origin or marriage. Immediately after that great decision, and largely as a result of that great decision, we soon became the target of the Communist dominated governments in the subjugated SLOVAKIA 61 states of Eastern Europe, especially that of Prague. This action, however, merely proved that we had become a recognizable enemy, worthy of the attention of, and of interest to, the Prague stooges of Moscow. Today, I venture to say, that deep in the heart of every Slovak everywhere throughout the globe, - and even for a brief time on the moon when Slovak Astronaut Ceman was aloft - there is a feeling of pride, pride about which we grow more certain everyday; pride over something we did that we believe will be endorsed absolutely by history, and vrill be the richest heritage we can leave to our children; pride not merely because we were able, at this time of crisis in Slovak history, to strike a giant blow in the interests of humanity but pride primarily because we struck that blow unselfishly. Your very presence at this Chicago Congress reinvigorates and revives all the impulses which earlier gripped and drove us on and made us worthy morally and with dedication to undertake to germinate the noble idea of a Slovak World Congress. We are now in a time of progress - that means advancement not retrogression, improvement not decay; it means accomplishment not failure, it means onward and forward. And so we must go or we will merely be making the Congress a factor only inside our small parochial circles. This we must not do! For if we regress instead of progress, if our drift is away from and not toward its highest ideals and traditions, slowly but surely the vitality which sustains the Slovak World Congress will slip away, and I say, without hesitation, that our Congress and the Slovak cause will cease to appeal to intelligent men. It will become nothing but an empty shell, a jargon of titles and platitudes - for we will be following the shadow and not the substance. That we must not permit it to become. And I am confident that we will not. No matter what previous opinions we have entertained, 62 SLOVAKIA no matter what we may charge to the past lack of cooperation between our various groups, no matter what our own ideas of the future relations of these groups - our paramount duty for the present and future is, as I said at Toronto, and again here repeat - to rise above all selfish contributions , all jealousies, all prejudices and give the Slovak people the true Slovak ideals - the best there is in us. This is the day of test for free Slovaks everywhere, but it is also the day of priceless opportunity. And those who today spend their treasure and give of their blood and energy in this sacred cause will have their memory perpetuated for all time. First, as the true defenders of freedom, then as the true children of our institutions those who learned from our fathers and retained the simple lessons of trust. This trust is the sincere trust in Almighty God and in the principles of justice that He has put in the hearts of men. Let us then look and move forward and onward as we fight and struggle not only for ourselves and our brethren in Slovakia but for future generations as well. Because if we do, then those who come after us will enjoy the freedom which will have been bought by our contributions of time, energy, money and dedicated devotion. Thus, we will be fully carrying out our duties as energetic and inspired members of our Slovak World Congress. Thus, I am fully confident, we will move forward in peace and harmony. And thus, we will help our subjugated brothers and sisters in oppressed Slovakia to approach the dream of Milton, where he says: Methinks I see in my mind a noble and puissant nation rousing herself like a strong man after sleep, and shaking her invincible locks; Methinks I see her as an eagle mewing her mighty youU and kindling her un<lazzled eyes at the full midday beam . . .  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovak League of America and Slovak World Congress Description An account of the resource Edward J. Behuncik, President of the Slovak League of America Slovakia, Vol. 24 (No. 47), 1974 pp. 60-62 Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Behuncik, Edward J. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1974 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/eeac60f2645d6fd4024c8b94e87a5c20.pdf 9da186ea972f17e9cda4964274cf3fdd PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 47 SLOVAK LITERATURE AND NATIONAL CONSCIOUSNESS BEF10RE ANTON BERNOLAK (1762-1813) JOHN REKEM, S.T.D. AN INTRODUCTORY NOTE There is much misunderst•anding in the Anglo-Saxon world about the Slovak literature before Bernolak (1762-1813). Under the influence of some Czech literary historians as Jaroslav Vlcek, A. Prazak, V. Chaloupecky and some others, statements have been repeated that Slovaks till the publishing of Bernolak's "Dissertatio Philologico crititca de literis Slavorum" - 1787, did not have their own literature and literary language, that they wrote in "Czechoslovak linguistic union" and Bernolak only separated SlovaJks from Czechs in literature and founded Slovak literary language in the form of a Trnava dialect. The late P.A. Hrobak (1904-1964) repeatedly showed that these Czechisizing tendencies of the above and some other authors were false and unfounded. He refuted their conclusions by profound analysis of their own works and by analysis of historical facts. 1 J.M. Kirschbaum, in a similar way in his works showed the discrepancies and lack of truth of some of these literary historians, who in their work were more led by fervor and expedience of the political tendencies of a "unified Czechoslovak nation" than by historical facts and strict scientific methods. 2 Kirschbaum showed that the most recent Czech literary historical school3, compelled by historical evidence abandoned the fictions of the older Czech literary historians about the domination of Czech or "Czechoslovak" language in Slovakia, and this new school acknowledged that: "Slovak language, whose development goes back to ancient times, was established as a literary language in connection with the formation of the Slovaks into a nation ... the establishment of the lite:rary Slovak language can in no way be viewed as a separation from the literary Czech language, but only as a long, slow development towards a literary language" .... 4 The author of this study a,,lready in his previous work: "The Origin and development of the Slovak language" 5 �48 SLOVAKIA put forward arguments for the existence of an independent Slovak language, literature and Slovak national feeling long before Bernolak. He followed the existence of independent Slovak consciousness from the oldest Cyrilomethodian literary memoirs and fragments up to the so called "Jesuit Slovak language" of the 17th and the 18th centuries before Bernolak's codification of Slovak. In this study we will deal with other pre-Bernolak representatives of Slovak literature or of Latin writers of Slov:ak descent, who even if they did not write in Slovak\ by their Latin works they kindled, strengthened the Slovak consciousness or defended the Sloviak nation and its cultural and political rights. We show the existence of grammars codifying the Slovak literary language before Bernolak, the existence of translation of Holy Writ into Slovak long before the "Separatist" move of Bernoliak in 1787. 1 Translation of the Holy Writ into Slovak before Bernolak The German Christian missions to the Slovaks at the end of the 8th and the beginning of the 9th century left their vestiges in the Slovak language, in a special way in religious terminology and in the basic most important prayers6, like "Our Father" etc .... It is certain that in their sermons and religious teaching the German missionaries used single paragraphs from The Holy Writ translated into the hnguage understandable to the Slovaks. Whether they progressed so far as to being able to translate at least the New Testament or even the Old Testament into Slovak we do not know. We hold this was quite unlikely but we can not give this negiative answer with certainty. It is known that many historical manusripts and writings were produced but have not yet been found or were lost and destroyed. This does not mean that they did not exist. More recently some manuscripts were found which put in a new light some periods of history -and changed the meaning of historical epochs. It will be necessary to do a great deal of research in the Benedictine monasteries of Austria and Bavaria, where t he sons of the Slovak noblemen studied for priesthood and prepared themselves for missionary work •a mong their countrymen. It was a great misfortune for the Slovak cultural history that the Abbey of St. Hyppolite on Zobor near �SLOVAKIA 4!:i Nitra was destroyed with all its manuscripts and cultural tre asures. This Benedictine Abbey, whose origins date from pre-Cyrilomethodian times would answer many a literary and historical problem of the Slovak past. It was not until the 9th century that the Slovaks obtained translation of The Holy Writ. This translation endured the ravages of time but is still today in some changed forms accessible. The translation was begun by [;t. Cyril and Methodius and was finished in Slovakia or Gre8.t Moravia by the disciples of Methodius, bishop Gorazd and his group, on the feast of St. Demetrius. 7 In what language was this transl•a tion of The Holy Writ written? Macedonio - Bulgarian dialect or Great Moravia Slovak? Many Slavists consider this translation a MacedonioBulgarian language with distinct lexical slovakisms and pure Slovak words. Some others, as professor G. Y. Shevelov cf Columbia U1I1iversity, through an analysis of the Kyjev ma:nuscripts, maintains that the original language of this translation is not a Macedonio- Bulgarian dialect, but a Moravian-Slovak dialect with Macedonian infiltrations.8 Prof. J. Stanislav of Bratislava is of similar views, 9 and so was before him J. Skultety.10 Even if the }anguage of this translation was not the coUoquial Slovak of that period, it was accepted by the Slovaks of Great Moravia and Pannonia as their own, it was used by them through the following centuries and it formed the cultural and literary basis for their national survival. The Slovaks included the cyrilomethodian literature into their cultural and literary heritage from the very beginning. This cyrolomethodian literature, including The Holy Writ, became the basis of the Slovak culture and became so deeply rooted in the Slovak nation that even when the Latin language was forced by king Svatopluk on his subjects and when the archbishop Gorazd and other St. Methodius disciples were exiled, this literature could not be suppressed, and lived in the nation and the nation lived by it. And after Svatopluk's death the strong influence of this living literature was the basis for the return and the revival of the old Slovak liturgy. Even after the final defeat of the Glagolitic Slovak Western rite liturgy in the 13th century, the cyrilomethodian literature lived in the 1 �50 SLOVAKIA homes of the people. The CM translation of the Holy Writ was read, copied, adapted to the changing and developing language and so were in a similar way other manuscripts from the 9th century, as we see f. e. from "Cyrilo-Methodiam. fragments of Spis" from the 12th or 13th century.U Not only that the Slovaks of the Latin rite used through centuries this translation of Scriptures in their homes, but that part which is attached to the Byzantine rite has kept the old Slovak in the liturgical services up to now and still reads in its liturgy pericops and excerpts of Holy Writ in the Old Church-Slova:k. Even when by the progress of history the colloquial Slovak sta'rted to differ more and more from the old literary Slovak, the old cyrilomethodian translation remained as teacher for Slovak nation transcribed in Latin letters and accomodated to the changing tongue till next complete new camaldul translation in 18th century. 12 In the 17th century after the foundation of the Trnava University in 1635 by Cardinal Peter Pazmanyi, the Slovak religious literary life started to unfold more and more. Many secular and jesuit priests of Slovak descent concentrated their literary efforts around the Trnava University and by their bodks and writings intended to intensify the Catholic religious life and by polemic and apologetic literature to defend Catholic teaching and convert non-Catholic· reformators to their faith. The scope of this Pazmanyi circle 13 was wide, and it prepared its members for their task very methodically. In their work for renewal of religious life they needed new liturgical books new translations, and multifarious literary publications. To have them properly and purposefully written they required in the first place a new translation of the Holy Writ. And that was not a small task. They knew that such a complete translation means that it not only in spiritual direction but as well as linguistical will be influencing the life of the nation maybe for a century, or even more centuries. And fundaments in this case were the basic linguistical norms which should be observed by translators and writers and that way stabilize and codify the literary la:nguage, to be an able instrument of instruction and religious edification. So in 1648 a dictionary was published in T r n a v a : "Vocabularium Hungarico-Latino-Sla vonicum" �SLOVAKIA 51 not mentioning the others. In the Pazmanyi Slovak creative circle they stabilized the norms of Slovak they were using and literary historians designated this as " Jesuit Slovak". 14 What followed and what was produced in this language was no more just single attempts of loose individuals but that was a collective manifestation of a generation of translators and writers from the clergy and later even from laymen professsions. The example of Jesuits and of secular clergy in the Slovak literary field gave impetus to the numerous members of the Fraciscan order to ,a more dynamic literary activity. The members of the Paulinist15a and Piarist religious orders gave also their helpful hand to the building of Slovak r eligious culture and literature. But what is most surprising is the fact that one of the strictest and from outside world segregated orders, so called "mute monks" as they were till last times called in Nitra region even centuries after their expulsion-the Camaldus, Cistercians15 , were connected in translating, writing and linguistic w c- rk in Slovak language and about Slovak language. From this fact that the Slovak literary movement reached behind the double walls of Camaldule cells we can see how strong that movement was at the end of the 17th and the beginning of the 18th centuries. Two kinds of literary schools at that time cultivated and were giving impetus to the creation in SloV'ak for cultural and religious enlightment of Slovaks: Pazmanyi Circle and Camaldule Circle. Both these literary schools were preparing themselves according to their plans and purposes for speedy and satisfactorily completion of liturg"ical books: Hymnal "Cantus Catholici" 1655 (written in Spisska Kapitula, published at Trnava University), Ritual, Trnava 1715, then pericops, apologetic, polemic, hagiographic literature in Slovak vernacular. All this served as •a preparation for the translation of the Holy Writ in New Slovak. There is still a question how far the Pazmanyi Circle <:oopernted with the Camaldule Circle which succeeded in translating the whole Holy Scripture into New Slovak. This circle appeared a little later on the Slovak literary stage, but its significance and endeavours were rivaling with the older Pazmanyi Circle. We know the Camaldulcs continued in the work of the preceding Pazmanyi Cir cle but �52 SLOVAKIA Cantos Catholici - Pysne katholicke, Trnava 1655. Copy from the Bibliothek of the Piarist convent, which Czech communists confiscated and turned into a Concentration camp for priests and religious brothers �SLOVAKIA 53 whether they worked independently , or they were commissioned to do the translation of the Holy Writ by the Pazmanyi Circle we are not certain. All the Cistercian convents are in ruins and their ample libraries with precious manuscripts were sold by weight to second hand dealers. Only fragments were saved, mostly by chance, here and there and found in the recent decades. Thus "Syllabus dictionarij latino-slavoni cus'' of 176316 was found in 1929. The author of this "Syllabus" is a cistercian monk Romuald Hadbavny from Michalovce of Spis, a scribe of convent chapters, domestic historian of his order and probably the main realizator of Sloviak literary and cultural efforts in the Camaldule community. 17 This "Syllabus" is of great importance for the history of the Slovak language and literature for two reasons: (a) for interesting and perfect orthographic rules from the point of the Sloviak language of today: (b) for its connections with the first Camaldule tran!'llation of the Holy Writ into Slovak, which follows the linguistic norms prescribed in this "Syllabus" as professor Eugen Pauliny proved. 18 In the introduction to "Syllabus" its author R. Hadbavny mentions a "Little Grammar for a Slovak student". This "Little Grammar" means a couple pages of orthographical norms in which he got more ahead than later Bernolak himself. 19 So instead of "au" he commanded to write "u", he prefers to write "G" for the sound "J", however he tolerates writing "aj" or "ay"; for "r" he20 categorically commands "r" for "u" - "6" or "ii"; as for the use of "y", he created his own complicated norms which do not correspond to the literary tradition or the linguistical status of his day. But most important is the effort to create some norms, some stabilization of language in syntax and lexicon in order to give the Slovaks an efficient cutural instrument.21 Even when there was known the testimony of R. Hadbavny about the existence of new Slovak translations of Holy Writ of that time 22 , and some of Bernolak's colleagues mentioned it too, we did not know anything closer about this translation, and its copies. Only when professor Vendelin Jankovic found it and described it in the literary review "Verbum" 1946 we got closer knowledge of this literary effort of the beginning of 18th century. V. Jankovic �SLOVAKIA 54 lf~tl'~a ;~ ~~JII'~ :,:; r:,~~r··,J'c;>e_; ~/47:l~.,:~~ t l ~ . . •.• STLL\lffl DlttIOMt\lliJ/ R. Hadvabny's Syllabus dictionarij manuscript from 1763. From the suppressed Lechnica Camaldul Convent library �SLOVAKIA 55 places its origm into the first half of 18th century. The manuscript started to be transcribed as final edition and that of the New Testament first on May 6th, 1756. This manuscript was finished on March 10th, 1759. Accor ding to Jankovic this translation is by a Camaldule monk either from Nitra or Nitra's vicinity. This manuscript according to him was written probably in Cerveny Klastor (Red Cloister). He supports this view by the following evidence: (1) The Camaldule convent on Mount Zobor near Nitra had in its large library a rich biblicistic literature, while the Camaldul cloister in Lechnica had a copious dictionary literature and lexicographic literature. (2) The l•anguage of this translation is similar to the dialect of Nitra valley. On the other side, professor E. Pauliny in his previously mentioned study about this translation, tried to prove that character of this Holy Writ language in its basic texture was pre-Bernolak "Jesuit Slovak" and some dialecticisms in it place it more to the North of Slovakia to the Polish-Slovak linguistical frontiers. According to Pauliny the translator was probably a monk from Cerveny Klastor. The question of author of this whole translation is still open. But it is significant that E. Pauliny showed that although Hadbavny's "Syllabus" is from 1763 and there is a copy of the Holy Writ dating already from 1756-1759, this translation was done according to the norms of "Syllabus". From this it can be concluded that if the author of the "Syllabus", was not also the author of the translation, he must have been •a t least a member of the circle which cooperated on this translation of. The Holy Writ. The 17th and the 18th centuries in Europe and in Slovakia were a period of religious controversies and conflicts between two reformations: protestant and catholic. Each of these movements tried to use all the means of communications and all cultural tools for the victory of its ideas. But while in most parts of Europe the Protestant reformation gave impulse to the awakening and formation of national and vernacular movements, in Slovakia the opposite occurred. Quite a number of protestant clergy s tudied in Bohemia and the backbone of protestantism in Slovakia was Bohemian, The Czech protestant exiles, who came to Slov,akia before and especially after the battle of White Mounta:n in 1618 tried to establish the Czech Biblical Ian- �56 SLOVAKIA guage as a liturgical and a literary language of their group and thus attempted to halt the basic strong Slovak national trend which was gradually growing among the Slovaks. But this tide couJd not be stopped even by the obstacles imposed by Hussites, Czech exils, and the protestant reformatio n imported to Slovakia. Some Slovak protestants succumbed to this bohemizing or Czechisizing tendency, some stopped confused, half-way. It took considerabl e time before the Evangelica l protestant representat ives in Slovakia escaped from their confused illusions and complicated artificial constructions (Czechoslovak, Czecho-Slaw, Panslavisti c) and accepted a natural and positive attitude toward Slovak national individuali ty and cultural independence. Even then this new attitude was influenced more by the philosophie s of enlightmen t, utiliterianis m and romanticism than by historico-political trends. 23 On the contrary the attitude of Slovak Catholics was more favorable to the developmen t of a geographic ally conceived nationalism and to the creation of the national consciousn ess and individualit y. The Catholics accepted the Slovak historical continuity of the cyrilometho dian heritage and of the heritage of Great Moravia24 throughout all the phases of the Hungarian feudal statehood. They built on this continuity and developed it. And this different political and cultural orientation grounded their awakening national consciousne ss, so that this consciousne ss from the beginning was by this group more concrete, more real. The Slovak Catholics, the majority of the population, from the their liturgical and extra-liturg ical very beginning in works (prayer books, hymnals, hagiograph ical, •apologetic, polemical literature, Holy Writ translation s) were mor-e consistent in using their vernacular, which was more and more oriented to the Central Slovak dialect and which later was codified as literary language. It was Recatholiza tion which designated the translation of Holy Writ in the new Slovak as a zenith of religious and cultural efforts in order to give Slovaks not only a symbol of their own individualit y, but also in order to unify their nation on the way to the eternal end. This translation however required a linguistic normalization and codification. For this purpose it was necessary to produce in advance or simultaneo usly the works and �SLOVAKIA 57 books dealing with the stabilizing and codifying of the modern Slovak tongue and thus it came not only to stabilizing of the sacral, liturgical literary style of the language, but even to the cristalization of the Slovak language and Slovak culture. And this was realized quite a long time before Bernolak's linguistical reform, even before the birth of Bernolak in 1762. Valid is then the thesis that the origin of the literary Slovak as a cultural and literary instrument, and indirectly the national awakening of Slovakia, was caused and speeded by recatholization. The last and almost concealed branch of recatholization is Bernolak's mo 1vement. And it is its branch in that sense that this movement systemizes (and on this word, "systemizes" is the objective emphasis) as its religious winnings as well as its national cultural gains. From what has been said above we see how unfound-ed is the legend about the Bernolak's separation of Slovak and Cwch union, which has been repeated so often by some Czech or by literary histori<ans influenced by Czechs. This false legend was put before the world public explaining the origin of the Slovak nation and Slovak language first when BernolaJc's study was published: Dissertatio philologico criti<la de litteris Slavorum (Bratislava 1787). As we showed :~n this chapter Bernolak's systematizing work was only a culmination and completion of that one which was cultivated and prepared by generations of writers and translators on the field of religious as well as secular literature before Bernolak. The pre-Bernolak t r anslation of The Holy Writ into new Slovak, being prepared with such a careful linguistical reform and consolidations, is an obvious proof, not counting many other numerous literary creations in Jesuit Slovak, of an independent Slovak language, literature and of national consciousness long before Bernolak. Samuel Timon (1675-1736) defender of the idea of Slovak independent nation. In the development of Slovak national consciousness before Bernolak movement, has, beside others, a lion share a Latin writer and historian, Slovak jesuit father from Trencianska Turna, Samuel Timon, S.J. 25 In the mosaic of the �58 SLOVAKIA evolution of national consciousness of Slovak Catholic inteligentsia this writer and historian, known at that time in the whole of Central Europe, occupies an important and leading part. Of utmost influence in the awakening of the Slovaks to their national consciousness and revival was the Cyrilomethodian heritage connected with the idea of Slovak independence during the time of Great Moravian kingdom in the ninth century. Slovak historians long before Bernolak, especially the Pazmany circle around the Trnava University (1635-1777) turned their eyes towards the history of their country in the period preceeding the arrival of Magyars into the Central European valley. They started to delve deeper into the historical facts of Slovakia during the Great Moravian period and they showed how the Slovak element influenced religiously and culturally their neighbours, especially the Magyars, at the ti.me of their conversion to Christianity. They proved how the Slovak administrative apparatus helped to organize the beginnings of the Hungarian State, where Slovakia had its own autonomous position in the form of Ni t r a dauphine principality (Nitrianske udelne kniezatstvo) for a long t ime even after the disappearence of the Slovak Kingdom. The historians of Slovak origin (S. Timon, M. Szenti!vanyi, M Bel, J. B. Magin) accepted the historical Slovak continuity from Great Moravia through all phases of the feudal Hll!Ilgarian State, made it a basis of their research and developed it. On this basis they deduced, some quite discretly (Timon, Bel) , others mor e openly and vociferously (Magin), the original right of the Slovaks to their own country, with all the connected natural rights, even the right to autonomy, independence and freedom of the Slovak language. !Samuel Timon was born in Trenc. Turna in 1675 from a noble (zeman) family. His father was Jan Timon a,nd mother Barbara Hrabovsika. Already from the family environment and from elementary school he had a strong national consciousness. We saw him in Trencin secondary school (Gymnasium) always registered as, "Slovak" (Pannonus, Slavus). In 1682, when only seven years old, he was enrolled in the first grade of the Jesuit gymnasium26 as Samuel Timon �SLOVAKIA 59 Nobilis Pannon Turnensis Catholicu Anno 7. Primi anni; Samuel Timon, nobleman, Slovak of Turna, Catholic, 7 years of age, grade one. He is similarly identified in the followmg year, 1683, in grade two, and also in the year 1685, except the name "Parmonus" is replaced by "Slavus". His nationality is similarly described in the class of 1687 and 1688. Upon graduating from gymnasium he entered the Jesuit Order in Bratislava in 1693. When he completed there his courses in philosophy and theology, he became a professor. First he taught in Trnava, together 14 years, then for 18 years he continued teaching at the Jesuit Academy at Kosice, also an institute with university standing. Huitory was his main subject of interest but although he devoted his time mainly to historical research, he also was active in pastoral work in parishes. His historical works written in Latin were in such demand that they had to be reprinted in many editions and became textbooks in the Catholic gymnaziums and colleges of contemporary Hungary. His work "Purpura Pannonica" which presents the biographies and works of the cardinals of the Hungarian Crown appeared in several editions. The "Imago antiquae et novae Hungariae" which was the most read work on Hungarian history was published in Kosice in 1733, 1745, 1766 1766 and in Vienna in 1754. In this work, which gained acclaim in the whole of Europe, Timon strives to prove, on linguistic grounds, that the Central-Danubian regions of the early history were occupied by Slovaks-Pannoni and the origin of "Panonus" he derives from the Slovak word "Pan" (which is equivalent to Latin - "Dominus"). He considers the Slovaks as direct successors of the "Slavic tribes" of Markomani, Kvadi, Sarmati. He deals with the empire of Samo and his successors - Maravod, Svatos, Barut, etc. With deep attachment he presents the great epochs of Greater Moravia, and devotes them most of his work. He deals with almost all Slovak princes of that period: Mojmir, Pribina, Rastislav, Svatopluk. He writes about St. Cyrill and Methodius as "The ,apostles of Slovaks". The historian A. A. Banik appropriately writes about Timon: "He is not satisfied with plain historical facts when narrating these events, but �60 SLOVAKIA frequently he gives way to his Slovak sentiments using an elaborate style to describe the outstanding details of the Slovak history and by taking predilection in branding into the hi'story of other Slav nations.'' This sentiment is apparent in the chronicle describing the armies of Svatopluk crossing the Danube in 885 into Pannonia, which took them a complete day, and how they subsequently, for a prolonged period, engaged in destroying the power of Arnulf. 27 We can see the same feeling in the writings about the son of Svatopluk, Svatoborgius or Svatocopius who went to live ;n sPc1usion on Zobor near Nitra, died as a saint and was buried in the church of St. Emeramus in Nitra. 28 A similar national attachment and pride is apparent in other parts of Timon's works. Another work of Timon, which is of great importance for the history of Slovakia and which shows Timon's Slovak national feelings is: "Synopsis novae chronologicale regnorum Hungariae, Croatiae, Dalmatiae ..... " pars. I III. 29 His Slovak national consciousness is apparent in that he was the first historian who when presenting the history of the Hungarian Crown devoted a special attention to the Slovaks and he was in this distinct from other historiographers of contemporary Hungary, such as Turocius, Bonfini and Istvanfy. Wherever he can, he reminds his countrymen, and the enemies of his nation, of the great epoch of St. Cyrill and Methodius30 , of the authorisation of the Slovak liturgy by the Holy See31 and wherever he is able to indicate that a person was of Slovak origin and was of some importance in the history of Hungary, he does not omit to stress this. His work also shows much of his local-patriotism, since whereever, he can, he mentions Trencin and in many places he intertwines the history of Trencin into the general history of Hungary. There is no wonder, in view of his Slovak patriotic tone in his works, that even his Jesuit brothers teased him, as one who would make even a Jupiter into a Slovak. In his work "Series serum Hungaricarum" 32 as in the works already mentioned, he especially reminds us of the grandeur of Greater Moravia, of the power of king Svatopluk and of other SloV'ak princes. He emphasizes the Slovak origin of the names of cities, towns, villages, rivErs, mountains in the Slovak regions of Hungary and derives from �SLOVAKIA 61 this the historical rights of the Slovaks to their territory and to a certain extent also their political rights within the Hungarian Crown. By putting a special emphasis on the work of St. Cyrill and Methodius in Slovakia he preserves the continuity of the St. Cyrill and Methodius tradition and thus awakens a Slovak national consciousness in the Slovak intellingentsia, (who read and spoke in Latin) as well as in his students at gymnaziums and colleges especially at Trnava. He was an organic link in the chain of the St. Cyrill and Methodius tradition, which, through his influence, is presented in the works of Papanek and in the Bernolak movement as a philosophy of history of the Slovak nation. 33 We are able to show there was a distinct Slovak linguistic and national tradition, long before Bernolak, which had very little in common with the Czechs. If this tradition lacked a linguistic and national unity it nevertheless gravitated towards the unity. This is demonstrable by: The Camaldul translation of the Holy Scriptures into Slovak in 1723, the historical patriotic consciousness of Timon, the Slovak polernic writings of Stefan Dubnicay (1675-1725), the assertion of the political rights of Slovaks in 1728 by Jan B. Magin (1682-1735), the subsequent liturgical books, edited in Slovak by the University of Trnava as well as nonliturgical works; then "Cantus Catholici" edited iirl 1665 with a Slovak patriotic introduction by B. Szobosi-Rybnicky; The linguistic reform of the Pazmany and Camaldul circles; the "Syllabus dictionarii latino-Slavonicus" of 1763. These works show how futile it is to denounce Bernolak (1762-1813) as one who separated the Slovaks from the Czechs, as the alleged unity with the Czechs never existed, except only through the descendants of the protestant exiles who settled in Slovakia. The Catholic population, which then was in clear majority, was oriented towards national independence in the frame of the Hungarian state and endeavoured to preserve the historical continuity of Greater Moravia as well as of St. Cyrill and Methodius tradition which it accepted as the philosophy of Slovak history. Bernolak and his movement only nurtured, enlarged in scope and completed what had been gradually developed and formulated through centuries by many generations of Slovak people and what manifested itself so remarkably in the Jesuit Slovak in the years 1635 up to the y ear 1787 �62 SLOVAKIA w,hen Bernolak published his: "Dissertatio philologico critica de literis Slavorum". 34 St.efan Dubnicay (1675-1725) - a Slovak Polem.ist and Historian.35 The polemical literature of the 17th and 18th centuries in Slovakia was very prolific and colourful through the contributions both of Catholics and of Protestants. The leaders on both sides were aware of the importance of the printed word and endeavoured to apply it in support of their faith. Polemics were written in many languages, most of them in Latin, then in Slovak, in Hungarian, in German. Printing houses were establi!hed even in small towns of Slovakia and became prosperous. On the Catholic side the University of Trnava (1635-1777) provided a new vigor to the polemical authors and during its life published 79 polemical-apologetic books in Latin, 14 in Slovak, 12 in German and 20 in Hungarian. 36 Amongst Catholics the most successful in the work of religious conversion by written word was Rev. Stefan Dubnicay, a parish priest in Trencianska Tepla. According to J. Vlcek he made out of Tepla a "literary counter-reformation centre" 37 and according to A. A. Banik "an active recatholisation centre". 38 In the words of Vlcek the Catholic parish in Tepla was for several decades a similar counter-reformation literary centre, as was for some time Zilina and as was to a greater extent and for a longer period Trnava and Bratislava. The polemical-apologetic books written by Dubnicay would form a small library. 39 And the result of his literary work and endeavours? In his own parish of Tepla he had 908 converts40 whose names he entered into the Register with his own hand41 and in the archidiaconate of Trencin and Hradna the Catholic doctrine was accepted by 28,687 adult Protestant, as the result of his work, in the period between the end of the Rakoczy uprising and the year 1722. The following are the polemical-apologetic literary works of Dubnicay: 1. Primitiae Deo et Agno - Prwotiny Bohu a Berankowi. Apoc. III. Tog.est: Prawdiwe Wylozeny ze Swatostni Beranek, - nelen w samem Uziwany, ale y pod, a pomimo uplneho pozjwany prawe zustawa (Trnava, 1716) �SLOVAKIA 63 2. "Orthodoxa propugnatio Patrio - Legalis Formulae Juramenti - To gest Kraticke Katolicke dokazany ... " Published in 1717. 3. "Manna Absconditum Apoc. 2. Manna Skryta, to gest: Prediwne a Nepochopitelne Tagemstwi Manny Zakona Nowego." Published in 1718. 4. "Congruum Colloquium. 2. Mach. 14. Prjslussne Rosmluwanj Farare Katolickeho s Troma Nowo-Ewangeliky Farniky swymi." Published in 1719. 5. "Panis Quotidianus, Parvulorum. Chleb W ezdegssj Malickych." Published in 1721. From the Pretestant point of view, these wor ks were assailed by: 1. Jan Blazy (Blasius) Senior, a pastor of Trencin who wrote against Dubnicay in Czech: "Brime uvalene na Hospodina, aneb obrana proti falesnemu obvineni Stepana Dubniczay, Goliase tohoto vojska Boziho Hanejicyho."4-2 This work remained in manuscript. 2. In 1718 Daniel Krman, an evangelical superintendent wrote, under an anonym: "Anti Dubnicay. Man-Hu? Co jest to za Mannu skrytou, ktorou Dubniczay Pleban Teplansky, no svetlo vydal." 43 Dubnicay replied Krman in 1721 in an extensive work: "Eductus coluber tortuosus-Wywedeny Tocliwy had. 44 Out of Dubnicay historic-al works, we should mention his numerous historical introductions in his general works, his short entries in the parish chronicles in Tr. Tepla and especially his voluminous manuscript: "Metamorphosis fidei orthordoxae de Bono in Malum et vicissim in Comitatu Trenchiniensi ac vel maxime in Privilegi'a to Oppido Solna ab a nno 1600." 45 This work, with minor changes in the title and in the contents was edited five times after the death of Dubnicay. In 1737 it was published by Martin Sigismundi. And in the same year it was put into print by Ondrey Tzibere and by the canon of Jager, Daniel Kilian. In 1759 the Kilian edition was published again under the name: "Vicissitudo Orthodoxa religionis." About the polemics, we should note this was a period of religious controversies and not of religious dialogue. �64 ~'LOVAKIA Irony and satire were frequently used on both sides, the attacks were vehement in the name of truth and frequently without Christian love. But we are interested in Dubnicay mainly because of his linguistic •a chievement and because of his position in Slovak literature. Dr. A. A. Banik, a friend of mine who is an expert on that period and who thoroughly analyzed the work of Dubnicay and of Magin, in one of his letters to me described Dubnicay as "fearless defender of the fuith, a skillful apolog:.ist and an esteemed worker for the nation. He is a milestone between two epochs of Slovak national life as through his religious-polemic works he concludes a two-hundredyear-long period of religious quarrels, just when Magin, his neighbour of Dubnicoa, through his nationally-apologetic efforts begins to spread new and nationally oriented ideas. Both were graduates of Pazmaneum of Vienna, personal friends, neighbours in the pastoral work, but so much apart in their position in the evolution of the SloV'ak culture. The Slovak literary historians consider the work of Dubnicay as a milestone in Slovak literature." 46 The Hungarian literary historians included Dubnicay in Hungarian literature but did not ommit to state he wrote in Slovak. 47 Only the Czech literary historians tore him out of the Slovak literature and placed him into the Czech one. J. Vlcek omits Dubnicay in his history of Slovak literature but in his history of Czech literature he devotes him four pages. Albert Prazak48 places him in Slovak literature, but when referring to his "Eductus Coluber tortuosus" states he wrote in Czech, in some instances using "f". This statement cannot be supported by any factual evidence. I had the privilege, through the kindness of the archbishop K. Kmetko, to borrow the work. "Eductus coluber tortuosus" from the Diocesan library in Nitra and was able to peruse it for two years. During my study of the work, I was unable to locate a single "r" in this work of Dubnicay. Similar way I can testify about the manuscripts of Dubnicay accessible in Tr. Tepla Parish archives. In my previous thesis, I showed that the language of Dubnicay was the Western Slovak dialect, which has cer- �SLOVAKIA 65 tain similarities with the Czech language in view of the geological closeness to the Moravian boundaries. The language of Dubnicay is not Czech; but Slovak and Dubnicay in many places of his work draws difference between Czechs and Slovaks. Thus in his "Eductus coluber tortuosus" p. 225 when pointing out to where Krman copied his arguments (against him) states this was from "Czeska knizka Theologie Wittemberska" - (Czech book of Wittemberg Theology). He does not refer to it as a Czechoslovak book, but as a Czech one, distinguishing it from Slovak books. That Dubnicay was proud of being a Slovak, in spite of the fact that his books were read in Bohemia, Moravia, Silezia, is evident from a letter (June 27th, 1719) of L. Tempes, the bishop of Breslau (Wr6claw). The bishop, who was no doubt aware of Dubnicay's nationial feeling, did not -0mit to praise the Slovak nation and language in the letter in which he thanked Dubnicay, for his books, which had such a beneficial influence in his diocese. Although the Silezians of the Polish territories were able to read and to understand Dubnicay's works, it never occurred to the Poles to include Dubnicay in Polish literature. They recognized him as a Slovak and even considered Slovak language as a mother language of the daughter provinces of Moravia, Silesia, and Bohemia. Thus according to L. Tempes, Hungary was the mother .country of the Slovak language (linguae Slavicae) and Moravia, Silesia, and Bohemia were daughter provinces of the Slovak tongue. 49 There were no compact Czech settlements in Hungary and the Czech language was not spoken there in this sense. If one talks about "lingua Slavica" in Hungary this can only refer to Slovaks and to their language. 50 Since 1936 I have been searching through the archives and examining the documents rubout the families of Dubnieay, Dubnicky. I searched the· archives of the county of Trencin, the parish archives of Trencin, Tepla, Dubnica, Orechove, Suca and I found documents written in Latin and in Slovak. 51 I found not only the histories of the Dubnicay and Dubnicky families but also many others and if these were not written in Latin, they were written in a Slovak dialect 'of their location. In none of these sources I �66 SLOVAKIA came across the letter "f" (rz) which is typical of the -Czech language. This also shows how false are the theories about a 300 year rule of Czech language in Slovakia before Bernolak as held by some Czech literary historians. It shows further how far from truth are these Slavists in the Western world, who, without being able to study the first hand sources; ,accepted · these · identical theories. . - . J.B. Magin - a Latin Writer and Defender . of Slovak Rights (1682-1735) . M. Bencsik of Trnava published in 1722, a book about the last session· of the Bratislava Parliament under the title: The last sessio~ ~f his Majesty the King of the Lords and Estates of the Glorious Kingdom of Hungary and of the lands ·attached to it. 52 In this wo_rk he unfa:vqrably deals with the position of the Slovaks in Hungary. He maintains that the Slovaks· lost their rights when the king Svatopluk sold the Slovak lands for a white horse. This iegend was created in the 14th cen~ tury qy ·a Hungarian ·chronicler. - J. Thomoczy and without being supported by any historical evidence, in the 18th century it became the basis for negation of Slovak rights in Hungary. J. B. Magin refutes this legend in his work and demands for the Slovaks in Hungary the same rights as were enjoyed by other nationalities. · · It is necessary to point out that while Latin was still used in the 17th century as an official language in the parlamentary sessions, and also as a tongue of intelligentsia of an otherwise multilingual Hungary, the individual nationalities were becoming more and more conscious of their national identity and were demanding . their proper . poiitical rights. Thus the question arose, which language would become an official language should :Catin be abandoned. This was the ,p eriod when Latin started to lose its prestige among the families of noblemen, who until now considered it their colloquial tongue. This caused linguistic and political tensions among the intelligentsia. The Slovaks who inhabited Slovakia, also referred to as upper Hungary, moved as colonist into the Lower Hungary (Hungary proper) and f_o rmed there compact settlements--after the population in these lands was ·decimated _by the Turkish armies. The Slovaks at that time �SLOVAKIA J. B. Magin, Murices sive Apologia, Piichov 1723 67 �68 SLOVAKIA were in many respects the predominant nationality. Their position was also strengthened by the fact that the Slovak language was understandable to Croats, Slovenes and Serbs who were other Slavic members of the Habsburg monarchy. The Slovak language was much closer to them than German or Hungarian. Already during the reign of the Empresse Maria Teresia, her counsellor Adam Kollar advised her to install Slovak as an official language over all parts of Hungary, as this language was understandable to two thirds of the population including not only Slovaks, Slovenes, Chroats and Serbs, but also Poles and Ukrainians of Galicia and the Ruthenes of SUibkarpatian Ukraina. The attacks of Bencsik against the Slovaks became of special interest to the noblemen of the county of Trencin. They resolved to reply and asked Rev. J. B. Magin, the priest of Dubnica, to prepare a scholarly defense of the Slovak Nobility and of the Slovak nation. These noblemen were: Jan Frideoky, Mikulas Illeshazy, Jozef Illeshazy, Ondrej Dubnicky, Peter Rajman, Kristof Ugronovic, Juraj Terstiansky, Stefan Nozdrovicky, etc. J. B. Magin lists their names and writes how deep was their devotion to the Slovak nation. 53 J. B. Magin accepted this role and wrote the book: "Murices Nobillissimae et Novissimae Dietae Posoniensis Scriptori sparsi Sive Apologia Pro Inclyto Comitatu Trenchiniensi ... " (The thorns directed against the author of the work dealing with the last session of the Bratislava parliament or the defense of the esteemed county of Trencin). Several copies of this work were found in the parish house of Orechova. The one I was able to peruse and study (in 1941) bore the year of printing - 1723 - in Puchov. Dr. A. A. Banik in his study about J.B. Magin shows why the year 1723 should be considered as a printing error and the year 1728 as the correct year of the publication . These views of Dr. Banik are now generally accepted by literary historians. In Magin's work we find the ideas, which on a smaller scale also appear in the works of other contemporary patriotic writers. The study of history does not only provide the basis for the national awakening but also the basis �SLOVAKIA 69 of the demands for political· and cultural rights. It was argued on historical grounds, that the Slovaks - the autochtonous inhabitants of !Slovakia since Great Moravia were entitled to equal rights with other nationalities. The spark of national consciousness grew larger through the works of such writers as Martin Szentivany, Peter Schez, Mikulas Miris, Samuel Timon, Benedik Sz616si-Rybnicky. But this spark became a beacon in the work of Magin. Here it is no longer a sentimental vision, but rather a lighthouse, a guide to practical ,policy. Magill's work is a culmination of the developments toward the Slovak national consciousness before Bernolak. It embodies ideas of full Slovak participation in the administrative fields on all levels, municipal, county, and state. The finding of Magin's work as well as the discoveries of the "Syllabus" of Hadbavny and of the Camaldul translation of the Holy Scriptures throws a completely new light on the pre-Bernolak period. When we study these works together with the works of other authors mentioned here previously, we see this was not a period of darkness, an empty period where nothing Slovak was produced as has been maintained ,b y some Czech Literary historians. They ignore the Slovak Catholic literature, often present it in a false content to minimize Slovak achievements and to justify the fiction of a three-hundred-year rule of Czech language in Slovakia before Bernolak. Contrary to this we see this was a period of active and industrious work in literature, linguistics, religion, history, and in practical policies patriotically oriented. This is not only a period of a.wakening but also of practical and purposeful activity in the cultural, political, and religious spheres. And it is very significant that this activity differs from the Czech, Polish, Hungarian trends in the same fields. While the Slovaks mantained close contacts and cooperation with these neighbouring nations they did not lose their individuality which had its roots in the cyrilomethodian era and in the era of Great Moravia of the 9th century. Magin and Dubnicay are the most significant representatives of this process and their work presents clear evidence of its Slovak character. Magin puts forward the Slovak demands for equal political and cultural rights. Dubnicay in �70 SLOVAKIA his prolific works acquaints the outside world with the trends in Slovakia and we see through the recognition he and his works received that even abroad the Slovaks were recognized as a nation different from the Czechs, from the Silesians and Slovakia was even considered as a heart of the Slavic nation or especially as a "mother house" of the Western Slavs. Against this patriotic feeling of the Slovak Catholics which was rooted in the history and in the Slovak soil, we have the claims about the rule of the Czech language over Slovakia, the liturgical language of the Slovak protestant. This was a language brought into Slovakia and as s ::ion .as it cros3ed the boarder it was subjected to the influences of its new environment. This language was introduced as a Protestant liturgical language at the Zilina synod in 1610. But the Protestants who were to a large extent descendants of Czech religious exiles, reinforced by successive waves of Czech emigration,·· were not able to prevent the influences of the Slovak environment on this new language. The Czech language never became a language of daily usage in Slovakia and even in liturgy it was subjected to modifications. There were very few· pastors who were willing to use and to pronounce the Czech "R". They pr onounced it as a Slovak "R". Slovak tenns and idioms gradually penetrated even into the liturgical or "biblical" language and it became dead language evien more so · than the Latin as Latin was a language of daily use of the intelligentsia and of the noblemen until the first half of the 19th century. Within a large ma_iority of the Slovak Catholics the spirit of national consciousness grew stronger and stronger and nourished by the historical background it gradually developed strong concrete forms. It also fitted into the public and state affairs of the Hungarian crown as in: the period which Latin was an official language Hungary still respected the enthnic rights of the individual nationalities. The persecution of the non-Hungarian nationalities came about one hundred years later, after Hungarian replaced Latin as an official language. 54 In the periods described above, the recatholisation supported and speeded-up the development of the Slovak literary language and of individual Slovak literature and cul- �SLOVAKIA 71 ture generally. The Bernolak movement, with its codification of the literary language can be considered as a culmination of this process of Slovakisation of literature which started with recatholisation. The literary school of Kohut which was grouped around "Literarne listy" held this view but had not yet on hand the evidence which is available now to us to confirm these conclusions. 55 REFERENCES 1. P. A. Hroba.k: "Wais Czech the vehicle of Slovak literaiture?", Slovakia, 19'60, V. 10. No. 6. P. 36-49. 2. J . Kirscbbaum: Contempwary tendencies in Slovak Philology, Slavic and East European Studies, Vol. IV, No. 3-4, Montreal, 1960. Also published as off- print. Idem: Slovakia, Nation at the Crossroads of Central Europe, Speller New York 1959. p.36 sqq.-ldem: Misconcepttons of American Slavlsts on th~ Slovak language, Slovakia, 1962, Vol. XII. No. 1 p.25-49. 3. Cf. Prof. A. Dostrul: Nastin Dejfn slovenskeho a ceskeho jazyka, Prague, 1954. 4. J. 1M. Kirschbaum: Contemporary tendencies . . . p. 200-201. 5. Dr. · John Rekem: · Slovak.i a, 1962, Vol' XII. No. 1. p. 1-17. Also separate off-print, at Middletown, Pa. USA 1962. 6. Linguistical analysis of these prayers and of ,t he liturgical ndmenclature with the proof of their before a cyrillomethodian ongm gives prof. H. Bartek in his work: Krest:anstvo a slovencina, Nadej vfCruzna, Scramton, Pa. 1947, str. 24i-268. 7. Cf. J . Piistenyi: Pamiatka 1056 vyrocia smrti sv. Metoua. Kultlira, IX. 19'3'7, 81. 1935, 148. Jan IStanislav: Slovienska liturgia na Slovensku a sidlo Metodovo a Gorruz.dovo, Histor,l ca S•l ovaca, I-II. 1940-41. 5.-43. · About archbishop Gorazd: Dr. A. A. Banik: Apostol Gorazd, prvy v dejinach spominany slovensky kiiaz, spisovater a svatec, Kultura IX, 1937, 81. Dr. V. Pogorielov: Sv. Cyril, Sv. Metod i Gorazd, !ch cinnose a povod, Sbornfk Literarno-vedeckeho odboru Spolku sv. Vojtecha, III, Trnava 1936. Apostoll Slovienov, Sbornik stlidii, k 1,100 vyrociu prichodu sv. Cyrila a Metoda na Vel'ku Moravu. SSV. Trnava-Bratislava. 1963. Ferust of St. Demetrius of Thessalonike-Solun is on Oct. 26. To e mphasize the Cyrilomethodian traditions of Slovak Republic, the Prime minister Tiso and Slovak Parliament d ecided the election of the presid ent of 'Slovak 'Republic 1939 to be done on this memorial day of Great Morava - Slovakia. 8. Trbt type groups and the problem of Moravian components in Old Church Slavonic and East European Review, XXXV. London 1957, p. 392. 9. J. Stanislav: 0 prehodnotenie Vel'komoravskych prvkov v cyrilometodskej literature, Sbornik v cesC na AleXander Teodorov B.alan, Sofija, 1955, p. 357-363. More about this qu esti on : 111. Lacko. S.J ., H.E.D. Ph.D. The Cyrillomethodian Mission and Slovakia, Slovak Studies I. Historica I, Slovak Institute, Rome 1961, p. 23~49. J. Rekem: Origin and deve_lopment of Slovak language, pp 4-5. �SLOVAKIA 72 Alojz M!skovl<: : Llterar.na clnnost'. Kon s tanUnova a Metodova, Apo~toll Slovi enov, SSV. Trnava-Bratislava 1963 P. 89 sequ . . . 10. J. ~kultety : Sketches from Slovak history, Middletown, Pa., 1936. 11. A . Miskovic : Spisske cyr!lske ulomky XU, a XIII. storocia. Ich nalez. Bratislava LI'I . 1929 80-81. V. Pogor!elov: Spiss·ke cyr!lske \1lomky XU. a Xil'II. storocia II. !ch pop!s rozbor a otlsk, lb. ·81-87 . O biskupovl staroslovlenskeho jazyka na spisi za Krara Ondreja III. koncom 13. storocla cf. ~tefan Hyros: Zamok Lykava a Jozef ~p!rko: Zac!atky Spisskeho b!skupstva v Mons St. 'Martini. Ruzomberok 1947. 12. Joz.ef Kutn!k ~malov : Zastoj katolfckej hierarchie v slovenskom narodnom zlvote - The task or Catholic Hierarchy in Slovak national Hfe - , Mons St! Martini, Ruzomberok, 19 47, p. 99 . 13. Ct. •S. B. Peter Pazmany! a slovenska literatli.ra, L!terarno historlcky Sbornlk Matice Slovenskej U ..-IIII. 1945/6, 159-198. 14. This adjective to this historical phase of literary Slovak gave J . Kohut, member of the old !Slovak l!terary-his•t orical school in this basic study : Jezu!,t ska slovencina v knizkach In L lt e ra rne Llsty 1891, str. 52. 'More about the Jesuit Slovak er. Rekem's: The origin and development of Slovak language, p. 9 sq .. . 15. Camaldul convents at that time in -Slovakia were at this placee : Zobor at Nltra, Red Cloister at Dunajec, Lech.nica, an<l Ro ck o! r efage at Slovak Paradise. 1'5a More about the Paulln!st contribution to Pre•Bernolak lltenture c!. J . Rekem: Teplanske duchovne p!esne, Trencln 1943, p. 35- 37 and J. Rekem : Z neznameho rukop!su slovenskeho baroka, K1ULTURA, XII, c. 7-8, p . 274-8. Trnava. 16. Information about this Syllabus from Dr. H iador Sztr!pszky see In Slovenske Nov!ny, Budapest, 1929, No. 13-15. 17. V. Jankov!c : Prvy slov-e nsky preklad ... , p. 29. 18. E. Paul!ny : Na okraj kamaldulskeho Plsma, Verbum I . 1946, p. 272-276. 19. Henrich Bartek: Bernolakov pravop!sny system, Slovenska rec, Roe. V. 1913•6, p. 246- 260. 20. By the influence of Czech Immigrant printers In some books appeared st!ll t. And R . Hadbavny had In mind some protestant writers, who used stil the Czech in their religious writings. 21. J . K. ~m!Uov. O. C. 100. 22. Alojz Miskovic: Dejiny slovenskej literatury. Bratislava, 1941, p . '66. 23 . J. K. gmalov : 0 . c. p. 64. 2-4. Cf. following chapters about S. Timon and J. B. Magin. 25. J . Rekem : Z kulturnych dejln Trencianskeho Povazia {From the cultural hist ory of Trencln Wag Valley). Chapter S . Timon. Trencln 1943. Dr. A. A. Banik: Novs!e udaje na poznan!e Jana Baltaza ra Mag!na jeho diela i doby. Spolok Sv. Vojtecha, Trnava 1937, str. 119. 26. Matrica Scholasticae Juventutis R. M. Gymnasi! Trench!n!ensis ab. a 1655 inchoata usque 1775 cont!nuata 20. Archives of St. Albert Society (SSV) , Trnava. In the records of Turna Parish I can not flnd anything about this Samuel Timon, because present records started �SLOVAKIA 73 only from 1690. The previous ones were burnt. But there is a baptismal record of a different one Samuel Timon born later "1719 , die 3. Septembrls baptlsatus est infans nomine Samuel de parent!bus P. ac P. Domino Stephano Thymon matre vero P. ac. P . Domina Susanna Birovsky ex Turna. Patrin!: Illustr. Dominus Baro Stephanus Ruthkay cum Illustr. filla sua Virgine !Magdalena." 27. Banik: 0 . c. p. 308. 28. Banik: 0. c. p. 343-4. 29. Tyrnavia 1714. This books were in Parish library of Trencin. And in them were precious old margin notes about S. Timon and his life. And on the last pages was handwritten history of city of Trencin. 30. Timon: 0. c. II, p. 89. 31. Timon: 0 . c. I, p. 22. 32. Trnava, 1714-5. In Trencin Parish library too, AD. 1945. 33. About more Timon's books and literary works cf. Rlzner: Bibllografia, (BPS), VI. 27-28, and Lombardini in Slovenske Pohfady 1887, t . 6. Posonii - Bratislava, 1787. From Literature about St. Dubnicay: J. Rekem: Z diela o zlvote St. Dubnicaya polemickeho spisovatera, Trencin, 194 4. J. Rekem: Slovenske narodne povedomie v diele St. Dubnicaya, Trenc!n, 1943. 1-dem: St. Dubnicay a jeho doba, Trenctn 1944. Idem: Z kulturnych dejin Trencianskeho povazia. Trencin 19-43. Pavol Rekem: Strucne dejiny obce Tr. Tepla, Monografia Tr. Teplej, !lava 1936. 36. St. Dubravec: Apologetika a kontroverzistika na byvalej katolickej univerzite v Trnave. Sbornik LVO' 'SSV. Trnava 1935, roe. II. sv. 2. str. 195. 37. J. Vlcek: Dejiny ceske literatury III. di!. II. vyd. 1931. Praha 34. 35. p. 38-39. 38. A. A. Banik: Novsie udaj e ... p. 68. 39. Vlcek: DCL p. ·3·9. 40. Manuscript: Visitatio Ecclesiae Teplensis p. 21-24. Parish ar- chives of Tr. Tepla. 41. Manuscript: Liber matricularis r ecompactus a D. 1828. Thnt are Parish records beginning from AD 1680, which were later rebound with the later time records AD 1828. In this records we find the datums, notices, texts of foundations and accounts written by S. Dubnicay and his successors. Texts are in Latin and Slovak. 42. Literarne Listy r . 1892, p. 77. Slovenske Pohl'ady, 1887, p. 42. This manuscript was in the archives of The Czech national Museum in Prague. 43. Dr. J. Durovic in his: Evanjelicka literatura do tolerancie (Evangelical literature till Tolerance patent) Turc. Sv. Martin, 1940, p. 193 showed some doubts about the Krrnan's authorship of Anti Dubnicczay. Therefore in my book: Stefan Dubnicay a jeho doba I dedicated a chapter to this question: "Personality of Anti-Dubnicay, antagonist of Dubnicay, where I proved the authorship of Krman of this book. p. 35-38. 44. Cf. J6zsef Vagner in Magyar Sion, Tomus XIX, ordine XXXVHI, Budae, Anno 1806. cites edition ECT from 1729. - Szinnei J6zs ef in Magyar frok elete es munkai. Bw.dapest 1893 cites ECT Trnava edition �74 SLOVAKIA from 1729. The same A. Zellinger in his Pantheon Tyrnaviense, 1931, p. 84. 45. Manuscript was in the Archives of Archepiscopal library of Esztergom, Hungary. By courtesy of Msgr. J . Posteny director of St. Adalbert Society Library and Archives, Trnava I had chance to study this manuscript couple months, till it was returned to Esztergom. 46. Dr. A. A. Banik in the letter addres,s ed to J. Rekem from Sept. 30. 1942. Cf J. Rekem: St. Dubnicay, p. 8, p. 51. 47. Of Szinnei J6zsef: Magyar irok elete es munkai, Budapest 1893: T6t szovegii hitvitazz6munka .. ." 48. A. Prazak: Dejiny spisovne slovenstiny po dobu Sturovu, Praha 1922, p. 111-2. 49. Latin Letter of L. Tempes, the ordinary of Wr6claw is in Introduction to Eductus Coluber tortuosus p. 15-17. I would just cite here short pertinent part of that letter: "sed et alias multiplices polemicas materias, velut alter aevi noster Bellarminus, patria nobis lingua edere valeat: quale praetactum idem de permanentia Eucharistiae edidit in emolumentum multorum milium, non modo in Hungaria, verum et in adjacentibus, ad maternam velut domum Slavicae linguae filialibus Provinciis, Moravia (ubi etiam adhuc in montibus malum idem gliscit), Silesia (ubi pleno velut alveo Hydra haec pestillentissima toxicum suum effedisse visa est· hoc decennio): denique et in Bohemia" . . . 50. When Bernolak was giving new orthograpy to the Slovak language he used in Latin expression Slav!, Slavica lingua, or Slavonica linguae; The old and newer Rituals edited for territory of Slovakia before Slovak text had this headline: Slavice; Papanek writing Slov:i.k history in Latin gave it inscription: Historia Gentis Slavae, etc . . . 51. Cf. Extractus protocollorum Comitatus Trenchinlensis circa pub• licatas Armales ab anno 1571. County archives Trencin, p. 178 seq . . . Series Gremialium Nobilium N-us 3-us. Ibidem. Matricula Ecclesiae Dubniczensis sub Patrocinio Divi Apostoli Jacobi erectae et Fundatao Curata per me Andream Toltt sumptibus Ecclesiae anno 1667. Dubnica Parish archives, etc. 52. M. Bencsik: Novissima Dieta Nobilissima Principis Statuumque, et Ordinum Inclyti Regni Hunga riae, Partiumque Eidem Annexarum. Tyrnaviae, 1722. 53. J . B. Magin : Murices ... part III, p. 94, 109. The names are the same which are mentioned and praised in the preface of Dubnicay's ECT. Magin in about mentioned place said about those nobles that "they every time honored and esteemed the Slovak Nation". From the Latin and Slovak manuscripts in Dubnica archives we see the very close cooperation between these two friends Dubnicay and Magin in various fields. J. B. Magin was the one who wrote the epitaph in Latin on the tumb of dead St. Dubnicay. This epitaph and latin biography of Dubnicay is in manuscript: Visitatio Ecclesiae Teplensis. Parish archives in Tr. Tepla. Dubnicay was hurried in the church of Dubnica under the altar, which he paid to be build in this church. He was then hurried under this altar cf: Epitaph: Hane a s e structam Stephanus Dubniczay ad Aram Conditus est testans cum pietate Fidem: Sicut enim vivens caeli quaesivit Honorem Sic colit in Templo post sua fata Deum. �SLOVAKIA 75 Et verbo et scripto b ellum torquebat in Hostem Haeresim, an Chris ti non fuit ille Pu gill? Justitiae idcirco jam possidet ille Coronam, Quam Justus Jud ex reddidit Ipse Deus. 54 . Even if there were differences in opinions and polemics, as ,e. g, between Benc,z ik and Mag;in, generally spea;kiug ther-e was a remarkable peace between the individual nationalities of the "Marian Kingdom" during the Latin era and until the Hungarian chauvinism disrupted Hungary. Concerning the de tails about Magin's and Dubnicay's donations to relegious and charitable institutions we may read more in a manuscript in the parish house of Dubnica "Historia Parochiae Oppidi Dubnicza" pod titulom "Parochus ,Septimus" "Maginus hie Parochus" etc. This gives details of his legacies and foundations for Masses and other -good works ... 55 . J. Kohut - Literarne listy, 1895. II BIBLIOGRAPHY: 1) Manuscripts: ~tractus protocollorum Comiltrutus Trendhin:iensis oirca publicatas Armales ab anno 1'571. Archiv of ,the County Trencin. Series Gremialium Nobilium N-us 3-us. New archive of rthe Trencin County. Matricula Ecclesiae Dubnic2iensis sub Patrocinio Div,i Jacobi Apostoli Ereotae et Fundwtae Curata per me Andre-am Tho,l tt Su.mptibus Ecclesiae Anno 1667. Parish archive DubnJca. Matrica Schdlas.ticae Jnven:tutis R. M. Gymnasii Tr,e nchiniensis ab Anno 1655 i1nchoata usque 1775 continuruta 2. Archive of SSV-St. Adalbertus Society, Trnava. Liber maitricUJ!aris recompaotus A. 1828. Pairish archive, Trencianska Tepla. Metamo,rphosis 1lidei Orthodoxae de Bono in Malum e,t vicissim irn Comitaitu Trenchiniensi, ac vel maxime in privilegiato Oppido Solna rub anno 1600. Archie,pisco-pal library. Esztergo!Ill. A. Gymii: Revolutio Rak6czyana. Parish archive. Tren<iin. J. B. Magin: Processus .. .. Parish archive Dubnica. Dubnicay Helenra: Oswiceny, Welomozny.... Parish Archive, Dubnica. Ga nyze podepsana Helena DubnJcay.... Parish Archive, Dubnica. M. Illeshazy's l~tter from June 24 1719 to Rev. St. Dubnicay. PaTish archive, Dubnica. His,toria Domus Also Szucsensis, dein 'Tepleusis, Parish archive, Tr. Tep.la. Histotia Parochiae Oppidi Dubnica, Paaish archive, Dubnica. Resetka: Register. Parish archive Su.ca. Rezikius: Gymnasiologia, sive his,toria schol,a rum et rectorum. Diocesan Hbrary, Nitra. R~tarides M.: Autorum et Scriptorum Hungariae praecipuorum Cathalogus. Diocesan Hbrary, Nitra. ProtocoHum vetus Parochiae Dubnicensis, Parich archive, Dubnica. Processus InquisitiOlrnis formatus a Nuntiatura Apos,tolica Vienensi super vita et mOll'ibus Illm.i et Revmi Dni Ladislai Adami Comitis Erdody. Diocesan library, Nitra. Rabcek A. Dr.: III part of of historical manuscripts' collections. Diocesan libramy, Nitra. �76 SLOVAKIA 2) Printed sources: M. Bencsik: Novissima Diena No'b ilissima Principis Statuumque, et Ordinum Inolyti Regn,i Hunga.riae, Partiumque Eidem Annexarum, Tyrnaviae, 1722. Dubnicay St.: Eductus coluber tort.uosus. Tyrnaviae 1729. Magin J. B.: Murices N0tbiliss,i mae et Novissimae Diactae Posoniensis Scriptori Sp·a rsi Sive Apologia pro Inclyto ComHatu TrencWniensi. ... Puchovii, 1723. Tamassy M.: Prawa Katolic-k a Rucny knyzka, Trnava 1691. Timon S.: Imago ·a ntiquae et Novae Hungariae, Kosice 1733. Synopsis novae chrooologicae reg,norum Hungariae, Croatiae, Dalmatiae pars I.-III. Tyrnaviae, 1714. Series rerum Hungaricarurm, Tyrnaviae, 1714-15. Robik J.: Wllozeni o uzltku a potrebe katechismusa. W Trnawe 1764. Szentivwnyi M: Magnum Chaos, Tyrnaviiae 1704. Tu•rris Babel. Tyrnaviae 1731. 3) Literature: APOSTOL! SLOVIENOV. Sbornik s.tu<l.H, SSV TRNAVA, 1964. Banik A. A.: Jan Ba1tazar Magin a jeho politicka narodna. i kulturna obrana Slovakov rdku 1728. Sbo-rnik LVO SSV. Vol. III. 1-2. Trnava 1936. Novsie udaje na poznanie J ana Baltazara Magilna, jeho diela a doby. Sb. LVO SSV. V. IV. 1. Trnava 1937. Rekem J.: Stefan Du•bnicay a jeho doba. Trencin, 1944. Slovenske na.rodne povedomie v dlele St. Dubnicaya. Tren<\in, 1943. Dubnicayova pastoracna. cinnose v Tr. Teplej, Tren:cin, 1943. The origin and development of rt:he Slovak language, Middletown, Pa. 1962. Bibliogl'afia trenoianskych tlacr a vydanL Tirencin 1945. Z kul,turnych deji.n Trencianskeho Povazia. Trencin, 1943. Teplanske Duchovne pi-e sne. Zo starsiej eschatologickej poez!e Povazia. Trencin 1943. Articles in Ducho'Viny Pastier, Trnava, 1942 - . Articles in Trencan, Trencin, 1942 - . Artioles in Kultfua, Trnava, 1938 - . Rekem Pavo! dr.: Strucne dejiny obce Tr. Tepla. v Monografii Tr. Te,p lej, Ilava, 1936. Dubravec St. dr.: Apologetika korutroverz.istirka na byv, katol. univerzite v Trnave. Trnava 1935. Vlcek J.: Dej!ny slovenskej ILteratury, III vyd. Turc. Sv. Martin, 1933 .. Dejiny ceske literatury II vyd. III. dil Praha 1931. Prazak Albert: Dejiny spisovne s1ovenstiny po dobu Sturovu. Praha 1922. Slovenske Pohl'ady: 1887 - . Literarne L isty, II, 1895. Magyar Sion 1806 --. Stransky A.: Deji<ny biskupstva nttrianskeho. Trnava, 1933. Szimonidesz.Adamovic: Proces s Danielom Krmanom, L. Sv. Mikulas, 1940. Trnovski K.: K recovej otazke Slovakov, Trnava, 1937. Kacka J. : Dejiny literrutfuy slovenskej. Ruzomberok 1921. Miskovic-Pisut: Dejiny sloven•s kej literatury. Bratislava 1941. �SLOVAKIA 77 Smalov Kut•1ik J.: .t,a,stoJ katolfckei hierarchie v Slovenskom narodnvm a ku-Lt.imom zivote. Mons Sancti o\llart:ni, Ruzvmberok 1947. Verbum, 1946, I,. Slov•e nske noviny, Budapese, 1929. Rizner L.: Bibliografia slovenskeho pisomnfotv,a, T. Sv. Martin. 19291934. Bujnak P.: S'1ovensky naucny slovnfk I - III. Braltislava, 1932. Czwittinger D.: Spe'Cimen Hungariae litteratae, Francofurrti, 1711. Petrik G.: Magya.ro-rszag BiblQgrphiaja 1712- 1860. Budapest, 1888. Nemethy L.: Serie Parochorum et Parochorum Archidiocesis Strigoniensis. Striganii, 1794. Szinnei J.: Magyar [rok. Bud·a pest 1893. Sommervogel C.: Dictionatres cles orrage-s Anouynes et Pseudonymes publie par des religioux de 1a Campagnie de Jesus, Paris, 1884. Vallasky P.: Conspectus rei publicae Litterariae in Hungaria. Budae, 1808. ZeHinger A.: Paruthe<m Ty,ruaviense. Tyrnaviae. 1931. Hrobak P. A.: Was Czech the vehicle of Slovak literature? Slovakia Vol. X. Middletown, 1960. Kirschbaum J. M.: Contemporary tendencies in Slovak Philology. Offprint. MorutreaJ 1960. Slovakia, Nation a1t the crossroads o'f Cerutral Europe, New York, 1960, p. XIX, 329. Misconceptions of American Siavists on the Slovak Language. S'1ovakia, Vol. XII, 1962. Middletown, Pa. p. 25-49. La place du slovaque P ARMI LES LANGUES SLAVES, an Offprint from Etudes Slaves, VIII, 3-4, Universite de Montreal, 1963. Oddo Gilibert: Slovakia and i,t s People, New York, 1960. Porubsky J.: K stemu vy,rociu li:terarnej slovenciny. Scranton,Pa.1945. Slavik J.: Dejiny sloV'enskeho evanj. a. v. bratstva a senioratu. Banska StiaV'nica, 1921. f>urovic J.: Slovenska evanjeiicka literatura do tolerancie. Turc. Sv. Martin, 1940. Slovakia, I -XII, published by the Slovak League of Amerika, Middletown, Ba. 1950 - 1962. Lepacek C.: Fran,tiskani v slovenskej literature pred Bernolakom. Kultura, Trnava, 1937. Lacko M. S. J.: The Cyrilomethodian mission and Slovakia, Slovak Studies, I, Histo rica 1. Slovak Institute, Rome. 1961, p. 23-49. G. Shevelov. : Tr,t type Groups and the Problem o'f Moravian components in Old Church Slavonic. The Slavonic and East European Reviiew, XXXV, London 1957, p,p. 379 - 398. J . Stanislav: Slovienska liturgia na Slovensku a s[dlo Metodovo a Gorazdovo. Historika S-Iovaca, I-II, 1940-41, 5-43. 0 pre-hodno,tenJ.e vel'komoravskych prvkov v cyrilometodejskej literature, Sborntk v cese 111a Aleksander Teodorov- Balan, Sofija, 1955, PP. 35-7-363. Dejny &lovenskeho jazyka, Voll. I. chapter XII. Kuitu.my jazyk na Vefkej Morave, v Bannonii a na starom Slovensku, pp. 213-241. Bratislava, 1958. M. Pisut-Misianik-Petrus-Gregorec-Stevcek: Dejiny slovenskej literatury, Bratislava, 1962. � SLOVAKIA 47 SLOVAK LITERATURE AND NATIONAL CONSCIOUSNESS BEF10RE ANTON BERNOLAK (1762-1813) JOHN REKEM, S.T.D. AN INTRODUCTORY NOTE There is much misunderst•anding in the Anglo-Saxon world about the Slovak literature before Bernolak (1762-1813). Under the influence of some Czech literary historians as Jaroslav Vlcek, A. Prazak, V. Chaloupecky and some others, statements have been repeated that Slovaks till the publishing of Bernolak's "Dissertatio Philologico crititca de literis Slavorum" - 1787, did not have their own literature and literary language, that they wrote in "Czechoslovak linguistic union" and Bernolak only separated SlovaJks from Czechs in literature and founded Slovak literary language in the form of a Trnava dialect. The late P.A. Hrobak (1904-1964) repeatedly showed that these Czechisizing tendencies of the above and some other authors were false and unfounded. He refuted their conclusions by profound analysis of their own works and by analysis of historical facts. 1 J.M. Kirschbaum, in a similar way in his works showed the discrepancies and lack of truth of some of these literary historians, who in their work were more led by fervor and expedience of the political tendencies of a "unified Czechoslovak nation" than by historical facts and strict scientific methods. 2 Kirschbaum showed that the most recent Czech literary historical school3, compelled by historical evidence abandoned the fictions of the older Czech literary historians about the domination of Czech or "Czechoslovak" language in Slovakia, and this new school acknowledged that: "Slovak language, whose development goes back to ancient times, was established as a literary language in connection with the formation of the Slovaks into a nation ... the establishment of the lite:rary Slovak language can in no way be viewed as a separation from the literary Czech language, but only as a long, slow development towards a literary language" .... 4 The author of this study a,,lready in his previous work: "The Origin and development of the Slovak language" 5 �48 SLOVAKIA put forward arguments for the existence of an independent Slovak language, literature and Slovak national feeling long before Bernolak. He followed the existence of independent Slovak consciousness from the oldest Cyrilomethodian literary memoirs and fragments up to the so called "Jesuit Slovak language" of the 17th and the 18th centuries before Bernolak's codification of Slovak. In this study we will deal with other pre-Bernolak representatives of Slovak literature or of Latin writers of Slov:ak descent, who even if they did not write in Slovak\ by their Latin works they kindled, strengthened the Slovak consciousness or defended the Sloviak nation and its cultural and political rights. We show the existence of grammars codifying the Slovak literary language before Bernolak, the existence of translation of Holy Writ into Slovak long before the "Separatist" move of Bernoliak in 1787. 1 Translation of the Holy Writ into Slovak before Bernolak The German Christian missions to the Slovaks at the end of the 8th and the beginning of the 9th century left their vestiges in the Slovak language, in a special way in religious terminology and in the basic most important prayers6, like "Our Father" etc .... It is certain that in their sermons and religious teaching the German missionaries used single paragraphs from The Holy Writ translated into the hnguage understandable to the Slovaks. Whether they progressed so far as to being able to translate at least the New Testament or even the Old Testament into Slovak we do not know. We hold this was quite unlikely but we can not give this negiative answer with certainty. It is known that many historical manusripts and writings were produced but have not yet been found or were lost and destroyed. This does not mean that they did not exist. More recently some manuscripts were found which put in a new light some periods of history -and changed the meaning of historical epochs. It will be necessary to do a great deal of research in the Benedictine monasteries of Austria and Bavaria, where t he sons of the Slovak noblemen studied for priesthood and prepared themselves for missionary work •a mong their countrymen. It was a great misfortune for the Slovak cultural history that the Abbey of St. Hyppolite on Zobor near �SLOVAKIA 4!:i Nitra was destroyed with all its manuscripts and cultural tre asures. This Benedictine Abbey, whose origins date from pre-Cyrilomethodian times would answer many a literary and historical problem of the Slovak past. It was not until the 9th century that the Slovaks obtained translation of The Holy Writ. This translation endured the ravages of time but is still today in some changed forms accessible. The translation was begun by [;t. Cyril and Methodius and was finished in Slovakia or Gre8.t Moravia by the disciples of Methodius, bishop Gorazd and his group, on the feast of St. Demetrius. 7 In what language was this transl•a tion of The Holy Writ written? Macedonio - Bulgarian dialect or Great Moravia Slovak? Many Slavists consider this translation a MacedonioBulgarian language with distinct lexical slovakisms and pure Slovak words. Some others, as professor G. Y. Shevelov cf Columbia U1I1iversity, through an analysis of the Kyjev ma:nuscripts, maintains that the original language of this translation is not a Macedonio- Bulgarian dialect, but a Moravian-Slovak dialect with Macedonian infiltrations.8 Prof. J. Stanislav of Bratislava is of similar views, 9 and so was before him J. Skultety.10 Even if the }anguage of this translation was not the coUoquial Slovak of that period, it was accepted by the Slovaks of Great Moravia and Pannonia as their own, it was used by them through the following centuries and it formed the cultural and literary basis for their national survival. The Slovaks included the cyrilomethodian literature into their cultural and literary heritage from the very beginning. This cyrolomethodian literature, including The Holy Writ, became the basis of the Slovak culture and became so deeply rooted in the Slovak nation that even when the Latin language was forced by king Svatopluk on his subjects and when the archbishop Gorazd and other St. Methodius disciples were exiled, this literature could not be suppressed, and lived in the nation and the nation lived by it. And after Svatopluk's death the strong influence of this living literature was the basis for the return and the revival of the old Slovak liturgy. Even after the final defeat of the Glagolitic Slovak Western rite liturgy in the 13th century, the cyrilomethodian literature lived in the 1 �50 SLOVAKIA homes of the people. The CM translation of the Holy Writ was read, copied, adapted to the changing and developing language and so were in a similar way other manuscripts from the 9th century, as we see f. e. from "Cyrilo-Methodiam. fragments of Spis" from the 12th or 13th century.U Not only that the Slovaks of the Latin rite used through centuries this translation of Scriptures in their homes, but that part which is attached to the Byzantine rite has kept the old Slovak in the liturgical services up to now and still reads in its liturgy pericops and excerpts of Holy Writ in the Old Church-Slova:k. Even when by the progress of history the colloquial Slovak sta'rted to differ more and more from the old literary Slovak, the old cyrilomethodian translation remained as teacher for Slovak nation transcribed in Latin letters and accomodated to the changing tongue till next complete new camaldul translation in 18th century. 12 In the 17th century after the foundation of the Trnava University in 1635 by Cardinal Peter Pazmanyi, the Slovak religious literary life started to unfold more and more. Many secular and jesuit priests of Slovak descent concentrated their literary efforts around the Trnava University and by their bodks and writings intended to intensify the Catholic religious life and by polemic and apologetic literature to defend Catholic teaching and convert non-Catholic· reformators to their faith. The scope of this Pazmanyi circle 13 was wide, and it prepared its members for their task very methodically. In their work for renewal of religious life they needed new liturgical books new translations, and multifarious literary publications. To have them properly and purposefully written they required in the first place a new translation of the Holy Writ. And that was not a small task. They knew that such a complete translation means that it not only in spiritual direction but as well as linguistical will be influencing the life of the nation maybe for a century, or even more centuries. And fundaments in this case were the basic linguistical norms which should be observed by translators and writers and that way stabilize and codify the literary la:nguage, to be an able instrument of instruction and religious edification. So in 1648 a dictionary was published in T r n a v a : "Vocabularium Hungarico-Latino-Sla vonicum" �SLOVAKIA 51 not mentioning the others. In the Pazmanyi Slovak creative circle they stabilized the norms of Slovak they were using and literary historians designated this as " Jesuit Slovak". 14 What followed and what was produced in this language was no more just single attempts of loose individuals but that was a collective manifestation of a generation of translators and writers from the clergy and later even from laymen professsions. The example of Jesuits and of secular clergy in the Slovak literary field gave impetus to the numerous members of the Fraciscan order to ,a more dynamic literary activity. The members of the Paulinist15a and Piarist religious orders gave also their helpful hand to the building of Slovak r eligious culture and literature. But what is most surprising is the fact that one of the strictest and from outside world segregated orders, so called "mute monks" as they were till last times called in Nitra region even centuries after their expulsion-the Camaldus, Cistercians15 , were connected in translating, writing and linguistic w c- rk in Slovak language and about Slovak language. From this fact that the Slovak literary movement reached behind the double walls of Camaldule cells we can see how strong that movement was at the end of the 17th and the beginning of the 18th centuries. Two kinds of literary schools at that time cultivated and were giving impetus to the creation in SloV'ak for cultural and religious enlightment of Slovaks: Pazmanyi Circle and Camaldule Circle. Both these literary schools were preparing themselves according to their plans and purposes for speedy and satisfactorily completion of liturg"ical books: Hymnal "Cantus Catholici" 1655 (written in Spisska Kapitula, published at Trnava University), Ritual, Trnava 1715, then pericops, apologetic, polemic, hagiographic literature in Slovak vernacular. All this served as •a preparation for the translation of the Holy Writ in New Slovak. There is still a question how far the Pazmanyi Circle <:oopernted with the Camaldule Circle which succeeded in translating the whole Holy Scripture into New Slovak. This circle appeared a little later on the Slovak literary stage, but its significance and endeavours were rivaling with the older Pazmanyi Circle. We know the Camaldulcs continued in the work of the preceding Pazmanyi Cir cle but �52 SLOVAKIA Cantos Catholici - Pysne katholicke, Trnava 1655. Copy from the Bibliothek of the Piarist convent, which Czech communists confiscated and turned into a Concentration camp for priests and religious brothers �SLOVAKIA 53 whether they worked independently , or they were commissioned to do the translation of the Holy Writ by the Pazmanyi Circle we are not certain. All the Cistercian convents are in ruins and their ample libraries with precious manuscripts were sold by weight to second hand dealers. Only fragments were saved, mostly by chance, here and there and found in the recent decades. Thus "Syllabus dictionarij latino-slavoni cus'' of 176316 was found in 1929. The author of this "Syllabus" is a cistercian monk Romuald Hadbavny from Michalovce of Spis, a scribe of convent chapters, domestic historian of his order and probably the main realizator of Sloviak literary and cultural efforts in the Camaldule community. 17 This "Syllabus" is of great importance for the history of the Slovak language and literature for two reasons: (a) for interesting and perfect orthographic rules from the point of the Sloviak language of today: (b) for its connections with the first Camaldule tran!'llation of the Holy Writ into Slovak, which follows the linguistic norms prescribed in this "Syllabus" as professor Eugen Pauliny proved. 18 In the introduction to "Syllabus" its author R. Hadbavny mentions a "Little Grammar for a Slovak student". This "Little Grammar" means a couple pages of orthographical norms in which he got more ahead than later Bernolak himself. 19 So instead of "au" he commanded to write "u", he prefers to write "G" for the sound "J", however he tolerates writing "aj" or "ay"; for "r" he20 categorically commands "r" for "u" - "6" or "ii"; as for the use of "y", he created his own complicated norms which do not correspond to the literary tradition or the linguistical status of his day. But most important is the effort to create some norms, some stabilization of language in syntax and lexicon in order to give the Slovaks an efficient cutural instrument.21 Even when there was known the testimony of R. Hadbavny about the existence of new Slovak translations of Holy Writ of that time 22 , and some of Bernolak's colleagues mentioned it too, we did not know anything closer about this translation, and its copies. Only when professor Vendelin Jankovic found it and described it in the literary review "Verbum" 1946 we got closer knowledge of this literary effort of the beginning of 18th century. V. Jankovic �SLOVAKIA 54 lf~tl'~a ;~ ~~JII'~ :,:; r:,~~r··,J'c;>e_; ~/47:l~.,:~~ t l ~ . . •.• STLL\lffl DlttIOMt\lliJ/ R. Hadvabny's Syllabus dictionarij manuscript from 1763. From the suppressed Lechnica Camaldul Convent library �SLOVAKIA 55 places its origm into the first half of 18th century. The manuscript started to be transcribed as final edition and that of the New Testament first on May 6th, 1756. This manuscript was finished on March 10th, 1759. Accor ding to Jankovic this translation is by a Camaldule monk either from Nitra or Nitra's vicinity. This manuscript according to him was written probably in Cerveny Klastor (Red Cloister). He supports this view by the following evidence: (1) The Camaldule convent on Mount Zobor near Nitra had in its large library a rich biblicistic literature, while the Camaldul cloister in Lechnica had a copious dictionary literature and lexicographic literature. (2) The l•anguage of this translation is similar to the dialect of Nitra valley. On the other side, professor E. Pauliny in his previously mentioned study about this translation, tried to prove that character of this Holy Writ language in its basic texture was pre-Bernolak "Jesuit Slovak" and some dialecticisms in it place it more to the North of Slovakia to the Polish-Slovak linguistical frontiers. According to Pauliny the translator was probably a monk from Cerveny Klastor. The question of author of this whole translation is still open. But it is significant that E. Pauliny showed that although Hadbavny's "Syllabus" is from 1763 and there is a copy of the Holy Writ dating already from 1756-1759, this translation was done according to the norms of "Syllabus". From this it can be concluded that if the author of the "Syllabus", was not also the author of the translation, he must have been •a t least a member of the circle which cooperated on this translation of. The Holy Writ. The 17th and the 18th centuries in Europe and in Slovakia were a period of religious controversies and conflicts between two reformations: protestant and catholic. Each of these movements tried to use all the means of communications and all cultural tools for the victory of its ideas. But while in most parts of Europe the Protestant reformation gave impulse to the awakening and formation of national and vernacular movements, in Slovakia the opposite occurred. Quite a number of protestant clergy s tudied in Bohemia and the backbone of protestantism in Slovakia was Bohemian, The Czech protestant exiles, who came to Slov,akia before and especially after the battle of White Mounta:n in 1618 tried to establish the Czech Biblical Ian- �56 SLOVAKIA guage as a liturgical and a literary language of their group and thus attempted to halt the basic strong Slovak national trend which was gradually growing among the Slovaks. But this tide couJd not be stopped even by the obstacles imposed by Hussites, Czech exils, and the protestant reformatio n imported to Slovakia. Some Slovak protestants succumbed to this bohemizing or Czechisizing tendency, some stopped confused, half-way. It took considerabl e time before the Evangelica l protestant representat ives in Slovakia escaped from their confused illusions and complicated artificial constructions (Czechoslovak, Czecho-Slaw, Panslavisti c) and accepted a natural and positive attitude toward Slovak national individuali ty and cultural independence. Even then this new attitude was influenced more by the philosophie s of enlightmen t, utiliterianis m and romanticism than by historico-political trends. 23 On the contrary the attitude of Slovak Catholics was more favorable to the developmen t of a geographic ally conceived nationalism and to the creation of the national consciousn ess and individualit y. The Catholics accepted the Slovak historical continuity of the cyrilometho dian heritage and of the heritage of Great Moravia24 throughout all the phases of the Hungarian feudal statehood. They built on this continuity and developed it. And this different political and cultural orientation grounded their awakening national consciousne ss, so that this consciousne ss from the beginning was by this group more concrete, more real. The Slovak Catholics, the majority of the population, from the their liturgical and extra-liturg ical very beginning in works (prayer books, hymnals, hagiograph ical, •apologetic, polemical literature, Holy Writ translation s) were mor-e consistent in using their vernacular, which was more and more oriented to the Central Slovak dialect and which later was codified as literary language. It was Recatholiza tion which designated the translation of Holy Writ in the new Slovak as a zenith of religious and cultural efforts in order to give Slovaks not only a symbol of their own individualit y, but also in order to unify their nation on the way to the eternal end. This translation however required a linguistic normalization and codification. For this purpose it was necessary to produce in advance or simultaneo usly the works and �SLOVAKIA 57 books dealing with the stabilizing and codifying of the modern Slovak tongue and thus it came not only to stabilizing of the sacral, liturgical literary style of the language, but even to the cristalization of the Slovak language and Slovak culture. And this was realized quite a long time before Bernolak's linguistical reform, even before the birth of Bernolak in 1762. Valid is then the thesis that the origin of the literary Slovak as a cultural and literary instrument, and indirectly the national awakening of Slovakia, was caused and speeded by recatholization. The last and almost concealed branch of recatholization is Bernolak's mo 1vement. And it is its branch in that sense that this movement systemizes (and on this word, "systemizes" is the objective emphasis) as its religious winnings as well as its national cultural gains. From what has been said above we see how unfound-ed is the legend about the Bernolak's separation of Slovak and Cwch union, which has been repeated so often by some Czech or by literary histori<ans influenced by Czechs. This false legend was put before the world public explaining the origin of the Slovak nation and Slovak language first when BernolaJc's study was published: Dissertatio philologico criti<la de litteris Slavorum (Bratislava 1787). As we showed :~n this chapter Bernolak's systematizing work was only a culmination and completion of that one which was cultivated and prepared by generations of writers and translators on the field of religious as well as secular literature before Bernolak. The pre-Bernolak t r anslation of The Holy Writ into new Slovak, being prepared with such a careful linguistical reform and consolidations, is an obvious proof, not counting many other numerous literary creations in Jesuit Slovak, of an independent Slovak language, literature and of national consciousness long before Bernolak. Samuel Timon (1675-1736) defender of the idea of Slovak independent nation. In the development of Slovak national consciousness before Bernolak movement, has, beside others, a lion share a Latin writer and historian, Slovak jesuit father from Trencianska Turna, Samuel Timon, S.J. 25 In the mosaic of the �58 SLOVAKIA evolution of national consciousness of Slovak Catholic inteligentsia this writer and historian, known at that time in the whole of Central Europe, occupies an important and leading part. Of utmost influence in the awakening of the Slovaks to their national consciousness and revival was the Cyrilomethodian heritage connected with the idea of Slovak independence during the time of Great Moravian kingdom in the ninth century. Slovak historians long before Bernolak, especially the Pazmany circle around the Trnava University (1635-1777) turned their eyes towards the history of their country in the period preceeding the arrival of Magyars into the Central European valley. They started to delve deeper into the historical facts of Slovakia during the Great Moravian period and they showed how the Slovak element influenced religiously and culturally their neighbours, especially the Magyars, at the ti.me of their conversion to Christianity. They proved how the Slovak administrative apparatus helped to organize the beginnings of the Hungarian State, where Slovakia had its own autonomous position in the form of Ni t r a dauphine principality (Nitrianske udelne kniezatstvo) for a long t ime even after the disappearence of the Slovak Kingdom. The historians of Slovak origin (S. Timon, M. Szenti!vanyi, M Bel, J. B. Magin) accepted the historical Slovak continuity from Great Moravia through all phases of the feudal Hll!Ilgarian State, made it a basis of their research and developed it. On this basis they deduced, some quite discretly (Timon, Bel) , others mor e openly and vociferously (Magin), the original right of the Slovaks to their own country, with all the connected natural rights, even the right to autonomy, independence and freedom of the Slovak language. !Samuel Timon was born in Trenc. Turna in 1675 from a noble (zeman) family. His father was Jan Timon a,nd mother Barbara Hrabovsika. Already from the family environment and from elementary school he had a strong national consciousness. We saw him in Trencin secondary school (Gymnasium) always registered as, "Slovak" (Pannonus, Slavus). In 1682, when only seven years old, he was enrolled in the first grade of the Jesuit gymnasium26 as Samuel Timon �SLOVAKIA 59 Nobilis Pannon Turnensis Catholicu Anno 7. Primi anni; Samuel Timon, nobleman, Slovak of Turna, Catholic, 7 years of age, grade one. He is similarly identified in the followmg year, 1683, in grade two, and also in the year 1685, except the name "Parmonus" is replaced by "Slavus". His nationality is similarly described in the class of 1687 and 1688. Upon graduating from gymnasium he entered the Jesuit Order in Bratislava in 1693. When he completed there his courses in philosophy and theology, he became a professor. First he taught in Trnava, together 14 years, then for 18 years he continued teaching at the Jesuit Academy at Kosice, also an institute with university standing. Huitory was his main subject of interest but although he devoted his time mainly to historical research, he also was active in pastoral work in parishes. His historical works written in Latin were in such demand that they had to be reprinted in many editions and became textbooks in the Catholic gymnaziums and colleges of contemporary Hungary. His work "Purpura Pannonica" which presents the biographies and works of the cardinals of the Hungarian Crown appeared in several editions. The "Imago antiquae et novae Hungariae" which was the most read work on Hungarian history was published in Kosice in 1733, 1745, 1766 1766 and in Vienna in 1754. In this work, which gained acclaim in the whole of Europe, Timon strives to prove, on linguistic grounds, that the Central-Danubian regions of the early history were occupied by Slovaks-Pannoni and the origin of "Panonus" he derives from the Slovak word "Pan" (which is equivalent to Latin - "Dominus"). He considers the Slovaks as direct successors of the "Slavic tribes" of Markomani, Kvadi, Sarmati. He deals with the empire of Samo and his successors - Maravod, Svatos, Barut, etc. With deep attachment he presents the great epochs of Greater Moravia, and devotes them most of his work. He deals with almost all Slovak princes of that period: Mojmir, Pribina, Rastislav, Svatopluk. He writes about St. Cyrill and Methodius as "The ,apostles of Slovaks". The historian A. A. Banik appropriately writes about Timon: "He is not satisfied with plain historical facts when narrating these events, but �60 SLOVAKIA frequently he gives way to his Slovak sentiments using an elaborate style to describe the outstanding details of the Slovak history and by taking predilection in branding into the hi'story of other Slav nations.'' This sentiment is apparent in the chronicle describing the armies of Svatopluk crossing the Danube in 885 into Pannonia, which took them a complete day, and how they subsequently, for a prolonged period, engaged in destroying the power of Arnulf. 27 We can see the same feeling in the writings about the son of Svatopluk, Svatoborgius or Svatocopius who went to live ;n sPc1usion on Zobor near Nitra, died as a saint and was buried in the church of St. Emeramus in Nitra. 28 A similar national attachment and pride is apparent in other parts of Timon's works. Another work of Timon, which is of great importance for the history of Slovakia and which shows Timon's Slovak national feelings is: "Synopsis novae chronologicale regnorum Hungariae, Croatiae, Dalmatiae ..... " pars. I III. 29 His Slovak national consciousness is apparent in that he was the first historian who when presenting the history of the Hungarian Crown devoted a special attention to the Slovaks and he was in this distinct from other historiographers of contemporary Hungary, such as Turocius, Bonfini and Istvanfy. Wherever he can, he reminds his countrymen, and the enemies of his nation, of the great epoch of St. Cyrill and Methodius30 , of the authorisation of the Slovak liturgy by the Holy See31 and wherever he is able to indicate that a person was of Slovak origin and was of some importance in the history of Hungary, he does not omit to stress this. His work also shows much of his local-patriotism, since whereever, he can, he mentions Trencin and in many places he intertwines the history of Trencin into the general history of Hungary. There is no wonder, in view of his Slovak patriotic tone in his works, that even his Jesuit brothers teased him, as one who would make even a Jupiter into a Slovak. In his work "Series serum Hungaricarum" 32 as in the works already mentioned, he especially reminds us of the grandeur of Greater Moravia, of the power of king Svatopluk and of other SloV'ak princes. He emphasizes the Slovak origin of the names of cities, towns, villages, rivErs, mountains in the Slovak regions of Hungary and derives from �SLOVAKIA 61 this the historical rights of the Slovaks to their territory and to a certain extent also their political rights within the Hungarian Crown. By putting a special emphasis on the work of St. Cyrill and Methodius in Slovakia he preserves the continuity of the St. Cyrill and Methodius tradition and thus awakens a Slovak national consciousness in the Slovak intellingentsia, (who read and spoke in Latin) as well as in his students at gymnaziums and colleges especially at Trnava. He was an organic link in the chain of the St. Cyrill and Methodius tradition, which, through his influence, is presented in the works of Papanek and in the Bernolak movement as a philosophy of history of the Slovak nation. 33 We are able to show there was a distinct Slovak linguistic and national tradition, long before Bernolak, which had very little in common with the Czechs. If this tradition lacked a linguistic and national unity it nevertheless gravitated towards the unity. This is demonstrable by: The Camaldul translation of the Holy Scriptures into Slovak in 1723, the historical patriotic consciousness of Timon, the Slovak polernic writings of Stefan Dubnicay (1675-1725), the assertion of the political rights of Slovaks in 1728 by Jan B. Magin (1682-1735), the subsequent liturgical books, edited in Slovak by the University of Trnava as well as nonliturgical works; then "Cantus Catholici" edited iirl 1665 with a Slovak patriotic introduction by B. Szobosi-Rybnicky; The linguistic reform of the Pazmany and Camaldul circles; the "Syllabus dictionarii latino-Slavonicus" of 1763. These works show how futile it is to denounce Bernolak (1762-1813) as one who separated the Slovaks from the Czechs, as the alleged unity with the Czechs never existed, except only through the descendants of the protestant exiles who settled in Slovakia. The Catholic population, which then was in clear majority, was oriented towards national independence in the frame of the Hungarian state and endeavoured to preserve the historical continuity of Greater Moravia as well as of St. Cyrill and Methodius tradition which it accepted as the philosophy of Slovak history. Bernolak and his movement only nurtured, enlarged in scope and completed what had been gradually developed and formulated through centuries by many generations of Slovak people and what manifested itself so remarkably in the Jesuit Slovak in the years 1635 up to the y ear 1787 �62 SLOVAKIA w,hen Bernolak published his: "Dissertatio philologico critica de literis Slavorum". 34 St.efan Dubnicay (1675-1725) - a Slovak Polem.ist and Historian.35 The polemical literature of the 17th and 18th centuries in Slovakia was very prolific and colourful through the contributions both of Catholics and of Protestants. The leaders on both sides were aware of the importance of the printed word and endeavoured to apply it in support of their faith. Polemics were written in many languages, most of them in Latin, then in Slovak, in Hungarian, in German. Printing houses were establi!hed even in small towns of Slovakia and became prosperous. On the Catholic side the University of Trnava (1635-1777) provided a new vigor to the polemical authors and during its life published 79 polemical-apologetic books in Latin, 14 in Slovak, 12 in German and 20 in Hungarian. 36 Amongst Catholics the most successful in the work of religious conversion by written word was Rev. Stefan Dubnicay, a parish priest in Trencianska Tepla. According to J. Vlcek he made out of Tepla a "literary counter-reformation centre" 37 and according to A. A. Banik "an active recatholisation centre". 38 In the words of Vlcek the Catholic parish in Tepla was for several decades a similar counter-reformation literary centre, as was for some time Zilina and as was to a greater extent and for a longer period Trnava and Bratislava. The polemical-apologetic books written by Dubnicay would form a small library. 39 And the result of his literary work and endeavours? In his own parish of Tepla he had 908 converts40 whose names he entered into the Register with his own hand41 and in the archidiaconate of Trencin and Hradna the Catholic doctrine was accepted by 28,687 adult Protestant, as the result of his work, in the period between the end of the Rakoczy uprising and the year 1722. The following are the polemical-apologetic literary works of Dubnicay: 1. Primitiae Deo et Agno - Prwotiny Bohu a Berankowi. Apoc. III. Tog.est: Prawdiwe Wylozeny ze Swatostni Beranek, - nelen w samem Uziwany, ale y pod, a pomimo uplneho pozjwany prawe zustawa (Trnava, 1716) �SLOVAKIA 63 2. "Orthodoxa propugnatio Patrio - Legalis Formulae Juramenti - To gest Kraticke Katolicke dokazany ... " Published in 1717. 3. "Manna Absconditum Apoc. 2. Manna Skryta, to gest: Prediwne a Nepochopitelne Tagemstwi Manny Zakona Nowego." Published in 1718. 4. "Congruum Colloquium. 2. Mach. 14. Prjslussne Rosmluwanj Farare Katolickeho s Troma Nowo-Ewangeliky Farniky swymi." Published in 1719. 5. "Panis Quotidianus, Parvulorum. Chleb W ezdegssj Malickych." Published in 1721. From the Pretestant point of view, these wor ks were assailed by: 1. Jan Blazy (Blasius) Senior, a pastor of Trencin who wrote against Dubnicay in Czech: "Brime uvalene na Hospodina, aneb obrana proti falesnemu obvineni Stepana Dubniczay, Goliase tohoto vojska Boziho Hanejicyho."4-2 This work remained in manuscript. 2. In 1718 Daniel Krman, an evangelical superintendent wrote, under an anonym: "Anti Dubnicay. Man-Hu? Co jest to za Mannu skrytou, ktorou Dubniczay Pleban Teplansky, no svetlo vydal." 43 Dubnicay replied Krman in 1721 in an extensive work: "Eductus coluber tortuosus-Wywedeny Tocliwy had. 44 Out of Dubnicay historic-al works, we should mention his numerous historical introductions in his general works, his short entries in the parish chronicles in Tr. Tepla and especially his voluminous manuscript: "Metamorphosis fidei orthordoxae de Bono in Malum et vicissim in Comitatu Trenchiniensi ac vel maxime in Privilegi'a to Oppido Solna ab a nno 1600." 45 This work, with minor changes in the title and in the contents was edited five times after the death of Dubnicay. In 1737 it was published by Martin Sigismundi. And in the same year it was put into print by Ondrey Tzibere and by the canon of Jager, Daniel Kilian. In 1759 the Kilian edition was published again under the name: "Vicissitudo Orthodoxa religionis." About the polemics, we should note this was a period of religious controversies and not of religious dialogue. �64 ~'LOVAKIA Irony and satire were frequently used on both sides, the attacks were vehement in the name of truth and frequently without Christian love. But we are interested in Dubnicay mainly because of his linguistic •a chievement and because of his position in Slovak literature. Dr. A. A. Banik, a friend of mine who is an expert on that period and who thoroughly analyzed the work of Dubnicay and of Magin, in one of his letters to me described Dubnicay as "fearless defender of the fuith, a skillful apolog:.ist and an esteemed worker for the nation. He is a milestone between two epochs of Slovak national life as through his religious-polemic works he concludes a two-hundredyear-long period of religious quarrels, just when Magin, his neighbour of Dubnicoa, through his nationally-apologetic efforts begins to spread new and nationally oriented ideas. Both were graduates of Pazmaneum of Vienna, personal friends, neighbours in the pastoral work, but so much apart in their position in the evolution of the SloV'ak culture. The Slovak literary historians consider the work of Dubnicay as a milestone in Slovak literature." 46 The Hungarian literary historians included Dubnicay in Hungarian literature but did not ommit to state he wrote in Slovak. 47 Only the Czech literary historians tore him out of the Slovak literature and placed him into the Czech one. J. Vlcek omits Dubnicay in his history of Slovak literature but in his history of Czech literature he devotes him four pages. Albert Prazak48 places him in Slovak literature, but when referring to his "Eductus Coluber tortuosus" states he wrote in Czech, in some instances using "f". This statement cannot be supported by any factual evidence. I had the privilege, through the kindness of the archbishop K. Kmetko, to borrow the work. "Eductus coluber tortuosus" from the Diocesan library in Nitra and was able to peruse it for two years. During my study of the work, I was unable to locate a single "r" in this work of Dubnicay. Similar way I can testify about the manuscripts of Dubnicay accessible in Tr. Tepla Parish archives. In my previous thesis, I showed that the language of Dubnicay was the Western Slovak dialect, which has cer- �SLOVAKIA 65 tain similarities with the Czech language in view of the geological closeness to the Moravian boundaries. The language of Dubnicay is not Czech; but Slovak and Dubnicay in many places of his work draws difference between Czechs and Slovaks. Thus in his "Eductus coluber tortuosus" p. 225 when pointing out to where Krman copied his arguments (against him) states this was from "Czeska knizka Theologie Wittemberska" - (Czech book of Wittemberg Theology). He does not refer to it as a Czechoslovak book, but as a Czech one, distinguishing it from Slovak books. That Dubnicay was proud of being a Slovak, in spite of the fact that his books were read in Bohemia, Moravia, Silezia, is evident from a letter (June 27th, 1719) of L. Tempes, the bishop of Breslau (Wr6claw). The bishop, who was no doubt aware of Dubnicay's nationial feeling, did not -0mit to praise the Slovak nation and language in the letter in which he thanked Dubnicay, for his books, which had such a beneficial influence in his diocese. Although the Silezians of the Polish territories were able to read and to understand Dubnicay's works, it never occurred to the Poles to include Dubnicay in Polish literature. They recognized him as a Slovak and even considered Slovak language as a mother language of the daughter provinces of Moravia, Silesia, and Bohemia. Thus according to L. Tempes, Hungary was the mother .country of the Slovak language (linguae Slavicae) and Moravia, Silesia, and Bohemia were daughter provinces of the Slovak tongue. 49 There were no compact Czech settlements in Hungary and the Czech language was not spoken there in this sense. If one talks about "lingua Slavica" in Hungary this can only refer to Slovaks and to their language. 50 Since 1936 I have been searching through the archives and examining the documents rubout the families of Dubnieay, Dubnicky. I searched the· archives of the county of Trencin, the parish archives of Trencin, Tepla, Dubnica, Orechove, Suca and I found documents written in Latin and in Slovak. 51 I found not only the histories of the Dubnicay and Dubnicky families but also many others and if these were not written in Latin, they were written in a Slovak dialect 'of their location. In none of these sources I �66 SLOVAKIA came across the letter "f" (rz) which is typical of the -Czech language. This also shows how false are the theories about a 300 year rule of Czech language in Slovakia before Bernolak as held by some Czech literary historians. It shows further how far from truth are these Slavists in the Western world, who, without being able to study the first hand sources; ,accepted · these · identical theories. . - . J.B. Magin - a Latin Writer and Defender . of Slovak Rights (1682-1735) . M. Bencsik of Trnava published in 1722, a book about the last session· of the Bratislava Parliament under the title: The last sessio~ ~f his Majesty the King of the Lords and Estates of the Glorious Kingdom of Hungary and of the lands ·attached to it. 52 In this wo_rk he unfa:vqrably deals with the position of the Slovaks in Hungary. He maintains that the Slovaks· lost their rights when the king Svatopluk sold the Slovak lands for a white horse. This iegend was created in the 14th cen~ tury qy ·a Hungarian ·chronicler. - J. Thomoczy and without being supported by any historical evidence, in the 18th century it became the basis for negation of Slovak rights in Hungary. J. B. Magin refutes this legend in his work and demands for the Slovaks in Hungary the same rights as were enjoyed by other nationalities. · · It is necessary to point out that while Latin was still used in the 17th century as an official language in the parlamentary sessions, and also as a tongue of intelligentsia of an otherwise multilingual Hungary, the individual nationalities were becoming more and more conscious of their national identity and were demanding . their proper . poiitical rights. Thus the question arose, which language would become an official language should :Catin be abandoned. This was the ,p eriod when Latin started to lose its prestige among the families of noblemen, who until now considered it their colloquial tongue. This caused linguistic and political tensions among the intelligentsia. The Slovaks who inhabited Slovakia, also referred to as upper Hungary, moved as colonist into the Lower Hungary (Hungary proper) and f_o rmed there compact settlements--after the population in these lands was ·decimated _by the Turkish armies. The Slovaks at that time �SLOVAKIA J. B. Magin, Murices sive Apologia, Piichov 1723 67 �68 SLOVAKIA were in many respects the predominant nationality. Their position was also strengthened by the fact that the Slovak language was understandable to Croats, Slovenes and Serbs who were other Slavic members of the Habsburg monarchy. The Slovak language was much closer to them than German or Hungarian. Already during the reign of the Empresse Maria Teresia, her counsellor Adam Kollar advised her to install Slovak as an official language over all parts of Hungary, as this language was understandable to two thirds of the population including not only Slovaks, Slovenes, Chroats and Serbs, but also Poles and Ukrainians of Galicia and the Ruthenes of SUibkarpatian Ukraina. The attacks of Bencsik against the Slovaks became of special interest to the noblemen of the county of Trencin. They resolved to reply and asked Rev. J. B. Magin, the priest of Dubnica, to prepare a scholarly defense of the Slovak Nobility and of the Slovak nation. These noblemen were: Jan Frideoky, Mikulas Illeshazy, Jozef Illeshazy, Ondrej Dubnicky, Peter Rajman, Kristof Ugronovic, Juraj Terstiansky, Stefan Nozdrovicky, etc. J. B. Magin lists their names and writes how deep was their devotion to the Slovak nation. 53 J. B. Magin accepted this role and wrote the book: "Murices Nobillissimae et Novissimae Dietae Posoniensis Scriptori sparsi Sive Apologia Pro Inclyto Comitatu Trenchiniensi ... " (The thorns directed against the author of the work dealing with the last session of the Bratislava parliament or the defense of the esteemed county of Trencin). Several copies of this work were found in the parish house of Orechova. The one I was able to peruse and study (in 1941) bore the year of printing - 1723 - in Puchov. Dr. A. A. Banik in his study about J.B. Magin shows why the year 1723 should be considered as a printing error and the year 1728 as the correct year of the publication . These views of Dr. Banik are now generally accepted by literary historians. In Magin's work we find the ideas, which on a smaller scale also appear in the works of other contemporary patriotic writers. The study of history does not only provide the basis for the national awakening but also the basis �SLOVAKIA 69 of the demands for political· and cultural rights. It was argued on historical grounds, that the Slovaks - the autochtonous inhabitants of !Slovakia since Great Moravia were entitled to equal rights with other nationalities. The spark of national consciousness grew larger through the works of such writers as Martin Szentivany, Peter Schez, Mikulas Miris, Samuel Timon, Benedik Sz616si-Rybnicky. But this spark became a beacon in the work of Magin. Here it is no longer a sentimental vision, but rather a lighthouse, a guide to practical ,policy. Magill's work is a culmination of the developments toward the Slovak national consciousness before Bernolak. It embodies ideas of full Slovak participation in the administrative fields on all levels, municipal, county, and state. The finding of Magin's work as well as the discoveries of the "Syllabus" of Hadbavny and of the Camaldul translation of the Holy Scriptures throws a completely new light on the pre-Bernolak period. When we study these works together with the works of other authors mentioned here previously, we see this was not a period of darkness, an empty period where nothing Slovak was produced as has been maintained ,b y some Czech Literary historians. They ignore the Slovak Catholic literature, often present it in a false content to minimize Slovak achievements and to justify the fiction of a three-hundred-year rule of Czech language in Slovakia before Bernolak. Contrary to this we see this was a period of active and industrious work in literature, linguistics, religion, history, and in practical policies patriotically oriented. This is not only a period of a.wakening but also of practical and purposeful activity in the cultural, political, and religious spheres. And it is very significant that this activity differs from the Czech, Polish, Hungarian trends in the same fields. While the Slovaks mantained close contacts and cooperation with these neighbouring nations they did not lose their individuality which had its roots in the cyrilomethodian era and in the era of Great Moravia of the 9th century. Magin and Dubnicay are the most significant representatives of this process and their work presents clear evidence of its Slovak character. Magin puts forward the Slovak demands for equal political and cultural rights. Dubnicay in �70 SLOVAKIA his prolific works acquaints the outside world with the trends in Slovakia and we see through the recognition he and his works received that even abroad the Slovaks were recognized as a nation different from the Czechs, from the Silesians and Slovakia was even considered as a heart of the Slavic nation or especially as a "mother house" of the Western Slavs. Against this patriotic feeling of the Slovak Catholics which was rooted in the history and in the Slovak soil, we have the claims about the rule of the Czech language over Slovakia, the liturgical language of the Slovak protestant. This was a language brought into Slovakia and as s ::ion .as it cros3ed the boarder it was subjected to the influences of its new environment. This language was introduced as a Protestant liturgical language at the Zilina synod in 1610. But the Protestants who were to a large extent descendants of Czech religious exiles, reinforced by successive waves of Czech emigration,·· were not able to prevent the influences of the Slovak environment on this new language. The Czech language never became a language of daily usage in Slovakia and even in liturgy it was subjected to modifications. There were very few· pastors who were willing to use and to pronounce the Czech "R". They pr onounced it as a Slovak "R". Slovak tenns and idioms gradually penetrated even into the liturgical or "biblical" language and it became dead language evien more so · than the Latin as Latin was a language of daily use of the intelligentsia and of the noblemen until the first half of the 19th century. Within a large ma_iority of the Slovak Catholics the spirit of national consciousness grew stronger and stronger and nourished by the historical background it gradually developed strong concrete forms. It also fitted into the public and state affairs of the Hungarian crown as in: the period which Latin was an official language Hungary still respected the enthnic rights of the individual nationalities. The persecution of the non-Hungarian nationalities came about one hundred years later, after Hungarian replaced Latin as an official language. 54 In the periods described above, the recatholisation supported and speeded-up the development of the Slovak literary language and of individual Slovak literature and cul- �SLOVAKIA 71 ture generally. The Bernolak movement, with its codification of the literary language can be considered as a culmination of this process of Slovakisation of literature which started with recatholisation. The literary school of Kohut which was grouped around "Literarne listy" held this view but had not yet on hand the evidence which is available now to us to confirm these conclusions. 55 REFERENCES 1. P. A. Hroba.k: "Wais Czech the vehicle of Slovak literaiture?", Slovakia, 19'60, V. 10. No. 6. P. 36-49. 2. J . Kirscbbaum: Contempwary tendencies in Slovak Philology, Slavic and East European Studies, Vol. IV, No. 3-4, Montreal, 1960. Also published as off- print. Idem: Slovakia, Nation at the Crossroads of Central Europe, Speller New York 1959. p.36 sqq.-ldem: Misconcepttons of American Slavlsts on th~ Slovak language, Slovakia, 1962, Vol. XII. No. 1 p.25-49. 3. Cf. Prof. A. Dostrul: Nastin Dejfn slovenskeho a ceskeho jazyka, Prague, 1954. 4. J. 1M. Kirschbaum: Contemporary tendencies . . . p. 200-201. 5. Dr. · John Rekem: · Slovak.i a, 1962, Vol' XII. No. 1. p. 1-17. Also separate off-print, at Middletown, Pa. USA 1962. 6. Linguistical analysis of these prayers and of ,t he liturgical ndmenclature with the proof of their before a cyrillomethodian ongm gives prof. H. Bartek in his work: Krest:anstvo a slovencina, Nadej vfCruzna, Scramton, Pa. 1947, str. 24i-268. 7. Cf. J . Piistenyi: Pamiatka 1056 vyrocia smrti sv. Metoua. Kultlira, IX. 19'3'7, 81. 1935, 148. Jan IStanislav: Slovienska liturgia na Slovensku a sidlo Metodovo a Gorruz.dovo, Histor,l ca S•l ovaca, I-II. 1940-41. 5.-43. · About archbishop Gorazd: Dr. A. A. Banik: Apostol Gorazd, prvy v dejinach spominany slovensky kiiaz, spisovater a svatec, Kultura IX, 1937, 81. Dr. V. Pogorielov: Sv. Cyril, Sv. Metod i Gorazd, !ch cinnose a povod, Sbornfk Literarno-vedeckeho odboru Spolku sv. Vojtecha, III, Trnava 1936. Apostoll Slovienov, Sbornik stlidii, k 1,100 vyrociu prichodu sv. Cyrila a Metoda na Vel'ku Moravu. SSV. Trnava-Bratislava. 1963. Ferust of St. Demetrius of Thessalonike-Solun is on Oct. 26. To e mphasize the Cyrilomethodian traditions of Slovak Republic, the Prime minister Tiso and Slovak Parliament d ecided the election of the presid ent of 'Slovak 'Republic 1939 to be done on this memorial day of Great Morava - Slovakia. 8. Trbt type groups and the problem of Moravian components in Old Church Slavonic and East European Review, XXXV. London 1957, p. 392. 9. J. Stanislav: 0 prehodnotenie Vel'komoravskych prvkov v cyrilometodskej literature, Sbornik v cesC na AleXander Teodorov B.alan, Sofija, 1955, p. 357-363. More about this qu esti on : 111. Lacko. S.J ., H.E.D. Ph.D. The Cyrillomethodian Mission and Slovakia, Slovak Studies I. Historica I, Slovak Institute, Rome 1961, p. 23~49. J. Rekem: Origin and deve_lopment of Slovak language, pp 4-5. �SLOVAKIA 72 Alojz M!skovl<: : Llterar.na clnnost'. Kon s tanUnova a Metodova, Apo~toll Slovi enov, SSV. Trnava-Bratislava 1963 P. 89 sequ . . . 10. J. ~kultety : Sketches from Slovak history, Middletown, Pa., 1936. 11. A . Miskovic : Spisske cyr!lske ulomky XU, a XIII. storocia. Ich nalez. Bratislava LI'I . 1929 80-81. V. Pogor!elov: Spiss·ke cyr!lske \1lomky XU. a Xil'II. storocia II. !ch pop!s rozbor a otlsk, lb. ·81-87 . O biskupovl staroslovlenskeho jazyka na spisi za Krara Ondreja III. koncom 13. storocla cf. ~tefan Hyros: Zamok Lykava a Jozef ~p!rko: Zac!atky Spisskeho b!skupstva v Mons St. 'Martini. Ruzomberok 1947. 12. Joz.ef Kutn!k ~malov : Zastoj katolfckej hierarchie v slovenskom narodnom zlvote - The task or Catholic Hierarchy in Slovak national Hfe - , Mons St! Martini, Ruzomberok, 19 47, p. 99 . 13. Ct. •S. B. Peter Pazmany! a slovenska literatli.ra, L!terarno historlcky Sbornlk Matice Slovenskej U ..-IIII. 1945/6, 159-198. 14. This adjective to this historical phase of literary Slovak gave J . Kohut, member of the old !Slovak l!terary-his•t orical school in this basic study : Jezu!,t ska slovencina v knizkach In L lt e ra rne Llsty 1891, str. 52. 'More about the Jesuit Slovak er. Rekem's: The origin and development of Slovak language, p. 9 sq .. . 15. Camaldul convents at that time in -Slovakia were at this placee : Zobor at Nltra, Red Cloister at Dunajec, Lech.nica, an<l Ro ck o! r efage at Slovak Paradise. 1'5a More about the Paulln!st contribution to Pre•Bernolak lltenture c!. J . Rekem: Teplanske duchovne p!esne, Trencln 1943, p. 35- 37 and J. Rekem : Z neznameho rukop!su slovenskeho baroka, K1ULTURA, XII, c. 7-8, p . 274-8. Trnava. 16. Information about this Syllabus from Dr. H iador Sztr!pszky see In Slovenske Nov!ny, Budapest, 1929, No. 13-15. 17. V. Jankov!c : Prvy slov-e nsky preklad ... , p. 29. 18. E. Paul!ny : Na okraj kamaldulskeho Plsma, Verbum I . 1946, p. 272-276. 19. Henrich Bartek: Bernolakov pravop!sny system, Slovenska rec, Roe. V. 1913•6, p. 246- 260. 20. By the influence of Czech Immigrant printers In some books appeared st!ll t. And R . Hadbavny had In mind some protestant writers, who used stil the Czech in their religious writings. 21. J . K. ~m!Uov. O. C. 100. 22. Alojz Miskovic: Dejiny slovenskej literatury. Bratislava, 1941, p . '66. 23 . J. K. gmalov : 0 . c. p. 64. 2-4. Cf. following chapters about S. Timon and J. B. Magin. 25. J . Rekem : Z kulturnych dejln Trencianskeho Povazia {From the cultural hist ory of Trencln Wag Valley). Chapter S . Timon. Trencln 1943. Dr. A. A. Banik: Novs!e udaje na poznan!e Jana Baltaza ra Mag!na jeho diela i doby. Spolok Sv. Vojtecha, Trnava 1937, str. 119. 26. Matrica Scholasticae Juventutis R. M. Gymnasi! Trench!n!ensis ab. a 1655 inchoata usque 1775 cont!nuata 20. Archives of St. Albert Society (SSV) , Trnava. In the records of Turna Parish I can not flnd anything about this Samuel Timon, because present records started �SLOVAKIA 73 only from 1690. The previous ones were burnt. But there is a baptismal record of a different one Samuel Timon born later "1719 , die 3. Septembrls baptlsatus est infans nomine Samuel de parent!bus P. ac P. Domino Stephano Thymon matre vero P. ac. P . Domina Susanna Birovsky ex Turna. Patrin!: Illustr. Dominus Baro Stephanus Ruthkay cum Illustr. filla sua Virgine !Magdalena." 27. Banik: 0 . c. p. 308. 28. Banik: 0. c. p. 343-4. 29. Tyrnavia 1714. This books were in Parish library of Trencin. And in them were precious old margin notes about S. Timon and his life. And on the last pages was handwritten history of city of Trencin. 30. Timon: 0. c. II, p. 89. 31. Timon: 0 . c. I, p. 22. 32. Trnava, 1714-5. In Trencin Parish library too, AD. 1945. 33. About more Timon's books and literary works cf. Rlzner: Bibllografia, (BPS), VI. 27-28, and Lombardini in Slovenske Pohfady 1887, t . 6. Posonii - Bratislava, 1787. From Literature about St. Dubnicay: J. Rekem: Z diela o zlvote St. Dubnicaya polemickeho spisovatera, Trencin, 194 4. J. Rekem: Slovenske narodne povedomie v diele St. Dubnicaya, Trenc!n, 1943. 1-dem: St. Dubnicay a jeho doba, Trenctn 1944. Idem: Z kulturnych dejin Trencianskeho povazia. Trencin 19-43. Pavol Rekem: Strucne dejiny obce Tr. Tepla, Monografia Tr. Teplej, !lava 1936. 36. St. Dubravec: Apologetika a kontroverzistika na byvalej katolickej univerzite v Trnave. Sbornik LVO' 'SSV. Trnava 1935, roe. II. sv. 2. str. 195. 37. J. Vlcek: Dejiny ceske literatury III. di!. II. vyd. 1931. Praha 34. 35. p. 38-39. 38. A. A. Banik: Novsie udaj e ... p. 68. 39. Vlcek: DCL p. ·3·9. 40. Manuscript: Visitatio Ecclesiae Teplensis p. 21-24. Parish ar- chives of Tr. Tepla. 41. Manuscript: Liber matricularis r ecompactus a D. 1828. Thnt are Parish records beginning from AD 1680, which were later rebound with the later time records AD 1828. In this records we find the datums, notices, texts of foundations and accounts written by S. Dubnicay and his successors. Texts are in Latin and Slovak. 42. Literarne Listy r . 1892, p. 77. Slovenske Pohl'ady, 1887, p. 42. This manuscript was in the archives of The Czech national Museum in Prague. 43. Dr. J. Durovic in his: Evanjelicka literatura do tolerancie (Evangelical literature till Tolerance patent) Turc. Sv. Martin, 1940, p. 193 showed some doubts about the Krrnan's authorship of Anti Dubnicczay. Therefore in my book: Stefan Dubnicay a jeho doba I dedicated a chapter to this question: "Personality of Anti-Dubnicay, antagonist of Dubnicay, where I proved the authorship of Krman of this book. p. 35-38. 44. Cf. J6zsef Vagner in Magyar Sion, Tomus XIX, ordine XXXVHI, Budae, Anno 1806. cites edition ECT from 1729. - Szinnei J6zs ef in Magyar frok elete es munkai. Bw.dapest 1893 cites ECT Trnava edition �74 SLOVAKIA from 1729. The same A. Zellinger in his Pantheon Tyrnaviense, 1931, p. 84. 45. Manuscript was in the Archives of Archepiscopal library of Esztergom, Hungary. By courtesy of Msgr. J . Posteny director of St. Adalbert Society Library and Archives, Trnava I had chance to study this manuscript couple months, till it was returned to Esztergom. 46. Dr. A. A. Banik in the letter addres,s ed to J. Rekem from Sept. 30. 1942. Cf J. Rekem: St. Dubnicay, p. 8, p. 51. 47. Of Szinnei J6zsef: Magyar irok elete es munkai, Budapest 1893: T6t szovegii hitvitazz6munka .. ." 48. A. Prazak: Dejiny spisovne slovenstiny po dobu Sturovu, Praha 1922, p. 111-2. 49. Latin Letter of L. Tempes, the ordinary of Wr6claw is in Introduction to Eductus Coluber tortuosus p. 15-17. I would just cite here short pertinent part of that letter: "sed et alias multiplices polemicas materias, velut alter aevi noster Bellarminus, patria nobis lingua edere valeat: quale praetactum idem de permanentia Eucharistiae edidit in emolumentum multorum milium, non modo in Hungaria, verum et in adjacentibus, ad maternam velut domum Slavicae linguae filialibus Provinciis, Moravia (ubi etiam adhuc in montibus malum idem gliscit), Silesia (ubi pleno velut alveo Hydra haec pestillentissima toxicum suum effedisse visa est· hoc decennio): denique et in Bohemia" . . . 50. When Bernolak was giving new orthograpy to the Slovak language he used in Latin expression Slav!, Slavica lingua, or Slavonica linguae; The old and newer Rituals edited for territory of Slovakia before Slovak text had this headline: Slavice; Papanek writing Slov:i.k history in Latin gave it inscription: Historia Gentis Slavae, etc . . . 51. Cf. Extractus protocollorum Comitatus Trenchinlensis circa pub• licatas Armales ab anno 1571. County archives Trencin, p. 178 seq . . . Series Gremialium Nobilium N-us 3-us. Ibidem. Matricula Ecclesiae Dubniczensis sub Patrocinio Divi Apostoli Jacobi erectae et Fundatao Curata per me Andream Toltt sumptibus Ecclesiae anno 1667. Dubnica Parish archives, etc. 52. M. Bencsik: Novissima Dieta Nobilissima Principis Statuumque, et Ordinum Inclyti Regni Hunga riae, Partiumque Eidem Annexarum. Tyrnaviae, 1722. 53. J . B. Magin : Murices ... part III, p. 94, 109. The names are the same which are mentioned and praised in the preface of Dubnicay's ECT. Magin in about mentioned place said about those nobles that "they every time honored and esteemed the Slovak Nation". From the Latin and Slovak manuscripts in Dubnica archives we see the very close cooperation between these two friends Dubnicay and Magin in various fields. J. B. Magin was the one who wrote the epitaph in Latin on the tumb of dead St. Dubnicay. This epitaph and latin biography of Dubnicay is in manuscript: Visitatio Ecclesiae Teplensis. Parish archives in Tr. Tepla. Dubnicay was hurried in the church of Dubnica under the altar, which he paid to be build in this church. He was then hurried under this altar cf: Epitaph: Hane a s e structam Stephanus Dubniczay ad Aram Conditus est testans cum pietate Fidem: Sicut enim vivens caeli quaesivit Honorem Sic colit in Templo post sua fata Deum. �SLOVAKIA 75 Et verbo et scripto b ellum torquebat in Hostem Haeresim, an Chris ti non fuit ille Pu gill? Justitiae idcirco jam possidet ille Coronam, Quam Justus Jud ex reddidit Ipse Deus. 54 . Even if there were differences in opinions and polemics, as ,e. g, between Benc,z ik and Mag;in, generally spea;kiug ther-e was a remarkable peace between the individual nationalities of the "Marian Kingdom" during the Latin era and until the Hungarian chauvinism disrupted Hungary. Concerning the de tails about Magin's and Dubnicay's donations to relegious and charitable institutions we may read more in a manuscript in the parish house of Dubnica "Historia Parochiae Oppidi Dubnicza" pod titulom "Parochus ,Septimus" "Maginus hie Parochus" etc. This gives details of his legacies and foundations for Masses and other -good works ... 55 . J. Kohut - Literarne listy, 1895. II BIBLIOGRAPHY: 1) Manuscripts: ~tractus protocollorum Comiltrutus Trendhin:iensis oirca publicatas Armales ab anno 1'571. Archiv of ,the County Trencin. Series Gremialium Nobilium N-us 3-us. New archive of rthe Trencin County. Matricula Ecclesiae Dubnic2iensis sub Patrocinio Div,i Jacobi Apostoli Ereotae et Fundwtae Curata per me Andre-am Tho,l tt Su.mptibus Ecclesiae Anno 1667. Parish archive DubnJca. Matrica Schdlas.ticae Jnven:tutis R. M. Gymnasii Tr,e nchiniensis ab Anno 1655 i1nchoata usque 1775 continuruta 2. Archive of SSV-St. Adalbertus Society, Trnava. Liber maitricUJ!aris recompaotus A. 1828. Pairish archive, Trencianska Tepla. Metamo,rphosis 1lidei Orthodoxae de Bono in Malum e,t vicissim irn Comitaitu Trenchiniensi, ac vel maxime in privilegiato Oppido Solna rub anno 1600. Archie,pisco-pal library. Esztergo!Ill. A. Gymii: Revolutio Rak6czyana. Parish archive. Tren<iin. J. B. Magin: Processus .. .. Parish archive Dubnica. Dubnicay Helenra: Oswiceny, Welomozny.... Parish Archive, Dubnica. Ga nyze podepsana Helena DubnJcay.... Parish Archive, Dubnica. M. Illeshazy's l~tter from June 24 1719 to Rev. St. Dubnicay. PaTish archive, Dubnica. His,toria Domus Also Szucsensis, dein 'Tepleusis, Parish archive, Tr. Tep.la. Histotia Parochiae Oppidi Dubnica, Paaish archive, Dubnica. Resetka: Register. Parish archive Su.ca. Rezikius: Gymnasiologia, sive his,toria schol,a rum et rectorum. Diocesan Hbrary, Nitra. R~tarides M.: Autorum et Scriptorum Hungariae praecipuorum Cathalogus. Diocesan Hbrary, Nitra. ProtocoHum vetus Parochiae Dubnicensis, Parich archive, Dubnica. Processus InquisitiOlrnis formatus a Nuntiatura Apos,tolica Vienensi super vita et mOll'ibus Illm.i et Revmi Dni Ladislai Adami Comitis Erdody. Diocesan library, Nitra. Rabcek A. Dr.: III part of of historical manuscripts' collections. Diocesan libramy, Nitra. �76 SLOVAKIA 2) Printed sources: M. Bencsik: Novissima Diena No'b ilissima Principis Statuumque, et Ordinum Inolyti Regn,i Hunga.riae, Partiumque Eidem Annexarum, Tyrnaviae, 1722. Dubnicay St.: Eductus coluber tort.uosus. Tyrnaviae 1729. Magin J. B.: Murices N0tbiliss,i mae et Novissimae Diactae Posoniensis Scriptori Sp·a rsi Sive Apologia pro Inclyto ComHatu TrencWniensi. ... Puchovii, 1723. Tamassy M.: Prawa Katolic-k a Rucny knyzka, Trnava 1691. Timon S.: Imago ·a ntiquae et Novae Hungariae, Kosice 1733. Synopsis novae chrooologicae reg,norum Hungariae, Croatiae, Dalmatiae pars I.-III. Tyrnaviae, 1714. Series rerum Hungaricarurm, Tyrnaviae, 1714-15. Robik J.: Wllozeni o uzltku a potrebe katechismusa. W Trnawe 1764. Szentivwnyi M: Magnum Chaos, Tyrnaviiae 1704. Tu•rris Babel. Tyrnaviae 1731. 3) Literature: APOSTOL! SLOVIENOV. Sbornik s.tu<l.H, SSV TRNAVA, 1964. Banik A. A.: Jan Ba1tazar Magin a jeho politicka narodna. i kulturna obrana Slovakov rdku 1728. Sbo-rnik LVO SSV. Vol. III. 1-2. Trnava 1936. Novsie udaje na poznanie J ana Baltazara Magilna, jeho diela a doby. Sb. LVO SSV. V. IV. 1. Trnava 1937. Rekem J.: Stefan Du•bnicay a jeho doba. Trencin, 1944. Slovenske na.rodne povedomie v dlele St. Dubnicaya. Tren<\in, 1943. Dubnicayova pastoracna. cinnose v Tr. Teplej, Tren:cin, 1943. The origin and development of rt:he Slovak language, Middletown, Pa. 1962. Bibliogl'afia trenoianskych tlacr a vydanL Tirencin 1945. Z kul,turnych deji.n Trencianskeho Povazia. Trencin, 1943. Teplanske Duchovne pi-e sne. Zo starsiej eschatologickej poez!e Povazia. Trencin 1943. Articles in Ducho'Viny Pastier, Trnava, 1942 - . Articles in Trencan, Trencin, 1942 - . Artioles in Kultfua, Trnava, 1938 - . Rekem Pavo! dr.: Strucne dejiny obce Tr. Tepla. v Monografii Tr. Te,p lej, Ilava, 1936. Dubravec St. dr.: Apologetika korutroverz.istirka na byv, katol. univerzite v Trnave. Trnava 1935. Vlcek J.: Dej!ny slovenskej ILteratury, III vyd. Turc. Sv. Martin, 1933 .. Dejiny ceske literatury II vyd. III. dil Praha 1931. Prazak Albert: Dejiny spisovne s1ovenstiny po dobu Sturovu. Praha 1922. Slovenske Pohl'ady: 1887 - . Literarne L isty, II, 1895. Magyar Sion 1806 --. Stransky A.: Deji<ny biskupstva nttrianskeho. Trnava, 1933. Szimonidesz.Adamovic: Proces s Danielom Krmanom, L. Sv. Mikulas, 1940. Trnovski K.: K recovej otazke Slovakov, Trnava, 1937. Kacka J. : Dejiny literrutfuy slovenskej. Ruzomberok 1921. Miskovic-Pisut: Dejiny sloven•s kej literatury. Bratislava 1941. �SLOVAKIA 77 Smalov Kut•1ik J.: .t,a,stoJ katolfckei hierarchie v Slovenskom narodnvm a ku-Lt.imom zivote. Mons Sancti o\llart:ni, Ruzvmberok 1947. Verbum, 1946, I,. Slov•e nske noviny, Budapese, 1929. Rizner L.: Bibliografia slovenskeho pisomnfotv,a, T. Sv. Martin. 19291934. Bujnak P.: S'1ovensky naucny slovnfk I - III. Braltislava, 1932. Czwittinger D.: Spe'Cimen Hungariae litteratae, Francofurrti, 1711. Petrik G.: Magya.ro-rszag BiblQgrphiaja 1712- 1860. Budapest, 1888. Nemethy L.: Serie Parochorum et Parochorum Archidiocesis Strigoniensis. Striganii, 1794. Szinnei J.: Magyar [rok. Bud·a pest 1893. Sommervogel C.: Dictionatres cles orrage-s Anouynes et Pseudonymes publie par des religioux de 1a Campagnie de Jesus, Paris, 1884. Vallasky P.: Conspectus rei publicae Litterariae in Hungaria. Budae, 1808. ZeHinger A.: Paruthe<m Ty,ruaviense. Tyrnaviae. 1931. Hrobak P. A.: Was Czech the vehicle of Slovak literature? Slovakia Vol. X. Middletown, 1960. Kirschbaum J. M.: Contemporary tendencies in Slovak Philology. Offprint. MorutreaJ 1960. Slovakia, Nation a1t the crossroads o'f Cerutral Europe, New York, 1960, p. XIX, 329. Misconceptions of American Siavists on the Slovak Language. S'1ovakia, Vol. XII, 1962. Middletown, Pa. p. 25-49. La place du slovaque P ARMI LES LANGUES SLAVES, an Offprint from Etudes Slaves, VIII, 3-4, Universite de Montreal, 1963. Oddo Gilibert: Slovakia and i,t s People, New York, 1960. Porubsky J.: K stemu vy,rociu li:terarnej slovenciny. Scranton,Pa.1945. Slavik J.: Dejiny sloV'enskeho evanj. a. v. bratstva a senioratu. Banska StiaV'nica, 1921. f>urovic J.: Slovenska evanjeiicka literatura do tolerancie. Turc. Sv. Martin, 1940. Slovakia, I -XII, published by the Slovak League of Amerika, Middletown, Ba. 1950 - 1962. Lepacek C.: Fran,tiskani v slovenskej literature pred Bernolakom. Kultura, Trnava, 1937. Lacko M. S. J.: The Cyrilomethodian mission and Slovakia, Slovak Studies, I, Histo rica 1. Slovak Institute, Rome. 1961, p. 23-49. G. Shevelov. : Tr,t type Groups and the Problem o'f Moravian components in Old Church Slavonic. The Slavonic and East European Reviiew, XXXV, London 1957, p,p. 379 - 398. J . Stanislav: Slovienska liturgia na Slovensku a s[dlo Metodovo a Gorazdovo. Historika S-Iovaca, I-II, 1940-41, 5-43. 0 pre-hodno,tenJ.e vel'komoravskych prvkov v cyrilometodejskej literature, Sborntk v cese 111a Aleksander Teodorov- Balan, Sofija, 1955, PP. 35-7-363. Dejny &lovenskeho jazyka, Voll. I. chapter XII. Kuitu.my jazyk na Vefkej Morave, v Bannonii a na starom Slovensku, pp. 213-241. Bratislava, 1958. M. Pisut-Misianik-Petrus-Gregorec-Stevcek: Dejiny slovenskej literatury, Bratislava, 1962. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1964, Vol. 14 Description An account of the resource Vol. 14 (No. 37), 1964. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1964 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 47 SLOVAK LITERATURE AND NATIONAL CONSCIOUSNESS BEF10RE ANTON BERNOLAK (1762-1813) JOHN REKEM, S.T.D. AN INTRODUCTORY NOTE There is much misunderst•anding in the Anglo-Saxon world about the Slovak literature before Bernolak (1762-1813). Under the influence of some Czech literary historians as Jaroslav Vlcek, A. Prazak, V. Chaloupecky and some others, statements have been repeated that Slovaks till the publishing of Bernolak's "Dissertatio Philologico crititca de literis Slavorum" - 1787, did not have their own literature and literary language, that they wrote in "Czechoslovak linguistic union" and Bernolak only separated SlovaJks from Czechs in literature and founded Slovak literary language in the form of a Trnava dialect. The late P.A. Hrobak (1904-1964) repeatedly showed that these Czechisizing tendencies of the above and some other authors were false and unfounded. He refuted their conclusions by profound analysis of their own works and by analysis of historical facts. 1 J.M. Kirschbaum, in a similar way in his works showed the discrepancies and lack of truth of some of these literary historians, who in their work were more led by fervor and expedience of the political tendencies of a "unified Czechoslovak nation" than by historical facts and strict scientific methods. 2 Kirschbaum showed that the most recent Czech literary historical school3, compelled by historical evidence abandoned the fictions of the older Czech literary historians about the domination of Czech or "Czechoslovak" language in Slovakia, and this new school acknowledged that: "Slovak language, whose development goes back to ancient times, was established as a literary language in connection with the formation of the Slovaks into a nation ... the establishment of the lite:rary Slovak language can in no way be viewed as a separation from the literary Czech language, but only as a long, slow development towards a literary language" .... 4 The author of this study a,,lready in his previous work: "The Origin and development of the Slovak language" 5 48 SLOVAKIA put forward arguments for the existence of an independent Slovak language, literature and Slovak national feeling long before Bernolak. He followed the existence of independent Slovak consciousness from the oldest Cyrilomethodian literary memoirs and fragments up to the so called "Jesuit Slovak language" of the 17th and the 18th centuries before Bernolak's codification of Slovak. In this study we will deal with other pre-Bernolak representatives of Slovak literature or of Latin writers of Slov:ak descent, who even if they did not write in Slovak\ by their Latin works they kindled, strengthened the Slovak consciousness or defended the Sloviak nation and its cultural and political rights. We show the existence of grammars codifying the Slovak literary language before Bernolak, the existence of translation of Holy Writ into Slovak long before the "Separatist" move of Bernoliak in 1787. 1 Translation of the Holy Writ into Slovak before Bernolak The German Christian missions to the Slovaks at the end of the 8th and the beginning of the 9th century left their vestiges in the Slovak language, in a special way in religious terminology and in the basic most important prayers6, like "Our Father" etc .... It is certain that in their sermons and religious teaching the German missionaries used single paragraphs from The Holy Writ translated into the hnguage understandable to the Slovaks. Whether they progressed so far as to being able to translate at least the New Testament or even the Old Testament into Slovak we do not know. We hold this was quite unlikely but we can not give this negiative answer with certainty. It is known that many historical manusripts and writings were produced but have not yet been found or were lost and destroyed. This does not mean that they did not exist. More recently some manuscripts were found which put in a new light some periods of history -and changed the meaning of historical epochs. It will be necessary to do a great deal of research in the Benedictine monasteries of Austria and Bavaria, where t he sons of the Slovak noblemen studied for priesthood and prepared themselves for missionary work •a mong their countrymen. It was a great misfortune for the Slovak cultural history that the Abbey of St. Hyppolite on Zobor near SLOVAKIA 4!:i Nitra was destroyed with all its manuscripts and cultural tre asures. This Benedictine Abbey, whose origins date from pre-Cyrilomethodian times would answer many a literary and historical problem of the Slovak past. It was not until the 9th century that the Slovaks obtained translation of The Holy Writ. This translation endured the ravages of time but is still today in some changed forms accessible. The translation was begun by [;t. Cyril and Methodius and was finished in Slovakia or Gre8.t Moravia by the disciples of Methodius, bishop Gorazd and his group, on the feast of St. Demetrius. 7 In what language was this transl•a tion of The Holy Writ written? Macedonio - Bulgarian dialect or Great Moravia Slovak? Many Slavists consider this translation a MacedonioBulgarian language with distinct lexical slovakisms and pure Slovak words. Some others, as professor G. Y. Shevelov cf Columbia U1I1iversity, through an analysis of the Kyjev ma:nuscripts, maintains that the original language of this translation is not a Macedonio- Bulgarian dialect, but a Moravian-Slovak dialect with Macedonian infiltrations.8 Prof. J. Stanislav of Bratislava is of similar views, 9 and so was before him J. Skultety.10 Even if the }anguage of this translation was not the coUoquial Slovak of that period, it was accepted by the Slovaks of Great Moravia and Pannonia as their own, it was used by them through the following centuries and it formed the cultural and literary basis for their national survival. The Slovaks included the cyrilomethodian literature into their cultural and literary heritage from the very beginning. This cyrolomethodian literature, including The Holy Writ, became the basis of the Slovak culture and became so deeply rooted in the Slovak nation that even when the Latin language was forced by king Svatopluk on his subjects and when the archbishop Gorazd and other St. Methodius disciples were exiled, this literature could not be suppressed, and lived in the nation and the nation lived by it. And after Svatopluk's death the strong influence of this living literature was the basis for the return and the revival of the old Slovak liturgy. Even after the final defeat of the Glagolitic Slovak Western rite liturgy in the 13th century, the cyrilomethodian literature lived in the 1 50 SLOVAKIA homes of the people. The CM translation of the Holy Writ was read, copied, adapted to the changing and developing language and so were in a similar way other manuscripts from the 9th century, as we see f. e. from "Cyrilo-Methodiam. fragments of Spis" from the 12th or 13th century.U Not only that the Slovaks of the Latin rite used through centuries this translation of Scriptures in their homes, but that part which is attached to the Byzantine rite has kept the old Slovak in the liturgical services up to now and still reads in its liturgy pericops and excerpts of Holy Writ in the Old Church-Slova:k. Even when by the progress of history the colloquial Slovak sta'rted to differ more and more from the old literary Slovak, the old cyrilomethodian translation remained as teacher for Slovak nation transcribed in Latin letters and accomodated to the changing tongue till next complete new camaldul translation in 18th century. 12 In the 17th century after the foundation of the Trnava University in 1635 by Cardinal Peter Pazmanyi, the Slovak religious literary life started to unfold more and more. Many secular and jesuit priests of Slovak descent concentrated their literary efforts around the Trnava University and by their bodks and writings intended to intensify the Catholic religious life and by polemic and apologetic literature to defend Catholic teaching and convert non-Catholic· reformators to their faith. The scope of this Pazmanyi circle 13 was wide, and it prepared its members for their task very methodically. In their work for renewal of religious life they needed new liturgical books new translations, and multifarious literary publications. To have them properly and purposefully written they required in the first place a new translation of the Holy Writ. And that was not a small task. They knew that such a complete translation means that it not only in spiritual direction but as well as linguistical will be influencing the life of the nation maybe for a century, or even more centuries. And fundaments in this case were the basic linguistical norms which should be observed by translators and writers and that way stabilize and codify the literary la:nguage, to be an able instrument of instruction and religious edification. So in 1648 a dictionary was published in T r n a v a : "Vocabularium Hungarico-Latino-Sla vonicum" SLOVAKIA 51 not mentioning the others. In the Pazmanyi Slovak creative circle they stabilized the norms of Slovak they were using and literary historians designated this as " Jesuit Slovak". 14 What followed and what was produced in this language was no more just single attempts of loose individuals but that was a collective manifestation of a generation of translators and writers from the clergy and later even from laymen professsions. The example of Jesuits and of secular clergy in the Slovak literary field gave impetus to the numerous members of the Fraciscan order to ,a more dynamic literary activity. The members of the Paulinist15a and Piarist religious orders gave also their helpful hand to the building of Slovak r eligious culture and literature. But what is most surprising is the fact that one of the strictest and from outside world segregated orders, so called "mute monks" as they were till last times called in Nitra region even centuries after their expulsion-the Camaldus, Cistercians15 , were connected in translating, writing and linguistic w c- rk in Slovak language and about Slovak language. From this fact that the Slovak literary movement reached behind the double walls of Camaldule cells we can see how strong that movement was at the end of the 17th and the beginning of the 18th centuries. Two kinds of literary schools at that time cultivated and were giving impetus to the creation in SloV'ak for cultural and religious enlightment of Slovaks: Pazmanyi Circle and Camaldule Circle. Both these literary schools were preparing themselves according to their plans and purposes for speedy and satisfactorily completion of liturg"ical books: Hymnal "Cantus Catholici" 1655 (written in Spisska Kapitula, published at Trnava University), Ritual, Trnava 1715, then pericops, apologetic, polemic, hagiographic literature in Slovak vernacular. All this served as •a preparation for the translation of the Holy Writ in New Slovak. There is still a question how far the Pazmanyi Circle <:oopernted with the Camaldule Circle which succeeded in translating the whole Holy Scripture into New Slovak. This circle appeared a little later on the Slovak literary stage, but its significance and endeavours were rivaling with the older Pazmanyi Circle. We know the Camaldulcs continued in the work of the preceding Pazmanyi Cir cle but 52 SLOVAKIA Cantos Catholici - Pysne katholicke, Trnava 1655. Copy from the Bibliothek of the Piarist convent, which Czech communists confiscated and turned into a Concentration camp for priests and religious brothers SLOVAKIA 53 whether they worked independently , or they were commissioned to do the translation of the Holy Writ by the Pazmanyi Circle we are not certain. All the Cistercian convents are in ruins and their ample libraries with precious manuscripts were sold by weight to second hand dealers. Only fragments were saved, mostly by chance, here and there and found in the recent decades. Thus "Syllabus dictionarij latino-slavoni cus'' of 176316 was found in 1929. The author of this "Syllabus" is a cistercian monk Romuald Hadbavny from Michalovce of Spis, a scribe of convent chapters, domestic historian of his order and probably the main realizator of Sloviak literary and cultural efforts in the Camaldule community. 17 This "Syllabus" is of great importance for the history of the Slovak language and literature for two reasons: (a) for interesting and perfect orthographic rules from the point of the Sloviak language of today: (b) for its connections with the first Camaldule tran!'llation of the Holy Writ into Slovak, which follows the linguistic norms prescribed in this "Syllabus" as professor Eugen Pauliny proved. 18 In the introduction to "Syllabus" its author R. Hadbavny mentions a "Little Grammar for a Slovak student". This "Little Grammar" means a couple pages of orthographical norms in which he got more ahead than later Bernolak himself. 19 So instead of "au" he commanded to write "u", he prefers to write "G" for the sound "J", however he tolerates writing "aj" or "ay"; for "r" he20 categorically commands "r" for "u" - "6" or "ii"; as for the use of "y", he created his own complicated norms which do not correspond to the literary tradition or the linguistical status of his day. But most important is the effort to create some norms, some stabilization of language in syntax and lexicon in order to give the Slovaks an efficient cutural instrument.21 Even when there was known the testimony of R. Hadbavny about the existence of new Slovak translations of Holy Writ of that time 22 , and some of Bernolak's colleagues mentioned it too, we did not know anything closer about this translation, and its copies. Only when professor Vendelin Jankovic found it and described it in the literary review "Verbum" 1946 we got closer knowledge of this literary effort of the beginning of 18th century. V. Jankovic SLOVAKIA 54 lf~tl'~a ;~ ~~JII'~ :,:; r:,~~r··,J'c;>e_; ~/47:l~.,:~~ t l ~ . . •.• STLL\lffl DlttIOMt\lliJ/ R. Hadvabny's Syllabus dictionarij manuscript from 1763. From the suppressed Lechnica Camaldul Convent library SLOVAKIA 55 places its origm into the first half of 18th century. The manuscript started to be transcribed as final edition and that of the New Testament first on May 6th, 1756. This manuscript was finished on March 10th, 1759. Accor ding to Jankovic this translation is by a Camaldule monk either from Nitra or Nitra's vicinity. This manuscript according to him was written probably in Cerveny Klastor (Red Cloister). He supports this view by the following evidence: (1) The Camaldule convent on Mount Zobor near Nitra had in its large library a rich biblicistic literature, while the Camaldul cloister in Lechnica had a copious dictionary literature and lexicographic literature. (2) The l•anguage of this translation is similar to the dialect of Nitra valley. On the other side, professor E. Pauliny in his previously mentioned study about this translation, tried to prove that character of this Holy Writ language in its basic texture was pre-Bernolak "Jesuit Slovak" and some dialecticisms in it place it more to the North of Slovakia to the Polish-Slovak linguistical frontiers. According to Pauliny the translator was probably a monk from Cerveny Klastor. The question of author of this whole translation is still open. But it is significant that E. Pauliny showed that although Hadbavny's "Syllabus" is from 1763 and there is a copy of the Holy Writ dating already from 1756-1759, this translation was done according to the norms of "Syllabus". From this it can be concluded that if the author of the "Syllabus", was not also the author of the translation, he must have been •a t least a member of the circle which cooperated on this translation of. The Holy Writ. The 17th and the 18th centuries in Europe and in Slovakia were a period of religious controversies and conflicts between two reformations: protestant and catholic. Each of these movements tried to use all the means of communications and all cultural tools for the victory of its ideas. But while in most parts of Europe the Protestant reformation gave impulse to the awakening and formation of national and vernacular movements, in Slovakia the opposite occurred. Quite a number of protestant clergy s tudied in Bohemia and the backbone of protestantism in Slovakia was Bohemian, The Czech protestant exiles, who came to Slov,akia before and especially after the battle of White Mounta:n in 1618 tried to establish the Czech Biblical Ian- 56 SLOVAKIA guage as a liturgical and a literary language of their group and thus attempted to halt the basic strong Slovak national trend which was gradually growing among the Slovaks. But this tide couJd not be stopped even by the obstacles imposed by Hussites, Czech exils, and the protestant reformatio n imported to Slovakia. Some Slovak protestants succumbed to this bohemizing or Czechisizing tendency, some stopped confused, half-way. It took considerabl e time before the Evangelica l protestant representat ives in Slovakia escaped from their confused illusions and complicated artificial constructions (Czechoslovak, Czecho-Slaw, Panslavisti c) and accepted a natural and positive attitude toward Slovak national individuali ty and cultural independence. Even then this new attitude was influenced more by the philosophie s of enlightmen t, utiliterianis m and romanticism than by historico-political trends. 23 On the contrary the attitude of Slovak Catholics was more favorable to the developmen t of a geographic ally conceived nationalism and to the creation of the national consciousn ess and individualit y. The Catholics accepted the Slovak historical continuity of the cyrilometho dian heritage and of the heritage of Great Moravia24 throughout all the phases of the Hungarian feudal statehood. They built on this continuity and developed it. And this different political and cultural orientation grounded their awakening national consciousne ss, so that this consciousne ss from the beginning was by this group more concrete, more real. The Slovak Catholics, the majority of the population, from the their liturgical and extra-liturg ical very beginning in works (prayer books, hymnals, hagiograph ical, •apologetic, polemical literature, Holy Writ translation s) were mor-e consistent in using their vernacular, which was more and more oriented to the Central Slovak dialect and which later was codified as literary language. It was Recatholiza tion which designated the translation of Holy Writ in the new Slovak as a zenith of religious and cultural efforts in order to give Slovaks not only a symbol of their own individualit y, but also in order to unify their nation on the way to the eternal end. This translation however required a linguistic normalization and codification. For this purpose it was necessary to produce in advance or simultaneo usly the works and SLOVAKIA 57 books dealing with the stabilizing and codifying of the modern Slovak tongue and thus it came not only to stabilizing of the sacral, liturgical literary style of the language, but even to the cristalization of the Slovak language and Slovak culture. And this was realized quite a long time before Bernolak's linguistical reform, even before the birth of Bernolak in 1762. Valid is then the thesis that the origin of the literary Slovak as a cultural and literary instrument, and indirectly the national awakening of Slovakia, was caused and speeded by recatholization. The last and almost concealed branch of recatholization is Bernolak's mo 1vement. And it is its branch in that sense that this movement systemizes (and on this word, "systemizes" is the objective emphasis) as its religious winnings as well as its national cultural gains. From what has been said above we see how unfound-ed is the legend about the Bernolak's separation of Slovak and Cwch union, which has been repeated so often by some Czech or by literary histori<ans influenced by Czechs. This false legend was put before the world public explaining the origin of the Slovak nation and Slovak language first when BernolaJc's study was published: Dissertatio philologico criti<la de litteris Slavorum (Bratislava 1787). As we showed :~n this chapter Bernolak's systematizing work was only a culmination and completion of that one which was cultivated and prepared by generations of writers and translators on the field of religious as well as secular literature before Bernolak. The pre-Bernolak t r anslation of The Holy Writ into new Slovak, being prepared with such a careful linguistical reform and consolidations, is an obvious proof, not counting many other numerous literary creations in Jesuit Slovak, of an independent Slovak language, literature and of national consciousness long before Bernolak. Samuel Timon (1675-1736) defender of the idea of Slovak independent nation. In the development of Slovak national consciousness before Bernolak movement, has, beside others, a lion share a Latin writer and historian, Slovak jesuit father from Trencianska Turna, Samuel Timon, S.J. 25 In the mosaic of the 58 SLOVAKIA evolution of national consciousness of Slovak Catholic inteligentsia this writer and historian, known at that time in the whole of Central Europe, occupies an important and leading part. Of utmost influence in the awakening of the Slovaks to their national consciousness and revival was the Cyrilomethodian heritage connected with the idea of Slovak independence during the time of Great Moravian kingdom in the ninth century. Slovak historians long before Bernolak, especially the Pazmany circle around the Trnava University (1635-1777) turned their eyes towards the history of their country in the period preceeding the arrival of Magyars into the Central European valley. They started to delve deeper into the historical facts of Slovakia during the Great Moravian period and they showed how the Slovak element influenced religiously and culturally their neighbours, especially the Magyars, at the ti.me of their conversion to Christianity. They proved how the Slovak administrative apparatus helped to organize the beginnings of the Hungarian State, where Slovakia had its own autonomous position in the form of Ni t r a dauphine principality (Nitrianske udelne kniezatstvo) for a long t ime even after the disappearence of the Slovak Kingdom. The historians of Slovak origin (S. Timon, M. Szenti!vanyi, M Bel, J. B. Magin) accepted the historical Slovak continuity from Great Moravia through all phases of the feudal Hll!Ilgarian State, made it a basis of their research and developed it. On this basis they deduced, some quite discretly (Timon, Bel) , others mor e openly and vociferously (Magin), the original right of the Slovaks to their own country, with all the connected natural rights, even the right to autonomy, independence and freedom of the Slovak language. !Samuel Timon was born in Trenc. Turna in 1675 from a noble (zeman) family. His father was Jan Timon a,nd mother Barbara Hrabovsika. Already from the family environment and from elementary school he had a strong national consciousness. We saw him in Trencin secondary school (Gymnasium) always registered as, "Slovak" (Pannonus, Slavus). In 1682, when only seven years old, he was enrolled in the first grade of the Jesuit gymnasium26 as Samuel Timon SLOVAKIA 59 Nobilis Pannon Turnensis Catholicu Anno 7. Primi anni; Samuel Timon, nobleman, Slovak of Turna, Catholic, 7 years of age, grade one. He is similarly identified in the followmg year, 1683, in grade two, and also in the year 1685, except the name "Parmonus" is replaced by "Slavus". His nationality is similarly described in the class of 1687 and 1688. Upon graduating from gymnasium he entered the Jesuit Order in Bratislava in 1693. When he completed there his courses in philosophy and theology, he became a professor. First he taught in Trnava, together 14 years, then for 18 years he continued teaching at the Jesuit Academy at Kosice, also an institute with university standing. Huitory was his main subject of interest but although he devoted his time mainly to historical research, he also was active in pastoral work in parishes. His historical works written in Latin were in such demand that they had to be reprinted in many editions and became textbooks in the Catholic gymnaziums and colleges of contemporary Hungary. His work "Purpura Pannonica" which presents the biographies and works of the cardinals of the Hungarian Crown appeared in several editions. The "Imago antiquae et novae Hungariae" which was the most read work on Hungarian history was published in Kosice in 1733, 1745, 1766 1766 and in Vienna in 1754. In this work, which gained acclaim in the whole of Europe, Timon strives to prove, on linguistic grounds, that the Central-Danubian regions of the early history were occupied by Slovaks-Pannoni and the origin of "Panonus" he derives from the Slovak word "Pan" (which is equivalent to Latin - "Dominus"). He considers the Slovaks as direct successors of the "Slavic tribes" of Markomani, Kvadi, Sarmati. He deals with the empire of Samo and his successors - Maravod, Svatos, Barut, etc. With deep attachment he presents the great epochs of Greater Moravia, and devotes them most of his work. He deals with almost all Slovak princes of that period: Mojmir, Pribina, Rastislav, Svatopluk. He writes about St. Cyrill and Methodius as "The ,apostles of Slovaks". The historian A. A. Banik appropriately writes about Timon: "He is not satisfied with plain historical facts when narrating these events, but 60 SLOVAKIA frequently he gives way to his Slovak sentiments using an elaborate style to describe the outstanding details of the Slovak history and by taking predilection in branding into the hi'story of other Slav nations.'' This sentiment is apparent in the chronicle describing the armies of Svatopluk crossing the Danube in 885 into Pannonia, which took them a complete day, and how they subsequently, for a prolonged period, engaged in destroying the power of Arnulf. 27 We can see the same feeling in the writings about the son of Svatopluk, Svatoborgius or Svatocopius who went to live ;n sPc1usion on Zobor near Nitra, died as a saint and was buried in the church of St. Emeramus in Nitra. 28 A similar national attachment and pride is apparent in other parts of Timon's works. Another work of Timon, which is of great importance for the history of Slovakia and which shows Timon's Slovak national feelings is: "Synopsis novae chronologicale regnorum Hungariae, Croatiae, Dalmatiae ..... " pars. I III. 29 His Slovak national consciousness is apparent in that he was the first historian who when presenting the history of the Hungarian Crown devoted a special attention to the Slovaks and he was in this distinct from other historiographers of contemporary Hungary, such as Turocius, Bonfini and Istvanfy. Wherever he can, he reminds his countrymen, and the enemies of his nation, of the great epoch of St. Cyrill and Methodius30 , of the authorisation of the Slovak liturgy by the Holy See31 and wherever he is able to indicate that a person was of Slovak origin and was of some importance in the history of Hungary, he does not omit to stress this. His work also shows much of his local-patriotism, since whereever, he can, he mentions Trencin and in many places he intertwines the history of Trencin into the general history of Hungary. There is no wonder, in view of his Slovak patriotic tone in his works, that even his Jesuit brothers teased him, as one who would make even a Jupiter into a Slovak. In his work "Series serum Hungaricarum" 32 as in the works already mentioned, he especially reminds us of the grandeur of Greater Moravia, of the power of king Svatopluk and of other SloV'ak princes. He emphasizes the Slovak origin of the names of cities, towns, villages, rivErs, mountains in the Slovak regions of Hungary and derives from SLOVAKIA 61 this the historical rights of the Slovaks to their territory and to a certain extent also their political rights within the Hungarian Crown. By putting a special emphasis on the work of St. Cyrill and Methodius in Slovakia he preserves the continuity of the St. Cyrill and Methodius tradition and thus awakens a Slovak national consciousness in the Slovak intellingentsia, (who read and spoke in Latin) as well as in his students at gymnaziums and colleges especially at Trnava. He was an organic link in the chain of the St. Cyrill and Methodius tradition, which, through his influence, is presented in the works of Papanek and in the Bernolak movement as a philosophy of history of the Slovak nation. 33 We are able to show there was a distinct Slovak linguistic and national tradition, long before Bernolak, which had very little in common with the Czechs. If this tradition lacked a linguistic and national unity it nevertheless gravitated towards the unity. This is demonstrable by: The Camaldul translation of the Holy Scriptures into Slovak in 1723, the historical patriotic consciousness of Timon, the Slovak polernic writings of Stefan Dubnicay (1675-1725), the assertion of the political rights of Slovaks in 1728 by Jan B. Magin (1682-1735), the subsequent liturgical books, edited in Slovak by the University of Trnava as well as nonliturgical works; then "Cantus Catholici" edited iirl 1665 with a Slovak patriotic introduction by B. Szobosi-Rybnicky; The linguistic reform of the Pazmany and Camaldul circles; the "Syllabus dictionarii latino-Slavonicus" of 1763. These works show how futile it is to denounce Bernolak (1762-1813) as one who separated the Slovaks from the Czechs, as the alleged unity with the Czechs never existed, except only through the descendants of the protestant exiles who settled in Slovakia. The Catholic population, which then was in clear majority, was oriented towards national independence in the frame of the Hungarian state and endeavoured to preserve the historical continuity of Greater Moravia as well as of St. Cyrill and Methodius tradition which it accepted as the philosophy of Slovak history. Bernolak and his movement only nurtured, enlarged in scope and completed what had been gradually developed and formulated through centuries by many generations of Slovak people and what manifested itself so remarkably in the Jesuit Slovak in the years 1635 up to the y ear 1787 62 SLOVAKIA w,hen Bernolak published his: "Dissertatio philologico critica de literis Slavorum". 34 St.efan Dubnicay (1675-1725) - a Slovak Polem.ist and Historian.35 The polemical literature of the 17th and 18th centuries in Slovakia was very prolific and colourful through the contributions both of Catholics and of Protestants. The leaders on both sides were aware of the importance of the printed word and endeavoured to apply it in support of their faith. Polemics were written in many languages, most of them in Latin, then in Slovak, in Hungarian, in German. Printing houses were establi!hed even in small towns of Slovakia and became prosperous. On the Catholic side the University of Trnava (1635-1777) provided a new vigor to the polemical authors and during its life published 79 polemical-apologetic books in Latin, 14 in Slovak, 12 in German and 20 in Hungarian. 36 Amongst Catholics the most successful in the work of religious conversion by written word was Rev. Stefan Dubnicay, a parish priest in Trencianska Tepla. According to J. Vlcek he made out of Tepla a "literary counter-reformation centre" 37 and according to A. A. Banik "an active recatholisation centre". 38 In the words of Vlcek the Catholic parish in Tepla was for several decades a similar counter-reformation literary centre, as was for some time Zilina and as was to a greater extent and for a longer period Trnava and Bratislava. The polemical-apologetic books written by Dubnicay would form a small library. 39 And the result of his literary work and endeavours? In his own parish of Tepla he had 908 converts40 whose names he entered into the Register with his own hand41 and in the archidiaconate of Trencin and Hradna the Catholic doctrine was accepted by 28,687 adult Protestant, as the result of his work, in the period between the end of the Rakoczy uprising and the year 1722. The following are the polemical-apologetic literary works of Dubnicay: 1. Primitiae Deo et Agno - Prwotiny Bohu a Berankowi. Apoc. III. Tog.est: Prawdiwe Wylozeny ze Swatostni Beranek, - nelen w samem Uziwany, ale y pod, a pomimo uplneho pozjwany prawe zustawa (Trnava, 1716) SLOVAKIA 63 2. "Orthodoxa propugnatio Patrio - Legalis Formulae Juramenti - To gest Kraticke Katolicke dokazany ... " Published in 1717. 3. "Manna Absconditum Apoc. 2. Manna Skryta, to gest: Prediwne a Nepochopitelne Tagemstwi Manny Zakona Nowego." Published in 1718. 4. "Congruum Colloquium. 2. Mach. 14. Prjslussne Rosmluwanj Farare Katolickeho s Troma Nowo-Ewangeliky Farniky swymi." Published in 1719. 5. "Panis Quotidianus, Parvulorum. Chleb W ezdegssj Malickych." Published in 1721. From the Pretestant point of view, these wor ks were assailed by: 1. Jan Blazy (Blasius) Senior, a pastor of Trencin who wrote against Dubnicay in Czech: "Brime uvalene na Hospodina, aneb obrana proti falesnemu obvineni Stepana Dubniczay, Goliase tohoto vojska Boziho Hanejicyho."4-2 This work remained in manuscript. 2. In 1718 Daniel Krman, an evangelical superintendent wrote, under an anonym: "Anti Dubnicay. Man-Hu? Co jest to za Mannu skrytou, ktorou Dubniczay Pleban Teplansky, no svetlo vydal." 43 Dubnicay replied Krman in 1721 in an extensive work: "Eductus coluber tortuosus-Wywedeny Tocliwy had. 44 Out of Dubnicay historic-al works, we should mention his numerous historical introductions in his general works, his short entries in the parish chronicles in Tr. Tepla and especially his voluminous manuscript: "Metamorphosis fidei orthordoxae de Bono in Malum et vicissim in Comitatu Trenchiniensi ac vel maxime in Privilegi'a to Oppido Solna ab a nno 1600." 45 This work, with minor changes in the title and in the contents was edited five times after the death of Dubnicay. In 1737 it was published by Martin Sigismundi. And in the same year it was put into print by Ondrey Tzibere and by the canon of Jager, Daniel Kilian. In 1759 the Kilian edition was published again under the name: "Vicissitudo Orthodoxa religionis." About the polemics, we should note this was a period of religious controversies and not of religious dialogue. 64 ~'LOVAKIA Irony and satire were frequently used on both sides, the attacks were vehement in the name of truth and frequently without Christian love. But we are interested in Dubnicay mainly because of his linguistic •a chievement and because of his position in Slovak literature. Dr. A. A. Banik, a friend of mine who is an expert on that period and who thoroughly analyzed the work of Dubnicay and of Magin, in one of his letters to me described Dubnicay as "fearless defender of the fuith, a skillful apolog:.ist and an esteemed worker for the nation. He is a milestone between two epochs of Slovak national life as through his religious-polemic works he concludes a two-hundredyear-long period of religious quarrels, just when Magin, his neighbour of Dubnicoa, through his nationally-apologetic efforts begins to spread new and nationally oriented ideas. Both were graduates of Pazmaneum of Vienna, personal friends, neighbours in the pastoral work, but so much apart in their position in the evolution of the SloV'ak culture. The Slovak literary historians consider the work of Dubnicay as a milestone in Slovak literature." 46 The Hungarian literary historians included Dubnicay in Hungarian literature but did not ommit to state he wrote in Slovak. 47 Only the Czech literary historians tore him out of the Slovak literature and placed him into the Czech one. J. Vlcek omits Dubnicay in his history of Slovak literature but in his history of Czech literature he devotes him four pages. Albert Prazak48 places him in Slovak literature, but when referring to his "Eductus Coluber tortuosus" states he wrote in Czech, in some instances using "f". This statement cannot be supported by any factual evidence. I had the privilege, through the kindness of the archbishop K. Kmetko, to borrow the work. "Eductus coluber tortuosus" from the Diocesan library in Nitra and was able to peruse it for two years. During my study of the work, I was unable to locate a single "r" in this work of Dubnicay. Similar way I can testify about the manuscripts of Dubnicay accessible in Tr. Tepla Parish archives. In my previous thesis, I showed that the language of Dubnicay was the Western Slovak dialect, which has cer- SLOVAKIA 65 tain similarities with the Czech language in view of the geological closeness to the Moravian boundaries. The language of Dubnicay is not Czech; but Slovak and Dubnicay in many places of his work draws difference between Czechs and Slovaks. Thus in his "Eductus coluber tortuosus" p. 225 when pointing out to where Krman copied his arguments (against him) states this was from "Czeska knizka Theologie Wittemberska" - (Czech book of Wittemberg Theology). He does not refer to it as a Czechoslovak book, but as a Czech one, distinguishing it from Slovak books. That Dubnicay was proud of being a Slovak, in spite of the fact that his books were read in Bohemia, Moravia, Silezia, is evident from a letter (June 27th, 1719) of L. Tempes, the bishop of Breslau (Wr6claw). The bishop, who was no doubt aware of Dubnicay's nationial feeling, did not -0mit to praise the Slovak nation and language in the letter in which he thanked Dubnicay, for his books, which had such a beneficial influence in his diocese. Although the Silezians of the Polish territories were able to read and to understand Dubnicay's works, it never occurred to the Poles to include Dubnicay in Polish literature. They recognized him as a Slovak and even considered Slovak language as a mother language of the daughter provinces of Moravia, Silesia, and Bohemia. Thus according to L. Tempes, Hungary was the mother .country of the Slovak language (linguae Slavicae) and Moravia, Silesia, and Bohemia were daughter provinces of the Slovak tongue. 49 There were no compact Czech settlements in Hungary and the Czech language was not spoken there in this sense. If one talks about "lingua Slavica" in Hungary this can only refer to Slovaks and to their language. 50 Since 1936 I have been searching through the archives and examining the documents rubout the families of Dubnieay, Dubnicky. I searched the· archives of the county of Trencin, the parish archives of Trencin, Tepla, Dubnica, Orechove, Suca and I found documents written in Latin and in Slovak. 51 I found not only the histories of the Dubnicay and Dubnicky families but also many others and if these were not written in Latin, they were written in a Slovak dialect 'of their location. In none of these sources I 66 SLOVAKIA came across the letter "f" (rz) which is typical of the -Czech language. This also shows how false are the theories about a 300 year rule of Czech language in Slovakia before Bernolak as held by some Czech literary historians. It shows further how far from truth are these Slavists in the Western world, who, without being able to study the first hand sources; ,accepted · these · identical theories. . - . J.B. Magin - a Latin Writer and Defender . of Slovak Rights (1682-1735) . M. Bencsik of Trnava published in 1722, a book about the last session· of the Bratislava Parliament under the title: The last sessio~ ~f his Majesty the King of the Lords and Estates of the Glorious Kingdom of Hungary and of the lands ·attached to it. 52 In this wo_rk he unfa:vqrably deals with the position of the Slovaks in Hungary. He maintains that the Slovaks· lost their rights when the king Svatopluk sold the Slovak lands for a white horse. This iegend was created in the 14th cen~ tury qy ·a Hungarian ·chronicler. - J. Thomoczy and without being supported by any historical evidence, in the 18th century it became the basis for negation of Slovak rights in Hungary. J. B. Magin refutes this legend in his work and demands for the Slovaks in Hungary the same rights as were enjoyed by other nationalities. · · It is necessary to point out that while Latin was still used in the 17th century as an official language in the parlamentary sessions, and also as a tongue of intelligentsia of an otherwise multilingual Hungary, the individual nationalities were becoming more and more conscious of their national identity and were demanding . their proper . poiitical rights. Thus the question arose, which language would become an official language should :Catin be abandoned. This was the ,p eriod when Latin started to lose its prestige among the families of noblemen, who until now considered it their colloquial tongue. This caused linguistic and political tensions among the intelligentsia. The Slovaks who inhabited Slovakia, also referred to as upper Hungary, moved as colonist into the Lower Hungary (Hungary proper) and f_o rmed there compact settlements--after the population in these lands was ·decimated _by the Turkish armies. The Slovaks at that time SLOVAKIA J. B. Magin, Murices sive Apologia, Piichov 1723 67 68 SLOVAKIA were in many respects the predominant nationality. Their position was also strengthened by the fact that the Slovak language was understandable to Croats, Slovenes and Serbs who were other Slavic members of the Habsburg monarchy. The Slovak language was much closer to them than German or Hungarian. Already during the reign of the Empresse Maria Teresia, her counsellor Adam Kollar advised her to install Slovak as an official language over all parts of Hungary, as this language was understandable to two thirds of the population including not only Slovaks, Slovenes, Chroats and Serbs, but also Poles and Ukrainians of Galicia and the Ruthenes of SUibkarpatian Ukraina. The attacks of Bencsik against the Slovaks became of special interest to the noblemen of the county of Trencin. They resolved to reply and asked Rev. J. B. Magin, the priest of Dubnica, to prepare a scholarly defense of the Slovak Nobility and of the Slovak nation. These noblemen were: Jan Frideoky, Mikulas Illeshazy, Jozef Illeshazy, Ondrej Dubnicky, Peter Rajman, Kristof Ugronovic, Juraj Terstiansky, Stefan Nozdrovicky, etc. J. B. Magin lists their names and writes how deep was their devotion to the Slovak nation. 53 J. B. Magin accepted this role and wrote the book: "Murices Nobillissimae et Novissimae Dietae Posoniensis Scriptori sparsi Sive Apologia Pro Inclyto Comitatu Trenchiniensi ... " (The thorns directed against the author of the work dealing with the last session of the Bratislava parliament or the defense of the esteemed county of Trencin). Several copies of this work were found in the parish house of Orechova. The one I was able to peruse and study (in 1941) bore the year of printing - 1723 - in Puchov. Dr. A. A. Banik in his study about J.B. Magin shows why the year 1723 should be considered as a printing error and the year 1728 as the correct year of the publication . These views of Dr. Banik are now generally accepted by literary historians. In Magin's work we find the ideas, which on a smaller scale also appear in the works of other contemporary patriotic writers. The study of history does not only provide the basis for the national awakening but also the basis SLOVAKIA 69 of the demands for political· and cultural rights. It was argued on historical grounds, that the Slovaks - the autochtonous inhabitants of !Slovakia since Great Moravia were entitled to equal rights with other nationalities. The spark of national consciousness grew larger through the works of such writers as Martin Szentivany, Peter Schez, Mikulas Miris, Samuel Timon, Benedik Sz616si-Rybnicky. But this spark became a beacon in the work of Magin. Here it is no longer a sentimental vision, but rather a lighthouse, a guide to practical ,policy. Magill's work is a culmination of the developments toward the Slovak national consciousness before Bernolak. It embodies ideas of full Slovak participation in the administrative fields on all levels, municipal, county, and state. The finding of Magin's work as well as the discoveries of the "Syllabus" of Hadbavny and of the Camaldul translation of the Holy Scriptures throws a completely new light on the pre-Bernolak period. When we study these works together with the works of other authors mentioned here previously, we see this was not a period of darkness, an empty period where nothing Slovak was produced as has been maintained ,b y some Czech Literary historians. They ignore the Slovak Catholic literature, often present it in a false content to minimize Slovak achievements and to justify the fiction of a three-hundred-year rule of Czech language in Slovakia before Bernolak. Contrary to this we see this was a period of active and industrious work in literature, linguistics, religion, history, and in practical policies patriotically oriented. This is not only a period of a.wakening but also of practical and purposeful activity in the cultural, political, and religious spheres. And it is very significant that this activity differs from the Czech, Polish, Hungarian trends in the same fields. While the Slovaks mantained close contacts and cooperation with these neighbouring nations they did not lose their individuality which had its roots in the cyrilomethodian era and in the era of Great Moravia of the 9th century. Magin and Dubnicay are the most significant representatives of this process and their work presents clear evidence of its Slovak character. Magin puts forward the Slovak demands for equal political and cultural rights. Dubnicay in 70 SLOVAKIA his prolific works acquaints the outside world with the trends in Slovakia and we see through the recognition he and his works received that even abroad the Slovaks were recognized as a nation different from the Czechs, from the Silesians and Slovakia was even considered as a heart of the Slavic nation or especially as a "mother house" of the Western Slavs. Against this patriotic feeling of the Slovak Catholics which was rooted in the history and in the Slovak soil, we have the claims about the rule of the Czech language over Slovakia, the liturgical language of the Slovak protestant. This was a language brought into Slovakia and as s ::ion .as it cros3ed the boarder it was subjected to the influences of its new environment. This language was introduced as a Protestant liturgical language at the Zilina synod in 1610. But the Protestants who were to a large extent descendants of Czech religious exiles, reinforced by successive waves of Czech emigration,·· were not able to prevent the influences of the Slovak environment on this new language. The Czech language never became a language of daily usage in Slovakia and even in liturgy it was subjected to modifications. There were very few· pastors who were willing to use and to pronounce the Czech "R". They pr onounced it as a Slovak "R". Slovak tenns and idioms gradually penetrated even into the liturgical or "biblical" language and it became dead language evien more so · than the Latin as Latin was a language of daily use of the intelligentsia and of the noblemen until the first half of the 19th century. Within a large ma_iority of the Slovak Catholics the spirit of national consciousness grew stronger and stronger and nourished by the historical background it gradually developed strong concrete forms. It also fitted into the public and state affairs of the Hungarian crown as in: the period which Latin was an official language Hungary still respected the enthnic rights of the individual nationalities. The persecution of the non-Hungarian nationalities came about one hundred years later, after Hungarian replaced Latin as an official language. 54 In the periods described above, the recatholisation supported and speeded-up the development of the Slovak literary language and of individual Slovak literature and cul- SLOVAKIA 71 ture generally. The Bernolak movement, with its codification of the literary language can be considered as a culmination of this process of Slovakisation of literature which started with recatholisation. The literary school of Kohut which was grouped around "Literarne listy" held this view but had not yet on hand the evidence which is available now to us to confirm these conclusions. 55 REFERENCES 1. P. A. Hroba.k: "Wais Czech the vehicle of Slovak literaiture?", Slovakia, 19'60, V. 10. No. 6. P. 36-49. 2. J . Kirscbbaum: Contempwary tendencies in Slovak Philology, Slavic and East European Studies, Vol. IV, No. 3-4, Montreal, 1960. Also published as off- print. Idem: Slovakia, Nation at the Crossroads of Central Europe, Speller New York 1959. p.36 sqq.-ldem: Misconcepttons of American Slavlsts on th~ Slovak language, Slovakia, 1962, Vol. XII. No. 1 p.25-49. 3. Cf. Prof. A. Dostrul: Nastin Dejfn slovenskeho a ceskeho jazyka, Prague, 1954. 4. J. 1M. Kirschbaum: Contemporary tendencies . . . p. 200-201. 5. Dr. · John Rekem: · Slovak.i a, 1962, Vol' XII. No. 1. p. 1-17. Also separate off-print, at Middletown, Pa. USA 1962. 6. Linguistical analysis of these prayers and of ,t he liturgical ndmenclature with the proof of their before a cyrillomethodian ongm gives prof. H. Bartek in his work: Krest:anstvo a slovencina, Nadej vfCruzna, Scramton, Pa. 1947, str. 24i-268. 7. Cf. J . Piistenyi: Pamiatka 1056 vyrocia smrti sv. Metoua. Kultlira, IX. 19'3'7, 81. 1935, 148. Jan IStanislav: Slovienska liturgia na Slovensku a sidlo Metodovo a Gorruz.dovo, Histor,l ca S•l ovaca, I-II. 1940-41. 5.-43. · About archbishop Gorazd: Dr. A. A. Banik: Apostol Gorazd, prvy v dejinach spominany slovensky kiiaz, spisovater a svatec, Kultura IX, 1937, 81. Dr. V. Pogorielov: Sv. Cyril, Sv. Metod i Gorazd, !ch cinnose a povod, Sbornfk Literarno-vedeckeho odboru Spolku sv. Vojtecha, III, Trnava 1936. Apostoll Slovienov, Sbornik stlidii, k 1,100 vyrociu prichodu sv. Cyrila a Metoda na Vel'ku Moravu. SSV. Trnava-Bratislava. 1963. Ferust of St. Demetrius of Thessalonike-Solun is on Oct. 26. To e mphasize the Cyrilomethodian traditions of Slovak Republic, the Prime minister Tiso and Slovak Parliament d ecided the election of the presid ent of 'Slovak 'Republic 1939 to be done on this memorial day of Great Morava - Slovakia. 8. Trbt type groups and the problem of Moravian components in Old Church Slavonic and East European Review, XXXV. London 1957, p. 392. 9. J. Stanislav: 0 prehodnotenie Vel'komoravskych prvkov v cyrilometodskej literature, Sbornik v cesC na AleXander Teodorov B.alan, Sofija, 1955, p. 357-363. More about this qu esti on : 111. Lacko. S.J ., H.E.D. Ph.D. The Cyrillomethodian Mission and Slovakia, Slovak Studies I. Historica I, Slovak Institute, Rome 1961, p. 23~49. J. Rekem: Origin and deve_lopment of Slovak language, pp 4-5. SLOVAKIA 72 Alojz M!skovl<: : Llterar.na clnnost'. Kon s tanUnova a Metodova, Apo~toll Slovi enov, SSV. Trnava-Bratislava 1963 P. 89 sequ . . . 10. J. ~kultety : Sketches from Slovak history, Middletown, Pa., 1936. 11. A . Miskovic : Spisske cyr!lske ulomky XU, a XIII. storocia. Ich nalez. Bratislava LI'I . 1929 80-81. V. Pogor!elov: Spiss·ke cyr!lske \1lomky XU. a Xil'II. storocia II. !ch pop!s rozbor a otlsk, lb. ·81-87 . O biskupovl staroslovlenskeho jazyka na spisi za Krara Ondreja III. koncom 13. storocla cf. ~tefan Hyros: Zamok Lykava a Jozef ~p!rko: Zac!atky Spisskeho b!skupstva v Mons St. 'Martini. Ruzomberok 1947. 12. Joz.ef Kutn!k ~malov : Zastoj katolfckej hierarchie v slovenskom narodnom zlvote - The task or Catholic Hierarchy in Slovak national Hfe - , Mons St! Martini, Ruzomberok, 19 47, p. 99 . 13. Ct. •S. B. Peter Pazmany! a slovenska literatli.ra, L!terarno historlcky Sbornlk Matice Slovenskej U ..-IIII. 1945/6, 159-198. 14. This adjective to this historical phase of literary Slovak gave J . Kohut, member of the old !Slovak l!terary-his•t orical school in this basic study : Jezu!,t ska slovencina v knizkach In L lt e ra rne Llsty 1891, str. 52. 'More about the Jesuit Slovak er. Rekem's: The origin and development of Slovak language, p. 9 sq .. . 15. Camaldul convents at that time in -Slovakia were at this placee : Zobor at Nltra, Red Cloister at Dunajec, Lech.nica, an<l Ro ck o! r efage at Slovak Paradise. 1'5a More about the Paulln!st contribution to Pre•Bernolak lltenture c!. J . Rekem: Teplanske duchovne p!esne, Trencln 1943, p. 35- 37 and J. Rekem : Z neznameho rukop!su slovenskeho baroka, K1ULTURA, XII, c. 7-8, p . 274-8. Trnava. 16. Information about this Syllabus from Dr. H iador Sztr!pszky see In Slovenske Nov!ny, Budapest, 1929, No. 13-15. 17. V. Jankov!c : Prvy slov-e nsky preklad ... , p. 29. 18. E. Paul!ny : Na okraj kamaldulskeho Plsma, Verbum I . 1946, p. 272-276. 19. Henrich Bartek: Bernolakov pravop!sny system, Slovenska rec, Roe. V. 1913•6, p. 246- 260. 20. By the influence of Czech Immigrant printers In some books appeared st!ll t. And R . Hadbavny had In mind some protestant writers, who used stil the Czech in their religious writings. 21. J . K. ~m!Uov. O. C. 100. 22. Alojz Miskovic: Dejiny slovenskej literatury. Bratislava, 1941, p . '66. 23 . J. K. gmalov : 0 . c. p. 64. 2-4. Cf. following chapters about S. Timon and J. B. Magin. 25. J . Rekem : Z kulturnych dejln Trencianskeho Povazia {From the cultural hist ory of Trencln Wag Valley). Chapter S . Timon. Trencln 1943. Dr. A. A. Banik: Novs!e udaje na poznan!e Jana Baltaza ra Mag!na jeho diela i doby. Spolok Sv. Vojtecha, Trnava 1937, str. 119. 26. Matrica Scholasticae Juventutis R. M. Gymnasi! Trench!n!ensis ab. a 1655 inchoata usque 1775 cont!nuata 20. Archives of St. Albert Society (SSV) , Trnava. In the records of Turna Parish I can not flnd anything about this Samuel Timon, because present records started SLOVAKIA 73 only from 1690. The previous ones were burnt. But there is a baptismal record of a different one Samuel Timon born later "1719 , die 3. Septembrls baptlsatus est infans nomine Samuel de parent!bus P. ac P. Domino Stephano Thymon matre vero P. ac. P . Domina Susanna Birovsky ex Turna. Patrin!: Illustr. Dominus Baro Stephanus Ruthkay cum Illustr. filla sua Virgine !Magdalena." 27. Banik: 0 . c. p. 308. 28. Banik: 0. c. p. 343-4. 29. Tyrnavia 1714. This books were in Parish library of Trencin. And in them were precious old margin notes about S. Timon and his life. And on the last pages was handwritten history of city of Trencin. 30. Timon: 0. c. II, p. 89. 31. Timon: 0 . c. I, p. 22. 32. Trnava, 1714-5. In Trencin Parish library too, AD. 1945. 33. About more Timon's books and literary works cf. Rlzner: Bibllografia, (BPS), VI. 27-28, and Lombardini in Slovenske Pohfady 1887, t . 6. Posonii - Bratislava, 1787. From Literature about St. Dubnicay: J. Rekem: Z diela o zlvote St. Dubnicaya polemickeho spisovatera, Trencin, 194 4. J. Rekem: Slovenske narodne povedomie v diele St. Dubnicaya, Trenc!n, 1943. 1-dem: St. Dubnicay a jeho doba, Trenctn 1944. Idem: Z kulturnych dejin Trencianskeho povazia. Trencin 19-43. Pavol Rekem: Strucne dejiny obce Tr. Tepla, Monografia Tr. Teplej, !lava 1936. 36. St. Dubravec: Apologetika a kontroverzistika na byvalej katolickej univerzite v Trnave. Sbornik LVO' 'SSV. Trnava 1935, roe. II. sv. 2. str. 195. 37. J. Vlcek: Dejiny ceske literatury III. di!. II. vyd. 1931. Praha 34. 35. p. 38-39. 38. A. A. Banik: Novsie udaj e ... p. 68. 39. Vlcek: DCL p. ·3·9. 40. Manuscript: Visitatio Ecclesiae Teplensis p. 21-24. Parish ar- chives of Tr. Tepla. 41. Manuscript: Liber matricularis r ecompactus a D. 1828. Thnt are Parish records beginning from AD 1680, which were later rebound with the later time records AD 1828. In this records we find the datums, notices, texts of foundations and accounts written by S. Dubnicay and his successors. Texts are in Latin and Slovak. 42. Literarne Listy r . 1892, p. 77. Slovenske Pohl'ady, 1887, p. 42. This manuscript was in the archives of The Czech national Museum in Prague. 43. Dr. J. Durovic in his: Evanjelicka literatura do tolerancie (Evangelical literature till Tolerance patent) Turc. Sv. Martin, 1940, p. 193 showed some doubts about the Krrnan's authorship of Anti Dubnicczay. Therefore in my book: Stefan Dubnicay a jeho doba I dedicated a chapter to this question: "Personality of Anti-Dubnicay, antagonist of Dubnicay, where I proved the authorship of Krman of this book. p. 35-38. 44. Cf. J6zsef Vagner in Magyar Sion, Tomus XIX, ordine XXXVHI, Budae, Anno 1806. cites edition ECT from 1729. - Szinnei J6zs ef in Magyar frok elete es munkai. Bw.dapest 1893 cites ECT Trnava edition 74 SLOVAKIA from 1729. The same A. Zellinger in his Pantheon Tyrnaviense, 1931, p. 84. 45. Manuscript was in the Archives of Archepiscopal library of Esztergom, Hungary. By courtesy of Msgr. J . Posteny director of St. Adalbert Society Library and Archives, Trnava I had chance to study this manuscript couple months, till it was returned to Esztergom. 46. Dr. A. A. Banik in the letter addres,s ed to J. Rekem from Sept. 30. 1942. Cf J. Rekem: St. Dubnicay, p. 8, p. 51. 47. Of Szinnei J6zsef: Magyar irok elete es munkai, Budapest 1893: T6t szovegii hitvitazz6munka .. ." 48. A. Prazak: Dejiny spisovne slovenstiny po dobu Sturovu, Praha 1922, p. 111-2. 49. Latin Letter of L. Tempes, the ordinary of Wr6claw is in Introduction to Eductus Coluber tortuosus p. 15-17. I would just cite here short pertinent part of that letter: "sed et alias multiplices polemicas materias, velut alter aevi noster Bellarminus, patria nobis lingua edere valeat: quale praetactum idem de permanentia Eucharistiae edidit in emolumentum multorum milium, non modo in Hungaria, verum et in adjacentibus, ad maternam velut domum Slavicae linguae filialibus Provinciis, Moravia (ubi etiam adhuc in montibus malum idem gliscit), Silesia (ubi pleno velut alveo Hydra haec pestillentissima toxicum suum effedisse visa est· hoc decennio): denique et in Bohemia" . . . 50. When Bernolak was giving new orthograpy to the Slovak language he used in Latin expression Slav!, Slavica lingua, or Slavonica linguae; The old and newer Rituals edited for territory of Slovakia before Slovak text had this headline: Slavice; Papanek writing Slov:i.k history in Latin gave it inscription: Historia Gentis Slavae, etc . . . 51. Cf. Extractus protocollorum Comitatus Trenchinlensis circa pub• licatas Armales ab anno 1571. County archives Trencin, p. 178 seq . . . Series Gremialium Nobilium N-us 3-us. Ibidem. Matricula Ecclesiae Dubniczensis sub Patrocinio Divi Apostoli Jacobi erectae et Fundatao Curata per me Andream Toltt sumptibus Ecclesiae anno 1667. Dubnica Parish archives, etc. 52. M. Bencsik: Novissima Dieta Nobilissima Principis Statuumque, et Ordinum Inclyti Regni Hunga riae, Partiumque Eidem Annexarum. Tyrnaviae, 1722. 53. J . B. Magin : Murices ... part III, p. 94, 109. The names are the same which are mentioned and praised in the preface of Dubnicay's ECT. Magin in about mentioned place said about those nobles that "they every time honored and esteemed the Slovak Nation". From the Latin and Slovak manuscripts in Dubnica archives we see the very close cooperation between these two friends Dubnicay and Magin in various fields. J. B. Magin was the one who wrote the epitaph in Latin on the tumb of dead St. Dubnicay. This epitaph and latin biography of Dubnicay is in manuscript: Visitatio Ecclesiae Teplensis. Parish archives in Tr. Tepla. Dubnicay was hurried in the church of Dubnica under the altar, which he paid to be build in this church. He was then hurried under this altar cf: Epitaph: Hane a s e structam Stephanus Dubniczay ad Aram Conditus est testans cum pietate Fidem: Sicut enim vivens caeli quaesivit Honorem Sic colit in Templo post sua fata Deum. SLOVAKIA 75 Et verbo et scripto b ellum torquebat in Hostem Haeresim, an Chris ti non fuit ille Pu gill? Justitiae idcirco jam possidet ille Coronam, Quam Justus Jud ex reddidit Ipse Deus. 54 . Even if there were differences in opinions and polemics, as ,e. g, between Benc,z ik and Mag;in, generally spea;kiug ther-e was a remarkable peace between the individual nationalities of the "Marian Kingdom" during the Latin era and until the Hungarian chauvinism disrupted Hungary. Concerning the de tails about Magin's and Dubnicay's donations to relegious and charitable institutions we may read more in a manuscript in the parish house of Dubnica "Historia Parochiae Oppidi Dubnicza" pod titulom "Parochus ,Septimus" "Maginus hie Parochus" etc. This gives details of his legacies and foundations for Masses and other -good works ... 55 . J. Kohut - Literarne listy, 1895. II BIBLIOGRAPHY: 1) Manuscripts: ~tractus protocollorum Comiltrutus Trendhin:iensis oirca publicatas Armales ab anno 1'571. Archiv of ,the County Trencin. Series Gremialium Nobilium N-us 3-us. New archive of rthe Trencin County. Matricula Ecclesiae Dubnic2iensis sub Patrocinio Div,i Jacobi Apostoli Ereotae et Fundwtae Curata per me Andre-am Tho,l tt Su.mptibus Ecclesiae Anno 1667. Parish archive DubnJca. Matrica Schdlas.ticae Jnven:tutis R. M. Gymnasii Tr,e nchiniensis ab Anno 1655 i1nchoata usque 1775 continuruta 2. Archive of SSV-St. Adalbertus Society, Trnava. Liber maitricUJ!aris recompaotus A. 1828. Pairish archive, Trencianska Tepla. Metamo,rphosis 1lidei Orthodoxae de Bono in Malum e,t vicissim irn Comitaitu Trenchiniensi, ac vel maxime in privilegiato Oppido Solna rub anno 1600. Archie,pisco-pal library. Esztergo!Ill. A. Gymii: Revolutio Rak6czyana. Parish archive. Tren<iin. J. B. Magin: Processus .. .. Parish archive Dubnica. Dubnicay Helenra: Oswiceny, Welomozny.... Parish Archive, Dubnica. Ga nyze podepsana Helena DubnJcay.... Parish Archive, Dubnica. M. Illeshazy's l~tter from June 24 1719 to Rev. St. Dubnicay. PaTish archive, Dubnica. His,toria Domus Also Szucsensis, dein 'Tepleusis, Parish archive, Tr. Tep.la. Histotia Parochiae Oppidi Dubnica, Paaish archive, Dubnica. Resetka: Register. Parish archive Su.ca. Rezikius: Gymnasiologia, sive his,toria schol,a rum et rectorum. Diocesan Hbrary, Nitra. R~tarides M.: Autorum et Scriptorum Hungariae praecipuorum Cathalogus. Diocesan Hbrary, Nitra. ProtocoHum vetus Parochiae Dubnicensis, Parich archive, Dubnica. Processus InquisitiOlrnis formatus a Nuntiatura Apos,tolica Vienensi super vita et mOll'ibus Illm.i et Revmi Dni Ladislai Adami Comitis Erdody. Diocesan library, Nitra. Rabcek A. Dr.: III part of of historical manuscripts' collections. Diocesan libramy, Nitra. 76 SLOVAKIA 2) Printed sources: M. Bencsik: Novissima Diena No'b ilissima Principis Statuumque, et Ordinum Inolyti Regn,i Hunga.riae, Partiumque Eidem Annexarum, Tyrnaviae, 1722. Dubnicay St.: Eductus coluber tort.uosus. Tyrnaviae 1729. Magin J. B.: Murices N0tbiliss,i mae et Novissimae Diactae Posoniensis Scriptori Sp·a rsi Sive Apologia pro Inclyto ComHatu TrencWniensi. ... Puchovii, 1723. Tamassy M.: Prawa Katolic-k a Rucny knyzka, Trnava 1691. Timon S.: Imago ·a ntiquae et Novae Hungariae, Kosice 1733. Synopsis novae chrooologicae reg,norum Hungariae, Croatiae, Dalmatiae pars I.-III. Tyrnaviae, 1714. Series rerum Hungaricarurm, Tyrnaviae, 1714-15. Robik J.: Wllozeni o uzltku a potrebe katechismusa. W Trnawe 1764. Szentivwnyi M: Magnum Chaos, Tyrnaviiae 1704. Tu•rris Babel. Tyrnaviae 1731. 3) Literature: APOSTOL! SLOVIENOV. Sbornik s.tu<l.H, SSV TRNAVA, 1964. Banik A. A.: Jan Ba1tazar Magin a jeho politicka narodna. i kulturna obrana Slovakov rdku 1728. Sbo-rnik LVO SSV. Vol. III. 1-2. Trnava 1936. Novsie udaje na poznanie J ana Baltazara Magilna, jeho diela a doby. Sb. LVO SSV. V. IV. 1. Trnava 1937. Rekem J.: Stefan Du•bnicay a jeho doba. Trencin, 1944. Slovenske na.rodne povedomie v dlele St. Dubnicaya. Tren<\in, 1943. Dubnicayova pastoracna. cinnose v Tr. Teplej, Tren:cin, 1943. The origin and development of rt:he Slovak language, Middletown, Pa. 1962. Bibliogl'afia trenoianskych tlacr a vydanL Tirencin 1945. Z kul,turnych deji.n Trencianskeho Povazia. Trencin, 1943. Teplanske Duchovne pi-e sne. Zo starsiej eschatologickej poez!e Povazia. Trencin 1943. Articles in Ducho'Viny Pastier, Trnava, 1942 - . Articles in Trencan, Trencin, 1942 - . Artioles in Kultfua, Trnava, 1938 - . Rekem Pavo! dr.: Strucne dejiny obce Tr. Tepla. v Monografii Tr. Te,p lej, Ilava, 1936. Dubravec St. dr.: Apologetika korutroverz.istirka na byv, katol. univerzite v Trnave. Trnava 1935. Vlcek J.: Dej!ny slovenskej ILteratury, III vyd. Turc. Sv. Martin, 1933 .. Dejiny ceske literatury II vyd. III. dil Praha 1931. Prazak Albert: Dejiny spisovne s1ovenstiny po dobu Sturovu. Praha 1922. Slovenske Pohl'ady: 1887 - . Literarne L isty, II, 1895. Magyar Sion 1806 --. Stransky A.: Deji<ny biskupstva nttrianskeho. Trnava, 1933. Szimonidesz.Adamovic: Proces s Danielom Krmanom, L. Sv. Mikulas, 1940. Trnovski K.: K recovej otazke Slovakov, Trnava, 1937. Kacka J. : Dejiny literrutfuy slovenskej. Ruzomberok 1921. Miskovic-Pisut: Dejiny sloven•s kej literatury. Bratislava 1941. SLOVAKIA 77 Smalov Kut•1ik J.: .t,a,stoJ katolfckei hierarchie v Slovenskom narodnvm a ku-Lt.imom zivote. Mons Sancti o\llart:ni, Ruzvmberok 1947. Verbum, 1946, I,. Slov•e nske noviny, Budapese, 1929. Rizner L.: Bibliografia slovenskeho pisomnfotv,a, T. Sv. Martin. 19291934. Bujnak P.: S'1ovensky naucny slovnfk I - III. Braltislava, 1932. Czwittinger D.: Spe'Cimen Hungariae litteratae, Francofurrti, 1711. Petrik G.: Magya.ro-rszag BiblQgrphiaja 1712- 1860. Budapest, 1888. Nemethy L.: Serie Parochorum et Parochorum Archidiocesis Strigoniensis. Striganii, 1794. Szinnei J.: Magyar [rok. Bud·a pest 1893. Sommervogel C.: Dictionatres cles orrage-s Anouynes et Pseudonymes publie par des religioux de 1a Campagnie de Jesus, Paris, 1884. Vallasky P.: Conspectus rei publicae Litterariae in Hungaria. Budae, 1808. ZeHinger A.: Paruthe<m Ty,ruaviense. Tyrnaviae. 1931. Hrobak P. A.: Was Czech the vehicle of Slovak literature? Slovakia Vol. X. Middletown, 1960. Kirschbaum J. M.: Contemporary tendencies in Slovak Philology. Offprint. MorutreaJ 1960. Slovakia, Nation a1t the crossroads o'f Cerutral Europe, New York, 1960, p. XIX, 329. Misconceptions of American Siavists on the Slovak Language. S'1ovakia, Vol. XII, 1962. Middletown, Pa. p. 25-49. La place du slovaque P ARMI LES LANGUES SLAVES, an Offprint from Etudes Slaves, VIII, 3-4, Universite de Montreal, 1963. Oddo Gilibert: Slovakia and i,t s People, New York, 1960. Porubsky J.: K stemu vy,rociu li:terarnej slovenciny. Scranton,Pa.1945. Slavik J.: Dejiny sloV'enskeho evanj. a. v. bratstva a senioratu. Banska StiaV'nica, 1921. f>urovic J.: Slovenska evanjeiicka literatura do tolerancie. Turc. Sv. Martin, 1940. Slovakia, I -XII, published by the Slovak League of Amerika, Middletown, Ba. 1950 - 1962. Lepacek C.: Fran,tiskani v slovenskej literature pred Bernolakom. Kultura, Trnava, 1937. Lacko M. S. J.: The Cyrilomethodian mission and Slovakia, Slovak Studies, I, Histo rica 1. Slovak Institute, Rome. 1961, p. 23-49. G. Shevelov. : Tr,t type Groups and the Problem o'f Moravian components in Old Church Slavonic. The Slavonic and East European Reviiew, XXXV, London 1957, p,p. 379 - 398. J . Stanislav: Slovienska liturgia na Slovensku a s[dlo Metodovo a Gorazdovo. Historika S-Iovaca, I-II, 1940-41, 5-43. 0 pre-hodno,tenJ.e vel'komoravskych prvkov v cyrilometodejskej literature, Sborntk v cese 111a Aleksander Teodorov- Balan, Sofija, 1955, PP. 35-7-363. Dejny &lovenskeho jazyka, Voll. I. chapter XII. Kuitu.my jazyk na Vefkej Morave, v Bannonii a na starom Slovensku, pp. 213-241. Bratislava, 1958. M. Pisut-Misianik-Petrus-Gregorec-Stevcek: Dejiny slovenskej literatury, Bratislava, 1962.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovak Literature and National Consciousness Before Anton Bernolák (1762-1813) Description An account of the resource John Rekem, S.T.D. Slovakia, Vol. 14 (No. 37), 1964 pp. 47-77 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Rekem, Ján, 1917-1989 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1964 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/102faba0788825daf0f7d105d31146ed.pdf b69faeed0c4804b475974a752c97d2bc PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA SLOVAK LITERATUR E UNDER THE SOVIET IMPACT Joseph Kirschbaum, Ph.D., LL.D., Professor at the University of Montreal Department of Slavic Studies A Reprint From "The Slavic and East-Eurooea n Studies." Published by: The Department of Slavic Studies, University of Montreal FOREWORD The Commumst occupation of SlwaJri,a carved deep wounds not only •i nto the sociall and political structure of Slovak life as poliitical occupations and changes used :to do in the past. The totailiitarian character of Communism has the specific quality th!a,t it .affects ail the important sectors of national life, be it !l'eligion or phi!losophy, arts or literature. Due to the peculiar citrCu:rnmnces under wbiich the Slovak people were deprived of national independence and became a defenseless prey of foreign domination, the cultural life of Slo'V18Jkfa suffered. ,p robably the stirongest impact among all Soviet satellites. The reasons are many. First of all the character of SlO'V'ak literature and writers. Slovak culture developed through lbhe ages U'Ilder Western influences. This is true namely m regard to the Slovak literature which originated in the classical dlimate of the Catholic University of Trnava, founded in 1635. (1) With exception of the Gdthlc period, we find •i n Slovak literature all the literary currents from humani.!S!m .t hrough (baroque to classicism, romantic-ism, realism, Catholic "modenie," and surrealism. In fact, the olassicaJl. reminiscences , the era of enlighrtenment and romanticism g,ave birth to SlovaJk poetry and prose. Some of the influences ,ruppeared [ater, or J:asted. longer, or el-se !their form wa:s not pure, but we find ianalogies for this phenomenon in all Slavic literatures. More than m poetic and literacy forms, the Western influences and Western orientrution of the Slovak literature is evident in the contents and in the mission that �SLOVAKIA 35 poetry and prose aimed to accomplish in the Jife of the Slovak people. Slovak poets and novelists beginning with Holly (2) in .t he eigJJ.teenth century, and the group of Eudovit Stur(3) in the nineteenth century to Hviezdoslav(4), Vajansky, Razus, Zarnov, Urban, Bronsky, Beniak, etc., saw tihe reaJI. function of Slovak literrutrure primarNy in equipping !the Sloviak people with the spiritual resources necessary for survival and the fight for freedom. They endeavored rto bring the Slovak ,p eople to an awa:reness of rtheir spiritual •a nd nationrul iindi'Viduality and fought for their politic-al M1d sociral rights. Like .the poetry of Mickiewicz, Krasinski and Slowac·ki, "summoned the Poles prom political enslavement to a spir.ituaJI. life and revealed them completely new pwspecltiives of mor,al responsibility resulting from the. ll'ation's politicaJl situatiO!Il," (5) in the same way tile Slov,aks Jearned through the works of theiir poets and novel-ists to regard the naitional cause as a question of honor and the supreme mo,r al criterion a.round which the. entire spiritual life of the nation was crystallized. Slovak poets and novelists who regarded thei!r mission, as described aibove, could not nourish any illusion about thei1r fate /Under Communist rule. They knew that literatUTe, •as a means of expression of the national soul and ait the same time ,t he most efficient instrument in the intellectual struggle foir ·r eshapiing nation's patterns of thinking, wou\ld be the first cultwal field undergoing substM1tial changes and losses . The Slovak intelligentsia also knew that the Czech politicians returning behind the Red Army in SloV'akia would take revenge o:n a:ll patriotic Slova1ks who claimed the right of seJf-determination for the Slovak people and applied or aidvoca.ted the ·s ame when the occasion ,had am-ived. Jan Thousands of Slovak intelllectuals, therefore, preferred the exile with all its uncertainties •a nd ,miseries to the Czecho-Communist rule. Among the intellectual emigres the write:ra who were the true irepresentatives of Slova!k literature .b etween the WaTS a:nd made ,a name for themselves by their works and outstanding talents have been �36 SLOVAKIA more numerous than it appears in the literary ,p roduction of the ilast ten years in exNe. There was, at the beginning, 111ot only the most popUJl,a;r nO'VelList of ,t he period 1918~1939, Milo Urban, w,hose "Ziivy Bic" (LlNing Whip) was translated into ,s everal European languages, but a:lso .AJildrej Zarnov, whose poetry became an efficacious instrument in the Slovak national struggle and summoned the young Slovalk intelligentsia to fight for justke and freedom. Both were 1ater kidnapped by the Czech Communists in Austria and on!ly Zarnov succeeded in a dramati·c filighit f.rom Slova!lda again and today fights for his ideas ,i n exHe. There are many others who preferred exile to Communist rule and far from Slovakia - in .Arr-gentma, the U. S. A., Canada, Australia, etc., jn deep sorrow and fiery resistance fight for rthe.ir people's freedom. Among them is Joseph C. Hroosky, the most prolific and undoubtedly one of the greatest 1Slovak noveLists, who celebrated just recently, or rather the Slovaks in the free world celebrated his 60th annirversary. The literary work of J. C. Hronsky is of such artistic vrulue and importance for the Slovak 1iterature thait even the literary historian of the Slovak University of today, professoir A. Mraz, was forced to ac'knowledge that many of iHronsky's works "belonged amOID.g the best works of the Slovak post-war literature by thei.T qualities of style and composition." In regard to Hronsky's noive1 '~Pisar Grae" (Clerk Grae), Mraz even writes a'boUJt "hravour of composiUon"; he sees in his first novels "complicated artistic instrumentality" and commends him for "exceptional and privileged interpreting of the common people, as weili as of refined and cultivated souls ,a nd hearts of women." During the war years, in his German book on Slova.!k literature, professor Mraz qualified J. C. Hironsky's novel "Jozef Mak," whlich was also translated into German, as "one of the 1b est works of the Slovruk post~war literature," and the author as the "most prolific Slovak :novelist." Altogether J. C. Hironsky published over 50 volumes of short novels, beasutiful tales for children, novels describing the life of SlorvaJk peasants and worker,s, and mas1 �SLOVAKIA 37 terpieces on the life of the Slovak SIIIl.aN-town intelligentsia (Clerk Grae, The .P rophecy orf Doctor Stan!kovsky) , with all social and ideological problems and struggles of Slovakia's post~war dramatic evolution. Usually regaTded as the heir and follower of Martin Kuikucin's realism in Sloivak literature,. !Hronslky attained new artistic heights and in many ,respects even ,sUTpassed Kulkuoin, who i1s considered even !by the Communist ireg,i.me as a "classic" of SlO!Vak literature. rHronsky's spi riitual world is broad and deep, his sphere of artistic interests is extensive and manifold, his style am.d composition masterly clerur and lingui'Sltica:lly perfect and beaubiful. At the begimning of his literary career, the Siovak peasant in his traditional way of 'life, poverty, patient heroism, and sturdy mental~ty was a favolI'ilte subject of nove!ls. HaNing made his mark with •s hort stories from Slovak village rlife, in which r ealism matched the best worlks of the founder of Slovak literary realism, Martin Kuikucin, Bronsky moved into rthe domain of liteTature for children and youth and, l,a ter, into the domain of social and psyohologicaJl problems of smaHtown people, proceeding firom short stories and tales to more and more complicated and artisticaJlly elaborated forms of novel. Hrrorusky emwged very soon as a towering personality from the group of post-war novelists and writers. His remarkable literary ,w ork constituted a lin'k between the talented Slovak n01Velists .of the previous generation and mode:m Slovak ,},i terature modeled on Western European literary currents. Not an epigon of •a nyone, Hronsky created: :from his own spiritual funds and had a strong appeal prim:arily to the heart of the young generation ,of writers among w'hom his new shade of realas-m had ma!lly followers. Hironsky',s •s ignificance in Slovak cultura:l life was, however, extraordinaJry not only in literatUII'e. Hiis -literary activity was doubled by his achievements in the highest Slovak cultUTal institution "Matica Slove:nska" (The Slovak Lnstiwte) , foll'Ilded in 1863 with the aim t 10 s,pread Slwak cultural valrues and defend Slovak traditions against 1 1 �38 SLOVAKIA Magyair tendencies of assimilation. There was rarely a Slovak writex who successifully combined a highly developed literary talent with such organizational ,ability as it has been in the case of J. C. Bronsky. Acord.mg to many seri'ous cultwrai worik€1I'S (cf. Cullen's ia.nd Hrusovsky's articles in the "S:lovensika Obrana" and the "Kainadsky Slovwk"), J. C. HronSlky has done more usefiU!l work in the few years of his administration of the "Slovak Institute" than any Oille of his predecessors during long periods. Thousands of new books wer edited every year by his merits, new cultwral sections organized, equipped and reorganized, a new farge printery built, and new activities initiaited. an institution of many The "Slovak In.stitute" merits in the fieild of co111Servation of Slorvak traditioI1JS, culture, popular art, tiheater, pwrity of language - ip1ayed an important Tole in Slovak cultura•l life at all times since its foundation in the nineteenth century. Election to leading funcUons in thls institution was considered one of the highest honors in SlovaJkia and it undoubtedly was. J . C. Hronsky was elected and reelected. For the Communist regime such merits have been, however, "crimes" against the "people's democracy and revolution," and J. C. Hrons'ky was arrested before the Red Army accomplished the occupation of Slovakia. After many unsuccessful aittempts, he finally escaped from a prison and fled from 'Slovakia through Austria into Italy, and later found refuge in Argentina, where he lives, deeply convinced that the Slovaks will never give up their fight for freedom and their Christian ,t raditions. We mention HirolilSlky's case in this connection as an example of the Slovak nationail. tragedy. There are many others, who in literature, science, arts, aind in ,t he pO'litical and economic life of Slava,kia, created works of value and have been silenced by the Communist regime, or preferred freedom in exile, as Hronsky did. In the following pages an attempt has been made to present, in a very restricted way, the main features of the Slovak literature under the Communist ,r ule. The author has scrupulously tried to paint �SLOVAKIA 39 the picture objectirvely, and the publishing committee of the review "The Slavic and East-European .Studies" saw to it that the study might remain within the limits of a scientific work. There is on:ly one abjectirve this study ,a ims at: to se:rve the cause of truth and freedom which in Slova1kia as well as in other satelilite countiries have been temporarily stifled. J. K. 1. Cf. Branislav Vars!k: Le Probleme des nationalites a r Universlte de Trnav,a, Bratislava, 193.8. 2. Jan Holly (178·5-1849) most gifted poet and disciple of A. Bernolak, glorified in three po ems Slovakia's greatness of one tllousand years ago, "Svatopluk" (18n), "Cyrilo-Methodiada" (1835), and •·,Slav" (1839). He also translated the main works of Greek and Roman classics into the Slovak l,a nguage and prepared th e Slovak renatssanee. 3. Cf. Hans Kohn: "Pan-Slavlsm, Its History and Ideology," University of Notre Dame Press, 19.53; and Ernest Denis: "Les Slovaques,' Paris, Delgrave, 1917. 4. P. 0. Hviezdoslav (1849-1921) by his own name Pavol Or· szagh, is considered the most talented Slovak poet. His poetry was publls'hed In fifteen large volumes, one of them, "Bloody Sonnets," was translated also Into English. His main works are "Herodes and Herodlas" (drama), the epics "Hajnlkova zena, Ezo a Gabor Vlkolinsky, Agar, Rachel, Kron," etc. He also published four volumes of translation,s from World literatures, Goethe's Faust, Shakes.p,eare's Hamlet and Mid-Summer Night's Dream, the main works of Shiller, Lermont-0v, Slowackl and Madach's "The Tragedy of Man." ,5. C.f. Harvard Slavic Studies, Vol. 2, 19·54, p. 323-4. SLOVAK LITERATURE UNDER THE SOVIET IMPACT Within a decade of the forced inclusion of Slovakia within the Soviet orbit, Slovaik literature weint through most peculiar transformations. If Slovak novelists and poets, generally more conservative and traditional than Polish, Czech or Slovene writers, did not leave the country m- choose silence, they were abruptly compelled to ada;pt their literary c-reeds, forms and subjects .to a new line of "socialist reailis,m" and to run exclusively Eastern orientation. The main characteristics of Slovak literatll!l"e were patriotism, pan-slavism, universalism and a deep religiO'UIS �40 SLOVAKIA spirit. The generation after John Holly, namely John Kolla.T and the group of L. Stur, turned their eyes, as fawiders of nineteenth century painslla:vism, to Russia 'but their literrury works, education and iphllosophy were fundrurnentahly Western. They were educated at German Unive:r,sities and, while KoHar's "Daughter of Slava" was modelled on Dante and Petrarca, L. Stur and his group were under the influence of German romanticism, having foir masters Herder and Hegel (in their phi1osoiphy) .1 It was in poetry only that Mickiewicz, Slowacki, Krasinski am.d Pu<s'hkin. were the:iir ideails. Kol[ar's idea of "S[avic reciprocity" refrruined from any attemipt to mottld the politkal ideology or the religious charaicter of any Slav group. He aimed merely at cuiltural and literary reciprocity, •a nd his philo,s ophy was humanistic." He only is wOlI'thy of liberty who resrpects the :liiberty of 8!11; he who forges the chains of others, is himself a slave; when thou callest for a Slav, there must respond a man," are his famous axioms.2 According to W. Bobek, one of the best foreign scholars on Slovak literature, Slovakia c-a n be reasonably considered as the classical country of the Slavic idea, with several conceptions of panslaV'ism based on the equa[ity of Slaivic peoples. Howevell", an identification of the idea of a Slavic cooperaition with russophilism was raire; it appeared as a result of national depression and despair.3 Such was the case of L. Stur, for whom "P.anslavism in the political sense was a chimera," but who later, according to W. Lednicki, forunulated about 1850 ":the most complete and consistently developed program for the subjugation of Slavs to Russia in his bo01k "SlaV'dom and the World of the Future"4. Stur wrote 'his '.book in a period of "Nationail depression ,arrd despailr," as mentioned by Boibek. (The book was written in German and never appeared in Slova!k). During the last decades of the nirneteenth century arnd the years before and during the first World War, Sfovak literary •amd cultural life was dominated to some extent by Slovak Russophiles like Vajansky and Skn.lltety. However, this was merely an interlude; for after the war, 1 �SLOVAKIA 41 the inf1uence ·o f French, English and even Scandinavian writem which was mani!fest among the younger poe'bs and novelists (I. Kraslro, V. Roy, P. 0 . Hv:iezdoslav, M. Razus), gained ground firmly and without resistance. The RussophiJ.e orientation ,i n Slova:k literature was chiefly dru:e to the political situation following the Austro-Hungarian. compromise •Of H~67, when the Slovaks were left at the mercy of Hungarian effonts of assii:rnilation. As the Slovak poets and novelists saw that the only hope for a Slovak national surrvival was in Russia's power, they gave fU!ll expression to this belief 1n their Hterary woriks. iBut they did not mean to exohange one oppression for a.mother. The Bo1sltevik Revolution and the results of the Firat WorJ,d War changed the picture. The Revo1urbion destroyed the panslavistic and Russophile dreams of Slovruk poets. While f,u!lifilling their hope for emancipation foom HUID:giarian ru'le by oreating the Czecho-Slova'k Republic with the Czechs, jt -left the Slovakis free to choose their cU!ltural orientation. They e1ther turned again to the West or they used their own spiritual and moral tradiitions for creative inspi:ration. The general trend of Slovak liteiratJure in poetry as well as in prose was to broaden its range of interests and to become responsive to European literary curents 5 The main representatives of Slovak literatlrre between the two Wars were uninterested in Soviet Russia, except for a smal[ groUJp of proJetarian o:r left-wing poets and writers under Czech influence. Oruy three or four of them acquiired literary recognition. and even fa.me. The older generation of Slovak poets, headed by P. 0. Hiviezdoslav, V. Roy, Ivan Krasko and Martin Razus, continued to create in the traditional forms or, Ji.ke Hviezdoslav, to use the European literrury forms and currents coriresponding to his great ta:lent and creativeness. In prose, the masters were the realists Kukucin,6 Hronsky, 'l'ajov!Sky, T. Vansova, Timrava and L. 'Podjavorinska. The younger generation looked for new fo:rms: to for·eign literatures. The really successful literary woriks of more tham. ephemera[ value were those which dTew their motives. from Slovak H!fe, their inspiration from rSlorva!k �42 SLOVAKIA national traditions and their art from their own spiritual reserves (Milo Ur.ban, J. C. Hironsky, A. Za.rn.ov, V. Benia:k, J. Smrek, E. IBolesilav Lu!kac, S. 1K rcmery, T. J. Gaspar, J. Hrufovsky). Consciously or unconsciously, they belonged ,t o the West and also to theiir country's social and ideological evolution. Their orientation was contilnenta,l in form, in philosophy and in motivation. A:U the European ourents ·a nd literary scho<Yls, from symbolism and impresiSlionism to Catholiic modernism (especia1ly F!rench) and su:rirealism, characteri'zed Slovak Hterature between the wars. According to Bobek, it equalled Czech literature,7 and acOTdilng to A. ,M raz, it "fought for a place in the context of wor1d 'literatures. " 8 The second World War did not change substantially the orientation of Slov·a k ,lrl,teratme. Being an island where, un,ti} the ·f all of 194.'4, the German ,i mpact was neitheir violent nor apparent, Slovakia experienced a strongly literary and cultll!I'al development. The trend remained Western, nationaliist, conservative and traditional. With the "liberation" of the co'll!ntry, the shock of the Soviet limparet was violent, spreading deep and wide throughout the literairy and cultural life orf 'Slovakia. A short analysis brings to light the foUowing features orf contemporary Slovak literature. Socialist Realism and the Soviet Model A smail:l group of p:wletarian poets, surrealists and left-wing critics or nove'lists, headed by L. Novomesky, who along with J. Rob Ponican, was the only prominent poet in the group before 1945, not only took over liiterary and cultural life while Slova;kia was stiU occupied by the RUSSliam Anny, but :they al:so decided who would be allowed to continue as writer, poet, journalist or scientist and what kind of literature they would be allowed to pubilish. If the writers wished to continue their wol1k, they had to become membern of a Society of writers, organized on the Soviet model. Their main duties were to extirpate the "corrupting" mfluence of Western "bourgeois; and fascist" writers and to follow the line of "g.reat socialiist Soviet �SLOVAKIA 43 literature," inspired 'by the ideaJs brought to reality by Stalinissm. The Slogan was "progress" and the name of the new current was "socialist :realism," though many of the main actors in this "revolutionary reshaping" of the Slovak literature were dmitators of pre-wa,r French sur:realism (R. Fabry, V. R!eisel, M. Mittelman). Soviet litera.tUTe "with its surpassdng wealth of ideas, its burning socialist patriotism, its new humanism," was destined ,t o be the mghest ideal for Slorvak literature. This reshaping of SlOIVak oultural life was purt into praotice not only without regard for traditiOIIl, but al:so wirthout the ,t rue 1representatives of Slwa!k literature hetween the wars, known by .theiT works and thei!r outstanding talent. Neither the ·best novelist of the period 19181939, Milo Urban (!b. 1904) whose Living Whlp9 was translated into serverad EUTopean languages, nor the prominen,t poet Valentin Benia,k (b. 1894), nor Andrej 2arnov (b. 1903) whose poetry by its fiery language and reso'l.l'nding verse became an effective instrument in the Slova:k national struggle and who summoned the young Sloivak intelligentsia to a struggle for justice and freedom, took part in the new trend. They pref.erred to be silent. Zarn:ov, who was under constant threat of arrest and deportation and many times imprisoned, later left his .coun:try to fight for his ideas in exHe. 'l'ido J. Gaspar (ib. 1893) author of splendid short novels and exotic ,t ales, was also ,sidenced in prison. Many others whose names were held up as worthy representati'ves of Slovak lita-aiture before 1945 fled to Argentina, the U. S. A., Canada, Australia and O'bher plaices, with deep sorrow and in a spirit of fiery resistance, preferring exile to Communist rule . Among them is the prolific nO<Velist J. C. Hronsky (b .. 1896) whose works desm-ibed ,in mastedy fas:hion the social tUTmoil and political struggles of the Sdov~ks,10 and talented literary critics and aesthetes as :professor :El 2-atiko-Bor, Stanislav Meciar and Jan Mestancik, tile poets iR. Dillong - prolific and emotional, with hiS' •r apturouis lyricism, - M. Sprinc, K. Strmen, Jan Oka,l, J. Doransiky, J. BesenOVSJky, Marusa JUSikova, J. Zvonar-Tien, Hrtus..Jurina, historians (Hru- �44 SLOVAKIA swsky, Culen, Durcansky), linguists (prof. Bartek), publicists (Dr. P. Pauco, -Dr. S. Pol~kovic, Dr. J. Mi'kus, Dr. J. Cieker, Dr. A. Grebert, Dr. J. GleimMl, prof. Zubek, Nahallka), a dozen university professors and over a hundred highly educated young priests who had prepared for their careers as ,professors 3/nd educators at the universities of Rome, Paris Louvain, Innsbruck, Brussels and elsewhere. To understand the rvast chamge brought aibout by this "reshaping" of Slovak literature, we must remember that the proleta:riam poets, like the surrrealist s, weTe only a sma11 ,g roup alien to the Slovak literary traditi-on and spiritual atmosphere.11 For the most part, they grew up under the :influence of Czech Marxist or Communist intellectuials and writers: (J. Wolker, V. Nezval, J. Fuc:iik, Sekanina). Their movement with its journal Dav, originated in ,P rague. Novomesky, Ponifan, Oka.Ii, Clementis and others broug,ht their revolutionary ideas and [eft-wing orientation .iinto the Slovak puritan literary ·atmosphere as university students in t,h e Czech capital. Ponican declared this proudly during the "Congress of Nationa,l Culture" held in Prague in 1948. At the same time he condemned "Czech oultural imperialism" and the tendency to assimilate which, according to him, was the consistent aim of Prague's bourgeois regimes between the Wa-rs. 12 During the twenties, the group even tried to transplant into Slovakia Communist literacy aesthetics. They made appeals to break from tiraditonal themes and forms, fatvored collectivism rather than individl.l!a:lism, materialism instead of idealism, and often hurt religious feelings by their youth:£ul revolt a,g ainst God ,and' Christian traditions. hl the thirties the ,g roup had direct contact with Moscow (No;vomesky attended the Congress of W!riters in Moscow and Ilja Ehrenburg appeared in Brntisla,va), but .it was still Prague whose Czech Marxist poets and intellectuals (journal Tvorba) ideologkally nourished Slova..11{ proletaxian literature amd prescribed its aesthetics. After 1945 the groUJp, strengthened by sur.realists and young irntellectuals reared during World Warr: II, con1 1 �SLOVAKIA 4-5 tinued their re'V'olt against individualism., .sU'bjectirvism, art fo'I' axit'·s sake, petty-,bO'llrgeois realism and clericalism. Their concept of "socialist realism," based on the philosophy of dia1ectical materialism, the Marx-iLenini.st theory of ,l iterature, a new aipproaioh to "reality" and active prurHcipation in building ·a new Sodalist s·o ciety, was ,t his time imposed by the political power of ,the Comunist party. Im reviews and in the daily press,, the literary critics asked for conformity with Russian literatuTe, condemned all "apolitical" approaches and' proudly declared that the struggJe for socialism. was a struggle for a new and true art. As the Communist Party had unlimited control over ali newspapers, reviews and pubHshing firms and the exdu.sive right to permit or prohibit publircation, traditional Slovak literatme abruptly disappeared. Literary pr,oduction i,s orgainiized by ,t he !Party and its organs, ,literature was planned to obtain rapid spiritual reorientation, i.e., .sovietizatio:n and conformity with 'Russia and mental russification. Under such circumstances, Slovak literature was not only impoverished but ailso became an imitation of Soviet literature rather than an expression of the Slovak soul. Filled with ,s logans aind praise of CmnmUJIHsm and its leadem, exaggerating .social differences and struggling aga:in:st religion and old traditions, "socialist realism" has little in common with artistic values or true .realism. Mental and Spiritual Russification ·To:i addition, there was a steadri1y increasing flood of trrunslations of Soviet books, to sovietize the literary life of Slovaikia not only in form but ailso in spirit. An aina,l ysis of books ipUlblis:hed under the present regim.e13 shows that at the end of 1953 and in the fin.st month of 1954, fonty-one translations of poetry -and ipr-0.se were published in Sloivakia. Twenty-two of tho,s e translations were from Riussian literature, nineteen from aH others. Modoon Soviet writers were represented by sixteen works, the Russian classi,cs by five. Of nineteen translations from �46 SLOVAKIA non~ussian literatures. thirteen works were written by Communists, the o1fuem, apart from a translation of Ovid, are works of Mark Twain, Maupassant, Bendel and others, depicting the morail decadence of Western society. 'Dhe picture is similair in rt.he prodiuotion of ,b ooks for children and youth. Of forty-three books pu:blished in the same period (end of 1953 and beginning of 1954) twentyone works were written by Slov-aJk writers, eighteen by Russians and the iI'est ·b y Czech, Hungartan rund Rumanirun aut!hors. No Western writers were Tepresented. Six Slovak originail works and fourteen translations from RJllssirun were puirely propaganda. 'Sovietization and mental .r us,sification do not appear only in the number of translations from Russian alild Soviet satellite languages. By the exclusion of Western. iiteratures, a SOI1t ()If "cultural iron curtain" is buidt in Slovakia, because SlovaJk writers are absolutely dependent on Soviet ~oiurces, considered by the .r egime as "the most progressive in the world." Under the heading "rMarx-Leniinism' one finds sixtynine publications, twenty-five Slovak originals, thirty-eight translations from IRuSIS'ian, two f.rom German (the works of Marx and IDngels), one from Hungarian rund one from Bu[garian. Though some SlovaJk iintellectuals have m0& tered the Western languages, there is no translatio:n from French, IDnglish or any 0 1ther Western tongue. If we consider that book,s translated from RJussian. a.ire pulblished in :tens of ,t housands and that they are sold at reduced prices, the picture is clea:r: mental ,russification and rovietization is promoted by every avaihvble method. Reforms of the Slovak Language Following the "theory given to Ma'I'Xist philology by J. Stalin in ,his work, Marxism and 'P hilological Questions and the Economic Problems of Socialism in the USSR" the new Slovak "working intelligentsia" not only changed the spirit, structure and forms of literature but also reformed the Jangua:ge.14 Some of the changes effected by the Commun1sts, were proposed by Prof. H. Bartek before �SLOVAKIA 47 and during World War II to simplify SloV'ak or-thog.raiphy. An expert on linguistics, Prof. Bartek advocated his reforms on the grownds of scientific research -and the evolution of .the Slovak language, Which is, .according to A . Senn, "more ar-chaic than Czech and Poli$," that is one of the most archaic Slavic languages.15 ColllSequently, not all the ohrunges ,o an ,b e regarded as ,ha:rmf\11 or unnecessary; and Slova;k exiles as well as the Slova!k press in the free world basicrully accepted this reform. Since the eighteenth century, when Anthony Bernolak (176·2 ..J813), lea.med philologist and patriot, wrote a grammar of the Slo_ vak language rund a huge dictionary >in six language.s and gave a set of rules of o.rthography, eliminating the use of Latin in Slovak cuUural and literary life, the 'S:tova;k language has been a field of study foc highly educaited clergymen, Catholic and Protes:tant, and for enthusiastic nationalists. 1 The reform. of 1844, which is mistakenly presented by some Sla:vists as the date of birth of the Slovak literary lrunguage, was brought a:bout by the particiipation of Protestant ministers 8Jlld Cathoilfo priests, though the reform wa:s popuila,r ized hy L. Stfrr.16 Stfu himself acted as a nationaHst leader aiming at the uruon of ,the Slovak people, the greate:r nium1ber of whom ( over 80 % Ca:tholics) have written in Slovak siince the counter-:Refo'I"mation. Oatholrics used as a hasis one of the Western Slovak dialects, whereas the Protestants, who accepted the Lutheran fa.1th from Bohemia (Czech lands) together with an archaic Czooh translation of the Bible, used, apart from German, as their lit,w giical la:ngua,ge, richly adorned wtth Slovaik ex1pressions. Regarding the division as a great misfortune in the face of strong Magyarization, Stur fought for :the unity of a Hterary fanguage and a compromise between the Lutheran and the Catholic adherents of the BemolaJk ·s chool. This resulted in the acceptance of a centra:l dialect as a new Slovaik Hterary language,17 'but preserved much of the beauty of expres~ siOIIl aJD.d idiom of other Slava!k dialects. This ,r eform, and the rioh litemture which developed later, was merely an �48 SLOVAKIA instrll!ffient in the strugg}e for natiorn:ail survival. The SlovaJk intellectuals were co.nrvinced that the very existence of the nation depended upon the preservation of 1t.s language, rund that nationail identity wrus bound up with languaige. As a result, there was ll'Iltil re<:ently a kind of "sanctity of ,l anguage" among the Slovaks. Applying a reform by ,referri.ing lto the rules Jaitl down for Marxist philosophy by J. StaHn cannot but hurt the Slovaks in their most sensitive spot. Revaluation of Literary History 1 Very soon after the Communists took over the direction of c-ulturrul affair,s in Slovakia, af.ter the potential opposition either fled the country or was silenced, Slovak literary history was revaluated. The first revaluation was made a:s early as 1948 when the Slovak Academy of Sciences a.ind Arts, founded d'll!I'ing the S,lova:k Repulblic, edited the History of Slovak Lit.erature.18 The aiuthor, professor AII1d!rej• Mraz, was not a Communi st before the War, and duiring the War he published in Germa!Il another histocy of 'Slovak literature. His new wovk, however, mirrors in some respects the present siltuation in the oultural life of SlovaJkia. Aware that the Easite•r n orientaJtion of SlovaJkia's cultural life had been made a fait accompli by the so-called "Program of Kosice" which clearrly stated the SlaJVic, i.e., R'll!ssian orientation of Slovruk cu1tuire, profesSOT Mraz ada;pted his work to the new situation. He revised his judgment of writers a:nd poets who were jn prisons (T. J. Gaspar) or in exile. Proletariam and smrealist poets on the other hand became moire talented, thek novels and poetry of greaJte,r importJance aJnd artisitk value. On the whole his book was wriitten in the way of ;pre-War literary schools, his iphraseology shows little similavity with the iMa;rxi-stLeninist literary critics of the years following Novomes~ ky's imprisonment and lthe condemnation to the gallows of Clementis, the intellectual leader of the group. The revaluation of Slovalk literary hlstory by Prof. Mraz is more iilnteresting as far as tJhe general approaoh to SlovaJk literature is concerned. 'Dhe Program of Kosice, 1 �SLOVAKIA 49 wihich defined the ideological orientation for the future, puts an end to an <Yld controversy about Slo¥ak national, c'U!ltwral and l~terary indi'V'iduality. Thi1s dooomenJt stated that "the relation between Czechs and Slovaks should be that of separate nations jomed in common interest in a single State."19 The C{)lffiillunist intelleotuails also proudly manifested their desire to see Slovaiks. as an autonomous Soviet Republic rather than a province dominated by Prague. Professor Mraz adapted .the History of Slovak Literature to this "n:atiOIIlalist" atmosphere of the years 1'945-.48, and consequently he included "ex cathed1ra" i,n to the Slo'V'a.k C'Ultmral and H,terary heritage not only the writings of Sts.. Cyiril and ,Methodius and those of their disciples, which had boon consistently, though erroneously, claimed by the Czechs, burt also ,t he Latin works of all scholars and writers who were of ,Slovak origin. He :took an objectiive and favorable rview, considering the circumstances, of the Slovak iliteratme oreated by Catholics in the seventeenth ·a nd eighteenth centturies. The thesis that t!he Slo:vaxs and not the Czechs are the :true heirs of Great !Moravia, that .there existed a clear distinction, diwring the centuries, be,t ween Czechs and Slova'k,s and their languages, and that the 'S lovaks preser:ved a consciousness of their ethnic and cultural individuality a:nd ,t heir continu!ity with the first Sl,ovak kingdom of Great Moravia, were accepted as historical facts by Mraz. He supported his position by quotations and reforences to the works of SlovaJk writers of the se:venteenuh and eighteenth ce:n,turies. Mraz aLso accepted the porint of 'View that the archaic Czech language, which was brought into, Slova,kia by ,t he Czech P ,r otestants "who found shel:ter in Slovakia and even ;p rinted books in Czech for the rpurrpose of smuggling rthooi i:nto iBohemia,"20 was merely a bo~rowed language, and that the Slovalk Protesitants used it for litera,ture and litJwrgy in the same way as the Catholics used Latin. Though ,th:i-s thesis had previously been supported by m8JIIly serious experts iin Slovalk linguistics, literatrnre and histocy, the universlities in pre-,War Czechoslova1kia tried impose a lt!hoory of a common language with the to �SLOVAKIA 50 Czechs until the Stur reform of 1844. "The Slovaik culturra:l and literairy sphere was never blended or identified with the Czech; :it always had i<ts specific needs and :set of rules" says Mraz, ars ,p rofessor of Bratislava university.21 F.rom these premises, Mraz judged favorably the activities of the Jesuit University of Trnava (1635), the Oaitholic writers of the era of Enlightrnent as well. as the generation of 1848, who established modern 1Slovruk natiooalism irn letterisi and in politicail life. Mraz's History of Slovak Literature, probably written -d'UII'ing the Second World War and adapted to the politicail climate of the first post-War years when the Communists shared political power with the Democratic Party, oruly partly ex.pressed the chianged sit:Juaroion by its method and criiteria. The book ri:s basically within the framework of values, terminology aind ccmceipt s esta:blished ea,rlier in .Slovaikia. '.Dhe ""revolutionary revaluation" was undertaiken by the young group orf militamit mamberis of the Comm.UIIlist Party (A. Bakos, R. Rosenbaum, R. Mrlian, J. Hoirvat and others) who made a fam.atical reappraiisa'l of Slovak literature, and "purged" the libraries ·acooroing .to the Party ideology and Marxist-.Leninist theory of literature 22 When even Novomesky was "purged" as a "bourgeois rn.ationalist and deviationist," the new school of "socialist realllism" was established. Consequently, only those booik s and writers serving :the new ,s ocial order are regarded as representati.rve of true literary values. The rest aire irejected as reactionary, deviationist, rightist, and petty-bourgeois.23 As the literature was also integrated into the structure of the new Socialist or Communist order and destined to be suboTdirnated to the 1P arty and its ideology, the poet and novelist, Jiterary critic and scientist must oontribute by their talents amd works to the building of a Socialist society. The model: Soviet Russia. 1 1. Cf. S. ,P . Palickar, Slovaki-a n Culture, Cambridge, 1954; A. MTaz, Die Literatur der •S lov,a ken, Berlin, 1943. 2. P. P . Yurchak, The Slovaks, 1947, pp. 117-57. Also E. Denis, La Question d' Autriche, Les Slovaques, Paris, 1917, p. 164. 3. W. Semkowicz (eel.) Slowacja i Slowacy, Krakow, 1937, p. 262. 4. Feliks Gross (ed.) European Ideologies, New York, 1948, p. 838. �SLOVAKIA 51 5. L. I. Strakhovsky (ed.) Handbook of Slavic Studies, Cambridge, 1949, pp. 495-96. 6. Cf. J. J. Potocek, "Martin Kukucin, PJoneer of Slovak Realism," The Slavonic and East ·E uropean Review, XXII, 7944. 7. Ibidem, p. 2&3. ,8. A. Mraz, Dejiny ,slovenskej literatury, Bra-tislav·a , Academia Scientiarum et Artium, Slovaca, 1948, p. 263. 9. Hand!book of Slavic Studies, p. 505, Mraz, o,p. cit., pp. 17'5-180. 10. Andreas Mraz, Die Literatur der Slowaken, Berlin, Prague, Vjenna, 1943. 11. Cf. KramorH§, "Slovakia and Slova.c Literature," The Catholic Encyclopedia, XVIU, 19·50. 12. Cf. Sjezd Narodni Kultury, Praha, 1948, p. 239. 1'3. CJ'. ·Bi-b liograficky katalog, Slovenska kni'ha, Bratislava, 1'954, V. 1-17; also Slobodne Slovensko, X. 2. 14. H. Bartek, Novy slovensky pravopis, Chicago, 1954, p. 19. 1,5. Handbook of Slavic Studies, P'P- -51·57. 1'6. Cf. Yur,C'hak, op. dt. pp. 90-116; also S. P. Palickar, Slovakian Oulture, Oa.mbrid•g e, 1954, pp. 139-55. 17. Cf. Yurohak, op.. cit. 18. A. Mraz, Dejiny slovenskej literatury, Bratislava, Academia Scientiarum et Artium Slova-ca, 1498. 19. V. Diamond, Czechos\,ovakia Between East and West, London, 1947, p. 6. 20. •Cf. Handbook of SJ.avic Studies, pp. 17 5-80. 21. Ibid., p. 8. 22. Cf. Sjezd Narodni Kultury, pp. 134-41. 23. Cf. K. Rozenbaum, Sovremennaya slovanskaya Uteratura, Slavy•a ne, 19·515, I, 23-2:9, also J . Martak, Introduction to Su.borne dielo Jana Bottu, Bratislava, 1955 . • • • WHO SAID IT? "There is another thing to be said aJbouit the Admini& tration's foreiign policy. It is pUTely negative and defensive. rt attempts to contain communism; but does nothing to answer the question s.o often asllred: me: How would you finally ded:ea t COIIIlmUJl.,i sm? - Most of those satellite countries and peoples were deilitvered into the hands Olf the RULSSian Comml.lind.sit:s by the Y aJt!a Agreement. That American diploanati'c instrument, never submitted to the Senate, sysitematicrulliy violaited iby the RUISSi.ans, defended onliy by those officials of the D€4)8.rtmenit of Staite who rure aJccessories to the crime, must be formally discairded by Congressional resol.iu.tion as a b'a sis for American foreign poiicy." - (Senator Robert A. Taft, NEW YORK TiiMiES, June 2, 1952). � SLOVAKIA SLOVAK LITERATUR E UNDER THE SOVIET IMPACT Joseph Kirschbaum, Ph.D., LL.D., Professor at the University of Montreal Department of Slavic Studies A Reprint From "The Slavic and East-Eurooea n Studies." Published by: The Department of Slavic Studies, University of Montreal FOREWORD The Commumst occupation of SlwaJri,a carved deep wounds not only •i nto the sociall and political structure of Slovak life as poliitical occupations and changes used :to do in the past. The totailiitarian character of Communism has the specific quality th!a,t it .affects ail the important sectors of national life, be it !l'eligion or phi!losophy, arts or literature. Due to the peculiar citrCu:rnmnces under wbiich the Slovak people were deprived of national independence and became a defenseless prey of foreign domination, the cultural life of Slo'V18Jkfa suffered. ,p robably the stirongest impact among all Soviet satellites. The reasons are many. First of all the character of SlO'V'ak literature and writers. Slovak culture developed through lbhe ages U'Ilder Western influences. This is true namely m regard to the Slovak literature which originated in the classical dlimate of the Catholic University of Trnava, founded in 1635. (1) With exception of the Gdthlc period, we find •i n Slovak literature all the literary currents from humani.!S!m .t hrough (baroque to classicism, romantic-ism, realism, Catholic "modenie," and surrealism. In fact, the olassicaJl. reminiscences , the era of enlighrtenment and romanticism g,ave birth to SlovaJk poetry and prose. Some of the influences ,ruppeared [ater, or J:asted. longer, or el-se !their form wa:s not pure, but we find ianalogies for this phenomenon in all Slavic literatures. More than m poetic and literacy forms, the Western influences and Western orientrution of the Slovak literature is evident in the contents and in the mission that �SLOVAKIA 35 poetry and prose aimed to accomplish in the Jife of the Slovak people. Slovak poets and novelists beginning with Holly (2) in .t he eigJJ.teenth century, and the group of Eudovit Stur(3) in the nineteenth century to Hviezdoslav(4), Vajansky, Razus, Zarnov, Urban, Bronsky, Beniak, etc., saw tihe reaJI. function of Slovak literrutrure primarNy in equipping !the Sloviak people with the spiritual resources necessary for survival and the fight for freedom. They endeavored rto bring the Slovak ,p eople to an awa:reness of rtheir spiritual •a nd nationrul iindi'Viduality and fought for their politic-al M1d sociral rights. Like .the poetry of Mickiewicz, Krasinski and Slowac·ki, "summoned the Poles prom political enslavement to a spir.ituaJI. life and revealed them completely new pwspecltiives of mor,al responsibility resulting from the. ll'ation's politicaJl situatiO!Il," (5) in the same way tile Slov,aks Jearned through the works of theiir poets and novel-ists to regard the naitional cause as a question of honor and the supreme mo,r al criterion a.round which the. entire spiritual life of the nation was crystallized. Slovak poets and novelists who regarded thei!r mission, as described aibove, could not nourish any illusion about thei1r fate /Under Communist rule. They knew that literatUTe, •as a means of expression of the national soul and ait the same time ,t he most efficient instrument in the intellectual struggle foir ·r eshapiing nation's patterns of thinking, wou\ld be the first cultwal field undergoing substM1tial changes and losses . The Slovak intelligentsia also knew that the Czech politicians returning behind the Red Army in SloV'akia would take revenge o:n a:ll patriotic Slova1ks who claimed the right of seJf-determination for the Slovak people and applied or aidvoca.ted the ·s ame when the occasion ,had am-ived. Jan Thousands of Slovak intelllectuals, therefore, preferred the exile with all its uncertainties •a nd ,miseries to the Czecho-Communist rule. Among the intellectual emigres the write:ra who were the true irepresentatives of Slova!k literature .b etween the WaTS a:nd made ,a name for themselves by their works and outstanding talents have been �36 SLOVAKIA more numerous than it appears in the literary ,p roduction of the ilast ten years in exNe. There was, at the beginning, 111ot only the most popUJl,a;r nO'VelList of ,t he period 1918~1939, Milo Urban, w,hose "Ziivy Bic" (LlNing Whip) was translated into ,s everal European languages, but a:lso .AJildrej Zarnov, whose poetry became an efficacious instrument in the Slovak national struggle and summoned the young Slovalk intelligentsia to fight for justke and freedom. Both were 1ater kidnapped by the Czech Communists in Austria and on!ly Zarnov succeeded in a dramati·c filighit f.rom Slova!lda again and today fights for his ideas ,i n exHe. There are many others who preferred exile to Communist rule and far from Slovakia - in .Arr-gentma, the U. S. A., Canada, Australia, etc., jn deep sorrow and fiery resistance fight for rthe.ir people's freedom. Among them is Joseph C. Hroosky, the most prolific and undoubtedly one of the greatest 1Slovak noveLists, who celebrated just recently, or rather the Slovaks in the free world celebrated his 60th annirversary. The literary work of J. C. Hronsky is of such artistic vrulue and importance for the Slovak 1iterature thait even the literary historian of the Slovak University of today, professoir A. Mraz, was forced to ac'knowledge that many of iHronsky's works "belonged amOID.g the best works of the Slovak post-war literature by thei.T qualities of style and composition." In regard to Hronsky's noive1 '~Pisar Grae" (Clerk Grae), Mraz even writes a'boUJt "hravour of composiUon"; he sees in his first novels "complicated artistic instrumentality" and commends him for "exceptional and privileged interpreting of the common people, as weili as of refined and cultivated souls ,a nd hearts of women." During the war years, in his German book on Slova.!k literature, professor Mraz qualified J. C. Hironsky's novel "Jozef Mak," whlich was also translated into German, as "one of the 1b est works of the Slovruk post~war literature," and the author as the "most prolific Slovak :novelist." Altogether J. C. Hironsky published over 50 volumes of short novels, beasutiful tales for children, novels describing the life of SlorvaJk peasants and worker,s, and mas1 �SLOVAKIA 37 terpieces on the life of the Slovak SIIIl.aN-town intelligentsia (Clerk Grae, The .P rophecy orf Doctor Stan!kovsky) , with all social and ideological problems and struggles of Slovakia's post~war dramatic evolution. Usually regaTded as the heir and follower of Martin Kuikucin's realism in Sloivak literature,. !Hronslky attained new artistic heights and in many ,respects even ,sUTpassed Kulkuoin, who i1s considered even !by the Communist ireg,i.me as a "classic" of SlO!Vak literature. rHronsky's spi riitual world is broad and deep, his sphere of artistic interests is extensive and manifold, his style am.d composition masterly clerur and lingui'Sltica:lly perfect and beaubiful. At the begimning of his literary career, the Siovak peasant in his traditional way of 'life, poverty, patient heroism, and sturdy mental~ty was a favolI'ilte subject of nove!ls. HaNing made his mark with •s hort stories from Slovak village rlife, in which r ealism matched the best worlks of the founder of Slovak literary realism, Martin Kuikucin, Bronsky moved into rthe domain of liteTature for children and youth and, l,a ter, into the domain of social and psyohologicaJl problems of smaHtown people, proceeding firom short stories and tales to more and more complicated and artisticaJlly elaborated forms of novel. Hrrorusky emwged very soon as a towering personality from the group of post-war novelists and writers. His remarkable literary ,w ork constituted a lin'k between the talented Slovak n01Velists .of the previous generation and mode:m Slovak ,},i terature modeled on Western European literary currents. Not an epigon of •a nyone, Hronsky created: :from his own spiritual funds and had a strong appeal prim:arily to the heart of the young generation ,of writers among w'hom his new shade of realas-m had ma!lly followers. Hironsky',s •s ignificance in Slovak cultura:l life was, however, extraordinaJry not only in literatUII'e. Hiis -literary activity was doubled by his achievements in the highest Slovak cultUTal institution "Matica Slove:nska" (The Slovak Lnstiwte) , foll'Ilded in 1863 with the aim t 10 s,pread Slwak cultural valrues and defend Slovak traditions against 1 1 �38 SLOVAKIA Magyair tendencies of assimilation. There was rarely a Slovak writex who successifully combined a highly developed literary talent with such organizational ,ability as it has been in the case of J. C. Bronsky. Acord.mg to many seri'ous cultwrai worik€1I'S (cf. Cullen's ia.nd Hrusovsky's articles in the "S:lovensika Obrana" and the "Kainadsky Slovwk"), J. C. HronSlky has done more usefiU!l work in the few years of his administration of the "Slovak Institute" than any Oille of his predecessors during long periods. Thousands of new books wer edited every year by his merits, new cultwral sections organized, equipped and reorganized, a new farge printery built, and new activities initiaited. an institution of many The "Slovak In.stitute" merits in the fieild of co111Servation of Slorvak traditioI1JS, culture, popular art, tiheater, pwrity of language - ip1ayed an important Tole in Slovak cultura•l life at all times since its foundation in the nineteenth century. Election to leading funcUons in thls institution was considered one of the highest honors in SlovaJkia and it undoubtedly was. J . C. Hronsky was elected and reelected. For the Communist regime such merits have been, however, "crimes" against the "people's democracy and revolution," and J. C. Hrons'ky was arrested before the Red Army accomplished the occupation of Slovakia. After many unsuccessful aittempts, he finally escaped from a prison and fled from 'Slovakia through Austria into Italy, and later found refuge in Argentina, where he lives, deeply convinced that the Slovaks will never give up their fight for freedom and their Christian ,t raditions. We mention HirolilSlky's case in this connection as an example of the Slovak nationail. tragedy. There are many others, who in literature, science, arts, aind in ,t he pO'litical and economic life of Slava,kia, created works of value and have been silenced by the Communist regime, or preferred freedom in exile, as Hronsky did. In the following pages an attempt has been made to present, in a very restricted way, the main features of the Slovak literature under the Communist ,r ule. The author has scrupulously tried to paint �SLOVAKIA 39 the picture objectirvely, and the publishing committee of the review "The Slavic and East-European .Studies" saw to it that the study might remain within the limits of a scientific work. There is on:ly one abjectirve this study ,a ims at: to se:rve the cause of truth and freedom which in Slova1kia as well as in other satelilite countiries have been temporarily stifled. J. K. 1. Cf. Branislav Vars!k: Le Probleme des nationalites a r Universlte de Trnav,a, Bratislava, 193.8. 2. Jan Holly (178·5-1849) most gifted poet and disciple of A. Bernolak, glorified in three po ems Slovakia's greatness of one tllousand years ago, "Svatopluk" (18n), "Cyrilo-Methodiada" (1835), and •·,Slav" (1839). He also translated the main works of Greek and Roman classics into the Slovak l,a nguage and prepared th e Slovak renatssanee. 3. Cf. Hans Kohn: "Pan-Slavlsm, Its History and Ideology," University of Notre Dame Press, 19.53; and Ernest Denis: "Les Slovaques,' Paris, Delgrave, 1917. 4. P. 0. Hviezdoslav (1849-1921) by his own name Pavol Or· szagh, is considered the most talented Slovak poet. His poetry was publls'hed In fifteen large volumes, one of them, "Bloody Sonnets," was translated also Into English. His main works are "Herodes and Herodlas" (drama), the epics "Hajnlkova zena, Ezo a Gabor Vlkolinsky, Agar, Rachel, Kron," etc. He also published four volumes of translation,s from World literatures, Goethe's Faust, Shakes.p,eare's Hamlet and Mid-Summer Night's Dream, the main works of Shiller, Lermont-0v, Slowackl and Madach's "The Tragedy of Man." ,5. C.f. Harvard Slavic Studies, Vol. 2, 19·54, p. 323-4. SLOVAK LITERATURE UNDER THE SOVIET IMPACT Within a decade of the forced inclusion of Slovakia within the Soviet orbit, Slovaik literature weint through most peculiar transformations. If Slovak novelists and poets, generally more conservative and traditional than Polish, Czech or Slovene writers, did not leave the country m- choose silence, they were abruptly compelled to ada;pt their literary c-reeds, forms and subjects .to a new line of "socialist reailis,m" and to run exclusively Eastern orientation. The main characteristics of Slovak literatll!l"e were patriotism, pan-slavism, universalism and a deep religiO'UIS �40 SLOVAKIA spirit. The generation after John Holly, namely John Kolla.T and the group of L. Stur, turned their eyes, as fawiders of nineteenth century painslla:vism, to Russia 'but their literrury works, education and iphllosophy were fundrurnentahly Western. They were educated at German Unive:r,sities and, while KoHar's "Daughter of Slava" was modelled on Dante and Petrarca, L. Stur and his group were under the influence of German romanticism, having foir masters Herder and Hegel (in their phi1osoiphy) .1 It was in poetry only that Mickiewicz, Slowacki, Krasinski am.d Pu<s'hkin. were the:iir ideails. Kol[ar's idea of "S[avic reciprocity" refrruined from any attemipt to mottld the politkal ideology or the religious charaicter of any Slav group. He aimed merely at cuiltural and literary reciprocity, •a nd his philo,s ophy was humanistic." He only is wOlI'thy of liberty who resrpects the :liiberty of 8!11; he who forges the chains of others, is himself a slave; when thou callest for a Slav, there must respond a man," are his famous axioms.2 According to W. Bobek, one of the best foreign scholars on Slovak literature, Slovakia c-a n be reasonably considered as the classical country of the Slavic idea, with several conceptions of panslaV'ism based on the equa[ity of Slaivic peoples. Howevell", an identification of the idea of a Slavic cooperaition with russophilism was raire; it appeared as a result of national depression and despair.3 Such was the case of L. Stur, for whom "P.anslavism in the political sense was a chimera," but who later, according to W. Lednicki, forunulated about 1850 ":the most complete and consistently developed program for the subjugation of Slavs to Russia in his bo01k "SlaV'dom and the World of the Future"4. Stur wrote 'his '.book in a period of "Nationail depression ,arrd despailr," as mentioned by Boibek. (The book was written in German and never appeared in Slova!k). During the last decades of the nirneteenth century arnd the years before and during the first World War, Sfovak literary •amd cultural life was dominated to some extent by Slovak Russophiles like Vajansky and Skn.lltety. However, this was merely an interlude; for after the war, 1 �SLOVAKIA 41 the inf1uence ·o f French, English and even Scandinavian writem which was mani!fest among the younger poe'bs and novelists (I. Kraslro, V. Roy, P. 0 . Hv:iezdoslav, M. Razus), gained ground firmly and without resistance. The RussophiJ.e orientation ,i n Slova:k literature was chiefly dru:e to the political situation following the Austro-Hungarian. compromise •Of H~67, when the Slovaks were left at the mercy of Hungarian effonts of assii:rnilation. As the Slovak poets and novelists saw that the only hope for a Slovak national surrvival was in Russia's power, they gave fU!ll expression to this belief 1n their Hterary woriks. iBut they did not mean to exohange one oppression for a.mother. The Bo1sltevik Revolution and the results of the Firat WorJ,d War changed the picture. The Revo1urbion destroyed the panslavistic and Russophile dreams of Slovruk poets. While f,u!lifilling their hope for emancipation foom HUID:giarian ru'le by oreating the Czecho-Slova'k Republic with the Czechs, jt -left the Slovakis free to choose their cU!ltural orientation. They e1ther turned again to the West or they used their own spiritual and moral tradiitions for creative inspi:ration. The general trend of Slovak liteiratJure in poetry as well as in prose was to broaden its range of interests and to become responsive to European literary curents 5 The main representatives of Slovak literatlrre between the two Wars were uninterested in Soviet Russia, except for a smal[ groUJp of proJetarian o:r left-wing poets and writers under Czech influence. Oruy three or four of them acquiired literary recognition. and even fa.me. The older generation of Slovak poets, headed by P. 0. Hiviezdoslav, V. Roy, Ivan Krasko and Martin Razus, continued to create in the traditional forms or, Ji.ke Hviezdoslav, to use the European literrury forms and currents coriresponding to his great ta:lent and creativeness. In prose, the masters were the realists Kukucin,6 Hronsky, 'l'ajov!Sky, T. Vansova, Timrava and L. 'Podjavorinska. The younger generation looked for new fo:rms: to for·eign literatures. The really successful literary woriks of more tham. ephemera[ value were those which dTew their motives. from Slovak H!fe, their inspiration from rSlorva!k �42 SLOVAKIA national traditions and their art from their own spiritual reserves (Milo Ur.ban, J. C. Hironsky, A. Za.rn.ov, V. Benia:k, J. Smrek, E. IBolesilav Lu!kac, S. 1K rcmery, T. J. Gaspar, J. Hrufovsky). Consciously or unconsciously, they belonged ,t o the West and also to theiir country's social and ideological evolution. Their orientation was contilnenta,l in form, in philosophy and in motivation. A:U the European ourents ·a nd literary scho<Yls, from symbolism and impresiSlionism to Catholiic modernism (especia1ly F!rench) and su:rirealism, characteri'zed Slovak Hterature between the wars. According to Bobek, it equalled Czech literature,7 and acOTdilng to A. ,M raz, it "fought for a place in the context of wor1d 'literatures. " 8 The second World War did not change substantially the orientation of Slov·a k ,lrl,teratme. Being an island where, un,ti} the ·f all of 194.'4, the German ,i mpact was neitheir violent nor apparent, Slovakia experienced a strongly literary and cultll!I'al development. The trend remained Western, nationaliist, conservative and traditional. With the "liberation" of the co'll!ntry, the shock of the Soviet limparet was violent, spreading deep and wide throughout the literairy and cultural life orf 'Slovakia. A short analysis brings to light the foUowing features orf contemporary Slovak literature. Socialist Realism and the Soviet Model A smail:l group of p:wletarian poets, surrealists and left-wing critics or nove'lists, headed by L. Novomesky, who along with J. Rob Ponican, was the only prominent poet in the group before 1945, not only took over liiterary and cultural life while Slova;kia was stiU occupied by the RUSSliam Anny, but :they al:so decided who would be allowed to continue as writer, poet, journalist or scientist and what kind of literature they would be allowed to pubilish. If the writers wished to continue their wol1k, they had to become membern of a Society of writers, organized on the Soviet model. Their main duties were to extirpate the "corrupting" mfluence of Western "bourgeois; and fascist" writers and to follow the line of "g.reat socialiist Soviet �SLOVAKIA 43 literature," inspired 'by the ideaJs brought to reality by Stalinissm. The Slogan was "progress" and the name of the new current was "socialist :realism," though many of the main actors in this "revolutionary reshaping" of the Slovak literature were dmitators of pre-wa,r French sur:realism (R. Fabry, V. R!eisel, M. Mittelman). Soviet litera.tUTe "with its surpassdng wealth of ideas, its burning socialist patriotism, its new humanism," was destined ,t o be the mghest ideal for Slorvak literature. This reshaping of SlOIVak oultural life was purt into praotice not only without regard for traditiOIIl, but al:so wirthout the ,t rue 1representatives of Slwa!k literature hetween the wars, known by .theiT works and thei!r outstanding talent. Neither the ·best novelist of the period 19181939, Milo Urban (!b. 1904) whose Living Whlp9 was translated into serverad EUTopean languages, nor the prominen,t poet Valentin Benia,k (b. 1894), nor Andrej 2arnov (b. 1903) whose poetry by its fiery language and reso'l.l'nding verse became an effective instrument in the Slova:k national struggle and who summoned the young Sloivak intelligentsia to a struggle for justice and freedom, took part in the new trend. They pref.erred to be silent. Zarn:ov, who was under constant threat of arrest and deportation and many times imprisoned, later left his .coun:try to fight for his ideas in exHe. 'l'ido J. Gaspar (ib. 1893) author of splendid short novels and exotic ,t ales, was also ,sidenced in prison. Many others whose names were held up as worthy representati'ves of Slovak lita-aiture before 1945 fled to Argentina, the U. S. A., Canada, Australia and O'bher plaices, with deep sorrow and in a spirit of fiery resistance, preferring exile to Communist rule . Among them is the prolific nO<Velist J. C. Hronsky (b .. 1896) whose works desm-ibed ,in mastedy fas:hion the social tUTmoil and political struggles of the Sdov~ks,10 and talented literary critics and aesthetes as :professor :El 2-atiko-Bor, Stanislav Meciar and Jan Mestancik, tile poets iR. Dillong - prolific and emotional, with hiS' •r apturouis lyricism, - M. Sprinc, K. Strmen, Jan Oka,l, J. Doransiky, J. BesenOVSJky, Marusa JUSikova, J. Zvonar-Tien, Hrtus..Jurina, historians (Hru- �44 SLOVAKIA swsky, Culen, Durcansky), linguists (prof. Bartek), publicists (Dr. P. Pauco, -Dr. S. Pol~kovic, Dr. J. Mi'kus, Dr. J. Cieker, Dr. A. Grebert, Dr. J. GleimMl, prof. Zubek, Nahallka), a dozen university professors and over a hundred highly educated young priests who had prepared for their careers as ,professors 3/nd educators at the universities of Rome, Paris Louvain, Innsbruck, Brussels and elsewhere. To understand the rvast chamge brought aibout by this "reshaping" of Slovak literature, we must remember that the proleta:riam poets, like the surrrealist s, weTe only a sma11 ,g roup alien to the Slovak literary traditi-on and spiritual atmosphere.11 For the most part, they grew up under the :influence of Czech Marxist or Communist intellectuials and writers: (J. Wolker, V. Nezval, J. Fuc:iik, Sekanina). Their movement with its journal Dav, originated in ,P rague. Novomesky, Ponifan, Oka.Ii, Clementis and others broug,ht their revolutionary ideas and [eft-wing orientation .iinto the Slovak puritan literary ·atmosphere as university students in t,h e Czech capital. Ponican declared this proudly during the "Congress of Nationa,l Culture" held in Prague in 1948. At the same time he condemned "Czech oultural imperialism" and the tendency to assimilate which, according to him, was the consistent aim of Prague's bourgeois regimes between the Wa-rs. 12 During the twenties, the group even tried to transplant into Slovakia Communist literacy aesthetics. They made appeals to break from tiraditonal themes and forms, fatvored collectivism rather than individl.l!a:lism, materialism instead of idealism, and often hurt religious feelings by their youth:£ul revolt a,g ainst God ,and' Christian traditions. hl the thirties the ,g roup had direct contact with Moscow (No;vomesky attended the Congress of W!riters in Moscow and Ilja Ehrenburg appeared in Brntisla,va), but .it was still Prague whose Czech Marxist poets and intellectuals (journal Tvorba) ideologkally nourished Slova..11{ proletaxian literature amd prescribed its aesthetics. After 1945 the groUJp, strengthened by sur.realists and young irntellectuals reared during World Warr: II, con1 1 �SLOVAKIA 4-5 tinued their re'V'olt against individualism., .sU'bjectirvism, art fo'I' axit'·s sake, petty-,bO'llrgeois realism and clericalism. Their concept of "socialist realism," based on the philosophy of dia1ectical materialism, the Marx-iLenini.st theory of ,l iterature, a new aipproaioh to "reality" and active prurHcipation in building ·a new Sodalist s·o ciety, was ,t his time imposed by the political power of ,the Comunist party. Im reviews and in the daily press,, the literary critics asked for conformity with Russian literatuTe, condemned all "apolitical" approaches and' proudly declared that the struggJe for socialism. was a struggle for a new and true art. As the Communist Party had unlimited control over ali newspapers, reviews and pubHshing firms and the exdu.sive right to permit or prohibit publircation, traditional Slovak literatme abruptly disappeared. Literary pr,oduction i,s orgainiized by ,t he !Party and its organs, ,literature was planned to obtain rapid spiritual reorientation, i.e., .sovietizatio:n and conformity with 'Russia and mental russification. Under such circumstances, Slovak literature was not only impoverished but ailso became an imitation of Soviet literature rather than an expression of the Slovak soul. Filled with ,s logans aind praise of CmnmUJIHsm and its leadem, exaggerating .social differences and struggling aga:in:st religion and old traditions, "socialist realism" has little in common with artistic values or true .realism. Mental and Spiritual Russification ·To:i addition, there was a steadri1y increasing flood of trrunslations of Soviet books, to sovietize the literary life of Slovaikia not only in form but ailso in spirit. An aina,l ysis of books ipUlblis:hed under the present regim.e13 shows that at the end of 1953 and in the fin.st month of 1954, fonty-one translations of poetry -and ipr-0.se were published in Sloivakia. Twenty-two of tho,s e translations were from Riussian literature, nineteen from aH others. Modoon Soviet writers were represented by sixteen works, the Russian classi,cs by five. Of nineteen translations from �46 SLOVAKIA non~ussian literatures. thirteen works were written by Communists, the o1fuem, apart from a translation of Ovid, are works of Mark Twain, Maupassant, Bendel and others, depicting the morail decadence of Western society. 'Dhe picture is similair in rt.he prodiuotion of ,b ooks for children and youth. Of forty-three books pu:blished in the same period (end of 1953 and beginning of 1954) twentyone works were written by Slov-aJk writers, eighteen by Russians and the iI'est ·b y Czech, Hungartan rund Rumanirun aut!hors. No Western writers were Tepresented. Six Slovak originail works and fourteen translations from RJllssirun were puirely propaganda. 'Sovietization and mental .r us,sification do not appear only in the number of translations from Russian alild Soviet satellite languages. By the exclusion of Western. iiteratures, a SOI1t ()If "cultural iron curtain" is buidt in Slovakia, because SlovaJk writers are absolutely dependent on Soviet ~oiurces, considered by the .r egime as "the most progressive in the world." Under the heading "rMarx-Leniinism' one finds sixtynine publications, twenty-five Slovak originals, thirty-eight translations from IRuSIS'ian, two f.rom German (the works of Marx and IDngels), one from Hungarian rund one from Bu[garian. Though some SlovaJk iintellectuals have m0& tered the Western languages, there is no translatio:n from French, IDnglish or any 0 1ther Western tongue. If we consider that book,s translated from RJussian. a.ire pulblished in :tens of ,t housands and that they are sold at reduced prices, the picture is clea:r: mental ,russification and rovietization is promoted by every avaihvble method. Reforms of the Slovak Language Following the "theory given to Ma'I'Xist philology by J. Stalin in ,his work, Marxism and 'P hilological Questions and the Economic Problems of Socialism in the USSR" the new Slovak "working intelligentsia" not only changed the spirit, structure and forms of literature but also reformed the Jangua:ge.14 Some of the changes effected by the Commun1sts, were proposed by Prof. H. Bartek before �SLOVAKIA 47 and during World War II to simplify SloV'ak or-thog.raiphy. An expert on linguistics, Prof. Bartek advocated his reforms on the grownds of scientific research -and the evolution of .the Slovak language, Which is, .according to A . Senn, "more ar-chaic than Czech and Poli$," that is one of the most archaic Slavic languages.15 ColllSequently, not all the ohrunges ,o an ,b e regarded as ,ha:rmf\11 or unnecessary; and Slova;k exiles as well as the Slova!k press in the free world basicrully accepted this reform. Since the eighteenth century, when Anthony Bernolak (176·2 ..J813), lea.med philologist and patriot, wrote a grammar of the Slo_ vak language rund a huge dictionary >in six language.s and gave a set of rules of o.rthography, eliminating the use of Latin in Slovak cuUural and literary life, the 'S:tova;k language has been a field of study foc highly educaited clergymen, Catholic and Protes:tant, and for enthusiastic nationalists. 1 The reform. of 1844, which is mistakenly presented by some Sla:vists as the date of birth of the Slovak literary lrunguage, was brought a:bout by the particiipation of Protestant ministers 8Jlld Cathoilfo priests, though the reform wa:s popuila,r ized hy L. Stfrr.16 Stfu himself acted as a nationaHst leader aiming at the uruon of ,the Slovak people, the greate:r nium1ber of whom ( over 80 % Ca:tholics) have written in Slovak siince the counter-:Refo'I"mation. Oatholrics used as a hasis one of the Western Slovak dialects, whereas the Protestants, who accepted the Lutheran fa.1th from Bohemia (Czech lands) together with an archaic Czooh translation of the Bible, used, apart from German, as their lit,w giical la:ngua,ge, richly adorned wtth Slovaik ex1pressions. Regarding the division as a great misfortune in the face of strong Magyarization, Stur fought for :the unity of a Hterary fanguage and a compromise between the Lutheran and the Catholic adherents of the BemolaJk ·s chool. This resulted in the acceptance of a centra:l dialect as a new Slovaik Hterary language,17 'but preserved much of the beauty of expres~ siOIIl aJD.d idiom of other Slava!k dialects. This ,r eform, and the rioh litemture which developed later, was merely an �48 SLOVAKIA instrll!ffient in the strugg}e for natiorn:ail survival. The SlovaJk intellectuals were co.nrvinced that the very existence of the nation depended upon the preservation of 1t.s language, rund that nationail identity wrus bound up with languaige. As a result, there was ll'Iltil re<:ently a kind of "sanctity of ,l anguage" among the Slovaks. Applying a reform by ,referri.ing lto the rules Jaitl down for Marxist philosophy by J. StaHn cannot but hurt the Slovaks in their most sensitive spot. Revaluation of Literary History 1 Very soon after the Communists took over the direction of c-ulturrul affair,s in Slovakia, af.ter the potential opposition either fled the country or was silenced, Slovak literary history was revaluated. The first revaluation was made a:s early as 1948 when the Slovak Academy of Sciences a.ind Arts, founded d'll!I'ing the S,lova:k Repulblic, edited the History of Slovak Lit.erature.18 The aiuthor, professor AII1d!rej• Mraz, was not a Communi st before the War, and duiring the War he published in Germa!Il another histocy of 'Slovak literature. His new wovk, however, mirrors in some respects the present siltuation in the oultural life of SlovaJkia. Aware that the Easite•r n orientaJtion of SlovaJkia's cultural life had been made a fait accompli by the so-called "Program of Kosice" which clearrly stated the SlaJVic, i.e., R'll!ssian orientation of Slovruk cu1tuire, profesSOT Mraz ada;pted his work to the new situation. He revised his judgment of writers a:nd poets who were jn prisons (T. J. Gaspar) or in exile. Proletariam and smrealist poets on the other hand became moire talented, thek novels and poetry of greaJte,r importJance aJnd artisitk value. On the whole his book was wriitten in the way of ;pre-War literary schools, his iphraseology shows little similavity with the iMa;rxi-stLeninist literary critics of the years following Novomes~ ky's imprisonment and lthe condemnation to the gallows of Clementis, the intellectual leader of the group. The revaluation of Slovalk literary hlstory by Prof. Mraz is more iilnteresting as far as tJhe general approaoh to SlovaJk literature is concerned. 'Dhe Program of Kosice, 1 �SLOVAKIA 49 wihich defined the ideological orientation for the future, puts an end to an <Yld controversy about Slo¥ak national, c'U!ltwral and l~terary indi'V'iduality. Thi1s dooomenJt stated that "the relation between Czechs and Slovaks should be that of separate nations jomed in common interest in a single State."19 The C{)lffiillunist intelleotuails also proudly manifested their desire to see Slovaiks. as an autonomous Soviet Republic rather than a province dominated by Prague. Professor Mraz adapted .the History of Slovak Literature to this "n:atiOIIlalist" atmosphere of the years 1'945-.48, and consequently he included "ex cathed1ra" i,n to the Slo'V'a.k C'Ultmral and H,terary heritage not only the writings of Sts.. Cyiril and ,Methodius and those of their disciples, which had boon consistently, though erroneously, claimed by the Czechs, burt also ,t he Latin works of all scholars and writers who were of ,Slovak origin. He :took an objectiive and favorable rview, considering the circumstances, of the Slovak iliteratme oreated by Catholics in the seventeenth ·a nd eighteenth centturies. The thesis that t!he Slo:vaxs and not the Czechs are the :true heirs of Great !Moravia, that .there existed a clear distinction, diwring the centuries, be,t ween Czechs and Slova'k,s and their languages, and that the 'S lovaks preser:ved a consciousness of their ethnic and cultural individuality a:nd ,t heir continu!ity with the first Sl,ovak kingdom of Great Moravia, were accepted as historical facts by Mraz. He supported his position by quotations and reforences to the works of SlovaJk writers of the se:venteenuh and eighteenth ce:n,turies. Mraz aLso accepted the porint of 'View that the archaic Czech language, which was brought into, Slova,kia by ,t he Czech P ,r otestants "who found shel:ter in Slovakia and even ;p rinted books in Czech for the rpurrpose of smuggling rthooi i:nto iBohemia,"20 was merely a bo~rowed language, and that the Slovalk Protesitants used it for litera,ture and litJwrgy in the same way as the Catholics used Latin. Though ,th:i-s thesis had previously been supported by m8JIIly serious experts iin Slovalk linguistics, literatrnre and histocy, the universlities in pre-,War Czechoslova1kia tried impose a lt!hoory of a common language with the to �SLOVAKIA 50 Czechs until the Stur reform of 1844. "The Slovaik culturra:l and literairy sphere was never blended or identified with the Czech; :it always had i<ts specific needs and :set of rules" says Mraz, ars ,p rofessor of Bratislava university.21 F.rom these premises, Mraz judged favorably the activities of the Jesuit University of Trnava (1635), the Oaitholic writers of the era of Enlightrnent as well. as the generation of 1848, who established modern 1Slovruk natiooalism irn letterisi and in politicail life. Mraz's History of Slovak Literature, probably written -d'UII'ing the Second World War and adapted to the politicail climate of the first post-War years when the Communists shared political power with the Democratic Party, oruly partly ex.pressed the chianged sit:Juaroion by its method and criiteria. The book ri:s basically within the framework of values, terminology aind ccmceipt s esta:blished ea,rlier in .Slovaikia. '.Dhe ""revolutionary revaluation" was undertaiken by the young group orf militamit mamberis of the Comm.UIIlist Party (A. Bakos, R. Rosenbaum, R. Mrlian, J. Hoirvat and others) who made a fam.atical reappraiisa'l of Slovak literature, and "purged" the libraries ·acooroing .to the Party ideology and Marxist-.Leninist theory of literature 22 When even Novomesky was "purged" as a "bourgeois rn.ationalist and deviationist," the new school of "socialist realllism" was established. Consequently, only those booik s and writers serving :the new ,s ocial order are regarded as representati.rve of true literary values. The rest aire irejected as reactionary, deviationist, rightist, and petty-bourgeois.23 As the literature was also integrated into the structure of the new Socialist or Communist order and destined to be suboTdirnated to the 1P arty and its ideology, the poet and novelist, Jiterary critic and scientist must oontribute by their talents amd works to the building of a Socialist society. The model: Soviet Russia. 1 1. Cf. S. ,P . Palickar, Slovaki-a n Culture, Cambridge, 1954; A. MTaz, Die Literatur der •S lov,a ken, Berlin, 1943. 2. P. P . Yurchak, The Slovaks, 1947, pp. 117-57. Also E. Denis, La Question d' Autriche, Les Slovaques, Paris, 1917, p. 164. 3. W. Semkowicz (eel.) Slowacja i Slowacy, Krakow, 1937, p. 262. 4. Feliks Gross (ed.) European Ideologies, New York, 1948, p. 838. �SLOVAKIA 51 5. L. I. Strakhovsky (ed.) Handbook of Slavic Studies, Cambridge, 1949, pp. 495-96. 6. Cf. J. J. Potocek, "Martin Kukucin, PJoneer of Slovak Realism," The Slavonic and East ·E uropean Review, XXII, 7944. 7. Ibidem, p. 2&3. ,8. A. Mraz, Dejiny ,slovenskej literatury, Bra-tislav·a , Academia Scientiarum et Artium, Slovaca, 1948, p. 263. 9. Hand!book of Slavic Studies, p. 505, Mraz, o,p. cit., pp. 17'5-180. 10. Andreas Mraz, Die Literatur der Slowaken, Berlin, Prague, Vjenna, 1943. 11. Cf. KramorH§, "Slovakia and Slova.c Literature," The Catholic Encyclopedia, XVIU, 19·50. 12. Cf. Sjezd Narodni Kultury, Praha, 1948, p. 239. 1'3. CJ'. ·Bi-b liograficky katalog, Slovenska kni'ha, Bratislava, 1'954, V. 1-17; also Slobodne Slovensko, X. 2. 14. H. Bartek, Novy slovensky pravopis, Chicago, 1954, p. 19. 1,5. Handbook of Slavic Studies, P'P- -51·57. 1'6. Cf. Yur,C'hak, op. dt. pp. 90-116; also S. P. Palickar, Slovakian Oulture, Oa.mbrid•g e, 1954, pp. 139-55. 17. Cf. Yurohak, op.. cit. 18. A. Mraz, Dejiny slovenskej literatury, Bratislava, Academia Scientiarum et Artium Slova-ca, 1498. 19. V. Diamond, Czechos\,ovakia Between East and West, London, 1947, p. 6. 20. •Cf. Handbook of SJ.avic Studies, pp. 17 5-80. 21. Ibid., p. 8. 22. Cf. Sjezd Narodni Kultury, pp. 134-41. 23. Cf. K. Rozenbaum, Sovremennaya slovanskaya Uteratura, Slavy•a ne, 19·515, I, 23-2:9, also J . Martak, Introduction to Su.borne dielo Jana Bottu, Bratislava, 1955 . • • • WHO SAID IT? "There is another thing to be said aJbouit the Admini& tration's foreiign policy. It is pUTely negative and defensive. rt attempts to contain communism; but does nothing to answer the question s.o often asllred: me: How would you finally ded:ea t COIIIlmUJl.,i sm? - Most of those satellite countries and peoples were deilitvered into the hands Olf the RULSSian Comml.lind.sit:s by the Y aJt!a Agreement. That American diploanati'c instrument, never submitted to the Senate, sysitematicrulliy violaited iby the RUISSi.ans, defended onliy by those officials of the D€4)8.rtmenit of Staite who rure aJccessories to the crime, must be formally discairded by Congressional resol.iu.tion as a b'a sis for American foreign poiicy." - (Senator Robert A. Taft, NEW YORK TiiMiES, June 2, 1952). � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1956, Vol. 6 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 18), March 1956.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 19), June 1956.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 20-21), September-December 1956.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1956 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA SLOVAK LITERATUR E UNDER THE SOVIET IMPACT Joseph Kirschbaum, Ph.D., LL.D., Professor at the University of Montreal Department of Slavic Studies A Reprint From "The Slavic and East-Eurooea n Studies." Published by: The Department of Slavic Studies, University of Montreal FOREWORD The Commumst occupation of SlwaJri,a carved deep wounds not only •i nto the sociall and political structure of Slovak life as poliitical occupations and changes used :to do in the past. The totailiitarian character of Communism has the specific quality th!a,t it .affects ail the important sectors of national life, be it !l'eligion or phi!losophy, arts or literature. Due to the peculiar citrCu:rnmnces under wbiich the Slovak people were deprived of national independence and became a defenseless prey of foreign domination, the cultural life of Slo'V18Jkfa suffered. ,p robably the stirongest impact among all Soviet satellites. The reasons are many. First of all the character of SlO'V'ak literature and writers. Slovak culture developed through lbhe ages U'Ilder Western influences. This is true namely m regard to the Slovak literature which originated in the classical dlimate of the Catholic University of Trnava, founded in 1635. (1) With exception of the Gdthlc period, we find •i n Slovak literature all the literary currents from humani.!S!m .t hrough (baroque to classicism, romantic-ism, realism, Catholic "modenie," and surrealism. In fact, the olassicaJl. reminiscences , the era of enlighrtenment and romanticism g,ave birth to SlovaJk poetry and prose. Some of the influences ,ruppeared [ater, or J:asted. longer, or el-se !their form wa:s not pure, but we find ianalogies for this phenomenon in all Slavic literatures. More than m poetic and literacy forms, the Western influences and Western orientrution of the Slovak literature is evident in the contents and in the mission that SLOVAKIA 35 poetry and prose aimed to accomplish in the Jife of the Slovak people. Slovak poets and novelists beginning with Holly (2) in .t he eigJJ.teenth century, and the group of Eudovit Stur(3) in the nineteenth century to Hviezdoslav(4), Vajansky, Razus, Zarnov, Urban, Bronsky, Beniak, etc., saw tihe reaJI. function of Slovak literrutrure primarNy in equipping !the Sloviak people with the spiritual resources necessary for survival and the fight for freedom. They endeavored rto bring the Slovak ,p eople to an awa:reness of rtheir spiritual •a nd nationrul iindi'Viduality and fought for their politic-al M1d sociral rights. Like .the poetry of Mickiewicz, Krasinski and Slowac·ki, "summoned the Poles prom political enslavement to a spir.ituaJI. life and revealed them completely new pwspecltiives of mor,al responsibility resulting from the. ll'ation's politicaJl situatiO!Il," (5) in the same way tile Slov,aks Jearned through the works of theiir poets and novel-ists to regard the naitional cause as a question of honor and the supreme mo,r al criterion a.round which the. entire spiritual life of the nation was crystallized. Slovak poets and novelists who regarded thei!r mission, as described aibove, could not nourish any illusion about thei1r fate /Under Communist rule. They knew that literatUTe, •as a means of expression of the national soul and ait the same time ,t he most efficient instrument in the intellectual struggle foir ·r eshapiing nation's patterns of thinking, wou\ld be the first cultwal field undergoing substM1tial changes and losses . The Slovak intelligentsia also knew that the Czech politicians returning behind the Red Army in SloV'akia would take revenge o:n a:ll patriotic Slova1ks who claimed the right of seJf-determination for the Slovak people and applied or aidvoca.ted the ·s ame when the occasion ,had am-ived. Jan Thousands of Slovak intelllectuals, therefore, preferred the exile with all its uncertainties •a nd ,miseries to the Czecho-Communist rule. Among the intellectual emigres the write:ra who were the true irepresentatives of Slova!k literature .b etween the WaTS a:nd made ,a name for themselves by their works and outstanding talents have been 36 SLOVAKIA more numerous than it appears in the literary ,p roduction of the ilast ten years in exNe. There was, at the beginning, 111ot only the most popUJl,a;r nO'VelList of ,t he period 1918~1939, Milo Urban, w,hose "Ziivy Bic" (LlNing Whip) was translated into ,s everal European languages, but a:lso .AJildrej Zarnov, whose poetry became an efficacious instrument in the Slovak national struggle and summoned the young Slovalk intelligentsia to fight for justke and freedom. Both were 1ater kidnapped by the Czech Communists in Austria and on!ly Zarnov succeeded in a dramati·c filighit f.rom Slova!lda again and today fights for his ideas ,i n exHe. There are many others who preferred exile to Communist rule and far from Slovakia - in .Arr-gentma, the U. S. A., Canada, Australia, etc., jn deep sorrow and fiery resistance fight for rthe.ir people's freedom. Among them is Joseph C. Hroosky, the most prolific and undoubtedly one of the greatest 1Slovak noveLists, who celebrated just recently, or rather the Slovaks in the free world celebrated his 60th annirversary. The literary work of J. C. Hronsky is of such artistic vrulue and importance for the Slovak 1iterature thait even the literary historian of the Slovak University of today, professoir A. Mraz, was forced to ac'knowledge that many of iHronsky's works "belonged amOID.g the best works of the Slovak post-war literature by thei.T qualities of style and composition." In regard to Hronsky's noive1 '~Pisar Grae" (Clerk Grae), Mraz even writes a'boUJt "hravour of composiUon"; he sees in his first novels "complicated artistic instrumentality" and commends him for "exceptional and privileged interpreting of the common people, as weili as of refined and cultivated souls ,a nd hearts of women." During the war years, in his German book on Slova.!k literature, professor Mraz qualified J. C. Hironsky's novel "Jozef Mak," whlich was also translated into German, as "one of the 1b est works of the Slovruk post~war literature," and the author as the "most prolific Slovak :novelist." Altogether J. C. Hironsky published over 50 volumes of short novels, beasutiful tales for children, novels describing the life of SlorvaJk peasants and worker,s, and mas1 SLOVAKIA 37 terpieces on the life of the Slovak SIIIl.aN-town intelligentsia (Clerk Grae, The .P rophecy orf Doctor Stan!kovsky) , with all social and ideological problems and struggles of Slovakia's post~war dramatic evolution. Usually regaTded as the heir and follower of Martin Kuikucin's realism in Sloivak literature,. !Hronslky attained new artistic heights and in many ,respects even ,sUTpassed Kulkuoin, who i1s considered even !by the Communist ireg,i.me as a "classic" of SlO!Vak literature. rHronsky's spi riitual world is broad and deep, his sphere of artistic interests is extensive and manifold, his style am.d composition masterly clerur and lingui'Sltica:lly perfect and beaubiful. At the begimning of his literary career, the Siovak peasant in his traditional way of 'life, poverty, patient heroism, and sturdy mental~ty was a favolI'ilte subject of nove!ls. HaNing made his mark with •s hort stories from Slovak village rlife, in which r ealism matched the best worlks of the founder of Slovak literary realism, Martin Kuikucin, Bronsky moved into rthe domain of liteTature for children and youth and, l,a ter, into the domain of social and psyohologicaJl problems of smaHtown people, proceeding firom short stories and tales to more and more complicated and artisticaJlly elaborated forms of novel. Hrrorusky emwged very soon as a towering personality from the group of post-war novelists and writers. His remarkable literary ,w ork constituted a lin'k between the talented Slovak n01Velists .of the previous generation and mode:m Slovak ,},i terature modeled on Western European literary currents. Not an epigon of •a nyone, Hronsky created: :from his own spiritual funds and had a strong appeal prim:arily to the heart of the young generation ,of writers among w'hom his new shade of realas-m had ma!lly followers. Hironsky',s •s ignificance in Slovak cultura:l life was, however, extraordinaJry not only in literatUII'e. Hiis -literary activity was doubled by his achievements in the highest Slovak cultUTal institution "Matica Slove:nska" (The Slovak Lnstiwte) , foll'Ilded in 1863 with the aim t 10 s,pread Slwak cultural valrues and defend Slovak traditions against 1 1 38 SLOVAKIA Magyair tendencies of assimilation. There was rarely a Slovak writex who successifully combined a highly developed literary talent with such organizational ,ability as it has been in the case of J. C. Bronsky. Acord.mg to many seri'ous cultwrai worik€1I'S (cf. Cullen's ia.nd Hrusovsky's articles in the "S:lovensika Obrana" and the "Kainadsky Slovwk"), J. C. HronSlky has done more usefiU!l work in the few years of his administration of the "Slovak Institute" than any Oille of his predecessors during long periods. Thousands of new books wer edited every year by his merits, new cultwral sections organized, equipped and reorganized, a new farge printery built, and new activities initiaited. an institution of many The "Slovak In.stitute" merits in the fieild of co111Servation of Slorvak traditioI1JS, culture, popular art, tiheater, pwrity of language - ip1ayed an important Tole in Slovak cultura•l life at all times since its foundation in the nineteenth century. Election to leading funcUons in thls institution was considered one of the highest honors in SlovaJkia and it undoubtedly was. J . C. Hronsky was elected and reelected. For the Communist regime such merits have been, however, "crimes" against the "people's democracy and revolution," and J. C. Hrons'ky was arrested before the Red Army accomplished the occupation of Slovakia. After many unsuccessful aittempts, he finally escaped from a prison and fled from 'Slovakia through Austria into Italy, and later found refuge in Argentina, where he lives, deeply convinced that the Slovaks will never give up their fight for freedom and their Christian ,t raditions. We mention HirolilSlky's case in this connection as an example of the Slovak nationail. tragedy. There are many others, who in literature, science, arts, aind in ,t he pO'litical and economic life of Slava,kia, created works of value and have been silenced by the Communist regime, or preferred freedom in exile, as Hronsky did. In the following pages an attempt has been made to present, in a very restricted way, the main features of the Slovak literature under the Communist ,r ule. The author has scrupulously tried to paint SLOVAKIA 39 the picture objectirvely, and the publishing committee of the review "The Slavic and East-European .Studies" saw to it that the study might remain within the limits of a scientific work. There is on:ly one abjectirve this study ,a ims at: to se:rve the cause of truth and freedom which in Slova1kia as well as in other satelilite countiries have been temporarily stifled. J. K. 1. Cf. Branislav Vars!k: Le Probleme des nationalites a r Universlte de Trnav,a, Bratislava, 193.8. 2. Jan Holly (178·5-1849) most gifted poet and disciple of A. Bernolak, glorified in three po ems Slovakia's greatness of one tllousand years ago, "Svatopluk" (18n), "Cyrilo-Methodiada" (1835), and •·,Slav" (1839). He also translated the main works of Greek and Roman classics into the Slovak l,a nguage and prepared th e Slovak renatssanee. 3. Cf. Hans Kohn: "Pan-Slavlsm, Its History and Ideology," University of Notre Dame Press, 19.53; and Ernest Denis: "Les Slovaques,' Paris, Delgrave, 1917. 4. P. 0. Hviezdoslav (1849-1921) by his own name Pavol Or· szagh, is considered the most talented Slovak poet. His poetry was publls'hed In fifteen large volumes, one of them, "Bloody Sonnets," was translated also Into English. His main works are "Herodes and Herodlas" (drama), the epics "Hajnlkova zena, Ezo a Gabor Vlkolinsky, Agar, Rachel, Kron," etc. He also published four volumes of translation,s from World literatures, Goethe's Faust, Shakes.p,eare's Hamlet and Mid-Summer Night's Dream, the main works of Shiller, Lermont-0v, Slowackl and Madach's "The Tragedy of Man." ,5. C.f. Harvard Slavic Studies, Vol. 2, 19·54, p. 323-4. SLOVAK LITERATURE UNDER THE SOVIET IMPACT Within a decade of the forced inclusion of Slovakia within the Soviet orbit, Slovaik literature weint through most peculiar transformations. If Slovak novelists and poets, generally more conservative and traditional than Polish, Czech or Slovene writers, did not leave the country m- choose silence, they were abruptly compelled to ada;pt their literary c-reeds, forms and subjects .to a new line of "socialist reailis,m" and to run exclusively Eastern orientation. The main characteristics of Slovak literatll!l"e were patriotism, pan-slavism, universalism and a deep religiO'UIS 40 SLOVAKIA spirit. The generation after John Holly, namely John Kolla.T and the group of L. Stur, turned their eyes, as fawiders of nineteenth century painslla:vism, to Russia 'but their literrury works, education and iphllosophy were fundrurnentahly Western. They were educated at German Unive:r,sities and, while KoHar's "Daughter of Slava" was modelled on Dante and Petrarca, L. Stur and his group were under the influence of German romanticism, having foir masters Herder and Hegel (in their phi1osoiphy) .1 It was in poetry only that Mickiewicz, Slowacki, Krasinski am.d Pu<s'hkin. were the:iir ideails. Kol[ar's idea of "S[avic reciprocity" refrruined from any attemipt to mottld the politkal ideology or the religious charaicter of any Slav group. He aimed merely at cuiltural and literary reciprocity, •a nd his philo,s ophy was humanistic." He only is wOlI'thy of liberty who resrpects the :liiberty of 8!11; he who forges the chains of others, is himself a slave; when thou callest for a Slav, there must respond a man," are his famous axioms.2 According to W. Bobek, one of the best foreign scholars on Slovak literature, Slovakia c-a n be reasonably considered as the classical country of the Slavic idea, with several conceptions of panslaV'ism based on the equa[ity of Slaivic peoples. Howevell", an identification of the idea of a Slavic cooperaition with russophilism was raire; it appeared as a result of national depression and despair.3 Such was the case of L. Stur, for whom "P.anslavism in the political sense was a chimera," but who later, according to W. Lednicki, forunulated about 1850 ":the most complete and consistently developed program for the subjugation of Slavs to Russia in his bo01k "SlaV'dom and the World of the Future"4. Stur wrote 'his '.book in a period of "Nationail depression ,arrd despailr," as mentioned by Boibek. (The book was written in German and never appeared in Slova!k). During the last decades of the nirneteenth century arnd the years before and during the first World War, Sfovak literary •amd cultural life was dominated to some extent by Slovak Russophiles like Vajansky and Skn.lltety. However, this was merely an interlude; for after the war, 1 SLOVAKIA 41 the inf1uence ·o f French, English and even Scandinavian writem which was mani!fest among the younger poe'bs and novelists (I. Kraslro, V. Roy, P. 0 . Hv:iezdoslav, M. Razus), gained ground firmly and without resistance. The RussophiJ.e orientation ,i n Slova:k literature was chiefly dru:e to the political situation following the Austro-Hungarian. compromise •Of H~67, when the Slovaks were left at the mercy of Hungarian effonts of assii:rnilation. As the Slovak poets and novelists saw that the only hope for a Slovak national surrvival was in Russia's power, they gave fU!ll expression to this belief 1n their Hterary woriks. iBut they did not mean to exohange one oppression for a.mother. The Bo1sltevik Revolution and the results of the Firat WorJ,d War changed the picture. The Revo1urbion destroyed the panslavistic and Russophile dreams of Slovruk poets. While f,u!lifilling their hope for emancipation foom HUID:giarian ru'le by oreating the Czecho-Slova'k Republic with the Czechs, jt -left the Slovakis free to choose their cU!ltural orientation. They e1ther turned again to the West or they used their own spiritual and moral tradiitions for creative inspi:ration. The general trend of Slovak liteiratJure in poetry as well as in prose was to broaden its range of interests and to become responsive to European literary curents 5 The main representatives of Slovak literatlrre between the two Wars were uninterested in Soviet Russia, except for a smal[ groUJp of proJetarian o:r left-wing poets and writers under Czech influence. Oruy three or four of them acquiired literary recognition. and even fa.me. The older generation of Slovak poets, headed by P. 0. Hiviezdoslav, V. Roy, Ivan Krasko and Martin Razus, continued to create in the traditional forms or, Ji.ke Hviezdoslav, to use the European literrury forms and currents coriresponding to his great ta:lent and creativeness. In prose, the masters were the realists Kukucin,6 Hronsky, 'l'ajov!Sky, T. Vansova, Timrava and L. 'Podjavorinska. The younger generation looked for new fo:rms: to for·eign literatures. The really successful literary woriks of more tham. ephemera[ value were those which dTew their motives. from Slovak H!fe, their inspiration from rSlorva!k 42 SLOVAKIA national traditions and their art from their own spiritual reserves (Milo Ur.ban, J. C. Hironsky, A. Za.rn.ov, V. Benia:k, J. Smrek, E. IBolesilav Lu!kac, S. 1K rcmery, T. J. Gaspar, J. Hrufovsky). Consciously or unconsciously, they belonged ,t o the West and also to theiir country's social and ideological evolution. Their orientation was contilnenta,l in form, in philosophy and in motivation. A:U the European ourents ·a nd literary scho<Yls, from symbolism and impresiSlionism to Catholiic modernism (especia1ly F!rench) and su:rirealism, characteri'zed Slovak Hterature between the wars. According to Bobek, it equalled Czech literature,7 and acOTdilng to A. ,M raz, it "fought for a place in the context of wor1d 'literatures. " 8 The second World War did not change substantially the orientation of Slov·a k ,lrl,teratme. Being an island where, un,ti} the ·f all of 194.'4, the German ,i mpact was neitheir violent nor apparent, Slovakia experienced a strongly literary and cultll!I'al development. The trend remained Western, nationaliist, conservative and traditional. With the "liberation" of the co'll!ntry, the shock of the Soviet limparet was violent, spreading deep and wide throughout the literairy and cultural life orf 'Slovakia. A short analysis brings to light the foUowing features orf contemporary Slovak literature. Socialist Realism and the Soviet Model A smail:l group of p:wletarian poets, surrealists and left-wing critics or nove'lists, headed by L. Novomesky, who along with J. Rob Ponican, was the only prominent poet in the group before 1945, not only took over liiterary and cultural life while Slova;kia was stiU occupied by the RUSSliam Anny, but :they al:so decided who would be allowed to continue as writer, poet, journalist or scientist and what kind of literature they would be allowed to pubilish. If the writers wished to continue their wol1k, they had to become membern of a Society of writers, organized on the Soviet model. Their main duties were to extirpate the "corrupting" mfluence of Western "bourgeois; and fascist" writers and to follow the line of "g.reat socialiist Soviet SLOVAKIA 43 literature," inspired 'by the ideaJs brought to reality by Stalinissm. The Slogan was "progress" and the name of the new current was "socialist :realism," though many of the main actors in this "revolutionary reshaping" of the Slovak literature were dmitators of pre-wa,r French sur:realism (R. Fabry, V. R!eisel, M. Mittelman). Soviet litera.tUTe "with its surpassdng wealth of ideas, its burning socialist patriotism, its new humanism," was destined ,t o be the mghest ideal for Slorvak literature. This reshaping of SlOIVak oultural life was purt into praotice not only without regard for traditiOIIl, but al:so wirthout the ,t rue 1representatives of Slwa!k literature hetween the wars, known by .theiT works and thei!r outstanding talent. Neither the ·best novelist of the period 19181939, Milo Urban (!b. 1904) whose Living Whlp9 was translated into serverad EUTopean languages, nor the prominen,t poet Valentin Benia,k (b. 1894), nor Andrej 2arnov (b. 1903) whose poetry by its fiery language and reso'l.l'nding verse became an effective instrument in the Slova:k national struggle and who summoned the young Sloivak intelligentsia to a struggle for justice and freedom, took part in the new trend. They pref.erred to be silent. Zarn:ov, who was under constant threat of arrest and deportation and many times imprisoned, later left his .coun:try to fight for his ideas in exHe. 'l'ido J. Gaspar (ib. 1893) author of splendid short novels and exotic ,t ales, was also ,sidenced in prison. Many others whose names were held up as worthy representati'ves of Slovak lita-aiture before 1945 fled to Argentina, the U. S. A., Canada, Australia and O'bher plaices, with deep sorrow and in a spirit of fiery resistance, preferring exile to Communist rule . Among them is the prolific nO<Velist J. C. Hronsky (b .. 1896) whose works desm-ibed ,in mastedy fas:hion the social tUTmoil and political struggles of the Sdov~ks,10 and talented literary critics and aesthetes as :professor :El 2-atiko-Bor, Stanislav Meciar and Jan Mestancik, tile poets iR. Dillong - prolific and emotional, with hiS' •r apturouis lyricism, - M. Sprinc, K. Strmen, Jan Oka,l, J. Doransiky, J. BesenOVSJky, Marusa JUSikova, J. Zvonar-Tien, Hrtus..Jurina, historians (Hru- 44 SLOVAKIA swsky, Culen, Durcansky), linguists (prof. Bartek), publicists (Dr. P. Pauco, -Dr. S. Pol~kovic, Dr. J. Mi'kus, Dr. J. Cieker, Dr. A. Grebert, Dr. J. GleimMl, prof. Zubek, Nahallka), a dozen university professors and over a hundred highly educated young priests who had prepared for their careers as ,professors 3/nd educators at the universities of Rome, Paris Louvain, Innsbruck, Brussels and elsewhere. To understand the rvast chamge brought aibout by this "reshaping" of Slovak literature, we must remember that the proleta:riam poets, like the surrrealist s, weTe only a sma11 ,g roup alien to the Slovak literary traditi-on and spiritual atmosphere.11 For the most part, they grew up under the :influence of Czech Marxist or Communist intellectuials and writers: (J. Wolker, V. Nezval, J. Fuc:iik, Sekanina). Their movement with its journal Dav, originated in ,P rague. Novomesky, Ponifan, Oka.Ii, Clementis and others broug,ht their revolutionary ideas and [eft-wing orientation .iinto the Slovak puritan literary ·atmosphere as university students in t,h e Czech capital. Ponican declared this proudly during the "Congress of Nationa,l Culture" held in Prague in 1948. At the same time he condemned "Czech oultural imperialism" and the tendency to assimilate which, according to him, was the consistent aim of Prague's bourgeois regimes between the Wa-rs. 12 During the twenties, the group even tried to transplant into Slovakia Communist literacy aesthetics. They made appeals to break from tiraditonal themes and forms, fatvored collectivism rather than individl.l!a:lism, materialism instead of idealism, and often hurt religious feelings by their youth:£ul revolt a,g ainst God ,and' Christian traditions. hl the thirties the ,g roup had direct contact with Moscow (No;vomesky attended the Congress of W!riters in Moscow and Ilja Ehrenburg appeared in Brntisla,va), but .it was still Prague whose Czech Marxist poets and intellectuals (journal Tvorba) ideologkally nourished Slova..11{ proletaxian literature amd prescribed its aesthetics. After 1945 the groUJp, strengthened by sur.realists and young irntellectuals reared during World Warr: II, con1 1 SLOVAKIA 4-5 tinued their re'V'olt against individualism., .sU'bjectirvism, art fo'I' axit'·s sake, petty-,bO'llrgeois realism and clericalism. Their concept of "socialist realism," based on the philosophy of dia1ectical materialism, the Marx-iLenini.st theory of ,l iterature, a new aipproaioh to "reality" and active prurHcipation in building ·a new Sodalist s·o ciety, was ,t his time imposed by the political power of ,the Comunist party. Im reviews and in the daily press,, the literary critics asked for conformity with Russian literatuTe, condemned all "apolitical" approaches and' proudly declared that the struggJe for socialism. was a struggle for a new and true art. As the Communist Party had unlimited control over ali newspapers, reviews and pubHshing firms and the exdu.sive right to permit or prohibit publircation, traditional Slovak literatme abruptly disappeared. Literary pr,oduction i,s orgainiized by ,t he !Party and its organs, ,literature was planned to obtain rapid spiritual reorientation, i.e., .sovietizatio:n and conformity with 'Russia and mental russification. Under such circumstances, Slovak literature was not only impoverished but ailso became an imitation of Soviet literature rather than an expression of the Slovak soul. Filled with ,s logans aind praise of CmnmUJIHsm and its leadem, exaggerating .social differences and struggling aga:in:st religion and old traditions, "socialist realism" has little in common with artistic values or true .realism. Mental and Spiritual Russification ·To:i addition, there was a steadri1y increasing flood of trrunslations of Soviet books, to sovietize the literary life of Slovaikia not only in form but ailso in spirit. An aina,l ysis of books ipUlblis:hed under the present regim.e13 shows that at the end of 1953 and in the fin.st month of 1954, fonty-one translations of poetry -and ipr-0.se were published in Sloivakia. Twenty-two of tho,s e translations were from Riussian literature, nineteen from aH others. Modoon Soviet writers were represented by sixteen works, the Russian classi,cs by five. Of nineteen translations from 46 SLOVAKIA non~ussian literatures. thirteen works were written by Communists, the o1fuem, apart from a translation of Ovid, are works of Mark Twain, Maupassant, Bendel and others, depicting the morail decadence of Western society. 'Dhe picture is similair in rt.he prodiuotion of ,b ooks for children and youth. Of forty-three books pu:blished in the same period (end of 1953 and beginning of 1954) twentyone works were written by Slov-aJk writers, eighteen by Russians and the iI'est ·b y Czech, Hungartan rund Rumanirun aut!hors. No Western writers were Tepresented. Six Slovak originail works and fourteen translations from RJllssirun were puirely propaganda. 'Sovietization and mental .r us,sification do not appear only in the number of translations from Russian alild Soviet satellite languages. By the exclusion of Western. iiteratures, a SOI1t ()If "cultural iron curtain" is buidt in Slovakia, because SlovaJk writers are absolutely dependent on Soviet ~oiurces, considered by the .r egime as "the most progressive in the world." Under the heading "rMarx-Leniinism' one finds sixtynine publications, twenty-five Slovak originals, thirty-eight translations from IRuSIS'ian, two f.rom German (the works of Marx and IDngels), one from Hungarian rund one from Bu[garian. Though some SlovaJk iintellectuals have m0& tered the Western languages, there is no translatio:n from French, IDnglish or any 0 1ther Western tongue. If we consider that book,s translated from RJussian. a.ire pulblished in :tens of ,t housands and that they are sold at reduced prices, the picture is clea:r: mental ,russification and rovietization is promoted by every avaihvble method. Reforms of the Slovak Language Following the "theory given to Ma'I'Xist philology by J. Stalin in ,his work, Marxism and 'P hilological Questions and the Economic Problems of Socialism in the USSR" the new Slovak "working intelligentsia" not only changed the spirit, structure and forms of literature but also reformed the Jangua:ge.14 Some of the changes effected by the Commun1sts, were proposed by Prof. H. Bartek before SLOVAKIA 47 and during World War II to simplify SloV'ak or-thog.raiphy. An expert on linguistics, Prof. Bartek advocated his reforms on the grownds of scientific research -and the evolution of .the Slovak language, Which is, .according to A . Senn, "more ar-chaic than Czech and Poli$," that is one of the most archaic Slavic languages.15 ColllSequently, not all the ohrunges ,o an ,b e regarded as ,ha:rmf\11 or unnecessary; and Slova;k exiles as well as the Slova!k press in the free world basicrully accepted this reform. Since the eighteenth century, when Anthony Bernolak (176·2 ..J813), lea.med philologist and patriot, wrote a grammar of the Slo_ vak language rund a huge dictionary >in six language.s and gave a set of rules of o.rthography, eliminating the use of Latin in Slovak cuUural and literary life, the 'S:tova;k language has been a field of study foc highly educaited clergymen, Catholic and Protes:tant, and for enthusiastic nationalists. 1 The reform. of 1844, which is mistakenly presented by some Sla:vists as the date of birth of the Slovak literary lrunguage, was brought a:bout by the particiipation of Protestant ministers 8Jlld Cathoilfo priests, though the reform wa:s popuila,r ized hy L. Stfrr.16 Stfu himself acted as a nationaHst leader aiming at the uruon of ,the Slovak people, the greate:r nium1ber of whom ( over 80 % Ca:tholics) have written in Slovak siince the counter-:Refo'I"mation. Oatholrics used as a hasis one of the Western Slovak dialects, whereas the Protestants, who accepted the Lutheran fa.1th from Bohemia (Czech lands) together with an archaic Czooh translation of the Bible, used, apart from German, as their lit,w giical la:ngua,ge, richly adorned wtth Slovaik ex1pressions. Regarding the division as a great misfortune in the face of strong Magyarization, Stur fought for :the unity of a Hterary fanguage and a compromise between the Lutheran and the Catholic adherents of the BemolaJk ·s chool. This resulted in the acceptance of a centra:l dialect as a new Slovaik Hterary language,17 'but preserved much of the beauty of expres~ siOIIl aJD.d idiom of other Slava!k dialects. This ,r eform, and the rioh litemture which developed later, was merely an 48 SLOVAKIA instrll!ffient in the strugg}e for natiorn:ail survival. The SlovaJk intellectuals were co.nrvinced that the very existence of the nation depended upon the preservation of 1t.s language, rund that nationail identity wrus bound up with languaige. As a result, there was ll'Iltil re<:ently a kind of "sanctity of ,l anguage" among the Slovaks. Applying a reform by ,referri.ing lto the rules Jaitl down for Marxist philosophy by J. StaHn cannot but hurt the Slovaks in their most sensitive spot. Revaluation of Literary History 1 Very soon after the Communists took over the direction of c-ulturrul affair,s in Slovakia, af.ter the potential opposition either fled the country or was silenced, Slovak literary history was revaluated. The first revaluation was made a:s early as 1948 when the Slovak Academy of Sciences a.ind Arts, founded d'll!I'ing the S,lova:k Repulblic, edited the History of Slovak Lit.erature.18 The aiuthor, professor AII1d!rej• Mraz, was not a Communi st before the War, and duiring the War he published in Germa!Il another histocy of 'Slovak literature. His new wovk, however, mirrors in some respects the present siltuation in the oultural life of SlovaJkia. Aware that the Easite•r n orientaJtion of SlovaJkia's cultural life had been made a fait accompli by the so-called "Program of Kosice" which clearrly stated the SlaJVic, i.e., R'll!ssian orientation of Slovruk cu1tuire, profesSOT Mraz ada;pted his work to the new situation. He revised his judgment of writers a:nd poets who were jn prisons (T. J. Gaspar) or in exile. Proletariam and smrealist poets on the other hand became moire talented, thek novels and poetry of greaJte,r importJance aJnd artisitk value. On the whole his book was wriitten in the way of ;pre-War literary schools, his iphraseology shows little similavity with the iMa;rxi-stLeninist literary critics of the years following Novomes~ ky's imprisonment and lthe condemnation to the gallows of Clementis, the intellectual leader of the group. The revaluation of Slovalk literary hlstory by Prof. Mraz is more iilnteresting as far as tJhe general approaoh to SlovaJk literature is concerned. 'Dhe Program of Kosice, 1 SLOVAKIA 49 wihich defined the ideological orientation for the future, puts an end to an <Yld controversy about Slo¥ak national, c'U!ltwral and l~terary indi'V'iduality. Thi1s dooomenJt stated that "the relation between Czechs and Slovaks should be that of separate nations jomed in common interest in a single State."19 The C{)lffiillunist intelleotuails also proudly manifested their desire to see Slovaiks. as an autonomous Soviet Republic rather than a province dominated by Prague. Professor Mraz adapted .the History of Slovak Literature to this "n:atiOIIlalist" atmosphere of the years 1'945-.48, and consequently he included "ex cathed1ra" i,n to the Slo'V'a.k C'Ultmral and H,terary heritage not only the writings of Sts.. Cyiril and ,Methodius and those of their disciples, which had boon consistently, though erroneously, claimed by the Czechs, burt also ,t he Latin works of all scholars and writers who were of ,Slovak origin. He :took an objectiive and favorable rview, considering the circumstances, of the Slovak iliteratme oreated by Catholics in the seventeenth ·a nd eighteenth centturies. The thesis that t!he Slo:vaxs and not the Czechs are the :true heirs of Great !Moravia, that .there existed a clear distinction, diwring the centuries, be,t ween Czechs and Slova'k,s and their languages, and that the 'S lovaks preser:ved a consciousness of their ethnic and cultural individuality a:nd ,t heir continu!ity with the first Sl,ovak kingdom of Great Moravia, were accepted as historical facts by Mraz. He supported his position by quotations and reforences to the works of SlovaJk writers of the se:venteenuh and eighteenth ce:n,turies. Mraz aLso accepted the porint of 'View that the archaic Czech language, which was brought into, Slova,kia by ,t he Czech P ,r otestants "who found shel:ter in Slovakia and even ;p rinted books in Czech for the rpurrpose of smuggling rthooi i:nto iBohemia,"20 was merely a bo~rowed language, and that the Slovalk Protesitants used it for litera,ture and litJwrgy in the same way as the Catholics used Latin. Though ,th:i-s thesis had previously been supported by m8JIIly serious experts iin Slovalk linguistics, literatrnre and histocy, the universlities in pre-,War Czechoslova1kia tried impose a lt!hoory of a common language with the to SLOVAKIA 50 Czechs until the Stur reform of 1844. "The Slovaik culturra:l and literairy sphere was never blended or identified with the Czech; :it always had i<ts specific needs and :set of rules" says Mraz, ars ,p rofessor of Bratislava university.21 F.rom these premises, Mraz judged favorably the activities of the Jesuit University of Trnava (1635), the Oaitholic writers of the era of Enlightrnent as well. as the generation of 1848, who established modern 1Slovruk natiooalism irn letterisi and in politicail life. Mraz's History of Slovak Literature, probably written -d'UII'ing the Second World War and adapted to the politicail climate of the first post-War years when the Communists shared political power with the Democratic Party, oruly partly ex.pressed the chianged sit:Juaroion by its method and criiteria. The book ri:s basically within the framework of values, terminology aind ccmceipt s esta:blished ea,rlier in .Slovaikia. '.Dhe ""revolutionary revaluation" was undertaiken by the young group orf militamit mamberis of the Comm.UIIlist Party (A. Bakos, R. Rosenbaum, R. Mrlian, J. Hoirvat and others) who made a fam.atical reappraiisa'l of Slovak literature, and "purged" the libraries ·acooroing .to the Party ideology and Marxist-.Leninist theory of literature 22 When even Novomesky was "purged" as a "bourgeois rn.ationalist and deviationist," the new school of "socialist realllism" was established. Consequently, only those booik s and writers serving :the new ,s ocial order are regarded as representati.rve of true literary values. The rest aire irejected as reactionary, deviationist, rightist, and petty-bourgeois.23 As the literature was also integrated into the structure of the new Socialist or Communist order and destined to be suboTdirnated to the 1P arty and its ideology, the poet and novelist, Jiterary critic and scientist must oontribute by their talents amd works to the building of a Socialist society. The model: Soviet Russia. 1 1. Cf. S. ,P . Palickar, Slovaki-a n Culture, Cambridge, 1954; A. MTaz, Die Literatur der •S lov,a ken, Berlin, 1943. 2. P. P . Yurchak, The Slovaks, 1947, pp. 117-57. Also E. Denis, La Question d' Autriche, Les Slovaques, Paris, 1917, p. 164. 3. W. Semkowicz (eel.) Slowacja i Slowacy, Krakow, 1937, p. 262. 4. Feliks Gross (ed.) European Ideologies, New York, 1948, p. 838. SLOVAKIA 51 5. L. I. Strakhovsky (ed.) Handbook of Slavic Studies, Cambridge, 1949, pp. 495-96. 6. Cf. J. J. Potocek, "Martin Kukucin, PJoneer of Slovak Realism," The Slavonic and East ·E uropean Review, XXII, 7944. 7. Ibidem, p. 2&3. ,8. A. Mraz, Dejiny ,slovenskej literatury, Bra-tislav·a , Academia Scientiarum et Artium, Slovaca, 1948, p. 263. 9. Hand!book of Slavic Studies, p. 505, Mraz, o,p. cit., pp. 17'5-180. 10. Andreas Mraz, Die Literatur der Slowaken, Berlin, Prague, Vjenna, 1943. 11. Cf. KramorH§, "Slovakia and Slova.c Literature," The Catholic Encyclopedia, XVIU, 19·50. 12. Cf. Sjezd Narodni Kultury, Praha, 1948, p. 239. 1'3. CJ'. ·Bi-b liograficky katalog, Slovenska kni'ha, Bratislava, 1'954, V. 1-17; also Slobodne Slovensko, X. 2. 14. H. Bartek, Novy slovensky pravopis, Chicago, 1954, p. 19. 1,5. Handbook of Slavic Studies, P'P- -51·57. 1'6. Cf. Yur,C'hak, op. dt. pp. 90-116; also S. P. Palickar, Slovakian Oulture, Oa.mbrid•g e, 1954, pp. 139-55. 17. Cf. Yurohak, op.. cit. 18. A. Mraz, Dejiny slovenskej literatury, Bratislava, Academia Scientiarum et Artium Slova-ca, 1498. 19. V. Diamond, Czechos\,ovakia Between East and West, London, 1947, p. 6. 20. •Cf. Handbook of SJ.avic Studies, pp. 17 5-80. 21. Ibid., p. 8. 22. Cf. Sjezd Narodni Kultury, pp. 134-41. 23. Cf. K. Rozenbaum, Sovremennaya slovanskaya Uteratura, Slavy•a ne, 19·515, I, 23-2:9, also J . Martak, Introduction to Su.borne dielo Jana Bottu, Bratislava, 1955 . • • • WHO SAID IT? "There is another thing to be said aJbouit the Admini& tration's foreiign policy. It is pUTely negative and defensive. rt attempts to contain communism; but does nothing to answer the question s.o often asllred: me: How would you finally ded:ea t COIIIlmUJl.,i sm? - Most of those satellite countries and peoples were deilitvered into the hands Olf the RULSSian Comml.lind.sit:s by the Y aJt!a Agreement. That American diploanati'c instrument, never submitted to the Senate, sysitematicrulliy violaited iby the RUISSi.ans, defended onliy by those officials of the D€4)8.rtmenit of Staite who rure aJccessories to the crime, must be formally discairded by Congressional resol.iu.tion as a b'a sis for American foreign poiicy." - (Senator Robert A. Taft, NEW YORK TiiMiES, June 2, 1952).  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovak Literature Under the Soviet Impact Description An account of the resource Joseph Kirschbaum, Ph.D., LL.D. Slovakia, Vol. 6, No. 2 (19), June 1956 pp. 34-51 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Kirschbaum, Jozef M., 1913-2001 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource June 1956 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/e4e96e0185e88caf73e4f3a0ea0568ae.pdf 75095b8ce4605699c52bae7ffdcaf674 PDF Text Text Published quarterly by the VOL. VIII Slovak League of America NO. 2 (27) JUNE, 1958 SLOVAK NATIONALISM: CONFLICTS OF SLOVAK NATIONALISM ' B. S. BUC, Ph.D. . 1. Magyar Renegade vs. Pan-Slavist The historical and ideological development of Slovak nationalism was certainly not devoid of internal conflicts. It is self-evident that a society, which lived through many centuries without any political markings whatsoever, had to submit to a series of influences. They left many traces upon its national• character, which hindered the harmonious blending of energies that would have been necessary for the more succes'sfu1 attainment of a lofty goal. Since the Slovaks had lived for a thousand years within the framework of the Hungarian State without their territorial boundaries, they possessed no suppositions to establish at least that kind of group consciousness which would mirror the cultural, political, or geographical character of the land in which they lived. Even though reawakened Slovak nationalism traced its beginnings of national individuality to G'reat Moravia, it had to lean mostly upon an ethnical distinction from the Magyar.(1) Since the land of the Slovaks formed an integral part of the Hungarian over practically the entire ethnical expanse of the Slovaks, and in the' south created such a conglomeration of Slovak and Magyar elements, th1:1.t even today it is impossible fo establish between them such bountiaries which would be agreeable to ' the state and at the same time would fulfill the desire for self-determination. Into the territory of Slovakia, as it was formed after the First World War as a part of Czecho-Slovakia, were incorporated 655,322 Hungarians. They comprised 27 percent of all the inhabitants. Meanwhile 180,000 Slovaks re, ,.. mained in Hungary and they, for the most part, were scat"( ( �2 SLOVAKIA tered throughout the land. This fact gave the Magyars a Slovakia in order to liberate their co-racialists. And they accomplished their goal in 1938 when Czecho-Slovakia crumbled under Hitler's pressure. The Vienna arbitrage, whose principal agents were the Italian foreign minister Ciano and the German foreign minister Ribentrop, apportioned to Hungary 10,309 square kilometers of Slovak land together with 853,670 inhabitants. According to statistics of the year 1930, these inhabitants comprised 503,980 Magyars, 26,157 Jews, 272,145 Slovaks, and 1,825 Ruthenians. Still remaining in Slovakia were 57,193 Magyars. The number of Slovaks in Hungary after the arbitrage increased from 180,00 to 352,145, that is, six times more than the Magyars remaining in Slovakia(2). After the Second World War, all the land taken away by the arbitrage was returned to Slovakia. The new communist-dominated Czecho-Slovak government proceeded to solve this national mixup by making an agreement with Communist Hungary to exchange all Magyars in Slovakia for all Slovaks in Hungary. Furthermore, it removed forcibly a certain portion of the Magyars from Southern Slovakia into the Sudetenland in place of the ousted Germans. Prior to World War I, the upper social classes in Slovakia - the intelligentsia, merchants and greater landowners - were also almost wholly magyarized. If they acknowledged their Slovak origin, they nevertheless accepted the idea of the Hungarian State as their political "credo" and did not concur with the efforts of revived Slovak nationalism. Rather they looked upon it as the manifestation of an unfriendly attitude to the Hungarian fatherland. They therefore engaged freely in all undertakings of the Hungarian government to smear the Pan-Slavists, as they labelled the Slovak patriots. Thus at the very beginning of Slovak nationalism, arises the first major conflict, namely the struggle between Slovak renegades and Pan-Slavists. Slovak renegades were those people of Slovak origin who, either because of opportunities or conviction, offered their services toward the assimilating efforts of the Hun_garian government, which aimed at creating as soon as possible a homogeneous speaking Magyar State. On the �SLOVAKIA 3 other hand, Slovak patriots, were considered Pan-Slavists. They were so named because, in their political struggle, they proceeded hand in hand with the other Slav nationalities in Hungary and often gave evidence of Pan-Slavistic tendencies. The conflict of these two divisions within Slovak society grew steadily more and more violent after the revolutionary year of 1848. Upon it were centered all struggles on Slovak ethnical territory, whether they were of a political, cultural, social, or religious nature. The division of Slovak society into renegades and Pan-Slavists had not only political but also social roots. The assemblage of Slovak renegades was composed of members of the lordly class, among whom we find the intelligentsia, merchants, greater landowners or peers. On the other side stood the great mass of people comprising the Pan-Slavists, among whom were numbered small village farmers and various agricultural workers. Because industry was still in its rudimentary stages, the working class was practically non-extant. From among the intelligentsia, priests had the closest contacts with the broad masses of people and, therefore, became natural leaders and agents of Slovak nationalism. . The aforementioned fact gives further testimony that Slovak nationalism was more a social than a national movement in its beginnings. The reviving tasks of national leaders in the beginnings of Slovak nationalism possessed rather a culturo-social than a national-political character. Slovak leaders entered upon a national-political program only with the revolutionary times of 1848, when they organized a military uprising and brought forth their demand that not Magyar but rather Slovak should be the language used in schools and official circles of the defined Slovak territory within the framework of Hungary. The beginnings leading towards the accomplishment of this demand seemed very favorable in the years prior to 1867. At that time Vienna, resisting the revolting Magyars, sought the support of her nationalities who demanded from the Magyar government of Hungary the same national rights which the Magyars, led by Slovak renegade Louis Kossuth, demanded for themselves in Vienna. �4 SLOVAKIA In 1867, .however, a ~ettlement took place between Vieniia and' Budapest. Slovak nationalism thus lost the '' giveIJ. over support of Vienna and was as a prize to the Magyars to become an internal concz;en of the Hungarian portion of the Habsburg Monarchy. Immediatel y the Magyars feverishly set for~h to magyarize all their nationalities, which action manifested itself on Slovak ethnical .territory by the abolition of all Slovak , political and purely cultural institutions and by the introductio n of Magyar as the official language jn HtJ.ngary. SGhools 1 were to educate a new generation, one that would speak only Magyar and one that would be devoted w:holly to the, Magyars and the ,Hungarian State which they controlled. In these attempts the Magyar-co ntrolled Hungarian governmen t found in Slovakia willing supporters among the ranks of the above-men tioned Slovak renegades, who, in full compliance ·with the psychologic al bent of every renegade, labored more fanatically in instilling the magyarizing program than the governmen t itself had actually contemplat ed. The result could only end in a bitter conflict with the deeply Slovak-con scious group of inhabitants. , This conflict came to light npt only in political manifestations, as is elecfoms, but purrow~d deep even into the daily concerns of the inhabitants . In elections, genuinely Slovak candidates generally had little hope of winning even in those ,electoral districts where the vast majority sympathize d with them. The reason lay in a voting law , which granted voting privileges only to those who possessed a certain· amount of property. This law excluded from voting precisely that portion of Slovak ethnical teritory which formed tb.e basis of Slovak nationalism and granted the decisive word to those who had lost t~eir Slovak national consciousn ess but propertywise were more ,powerful. li'urthermo re, the elections were public and influenced very ev,idently by much use of bribery. Official candidates received heavy aid and support from the governmen t, whereas national candidates could only rely upon their, own resources, which were for the most part meagre and limited. In daily life the conflict between . Slovak renegades �SLOVAKIA 5 and patriotic Slovaks was mirrored mostly in the use of language. The renegades used the Magyar tongue almost exclusively; they regarded the speaking of Magyar not only as a maninfestation of "patriotic" sentiment, but also as the mark of a higher social position. Slovak, 1on the other hand, was looked upon as the tongue of poverty and its use was considered a display of "anti-patriotic'' feeling. In this conflict, which created an atmosphere of almost continual political as well as social tension, Slovak nationalism suffered the loss of much strength, for social privileges, schools and governmental pressure inflicted upon it serious harm and threatened it with destruction. 2. "Czechoslovak" vs. Autonomist With the establishment of Czecho-Slovakia this process was suddenly halted and the Slovaks found themselves in more favorable conditions. Because of the- changed political situation, a large 'number bf former Slovak renegades departed from Slovakia. Furthermore, many of them began to admit again their Sldvak origin, orientated themselves to the new poltiical setup, and even though manifesting little enthusiasm for the revolutionary change, they nevertheless undertook no organized effort which could have proved detrimental to the erection of the new state. It is comprehensible that all national Slovak units accepted the establishment of Czecho-Slovakia with gfeat enthusiasm. But this enthusiasm lasted only as long as its emotional foundation, built in the past under the influence of Pan-Slavism, was extanh It was primarily nurtured by a common fate of the Czechs and Slovaks in Austria-Hungary and led them to progress jointly in their struggles for national ,rights. When, however, both units merged and , had to work out serious problems which appeared during the erection of the new state, the basic difference of the Czech and Slovak character projected itself on the scene and gave an impetus to many conflicts, which in time grew more violent. It is true that Czechs and Slovaks did not find it too difficult to understand one another ling-uistica:lly because of the marked kinship of their languages. Nevertheless, 1-the ideological antl cultural background · of �6 SLOVAKIA / their natures showed itself to be so different that it created an almost impassable gulf between them. The fore-warning of this break was the difference of their religious positions. From the burning of John Hus, the first ecclesiastical reformer at the beginning of the fifteenth century, the Czech character continued to show opposition to Rome and to the Habsburgs. After successfully routing all Czech reforming elements in 1647, the Habsburgs carried on intensive re-Catholiciza tion in Czech lands. With the downfall of the Habsburgs after the First World War, the Czechs found it opportune to undo what they had looked upon as an injustice and, therefore, did not conceal their anti-Catholic thinking in creating CzechoSlovakia. The Slovaks, who are 82 percent Catholic, had no grudge against Rome, and after attaining their national liberty showed no unfriendliness to Catholicism. Thus, immediately in the beginning of the new state, the religious question became an experimental rock of Czech-Slovak relationship and drove the popular and formerly Czechinclined Father Andrew Hlinka with his Slovak People's Party into violent opposition against the Czechs. When, in addition, with the help of a minority of Slovak Lutherans and isolated Liberals, Prague began to organize Czecho-Slova kia centralisticall y by disregarding former agreements about making it a federative republic of two distinct nations, "Czechs and Slovaks," Slovak Catholics inaugurated a movement which came to be known under the name "Autonomist. " The whole discussion seemed, however, to turn around the connotation of the phrase "Czechoslovak nation." In the first chapter of this treatise, allusion was made to the impact of Pan-Slavism upon the budding Slovak nationalism. The Pan-Slavist visualized a kind of political and ethnographica l unification of all Slavs on the ground of their kinship and close language relationship. Influenced by this Pan-Slavistic trend, some Slovaks - especially Lutherans - were prone to accept the idea of the complete fusion of the Slovaks with the Czechs. This objective was to be achieved through a centralized rather than federative Czecho-Slovak ia. Thus, in disregard of all �SLOVAKIA 7 previous agreements between the Czechs and Slovaks, the Czecho-Slovak Republic was organized on the basis of a centralized government. Moreover, the special phrase "Czechoslovak nation" was coined. It had to denote that Czechs and Slovaks were ethnographically, culturally, and politically the same nation. Practically, it meant that the Slovaks were to be made over into Czechs, since the Slovak language was declared a dialect of the Czech and Slovakia was not conceded any right to self-government. Thus, in this new conflict "Czechoslovak vs. Autonomist" two issues were involved: the issue of national difference between the Slovaks and Czechs and the issue of self-government for Slovakia. Those who denied them were "Czechoslovaks"; those who claimed them were "Autonomists." There arose once again the struggle between those who favored the government and those who opposed it for its incorrect interpretation of Slovak feelings. To determine by proper evaluation which side profited in this conflict, it would be unjust to form conclusions solely on the basis of the election outcomes of those parties who stood for the autonomist program. The Slovak People's Party, led by Father Hlinka, alone had a purely autonomist program. But the individuality of the Slovak nation was also stressed by the Slovak National Party, led by Martin Razus, a Lutheran minister, comprising chiefly the Slovak Lutherans, and by the Communist Party. The latter proceeded further than Hlinka's party by demanding the complete separation of Slovakia from the Czechs lands as early as 1926. The autonomist movement achieved its greatest victory in the elections of 1925; of the 299 representative seats in the Czecho-Slovak Parliament, 160 were won by the Czechs, 47 by the Slovaks, 5 by the Ruthenians, 1 by the Russians, 75 by the Germans and 10 by the Magyars. Now the 47 seats belonging to the Slovaks did not represent autonomists only; it simply indicated the representatives from Slovak ethnical territory. Of these seats, 23, belonged to the Hlinka Slovak People's Party, 5 to the Communist Party, 1 to the Slovak National Party; the remainder belonged to the parties which based their plat- �8 SLOVAKIA form on the principle of a "Czechoslovak" nation and stood for a centralized Czecho-Slovak Republic(3). Even though the Slovak People's Party emerged from this election with 23 delegates and gained ascendancy over the other parties seeking for votes in Slovakia, its strength would not necesarily indicate that the idea of a Slovak national individuality was highly popular among Slovak inhabitants. In evaluating the results to determine how parties opposed to this idea were won over in Slovakia, one must not overlook the factor of material benefits offered by those in power to anyone voting for them. Thus, opportunism rather than nationalism was the chief factor which influenced the so-called official parties on Slovak ethnical territory. Actually the defenders and confessors of centralism in Slovakia comprised only a small group of individuals who, with the aid of the Czechs, constituted a true ruling class. In this way they assured for themselves a lasting political career and of course material comforts. They, therefore, took the place of the former Slovak renegades and, like the latter, were the instruments of foreign influences endeavoring to deter the uni-characteristic development of Slovak nationalism. Nevertheless, in the Czecho-Slovak versus Autonomist conflict, Slovak nationalism possessed since the beginning a greater advantage than in the Slovak renegade versus patriotic Slovak conflict because it had the support of schools. It is a very significant circumstance, that although the greater majority of professors and teachers in Slovak schools at the beginning of the Czecho-Slovak Repuplic were Czechs, who came to Slovakia l:>ecause of the lack of specialized Slovak talent, they nevertheless were not able to educate a Slovak generation which wo_u ld become devoted to the idea of the "Czechoslovak" nation, and to a centralized Czecho-Slovak Republic ,based on that idea. The Czechs explain this phenomenon as the ungratefulness of the young Slovak generation for ,proferred aid. It is true that this Czech assistance enabl,~d the Slovaks to make inroads into modern European , society. But the key to the correct evaluation of this seeming ungrateful_ness is offered, by statistics which co111pare the labor pos- �SLOVAKIA 9 sibilities between Czechs and Slovaks on Slovak ethnical territory. The employment question became the most effective outlet for the dissemination of the autonomist movement over the broader Slovak strata, whereby a young, Czech-trained Slovak generation was won over to its objectives. On the other hand, it aided also that group of Slovaks and Czechs who, controlling the sole possibility of distributing labor, possessed an effective means of advantageously influencing in politics all opportunistically inclined natures. Thus, the "Czechoslovak" versus Autonomist conflict also assumed the character of a social struggle. The employment problem in other homogeneous speaking states caused a social tension and made it possible for Communists and Socialists to make greater election gains. In Slovakia, however, it led to an increased tension between Czechs and Slovaks and became the fruitful soil for a separatist nationalism. Czech officials, teachers, and other white collar employees entered Slovakia with the understanding that they would remain there in the exercise of their proper functions until Slovakia could gather sufficient expert forces of its own. After the departure of the Magyars and Slovak, renegades, there remained few experts in Slovakia who could be used in public administration and education(4). Since the Czechs in Austria had their own autonomy and at the same time took an important part in the management of the entire monarchy, they possessed a surplus of intellectuals and for that reason considered Slovakia as a province for the allocation of their intellectuals. Not only did the Czechs reveal an unwillingness to leave the labor possibilities in favor of the new Slovak intelligentsia, but, by utilizing their own influential connections, they also increased their own ranks. The unequal representation of Slovaks and Czechs that existed in the public organs of Slovakia is evident from the following employment statistics of the Board of State Railways in Bratislava and Kosice. In 1925, of 5,134 engineers and higher officers, 90 percent were Czechs; of 12,355 second grade laborers 60 percent were Czechs; of 16, 025 unskilled laborers, 30 percent were Czechs(5). �10 SLOVAKIA This situation is best mirrored in the emigration from Czecho-Slovakia during the years 1920-1937. Of the 400,193 people, who emigrated from the whole country, 213,283 or 52.2 percent belonged to Slovakia. This is an astonishingly high percentage when one considers that Slovakia formed only 23 percent of the whole population of the Czecho-Slovak Republic(6). It was impossible for such a situation not to give rise to many complaints on the part of the Slovaks. It turned them against the Czechs as well as against the Czecho-Slovak state and steadily created suppositions for the greater emphasis of a separate national individuality and eventually an independent state. 3. Lutheran vs. Catholic The conflicts of Slovak nationalism often have their roots in the religious differences of the Slovak population. We have already mentioned that Catholic priests and Lutheran ministers had played an important role in the reawakening of Slovak nationalism. To Western observers this often appears as a remnant of so-called clericalism. It is hardly possible, however, to make a parallel between what is known in France and Italy as clericalism and the role of priests in Slovak politics. In Slovakia priests entered into politics under the influence of the ideas of the Enlightenment, which philosophy gave an impetus to anticlerical struggles in other countries. And it is a fact that Slovak priests also entered into frequent controversy with higher members of the hierarchy, chiefly because the latter were not of Slovak origin and for the greater part supported the Magyar government in its attempts at assimilation in Hungary. That these conflicts did not develop into open religious splits can be accredited to the Popes who, stemming from Pope Leo XIII and his social encyclicals, sympathized with peoples' movements and continually sought to keep them within the fold of the Church. It happened frequently that in disagreements, involving priests and bishops, Rome stood on the side of the priests whenever the controversy stemmed from different social or national sources An outstanding example of the Vatican's attitude is �SLOVAKIA 11 mirrored in the case of Father IDinka, leader of the Slovak Autonomists. Suspended in 1906 by his Magyar Bishop Parvy for participating in the election campaign, Hlinka found Rome favorable to his cause. Bishop Parvy was thus virtually compelled to reinstate Hlinka as pastor. Thus, assured of the sympathies of the Vatican and enthused over the idea of helping their oppressed kin, the Slovak priests took over the leadership in Slovak nationalism. Whenever any member of the Slovak laity in Hungary received an education, the person usually became denationalized either because of the schools or the nature of his position, which demanded of him a subservient service to the government. Otherwise it was impossible to advance in a chosen career. Furthermore, children from peasant, village families found it economically almost impossible to receive a higher education. Only members of wealthier families, which comprised the group of Slovak renegades, were able to pursue higher studies and obtain leading positions. The only vocation open to boys with a village and farming background was that to the priesthood. Not only did the priestly vocation offer an education to such boys, since seminary studies were almost completely free, but it also sent its priests back among the same people whence they came. Furthermore, although the courses were conducted in a Magyar spirit, and this could have influenced them, nevertheless upon the completion of their studies they returned to their own people and once again found themselves in the center of their origin. Moreover, they were not weighted down with the fear that they would be hindered in their career if they failed to act according to the intentions of the government. They were, therefore, very independent in their actions and in fulfilling their vocation. These priests, however, were on the lowest rung of the ecclesiastical hierarchy; the higher rungs were either completely Magyar or Slovak renegadist. It is self-evident that they would be mostly attracted to the ideas of the Enlightenment concerning the people and later romantic ideas concerning the nation. In the majority of instances they, therefore, sought with revolutionary zest to make �12 SLOVAKIA these ideas productive under the motto: "For God and Country!" It is true that, because of the nature of their vocation, they carried religion into politics, and therefore gave an impetus to conflicts of a religious nature. But it is also true, that the reasons why religion became embroiled in politics in Central Europe were not because priests desired to become the leaders of national and peoples' movements, but because of the very nature of the society which retained the religious foundation it had inherited from the Middle Ages. The undermining of this foundation, after the birth of Liberalism, could not fail to call forth ecclesiastical reaction, which began to appear in the establishment of Catholic parties as the most effective, defensive means in the political struggles of democracies. According to the statistics of 1930, the population of Slovakia comprised percentage-wise the following religious denominations: Roman and Greek Catholics - 78.013 percent; Lutherans 12.008 percent; Calvinists 4.376 percent; Jews - 4.102 percent; others - 1.5 percent(?). Only Catholics and Lutherans, however, play a role in Slovak nationalism. Calvinists are for the most part Magyars; and Jews, when not Magyars, in most instances take sides with those who oppose Slovak nationalism. Between Lutherans and Catholics there existed in the beginnings of Slovak nationalism a certain competition in patriotism, which did not always tend in the same direction, principally in matters concerning the legislation of the national Slovak language. In their religious services, the Lutherans used the old Czech language of the so-called "Kralice Bible" that was translated by the Moravian Brethren who were followers of John Hus. This fact led them to retain Czech as the literary tongue for some time. Catholics, on the other hand, always used the Slovak language of the common people and legalized it as national in 1787. From the beginning, Catholics showed the evident tendency to emphasize their distinct national Slovak individuality from that of the Czechs. Lutherans, highly influenced by Pan-Slavism however, were prone to accept the idea that Czechs and Slovaks form a common racial unit of one great Slav family. �SLOVAKIA 13 It was not until the revolutionary times of 1848 that r..udovit Stur, one of the most eminent Lutheran national revivers, established the supposition that Lutherans should also accept the principle of a Slovak language distinct from the Czech. Suppositions were thus established for the close cooperation between Lutherans and Catholics to guarantee national rights to Slovaks in what formerely had been Hungary. In spite of their minority, the Lutherans in 1848 took over the leadership in Slovak nationalism. They formed a rich romantic literature, initiated many political steps in the Hungarian government to obtain national rights for Slovaks, founded a few Slovak cultural institutions and led the only Slovak political party in Hungary, called the Slovak National Party. Catholics accepted their leadership as self-evidential. This acceptance assured almost complete harmony between both units of Slovak nationalism. Towards the end of the nineteenth century Catholics were summoned into more feverish political activity by a newly-created, all-state, Catholic party called the People's Party, founded and headed by the Magyar Count Zichy. The party was brought to life through many laws passed by the liberal-controlled Hungarian Parliament that sought to destroy the present Christian tradition of the country. One of these laws dealt with marriage and demanded that every citizen undergo a civil wedding ceremony. Otherwise, the program of the People's Party appropriated the social principles enumerated in the encyclicals of Pope Leo XIII and also fought for the recognition of national rights for individual nationalism in Hungary. It was a program which Slovak Catholic priests were seeking to realize for a long time. For this reason, the party achieved comparatively wonderful success on Slovak ethnical territory shortly after its entrance into the political struggle. In this party Father Andrew Hlinka achieved public political recognition and in time became the most eminent representative of Slovak nationalism. Although the People's Party received great help from non-Magyar priests and the Catholic laity, the Magyar leaders were in no way anxious to fulfill the nationalitypoint of their program either in the government or within �14 SLOVAKIA the framework of their own party. Rather they supported almost openly the assimilative pressure of the government upon nationalities and, therefore, upon the Slovaks. The deceived Slovak Catholics, therefore, left this party and formed their own Slovak People's Party under the leadership of Father Andrew Hlinka. This party appropriated the social and religious program of the original People's Party and immediately brought forth its claim to national rights for Slovaks. The introduction of the Slovak People's Party created the following situation in Slovakia: Slovak Catholics began to organize into the People's Party, whereas the existing Slovak National Party became only a political organ of Slovak Lutherans. It emphasized a political division according to religion, but no serious conflicts, in the sense of Catholic versus Lutheran, ensued at that time. Magyar pressure steadily created new suppositions for cooperation towards the same national goal. This political division along religious lines became the source of conflict between Catholics and Lutherans only when, in the new Czecho-Slovakia, the fight for national rights was replaced by the struggle to seize power. In this struggle the Lutherans were victorious, because they accepted willingly the centralizing efforts of Prague. The anti-ecclesiastical and Hussite-enrooted politics of the new Czecho-Slovakia meant a grave injury to the deeply religious-conscious Catholics, though it was, to a certain extent, welcomed by the Lutherans. For Catholics, it was a serious reason to fight uncompromisingly for an autonomous Slovakia; for Lutherans and a small group of liberals it was the foundation whereby they easily accepted the principle of the "Czechoslovak" nation and the centralization based on this principle. Prague, therefore, rewarded them with power, and did that without any regard for the vast majority of Slovak Catholics. Practically all of the more prominent politicians in Czecho-Slovakia from Slovakia were Lutherans. They formed a very narrow ruling class, because they were limited to a few chosen families. Out of their midst came a narrow circile of so-called "experts," whom Prague made good use of to govern in Slo- �SLOVAKIA 15 vakia. The eminent English historian C. A. Macartney describes the situation thusly: The fact remains that the (Czechoslovak) government has been obliged more often than not to rule Slovakia against the wishes of most of its inhabitants, maintaining itself only by the expedients of restricting the powers of the self-governing bodies to within the narrowest possible limits, of filling the seats designated for "experts" with its own nominees, and utilizing freely weapons of censorship and police supervision(8). 4. The Reason For the Division It will not be hard to understand why the above-mentioned conflicts developed within the Slovak community if we bear in mind the two main obstacles which revived Slovak nationalism had to overcome. The one was of an internal character, while the other was due to external pressure. Internally, the Slovaks had at the beginning the ten- t dency to confuse their nationality with that of an imaginary Slav nation. This mixup arose from the Pan-Slavistic ideology that greatly appealed to some Slovak leaders, because it imbued them with the feeling of strength in view of the desperate situation in which they found themselves in Hungary. On the other hand, it hindered them from developing the consciousness of a distinct national Slovak character, because some readily accepted the idea of unity with the "closest" Slav nation, namely, th,e Czechs. The Slovaks who felt most strongly inclined to a union with the Czechs opposed the codification of a separate Slovak language. To them the Czech language seemed suitable even for those of their kin living in Hungary. Although these tendencies never took firm roots with majority of the population in Slovakia, they were, the ) nevertheless, strong enough to arouse conflicts and later to enable the Czechs to exploit the Slovaks politically. That I the Czechs have not succeeded can be attributed to the fact that the majority of the Slovaks have always felt \ and professed to be an ethnographically, historically, and culturally distinct nation from the Czechs, and have constantly endeavored to create for Slovakia such political conditions which would stress that distinct national character. I �16 SLOVAKIA The terms "Czechoslovak" and "Autonomist" are to be understood as political designations: the "Czechoslovaks" are those Slovaks who profess to be Czechs; the "Autonomists" are those who feel and act as Slovaks. The designation "Autonomist" comes from the Autonomist Party whose purpose was to assure an autonomous government for Slovakia as opposed to a centralized Czecho-Slovakia sought for by Czechoslovaks. The conflict "Czechoslovak versus Autonomist" can best be expressed in the form of a question: Are we Czechs or are we Slovaks? To this question the Czechoslovak would answer: I am a Czech; the Autonomist: I am a Slovak. Realizing these basic differences, we can easily see that the "Czechoslovak versus Autonomist" conflict resemble the former "Slovak renegade (Magyarized Slovak) versus Pan-Slavist" conflict. The term "Czechoslovak" compares with the Slovak renegade, while the term "Autonomist" with the Pan-Slavist. The difference, however, lies in the fact that the Magyarized Slovak denied his Slovak nationality, while the Czechoslovak has always admitted his original Slovak ethnographical nationality. The former's denial flows from the lack of kinship between Slovaks and Magyars, whereas the Czechoslovak admission is based upon a close racial kinship between Czechs' and Slovaks. Thus, the latter would like to merge the Slovaks with the Czechs despite the fact that there is a sensitive difference between both these related nations. That these conflicts developed to such proportions as to endanger the survival of the Slovaks can be accounted for by the political pressure exerted first by Magyars and later by Czechs. With the removal of that pressure came the disappearance of these conflicts and a deeper understanding of a distinct national personality ensued. As of now, the "Magyarized Slovak versus Pan-Slavist" conflict belongs to history and has r.ceased to be of any importance in the politics of the country. Hardly any citizen of Slovak descent would long for the return of former Hungary, let alone to profess any kinship with the Magyars. The "Czechoslovak versus Autonomist" conflict is not yet dead. Nevertheless, it is losing its original "rai- �SLOVAKIA 17 son d' etre." The Slovaks who still long for the preservation of Czecho-Slovakia, have abandoned the highly disputed fiction of the "Czechoslovak nation" and are accepting the realistic view that Czechs and Slovaks are ethnographically, politically, and historically distinct nations. Thus, these conflicts brought to an end discussions about national personality. The differences which still remain / revolve about the following problem: in what kind of an alliance or political form should Slovaks live to assure for themselves the best conditions for their future survival? (1) Sometimes a distinction has to be made between "Magyar" and "Hungarian" in dealing with the national problems of Hungary prior to World War I. The former Hungarian Kingdom was a country of many nationalities that in their capacity of citizens, were also Hungarians. The designation "Magyar" for "Hungarian" is, therefore, more appropriate whenever the ethnographic character of the problem is to be emphasized. Thus "Magyarizing process" is to denote the forceful methods used by the dominating Magyars or Hungarians to assimilate the other nationalities of Hungary with the view of creating a linguistically and ethnographically homogeneous state. (2) Joseph A. Mikus: La Slovaquie dans le Drame de !'Europe, Paris, 1955; p. 104. (3) Karol Sidor: Andrej Hlinka, Bratislava, 1934; p. 535. (4) Harrison Thomson: Czechoslovakia in European History, p. 292. ((5) K. Culen: Cesi a Slovaci vo Verejnej Sprave Cesko-Slo• venskej Republiky, Bratislava, 1944; p. 70. (6) Joseph A. Mikus: op. cit.; p. 66. (7) Kalendar Kanadskej Slovenskej Ligy, Winnipeg, 1953; p. 64. (8) Hungary and Her Successors, London, 1937; p. 145. • • • WHO SAID IT? "The on[y just and deimocira.tiic solution od' tJhe 'Cwchoslo,v ak' mess crnate'd by T. G. Masaryk and Benes and their foHorwers woudd be tJhe compl.ete freedom and .poliitica:l. inde-0 pendence of the nations inv;o1ved. No just and deimoeratic soluition will be arnived at as long as a 'CzechoslovaJkia' is a}iloiwed to ex,isit, becaiuse everything proposed in the direction of rea[i:zirug the fornldaimental rights of the Slovruk and Rlutihenian peoples would. he l'a be[ed 'aiccording to law' as anti~State and punishiable as such, as. it had been in the first (1918-1938) and third ReipUibJics (1945-1948) orf Czecho-Slo~ia." - (P. A. Hroibak, letter to Hon. Aivin M. Benltfo:y, Juliy 10, 1953). � Published quarterly by the VOL. VIII Slovak League of America NO. 2 (27) JUNE, 1958 SLOVAK NATIONALISM: CONFLICTS OF SLOVAK NATIONALISM ' B. S. BUC, Ph.D. . 1. Magyar Renegade vs. Pan-Slavist The historical and ideological development of Slovak nationalism was certainly not devoid of internal conflicts. It is self-evident that a society, which lived through many centuries without any political markings whatsoever, had to submit to a series of influences. They left many traces upon its national• character, which hindered the harmonious blending of energies that would have been necessary for the more succes'sfu1 attainment of a lofty goal. Since the Slovaks had lived for a thousand years within the framework of the Hungarian State without their territorial boundaries, they possessed no suppositions to establish at least that kind of group consciousness which would mirror the cultural, political, or geographical character of the land in which they lived. Even though reawakened Slovak nationalism traced its beginnings of national individuality to G'reat Moravia, it had to lean mostly upon an ethnical distinction from the Magyar.(1) Since the land of the Slovaks formed an integral part of the Hungarian over practically the entire ethnical expanse of the Slovaks, and in the' south created such a conglomeration of Slovak and Magyar elements, th1:1.t even today it is impossible fo establish between them such bountiaries which would be agreeable to ' the state and at the same time would fulfill the desire for self-determination. Into the territory of Slovakia, as it was formed after the First World War as a part of Czecho-Slovakia, were incorporated 655,322 Hungarians. They comprised 27 percent of all the inhabitants. Meanwhile 180,000 Slovaks re, ,.. mained in Hungary and they, for the most part, were scat"( ( �2 SLOVAKIA tered throughout the land. This fact gave the Magyars a Slovakia in order to liberate their co-racialists. And they accomplished their goal in 1938 when Czecho-Slovakia crumbled under Hitler's pressure. The Vienna arbitrage, whose principal agents were the Italian foreign minister Ciano and the German foreign minister Ribentrop, apportioned to Hungary 10,309 square kilometers of Slovak land together with 853,670 inhabitants. According to statistics of the year 1930, these inhabitants comprised 503,980 Magyars, 26,157 Jews, 272,145 Slovaks, and 1,825 Ruthenians. Still remaining in Slovakia were 57,193 Magyars. The number of Slovaks in Hungary after the arbitrage increased from 180,00 to 352,145, that is, six times more than the Magyars remaining in Slovakia(2). After the Second World War, all the land taken away by the arbitrage was returned to Slovakia. The new communist-dominated Czecho-Slovak government proceeded to solve this national mixup by making an agreement with Communist Hungary to exchange all Magyars in Slovakia for all Slovaks in Hungary. Furthermore, it removed forcibly a certain portion of the Magyars from Southern Slovakia into the Sudetenland in place of the ousted Germans. Prior to World War I, the upper social classes in Slovakia - the intelligentsia, merchants and greater landowners - were also almost wholly magyarized. If they acknowledged their Slovak origin, they nevertheless accepted the idea of the Hungarian State as their political "credo" and did not concur with the efforts of revived Slovak nationalism. Rather they looked upon it as the manifestation of an unfriendly attitude to the Hungarian fatherland. They therefore engaged freely in all undertakings of the Hungarian government to smear the Pan-Slavists, as they labelled the Slovak patriots. Thus at the very beginning of Slovak nationalism, arises the first major conflict, namely the struggle between Slovak renegades and Pan-Slavists. Slovak renegades were those people of Slovak origin who, either because of opportunities or conviction, offered their services toward the assimilating efforts of the Hun_garian government, which aimed at creating as soon as possible a homogeneous speaking Magyar State. On the �SLOVAKIA 3 other hand, Slovak patriots, were considered Pan-Slavists. They were so named because, in their political struggle, they proceeded hand in hand with the other Slav nationalities in Hungary and often gave evidence of Pan-Slavistic tendencies. The conflict of these two divisions within Slovak society grew steadily more and more violent after the revolutionary year of 1848. Upon it were centered all struggles on Slovak ethnical territory, whether they were of a political, cultural, social, or religious nature. The division of Slovak society into renegades and Pan-Slavists had not only political but also social roots. The assemblage of Slovak renegades was composed of members of the lordly class, among whom we find the intelligentsia, merchants, greater landowners or peers. On the other side stood the great mass of people comprising the Pan-Slavists, among whom were numbered small village farmers and various agricultural workers. Because industry was still in its rudimentary stages, the working class was practically non-extant. From among the intelligentsia, priests had the closest contacts with the broad masses of people and, therefore, became natural leaders and agents of Slovak nationalism. . The aforementioned fact gives further testimony that Slovak nationalism was more a social than a national movement in its beginnings. The reviving tasks of national leaders in the beginnings of Slovak nationalism possessed rather a culturo-social than a national-political character. Slovak leaders entered upon a national-political program only with the revolutionary times of 1848, when they organized a military uprising and brought forth their demand that not Magyar but rather Slovak should be the language used in schools and official circles of the defined Slovak territory within the framework of Hungary. The beginnings leading towards the accomplishment of this demand seemed very favorable in the years prior to 1867. At that time Vienna, resisting the revolting Magyars, sought the support of her nationalities who demanded from the Magyar government of Hungary the same national rights which the Magyars, led by Slovak renegade Louis Kossuth, demanded for themselves in Vienna. �4 SLOVAKIA In 1867, .however, a ~ettlement took place between Vieniia and' Budapest. Slovak nationalism thus lost the '' giveIJ. over support of Vienna and was as a prize to the Magyars to become an internal concz;en of the Hungarian portion of the Habsburg Monarchy. Immediatel y the Magyars feverishly set for~h to magyarize all their nationalities, which action manifested itself on Slovak ethnical .territory by the abolition of all Slovak , political and purely cultural institutions and by the introductio n of Magyar as the official language jn HtJ.ngary. SGhools 1 were to educate a new generation, one that would speak only Magyar and one that would be devoted w:holly to the, Magyars and the ,Hungarian State which they controlled. In these attempts the Magyar-co ntrolled Hungarian governmen t found in Slovakia willing supporters among the ranks of the above-men tioned Slovak renegades, who, in full compliance ·with the psychologic al bent of every renegade, labored more fanatically in instilling the magyarizing program than the governmen t itself had actually contemplat ed. The result could only end in a bitter conflict with the deeply Slovak-con scious group of inhabitants. , This conflict came to light npt only in political manifestations, as is elecfoms, but purrow~d deep even into the daily concerns of the inhabitants . In elections, genuinely Slovak candidates generally had little hope of winning even in those ,electoral districts where the vast majority sympathize d with them. The reason lay in a voting law , which granted voting privileges only to those who possessed a certain· amount of property. This law excluded from voting precisely that portion of Slovak ethnical teritory which formed tb.e basis of Slovak nationalism and granted the decisive word to those who had lost t~eir Slovak national consciousn ess but propertywise were more ,powerful. li'urthermo re, the elections were public and influenced very ev,idently by much use of bribery. Official candidates received heavy aid and support from the governmen t, whereas national candidates could only rely upon their, own resources, which were for the most part meagre and limited. In daily life the conflict between . Slovak renegades �SLOVAKIA 5 and patriotic Slovaks was mirrored mostly in the use of language. The renegades used the Magyar tongue almost exclusively; they regarded the speaking of Magyar not only as a maninfestation of "patriotic" sentiment, but also as the mark of a higher social position. Slovak, 1on the other hand, was looked upon as the tongue of poverty and its use was considered a display of "anti-patriotic'' feeling. In this conflict, which created an atmosphere of almost continual political as well as social tension, Slovak nationalism suffered the loss of much strength, for social privileges, schools and governmental pressure inflicted upon it serious harm and threatened it with destruction. 2. "Czechoslovak" vs. Autonomist With the establishment of Czecho-Slovakia this process was suddenly halted and the Slovaks found themselves in more favorable conditions. Because of the- changed political situation, a large 'number bf former Slovak renegades departed from Slovakia. Furthermore, many of them began to admit again their Sldvak origin, orientated themselves to the new poltiical setup, and even though manifesting little enthusiasm for the revolutionary change, they nevertheless undertook no organized effort which could have proved detrimental to the erection of the new state. It is comprehensible that all national Slovak units accepted the establishment of Czecho-Slovakia with gfeat enthusiasm. But this enthusiasm lasted only as long as its emotional foundation, built in the past under the influence of Pan-Slavism, was extanh It was primarily nurtured by a common fate of the Czechs and Slovaks in Austria-Hungary and led them to progress jointly in their struggles for national ,rights. When, however, both units merged and , had to work out serious problems which appeared during the erection of the new state, the basic difference of the Czech and Slovak character projected itself on the scene and gave an impetus to many conflicts, which in time grew more violent. It is true that Czechs and Slovaks did not find it too difficult to understand one another ling-uistica:lly because of the marked kinship of their languages. Nevertheless, 1-the ideological antl cultural background · of �6 SLOVAKIA / their natures showed itself to be so different that it created an almost impassable gulf between them. The fore-warning of this break was the difference of their religious positions. From the burning of John Hus, the first ecclesiastical reformer at the beginning of the fifteenth century, the Czech character continued to show opposition to Rome and to the Habsburgs. After successfully routing all Czech reforming elements in 1647, the Habsburgs carried on intensive re-Catholiciza tion in Czech lands. With the downfall of the Habsburgs after the First World War, the Czechs found it opportune to undo what they had looked upon as an injustice and, therefore, did not conceal their anti-Catholic thinking in creating CzechoSlovakia. The Slovaks, who are 82 percent Catholic, had no grudge against Rome, and after attaining their national liberty showed no unfriendliness to Catholicism. Thus, immediately in the beginning of the new state, the religious question became an experimental rock of Czech-Slovak relationship and drove the popular and formerly Czechinclined Father Andrew Hlinka with his Slovak People's Party into violent opposition against the Czechs. When, in addition, with the help of a minority of Slovak Lutherans and isolated Liberals, Prague began to organize Czecho-Slova kia centralisticall y by disregarding former agreements about making it a federative republic of two distinct nations, "Czechs and Slovaks," Slovak Catholics inaugurated a movement which came to be known under the name "Autonomist. " The whole discussion seemed, however, to turn around the connotation of the phrase "Czechoslovak nation." In the first chapter of this treatise, allusion was made to the impact of Pan-Slavism upon the budding Slovak nationalism. The Pan-Slavist visualized a kind of political and ethnographica l unification of all Slavs on the ground of their kinship and close language relationship. Influenced by this Pan-Slavistic trend, some Slovaks - especially Lutherans - were prone to accept the idea of the complete fusion of the Slovaks with the Czechs. This objective was to be achieved through a centralized rather than federative Czecho-Slovak ia. Thus, in disregard of all �SLOVAKIA 7 previous agreements between the Czechs and Slovaks, the Czecho-Slovak Republic was organized on the basis of a centralized government. Moreover, the special phrase "Czechoslovak nation" was coined. It had to denote that Czechs and Slovaks were ethnographically, culturally, and politically the same nation. Practically, it meant that the Slovaks were to be made over into Czechs, since the Slovak language was declared a dialect of the Czech and Slovakia was not conceded any right to self-government. Thus, in this new conflict "Czechoslovak vs. Autonomist" two issues were involved: the issue of national difference between the Slovaks and Czechs and the issue of self-government for Slovakia. Those who denied them were "Czechoslovaks"; those who claimed them were "Autonomists." There arose once again the struggle between those who favored the government and those who opposed it for its incorrect interpretation of Slovak feelings. To determine by proper evaluation which side profited in this conflict, it would be unjust to form conclusions solely on the basis of the election outcomes of those parties who stood for the autonomist program. The Slovak People's Party, led by Father Hlinka, alone had a purely autonomist program. But the individuality of the Slovak nation was also stressed by the Slovak National Party, led by Martin Razus, a Lutheran minister, comprising chiefly the Slovak Lutherans, and by the Communist Party. The latter proceeded further than Hlinka's party by demanding the complete separation of Slovakia from the Czechs lands as early as 1926. The autonomist movement achieved its greatest victory in the elections of 1925; of the 299 representative seats in the Czecho-Slovak Parliament, 160 were won by the Czechs, 47 by the Slovaks, 5 by the Ruthenians, 1 by the Russians, 75 by the Germans and 10 by the Magyars. Now the 47 seats belonging to the Slovaks did not represent autonomists only; it simply indicated the representatives from Slovak ethnical territory. Of these seats, 23, belonged to the Hlinka Slovak People's Party, 5 to the Communist Party, 1 to the Slovak National Party; the remainder belonged to the parties which based their plat- �8 SLOVAKIA form on the principle of a "Czechoslovak" nation and stood for a centralized Czecho-Slovak Republic(3). Even though the Slovak People's Party emerged from this election with 23 delegates and gained ascendancy over the other parties seeking for votes in Slovakia, its strength would not necesarily indicate that the idea of a Slovak national individuality was highly popular among Slovak inhabitants. In evaluating the results to determine how parties opposed to this idea were won over in Slovakia, one must not overlook the factor of material benefits offered by those in power to anyone voting for them. Thus, opportunism rather than nationalism was the chief factor which influenced the so-called official parties on Slovak ethnical territory. Actually the defenders and confessors of centralism in Slovakia comprised only a small group of individuals who, with the aid of the Czechs, constituted a true ruling class. In this way they assured for themselves a lasting political career and of course material comforts. They, therefore, took the place of the former Slovak renegades and, like the latter, were the instruments of foreign influences endeavoring to deter the uni-characteristic development of Slovak nationalism. Nevertheless, in the Czecho-Slovak versus Autonomist conflict, Slovak nationalism possessed since the beginning a greater advantage than in the Slovak renegade versus patriotic Slovak conflict because it had the support of schools. It is a very significant circumstance, that although the greater majority of professors and teachers in Slovak schools at the beginning of the Czecho-Slovak Repuplic were Czechs, who came to Slovakia l:>ecause of the lack of specialized Slovak talent, they nevertheless were not able to educate a Slovak generation which wo_u ld become devoted to the idea of the "Czechoslovak" nation, and to a centralized Czecho-Slovak Republic ,based on that idea. The Czechs explain this phenomenon as the ungratefulness of the young Slovak generation for ,proferred aid. It is true that this Czech assistance enabl,~d the Slovaks to make inroads into modern European , society. But the key to the correct evaluation of this seeming ungrateful_ness is offered, by statistics which co111pare the labor pos- �SLOVAKIA 9 sibilities between Czechs and Slovaks on Slovak ethnical territory. The employment question became the most effective outlet for the dissemination of the autonomist movement over the broader Slovak strata, whereby a young, Czech-trained Slovak generation was won over to its objectives. On the other hand, it aided also that group of Slovaks and Czechs who, controlling the sole possibility of distributing labor, possessed an effective means of advantageously influencing in politics all opportunistically inclined natures. Thus, the "Czechoslovak" versus Autonomist conflict also assumed the character of a social struggle. The employment problem in other homogeneous speaking states caused a social tension and made it possible for Communists and Socialists to make greater election gains. In Slovakia, however, it led to an increased tension between Czechs and Slovaks and became the fruitful soil for a separatist nationalism. Czech officials, teachers, and other white collar employees entered Slovakia with the understanding that they would remain there in the exercise of their proper functions until Slovakia could gather sufficient expert forces of its own. After the departure of the Magyars and Slovak, renegades, there remained few experts in Slovakia who could be used in public administration and education(4). Since the Czechs in Austria had their own autonomy and at the same time took an important part in the management of the entire monarchy, they possessed a surplus of intellectuals and for that reason considered Slovakia as a province for the allocation of their intellectuals. Not only did the Czechs reveal an unwillingness to leave the labor possibilities in favor of the new Slovak intelligentsia, but, by utilizing their own influential connections, they also increased their own ranks. The unequal representation of Slovaks and Czechs that existed in the public organs of Slovakia is evident from the following employment statistics of the Board of State Railways in Bratislava and Kosice. In 1925, of 5,134 engineers and higher officers, 90 percent were Czechs; of 12,355 second grade laborers 60 percent were Czechs; of 16, 025 unskilled laborers, 30 percent were Czechs(5). �10 SLOVAKIA This situation is best mirrored in the emigration from Czecho-Slovakia during the years 1920-1937. Of the 400,193 people, who emigrated from the whole country, 213,283 or 52.2 percent belonged to Slovakia. This is an astonishingly high percentage when one considers that Slovakia formed only 23 percent of the whole population of the Czecho-Slovak Republic(6). It was impossible for such a situation not to give rise to many complaints on the part of the Slovaks. It turned them against the Czechs as well as against the Czecho-Slovak state and steadily created suppositions for the greater emphasis of a separate national individuality and eventually an independent state. 3. Lutheran vs. Catholic The conflicts of Slovak nationalism often have their roots in the religious differences of the Slovak population. We have already mentioned that Catholic priests and Lutheran ministers had played an important role in the reawakening of Slovak nationalism. To Western observers this often appears as a remnant of so-called clericalism. It is hardly possible, however, to make a parallel between what is known in France and Italy as clericalism and the role of priests in Slovak politics. In Slovakia priests entered into politics under the influence of the ideas of the Enlightenment, which philosophy gave an impetus to anticlerical struggles in other countries. And it is a fact that Slovak priests also entered into frequent controversy with higher members of the hierarchy, chiefly because the latter were not of Slovak origin and for the greater part supported the Magyar government in its attempts at assimilation in Hungary. That these conflicts did not develop into open religious splits can be accredited to the Popes who, stemming from Pope Leo XIII and his social encyclicals, sympathized with peoples' movements and continually sought to keep them within the fold of the Church. It happened frequently that in disagreements, involving priests and bishops, Rome stood on the side of the priests whenever the controversy stemmed from different social or national sources An outstanding example of the Vatican's attitude is �SLOVAKIA 11 mirrored in the case of Father IDinka, leader of the Slovak Autonomists. Suspended in 1906 by his Magyar Bishop Parvy for participating in the election campaign, Hlinka found Rome favorable to his cause. Bishop Parvy was thus virtually compelled to reinstate Hlinka as pastor. Thus, assured of the sympathies of the Vatican and enthused over the idea of helping their oppressed kin, the Slovak priests took over the leadership in Slovak nationalism. Whenever any member of the Slovak laity in Hungary received an education, the person usually became denationalized either because of the schools or the nature of his position, which demanded of him a subservient service to the government. Otherwise it was impossible to advance in a chosen career. Furthermore, children from peasant, village families found it economically almost impossible to receive a higher education. Only members of wealthier families, which comprised the group of Slovak renegades, were able to pursue higher studies and obtain leading positions. The only vocation open to boys with a village and farming background was that to the priesthood. Not only did the priestly vocation offer an education to such boys, since seminary studies were almost completely free, but it also sent its priests back among the same people whence they came. Furthermore, although the courses were conducted in a Magyar spirit, and this could have influenced them, nevertheless upon the completion of their studies they returned to their own people and once again found themselves in the center of their origin. Moreover, they were not weighted down with the fear that they would be hindered in their career if they failed to act according to the intentions of the government. They were, therefore, very independent in their actions and in fulfilling their vocation. These priests, however, were on the lowest rung of the ecclesiastical hierarchy; the higher rungs were either completely Magyar or Slovak renegadist. It is self-evident that they would be mostly attracted to the ideas of the Enlightenment concerning the people and later romantic ideas concerning the nation. In the majority of instances they, therefore, sought with revolutionary zest to make �12 SLOVAKIA these ideas productive under the motto: "For God and Country!" It is true that, because of the nature of their vocation, they carried religion into politics, and therefore gave an impetus to conflicts of a religious nature. But it is also true, that the reasons why religion became embroiled in politics in Central Europe were not because priests desired to become the leaders of national and peoples' movements, but because of the very nature of the society which retained the religious foundation it had inherited from the Middle Ages. The undermining of this foundation, after the birth of Liberalism, could not fail to call forth ecclesiastical reaction, which began to appear in the establishment of Catholic parties as the most effective, defensive means in the political struggles of democracies. According to the statistics of 1930, the population of Slovakia comprised percentage-wise the following religious denominations: Roman and Greek Catholics - 78.013 percent; Lutherans 12.008 percent; Calvinists 4.376 percent; Jews - 4.102 percent; others - 1.5 percent(?). Only Catholics and Lutherans, however, play a role in Slovak nationalism. Calvinists are for the most part Magyars; and Jews, when not Magyars, in most instances take sides with those who oppose Slovak nationalism. Between Lutherans and Catholics there existed in the beginnings of Slovak nationalism a certain competition in patriotism, which did not always tend in the same direction, principally in matters concerning the legislation of the national Slovak language. In their religious services, the Lutherans used the old Czech language of the so-called "Kralice Bible" that was translated by the Moravian Brethren who were followers of John Hus. This fact led them to retain Czech as the literary tongue for some time. Catholics, on the other hand, always used the Slovak language of the common people and legalized it as national in 1787. From the beginning, Catholics showed the evident tendency to emphasize their distinct national Slovak individuality from that of the Czechs. Lutherans, highly influenced by Pan-Slavism however, were prone to accept the idea that Czechs and Slovaks form a common racial unit of one great Slav family. �SLOVAKIA 13 It was not until the revolutionary times of 1848 that r..udovit Stur, one of the most eminent Lutheran national revivers, established the supposition that Lutherans should also accept the principle of a Slovak language distinct from the Czech. Suppositions were thus established for the close cooperation between Lutherans and Catholics to guarantee national rights to Slovaks in what formerely had been Hungary. In spite of their minority, the Lutherans in 1848 took over the leadership in Slovak nationalism. They formed a rich romantic literature, initiated many political steps in the Hungarian government to obtain national rights for Slovaks, founded a few Slovak cultural institutions and led the only Slovak political party in Hungary, called the Slovak National Party. Catholics accepted their leadership as self-evidential. This acceptance assured almost complete harmony between both units of Slovak nationalism. Towards the end of the nineteenth century Catholics were summoned into more feverish political activity by a newly-created, all-state, Catholic party called the People's Party, founded and headed by the Magyar Count Zichy. The party was brought to life through many laws passed by the liberal-controlled Hungarian Parliament that sought to destroy the present Christian tradition of the country. One of these laws dealt with marriage and demanded that every citizen undergo a civil wedding ceremony. Otherwise, the program of the People's Party appropriated the social principles enumerated in the encyclicals of Pope Leo XIII and also fought for the recognition of national rights for individual nationalism in Hungary. It was a program which Slovak Catholic priests were seeking to realize for a long time. For this reason, the party achieved comparatively wonderful success on Slovak ethnical territory shortly after its entrance into the political struggle. In this party Father Andrew Hlinka achieved public political recognition and in time became the most eminent representative of Slovak nationalism. Although the People's Party received great help from non-Magyar priests and the Catholic laity, the Magyar leaders were in no way anxious to fulfill the nationalitypoint of their program either in the government or within �14 SLOVAKIA the framework of their own party. Rather they supported almost openly the assimilative pressure of the government upon nationalities and, therefore, upon the Slovaks. The deceived Slovak Catholics, therefore, left this party and formed their own Slovak People's Party under the leadership of Father Andrew Hlinka. This party appropriated the social and religious program of the original People's Party and immediately brought forth its claim to national rights for Slovaks. The introduction of the Slovak People's Party created the following situation in Slovakia: Slovak Catholics began to organize into the People's Party, whereas the existing Slovak National Party became only a political organ of Slovak Lutherans. It emphasized a political division according to religion, but no serious conflicts, in the sense of Catholic versus Lutheran, ensued at that time. Magyar pressure steadily created new suppositions for cooperation towards the same national goal. This political division along religious lines became the source of conflict between Catholics and Lutherans only when, in the new Czecho-Slovakia, the fight for national rights was replaced by the struggle to seize power. In this struggle the Lutherans were victorious, because they accepted willingly the centralizing efforts of Prague. The anti-ecclesiastical and Hussite-enrooted politics of the new Czecho-Slovakia meant a grave injury to the deeply religious-conscious Catholics, though it was, to a certain extent, welcomed by the Lutherans. For Catholics, it was a serious reason to fight uncompromisingly for an autonomous Slovakia; for Lutherans and a small group of liberals it was the foundation whereby they easily accepted the principle of the "Czechoslovak" nation and the centralization based on this principle. Prague, therefore, rewarded them with power, and did that without any regard for the vast majority of Slovak Catholics. Practically all of the more prominent politicians in Czecho-Slovakia from Slovakia were Lutherans. They formed a very narrow ruling class, because they were limited to a few chosen families. Out of their midst came a narrow circile of so-called "experts," whom Prague made good use of to govern in Slo- �SLOVAKIA 15 vakia. The eminent English historian C. A. Macartney describes the situation thusly: The fact remains that the (Czechoslovak) government has been obliged more often than not to rule Slovakia against the wishes of most of its inhabitants, maintaining itself only by the expedients of restricting the powers of the self-governing bodies to within the narrowest possible limits, of filling the seats designated for "experts" with its own nominees, and utilizing freely weapons of censorship and police supervision(8). 4. The Reason For the Division It will not be hard to understand why the above-mentioned conflicts developed within the Slovak community if we bear in mind the two main obstacles which revived Slovak nationalism had to overcome. The one was of an internal character, while the other was due to external pressure. Internally, the Slovaks had at the beginning the ten- t dency to confuse their nationality with that of an imaginary Slav nation. This mixup arose from the Pan-Slavistic ideology that greatly appealed to some Slovak leaders, because it imbued them with the feeling of strength in view of the desperate situation in which they found themselves in Hungary. On the other hand, it hindered them from developing the consciousness of a distinct national Slovak character, because some readily accepted the idea of unity with the "closest" Slav nation, namely, th,e Czechs. The Slovaks who felt most strongly inclined to a union with the Czechs opposed the codification of a separate Slovak language. To them the Czech language seemed suitable even for those of their kin living in Hungary. Although these tendencies never took firm roots with majority of the population in Slovakia, they were, the ) nevertheless, strong enough to arouse conflicts and later to enable the Czechs to exploit the Slovaks politically. That I the Czechs have not succeeded can be attributed to the fact that the majority of the Slovaks have always felt \ and professed to be an ethnographically, historically, and culturally distinct nation from the Czechs, and have constantly endeavored to create for Slovakia such political conditions which would stress that distinct national character. I �16 SLOVAKIA The terms "Czechoslovak" and "Autonomist" are to be understood as political designations: the "Czechoslovaks" are those Slovaks who profess to be Czechs; the "Autonomists" are those who feel and act as Slovaks. The designation "Autonomist" comes from the Autonomist Party whose purpose was to assure an autonomous government for Slovakia as opposed to a centralized Czecho-Slovakia sought for by Czechoslovaks. The conflict "Czechoslovak versus Autonomist" can best be expressed in the form of a question: Are we Czechs or are we Slovaks? To this question the Czechoslovak would answer: I am a Czech; the Autonomist: I am a Slovak. Realizing these basic differences, we can easily see that the "Czechoslovak versus Autonomist" conflict resemble the former "Slovak renegade (Magyarized Slovak) versus Pan-Slavist" conflict. The term "Czechoslovak" compares with the Slovak renegade, while the term "Autonomist" with the Pan-Slavist. The difference, however, lies in the fact that the Magyarized Slovak denied his Slovak nationality, while the Czechoslovak has always admitted his original Slovak ethnographical nationality. The former's denial flows from the lack of kinship between Slovaks and Magyars, whereas the Czechoslovak admission is based upon a close racial kinship between Czechs' and Slovaks. Thus, the latter would like to merge the Slovaks with the Czechs despite the fact that there is a sensitive difference between both these related nations. That these conflicts developed to such proportions as to endanger the survival of the Slovaks can be accounted for by the political pressure exerted first by Magyars and later by Czechs. With the removal of that pressure came the disappearance of these conflicts and a deeper understanding of a distinct national personality ensued. As of now, the "Magyarized Slovak versus Pan-Slavist" conflict belongs to history and has r.ceased to be of any importance in the politics of the country. Hardly any citizen of Slovak descent would long for the return of former Hungary, let alone to profess any kinship with the Magyars. The "Czechoslovak versus Autonomist" conflict is not yet dead. Nevertheless, it is losing its original "rai- �SLOVAKIA 17 son d' etre." The Slovaks who still long for the preservation of Czecho-Slovakia, have abandoned the highly disputed fiction of the "Czechoslovak nation" and are accepting the realistic view that Czechs and Slovaks are ethnographically, politically, and historically distinct nations. Thus, these conflicts brought to an end discussions about national personality. The differences which still remain / revolve about the following problem: in what kind of an alliance or political form should Slovaks live to assure for themselves the best conditions for their future survival? (1) Sometimes a distinction has to be made between "Magyar" and "Hungarian" in dealing with the national problems of Hungary prior to World War I. The former Hungarian Kingdom was a country of many nationalities that in their capacity of citizens, were also Hungarians. The designation "Magyar" for "Hungarian" is, therefore, more appropriate whenever the ethnographic character of the problem is to be emphasized. Thus "Magyarizing process" is to denote the forceful methods used by the dominating Magyars or Hungarians to assimilate the other nationalities of Hungary with the view of creating a linguistically and ethnographically homogeneous state. (2) Joseph A. Mikus: La Slovaquie dans le Drame de !'Europe, Paris, 1955; p. 104. (3) Karol Sidor: Andrej Hlinka, Bratislava, 1934; p. 535. (4) Harrison Thomson: Czechoslovakia in European History, p. 292. ((5) K. Culen: Cesi a Slovaci vo Verejnej Sprave Cesko-Slo• venskej Republiky, Bratislava, 1944; p. 70. (6) Joseph A. Mikus: op. cit.; p. 66. (7) Kalendar Kanadskej Slovenskej Ligy, Winnipeg, 1953; p. 64. (8) Hungary and Her Successors, London, 1937; p. 145. • • • WHO SAID IT? "The on[y just and deimocira.tiic solution od' tJhe 'Cwchoslo,v ak' mess crnate'd by T. G. Masaryk and Benes and their foHorwers woudd be tJhe compl.ete freedom and .poliitica:l. inde-0 pendence of the nations inv;o1ved. No just and deimoeratic soluition will be arnived at as long as a 'CzechoslovaJkia' is a}iloiwed to ex,isit, becaiuse everything proposed in the direction of rea[i:zirug the fornldaimental rights of the Slovruk and Rlutihenian peoples would. he l'a be[ed 'aiccording to law' as anti~State and punishiable as such, as. it had been in the first (1918-1938) and third ReipUibJics (1945-1948) orf Czecho-Slo~ia." - (P. A. Hroibak, letter to Hon. Aivin M. Benltfo:y, Juliy 10, 1953). � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1958, Vol. 8 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 26), March 1958.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 27), June 1958.</li> <li>Issue 3 (No. 28), December 1958.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1958 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document Published quarterly by the VOL. VIII Slovak League of America NO. 2 (27) JUNE, 1958 SLOVAK NATIONALISM: CONFLICTS OF SLOVAK NATIONALISM ' B. S. BUC, Ph.D. . 1. Magyar Renegade vs. Pan-Slavist The historical and ideological development of Slovak nationalism was certainly not devoid of internal conflicts. It is self-evident that a society, which lived through many centuries without any political markings whatsoever, had to submit to a series of influences. They left many traces upon its national• character, which hindered the harmonious blending of energies that would have been necessary for the more succes'sfu1 attainment of a lofty goal. Since the Slovaks had lived for a thousand years within the framework of the Hungarian State without their territorial boundaries, they possessed no suppositions to establish at least that kind of group consciousness which would mirror the cultural, political, or geographical character of the land in which they lived. Even though reawakened Slovak nationalism traced its beginnings of national individuality to G'reat Moravia, it had to lean mostly upon an ethnical distinction from the Magyar.(1) Since the land of the Slovaks formed an integral part of the Hungarian over practically the entire ethnical expanse of the Slovaks, and in the' south created such a conglomeration of Slovak and Magyar elements, th1:1.t even today it is impossible fo establish between them such bountiaries which would be agreeable to ' the state and at the same time would fulfill the desire for self-determination. Into the territory of Slovakia, as it was formed after the First World War as a part of Czecho-Slovakia, were incorporated 655,322 Hungarians. They comprised 27 percent of all the inhabitants. Meanwhile 180,000 Slovaks re, ,.. mained in Hungary and they, for the most part, were scat"( ( 2 SLOVAKIA tered throughout the land. This fact gave the Magyars a Slovakia in order to liberate their co-racialists. And they accomplished their goal in 1938 when Czecho-Slovakia crumbled under Hitler's pressure. The Vienna arbitrage, whose principal agents were the Italian foreign minister Ciano and the German foreign minister Ribentrop, apportioned to Hungary 10,309 square kilometers of Slovak land together with 853,670 inhabitants. According to statistics of the year 1930, these inhabitants comprised 503,980 Magyars, 26,157 Jews, 272,145 Slovaks, and 1,825 Ruthenians. Still remaining in Slovakia were 57,193 Magyars. The number of Slovaks in Hungary after the arbitrage increased from 180,00 to 352,145, that is, six times more than the Magyars remaining in Slovakia(2). After the Second World War, all the land taken away by the arbitrage was returned to Slovakia. The new communist-dominated Czecho-Slovak government proceeded to solve this national mixup by making an agreement with Communist Hungary to exchange all Magyars in Slovakia for all Slovaks in Hungary. Furthermore, it removed forcibly a certain portion of the Magyars from Southern Slovakia into the Sudetenland in place of the ousted Germans. Prior to World War I, the upper social classes in Slovakia - the intelligentsia, merchants and greater landowners - were also almost wholly magyarized. If they acknowledged their Slovak origin, they nevertheless accepted the idea of the Hungarian State as their political "credo" and did not concur with the efforts of revived Slovak nationalism. Rather they looked upon it as the manifestation of an unfriendly attitude to the Hungarian fatherland. They therefore engaged freely in all undertakings of the Hungarian government to smear the Pan-Slavists, as they labelled the Slovak patriots. Thus at the very beginning of Slovak nationalism, arises the first major conflict, namely the struggle between Slovak renegades and Pan-Slavists. Slovak renegades were those people of Slovak origin who, either because of opportunities or conviction, offered their services toward the assimilating efforts of the Hun_garian government, which aimed at creating as soon as possible a homogeneous speaking Magyar State. On the SLOVAKIA 3 other hand, Slovak patriots, were considered Pan-Slavists. They were so named because, in their political struggle, they proceeded hand in hand with the other Slav nationalities in Hungary and often gave evidence of Pan-Slavistic tendencies. The conflict of these two divisions within Slovak society grew steadily more and more violent after the revolutionary year of 1848. Upon it were centered all struggles on Slovak ethnical territory, whether they were of a political, cultural, social, or religious nature. The division of Slovak society into renegades and Pan-Slavists had not only political but also social roots. The assemblage of Slovak renegades was composed of members of the lordly class, among whom we find the intelligentsia, merchants, greater landowners or peers. On the other side stood the great mass of people comprising the Pan-Slavists, among whom were numbered small village farmers and various agricultural workers. Because industry was still in its rudimentary stages, the working class was practically non-extant. From among the intelligentsia, priests had the closest contacts with the broad masses of people and, therefore, became natural leaders and agents of Slovak nationalism. . The aforementioned fact gives further testimony that Slovak nationalism was more a social than a national movement in its beginnings. The reviving tasks of national leaders in the beginnings of Slovak nationalism possessed rather a culturo-social than a national-political character. Slovak leaders entered upon a national-political program only with the revolutionary times of 1848, when they organized a military uprising and brought forth their demand that not Magyar but rather Slovak should be the language used in schools and official circles of the defined Slovak territory within the framework of Hungary. The beginnings leading towards the accomplishment of this demand seemed very favorable in the years prior to 1867. At that time Vienna, resisting the revolting Magyars, sought the support of her nationalities who demanded from the Magyar government of Hungary the same national rights which the Magyars, led by Slovak renegade Louis Kossuth, demanded for themselves in Vienna. 4 SLOVAKIA In 1867, .however, a ~ettlement took place between Vieniia and' Budapest. Slovak nationalism thus lost the '' giveIJ. over support of Vienna and was as a prize to the Magyars to become an internal concz;en of the Hungarian portion of the Habsburg Monarchy. Immediatel y the Magyars feverishly set for~h to magyarize all their nationalities, which action manifested itself on Slovak ethnical .territory by the abolition of all Slovak , political and purely cultural institutions and by the introductio n of Magyar as the official language jn HtJ.ngary. SGhools 1 were to educate a new generation, one that would speak only Magyar and one that would be devoted w:holly to the, Magyars and the ,Hungarian State which they controlled. In these attempts the Magyar-co ntrolled Hungarian governmen t found in Slovakia willing supporters among the ranks of the above-men tioned Slovak renegades, who, in full compliance ·with the psychologic al bent of every renegade, labored more fanatically in instilling the magyarizing program than the governmen t itself had actually contemplat ed. The result could only end in a bitter conflict with the deeply Slovak-con scious group of inhabitants. , This conflict came to light npt only in political manifestations, as is elecfoms, but purrow~d deep even into the daily concerns of the inhabitants . In elections, genuinely Slovak candidates generally had little hope of winning even in those ,electoral districts where the vast majority sympathize d with them. The reason lay in a voting law , which granted voting privileges only to those who possessed a certain· amount of property. This law excluded from voting precisely that portion of Slovak ethnical teritory which formed tb.e basis of Slovak nationalism and granted the decisive word to those who had lost t~eir Slovak national consciousn ess but propertywise were more ,powerful. li'urthermo re, the elections were public and influenced very ev,idently by much use of bribery. Official candidates received heavy aid and support from the governmen t, whereas national candidates could only rely upon their, own resources, which were for the most part meagre and limited. In daily life the conflict between . Slovak renegades SLOVAKIA 5 and patriotic Slovaks was mirrored mostly in the use of language. The renegades used the Magyar tongue almost exclusively; they regarded the speaking of Magyar not only as a maninfestation of "patriotic" sentiment, but also as the mark of a higher social position. Slovak, 1on the other hand, was looked upon as the tongue of poverty and its use was considered a display of "anti-patriotic'' feeling. In this conflict, which created an atmosphere of almost continual political as well as social tension, Slovak nationalism suffered the loss of much strength, for social privileges, schools and governmental pressure inflicted upon it serious harm and threatened it with destruction. 2. "Czechoslovak" vs. Autonomist With the establishment of Czecho-Slovakia this process was suddenly halted and the Slovaks found themselves in more favorable conditions. Because of the- changed political situation, a large 'number bf former Slovak renegades departed from Slovakia. Furthermore, many of them began to admit again their Sldvak origin, orientated themselves to the new poltiical setup, and even though manifesting little enthusiasm for the revolutionary change, they nevertheless undertook no organized effort which could have proved detrimental to the erection of the new state. It is comprehensible that all national Slovak units accepted the establishment of Czecho-Slovakia with gfeat enthusiasm. But this enthusiasm lasted only as long as its emotional foundation, built in the past under the influence of Pan-Slavism, was extanh It was primarily nurtured by a common fate of the Czechs and Slovaks in Austria-Hungary and led them to progress jointly in their struggles for national ,rights. When, however, both units merged and , had to work out serious problems which appeared during the erection of the new state, the basic difference of the Czech and Slovak character projected itself on the scene and gave an impetus to many conflicts, which in time grew more violent. It is true that Czechs and Slovaks did not find it too difficult to understand one another ling-uistica:lly because of the marked kinship of their languages. Nevertheless, 1-the ideological antl cultural background · of 6 SLOVAKIA / their natures showed itself to be so different that it created an almost impassable gulf between them. The fore-warning of this break was the difference of their religious positions. From the burning of John Hus, the first ecclesiastical reformer at the beginning of the fifteenth century, the Czech character continued to show opposition to Rome and to the Habsburgs. After successfully routing all Czech reforming elements in 1647, the Habsburgs carried on intensive re-Catholiciza tion in Czech lands. With the downfall of the Habsburgs after the First World War, the Czechs found it opportune to undo what they had looked upon as an injustice and, therefore, did not conceal their anti-Catholic thinking in creating CzechoSlovakia. The Slovaks, who are 82 percent Catholic, had no grudge against Rome, and after attaining their national liberty showed no unfriendliness to Catholicism. Thus, immediately in the beginning of the new state, the religious question became an experimental rock of Czech-Slovak relationship and drove the popular and formerly Czechinclined Father Andrew Hlinka with his Slovak People's Party into violent opposition against the Czechs. When, in addition, with the help of a minority of Slovak Lutherans and isolated Liberals, Prague began to organize Czecho-Slova kia centralisticall y by disregarding former agreements about making it a federative republic of two distinct nations, "Czechs and Slovaks," Slovak Catholics inaugurated a movement which came to be known under the name "Autonomist. " The whole discussion seemed, however, to turn around the connotation of the phrase "Czechoslovak nation." In the first chapter of this treatise, allusion was made to the impact of Pan-Slavism upon the budding Slovak nationalism. The Pan-Slavist visualized a kind of political and ethnographica l unification of all Slavs on the ground of their kinship and close language relationship. Influenced by this Pan-Slavistic trend, some Slovaks - especially Lutherans - were prone to accept the idea of the complete fusion of the Slovaks with the Czechs. This objective was to be achieved through a centralized rather than federative Czecho-Slovak ia. Thus, in disregard of all SLOVAKIA 7 previous agreements between the Czechs and Slovaks, the Czecho-Slovak Republic was organized on the basis of a centralized government. Moreover, the special phrase "Czechoslovak nation" was coined. It had to denote that Czechs and Slovaks were ethnographically, culturally, and politically the same nation. Practically, it meant that the Slovaks were to be made over into Czechs, since the Slovak language was declared a dialect of the Czech and Slovakia was not conceded any right to self-government. Thus, in this new conflict "Czechoslovak vs. Autonomist" two issues were involved: the issue of national difference between the Slovaks and Czechs and the issue of self-government for Slovakia. Those who denied them were "Czechoslovaks"; those who claimed them were "Autonomists." There arose once again the struggle between those who favored the government and those who opposed it for its incorrect interpretation of Slovak feelings. To determine by proper evaluation which side profited in this conflict, it would be unjust to form conclusions solely on the basis of the election outcomes of those parties who stood for the autonomist program. The Slovak People's Party, led by Father Hlinka, alone had a purely autonomist program. But the individuality of the Slovak nation was also stressed by the Slovak National Party, led by Martin Razus, a Lutheran minister, comprising chiefly the Slovak Lutherans, and by the Communist Party. The latter proceeded further than Hlinka's party by demanding the complete separation of Slovakia from the Czechs lands as early as 1926. The autonomist movement achieved its greatest victory in the elections of 1925; of the 299 representative seats in the Czecho-Slovak Parliament, 160 were won by the Czechs, 47 by the Slovaks, 5 by the Ruthenians, 1 by the Russians, 75 by the Germans and 10 by the Magyars. Now the 47 seats belonging to the Slovaks did not represent autonomists only; it simply indicated the representatives from Slovak ethnical territory. Of these seats, 23, belonged to the Hlinka Slovak People's Party, 5 to the Communist Party, 1 to the Slovak National Party; the remainder belonged to the parties which based their plat- 8 SLOVAKIA form on the principle of a "Czechoslovak" nation and stood for a centralized Czecho-Slovak Republic(3). Even though the Slovak People's Party emerged from this election with 23 delegates and gained ascendancy over the other parties seeking for votes in Slovakia, its strength would not necesarily indicate that the idea of a Slovak national individuality was highly popular among Slovak inhabitants. In evaluating the results to determine how parties opposed to this idea were won over in Slovakia, one must not overlook the factor of material benefits offered by those in power to anyone voting for them. Thus, opportunism rather than nationalism was the chief factor which influenced the so-called official parties on Slovak ethnical territory. Actually the defenders and confessors of centralism in Slovakia comprised only a small group of individuals who, with the aid of the Czechs, constituted a true ruling class. In this way they assured for themselves a lasting political career and of course material comforts. They, therefore, took the place of the former Slovak renegades and, like the latter, were the instruments of foreign influences endeavoring to deter the uni-characteristic development of Slovak nationalism. Nevertheless, in the Czecho-Slovak versus Autonomist conflict, Slovak nationalism possessed since the beginning a greater advantage than in the Slovak renegade versus patriotic Slovak conflict because it had the support of schools. It is a very significant circumstance, that although the greater majority of professors and teachers in Slovak schools at the beginning of the Czecho-Slovak Repuplic were Czechs, who came to Slovakia l:>ecause of the lack of specialized Slovak talent, they nevertheless were not able to educate a Slovak generation which wo_u ld become devoted to the idea of the "Czechoslovak" nation, and to a centralized Czecho-Slovak Republic ,based on that idea. The Czechs explain this phenomenon as the ungratefulness of the young Slovak generation for ,proferred aid. It is true that this Czech assistance enabl,~d the Slovaks to make inroads into modern European , society. But the key to the correct evaluation of this seeming ungrateful_ness is offered, by statistics which co111pare the labor pos- SLOVAKIA 9 sibilities between Czechs and Slovaks on Slovak ethnical territory. The employment question became the most effective outlet for the dissemination of the autonomist movement over the broader Slovak strata, whereby a young, Czech-trained Slovak generation was won over to its objectives. On the other hand, it aided also that group of Slovaks and Czechs who, controlling the sole possibility of distributing labor, possessed an effective means of advantageously influencing in politics all opportunistically inclined natures. Thus, the "Czechoslovak" versus Autonomist conflict also assumed the character of a social struggle. The employment problem in other homogeneous speaking states caused a social tension and made it possible for Communists and Socialists to make greater election gains. In Slovakia, however, it led to an increased tension between Czechs and Slovaks and became the fruitful soil for a separatist nationalism. Czech officials, teachers, and other white collar employees entered Slovakia with the understanding that they would remain there in the exercise of their proper functions until Slovakia could gather sufficient expert forces of its own. After the departure of the Magyars and Slovak, renegades, there remained few experts in Slovakia who could be used in public administration and education(4). Since the Czechs in Austria had their own autonomy and at the same time took an important part in the management of the entire monarchy, they possessed a surplus of intellectuals and for that reason considered Slovakia as a province for the allocation of their intellectuals. Not only did the Czechs reveal an unwillingness to leave the labor possibilities in favor of the new Slovak intelligentsia, but, by utilizing their own influential connections, they also increased their own ranks. The unequal representation of Slovaks and Czechs that existed in the public organs of Slovakia is evident from the following employment statistics of the Board of State Railways in Bratislava and Kosice. In 1925, of 5,134 engineers and higher officers, 90 percent were Czechs; of 12,355 second grade laborers 60 percent were Czechs; of 16, 025 unskilled laborers, 30 percent were Czechs(5). 10 SLOVAKIA This situation is best mirrored in the emigration from Czecho-Slovakia during the years 1920-1937. Of the 400,193 people, who emigrated from the whole country, 213,283 or 52.2 percent belonged to Slovakia. This is an astonishingly high percentage when one considers that Slovakia formed only 23 percent of the whole population of the Czecho-Slovak Republic(6). It was impossible for such a situation not to give rise to many complaints on the part of the Slovaks. It turned them against the Czechs as well as against the Czecho-Slovak state and steadily created suppositions for the greater emphasis of a separate national individuality and eventually an independent state. 3. Lutheran vs. Catholic The conflicts of Slovak nationalism often have their roots in the religious differences of the Slovak population. We have already mentioned that Catholic priests and Lutheran ministers had played an important role in the reawakening of Slovak nationalism. To Western observers this often appears as a remnant of so-called clericalism. It is hardly possible, however, to make a parallel between what is known in France and Italy as clericalism and the role of priests in Slovak politics. In Slovakia priests entered into politics under the influence of the ideas of the Enlightenment, which philosophy gave an impetus to anticlerical struggles in other countries. And it is a fact that Slovak priests also entered into frequent controversy with higher members of the hierarchy, chiefly because the latter were not of Slovak origin and for the greater part supported the Magyar government in its attempts at assimilation in Hungary. That these conflicts did not develop into open religious splits can be accredited to the Popes who, stemming from Pope Leo XIII and his social encyclicals, sympathized with peoples' movements and continually sought to keep them within the fold of the Church. It happened frequently that in disagreements, involving priests and bishops, Rome stood on the side of the priests whenever the controversy stemmed from different social or national sources An outstanding example of the Vatican's attitude is SLOVAKIA 11 mirrored in the case of Father IDinka, leader of the Slovak Autonomists. Suspended in 1906 by his Magyar Bishop Parvy for participating in the election campaign, Hlinka found Rome favorable to his cause. Bishop Parvy was thus virtually compelled to reinstate Hlinka as pastor. Thus, assured of the sympathies of the Vatican and enthused over the idea of helping their oppressed kin, the Slovak priests took over the leadership in Slovak nationalism. Whenever any member of the Slovak laity in Hungary received an education, the person usually became denationalized either because of the schools or the nature of his position, which demanded of him a subservient service to the government. Otherwise it was impossible to advance in a chosen career. Furthermore, children from peasant, village families found it economically almost impossible to receive a higher education. Only members of wealthier families, which comprised the group of Slovak renegades, were able to pursue higher studies and obtain leading positions. The only vocation open to boys with a village and farming background was that to the priesthood. Not only did the priestly vocation offer an education to such boys, since seminary studies were almost completely free, but it also sent its priests back among the same people whence they came. Furthermore, although the courses were conducted in a Magyar spirit, and this could have influenced them, nevertheless upon the completion of their studies they returned to their own people and once again found themselves in the center of their origin. Moreover, they were not weighted down with the fear that they would be hindered in their career if they failed to act according to the intentions of the government. They were, therefore, very independent in their actions and in fulfilling their vocation. These priests, however, were on the lowest rung of the ecclesiastical hierarchy; the higher rungs were either completely Magyar or Slovak renegadist. It is self-evident that they would be mostly attracted to the ideas of the Enlightenment concerning the people and later romantic ideas concerning the nation. In the majority of instances they, therefore, sought with revolutionary zest to make 12 SLOVAKIA these ideas productive under the motto: "For God and Country!" It is true that, because of the nature of their vocation, they carried religion into politics, and therefore gave an impetus to conflicts of a religious nature. But it is also true, that the reasons why religion became embroiled in politics in Central Europe were not because priests desired to become the leaders of national and peoples' movements, but because of the very nature of the society which retained the religious foundation it had inherited from the Middle Ages. The undermining of this foundation, after the birth of Liberalism, could not fail to call forth ecclesiastical reaction, which began to appear in the establishment of Catholic parties as the most effective, defensive means in the political struggles of democracies. According to the statistics of 1930, the population of Slovakia comprised percentage-wise the following religious denominations: Roman and Greek Catholics - 78.013 percent; Lutherans 12.008 percent; Calvinists 4.376 percent; Jews - 4.102 percent; others - 1.5 percent(?). Only Catholics and Lutherans, however, play a role in Slovak nationalism. Calvinists are for the most part Magyars; and Jews, when not Magyars, in most instances take sides with those who oppose Slovak nationalism. Between Lutherans and Catholics there existed in the beginnings of Slovak nationalism a certain competition in patriotism, which did not always tend in the same direction, principally in matters concerning the legislation of the national Slovak language. In their religious services, the Lutherans used the old Czech language of the so-called "Kralice Bible" that was translated by the Moravian Brethren who were followers of John Hus. This fact led them to retain Czech as the literary tongue for some time. Catholics, on the other hand, always used the Slovak language of the common people and legalized it as national in 1787. From the beginning, Catholics showed the evident tendency to emphasize their distinct national Slovak individuality from that of the Czechs. Lutherans, highly influenced by Pan-Slavism however, were prone to accept the idea that Czechs and Slovaks form a common racial unit of one great Slav family. SLOVAKIA 13 It was not until the revolutionary times of 1848 that r..udovit Stur, one of the most eminent Lutheran national revivers, established the supposition that Lutherans should also accept the principle of a Slovak language distinct from the Czech. Suppositions were thus established for the close cooperation between Lutherans and Catholics to guarantee national rights to Slovaks in what formerely had been Hungary. In spite of their minority, the Lutherans in 1848 took over the leadership in Slovak nationalism. They formed a rich romantic literature, initiated many political steps in the Hungarian government to obtain national rights for Slovaks, founded a few Slovak cultural institutions and led the only Slovak political party in Hungary, called the Slovak National Party. Catholics accepted their leadership as self-evidential. This acceptance assured almost complete harmony between both units of Slovak nationalism. Towards the end of the nineteenth century Catholics were summoned into more feverish political activity by a newly-created, all-state, Catholic party called the People's Party, founded and headed by the Magyar Count Zichy. The party was brought to life through many laws passed by the liberal-controlled Hungarian Parliament that sought to destroy the present Christian tradition of the country. One of these laws dealt with marriage and demanded that every citizen undergo a civil wedding ceremony. Otherwise, the program of the People's Party appropriated the social principles enumerated in the encyclicals of Pope Leo XIII and also fought for the recognition of national rights for individual nationalism in Hungary. It was a program which Slovak Catholic priests were seeking to realize for a long time. For this reason, the party achieved comparatively wonderful success on Slovak ethnical territory shortly after its entrance into the political struggle. In this party Father Andrew Hlinka achieved public political recognition and in time became the most eminent representative of Slovak nationalism. Although the People's Party received great help from non-Magyar priests and the Catholic laity, the Magyar leaders were in no way anxious to fulfill the nationalitypoint of their program either in the government or within 14 SLOVAKIA the framework of their own party. Rather they supported almost openly the assimilative pressure of the government upon nationalities and, therefore, upon the Slovaks. The deceived Slovak Catholics, therefore, left this party and formed their own Slovak People's Party under the leadership of Father Andrew Hlinka. This party appropriated the social and religious program of the original People's Party and immediately brought forth its claim to national rights for Slovaks. The introduction of the Slovak People's Party created the following situation in Slovakia: Slovak Catholics began to organize into the People's Party, whereas the existing Slovak National Party became only a political organ of Slovak Lutherans. It emphasized a political division according to religion, but no serious conflicts, in the sense of Catholic versus Lutheran, ensued at that time. Magyar pressure steadily created new suppositions for cooperation towards the same national goal. This political division along religious lines became the source of conflict between Catholics and Lutherans only when, in the new Czecho-Slovakia, the fight for national rights was replaced by the struggle to seize power. In this struggle the Lutherans were victorious, because they accepted willingly the centralizing efforts of Prague. The anti-ecclesiastical and Hussite-enrooted politics of the new Czecho-Slovakia meant a grave injury to the deeply religious-conscious Catholics, though it was, to a certain extent, welcomed by the Lutherans. For Catholics, it was a serious reason to fight uncompromisingly for an autonomous Slovakia; for Lutherans and a small group of liberals it was the foundation whereby they easily accepted the principle of the "Czechoslovak" nation and the centralization based on this principle. Prague, therefore, rewarded them with power, and did that without any regard for the vast majority of Slovak Catholics. Practically all of the more prominent politicians in Czecho-Slovakia from Slovakia were Lutherans. They formed a very narrow ruling class, because they were limited to a few chosen families. Out of their midst came a narrow circile of so-called "experts," whom Prague made good use of to govern in Slo- SLOVAKIA 15 vakia. The eminent English historian C. A. Macartney describes the situation thusly: The fact remains that the (Czechoslovak) government has been obliged more often than not to rule Slovakia against the wishes of most of its inhabitants, maintaining itself only by the expedients of restricting the powers of the self-governing bodies to within the narrowest possible limits, of filling the seats designated for "experts" with its own nominees, and utilizing freely weapons of censorship and police supervision(8). 4. The Reason For the Division It will not be hard to understand why the above-mentioned conflicts developed within the Slovak community if we bear in mind the two main obstacles which revived Slovak nationalism had to overcome. The one was of an internal character, while the other was due to external pressure. Internally, the Slovaks had at the beginning the ten- t dency to confuse their nationality with that of an imaginary Slav nation. This mixup arose from the Pan-Slavistic ideology that greatly appealed to some Slovak leaders, because it imbued them with the feeling of strength in view of the desperate situation in which they found themselves in Hungary. On the other hand, it hindered them from developing the consciousness of a distinct national Slovak character, because some readily accepted the idea of unity with the "closest" Slav nation, namely, th,e Czechs. The Slovaks who felt most strongly inclined to a union with the Czechs opposed the codification of a separate Slovak language. To them the Czech language seemed suitable even for those of their kin living in Hungary. Although these tendencies never took firm roots with majority of the population in Slovakia, they were, the ) nevertheless, strong enough to arouse conflicts and later to enable the Czechs to exploit the Slovaks politically. That I the Czechs have not succeeded can be attributed to the fact that the majority of the Slovaks have always felt \ and professed to be an ethnographically, historically, and culturally distinct nation from the Czechs, and have constantly endeavored to create for Slovakia such political conditions which would stress that distinct national character. I 16 SLOVAKIA The terms "Czechoslovak" and "Autonomist" are to be understood as political designations: the "Czechoslovaks" are those Slovaks who profess to be Czechs; the "Autonomists" are those who feel and act as Slovaks. The designation "Autonomist" comes from the Autonomist Party whose purpose was to assure an autonomous government for Slovakia as opposed to a centralized Czecho-Slovakia sought for by Czechoslovaks. The conflict "Czechoslovak versus Autonomist" can best be expressed in the form of a question: Are we Czechs or are we Slovaks? To this question the Czechoslovak would answer: I am a Czech; the Autonomist: I am a Slovak. Realizing these basic differences, we can easily see that the "Czechoslovak versus Autonomist" conflict resemble the former "Slovak renegade (Magyarized Slovak) versus Pan-Slavist" conflict. The term "Czechoslovak" compares with the Slovak renegade, while the term "Autonomist" with the Pan-Slavist. The difference, however, lies in the fact that the Magyarized Slovak denied his Slovak nationality, while the Czechoslovak has always admitted his original Slovak ethnographical nationality. The former's denial flows from the lack of kinship between Slovaks and Magyars, whereas the Czechoslovak admission is based upon a close racial kinship between Czechs' and Slovaks. Thus, the latter would like to merge the Slovaks with the Czechs despite the fact that there is a sensitive difference between both these related nations. That these conflicts developed to such proportions as to endanger the survival of the Slovaks can be accounted for by the political pressure exerted first by Magyars and later by Czechs. With the removal of that pressure came the disappearance of these conflicts and a deeper understanding of a distinct national personality ensued. As of now, the "Magyarized Slovak versus Pan-Slavist" conflict belongs to history and has r.ceased to be of any importance in the politics of the country. Hardly any citizen of Slovak descent would long for the return of former Hungary, let alone to profess any kinship with the Magyars. The "Czechoslovak versus Autonomist" conflict is not yet dead. Nevertheless, it is losing its original "rai- SLOVAKIA 17 son d' etre." The Slovaks who still long for the preservation of Czecho-Slovakia, have abandoned the highly disputed fiction of the "Czechoslovak nation" and are accepting the realistic view that Czechs and Slovaks are ethnographically, politically, and historically distinct nations. Thus, these conflicts brought to an end discussions about national personality. The differences which still remain / revolve about the following problem: in what kind of an alliance or political form should Slovaks live to assure for themselves the best conditions for their future survival? (1) Sometimes a distinction has to be made between "Magyar" and "Hungarian" in dealing with the national problems of Hungary prior to World War I. The former Hungarian Kingdom was a country of many nationalities that in their capacity of citizens, were also Hungarians. The designation "Magyar" for "Hungarian" is, therefore, more appropriate whenever the ethnographic character of the problem is to be emphasized. Thus "Magyarizing process" is to denote the forceful methods used by the dominating Magyars or Hungarians to assimilate the other nationalities of Hungary with the view of creating a linguistically and ethnographically homogeneous state. (2) Joseph A. Mikus: La Slovaquie dans le Drame de !'Europe, Paris, 1955; p. 104. (3) Karol Sidor: Andrej Hlinka, Bratislava, 1934; p. 535. (4) Harrison Thomson: Czechoslovakia in European History, p. 292. ((5) K. Culen: Cesi a Slovaci vo Verejnej Sprave Cesko-Slo• venskej Republiky, Bratislava, 1944; p. 70. (6) Joseph A. Mikus: op. cit.; p. 66. (7) Kalendar Kanadskej Slovenskej Ligy, Winnipeg, 1953; p. 64. (8) Hungary and Her Successors, London, 1937; p. 145. • • • WHO SAID IT? "The on[y just and deimocira.tiic solution od' tJhe 'Cwchoslo,v ak' mess crnate'd by T. G. Masaryk and Benes and their foHorwers woudd be tJhe compl.ete freedom and .poliitica:l. inde-0 pendence of the nations inv;o1ved. No just and deimoeratic soluition will be arnived at as long as a 'CzechoslovaJkia' is a}iloiwed to ex,isit, becaiuse everything proposed in the direction of rea[i:zirug the fornldaimental rights of the Slovruk and Rlutihenian peoples would. he l'a be[ed 'aiccording to law' as anti~State and punishiable as such, as. it had been in the first (1918-1938) and third ReipUibJics (1945-1948) orf Czecho-Slo~ia." - (P. A. Hroibak, letter to Hon. Aivin M. Benltfo:y, Juliy 10, 1953).  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovak Nationalism: Conflicts of Slovak Nationalism Description An account of the resource B. S. Buc, Ph.D.<br />Slovakia, Vol. 8, No. 2 (27), June 1958<br />pp. 1-17<br /><ol><li>Magyar Renegade vs. Pan-Slavist</li> <li>"Czechoslovak" vs. Autonomist</li> <li>Lutheran vs. Catholic</li> <li>The Reason for the Division</li> </ol> Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Buc, B. S. (Bonaventure S.), 1910-1966 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource June 1958 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/175032ad0419add59986bb244c13b3d1.pdf f95053c465777d45b43828f3cdd0e150 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 2"> SLOVAK NATIONALISM: FEDERATIVE TENDENCIES OF SLOVAK NATIONALISM B. S. BUC, Ph.D. 1. The Struggle For Survival The most characteristic effort, underlying all the undertakings of re-awakened Slovak nationalism, is the attempt to gain recognition of national individuality first in Austria-Hungary and then in Czecho-Slovakia. Both of these states - Hungary under the pretense of the thousand-year common life of Slovaks within its confines and Czecho-Slovakia under the guise of Slav tribal kinship - pursued a similar aim, namely, to break the will of the Slovaks after they had developed their own national character and to enrich their own collectivity with Slovaks. When we take into consideration that the Slovaks appeared on the modern scene as an almost unknown political factor, we will realize that obstacles, which stood and at present still stand in the way of their political ambitions, were and are continually great. Slovak nationalism, therefore could not reckon with the rapid achievement of independence in its own state. For that rea:::on it had no direct aim in its program to break those state ties in which it found itself. It fought only for the change of its internal structure in such a way that its life would not be menaced. If it became an element of dissolution of state ties, this was more the result of external circumstances which occasioned the break rather than of internal efforts. In such case, Slovak nationalism was, therefore, forced to choose between two alternatives: to maintain its original ties and live in continual dread of losing its national individuality; or to accept a new solution, promising greater possibilities for its own development. Thus, external circumstances caused Slovak nationalism to become one of the elements of dissolution, first of Austria-Hungary, in 1918, and later of Czecho-Slovakia in 1938. Neither of those states were dissolved as the result of an �26 SLOVAKIA internal revolution, even if conditions for such action were favorable, but rather through the decisions of external agents who were interested in the creation of a different and more favorable form of Central Europe. In each instance an unexpected opportunity presented itself to Slovak nationalism for a near revolutionary transition to more favorable conditions. One can observe, however, that in its foundations Slovak nationalism manifests greater tendencies toward federative living with other nations in the Central European sphere of influence than toward its own sovereign statehood. The thought of a federated Central Europe, in one form or another, underlies all efforts of Slovak nationalism and is, of course, the principal aim of the entire Slovak struggle for self-preservation. 2. Federation Rather Than Dissolution of Austria-Hungary In general, the reason for the dissolution of Austria.Hungary rested in the many nationalities that were dissatisfied with this empire. On the other hand, it is also true that shortly before the First World War, the nations of Austria-Hungary as well as the Western Democracies saw in Habsburg Monarchy their best guarantee against German and Russian imperialism. The nations, therefore, opposed very sharply all assimilative efforts of this state, not, however, at the cost of its dissolution. They remembered that the origin of Austria-Hungary was not so much the result of the political genius of the Habsburgs, J::,ut rather of the political, economical, and geographical conditions of the Central European sphere of influence. AustriaHungary was regarded, therefore, as one of the main component parts of the political equilibrium in Europe. This supposition was wholly correct. With the displacement of Austria-Hungary, the European equilibrium was broken to the detriment of those nations which lived within its confines. All federative efforts in Central Europe tend principally to the formation of Austria-Hungary, not, however, in the form of the former Habsburg Monarchy, but on the basis of economical, geographical, and political expedients of that part of Europe, of which it was a political representative for several centuries. �SLOVAKIA 27 The first attempts of the nations of Austria-Hungary for a revived nationalism proceeded no further than its federation. Scarcely any other nation in Austria-Hungary manifested a greater impatience with the latter's politics than the Czechs; and even they proclaimed through the lips of their most renowned historian Francis Palacky: "If Austria did not exist, we would have to create it!" This same Czech historian, writing to the German revolutionary congress in Frankfurt-on-the-Main in 1848, said: "The preservation of Austria - its integrity and solidification is and must be the great and important concern not only of the Czech nation, but of the whole Europe, nay, of all humanity and foreign lands" (1). Even Dr. Edward Benes, one of the principal creators of Czecho-Slovakia and later an unreconciled enemy of the Habsburgs, wrote in 1908: "People often speak about the dissolution of Austria. I absolutely do not believe in it. The historical and economic ties, which mutually unite the nations of Austria, are too strong to allow Austria to collapse" (2). From the revolutionary years of 1848, the thought of federating Austria-Hungary was the foremost political goal of all nationalities of this monarchy, and was even accepted sympathetically by the imperial court itself. But after the so-called agreement with the Hungarians (Magyars) in 1867, the Habsburgs gave precedence to the forceful solution of the national problem by applying coercive methods of assimilation. This came as a disappointment to the other nationalities and increased greatly their movements toward complete emancipation. It made them to forget the historical and economic ties which bound them to the Habsb:irg monarchy and moved them to work for its dissolution. The federation of Austria-Hungary was demanded by the changed views of society, which the philosophy of the Enlightenment and Romanticism had created. These new views emphasized the principle of plurality instead of the former principle of unity, the principle of individual liberty instead of the principle of unreserved obedience to state authority. Had the Habsburgs recalled this great change in the thinking of people, they would certainly have held their GANS.ER LIBRARY �28 SLOVAKIA empire together even if they would have changed its former autocratic foundation. In accord with the other nationalities of Austria-Hungary, the aim of all Slovak undertakings was the federation of Austria-Hungary. The Slovaks publicly emphasized the thought of federation , first in a memorandum which they presented to the emperor at Vienna, in 1861, and then at the nationality congress in Budapest, in 1867. At the second nationality congress which was held on August 10, 1895, also in Budapest, during a time of great persecutions, "the Rumanians, Serbs and Slovaks, who assembled in Budapest (wrote the Neue Freie Presse) demand the division of Hungary into ethnic self-administrative units, which in effect is equal to the demand to abolish the union between Hungary and Transylvania, to renew the Serbian Duchy and create a self-administrative Slovakia, such as Hurban promoted already thirty years earlier" (3). The unwillingness of Budapest and Vienna to meet these demands led not only the Slovaks but also other nationalities to accept willingly such solutions to their problem that prepared the way for the complete dissolution of Austria-Hungary. The offer of this new solution came chiefly from the Western Democracies during the First World War even despite the fact that, in the West, Austria-Hungary was considered as late as 1903 as "the only barrier, sufficiently strong, at the beginning of the 20th century, which could discourage German ambitions the day when these would begin to threaten the European balance ( 4). During the First World War, however, it became apparent that Austria-Hungary proceeded in a completely opposite direction, that is, it abetted the ambitions of Germany Western Democracies, therefore, decided to dissolve it. The greatest influence came from the "American crusading spirit," which, in the form of Wilson's idealistic principle of self-determination of nations, gave the nationalities an unforeseen moral weapon. Austria-Hungary comprised such a mixture of nationalities that the realization of the principle of self-determination was impossible without repeating the situation of Austria-Hungary would - and that in a much worse form - in new national states along national lines. In the new states which had risen out of the ashes of �SLOVAKIA r Austria-Hungary, the burden of power passed from rulers to subordinates, while the political order remained as it was. The former national chauvinism of antagonism began to disintegrate the cohabitation of Central European nations more than ever before and opened the way for the repeated aggrandizement of German imperialism. 3. The Goal of the Slovak Autonomist Movement: A Federated Czecho-Slovakia It was self-evident that, as soon as suppositions for arranging Central Europe upon a new basis emerged, the Slovaks would accept this solution enthusiastically. They found an opportunity to free themselves from their "thousand-year slavery," by which term they referred to their life within the confines of Hungary after the downfall of Greater Moravia in 906. They joined with the Czechs to form one state under the condition that Czecho-Slovakia would be a federated state. This federation was guaranteed by two agreements between Czechs and Slovaks in the United States, in Cleveland in 1915, and then in Pittsburgh in 1918. At the Peace Conference, in 1919, even Dr. Edward Benes promised this in the name of the Czecho-Slovak Government when he stated that: "it is the intention of the Czecho-Slovak Government to create the organization of the state by accepting as a basis of natural rights the principles applied in the constitution of the Swiss Republic a sort of Switzerland . . ." (5). Immediately with the rise of Czecho-Slovakia, the lure of might showed itself more powerful for the Czech majority than the ideals of national equality and rights. For this reason they began to organize a new state on the basis of the principle of power, applying the narrowest centralization. Dr. Ferdis Juriga, one of the most eminent representatives of Slovak nationalism, opposed those Czech propensities on the floor of Parliament in Prague on January 28, 1920, in the following words: "We must tend to decentralization, toward self-administration, so that the Republic might develop on a federalistic basis, because federalism is the system of the future. We must preserve our individuality and not let ourselves be absorbed. Federation is not only in the interest of our nation and the Czecho-Slovak Republic, but it also �30 SLOVAKIA answers the spirit of all mankind. It is an all-human tendency, the tendency of all mankind, this tendency to validate oneself to develop, to which every individual person and every national unit should have the right, which should crystalize out into a legal personality, so that these various nations could then become federalized in one great world republic. This would be the highest ideal and the path that leads to it is: federalism" (6) His position was a bit idealistic, but he expressed correctly the modern effort to arrange the cohabitation of nations on a pluralistic basis in the sense of the principle of equality. We have already said that the dissolution of Austria-Hungary must be charged to the lack of respect for this voice of the times. Czecho-Slovakia, which along national lines was only a worse copy of Austria-Hungary, gave precedence also to such a way. According to C. A. Macartney, "the Slovaks therefore reacted in the form of a flamboyant Slovak nationalism which was a main reason for the absence of revolt with which they accepted the dissolution of the Czecho-Slovak State"(7.) Despite the fact that Slovaks were co-creators of Czecho-Slovakia with the Czechs, they attracted to themselves all the national minorities and together with Germans, Hungarians, Poles, and Ruthenians fought against the so-called imperialism of Prague, as in former times, under AustriaHungary, they fought with Czechs, Serbs, Croatians, and Rumanians against the imperialism of Budapest and Vienna. In this struggle, the main issue at stake was the change of the internal structure of Czecho-Slovakia in the sense of former promises and agreements - and not in its dissolution. When in 1939 Czecho-Slovakia fell under the heel of Hitler's Germany, however, the Slovaks found the way open to the creation of their own state, which was the only way out under the given political circumstances as well as the logical conclusion of their former national endeavors. The short-lived existence of this independent state gave to the Slovak nationalism what it had hitherto lacked, namely, a uniform will to live independently and a conviction that it will know how to stand its ground as an equally worthy member among the other nations. �SLOVAKIA 31 4. Slovak Planners of a Federated Central Europe Slovak nationalism did not strive alone for the federation of those states with which it had ties, but also manifested great energies to raise the entire sphere of Central Europe upon a federated basis. The idea of a federated Central Europe was ever popular with the Slovaks, not simply because it assured the maintenance of certain sovereign prerogatives, as among other established nations, but principally it seemed to provide a surer guarantee for the protection of their threatened national individuality. Slovaks of all political convictions not only joined all federative efforts, but also presented several propositions for solving the problem of Central Europe in the sense of a federation. Perhaps the most renowned figure in this field was Dr. Milan Hodza, at first Minister of Agriculture and then Premier of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. He devoted his whole life to this idea. He draws motives for his endeavors from the fact that, "Small nations are liable to become a nuisance for world politics if they are isolated and beset by rivalries; but they are certainly sure to become precious elements of a fair and therefore indispensable balance of political forces, if they can prove themselves capable of taking a common view of those things which are common among them, especially when their geographical position renders them important"(8). Dr. Hod.fa endeavored to develop cooperation between the Central European nations and the consolidation of the economic situation in this part of Europe. The climax of these endeavors was his "Danube Plan," which aimed to create, according to Hodza's own words: "one single, great economic unit in Central Europe." This was to be attained by removing tariff barriers and establishing a customs union which would regulate agriculture and industrial production, and reorganize the system of payments and transportation, etc. (9). Another Slovak plan for solving the Central European problem is the proposal for confederation originating with Dr. Ferdinand Durcansky, the first Minister of Foreign Affairs in the Slovak Republic during the Second World War. Dr. Durcansky developed his plan for the confederation of Central Europe at the beginning of 1944 in studies �32 SLOVAKIA which were published in the "Revue de droit international, de sciences diplomatiques et politiques" in Geneva. He favors confederation chiefly to ward off every danger, which is said to threaten the sovereignty of small nations whenever they become a part of greater political bodies. According to Dr. :Durcansky, confederation "gives guarantees of independence and freedom to the nations of Central Europe, enables a solution of incidental disputes which could arise between the individual states of the confederation and, on the other hand, could defend Central Europe against external attacks" (10). Up to the present time, however, attempts for the federation of Central Europe have not ripened into practical results, whether their proponents were Slovaks or members of other nations. The reason of their failure, as stated by Dr. Edward Benes, "are much more of a sentimental, psychological, and moral nature than of a political and economic nature" (11). It is difficult to foretell at the present time whether the nations of Central Europe will be able to reach some settlement of their mutual differences and unite for the sake of their own preservation. The present tragedy of Central Europe brings even the most extreme elements to realize that some kind of federation is the "categorical imperative" for that sector of the world. (1) Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum: Slovakia and Central-European Federation Plans, Slovakia, April 1953, p. 3. (2) Le probleme Autrichien et la question Tcheque, Paris,, 1908, p. 307. (3) Aurel Popovici. Die Vereinigten Staaten von Grossoestreich, Leipzig, 1906, p . 43. (4) Henry Rene : Questions d'Autriche-Hongrie et Questions d'Orient, Paris, 1903, p . 126. (5) Lloyd George: The Truth About the Peace Treaties, London, 1925, p. 337. (6) Karol Sidor, Slovenska politika na pode praiskeho snemu, Bratislava, 1943, Vol I, p. 69. (7) Problems of the Danube Basin, London, 1942, p. 122. (8) Dr. Milan Hodza: Federation in Central Europe. London, 1942, p. 75. (9) Ibid., pp. 131-133. (10) Revue de droit international, de sciences diplomatiques et politiques. XXII, annee, No. I, p. 23-52. (11) "Le probleme de !'Europe Central," Sources et documents tchecoslovaques, No. 24, p. 47. � SLOVAKIA 2"> SLOVAK NATIONALISM: FEDERATIVE TENDENCIES OF SLOVAK NATIONALISM B. S. BUC, Ph.D. 1. The Struggle For Survival The most characteristic effort, underlying all the undertakings of re-awakened Slovak nationalism, is the attempt to gain recognition of national individuality first in Austria-Hungary and then in Czecho-Slovakia. Both of these states - Hungary under the pretense of the thousand-year common life of Slovaks within its confines and Czecho-Slovakia under the guise of Slav tribal kinship - pursued a similar aim, namely, to break the will of the Slovaks after they had developed their own national character and to enrich their own collectivity with Slovaks. When we take into consideration that the Slovaks appeared on the modern scene as an almost unknown political factor, we will realize that obstacles, which stood and at present still stand in the way of their political ambitions, were and are continually great. Slovak nationalism, therefore could not reckon with the rapid achievement of independence in its own state. For that rea:::on it had no direct aim in its program to break those state ties in which it found itself. It fought only for the change of its internal structure in such a way that its life would not be menaced. If it became an element of dissolution of state ties, this was more the result of external circumstances which occasioned the break rather than of internal efforts. In such case, Slovak nationalism was, therefore, forced to choose between two alternatives: to maintain its original ties and live in continual dread of losing its national individuality; or to accept a new solution, promising greater possibilities for its own development. Thus, external circumstances caused Slovak nationalism to become one of the elements of dissolution, first of Austria-Hungary, in 1918, and later of Czecho-Slovakia in 1938. Neither of those states were dissolved as the result of an �26 SLOVAKIA internal revolution, even if conditions for such action were favorable, but rather through the decisions of external agents who were interested in the creation of a different and more favorable form of Central Europe. In each instance an unexpected opportunity presented itself to Slovak nationalism for a near revolutionary transition to more favorable conditions. One can observe, however, that in its foundations Slovak nationalism manifests greater tendencies toward federative living with other nations in the Central European sphere of influence than toward its own sovereign statehood. The thought of a federated Central Europe, in one form or another, underlies all efforts of Slovak nationalism and is, of course, the principal aim of the entire Slovak struggle for self-preservation. 2. Federation Rather Than Dissolution of Austria-Hungary In general, the reason for the dissolution of Austria.Hungary rested in the many nationalities that were dissatisfied with this empire. On the other hand, it is also true that shortly before the First World War, the nations of Austria-Hungary as well as the Western Democracies saw in Habsburg Monarchy their best guarantee against German and Russian imperialism. The nations, therefore, opposed very sharply all assimilative efforts of this state, not, however, at the cost of its dissolution. They remembered that the origin of Austria-Hungary was not so much the result of the political genius of the Habsburgs, J::,ut rather of the political, economical, and geographical conditions of the Central European sphere of influence. AustriaHungary was regarded, therefore, as one of the main component parts of the political equilibrium in Europe. This supposition was wholly correct. With the displacement of Austria-Hungary, the European equilibrium was broken to the detriment of those nations which lived within its confines. All federative efforts in Central Europe tend principally to the formation of Austria-Hungary, not, however, in the form of the former Habsburg Monarchy, but on the basis of economical, geographical, and political expedients of that part of Europe, of which it was a political representative for several centuries. �SLOVAKIA 27 The first attempts of the nations of Austria-Hungary for a revived nationalism proceeded no further than its federation. Scarcely any other nation in Austria-Hungary manifested a greater impatience with the latter's politics than the Czechs; and even they proclaimed through the lips of their most renowned historian Francis Palacky: "If Austria did not exist, we would have to create it!" This same Czech historian, writing to the German revolutionary congress in Frankfurt-on-the-Main in 1848, said: "The preservation of Austria - its integrity and solidification is and must be the great and important concern not only of the Czech nation, but of the whole Europe, nay, of all humanity and foreign lands" (1). Even Dr. Edward Benes, one of the principal creators of Czecho-Slovakia and later an unreconciled enemy of the Habsburgs, wrote in 1908: "People often speak about the dissolution of Austria. I absolutely do not believe in it. The historical and economic ties, which mutually unite the nations of Austria, are too strong to allow Austria to collapse" (2). From the revolutionary years of 1848, the thought of federating Austria-Hungary was the foremost political goal of all nationalities of this monarchy, and was even accepted sympathetically by the imperial court itself. But after the so-called agreement with the Hungarians (Magyars) in 1867, the Habsburgs gave precedence to the forceful solution of the national problem by applying coercive methods of assimilation. This came as a disappointment to the other nationalities and increased greatly their movements toward complete emancipation. It made them to forget the historical and economic ties which bound them to the Habsb:irg monarchy and moved them to work for its dissolution. The federation of Austria-Hungary was demanded by the changed views of society, which the philosophy of the Enlightenment and Romanticism had created. These new views emphasized the principle of plurality instead of the former principle of unity, the principle of individual liberty instead of the principle of unreserved obedience to state authority. Had the Habsburgs recalled this great change in the thinking of people, they would certainly have held their GANS.ER LIBRARY �28 SLOVAKIA empire together even if they would have changed its former autocratic foundation. In accord with the other nationalities of Austria-Hungary, the aim of all Slovak undertakings was the federation of Austria-Hungary. The Slovaks publicly emphasized the thought of federation , first in a memorandum which they presented to the emperor at Vienna, in 1861, and then at the nationality congress in Budapest, in 1867. At the second nationality congress which was held on August 10, 1895, also in Budapest, during a time of great persecutions, "the Rumanians, Serbs and Slovaks, who assembled in Budapest (wrote the Neue Freie Presse) demand the division of Hungary into ethnic self-administrative units, which in effect is equal to the demand to abolish the union between Hungary and Transylvania, to renew the Serbian Duchy and create a self-administrative Slovakia, such as Hurban promoted already thirty years earlier" (3). The unwillingness of Budapest and Vienna to meet these demands led not only the Slovaks but also other nationalities to accept willingly such solutions to their problem that prepared the way for the complete dissolution of Austria-Hungary. The offer of this new solution came chiefly from the Western Democracies during the First World War even despite the fact that, in the West, Austria-Hungary was considered as late as 1903 as "the only barrier, sufficiently strong, at the beginning of the 20th century, which could discourage German ambitions the day when these would begin to threaten the European balance ( 4). During the First World War, however, it became apparent that Austria-Hungary proceeded in a completely opposite direction, that is, it abetted the ambitions of Germany Western Democracies, therefore, decided to dissolve it. The greatest influence came from the "American crusading spirit," which, in the form of Wilson's idealistic principle of self-determination of nations, gave the nationalities an unforeseen moral weapon. Austria-Hungary comprised such a mixture of nationalities that the realization of the principle of self-determination was impossible without repeating the situation of Austria-Hungary would - and that in a much worse form - in new national states along national lines. In the new states which had risen out of the ashes of �SLOVAKIA r Austria-Hungary, the burden of power passed from rulers to subordinates, while the political order remained as it was. The former national chauvinism of antagonism began to disintegrate the cohabitation of Central European nations more than ever before and opened the way for the repeated aggrandizement of German imperialism. 3. The Goal of the Slovak Autonomist Movement: A Federated Czecho-Slovakia It was self-evident that, as soon as suppositions for arranging Central Europe upon a new basis emerged, the Slovaks would accept this solution enthusiastically. They found an opportunity to free themselves from their "thousand-year slavery," by which term they referred to their life within the confines of Hungary after the downfall of Greater Moravia in 906. They joined with the Czechs to form one state under the condition that Czecho-Slovakia would be a federated state. This federation was guaranteed by two agreements between Czechs and Slovaks in the United States, in Cleveland in 1915, and then in Pittsburgh in 1918. At the Peace Conference, in 1919, even Dr. Edward Benes promised this in the name of the Czecho-Slovak Government when he stated that: "it is the intention of the Czecho-Slovak Government to create the organization of the state by accepting as a basis of natural rights the principles applied in the constitution of the Swiss Republic a sort of Switzerland . . ." (5). Immediately with the rise of Czecho-Slovakia, the lure of might showed itself more powerful for the Czech majority than the ideals of national equality and rights. For this reason they began to organize a new state on the basis of the principle of power, applying the narrowest centralization. Dr. Ferdis Juriga, one of the most eminent representatives of Slovak nationalism, opposed those Czech propensities on the floor of Parliament in Prague on January 28, 1920, in the following words: "We must tend to decentralization, toward self-administration, so that the Republic might develop on a federalistic basis, because federalism is the system of the future. We must preserve our individuality and not let ourselves be absorbed. Federation is not only in the interest of our nation and the Czecho-Slovak Republic, but it also �30 SLOVAKIA answers the spirit of all mankind. It is an all-human tendency, the tendency of all mankind, this tendency to validate oneself to develop, to which every individual person and every national unit should have the right, which should crystalize out into a legal personality, so that these various nations could then become federalized in one great world republic. This would be the highest ideal and the path that leads to it is: federalism" (6) His position was a bit idealistic, but he expressed correctly the modern effort to arrange the cohabitation of nations on a pluralistic basis in the sense of the principle of equality. We have already said that the dissolution of Austria-Hungary must be charged to the lack of respect for this voice of the times. Czecho-Slovakia, which along national lines was only a worse copy of Austria-Hungary, gave precedence also to such a way. According to C. A. Macartney, "the Slovaks therefore reacted in the form of a flamboyant Slovak nationalism which was a main reason for the absence of revolt with which they accepted the dissolution of the Czecho-Slovak State"(7.) Despite the fact that Slovaks were co-creators of Czecho-Slovakia with the Czechs, they attracted to themselves all the national minorities and together with Germans, Hungarians, Poles, and Ruthenians fought against the so-called imperialism of Prague, as in former times, under AustriaHungary, they fought with Czechs, Serbs, Croatians, and Rumanians against the imperialism of Budapest and Vienna. In this struggle, the main issue at stake was the change of the internal structure of Czecho-Slovakia in the sense of former promises and agreements - and not in its dissolution. When in 1939 Czecho-Slovakia fell under the heel of Hitler's Germany, however, the Slovaks found the way open to the creation of their own state, which was the only way out under the given political circumstances as well as the logical conclusion of their former national endeavors. The short-lived existence of this independent state gave to the Slovak nationalism what it had hitherto lacked, namely, a uniform will to live independently and a conviction that it will know how to stand its ground as an equally worthy member among the other nations. �SLOVAKIA 31 4. Slovak Planners of a Federated Central Europe Slovak nationalism did not strive alone for the federation of those states with which it had ties, but also manifested great energies to raise the entire sphere of Central Europe upon a federated basis. The idea of a federated Central Europe was ever popular with the Slovaks, not simply because it assured the maintenance of certain sovereign prerogatives, as among other established nations, but principally it seemed to provide a surer guarantee for the protection of their threatened national individuality. Slovaks of all political convictions not only joined all federative efforts, but also presented several propositions for solving the problem of Central Europe in the sense of a federation. Perhaps the most renowned figure in this field was Dr. Milan Hodza, at first Minister of Agriculture and then Premier of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. He devoted his whole life to this idea. He draws motives for his endeavors from the fact that, "Small nations are liable to become a nuisance for world politics if they are isolated and beset by rivalries; but they are certainly sure to become precious elements of a fair and therefore indispensable balance of political forces, if they can prove themselves capable of taking a common view of those things which are common among them, especially when their geographical position renders them important"(8). Dr. Hod.fa endeavored to develop cooperation between the Central European nations and the consolidation of the economic situation in this part of Europe. The climax of these endeavors was his "Danube Plan," which aimed to create, according to Hodza's own words: "one single, great economic unit in Central Europe." This was to be attained by removing tariff barriers and establishing a customs union which would regulate agriculture and industrial production, and reorganize the system of payments and transportation, etc. (9). Another Slovak plan for solving the Central European problem is the proposal for confederation originating with Dr. Ferdinand Durcansky, the first Minister of Foreign Affairs in the Slovak Republic during the Second World War. Dr. Durcansky developed his plan for the confederation of Central Europe at the beginning of 1944 in studies �32 SLOVAKIA which were published in the "Revue de droit international, de sciences diplomatiques et politiques" in Geneva. He favors confederation chiefly to ward off every danger, which is said to threaten the sovereignty of small nations whenever they become a part of greater political bodies. According to Dr. :Durcansky, confederation "gives guarantees of independence and freedom to the nations of Central Europe, enables a solution of incidental disputes which could arise between the individual states of the confederation and, on the other hand, could defend Central Europe against external attacks" (10). Up to the present time, however, attempts for the federation of Central Europe have not ripened into practical results, whether their proponents were Slovaks or members of other nations. The reason of their failure, as stated by Dr. Edward Benes, "are much more of a sentimental, psychological, and moral nature than of a political and economic nature" (11). It is difficult to foretell at the present time whether the nations of Central Europe will be able to reach some settlement of their mutual differences and unite for the sake of their own preservation. The present tragedy of Central Europe brings even the most extreme elements to realize that some kind of federation is the "categorical imperative" for that sector of the world. (1) Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum: Slovakia and Central-European Federation Plans, Slovakia, April 1953, p. 3. (2) Le probleme Autrichien et la question Tcheque, Paris,, 1908, p. 307. (3) Aurel Popovici. Die Vereinigten Staaten von Grossoestreich, Leipzig, 1906, p . 43. (4) Henry Rene : Questions d'Autriche-Hongrie et Questions d'Orient, Paris, 1903, p . 126. (5) Lloyd George: The Truth About the Peace Treaties, London, 1925, p. 337. (6) Karol Sidor, Slovenska politika na pode praiskeho snemu, Bratislava, 1943, Vol I, p. 69. (7) Problems of the Danube Basin, London, 1942, p. 122. (8) Dr. Milan Hodza: Federation in Central Europe. London, 1942, p. 75. (9) Ibid., pp. 131-133. (10) Revue de droit international, de sciences diplomatiques et politiques. XXII, annee, No. I, p. 23-52. (11) "Le probleme de !'Europe Central," Sources et documents tchecoslovaques, No. 24, p. 47. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1958, Vol. 8 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 26), March 1958.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 27), June 1958.</li> <li>Issue 3 (No. 28), December 1958.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1958 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 2"> SLOVAK NATIONALISM: FEDERATIVE TENDENCIES OF SLOVAK NATIONALISM B. S. BUC, Ph.D. 1. The Struggle For Survival The most characteristic effort, underlying all the undertakings of re-awakened Slovak nationalism, is the attempt to gain recognition of national individuality first in Austria-Hungary and then in Czecho-Slovakia. Both of these states - Hungary under the pretense of the thousand-year common life of Slovaks within its confines and Czecho-Slovakia under the guise of Slav tribal kinship - pursued a similar aim, namely, to break the will of the Slovaks after they had developed their own national character and to enrich their own collectivity with Slovaks. When we take into consideration that the Slovaks appeared on the modern scene as an almost unknown political factor, we will realize that obstacles, which stood and at present still stand in the way of their political ambitions, were and are continually great. Slovak nationalism, therefore could not reckon with the rapid achievement of independence in its own state. For that rea:::on it had no direct aim in its program to break those state ties in which it found itself. It fought only for the change of its internal structure in such a way that its life would not be menaced. If it became an element of dissolution of state ties, this was more the result of external circumstances which occasioned the break rather than of internal efforts. In such case, Slovak nationalism was, therefore, forced to choose between two alternatives: to maintain its original ties and live in continual dread of losing its national individuality; or to accept a new solution, promising greater possibilities for its own development. Thus, external circumstances caused Slovak nationalism to become one of the elements of dissolution, first of Austria-Hungary, in 1918, and later of Czecho-Slovakia in 1938. Neither of those states were dissolved as the result of an 26 SLOVAKIA internal revolution, even if conditions for such action were favorable, but rather through the decisions of external agents who were interested in the creation of a different and more favorable form of Central Europe. In each instance an unexpected opportunity presented itself to Slovak nationalism for a near revolutionary transition to more favorable conditions. One can observe, however, that in its foundations Slovak nationalism manifests greater tendencies toward federative living with other nations in the Central European sphere of influence than toward its own sovereign statehood. The thought of a federated Central Europe, in one form or another, underlies all efforts of Slovak nationalism and is, of course, the principal aim of the entire Slovak struggle for self-preservation. 2. Federation Rather Than Dissolution of Austria-Hungary In general, the reason for the dissolution of Austria.Hungary rested in the many nationalities that were dissatisfied with this empire. On the other hand, it is also true that shortly before the First World War, the nations of Austria-Hungary as well as the Western Democracies saw in Habsburg Monarchy their best guarantee against German and Russian imperialism. The nations, therefore, opposed very sharply all assimilative efforts of this state, not, however, at the cost of its dissolution. They remembered that the origin of Austria-Hungary was not so much the result of the political genius of the Habsburgs, J::,ut rather of the political, economical, and geographical conditions of the Central European sphere of influence. AustriaHungary was regarded, therefore, as one of the main component parts of the political equilibrium in Europe. This supposition was wholly correct. With the displacement of Austria-Hungary, the European equilibrium was broken to the detriment of those nations which lived within its confines. All federative efforts in Central Europe tend principally to the formation of Austria-Hungary, not, however, in the form of the former Habsburg Monarchy, but on the basis of economical, geographical, and political expedients of that part of Europe, of which it was a political representative for several centuries. SLOVAKIA 27 The first attempts of the nations of Austria-Hungary for a revived nationalism proceeded no further than its federation. Scarcely any other nation in Austria-Hungary manifested a greater impatience with the latter's politics than the Czechs; and even they proclaimed through the lips of their most renowned historian Francis Palacky: "If Austria did not exist, we would have to create it!" This same Czech historian, writing to the German revolutionary congress in Frankfurt-on-the-Main in 1848, said: "The preservation of Austria - its integrity and solidification is and must be the great and important concern not only of the Czech nation, but of the whole Europe, nay, of all humanity and foreign lands" (1). Even Dr. Edward Benes, one of the principal creators of Czecho-Slovakia and later an unreconciled enemy of the Habsburgs, wrote in 1908: "People often speak about the dissolution of Austria. I absolutely do not believe in it. The historical and economic ties, which mutually unite the nations of Austria, are too strong to allow Austria to collapse" (2). From the revolutionary years of 1848, the thought of federating Austria-Hungary was the foremost political goal of all nationalities of this monarchy, and was even accepted sympathetically by the imperial court itself. But after the so-called agreement with the Hungarians (Magyars) in 1867, the Habsburgs gave precedence to the forceful solution of the national problem by applying coercive methods of assimilation. This came as a disappointment to the other nationalities and increased greatly their movements toward complete emancipation. It made them to forget the historical and economic ties which bound them to the Habsb:irg monarchy and moved them to work for its dissolution. The federation of Austria-Hungary was demanded by the changed views of society, which the philosophy of the Enlightenment and Romanticism had created. These new views emphasized the principle of plurality instead of the former principle of unity, the principle of individual liberty instead of the principle of unreserved obedience to state authority. Had the Habsburgs recalled this great change in the thinking of people, they would certainly have held their GANS.ER LIBRARY 28 SLOVAKIA empire together even if they would have changed its former autocratic foundation. In accord with the other nationalities of Austria-Hungary, the aim of all Slovak undertakings was the federation of Austria-Hungary. The Slovaks publicly emphasized the thought of federation , first in a memorandum which they presented to the emperor at Vienna, in 1861, and then at the nationality congress in Budapest, in 1867. At the second nationality congress which was held on August 10, 1895, also in Budapest, during a time of great persecutions, "the Rumanians, Serbs and Slovaks, who assembled in Budapest (wrote the Neue Freie Presse) demand the division of Hungary into ethnic self-administrative units, which in effect is equal to the demand to abolish the union between Hungary and Transylvania, to renew the Serbian Duchy and create a self-administrative Slovakia, such as Hurban promoted already thirty years earlier" (3). The unwillingness of Budapest and Vienna to meet these demands led not only the Slovaks but also other nationalities to accept willingly such solutions to their problem that prepared the way for the complete dissolution of Austria-Hungary. The offer of this new solution came chiefly from the Western Democracies during the First World War even despite the fact that, in the West, Austria-Hungary was considered as late as 1903 as "the only barrier, sufficiently strong, at the beginning of the 20th century, which could discourage German ambitions the day when these would begin to threaten the European balance ( 4). During the First World War, however, it became apparent that Austria-Hungary proceeded in a completely opposite direction, that is, it abetted the ambitions of Germany Western Democracies, therefore, decided to dissolve it. The greatest influence came from the "American crusading spirit," which, in the form of Wilson's idealistic principle of self-determination of nations, gave the nationalities an unforeseen moral weapon. Austria-Hungary comprised such a mixture of nationalities that the realization of the principle of self-determination was impossible without repeating the situation of Austria-Hungary would - and that in a much worse form - in new national states along national lines. In the new states which had risen out of the ashes of SLOVAKIA r Austria-Hungary, the burden of power passed from rulers to subordinates, while the political order remained as it was. The former national chauvinism of antagonism began to disintegrate the cohabitation of Central European nations more than ever before and opened the way for the repeated aggrandizement of German imperialism. 3. The Goal of the Slovak Autonomist Movement: A Federated Czecho-Slovakia It was self-evident that, as soon as suppositions for arranging Central Europe upon a new basis emerged, the Slovaks would accept this solution enthusiastically. They found an opportunity to free themselves from their "thousand-year slavery," by which term they referred to their life within the confines of Hungary after the downfall of Greater Moravia in 906. They joined with the Czechs to form one state under the condition that Czecho-Slovakia would be a federated state. This federation was guaranteed by two agreements between Czechs and Slovaks in the United States, in Cleveland in 1915, and then in Pittsburgh in 1918. At the Peace Conference, in 1919, even Dr. Edward Benes promised this in the name of the Czecho-Slovak Government when he stated that: "it is the intention of the Czecho-Slovak Government to create the organization of the state by accepting as a basis of natural rights the principles applied in the constitution of the Swiss Republic a sort of Switzerland . . ." (5). Immediately with the rise of Czecho-Slovakia, the lure of might showed itself more powerful for the Czech majority than the ideals of national equality and rights. For this reason they began to organize a new state on the basis of the principle of power, applying the narrowest centralization. Dr. Ferdis Juriga, one of the most eminent representatives of Slovak nationalism, opposed those Czech propensities on the floor of Parliament in Prague on January 28, 1920, in the following words: "We must tend to decentralization, toward self-administration, so that the Republic might develop on a federalistic basis, because federalism is the system of the future. We must preserve our individuality and not let ourselves be absorbed. Federation is not only in the interest of our nation and the Czecho-Slovak Republic, but it also 30 SLOVAKIA answers the spirit of all mankind. It is an all-human tendency, the tendency of all mankind, this tendency to validate oneself to develop, to which every individual person and every national unit should have the right, which should crystalize out into a legal personality, so that these various nations could then become federalized in one great world republic. This would be the highest ideal and the path that leads to it is: federalism" (6) His position was a bit idealistic, but he expressed correctly the modern effort to arrange the cohabitation of nations on a pluralistic basis in the sense of the principle of equality. We have already said that the dissolution of Austria-Hungary must be charged to the lack of respect for this voice of the times. Czecho-Slovakia, which along national lines was only a worse copy of Austria-Hungary, gave precedence also to such a way. According to C. A. Macartney, "the Slovaks therefore reacted in the form of a flamboyant Slovak nationalism which was a main reason for the absence of revolt with which they accepted the dissolution of the Czecho-Slovak State"(7.) Despite the fact that Slovaks were co-creators of Czecho-Slovakia with the Czechs, they attracted to themselves all the national minorities and together with Germans, Hungarians, Poles, and Ruthenians fought against the so-called imperialism of Prague, as in former times, under AustriaHungary, they fought with Czechs, Serbs, Croatians, and Rumanians against the imperialism of Budapest and Vienna. In this struggle, the main issue at stake was the change of the internal structure of Czecho-Slovakia in the sense of former promises and agreements - and not in its dissolution. When in 1939 Czecho-Slovakia fell under the heel of Hitler's Germany, however, the Slovaks found the way open to the creation of their own state, which was the only way out under the given political circumstances as well as the logical conclusion of their former national endeavors. The short-lived existence of this independent state gave to the Slovak nationalism what it had hitherto lacked, namely, a uniform will to live independently and a conviction that it will know how to stand its ground as an equally worthy member among the other nations. SLOVAKIA 31 4. Slovak Planners of a Federated Central Europe Slovak nationalism did not strive alone for the federation of those states with which it had ties, but also manifested great energies to raise the entire sphere of Central Europe upon a federated basis. The idea of a federated Central Europe was ever popular with the Slovaks, not simply because it assured the maintenance of certain sovereign prerogatives, as among other established nations, but principally it seemed to provide a surer guarantee for the protection of their threatened national individuality. Slovaks of all political convictions not only joined all federative efforts, but also presented several propositions for solving the problem of Central Europe in the sense of a federation. Perhaps the most renowned figure in this field was Dr. Milan Hodza, at first Minister of Agriculture and then Premier of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. He devoted his whole life to this idea. He draws motives for his endeavors from the fact that, "Small nations are liable to become a nuisance for world politics if they are isolated and beset by rivalries; but they are certainly sure to become precious elements of a fair and therefore indispensable balance of political forces, if they can prove themselves capable of taking a common view of those things which are common among them, especially when their geographical position renders them important"(8). Dr. Hod.fa endeavored to develop cooperation between the Central European nations and the consolidation of the economic situation in this part of Europe. The climax of these endeavors was his "Danube Plan," which aimed to create, according to Hodza's own words: "one single, great economic unit in Central Europe." This was to be attained by removing tariff barriers and establishing a customs union which would regulate agriculture and industrial production, and reorganize the system of payments and transportation, etc. (9). Another Slovak plan for solving the Central European problem is the proposal for confederation originating with Dr. Ferdinand Durcansky, the first Minister of Foreign Affairs in the Slovak Republic during the Second World War. Dr. Durcansky developed his plan for the confederation of Central Europe at the beginning of 1944 in studies 32 SLOVAKIA which were published in the "Revue de droit international, de sciences diplomatiques et politiques" in Geneva. He favors confederation chiefly to ward off every danger, which is said to threaten the sovereignty of small nations whenever they become a part of greater political bodies. According to Dr. :Durcansky, confederation "gives guarantees of independence and freedom to the nations of Central Europe, enables a solution of incidental disputes which could arise between the individual states of the confederation and, on the other hand, could defend Central Europe against external attacks" (10). Up to the present time, however, attempts for the federation of Central Europe have not ripened into practical results, whether their proponents were Slovaks or members of other nations. The reason of their failure, as stated by Dr. Edward Benes, "are much more of a sentimental, psychological, and moral nature than of a political and economic nature" (11). It is difficult to foretell at the present time whether the nations of Central Europe will be able to reach some settlement of their mutual differences and unite for the sake of their own preservation. The present tragedy of Central Europe brings even the most extreme elements to realize that some kind of federation is the "categorical imperative" for that sector of the world. (1) Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum: Slovakia and Central-European Federation Plans, Slovakia, April 1953, p. 3. (2) Le probleme Autrichien et la question Tcheque, Paris,, 1908, p. 307. (3) Aurel Popovici. Die Vereinigten Staaten von Grossoestreich, Leipzig, 1906, p . 43. (4) Henry Rene : Questions d'Autriche-Hongrie et Questions d'Orient, Paris, 1903, p . 126. (5) Lloyd George: The Truth About the Peace Treaties, London, 1925, p. 337. (6) Karol Sidor, Slovenska politika na pode praiskeho snemu, Bratislava, 1943, Vol I, p. 69. (7) Problems of the Danube Basin, London, 1942, p. 122. (8) Dr. Milan Hodza: Federation in Central Europe. London, 1942, p. 75. (9) Ibid., pp. 131-133. (10) Revue de droit international, de sciences diplomatiques et politiques. XXII, annee, No. I, p. 23-52. (11) "Le probleme de !'Europe Central," Sources et documents tchecoslovaques, No. 24, p. 47.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovak Nationalism: Federative Tendencies of Slovak Nationalism Description An account of the resource B. S. Buc, Ph.D.<br />Slovakia, Vol. 8, No. 3 (28), December 1958<br />pp. 25-32<br /><ol><li>The Struggle for Survival</li> <li>Federation Rather Than Dissolution of Austria-Hungary</li> <li>The Goal of the Slovak Autonomist Movement: A Federated Czecho-Slovakia</li> <li>Slovak Planners of a Federated Central Europe</li> </ol> Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Buc, B. S. (Bonaventure S.), 1910-1966 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource December 1958 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/32d1053a80dcb78dc024f7df71c4639e.pdf 9418bfa45709b25302ea6e1e013f0934 PDF Text Text 38 SLOVAKIA ·SLOVAK NATION ALISM: 1 B. S. BUC, Ph.D. NATIONALISM OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY 1. The Ephemeral Slovak Soviet Republic Because of the deeply religious basis of the Slovaks as well as the agrarian nature of Slovakia, Communism with its revolutionary materialistic-socia l program had from the beginning no hope of winning over the Slovaks. It, therefore, endeavored all the more to conquer them by force. The first attempt at forceful domination in Slovakia was undertaken in 1919. This occurred after the First World War in connection with the creation of the Hungarian Soviet Republic whose leader was the well known Bela Kuhn. The Hungarian Communist government invaded Slovakia with its army and occupied the Eastern sector with the sities of Presov and Kosice. Following in the wake of the occupation, a public Communist assembly met at Presov on June 16, 1919, and announced the establishment of the Slovak Soviet Republic with the proclamation that: This day the Slovak Soviet RepUiblic was created on Slovaik soil, liberated from imperialism. The first conscious, instinctive act of the proletariat, freed from the yoke of Czech imperialism, was that oppressors proclaim with such great glory, but in reality falsify (1). At this assembly, a temporary revolutionary committee was appointed which transferred its seat from Presov to Kosice. There on June 20, 1919, a twenty-member Slovak Revolutionary Council was named with the Czech Communist A. Jarousek at its head. This Council formally informed the Czecho-iSlovak government in Prague that Slovakia is separating from the Czech lands. Immediately the Soviet government of Moscow hastened to greet this new Slovak dictatorship of the proletariat. The existence of this very stormily-begun Slovak Soviet Republic was short-lived. On July 5, 1919, the Red Hungarian Army was coerced to withdraw from Slovak territory and the "Slovak Soviet Republic" ended. Except for many atrocities perpetrated on the inhabitants by the �SLOVAKIA 39 Red Army, no signs whatever remained in Slovakia after this three-week Communist adventure (2). 2. Coordination of Nationalism and Class Struggle After the shattering of this first Communist attempt to enslave Slovakia in 1919, it would hardly be necessary to speak of the Communist Party in connection with Slovak nationalism. But the situation which ensued in Slovakia, after Communist occupation in 1944 through Russian partisans and then the army, made the Communist Party one of the most significant fashioners of the present fate of Slovaks in general. It was a repetition of the events of 1919, except with longer lasting and far-reaching results. Communism would never have attained its present position in Slovakia, had the end of the war not permitted it. Election results prior to the Second World War indicate that the Communist Party was never powerful in Slovakia; in the election year of 1919, it had 10.66 per cent of the votes; in 1935, 12.97 per cent. And even these percentages would be lower, if other nationalities were separated and only Slovak votes counted. This is shown by the fact that in voting districts comprising a clearly Slovak population, the percentage gains of the Communist Party were always substantially lower than in districts where they were mixed with Hungarians(3). The weak successes of the Communists in Slovakia, despite the facts that the social situation of the Slovak population was really not the best, must be attributed to the religious foundation of the Slovaks and in part to the influence of the Hlinka Slovak People's Party, which in its program presented a more compact statement of the national and social demands of the Slovak inhabitants. Recalling to mind the delicacy of the nationality problem in the newly established Czecho-Slovakia, the Communist Party immediately in 1919 began to orientate its program in order to draw as much as possible from it. Clement Gottwald, leader of the Party, marked this program in 1924 in the following words: Such a solution to the question must be sought and found which will enable the Party to support nationality movements �40 SLOVAKIA and to unite its revolui-tonary energies, or to coordinate with revolutionary class warfare the whole proletariat of the CzechoSlovak RepUlblic. I am of the opinion that the Party can, with comparatirve ea,se, gain leadership in the movement of national minorities and thus cast to the r,e ar the bour,geois-chauvinist parties . .. . The Comunist Party in Slovakia must not only utilize the national movements for the class interests of the proletariat, but must stand directly at its head and lead it along paths actually revolutionary (4). In accord with the plan, the Communist Party in Slovakia also fought for the autonomy of Slovakia as did the Slovak People's Party. When in the elections of 1925 the autonomists achieved their greatest successes, the Communists hastened to promise more than autonomy. In January, 1926, they announced: 'Dhe Communist Party of Czechoslovakia raises .. these concrete demands: the complete independence of Slovakia. Let the SlovaJk nation itself decide on arranging its own affairs (5). This signified competition with the autonomists in emphasizing Slovak national ambitions. We do not know for sure whether to account the gains - even though trivial - of the Communist Party in Slovakia to its social struggle for the rights of the proletariat, or to its tactizing with Slovak nationalism. But the latter definitely gained votes for them. Despite its more than positive position in regard to Slovak nationalism, the Communist party was nevertheless organized only on a statewide basis as a "Czechoslovak" Party. Its leadership in Slovakia, however, rested in the hands of a sma:11 but capable group of Slovak intellectuals, who became adherents of the Party not from social motives, but rather because its ideological foundation introduced to them a new kind of belief. They were Slovak nationalists, but because of their negative attitude toward religion, they found it difficult to attach themselves to the other two national parties, namely, the Slovak People's Party and the Slovak National Party; the former was led by a Catholic priest, the latter by a Lutheran minister. They were, therefore, idealists blinded by idealism to such an extent that they were unable to realize that the Communist Party was actually an instrument of Russian imperialism, concealing itself at times in relation to �SLOVAKIA 41 Slav nations under Russian Pan-Slavism. They were fittingly called "Sa:lon Communists," because both their social position and their behavior were in complete opposition to the concept "proletariat" which they were supposed to represent. It is not surprising, therefore, that this group of Slovak Communists received the dissolution of Czecho-Slovakia in 1938 with as much joy as the other Slovak national elements. Although the Slovak Government had forbidden the activities of the Communist Party, yet a majority of its representatives was left free and held important offices. This enabled them, through salon and not revolutionary means, to make preparations for the opportune establishment of a "Slovak Republic without Germans and Fascists" when the occasion should arise (6). 3. Towards a New Slovak Soviet Republic The moments for the fulfillment of their plans seemed to arrive when, near the end of August, 1944, Soviet parachutists succeeded in carrying the operations of war into Slo.vak territory and called forth co-called "Slovak uprising against the Germans." Slovak Communists, therefore, hastened in September of that year to establish the indepen*dent Communist Party of Slovakia to the great surprise of Czech Communist agents. They acted in accord with Moscow itself, which sought, through its partisans, to win over the President of the Slovak Republic, Joseph Tiso, by promising protection to the Slovak Republic (7). Tiso's attitude to these efforts was one of greatest rejection: Cooperation with Moscow would have signified a terrible cata,s trophe for the nation. It would have been a denial of Christianity. Communism was from its first beginnings and remained an irreconcilable enemy not only of our nation, our independence, but is a danger for all of Europe. Communism brings with itself a rapid debasement of the moral, spiritual and material level of every nation in whose bosom it reposes. Every true patriot, therefore, cannot soil his hands by cooperating with such a political system as well as with its representatives residing in Moscow (8). In these steps we see the two-faced action of Moscow, which "did not cease to assure officially that her aim was �42 SLOVAKIA to renew the Czecho-Slovak Republic, but underneath carried on, through her partisans, a survey to ascertain the mood in Slovakia towards the annexation of that country (9). 4. Change of Moscow's Plans When Moscow failed to gain support of Slovak national elements to proclaim the Slovak Soviet Republic and saw that Communism in Slovakia lacked strong roots, she decided definitely to reestablish Czecho-Slovakia. The elections of 1946 in renovated Czech-Slovakia indicate why this solution was more advantageous for Moscow's plans. The Communist Party in Czech territory had a more probable chance of winning. This decision of Moscow, however, meant the beginning of tragedy for Slovak national Communists. It was already discernible in the action of Moscow, which appointed William Siroky, a Hungarian by origin, as Chairman of the newly established Communist Party in Slovakia in preference to Slovak nationalists. In Siroky Moscow found a very compliant instrument for her further political drama in Czecho-Slovakia. Czecho-Slovakia indeed was renewed, but not in its original size and greatness. First of all Moscow annexed Ruthenia. When Dr. Edward Benes was returning from Moscow, shortly after the Red Army occupied Slovak territory, he had to remain in Kosice where the native Communists compelled him to agree to the so-called Kosice program of April, 1945, according to which the new Czecho-Slovakia was to be a state of two nations, Czech and Slovak. Clement Gottwald, as Premier of the government, announced on April 5, 1945, that "the Republic will be renewed as a comomn state of the co-equal Czech and Slovak nations" and that "the new government of the Republic will be concerned that, during the constitutional solution of the relations between the Czech and Slovak nations, the Slovak organs will be constituted with the same legislative, administrative and executive power which the Slovak nation enjoys today in its Slovak National Council" (10). Perhaps, in respect to elections, the Slovaks �SLOVAKIA 43 were at least promised autonomy as the last step to win them over to Communism. 5. Centralized Czecho-Slovakia Once Again A year later, in May of 1946, the first elections were held in the new Czecho-Slovakia, and they indicated a substantial difference within the Communist Parties of Slovakia and the Czech lands. The Communist Party of Slovakia, united with the Social Democrats, gained 30.6 per cent of the votes; whereas in Czech territory the Communist party obtained 40.4 per cent and the Social Democrats 15.6 per cent which together totalled 56 per cent. In Czech lands we see a very evident victory for the Communist Party. Of the 300 seats in Parliament, the combined parties of the Communists and Socialists had 153 deputies. A certain official from the Russian embassy made this observation about the results of the 1946 elections: "The majority is not great, but it suffices in order to rule over the other parties in a democratic way" (11). The elections sounded the death knell of the promised autonomy for Slovakia. Theoretically, the principle of two nations was continually stressed; practically, however, even a stronger centralization than during the first Czecho-Slovak Republic began to shape up. Even more, on September 28, 1948, when the Communist Party of Slovakia was abolished and became a part of the united Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia. This was more than the Slovak Communists could stand. Even the fear of retaliation •c ould not restrain them from rising up in opposition. The threat of revenge for this deviation from servility was not long in coming. In February of 1951, the foremost leaders, V. Clementis, Dr. G. Husak, L. Novomesky and K. Smidke, were expelled from the Party and deprived of all functions because "they planned a new Slovak separatist program and together formed a plot aimed at tearing Slovakia away from the Czecho-Slovak Republic" (12). In April others were condemned as bourgeois nationalists. The substance of their crimes is contained in a long condemnation, in which we find the following: �44 SLOVAKIA The ideological background of their treachery consisted in their attempts to solve the national question of the Slovak nation, not in collruboration with thet Czech working class but mainly in cooperation with the Slovak bourgeoisie and accepted eventually their leadership. In this connection they accepted the Slovak fascist puppet State. Later on, they successfully penetrated the leadership of the Slovak national uprising and got hold of important positions in the new People's Democratic State. They misused their positions in the Slovak National Council and on the Board of Commissioners in a criminal way in order to isolate Slovakia from the Czech working people and from the construction of Socialism, thus strengthening in Slovakia the remnants of capitalism and jeopardizing the achievements of the Slovak working class. Their aim was to break up the common Czecho-Slo,vak State and to hand over Slovakia to the reactionary bourg.eois-iP and to the mercy of foreign imperialists (13'). We do not know how L. Novomesky, one of the accused, understood, a;fter his trial, the words which he wrote in 1948, prior to his imprisonment, in the introduction to a book of his co-sufferer G. Husak: They say superficially that re,volutions devour their o,wn children. This is not trur! The truth rather is that revolutions, determined to r-emain faithful to their program, slough off those of their children who would pel'vert their meaning, their program and their end (14). After this purge President Gottwald appointed a Czech Communist, M. Bacilek, as President of the Slovak National Council. The whole apparatus of the Communist Party and administration in Slovakia is now in the hands of Czechs and Magyars, and not in the hands of Slovak elements. In liquidating the Communist Slovaks, Prague liquidated practically the idea of a Czecho,Slovak State. !Between the years 19415 and HW7, Benes had annihilated the Ca,tholics, the principal political force of Slovakia. During the course of the crisis 1n ,119418, the Czech Communists and Democrats had era.sed such Slovak Protestants as Le.Urich, and Ursiny. Prague suppressed finally the last political suppor.t of the Czecho-Siovak State in Slovakia: the Communists. The fourth Czecho-Slovak Republic as a national State of Czechs and Slovak,s is, therefore, dead. Instead a Socialist Soviet State emerges (,115). 6. Aftermath of Stalin's Death The changes in Moscow after the death of Joseph Stalin, however, testify that the drama of Slovak na- �SLOVAKIA 45 tionalist Communists is not completed and awaits the completion of its last act, if the new seemingly revolutionary directives, inaugurated by the XX Congress of the Communist Party in Moscow by Khrushchev, will be brought into effect. These directives, among other things, stress very emphatically the principle of self-determination in dealing with the national ambitions of various nations. If action really follows words, then this "new Moscow approach" towards the solution of problems stemming from nationalism may give the Slovak nationalist Communists new hopes to implement their old dream, the Slovak Soviet Republic. It seems that the first step along this new line was made by the Central Committee of the Communist Party in Czecho-Slovakia, which convened from the first to eleventh of May, 1956, in order to discuss the directives of the XX Congress of the Communist Party of the U. S. S. R. Present at this meeting was W. Siroky, the present :Prime Minister of the Czecho-Slovak Government. He uttered a manifesto in which among other things, he stressed: A!bove all it is necessary to concern ourselves with the questions of extending the jurisdiction of the Slovak Nation-al Council of the highest organ of State power in Slovakia. Today there are already suppositions for extending the legislative jurisdiction of the Slovak National Council, and we must probably think also -about constitutional changes i,n the same way. . . . In just that way must we consider extending the jurisdiction of the Slovak National Council in the eyes of the Board of Commissioners and e~pressly estaiblish constitutional conclusions of responsibility to the Board of •Commissionens o'f ithe Slovak National Council (16). The Slovak National Council and the Board of Commissioners, according to the Kosice program of 1945, were to be the legisfative and executive organs of the planned autonomous government of Slovakia. After the elections of 1946 their jurisdiction was completely limited, so that they really became only executive organs of the centralist administration of Prague. The conclusion of w_ Siroky's address would be that in due time a complete autonomy would prevail. But W. Siroky went so far as to say: "as the foundatio~ of its politics concerning the nationalist question, the Communist Party considers the right of na- �46 SLOVAKIA tions toward self-expression, that is, the right to break away freely from or unite freely to another nation" (17). Such a position would have been favorably acceptable to the nationalist Slovak Communists, but Siroky, a Stalinist and still in power, gave to it his own interpretation. It was certainly with the intention to threaten his imprisoned colleagues that in concluding his address he said: 'Noting our successes, . . . we can in no way underestimate the influence of the bourgeois nationalist ideology, Its heralds utilize every occasion of um.est, every want and negative mani• festation for its spread and livelihood. It is the plaitform of the enemies of socialism, and must not even lead us astray then when 1bouregois nationalism, as for example at present, emerges under the slogan of a People's Democratic Slovakia 018). Here then is the evidence why nationalist Slovak Communists, even when released from prison, have not been rehabilitated. If, however, Moscow shall desire the removal of W. Siroky and Bacilek and shall set up the first, then the world in the near future shall be surprised to hear the proclamation of a new Slovak Soviet Republic. The recently developed situation in Hungary strengthened again the position of the Stalinists and brought ahout the occupation of Slovakia by the Czech and Russ~an armies. 7. There Will Be No Stopping The existence of the Slovaks as a political force in Central Europe is not a fact of negligible importance at the present time. They have reached such a level of group consciousness that it will be impossible to disregard them in dealing with the political problems of that area. Their emergence presents a vivid example of the development of modern nationalism, for, as Don Luigi Sturzo has writ7 ten: "Once a country or a people has succeeded in developing a consciousness of its own personality and on affirming it in the struggle with which history has confronted it, there is no stopping." Many incentives led the Slovaks to develop a consciousness of their own personality despite the fact that they have been living for over a thousand . years without any specific political rights within Hungary. �SLOVAKIA 47 The first incentive came from the social philosophy of the Enlightenment. It created a new political power out of the submerged social class of people by advocating certain rights for the masses in dealing with the public affairs of states. At the same time this movement destroyed the predominance of Latin and elevated the people's language to literary prominence. In the case of the Slovaks it led to the codification of their vernacular language which became the first step towards the assertion of their own distinct personality. German Romantic philosophy provided a second incentive and gave a further impetus towards the same goal. Its contribution consisted in defining more closely the concept "people" by changing it into the concept "nation" whereby a greater stress was placed upon the importance of a common history, language and culture. This philosophy was also instrumental in creating among the Slav nations a literary and political movement called Pan-Slavism. Under the impact of Pan-Slavism Slovaks were made aware of their glorious past as represented by Greater Moravia, the first Slav state in Central Europe, and began to feel that their land was the cradle of present-day cultures. The third incentive was provided by President Wilson's principle of self-determination of nations and the Western Allies' decision to dismember Austria-Hungary after the First World War. The map of Central Europe was changed and the Slovaks became a part of a new state called the Czecho-Slovak Republic. In the CzechoSlovak Republic they were supposed to be equal partners with the kin Czechs, but these ambitions were never realized because the imaginary "Czechoslovak" nation sought to merge them with the Czechs on the ground of their close kinship. Nevertheless, in the Czecho-Slovak Republic the almost extinct Slovak community grew up into a new democratic society, and the Slovaks were ready to venture into an independent life in their own Slovak Republic. At present the overwhelming majority of Slovaks consider the situation as an enforced one and remain almost united in their efforts to regain their lost independence. �48 SLOVAKIA Under the present circumstances their ,o bjectives and efforts are directed towards the following goals: 1. Slovakia within the framework of a democratic Czecho-Slovakia is still the objective of a small group of "Czecho-Slovaks" who are composed primarily of former diplomats and leading personalities of the first CzechoS1ovakia. Being aware of the opposition of the majority of Slovaks at home agruinst the Czechs this group of Slovaks finally agreed to have the state based on the idea of two distinct Czech and Slovak nations instead of the former imaginary "Czechoslovak" nation. 2. Independent Slovakia either as a unit within the proposed federated Central Europe or simply as an independent democratic state. Both alternatives enjoy almost the same popularity with the overwhelming majority of the Slovaks at home and abroad. They represent the desires and endeavors of a substantial part of the Slovak population whose objective has always been to assure for Slovaks the rights of an ethnographically, culturally and politica:lly distinct personality in the international family of nations. 3. A Slovak Soviet Republic might have been the objective of a small group of Slovak Communists before they were executed or imprisoned as bourgeois deviationists. They once again seemed to have had a chance to act after Stalin's death but are now forestalled by what happened in Hungary in 1956. In spite of the fact that there still are groups among the Slovaks that endeavor to make Slovakia dependent upon the Czechs or upon the Russians, the ambitions of Slovak nationalism will hardly be gratified until the Slovaks find their haven in a sovereign Slovak State or in such a political arrangement of Central Europe wherein the Slovaks will be allotted the same sovereign rights as other so-called established nations possess today. (11J) iM. Gosiorovsky: "O Sovietoch na Slovensku v roku 1919", Nova Mysl, Pr-ague, September, 191'9, 2716,284. (Q) Ibidem. (3) !For ,e xample, 1n the elections of 1.929 voting districts, comprising a clearly Slovak population conceded very little percentage-wise to the Communist Party: Presov 4.57 per cent, Turcian- �SLOVAKIA 49 sky Sv. Martin 6J18 per cent, Ba,nska Bystrica 7.60 per cent. Whereas in districts comprising a greater majority of Hungarians, the Communists showed grea ter gains: Kosice 115.4!8 per cent and Nove Zamky IJ6.84 ·p er cent. - Dr. F. Durcansky, Biela Kniha, Buenos Aires, 19B4, p. 7'84). {4) Pravda Chudoby, 30. juna 1954. (5) Pravda, 30. maja 1'926. (6) Durcansky, op. cit., p. 796. (7) Dr. F. Durcansky, "Marne sa snail Moskva ziskat' Slovakov", Literarny almanac'1 Slovaka v Amerike, Chicago, 195G, pp. 43-48. (8) 1lbid., pp. 45-416. {9) J. Smutny, Doklady a rozp.ravy, CLondon, November 1952), p. 5. (10) Ustanoveni ceskoslovenske vlady Narodni fronty Cechu a Slovaku a jeji prvni projevy, (Praha 1<947), pp. 21 sp. (l1lJ) iH. Ripka, Czechoslovakia Enslaved, (London, 1949), p. 47. C12) Rude pravo, (27. fobruara 19511). •Q13) Joseph Mikus: La Slovaquie dans le drame de l'Europe, Paris, 11955. 014) G. Husak, Zapas o zajtrajsok, (Bratislava, 1943), p. 3. (15) ,J . A. !Mikus, op. cit., ,p. 3'86. (Paris, 119515), p. 386. (16) Slovak, (jun 11956). 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Hrufovsky, F ,: This Is Slovakia, Obrana Press, Scranton, Pa., 1955. Ingrim, R.: After Hitler Stalin? Bruce Pulb lishing Co., Milwaukee, '1946. Lloyd George, David: The Truth About the Peace Treaties, London, 1 '1925. Macartney, C. A.: Hungary a,nd Her Successo.rs, London-New York, 194'3'. Macartney, C. A.: National States and National Minorities, London, 1934. Macartney, C. A.: Problems of the Danube Basin, London, 194!2. M~ryk, T. G.: New Europe, London, 11917. Masaryk, T. G.: The Problem of Small Nations in the European Crisis, London, 1915. Masaryk, T. G.: La resurrection d'un etat (Souvenirs et reflections 1914-1958), Paris, .1930. Mendelsohn, P.: The Nuremberg Documents, London, 11946. Mikus, J. A.: La Slovaquie da,ns le drame de l'Europe, Paris, 1955-. Miniisterstvo vnitra (The Ministry of Interior): Spiknuti proti republice (Conspiracy Against the Czecho-Slovak Republic in Slovakia), Prague, 194'7. Osusky, S.: Benes and Slovakia, London, 1943. Peroutka, V.: Budovani statu (Building of a New State), Pra•g ue, 11'93•3-li936. Popovici, Aurel: Die Verei,n igten Staaten von Grossoesterreich, Leipzig, 1906. Rene, Renry: Questions d'Aut.riche-Hongrie et questions d'Orient, P-aris, 1903. Ripka, H.: Small and Great Nations, London, 1194!4'. Ripka, H.: Czechoslovakia Enslaved, London, 1948. Schlesinger, R.: Federalism i,n Central Europe, London, 1945. Seton Watson, R. W.: Slovakia Then and Now, London and Prague, 1 1'931. Seton Watson, R. W.: A History of the Czechs and Slovaks, London, 194'3'. Seton Watson, R. W.: Eastern Europe Between the Wars 1918-1941, London, 1945. Sidor, K.: Andrej Hlinka, Bratislava, 1934. Sidor, K.: Slovenska politika na pode p.razskeho snemu (Slovak Politics On the ·F loor of the Prague ,Parliament), iBratislll/Va, 1943. Shafer, Boyd C.: Nationalism: Myth and Reality, New York, 19514. Slovak Catholic Federation of America: The Slovaks and the Pittsburgh Pact, Chicago, 1004. �SLOVAKIA 51 Sturzo, Do r Luigi: NatiQ\nalism and Internationalism, New York, 1946. Thomson, Harrison: Czechoslovakia in European Histo.ry, Princeton Press, New Jerisey, 11'944. Ustanoveni ceskoslovenske vlady Narodni fronty Cechu a Slovaku a jeji prvni projevy (Decrees and First Manifestoes of the Czecho-Slovak Gover,nment Composed of the Czech and Slovak National Front), Prague, 1947. Ustav Dr. E. Benesa CDr. E. Benes lns'titurte): Doklady a .rozpravy (Documents and Deliberations), London, 1'952. ARTICLES IN MAGAZINES AND PERIODICALS Brauner, H.: Die Volkswerdung der Slowaken (The Development of Slovaks lnot a Nation), a treatise published in Deutsches Archive ftir Landes und Volkswerdung, Vo1. V, Berlin, 1944. Darras, M.: Onze ans de vie independante en Slovaquie, Le monde slave, Paris, May-June, .1000. Durcansky, F.: l'.Europe Central dans le passe et dans l'avenir, La revue de drnit internacional, de sciences diplomatiques et politiques, Geneve, XX]I, annee, no. 1, 1/94'4. Durcansky, F.: Marne sa snaii Moskva ziskat' Slovakov (The Futile Efforts of Moscow to Win Over the Slovaks), Literarny Almanach Slovaka v Amerike, an Almanach pU!blished in Chicago by the publislhers of the SLOVAK V AiMERllKE, a newspaper in the Slovak language, Chicago, 1:953. Chudoba, B.: Czechoslovakia: A Study in Disintegration, Thought, Fordham University Quarterly, March, 1950. Clementis, V.: Ni satelite de l'U.R.S.S. ni artisan d'un bloc slave, Parallele 50, Paris, September 20, '1950. Gosiorovs'ky, .M.: 0 •S ovietoch na Slovensku v roku 1919 (About the Soviets in Slovakia in 1919), Nova mysl (The New Thought), Prague, September, 111919. Hlinka, A.: Memoirs des Slovaques a la Conference de la Paix, A Memorandum to the Peace Conference in Paris, 1919. Kirschbaum, J .: Slovakia and Central European Federation Plans, SLOVAIIQ!A, a periodical plllblished by the Slovak League of Ameriica, Middletown, Pa., April, 1953. Pir, A. V.: America's Slovak Societies, published in the Bulletin of t he Slovak Nat ional Council A'broa,d, Middletown, Pa., August, 1956. Naboienska itatistika (Religious Statistics), Kalendar Kanadskej Slovenskej Ligy (Almanach of the Canadian Slovak League), Winnipeg, Manitdba, 19zy3. Schlesinger, R.: Slovakia Today and Tomorrow, Contemporary Review, London, August, 1939. ARTICLES IN NEWSPAPERS Pravda (The Truth), an official paper of the Communist Party in Slovakia. Samostatnost' pre Slovensko (Independence For Slovakia), Bratislava, May 30, 1926. Pravda Chudoby (The Truth of the Downtroddtm), a Czech, Communist rparper. Narodni h,nuti a komunisticka strana Ceskoslovenska (National Movements and the Communist 'Party of Czechoslovakia), Prague, June 3'0, 1924. �52 SLOVAKIA Rude pravo (The Red Law), an official paper of the Czeeh Communist Party. Odhaleni zradcu (The Traitors Uncovered), Pra,g ue, Felbruary 27, ,1951<. Slovak, a paper published by the Slovak Liberation Committee in Munich, Germany. Autonomna vlada pre Slovensko? (An Autonomous Government For Slovakia?), !Munich, June, 1956 . • • • FA'llHER SEGIN!AK'S IMPRE$SIONS OF PRAGUE AND PRESOV "A visit behind the Iron Curtain can best be characterized by the feeling that one is seeing the living-dead." With these words, Father Theodore Seginak, 0.S.B., superior of the Benedictine Fathers' Holy Trinity Priory, described his recent visit to Prague in Bohemia and Presov in Slovakia. After attending a meeting of all the Benedictine superiors of the world in Rome from September 18 to 26, Father Seginak was accompanied by Father Alexander Minchik, O.S.B., on the trip behind the Iron Curtain. Visas for the trip behind the Iron Curtain are most difficult to obtain. Only after repeated requests had been made did the two priests receive the necessary permission to visit. Even so only two times a week can flights from Vienna to Prague be had. At the Prague airport a thorough search of all apparel was made, as well as a close scrutiny of all money brought into the country. The customs officials demanded to see everything, and sternly warned the two priests that on their return journey they would be required to show a receipt for all purchases made during their visit. The streets of Prague were filled with sullen, downcast persons who performed their duties with a mechanical precision. One always had the feeling that the eyes of the communist "big brother" were on you. In fact, it is routine in restaurants to sit down to a meal and look up to see a policeman gaping in the window at the diners. The very best meal is steak - which is really hamburger with an egg on top. Father Seginak was amazed at the prices of clothing and the very poor quality. An American $45 suit costs � 38 SLOVAKIA ·SLOVAK NATION ALISM: 1 B. S. BUC, Ph.D. NATIONALISM OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY 1. The Ephemeral Slovak Soviet Republic Because of the deeply religious basis of the Slovaks as well as the agrarian nature of Slovakia, Communism with its revolutionary materialistic-socia l program had from the beginning no hope of winning over the Slovaks. It, therefore, endeavored all the more to conquer them by force. The first attempt at forceful domination in Slovakia was undertaken in 1919. This occurred after the First World War in connection with the creation of the Hungarian Soviet Republic whose leader was the well known Bela Kuhn. The Hungarian Communist government invaded Slovakia with its army and occupied the Eastern sector with the sities of Presov and Kosice. Following in the wake of the occupation, a public Communist assembly met at Presov on June 16, 1919, and announced the establishment of the Slovak Soviet Republic with the proclamation that: This day the Slovak Soviet RepUiblic was created on Slovaik soil, liberated from imperialism. The first conscious, instinctive act of the proletariat, freed from the yoke of Czech imperialism, was that oppressors proclaim with such great glory, but in reality falsify (1). At this assembly, a temporary revolutionary committee was appointed which transferred its seat from Presov to Kosice. There on June 20, 1919, a twenty-member Slovak Revolutionary Council was named with the Czech Communist A. Jarousek at its head. This Council formally informed the Czecho-iSlovak government in Prague that Slovakia is separating from the Czech lands. Immediately the Soviet government of Moscow hastened to greet this new Slovak dictatorship of the proletariat. The existence of this very stormily-begun Slovak Soviet Republic was short-lived. On July 5, 1919, the Red Hungarian Army was coerced to withdraw from Slovak territory and the "Slovak Soviet Republic" ended. Except for many atrocities perpetrated on the inhabitants by the �SLOVAKIA 39 Red Army, no signs whatever remained in Slovakia after this three-week Communist adventure (2). 2. Coordination of Nationalism and Class Struggle After the shattering of this first Communist attempt to enslave Slovakia in 1919, it would hardly be necessary to speak of the Communist Party in connection with Slovak nationalism. But the situation which ensued in Slovakia, after Communist occupation in 1944 through Russian partisans and then the army, made the Communist Party one of the most significant fashioners of the present fate of Slovaks in general. It was a repetition of the events of 1919, except with longer lasting and far-reaching results. Communism would never have attained its present position in Slovakia, had the end of the war not permitted it. Election results prior to the Second World War indicate that the Communist Party was never powerful in Slovakia; in the election year of 1919, it had 10.66 per cent of the votes; in 1935, 12.97 per cent. And even these percentages would be lower, if other nationalities were separated and only Slovak votes counted. This is shown by the fact that in voting districts comprising a clearly Slovak population, the percentage gains of the Communist Party were always substantially lower than in districts where they were mixed with Hungarians(3). The weak successes of the Communists in Slovakia, despite the facts that the social situation of the Slovak population was really not the best, must be attributed to the religious foundation of the Slovaks and in part to the influence of the Hlinka Slovak People's Party, which in its program presented a more compact statement of the national and social demands of the Slovak inhabitants. Recalling to mind the delicacy of the nationality problem in the newly established Czecho-Slovakia, the Communist Party immediately in 1919 began to orientate its program in order to draw as much as possible from it. Clement Gottwald, leader of the Party, marked this program in 1924 in the following words: Such a solution to the question must be sought and found which will enable the Party to support nationality movements �40 SLOVAKIA and to unite its revolui-tonary energies, or to coordinate with revolutionary class warfare the whole proletariat of the CzechoSlovak RepUlblic. I am of the opinion that the Party can, with comparatirve ea,se, gain leadership in the movement of national minorities and thus cast to the r,e ar the bour,geois-chauvinist parties . .. . The Comunist Party in Slovakia must not only utilize the national movements for the class interests of the proletariat, but must stand directly at its head and lead it along paths actually revolutionary (4). In accord with the plan, the Communist Party in Slovakia also fought for the autonomy of Slovakia as did the Slovak People's Party. When in the elections of 1925 the autonomists achieved their greatest successes, the Communists hastened to promise more than autonomy. In January, 1926, they announced: 'Dhe Communist Party of Czechoslovakia raises .. these concrete demands: the complete independence of Slovakia. Let the SlovaJk nation itself decide on arranging its own affairs (5). This signified competition with the autonomists in emphasizing Slovak national ambitions. We do not know for sure whether to account the gains - even though trivial - of the Communist Party in Slovakia to its social struggle for the rights of the proletariat, or to its tactizing with Slovak nationalism. But the latter definitely gained votes for them. Despite its more than positive position in regard to Slovak nationalism, the Communist party was nevertheless organized only on a statewide basis as a "Czechoslovak" Party. Its leadership in Slovakia, however, rested in the hands of a sma:11 but capable group of Slovak intellectuals, who became adherents of the Party not from social motives, but rather because its ideological foundation introduced to them a new kind of belief. They were Slovak nationalists, but because of their negative attitude toward religion, they found it difficult to attach themselves to the other two national parties, namely, the Slovak People's Party and the Slovak National Party; the former was led by a Catholic priest, the latter by a Lutheran minister. They were, therefore, idealists blinded by idealism to such an extent that they were unable to realize that the Communist Party was actually an instrument of Russian imperialism, concealing itself at times in relation to �SLOVAKIA 41 Slav nations under Russian Pan-Slavism. They were fittingly called "Sa:lon Communists," because both their social position and their behavior were in complete opposition to the concept "proletariat" which they were supposed to represent. It is not surprising, therefore, that this group of Slovak Communists received the dissolution of Czecho-Slovakia in 1938 with as much joy as the other Slovak national elements. Although the Slovak Government had forbidden the activities of the Communist Party, yet a majority of its representatives was left free and held important offices. This enabled them, through salon and not revolutionary means, to make preparations for the opportune establishment of a "Slovak Republic without Germans and Fascists" when the occasion should arise (6). 3. Towards a New Slovak Soviet Republic The moments for the fulfillment of their plans seemed to arrive when, near the end of August, 1944, Soviet parachutists succeeded in carrying the operations of war into Slo.vak territory and called forth co-called "Slovak uprising against the Germans." Slovak Communists, therefore, hastened in September of that year to establish the indepen*dent Communist Party of Slovakia to the great surprise of Czech Communist agents. They acted in accord with Moscow itself, which sought, through its partisans, to win over the President of the Slovak Republic, Joseph Tiso, by promising protection to the Slovak Republic (7). Tiso's attitude to these efforts was one of greatest rejection: Cooperation with Moscow would have signified a terrible cata,s trophe for the nation. It would have been a denial of Christianity. Communism was from its first beginnings and remained an irreconcilable enemy not only of our nation, our independence, but is a danger for all of Europe. Communism brings with itself a rapid debasement of the moral, spiritual and material level of every nation in whose bosom it reposes. Every true patriot, therefore, cannot soil his hands by cooperating with such a political system as well as with its representatives residing in Moscow (8). In these steps we see the two-faced action of Moscow, which "did not cease to assure officially that her aim was �42 SLOVAKIA to renew the Czecho-Slovak Republic, but underneath carried on, through her partisans, a survey to ascertain the mood in Slovakia towards the annexation of that country (9). 4. Change of Moscow's Plans When Moscow failed to gain support of Slovak national elements to proclaim the Slovak Soviet Republic and saw that Communism in Slovakia lacked strong roots, she decided definitely to reestablish Czecho-Slovakia. The elections of 1946 in renovated Czech-Slovakia indicate why this solution was more advantageous for Moscow's plans. The Communist Party in Czech territory had a more probable chance of winning. This decision of Moscow, however, meant the beginning of tragedy for Slovak national Communists. It was already discernible in the action of Moscow, which appointed William Siroky, a Hungarian by origin, as Chairman of the newly established Communist Party in Slovakia in preference to Slovak nationalists. In Siroky Moscow found a very compliant instrument for her further political drama in Czecho-Slovakia. Czecho-Slovakia indeed was renewed, but not in its original size and greatness. First of all Moscow annexed Ruthenia. When Dr. Edward Benes was returning from Moscow, shortly after the Red Army occupied Slovak territory, he had to remain in Kosice where the native Communists compelled him to agree to the so-called Kosice program of April, 1945, according to which the new Czecho-Slovakia was to be a state of two nations, Czech and Slovak. Clement Gottwald, as Premier of the government, announced on April 5, 1945, that "the Republic will be renewed as a comomn state of the co-equal Czech and Slovak nations" and that "the new government of the Republic will be concerned that, during the constitutional solution of the relations between the Czech and Slovak nations, the Slovak organs will be constituted with the same legislative, administrative and executive power which the Slovak nation enjoys today in its Slovak National Council" (10). Perhaps, in respect to elections, the Slovaks �SLOVAKIA 43 were at least promised autonomy as the last step to win them over to Communism. 5. Centralized Czecho-Slovakia Once Again A year later, in May of 1946, the first elections were held in the new Czecho-Slovakia, and they indicated a substantial difference within the Communist Parties of Slovakia and the Czech lands. The Communist Party of Slovakia, united with the Social Democrats, gained 30.6 per cent of the votes; whereas in Czech territory the Communist party obtained 40.4 per cent and the Social Democrats 15.6 per cent which together totalled 56 per cent. In Czech lands we see a very evident victory for the Communist Party. Of the 300 seats in Parliament, the combined parties of the Communists and Socialists had 153 deputies. A certain official from the Russian embassy made this observation about the results of the 1946 elections: "The majority is not great, but it suffices in order to rule over the other parties in a democratic way" (11). The elections sounded the death knell of the promised autonomy for Slovakia. Theoretically, the principle of two nations was continually stressed; practically, however, even a stronger centralization than during the first Czecho-Slovak Republic began to shape up. Even more, on September 28, 1948, when the Communist Party of Slovakia was abolished and became a part of the united Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia. This was more than the Slovak Communists could stand. Even the fear of retaliation •c ould not restrain them from rising up in opposition. The threat of revenge for this deviation from servility was not long in coming. In February of 1951, the foremost leaders, V. Clementis, Dr. G. Husak, L. Novomesky and K. Smidke, were expelled from the Party and deprived of all functions because "they planned a new Slovak separatist program and together formed a plot aimed at tearing Slovakia away from the Czecho-Slovak Republic" (12). In April others were condemned as bourgeois nationalists. The substance of their crimes is contained in a long condemnation, in which we find the following: �44 SLOVAKIA The ideological background of their treachery consisted in their attempts to solve the national question of the Slovak nation, not in collruboration with thet Czech working class but mainly in cooperation with the Slovak bourgeoisie and accepted eventually their leadership. In this connection they accepted the Slovak fascist puppet State. Later on, they successfully penetrated the leadership of the Slovak national uprising and got hold of important positions in the new People's Democratic State. They misused their positions in the Slovak National Council and on the Board of Commissioners in a criminal way in order to isolate Slovakia from the Czech working people and from the construction of Socialism, thus strengthening in Slovakia the remnants of capitalism and jeopardizing the achievements of the Slovak working class. Their aim was to break up the common Czecho-Slo,vak State and to hand over Slovakia to the reactionary bourg.eois-iP and to the mercy of foreign imperialists (13'). We do not know how L. Novomesky, one of the accused, understood, a;fter his trial, the words which he wrote in 1948, prior to his imprisonment, in the introduction to a book of his co-sufferer G. Husak: They say superficially that re,volutions devour their o,wn children. This is not trur! The truth rather is that revolutions, determined to r-emain faithful to their program, slough off those of their children who would pel'vert their meaning, their program and their end (14). After this purge President Gottwald appointed a Czech Communist, M. Bacilek, as President of the Slovak National Council. The whole apparatus of the Communist Party and administration in Slovakia is now in the hands of Czechs and Magyars, and not in the hands of Slovak elements. In liquidating the Communist Slovaks, Prague liquidated practically the idea of a Czecho,Slovak State. !Between the years 19415 and HW7, Benes had annihilated the Ca,tholics, the principal political force of Slovakia. During the course of the crisis 1n ,119418, the Czech Communists and Democrats had era.sed such Slovak Protestants as Le.Urich, and Ursiny. Prague suppressed finally the last political suppor.t of the Czecho-Siovak State in Slovakia: the Communists. The fourth Czecho-Slovak Republic as a national State of Czechs and Slovak,s is, therefore, dead. Instead a Socialist Soviet State emerges (,115). 6. Aftermath of Stalin's Death The changes in Moscow after the death of Joseph Stalin, however, testify that the drama of Slovak na- �SLOVAKIA 45 tionalist Communists is not completed and awaits the completion of its last act, if the new seemingly revolutionary directives, inaugurated by the XX Congress of the Communist Party in Moscow by Khrushchev, will be brought into effect. These directives, among other things, stress very emphatically the principle of self-determination in dealing with the national ambitions of various nations. If action really follows words, then this "new Moscow approach" towards the solution of problems stemming from nationalism may give the Slovak nationalist Communists new hopes to implement their old dream, the Slovak Soviet Republic. It seems that the first step along this new line was made by the Central Committee of the Communist Party in Czecho-Slovakia, which convened from the first to eleventh of May, 1956, in order to discuss the directives of the XX Congress of the Communist Party of the U. S. S. R. Present at this meeting was W. Siroky, the present :Prime Minister of the Czecho-Slovak Government. He uttered a manifesto in which among other things, he stressed: A!bove all it is necessary to concern ourselves with the questions of extending the jurisdiction of the Slovak Nation-al Council of the highest organ of State power in Slovakia. Today there are already suppositions for extending the legislative jurisdiction of the Slovak National Council, and we must probably think also -about constitutional changes i,n the same way. . . . In just that way must we consider extending the jurisdiction of the Slovak National Council in the eyes of the Board of Commissioners and e~pressly estaiblish constitutional conclusions of responsibility to the Board of •Commissionens o'f ithe Slovak National Council (16). The Slovak National Council and the Board of Commissioners, according to the Kosice program of 1945, were to be the legisfative and executive organs of the planned autonomous government of Slovakia. After the elections of 1946 their jurisdiction was completely limited, so that they really became only executive organs of the centralist administration of Prague. The conclusion of w_ Siroky's address would be that in due time a complete autonomy would prevail. But W. Siroky went so far as to say: "as the foundatio~ of its politics concerning the nationalist question, the Communist Party considers the right of na- �46 SLOVAKIA tions toward self-expression, that is, the right to break away freely from or unite freely to another nation" (17). Such a position would have been favorably acceptable to the nationalist Slovak Communists, but Siroky, a Stalinist and still in power, gave to it his own interpretation. It was certainly with the intention to threaten his imprisoned colleagues that in concluding his address he said: 'Noting our successes, . . . we can in no way underestimate the influence of the bourgeois nationalist ideology, Its heralds utilize every occasion of um.est, every want and negative mani• festation for its spread and livelihood. It is the plaitform of the enemies of socialism, and must not even lead us astray then when 1bouregois nationalism, as for example at present, emerges under the slogan of a People's Democratic Slovakia 018). Here then is the evidence why nationalist Slovak Communists, even when released from prison, have not been rehabilitated. If, however, Moscow shall desire the removal of W. Siroky and Bacilek and shall set up the first, then the world in the near future shall be surprised to hear the proclamation of a new Slovak Soviet Republic. The recently developed situation in Hungary strengthened again the position of the Stalinists and brought ahout the occupation of Slovakia by the Czech and Russ~an armies. 7. There Will Be No Stopping The existence of the Slovaks as a political force in Central Europe is not a fact of negligible importance at the present time. They have reached such a level of group consciousness that it will be impossible to disregard them in dealing with the political problems of that area. Their emergence presents a vivid example of the development of modern nationalism, for, as Don Luigi Sturzo has writ7 ten: "Once a country or a people has succeeded in developing a consciousness of its own personality and on affirming it in the struggle with which history has confronted it, there is no stopping." Many incentives led the Slovaks to develop a consciousness of their own personality despite the fact that they have been living for over a thousand . years without any specific political rights within Hungary. �SLOVAKIA 47 The first incentive came from the social philosophy of the Enlightenment. It created a new political power out of the submerged social class of people by advocating certain rights for the masses in dealing with the public affairs of states. At the same time this movement destroyed the predominance of Latin and elevated the people's language to literary prominence. In the case of the Slovaks it led to the codification of their vernacular language which became the first step towards the assertion of their own distinct personality. German Romantic philosophy provided a second incentive and gave a further impetus towards the same goal. Its contribution consisted in defining more closely the concept "people" by changing it into the concept "nation" whereby a greater stress was placed upon the importance of a common history, language and culture. This philosophy was also instrumental in creating among the Slav nations a literary and political movement called Pan-Slavism. Under the impact of Pan-Slavism Slovaks were made aware of their glorious past as represented by Greater Moravia, the first Slav state in Central Europe, and began to feel that their land was the cradle of present-day cultures. The third incentive was provided by President Wilson's principle of self-determination of nations and the Western Allies' decision to dismember Austria-Hungary after the First World War. The map of Central Europe was changed and the Slovaks became a part of a new state called the Czecho-Slovak Republic. In the CzechoSlovak Republic they were supposed to be equal partners with the kin Czechs, but these ambitions were never realized because the imaginary "Czechoslovak" nation sought to merge them with the Czechs on the ground of their close kinship. Nevertheless, in the Czecho-Slovak Republic the almost extinct Slovak community grew up into a new democratic society, and the Slovaks were ready to venture into an independent life in their own Slovak Republic. At present the overwhelming majority of Slovaks consider the situation as an enforced one and remain almost united in their efforts to regain their lost independence. �48 SLOVAKIA Under the present circumstances their ,o bjectives and efforts are directed towards the following goals: 1. Slovakia within the framework of a democratic Czecho-Slovakia is still the objective of a small group of "Czecho-Slovaks" who are composed primarily of former diplomats and leading personalities of the first CzechoS1ovakia. Being aware of the opposition of the majority of Slovaks at home agruinst the Czechs this group of Slovaks finally agreed to have the state based on the idea of two distinct Czech and Slovak nations instead of the former imaginary "Czechoslovak" nation. 2. Independent Slovakia either as a unit within the proposed federated Central Europe or simply as an independent democratic state. Both alternatives enjoy almost the same popularity with the overwhelming majority of the Slovaks at home and abroad. They represent the desires and endeavors of a substantial part of the Slovak population whose objective has always been to assure for Slovaks the rights of an ethnographically, culturally and politica:lly distinct personality in the international family of nations. 3. A Slovak Soviet Republic might have been the objective of a small group of Slovak Communists before they were executed or imprisoned as bourgeois deviationists. They once again seemed to have had a chance to act after Stalin's death but are now forestalled by what happened in Hungary in 1956. In spite of the fact that there still are groups among the Slovaks that endeavor to make Slovakia dependent upon the Czechs or upon the Russians, the ambitions of Slovak nationalism will hardly be gratified until the Slovaks find their haven in a sovereign Slovak State or in such a political arrangement of Central Europe wherein the Slovaks will be allotted the same sovereign rights as other so-called established nations possess today. (11J) iM. Gosiorovsky: "O Sovietoch na Slovensku v roku 1919", Nova Mysl, Pr-ague, September, 191'9, 2716,284. (Q) Ibidem. (3) !For ,e xample, 1n the elections of 1.929 voting districts, comprising a clearly Slovak population conceded very little percentage-wise to the Communist Party: Presov 4.57 per cent, Turcian- �SLOVAKIA 49 sky Sv. Martin 6J18 per cent, Ba,nska Bystrica 7.60 per cent. Whereas in districts comprising a greater majority of Hungarians, the Communists showed grea ter gains: Kosice 115.4!8 per cent and Nove Zamky IJ6.84 ·p er cent. - Dr. F. Durcansky, Biela Kniha, Buenos Aires, 19B4, p. 7'84). {4) Pravda Chudoby, 30. juna 1954. (5) Pravda, 30. maja 1'926. (6) Durcansky, op. cit., p. 796. (7) Dr. F. Durcansky, "Marne sa snail Moskva ziskat' Slovakov", Literarny almanac'1 Slovaka v Amerike, Chicago, 195G, pp. 43-48. (8) 1lbid., pp. 45-416. {9) J. Smutny, Doklady a rozp.ravy, CLondon, November 1952), p. 5. (10) Ustanoveni ceskoslovenske vlady Narodni fronty Cechu a Slovaku a jeji prvni projevy, (Praha 1<947), pp. 21 sp. (l1lJ) iH. Ripka, Czechoslovakia Enslaved, (London, 1949), p. 47. C12) Rude pravo, (27. fobruara 19511). •Q13) Joseph Mikus: La Slovaquie dans le drame de l'Europe, Paris, 11955. 014) G. Husak, Zapas o zajtrajsok, (Bratislava, 1943), p. 3. (15) ,J . A. !Mikus, op. cit., ,p. 3'86. (Paris, 119515), p. 386. (16) Slovak, (jun 11956). (17) Ibidem. (lt8) Ibidem. BIBLIOGRAPHY Association Hongroise des Affaires Etrangeres. La deportation des Hongrois de Slovaquie, Budapest, .1947. Aulneau, J .: Histoire de l'Europe Central, Paris, ·1926. Autonomist: Slovakia's Plea for Autonomy, Jednota Press, Middletown, Pa., ,11935. Benes, E.: Czechoslovak Policy fo.r Victory and Peace, London, 1:94'4. Benes, E.: Le probleme .A utrichien et la question tcheque, Paris, •1908. Benes, E.: My War Memoirs, London, 1928. Blasko, S.: Slovakia in Blood and Shackles, Piassaic, N .J., 1954. Bokes, F.: Dejiny Slovakov a Slovenska (History of the Slovaks and Slovakia), Bratislava, 1'946. Botto, J.: Slovaci: Vyvin ich narodneho povedomia (Slovaks: the Development of Their National Consciousness), Turciansky Sv. Martin, ·11906. Carr, E. H.: Natio,nalism and After, London, 1·946. Chmelar, J.: National Minorities in Central Europe, Prague, 1'937. Clementis, V.: Panslavism, Past and Present, London, 194G. Culen, K.: Dejiny Slovakov v Amerike (History of the Slovaks in America), Bratislava, 11942. Cul-en, K.:Cesi a Slovaci v statnych sluibach CSR (Cze'Chs and Slovak•s in the Civil Service of the Czechoslovak Republic), Bratislava, 1944>. Culen, K.: Pittsburghska dohoda (The Pittsburgh .Pact), •B ratislava, '1937. Denis, E.: La question d'Autriche: Les Slovaques, Paris, 1917. Diamond, W.: Czechoslovakia Between East and West, London. 1947. �50 SLOVAKIA Durcansky, F.: Slovenska biela kniha (Slovak White Book), Buenos Aires, 11954!. European Movement: Basis For An Eastern Europea,i Policy, London, 1950. Gottwald, K.: Slove,nsko hladuje (Slovakia is Starving), Bratislava, 1925. Gottwald, K.: Za socialisticky itat, za socialisticke pravo (For a Socialistic State, For a Socialistic Right), Prague, 1940. Hodza, M.: Federation in Central Europe, London, 1~. Hrusovsky, F.: Slovensko v dejinach Strecl,nej Europy (Slovakia in the History of Central Eu.rope), Turciansky Sv. Martin, 1939. Hrufovsky, F ,: This Is Slovakia, Obrana Press, Scranton, Pa., 1955. Ingrim, R.: After Hitler Stalin? Bruce Pulb lishing Co., Milwaukee, '1946. Lloyd George, David: The Truth About the Peace Treaties, London, 1 '1925. Macartney, C. A.: Hungary a,nd Her Successo.rs, London-New York, 194'3'. Macartney, C. A.: National States and National Minorities, London, 1934. Macartney, C. A.: Problems of the Danube Basin, London, 194!2. M~ryk, T. G.: New Europe, London, 11917. Masaryk, T. G.: The Problem of Small Nations in the European Crisis, London, 1915. Masaryk, T. G.: La resurrection d'un etat (Souvenirs et reflections 1914-1958), Paris, .1930. Mendelsohn, P.: The Nuremberg Documents, London, 11946. Mikus, J. A.: La Slovaquie da,ns le drame de l'Europe, Paris, 1955-. Miniisterstvo vnitra (The Ministry of Interior): Spiknuti proti republice (Conspiracy Against the Czecho-Slovak Republic in Slovakia), Prague, 194'7. Osusky, S.: Benes and Slovakia, London, 1943. Peroutka, V.: Budovani statu (Building of a New State), Pra•g ue, 11'93•3-li936. Popovici, Aurel: Die Verei,n igten Staaten von Grossoesterreich, Leipzig, 1906. Rene, Renry: Questions d'Aut.riche-Hongrie et questions d'Orient, P-aris, 1903. Ripka, H.: Small and Great Nations, London, 1194!4'. Ripka, H.: Czechoslovakia Enslaved, London, 1948. Schlesinger, R.: Federalism i,n Central Europe, London, 1945. Seton Watson, R. W.: Slovakia Then and Now, London and Prague, 1 1'931. Seton Watson, R. W.: A History of the Czechs and Slovaks, London, 194'3'. Seton Watson, R. W.: Eastern Europe Between the Wars 1918-1941, London, 1945. Sidor, K.: Andrej Hlinka, Bratislava, 1934. Sidor, K.: Slovenska politika na pode p.razskeho snemu (Slovak Politics On the ·F loor of the Prague ,Parliament), iBratislll/Va, 1943. Shafer, Boyd C.: Nationalism: Myth and Reality, New York, 19514. Slovak Catholic Federation of America: The Slovaks and the Pittsburgh Pact, Chicago, 1004. �SLOVAKIA 51 Sturzo, Do r Luigi: NatiQ\nalism and Internationalism, New York, 1946. Thomson, Harrison: Czechoslovakia in European Histo.ry, Princeton Press, New Jerisey, 11'944. Ustanoveni ceskoslovenske vlady Narodni fronty Cechu a Slovaku a jeji prvni projevy (Decrees and First Manifestoes of the Czecho-Slovak Gover,nment Composed of the Czech and Slovak National Front), Prague, 1947. Ustav Dr. E. Benesa CDr. E. Benes lns'titurte): Doklady a .rozpravy (Documents and Deliberations), London, 1'952. ARTICLES IN MAGAZINES AND PERIODICALS Brauner, H.: Die Volkswerdung der Slowaken (The Development of Slovaks lnot a Nation), a treatise published in Deutsches Archive ftir Landes und Volkswerdung, Vo1. V, Berlin, 1944. Darras, M.: Onze ans de vie independante en Slovaquie, Le monde slave, Paris, May-June, .1000. Durcansky, F.: l'.Europe Central dans le passe et dans l'avenir, La revue de drnit internacional, de sciences diplomatiques et politiques, Geneve, XX]I, annee, no. 1, 1/94'4. Durcansky, F.: Marne sa snaii Moskva ziskat' Slovakov (The Futile Efforts of Moscow to Win Over the Slovaks), Literarny Almanach Slovaka v Amerike, an Almanach pU!blished in Chicago by the publislhers of the SLOVAK V AiMERllKE, a newspaper in the Slovak language, Chicago, 1:953. Chudoba, B.: Czechoslovakia: A Study in Disintegration, Thought, Fordham University Quarterly, March, 1950. Clementis, V.: Ni satelite de l'U.R.S.S. ni artisan d'un bloc slave, Parallele 50, Paris, September 20, '1950. Gosiorovs'ky, .M.: 0 •S ovietoch na Slovensku v roku 1919 (About the Soviets in Slovakia in 1919), Nova mysl (The New Thought), Prague, September, 111919. Hlinka, A.: Memoirs des Slovaques a la Conference de la Paix, A Memorandum to the Peace Conference in Paris, 1919. Kirschbaum, J .: Slovakia and Central European Federation Plans, SLOVAIIQ!A, a periodical plllblished by the Slovak League of Ameriica, Middletown, Pa., April, 1953. Pir, A. V.: America's Slovak Societies, published in the Bulletin of t he Slovak Nat ional Council A'broa,d, Middletown, Pa., August, 1956. Naboienska itatistika (Religious Statistics), Kalendar Kanadskej Slovenskej Ligy (Almanach of the Canadian Slovak League), Winnipeg, Manitdba, 19zy3. Schlesinger, R.: Slovakia Today and Tomorrow, Contemporary Review, London, August, 1939. ARTICLES IN NEWSPAPERS Pravda (The Truth), an official paper of the Communist Party in Slovakia. Samostatnost' pre Slovensko (Independence For Slovakia), Bratislava, May 30, 1926. Pravda Chudoby (The Truth of the Downtroddtm), a Czech, Communist rparper. Narodni h,nuti a komunisticka strana Ceskoslovenska (National Movements and the Communist 'Party of Czechoslovakia), Prague, June 3'0, 1924. �52 SLOVAKIA Rude pravo (The Red Law), an official paper of the Czeeh Communist Party. Odhaleni zradcu (The Traitors Uncovered), Pra,g ue, Felbruary 27, ,1951<. Slovak, a paper published by the Slovak Liberation Committee in Munich, Germany. Autonomna vlada pre Slovensko? (An Autonomous Government For Slovakia?), !Munich, June, 1956 . • • • FA'llHER SEGIN!AK'S IMPRE$SIONS OF PRAGUE AND PRESOV "A visit behind the Iron Curtain can best be characterized by the feeling that one is seeing the living-dead." With these words, Father Theodore Seginak, 0.S.B., superior of the Benedictine Fathers' Holy Trinity Priory, described his recent visit to Prague in Bohemia and Presov in Slovakia. After attending a meeting of all the Benedictine superiors of the world in Rome from September 18 to 26, Father Seginak was accompanied by Father Alexander Minchik, O.S.B., on the trip behind the Iron Curtain. Visas for the trip behind the Iron Curtain are most difficult to obtain. Only after repeated requests had been made did the two priests receive the necessary permission to visit. Even so only two times a week can flights from Vienna to Prague be had. At the Prague airport a thorough search of all apparel was made, as well as a close scrutiny of all money brought into the country. The customs officials demanded to see everything, and sternly warned the two priests that on their return journey they would be required to show a receipt for all purchases made during their visit. The streets of Prague were filled with sullen, downcast persons who performed their duties with a mechanical precision. One always had the feeling that the eyes of the communist "big brother" were on you. In fact, it is routine in restaurants to sit down to a meal and look up to see a policeman gaping in the window at the diners. The very best meal is steak - which is really hamburger with an egg on top. Father Seginak was amazed at the prices of clothing and the very poor quality. An American $45 suit costs � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1959, Vol. 9 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 4 [sic] (No. 29), March 1959.</li> <li>Issue 5 [sic] (No. 30), June-December 1959.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1959 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 38 SLOVAKIA ·SLOVAK NATION ALISM: 1 B. S. BUC, Ph.D. NATIONALISM OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY 1. The Ephemeral Slovak Soviet Republic Because of the deeply religious basis of the Slovaks as well as the agrarian nature of Slovakia, Communism with its revolutionary materialistic-socia l program had from the beginning no hope of winning over the Slovaks. It, therefore, endeavored all the more to conquer them by force. The first attempt at forceful domination in Slovakia was undertaken in 1919. This occurred after the First World War in connection with the creation of the Hungarian Soviet Republic whose leader was the well known Bela Kuhn. The Hungarian Communist government invaded Slovakia with its army and occupied the Eastern sector with the sities of Presov and Kosice. Following in the wake of the occupation, a public Communist assembly met at Presov on June 16, 1919, and announced the establishment of the Slovak Soviet Republic with the proclamation that: This day the Slovak Soviet RepUiblic was created on Slovaik soil, liberated from imperialism. The first conscious, instinctive act of the proletariat, freed from the yoke of Czech imperialism, was that oppressors proclaim with such great glory, but in reality falsify (1). At this assembly, a temporary revolutionary committee was appointed which transferred its seat from Presov to Kosice. There on June 20, 1919, a twenty-member Slovak Revolutionary Council was named with the Czech Communist A. Jarousek at its head. This Council formally informed the Czecho-iSlovak government in Prague that Slovakia is separating from the Czech lands. Immediately the Soviet government of Moscow hastened to greet this new Slovak dictatorship of the proletariat. The existence of this very stormily-begun Slovak Soviet Republic was short-lived. On July 5, 1919, the Red Hungarian Army was coerced to withdraw from Slovak territory and the "Slovak Soviet Republic" ended. Except for many atrocities perpetrated on the inhabitants by the SLOVAKIA 39 Red Army, no signs whatever remained in Slovakia after this three-week Communist adventure (2). 2. Coordination of Nationalism and Class Struggle After the shattering of this first Communist attempt to enslave Slovakia in 1919, it would hardly be necessary to speak of the Communist Party in connection with Slovak nationalism. But the situation which ensued in Slovakia, after Communist occupation in 1944 through Russian partisans and then the army, made the Communist Party one of the most significant fashioners of the present fate of Slovaks in general. It was a repetition of the events of 1919, except with longer lasting and far-reaching results. Communism would never have attained its present position in Slovakia, had the end of the war not permitted it. Election results prior to the Second World War indicate that the Communist Party was never powerful in Slovakia; in the election year of 1919, it had 10.66 per cent of the votes; in 1935, 12.97 per cent. And even these percentages would be lower, if other nationalities were separated and only Slovak votes counted. This is shown by the fact that in voting districts comprising a clearly Slovak population, the percentage gains of the Communist Party were always substantially lower than in districts where they were mixed with Hungarians(3). The weak successes of the Communists in Slovakia, despite the facts that the social situation of the Slovak population was really not the best, must be attributed to the religious foundation of the Slovaks and in part to the influence of the Hlinka Slovak People's Party, which in its program presented a more compact statement of the national and social demands of the Slovak inhabitants. Recalling to mind the delicacy of the nationality problem in the newly established Czecho-Slovakia, the Communist Party immediately in 1919 began to orientate its program in order to draw as much as possible from it. Clement Gottwald, leader of the Party, marked this program in 1924 in the following words: Such a solution to the question must be sought and found which will enable the Party to support nationality movements 40 SLOVAKIA and to unite its revolui-tonary energies, or to coordinate with revolutionary class warfare the whole proletariat of the CzechoSlovak RepUlblic. I am of the opinion that the Party can, with comparatirve ea,se, gain leadership in the movement of national minorities and thus cast to the r,e ar the bour,geois-chauvinist parties . .. . The Comunist Party in Slovakia must not only utilize the national movements for the class interests of the proletariat, but must stand directly at its head and lead it along paths actually revolutionary (4). In accord with the plan, the Communist Party in Slovakia also fought for the autonomy of Slovakia as did the Slovak People's Party. When in the elections of 1925 the autonomists achieved their greatest successes, the Communists hastened to promise more than autonomy. In January, 1926, they announced: 'Dhe Communist Party of Czechoslovakia raises .. these concrete demands: the complete independence of Slovakia. Let the SlovaJk nation itself decide on arranging its own affairs (5). This signified competition with the autonomists in emphasizing Slovak national ambitions. We do not know for sure whether to account the gains - even though trivial - of the Communist Party in Slovakia to its social struggle for the rights of the proletariat, or to its tactizing with Slovak nationalism. But the latter definitely gained votes for them. Despite its more than positive position in regard to Slovak nationalism, the Communist party was nevertheless organized only on a statewide basis as a "Czechoslovak" Party. Its leadership in Slovakia, however, rested in the hands of a sma:11 but capable group of Slovak intellectuals, who became adherents of the Party not from social motives, but rather because its ideological foundation introduced to them a new kind of belief. They were Slovak nationalists, but because of their negative attitude toward religion, they found it difficult to attach themselves to the other two national parties, namely, the Slovak People's Party and the Slovak National Party; the former was led by a Catholic priest, the latter by a Lutheran minister. They were, therefore, idealists blinded by idealism to such an extent that they were unable to realize that the Communist Party was actually an instrument of Russian imperialism, concealing itself at times in relation to SLOVAKIA 41 Slav nations under Russian Pan-Slavism. They were fittingly called "Sa:lon Communists," because both their social position and their behavior were in complete opposition to the concept "proletariat" which they were supposed to represent. It is not surprising, therefore, that this group of Slovak Communists received the dissolution of Czecho-Slovakia in 1938 with as much joy as the other Slovak national elements. Although the Slovak Government had forbidden the activities of the Communist Party, yet a majority of its representatives was left free and held important offices. This enabled them, through salon and not revolutionary means, to make preparations for the opportune establishment of a "Slovak Republic without Germans and Fascists" when the occasion should arise (6). 3. Towards a New Slovak Soviet Republic The moments for the fulfillment of their plans seemed to arrive when, near the end of August, 1944, Soviet parachutists succeeded in carrying the operations of war into Slo.vak territory and called forth co-called "Slovak uprising against the Germans." Slovak Communists, therefore, hastened in September of that year to establish the indepen*dent Communist Party of Slovakia to the great surprise of Czech Communist agents. They acted in accord with Moscow itself, which sought, through its partisans, to win over the President of the Slovak Republic, Joseph Tiso, by promising protection to the Slovak Republic (7). Tiso's attitude to these efforts was one of greatest rejection: Cooperation with Moscow would have signified a terrible cata,s trophe for the nation. It would have been a denial of Christianity. Communism was from its first beginnings and remained an irreconcilable enemy not only of our nation, our independence, but is a danger for all of Europe. Communism brings with itself a rapid debasement of the moral, spiritual and material level of every nation in whose bosom it reposes. Every true patriot, therefore, cannot soil his hands by cooperating with such a political system as well as with its representatives residing in Moscow (8). In these steps we see the two-faced action of Moscow, which "did not cease to assure officially that her aim was 42 SLOVAKIA to renew the Czecho-Slovak Republic, but underneath carried on, through her partisans, a survey to ascertain the mood in Slovakia towards the annexation of that country (9). 4. Change of Moscow's Plans When Moscow failed to gain support of Slovak national elements to proclaim the Slovak Soviet Republic and saw that Communism in Slovakia lacked strong roots, she decided definitely to reestablish Czecho-Slovakia. The elections of 1946 in renovated Czech-Slovakia indicate why this solution was more advantageous for Moscow's plans. The Communist Party in Czech territory had a more probable chance of winning. This decision of Moscow, however, meant the beginning of tragedy for Slovak national Communists. It was already discernible in the action of Moscow, which appointed William Siroky, a Hungarian by origin, as Chairman of the newly established Communist Party in Slovakia in preference to Slovak nationalists. In Siroky Moscow found a very compliant instrument for her further political drama in Czecho-Slovakia. Czecho-Slovakia indeed was renewed, but not in its original size and greatness. First of all Moscow annexed Ruthenia. When Dr. Edward Benes was returning from Moscow, shortly after the Red Army occupied Slovak territory, he had to remain in Kosice where the native Communists compelled him to agree to the so-called Kosice program of April, 1945, according to which the new Czecho-Slovakia was to be a state of two nations, Czech and Slovak. Clement Gottwald, as Premier of the government, announced on April 5, 1945, that "the Republic will be renewed as a comomn state of the co-equal Czech and Slovak nations" and that "the new government of the Republic will be concerned that, during the constitutional solution of the relations between the Czech and Slovak nations, the Slovak organs will be constituted with the same legislative, administrative and executive power which the Slovak nation enjoys today in its Slovak National Council" (10). Perhaps, in respect to elections, the Slovaks SLOVAKIA 43 were at least promised autonomy as the last step to win them over to Communism. 5. Centralized Czecho-Slovakia Once Again A year later, in May of 1946, the first elections were held in the new Czecho-Slovakia, and they indicated a substantial difference within the Communist Parties of Slovakia and the Czech lands. The Communist Party of Slovakia, united with the Social Democrats, gained 30.6 per cent of the votes; whereas in Czech territory the Communist party obtained 40.4 per cent and the Social Democrats 15.6 per cent which together totalled 56 per cent. In Czech lands we see a very evident victory for the Communist Party. Of the 300 seats in Parliament, the combined parties of the Communists and Socialists had 153 deputies. A certain official from the Russian embassy made this observation about the results of the 1946 elections: "The majority is not great, but it suffices in order to rule over the other parties in a democratic way" (11). The elections sounded the death knell of the promised autonomy for Slovakia. Theoretically, the principle of two nations was continually stressed; practically, however, even a stronger centralization than during the first Czecho-Slovak Republic began to shape up. Even more, on September 28, 1948, when the Communist Party of Slovakia was abolished and became a part of the united Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia. This was more than the Slovak Communists could stand. Even the fear of retaliation •c ould not restrain them from rising up in opposition. The threat of revenge for this deviation from servility was not long in coming. In February of 1951, the foremost leaders, V. Clementis, Dr. G. Husak, L. Novomesky and K. Smidke, were expelled from the Party and deprived of all functions because "they planned a new Slovak separatist program and together formed a plot aimed at tearing Slovakia away from the Czecho-Slovak Republic" (12). In April others were condemned as bourgeois nationalists. The substance of their crimes is contained in a long condemnation, in which we find the following: 44 SLOVAKIA The ideological background of their treachery consisted in their attempts to solve the national question of the Slovak nation, not in collruboration with thet Czech working class but mainly in cooperation with the Slovak bourgeoisie and accepted eventually their leadership. In this connection they accepted the Slovak fascist puppet State. Later on, they successfully penetrated the leadership of the Slovak national uprising and got hold of important positions in the new People's Democratic State. They misused their positions in the Slovak National Council and on the Board of Commissioners in a criminal way in order to isolate Slovakia from the Czech working people and from the construction of Socialism, thus strengthening in Slovakia the remnants of capitalism and jeopardizing the achievements of the Slovak working class. Their aim was to break up the common Czecho-Slo,vak State and to hand over Slovakia to the reactionary bourg.eois-iP and to the mercy of foreign imperialists (13'). We do not know how L. Novomesky, one of the accused, understood, a;fter his trial, the words which he wrote in 1948, prior to his imprisonment, in the introduction to a book of his co-sufferer G. Husak: They say superficially that re,volutions devour their o,wn children. This is not trur! The truth rather is that revolutions, determined to r-emain faithful to their program, slough off those of their children who would pel'vert their meaning, their program and their end (14). After this purge President Gottwald appointed a Czech Communist, M. Bacilek, as President of the Slovak National Council. The whole apparatus of the Communist Party and administration in Slovakia is now in the hands of Czechs and Magyars, and not in the hands of Slovak elements. In liquidating the Communist Slovaks, Prague liquidated practically the idea of a Czecho,Slovak State. !Between the years 19415 and HW7, Benes had annihilated the Ca,tholics, the principal political force of Slovakia. During the course of the crisis 1n ,119418, the Czech Communists and Democrats had era.sed such Slovak Protestants as Le.Urich, and Ursiny. Prague suppressed finally the last political suppor.t of the Czecho-Siovak State in Slovakia: the Communists. The fourth Czecho-Slovak Republic as a national State of Czechs and Slovak,s is, therefore, dead. Instead a Socialist Soviet State emerges (,115). 6. Aftermath of Stalin's Death The changes in Moscow after the death of Joseph Stalin, however, testify that the drama of Slovak na- SLOVAKIA 45 tionalist Communists is not completed and awaits the completion of its last act, if the new seemingly revolutionary directives, inaugurated by the XX Congress of the Communist Party in Moscow by Khrushchev, will be brought into effect. These directives, among other things, stress very emphatically the principle of self-determination in dealing with the national ambitions of various nations. If action really follows words, then this "new Moscow approach" towards the solution of problems stemming from nationalism may give the Slovak nationalist Communists new hopes to implement their old dream, the Slovak Soviet Republic. It seems that the first step along this new line was made by the Central Committee of the Communist Party in Czecho-Slovakia, which convened from the first to eleventh of May, 1956, in order to discuss the directives of the XX Congress of the Communist Party of the U. S. S. R. Present at this meeting was W. Siroky, the present :Prime Minister of the Czecho-Slovak Government. He uttered a manifesto in which among other things, he stressed: A!bove all it is necessary to concern ourselves with the questions of extending the jurisdiction of the Slovak Nation-al Council of the highest organ of State power in Slovakia. Today there are already suppositions for extending the legislative jurisdiction of the Slovak National Council, and we must probably think also -about constitutional changes i,n the same way. . . . In just that way must we consider extending the jurisdiction of the Slovak National Council in the eyes of the Board of Commissioners and e~pressly estaiblish constitutional conclusions of responsibility to the Board of •Commissionens o'f ithe Slovak National Council (16). The Slovak National Council and the Board of Commissioners, according to the Kosice program of 1945, were to be the legisfative and executive organs of the planned autonomous government of Slovakia. After the elections of 1946 their jurisdiction was completely limited, so that they really became only executive organs of the centralist administration of Prague. The conclusion of w_ Siroky's address would be that in due time a complete autonomy would prevail. But W. Siroky went so far as to say: "as the foundatio~ of its politics concerning the nationalist question, the Communist Party considers the right of na- 46 SLOVAKIA tions toward self-expression, that is, the right to break away freely from or unite freely to another nation" (17). Such a position would have been favorably acceptable to the nationalist Slovak Communists, but Siroky, a Stalinist and still in power, gave to it his own interpretation. It was certainly with the intention to threaten his imprisoned colleagues that in concluding his address he said: 'Noting our successes, . . . we can in no way underestimate the influence of the bourgeois nationalist ideology, Its heralds utilize every occasion of um.est, every want and negative mani• festation for its spread and livelihood. It is the plaitform of the enemies of socialism, and must not even lead us astray then when 1bouregois nationalism, as for example at present, emerges under the slogan of a People's Democratic Slovakia 018). Here then is the evidence why nationalist Slovak Communists, even when released from prison, have not been rehabilitated. If, however, Moscow shall desire the removal of W. Siroky and Bacilek and shall set up the first, then the world in the near future shall be surprised to hear the proclamation of a new Slovak Soviet Republic. The recently developed situation in Hungary strengthened again the position of the Stalinists and brought ahout the occupation of Slovakia by the Czech and Russ~an armies. 7. There Will Be No Stopping The existence of the Slovaks as a political force in Central Europe is not a fact of negligible importance at the present time. They have reached such a level of group consciousness that it will be impossible to disregard them in dealing with the political problems of that area. Their emergence presents a vivid example of the development of modern nationalism, for, as Don Luigi Sturzo has writ7 ten: "Once a country or a people has succeeded in developing a consciousness of its own personality and on affirming it in the struggle with which history has confronted it, there is no stopping." Many incentives led the Slovaks to develop a consciousness of their own personality despite the fact that they have been living for over a thousand . years without any specific political rights within Hungary. SLOVAKIA 47 The first incentive came from the social philosophy of the Enlightenment. It created a new political power out of the submerged social class of people by advocating certain rights for the masses in dealing with the public affairs of states. At the same time this movement destroyed the predominance of Latin and elevated the people's language to literary prominence. In the case of the Slovaks it led to the codification of their vernacular language which became the first step towards the assertion of their own distinct personality. German Romantic philosophy provided a second incentive and gave a further impetus towards the same goal. Its contribution consisted in defining more closely the concept "people" by changing it into the concept "nation" whereby a greater stress was placed upon the importance of a common history, language and culture. This philosophy was also instrumental in creating among the Slav nations a literary and political movement called Pan-Slavism. Under the impact of Pan-Slavism Slovaks were made aware of their glorious past as represented by Greater Moravia, the first Slav state in Central Europe, and began to feel that their land was the cradle of present-day cultures. The third incentive was provided by President Wilson's principle of self-determination of nations and the Western Allies' decision to dismember Austria-Hungary after the First World War. The map of Central Europe was changed and the Slovaks became a part of a new state called the Czecho-Slovak Republic. In the CzechoSlovak Republic they were supposed to be equal partners with the kin Czechs, but these ambitions were never realized because the imaginary "Czechoslovak" nation sought to merge them with the Czechs on the ground of their close kinship. Nevertheless, in the Czecho-Slovak Republic the almost extinct Slovak community grew up into a new democratic society, and the Slovaks were ready to venture into an independent life in their own Slovak Republic. At present the overwhelming majority of Slovaks consider the situation as an enforced one and remain almost united in their efforts to regain their lost independence. 48 SLOVAKIA Under the present circumstances their ,o bjectives and efforts are directed towards the following goals: 1. Slovakia within the framework of a democratic Czecho-Slovakia is still the objective of a small group of "Czecho-Slovaks" who are composed primarily of former diplomats and leading personalities of the first CzechoS1ovakia. Being aware of the opposition of the majority of Slovaks at home agruinst the Czechs this group of Slovaks finally agreed to have the state based on the idea of two distinct Czech and Slovak nations instead of the former imaginary "Czechoslovak" nation. 2. Independent Slovakia either as a unit within the proposed federated Central Europe or simply as an independent democratic state. Both alternatives enjoy almost the same popularity with the overwhelming majority of the Slovaks at home and abroad. They represent the desires and endeavors of a substantial part of the Slovak population whose objective has always been to assure for Slovaks the rights of an ethnographically, culturally and politica:lly distinct personality in the international family of nations. 3. A Slovak Soviet Republic might have been the objective of a small group of Slovak Communists before they were executed or imprisoned as bourgeois deviationists. They once again seemed to have had a chance to act after Stalin's death but are now forestalled by what happened in Hungary in 1956. In spite of the fact that there still are groups among the Slovaks that endeavor to make Slovakia dependent upon the Czechs or upon the Russians, the ambitions of Slovak nationalism will hardly be gratified until the Slovaks find their haven in a sovereign Slovak State or in such a political arrangement of Central Europe wherein the Slovaks will be allotted the same sovereign rights as other so-called established nations possess today. (11J) iM. Gosiorovsky: "O Sovietoch na Slovensku v roku 1919", Nova Mysl, Pr-ague, September, 191'9, 2716,284. (Q) Ibidem. (3) !For ,e xample, 1n the elections of 1.929 voting districts, comprising a clearly Slovak population conceded very little percentage-wise to the Communist Party: Presov 4.57 per cent, Turcian- SLOVAKIA 49 sky Sv. Martin 6J18 per cent, Ba,nska Bystrica 7.60 per cent. Whereas in districts comprising a greater majority of Hungarians, the Communists showed grea ter gains: Kosice 115.4!8 per cent and Nove Zamky IJ6.84 ·p er cent. - Dr. F. Durcansky, Biela Kniha, Buenos Aires, 19B4, p. 7'84). {4) Pravda Chudoby, 30. juna 1954. (5) Pravda, 30. maja 1'926. (6) Durcansky, op. cit., p. 796. (7) Dr. F. Durcansky, "Marne sa snail Moskva ziskat' Slovakov", Literarny almanac'1 Slovaka v Amerike, Chicago, 195G, pp. 43-48. (8) 1lbid., pp. 45-416. {9) J. Smutny, Doklady a rozp.ravy, CLondon, November 1952), p. 5. (10) Ustanoveni ceskoslovenske vlady Narodni fronty Cechu a Slovaku a jeji prvni projevy, (Praha 1<947), pp. 21 sp. (l1lJ) iH. Ripka, Czechoslovakia Enslaved, (London, 1949), p. 47. C12) Rude pravo, (27. fobruara 19511). •Q13) Joseph Mikus: La Slovaquie dans le drame de l'Europe, Paris, 11955. 014) G. Husak, Zapas o zajtrajsok, (Bratislava, 1943), p. 3. (15) ,J . A. !Mikus, op. cit., ,p. 3'86. (Paris, 119515), p. 386. (16) Slovak, (jun 11956). (17) Ibidem. (lt8) Ibidem. BIBLIOGRAPHY Association Hongroise des Affaires Etrangeres. La deportation des Hongrois de Slovaquie, Budapest, .1947. Aulneau, J .: Histoire de l'Europe Central, Paris, ·1926. Autonomist: Slovakia's Plea for Autonomy, Jednota Press, Middletown, Pa., ,11935. Benes, E.: Czechoslovak Policy fo.r Victory and Peace, London, 1:94'4. Benes, E.: Le probleme .A utrichien et la question tcheque, Paris, •1908. Benes, E.: My War Memoirs, London, 1928. Blasko, S.: Slovakia in Blood and Shackles, Piassaic, N .J., 1954. Bokes, F.: Dejiny Slovakov a Slovenska (History of the Slovaks and Slovakia), Bratislava, 1'946. Botto, J.: Slovaci: Vyvin ich narodneho povedomia (Slovaks: the Development of Their National Consciousness), Turciansky Sv. Martin, ·11906. Carr, E. H.: Natio,nalism and After, London, 1·946. Chmelar, J.: National Minorities in Central Europe, Prague, 1'937. Clementis, V.: Panslavism, Past and Present, London, 194G. Culen, K.: Dejiny Slovakov v Amerike (History of the Slovaks in America), Bratislava, 11942. Cul-en, K.:Cesi a Slovaci v statnych sluibach CSR (Cze'Chs and Slovak•s in the Civil Service of the Czechoslovak Republic), Bratislava, 1944>. Culen, K.: Pittsburghska dohoda (The Pittsburgh .Pact), •B ratislava, '1937. Denis, E.: La question d'Autriche: Les Slovaques, Paris, 1917. Diamond, W.: Czechoslovakia Between East and West, London. 1947. 50 SLOVAKIA Durcansky, F.: Slovenska biela kniha (Slovak White Book), Buenos Aires, 11954!. European Movement: Basis For An Eastern Europea,i Policy, London, 1950. Gottwald, K.: Slove,nsko hladuje (Slovakia is Starving), Bratislava, 1925. Gottwald, K.: Za socialisticky itat, za socialisticke pravo (For a Socialistic State, For a Socialistic Right), Prague, 1940. Hodza, M.: Federation in Central Europe, London, 1~. Hrusovsky, F.: Slovensko v dejinach Strecl,nej Europy (Slovakia in the History of Central Eu.rope), Turciansky Sv. Martin, 1939. Hrufovsky, F ,: This Is Slovakia, Obrana Press, Scranton, Pa., 1955. Ingrim, R.: After Hitler Stalin? Bruce Pulb lishing Co., Milwaukee, '1946. Lloyd George, David: The Truth About the Peace Treaties, London, 1 '1925. Macartney, C. A.: Hungary a,nd Her Successo.rs, London-New York, 194'3'. Macartney, C. A.: National States and National Minorities, London, 1934. Macartney, C. A.: Problems of the Danube Basin, London, 194!2. M~ryk, T. G.: New Europe, London, 11917. Masaryk, T. G.: The Problem of Small Nations in the European Crisis, London, 1915. Masaryk, T. G.: La resurrection d'un etat (Souvenirs et reflections 1914-1958), Paris, .1930. Mendelsohn, P.: The Nuremberg Documents, London, 11946. Mikus, J. A.: La Slovaquie da,ns le drame de l'Europe, Paris, 1955-. Miniisterstvo vnitra (The Ministry of Interior): Spiknuti proti republice (Conspiracy Against the Czecho-Slovak Republic in Slovakia), Prague, 194'7. Osusky, S.: Benes and Slovakia, London, 1943. Peroutka, V.: Budovani statu (Building of a New State), Pra•g ue, 11'93•3-li936. Popovici, Aurel: Die Verei,n igten Staaten von Grossoesterreich, Leipzig, 1906. Rene, Renry: Questions d'Aut.riche-Hongrie et questions d'Orient, P-aris, 1903. Ripka, H.: Small and Great Nations, London, 1194!4'. Ripka, H.: Czechoslovakia Enslaved, London, 1948. Schlesinger, R.: Federalism i,n Central Europe, London, 1945. Seton Watson, R. W.: Slovakia Then and Now, London and Prague, 1 1'931. Seton Watson, R. W.: A History of the Czechs and Slovaks, London, 194'3'. Seton Watson, R. W.: Eastern Europe Between the Wars 1918-1941, London, 1945. Sidor, K.: Andrej Hlinka, Bratislava, 1934. Sidor, K.: Slovenska politika na pode p.razskeho snemu (Slovak Politics On the ·F loor of the Prague ,Parliament), iBratislll/Va, 1943. Shafer, Boyd C.: Nationalism: Myth and Reality, New York, 19514. Slovak Catholic Federation of America: The Slovaks and the Pittsburgh Pact, Chicago, 1004. SLOVAKIA 51 Sturzo, Do r Luigi: NatiQ\nalism and Internationalism, New York, 1946. Thomson, Harrison: Czechoslovakia in European Histo.ry, Princeton Press, New Jerisey, 11'944. Ustanoveni ceskoslovenske vlady Narodni fronty Cechu a Slovaku a jeji prvni projevy (Decrees and First Manifestoes of the Czecho-Slovak Gover,nment Composed of the Czech and Slovak National Front), Prague, 1947. Ustav Dr. E. Benesa CDr. E. Benes lns'titurte): Doklady a .rozpravy (Documents and Deliberations), London, 1'952. ARTICLES IN MAGAZINES AND PERIODICALS Brauner, H.: Die Volkswerdung der Slowaken (The Development of Slovaks lnot a Nation), a treatise published in Deutsches Archive ftir Landes und Volkswerdung, Vo1. V, Berlin, 1944. Darras, M.: Onze ans de vie independante en Slovaquie, Le monde slave, Paris, May-June, .1000. Durcansky, F.: l'.Europe Central dans le passe et dans l'avenir, La revue de drnit internacional, de sciences diplomatiques et politiques, Geneve, XX]I, annee, no. 1, 1/94'4. Durcansky, F.: Marne sa snaii Moskva ziskat' Slovakov (The Futile Efforts of Moscow to Win Over the Slovaks), Literarny Almanach Slovaka v Amerike, an Almanach pU!blished in Chicago by the publislhers of the SLOVAK V AiMERllKE, a newspaper in the Slovak language, Chicago, 1:953. Chudoba, B.: Czechoslovakia: A Study in Disintegration, Thought, Fordham University Quarterly, March, 1950. Clementis, V.: Ni satelite de l'U.R.S.S. ni artisan d'un bloc slave, Parallele 50, Paris, September 20, '1950. Gosiorovs'ky, .M.: 0 •S ovietoch na Slovensku v roku 1919 (About the Soviets in Slovakia in 1919), Nova mysl (The New Thought), Prague, September, 111919. Hlinka, A.: Memoirs des Slovaques a la Conference de la Paix, A Memorandum to the Peace Conference in Paris, 1919. Kirschbaum, J .: Slovakia and Central European Federation Plans, SLOVAIIQ!A, a periodical plllblished by the Slovak League of Ameriica, Middletown, Pa., April, 1953. Pir, A. V.: America's Slovak Societies, published in the Bulletin of t he Slovak Nat ional Council A'broa,d, Middletown, Pa., August, 1956. Naboienska itatistika (Religious Statistics), Kalendar Kanadskej Slovenskej Ligy (Almanach of the Canadian Slovak League), Winnipeg, Manitdba, 19zy3. Schlesinger, R.: Slovakia Today and Tomorrow, Contemporary Review, London, August, 1939. ARTICLES IN NEWSPAPERS Pravda (The Truth), an official paper of the Communist Party in Slovakia. Samostatnost' pre Slovensko (Independence For Slovakia), Bratislava, May 30, 1926. Pravda Chudoby (The Truth of the Downtroddtm), a Czech, Communist rparper. Narodni h,nuti a komunisticka strana Ceskoslovenska (National Movements and the Communist 'Party of Czechoslovakia), Prague, June 3'0, 1924. 52 SLOVAKIA Rude pravo (The Red Law), an official paper of the Czeeh Communist Party. Odhaleni zradcu (The Traitors Uncovered), Pra,g ue, Felbruary 27, ,1951<. Slovak, a paper published by the Slovak Liberation Committee in Munich, Germany. Autonomna vlada pre Slovensko? (An Autonomous Government For Slovakia?), !Munich, June, 1956 . • • • FA'llHER SEGIN!AK'S IMPRE$SIONS OF PRAGUE AND PRESOV "A visit behind the Iron Curtain can best be characterized by the feeling that one is seeing the living-dead." With these words, Father Theodore Seginak, 0.S.B., superior of the Benedictine Fathers' Holy Trinity Priory, described his recent visit to Prague in Bohemia and Presov in Slovakia. After attending a meeting of all the Benedictine superiors of the world in Rome from September 18 to 26, Father Seginak was accompanied by Father Alexander Minchik, O.S.B., on the trip behind the Iron Curtain. Visas for the trip behind the Iron Curtain are most difficult to obtain. Only after repeated requests had been made did the two priests receive the necessary permission to visit. Even so only two times a week can flights from Vienna to Prague be had. At the Prague airport a thorough search of all apparel was made, as well as a close scrutiny of all money brought into the country. The customs officials demanded to see everything, and sternly warned the two priests that on their return journey they would be required to show a receipt for all purchases made during their visit. The streets of Prague were filled with sullen, downcast persons who performed their duties with a mechanical precision. One always had the feeling that the eyes of the communist "big brother" were on you. In fact, it is routine in restaurants to sit down to a meal and look up to see a policeman gaping in the window at the diners. The very best meal is steak - which is really hamburger with an egg on top. Father Seginak was amazed at the prices of clothing and the very poor quality. An American $45 suit costs  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovak Nationalism: Nationalism of the Communist Party Description An account of the resource B. S. Buc, Ph.D.<br />Slovakia, Vol. 9, No. 5 (30), June-December 1959<br />pp. 38-52<br /><ol><li>The Ephemeral Slovak Soviet Republic</li> <li>Coordination of Nationalism and Class Struggle</li> <li>Towards a New Slovak Soviet Republic</li> <li>Change of Moscow's Plans</li> <li>Centralized Czecho-Slovakia Once Again</li> <li>Aftermath of Stalin's Death</li> <li>There Will Be No Stopping</li> </ol> Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Buc, B. S. (Bonaventure S.), 1910-1966 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource June-December 1959 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/cd6fdeb7bf9c1e701006882fa9be89ea.pdf f0212d8b7ed16139def8efddc82bb212 PDF Text Text 46 SLOVAKIA partment heads of U. S. Government on all Slovak and Czech matters still remain at their posts at our expense on the strength of a memorandum prepared by the Benes Czechs a memorandum whose language reveals that its authors just as well might have been the Czech Reds, or their "comrades" in Moscow! • • • SLOVAK NATIONALISM: THE ORIGINS OF SLOVAK NATIONALISM B. S. Bue, Ph.D. 1. Nationalism and the Existing "Status Quo" To speak of the Slovaks is to touch upon a problem which at the present time has assumed vital and worldwide proportions, namely, the problem of nationalism. Nationalism is one of the most discussed issues in the modern political world. The reason lies in the more extensive definition by which nationalism refers not only to the lofty devotion of citizens towards their native country, also known as patriotism, but especially to a revolutionary movement of our modern society. Thus, nationalism is giving rise to dangerous political tensions in various sectors of the globe and threatening to disintegrate the political status quo of many long established nations. There is need, therefore, of a thorough understanding of all its components, motives, and objectives. Slovak nationalism involves a lofty devotion to a native land, but as yet has not developed serious revolutionary characteristics. It has not, therefore, attracted significant attention from the international community. Nevertheless, it has grown from almost complete oblivion t o such proportions that it must be taken into consideration as one of the most important forces shaping the future destiny of Central Europe. From the beginning of its existence Slovak nationalism was nurtured by ideas which followed the revolutionary changes of medieval, feudal society and laid the foundation for the birth of new political systems which we call "Western Democracy." But Slovak nationalism is Western not because of its ideological relationship alone. During �SLOVAKIA 47 the First World War Western Democracies actually gave it physical support so that it could achieve partially the fulfillment of its ambitions. In the words of Don Luigi Sturza: "Once a country or a people has succeeded in developing a consciousness of its own personality and in affirming it in the struggles with which history has confronted it, there is no stopping."(!) Dissatisfied with only a partial fulfillment of its political ambitions, Slovak nationalism is endeavoring at the present time to attain the final goal sought by every nationalism, that is, complete national independence in its own state. Generally, under the term of nationalism fall most present political efforts that seek to alter the existing status quo which was formed in past centuries by great powers and the maintaining of which occupies their chief interests. The modern nationalistic movements seem to be governed more by sentiment than by realism in their outlook with regard to geographical, economic and strategic setups. From the standpoint of economy, they aim at breaking up time-tested, unified wholes and to form instead economically and strategically isolated inactive groups that easily succumb to one or another imperialism. The characteristic quality of these modern nationalistic movements is revolutionism. Under this term we must consider not only the violence that is perpetrated in the struggle for liberation, but above all the effort exerted to establish society upon new foundations. Such an arrangement cannot be realized in the present because its formation is always dependent upon a temporal and historical evolution. It is, however, difficult to condemn nationalistic movements from the standpoint of being guided more by sentiment than by realism. They are emotional only because they are striving to undo what we hold as sacred, accepted forms of the past; or they are realistic in that they endeavor to fulfill the modern principle of freedom and equality not only in the case of individuals, but also in the case of the organized groups that we call nations. �48 SLOVAKIA 2. Nature of Modern Nationalism Modern nationalism is very difficult to define precisely because its concept is not fixed and varies in scope and meaning. Nationalism is what the nationalists have made it; it is not a neat fixed concept, but a varying combination of beliefs and conditions. It may be in part founded on myth, but myths, like other errors, have a way of perpetuating themselves and of becoming not true but real. The fact is that myth and actuality, and truth and error, are inextricably intermixed in modern nationalism.. The only reasonable way to get at the nature of nationalism is to determine what beliefs - however true or false - and what conditions - however misinterpreted - are commonly present. The following ten are here hypothetically advanced. No claim is laid for their infallibility or finality. 1. A certain defined (often vaguely) unit of territory (whether possessed or coveted). 2. Some common cultural characteristics, such as language (or widely understood languages), customs, manners, and literature (folk tales and lore are the beginning). If an individual believes he shares these, and wishes to continue sharing them, he is usually said to be a member of the nationality. 3. Some common dominant social (as Christian) and economic (as capitalistic or recently communistic) institutions. 4. A common independent or sovereign government (type does not matter) or the desire for one. The "principle" that each nationality should be separate and independent is involved here. 5. A belief in a common history (it can be invented) and in a common origin (often mistakingly conceived to be racial in nature). 6. A love or esteem for fellow nationals (not necessarily as individuals). 7. A devotion to the entity (however little comprehended) called the nation, which embodies the common territory, culture, social and economic institutions, government, and fellow nationals, and which is at the same time (whether organism or not) more than their sum. 8. A common pride in the achievements (often military more than cultural) of this nation and a common sorrow in its tragedies (particularly its defeats). 9. A disregard for the hostility to other (not necessarily all) like groups, especially if these prevent or seem to threaten the separate national existence. 10. A hope that the nation will have a great and glorious future (usually in teritorial expansion) and become supreme in some way (in world power if the nation is already large) (2). Applying to the Slovaks, these ten characteristic points upon which all modern nationalisms are supposed to be based, we arrive at the conclusion that Slovak nationalism is based upon : �SLOVAKIA 49 1. a certain defined territory; 2. its own language and culture; 3. the Christian foundation of its society; 4. the "principle" that Slovaks must live in their own independent state; 5. the knowledge of its own long history; 6. a love for fellow nationals; 7. a devotion to their territory, 8. more upon a common sorrow for national tragedy than pride in national achievements; 9. a certain hostility to those who have attempted, or are attempting, to enslave the Slovak people; 10. a hope that the nation will be glorious, but definitely not an ambition to make Slovakia a decisive world power. 8. Geographical and Historical Suppositions of Slovak Nationalism The territory occupied by the Slovaks lies in the heart of Europe. Although Slovakia is a small country, it is, nevertheless, larger in area than Albania, Belgium, Denmark, Estonia, Holland, or Switzerland. Slovakia today comprises an area of 48,957 square kilometers, or 22,500 square miles, and approximates the size of Belgium and Holland combined, or the size of West Virginia in the U. S. A. Its present population is 3,800,000. Francis Hrusovsky, eminent Slovak historian, has described the political significance of the geographical position of Slovakia in the following words: "Slovakia lies along the northern shores of the Central Danube, where the eastern slopes of the Alps touch the western slopes of the Carpathian mountains, and its territory covers the northern part of the Danubian basin. Since the dawn of European history, a route has run through the gate of the Danube, connecting the West and the East. This important route was intersected at this very point by several routes which ran from south to north and linked the coasts of the Adriatic with those of the Baltic and North Seas. From earliest times, nations seeking new homelands have flowed over these routes which intersect along the Danube. Through the portals of the Danube marched aggressive conquerors, and the soil of this land frequently served as the stage for bloody conflicts. The nation which settled in such a bustling spot experienced little peace, continually having to defend itself to keep from being swept away by the raging �50 SLOVAKIA storms. In defending its life its strength was exhausted and hence could not grow and develop as it might have in a peaceful atmosphere where the catastrophe is not always imminent . . . When, at the end of the 4th Century, the Romans had to withdraw from the Danube, and when, subsequently, the German tribes also left that territory, the Slavs flooded Central Europe from the Baltic Sea to the Balkans" (3). Since the sixth century, therefore, the territory of Slovakia has been the homeland of the Slovaks and their forefathers. During the first two centuries the Slav (Slovanic) tribes, whose descendants are the present-day Slovaks, did not enjoy an independent life. For from the sixth to the eighth century, the entire central European sector suffered under the dominating sway of warring Avars who carried on attacks upon Western Europe. At the end of the eighth century, however, Charlemagne successfully destroyed the power of the Avar Empire. This victory enabled the tribes of the Slovanic races to begin efforts at unification and soon to establish the Greater Moravian Empire. This era then saw the definite beginning and unfolding of the history of the Slovaks, although most of the Slavs can trace from it the partial origins, if not of their political, at least of their cultural life. The brief but exceedingly rich history of the Greater Moravian Empire is a source of "common pride in the achievements of this nation and a common sorrow in its tragedies"(4) for Slovak nationalism. Without a doubt, it would be difficult to prove that during the existence of the Greater Moravian Empire the Slovaks constituted an element independent and separate from the other Slav (Slovanic) races. They constituted a part of the Slav races who, during the migration of nations, crossed the Carpathian boundaries and settled in the valley of the Danube and Moravian rivers. Furthermore, no clearly defined boundaries of Greater Moravia existed. Nevertheless, we know that it covered a large part of the territory surrounding the Carpathian mountains. In this sector the interests of the Western Franks met with the interests of the Byzantine Empire. The empire of Great Moravia was located in the territories of present-day Slovakia and Moravia, which were inhabited at that time by �SLOVAKIA 51 the predecessors of the Slovaks, with the Czechs settling in the land of the Boii, Bohemia. The first documentary evidence of Great Moravia dates from the year 822. In that year a parliamentary gathering took place at Frankfurt-on-the-Main, which included representatives of Great Moravia. The leaders of Great Moravia had to maintain constant vigilance against the frequent attacks of the Franks who, under the guise of spreading Christianity, sought to make vassals of the Great Moravian rulers(5). For a time the inhabitants of Great Moravia were successful. But to the danger which threatened them from the part of the Franks was soon added the danger of harrassing Magyar nomads of Mongolian origin, who had then begun to make inroads into Central Europe. After many bitter and wearisome struggles they finally succumbed either in the year 906 or 908. Though short-lived, the Great Moravia's eventful life proved itself an inexhaustible source of heroic material for the poets of the budding Slovak nationalism of the 17th and 18th centuries. Faithful to the mythical tendencies of Romanticism and Pan-Slavism, Slovak authors exploited successfully Great Moravia's hidden past and thus created in the almost extinct group of Slovak people a feeling of greatness and national pride. Slovakia was made by them the cradle of all Slav (Slovanic) cultures and the Slovaks the leading Slav nation in the conversion of the other Slavs from backward paganism to the higher cultural life of Christianity. These conclusions were reached on the ground of two testimonials which, even at the present time, bear witness of Great Moravia's cultural role and political importance for the Slovanic nations. These testimonials are : a church built in 830 A.D., and the Slovanic liturgy with its Cyrillic alphabet. They represented two different tendencies that play a big role in Great Moravia's politics on account of her vital position between the German Franks and . the Byzantines, respectively between the Latin and Eastern (Greek) form of Christianity. The little church in the Slovak city of Nitra, portions of whose walls are still preserved in the foundations of the �52 SLOVAKIA Cathedral church, is a testimonal of German influence and of the Latin trend in the Great Moravian era. It was built by Pribina - one of the first known ru• lers on Slovak soil who chose Nitra as the seat of govern• ment - and blessed by Adalram, the Archbishop of Salzburg, in the year 833(6). From this fact it is evident that Pribina brought with him the Germanic influence which he absorbed under the rulers of the Frankish Empire. For Slovak nationalism, however, this church is an historical mdication of the bent of the forefathers of Slovakia to Western culture, so clearly manifested in the Latin form of Christianity. The culture-religious testimonial, linking Great Moravia with the present, is the Slovanic liturgy still faithfully followed in Orthodox churches and the Greek Catholic churches of the Eastern Rite. The alphabet of the Russians and other Slavs also has its origin in Great Moravia. Not all the rulers favored Germanic influences as freely and sympathetically as Pribina. Rather they opposed them because of their desire to preserve as great an independence as possible. This opposition led at first to internal dissensions and later manifested itself in sincere efforts to find means of christianizing the Slovak and other Slovanic tribes of Great Moravia other than that of Frankish missionaries. During the internal upheaval Mojmir replaced Pribina. The defeat and departure of Pribina signifies the removal of Frankish influence and a broader unification of all Slovak and other Slovanic tribes under one ruler. The rulers of the Franks, however, always used the matter of Christianizing the Slavs as an excuse to meddle in the internal affairs of Great Moravia. The rulers of Great Moravia were therefore left with but one choice: to seek out such means of christianizing their subjects which would enable them to restrain every occasion of the Frankish Empire to circumscribe Slovak independence and subject the people to vassalage. This was the aim of Rastislav, Mojmir's successor, when he turned to the Byzantine Emperor Michael Ill - according to a preserved legend - with a request to send a bishop and teacher, who would enlighten and instruct his �SLOVAKIA 53 people in the true faith and in their own tongue"(7). Emperor Michael III must have realized the political implications of Rastislav's request, for he sent at once, in the year 863, to Great Moravia two of his most worthy and learned men - the Saints Cyril and Methodius who are honored today not only as Slovak Apostles, but also as "Apostles of the Slavs." Though Saints Cyri land Methodius were Greeks, they nevertheless understood the language of the Slovaks. They began their missionary labors by introducing a new adphabet and by translating the Bible and other religious books into the language of the people. Thus, through their efforts, was founded the Slovanic liturgy. Frankish bishops, however, saw in these innovations an opportune occasion to cause discord, for at this time divisions appeared which eventually ended in schism and divided the people into two camps, namely, the western and eastern forms of Christianity. Saints Cyril and Methodius desired to safeguard their methods of christianization in the eyes of Rome and obtained permission from the Pope to conduct the liturgy in Slovanic. But the political pressure of the Franks upon Great Moravia steadily grew stronger and stronger. It sapped the strength of the Slovak rulers and succeeded in bringing about the catastrophe of 906, i.e., the downfall of Great Moravia. The missionary labors of Saints Cyril and Methodius in the central European sphere of activity came to an end. Their pupils wended their way to the Balkans and lived among the Bulgarians and other Slovanic races, who eventually became the heirs of that cultural seed first sown in the confines of present-day Slovakia. With the downfall of Great Moravia, new states gradually began to take form in Central Europe, namely, the Czech, Polish, and Hungarian. For a thousand years this well-established portion of Great Moravia became a part of Hungarian rule. When, however, new ideas in the far distant future offer new opportunities for organizing a society, Great Moravia once again comes to life in the minds of its present generations, and becomes for the Slovaks the source of their "common pride in the achievements of this nation and a common sorrow in its �54 SLOVAKIA tragedies"(8). The brief but very dramatic events of Great Moravia play a very important role in the reawakening of Slovak nationalism: they give it an historical substance for its ambitions to statehood an doffer countless historical examples of past heroism as an incentive in its present attempts to acrieve these ambitions. The link between Great Moravia and present-day Slovak nationalism is more emotional than real, for the end of Great Moravia meant the end of its cultural and political influence within the area of Central Europe which is today called Slovakia. The Slovanic race residing at that time on the territory of what is iow Slovakia, the forefathers of the Slovaks, definitely came under the sphere of influence of Latin Christianity and politically became a part of the Hungarian State. That they were not wholly absorbed by the Magyars during the many centuries of their life in the Hungarian State can be attributed only to the cosmopolitan character of the Hungarian State and to the use of Latin as the official language in governmental and educational systems. The concepts "nation" and "nationality," as we know them today, probably did not exist at all at that time, and were certainly entirely different from the concept "state." 4. New Concepts: "People" and "Nation" The origin of modern Slovak nationalism, as well as of all nationalism in Central Europe, must be determined from that period when, under the influence of the Enlightenment, great masses of hitherto enslaved peoples began to be aware of their distinctive group characteristics. Medieval, feudal society itself felt that the end was near for its outmoded social system and clamored for reform. These reforms were to better the conditions and status of the "people" so that they could ascend the European political stage as new and revolutionary actors. As decisive political actors, these "people" first appeared in the American Revolution, where they laid the foundations of American democracy as opposed to European aristocracy and its autocratic form of government. A further and more radically revolutionary appearance of these actors occurred �SLOVAKIA 55 in the French Revolution which shook the foundations not only of France but of all Europe. Thanks to the military genius of Napoleon, the battlecry of these new revolutionary "people" flooded all of Europe with his soldiers. In the political millieu of the Slovaks, under the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, the revolutionary "people" obtained certain rights emanating from the drastic reforms inaugurated by the emperor of "Enlightenment," Joseph II. Although the greater portion of these reforms had to be repealed because of the opposition of the yet powerful upper class, nevertheless much agitation and reaction ensued with the result that this empire found itself embroiled in a revolutionary cauldron - the presentiment of its eventual downfall. In the language of the thinkers of the Enlightenment the concept "people" primarily denoted the social class of the poor as distinct from the class of aristocrats. It brought about revolutions of the poor against the rich, respectively of the underprivileged against the privileged. In this conflict, however, the established boundaries of the medieval states were not affected. When subsequently the German Romantic philosophers came to emphasize the importance of common history, language and culture, the cosmopolitan medieval European society started to split also along the new line of ethnographical groups, called nations. The result of it was that the long time established boundaries of the European states started to crack under the constant efforts of the ethnographical groups to emancipate themselves from the subjection of the other ethnographic groups that might have been predominating in their original states. In the case of "people" there was much more concern over the freedom of the individual, whereas in the case of "nation" the struggle for the freedom of the groups, called nations, is uppermost. In those places where language boundaries were consonant with the boundaries of the state, the concept "nation"(9), based upon a kinship of language, produced a greater national unity. Such was the situation in France and Germany. A homogeneous language produced among the Germans a strong feeling of fellowship and led to the unification of the Germans into a solid German state �56 SLOVAKIA under the leadership of Prussia. In the Austro-Hungarian Empire, however, the language question became the root of great discord and shook the foundations of this mighty territory. The many nationalities under its sway, after asserting their individuality, began to demand their own rights and, abetted by Western Democracies, brought Austro-Hungary to complete dissolution. This period of increasing European ferment brought forth also from the Slovaks their assertion for national independence from the other components of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy, particularly from the Magyars. As the other nations under Austro-Hungarian domination, so too the Slovaks codified their national language and began to search for historical, ideological, and cultural evidence that would express their national individuality. At first this national reawakening bore the markings of Pan-Slavism, whereby the Slovaks sought to establish Slovakia as the cradle of all the Slovanic nations. Memories of Great Moravia played an important role in this regard, for in the minds of Pan-Slavism this empire was the first political manifestation of Slovaks as well as the other Slavs. PanSlavism was supported more by Slovak Lutherans rather than Catholics. The reason is that many Slovak Lutherans received their education in Germany where they had the opportunity of becoming acquainted with Hegelian philosophy, which laid a mystical foundation for the nation state on a high phi•losophical plane where God, the world-spirit, reason, nature, and history intermingled and became one. In the profound and seldom clear introductions to his Philosophy of Right and Philosophy of History he proclaimed that each people was imbued with a world force endowing it with peculiar spirit and special purpose, and that the state was the final embodiment of dialectic evolution flowing out of the historical experience and genius of a people (10). Basing himself on the philosopphical premises of Hegel, Herder came to the conclusion that the Roman and German nations had fulfilled their historical mission and that the future will belong to the Slovanic peoples. Because of their dove-like character, they will bring to the world a period of peace and gentleness. These claims were in complete opposition to historical facts, but as myths they were �SLOVAKIA 57 instrumental in g1vmg birth to a special heroic Pan-Slavistic literature. By exalting the mythological past of Slovanic nations this literature gave rise to national pride. On the other hand, the realistic politics in which the Slovaks had to engage in order to safeguard themselves from the Magyarizing efforts of the rulers of the Hungarian State, led them gradually to abandon the utopian idea of Pan-Slavism and to assert instead their distinct national individuality. From 1860 to the end of the First World War, they had to undergo a period of severe trials at the hands of the Magyars, who attempted to accomplish in a few decades what they had failed to attain in centuries, that is, the assimilation of non-Magyar nations in Hungary. It is difficult to say whether they could have succeeded in this venture, because the First World War disrupted their attempts. The Slovaks, as well as the other nations in Austro-Hunga ry, found themselves in new political circumstances, and gained more favorable opportunities to develop their distinct national traits. 5. Progress of Slovak Nationalism After the First World War The dissolution of the Austro-Hung arian Monarchy after the First World War opened up a great opportunity for the development of Slovak national sentiment. Slovakia was taken away from the Magyars. With its inclusion in the Czecho-Slovak Republic, Slovakia for the first time in history obtained defined boundaries. The importance of this historical step cannot be minimized, for Slovak nationalism began to lean upon a certain well defined territory. The separation of the Slovaks from the Magyars broke also the tie binding the former to their feudal order and opened up opportunities for the near revolutionary development of a new democratic, Slovak society within the confines of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. Through the medium of schools, the Magyar attempt to assimilate the Slovaks was halted. In the Czecho-Slovak Republic the national Slovak language became the language not only of the people but also of the schools and official business. Thus, for the first time in history, opportunities arose for the formation of a distinct �58 SLOVAKIA Slovak culture, even though the centralizing efforts of the new Czecho-Slovak state, dominated by the Czechs, were opposed to such a development. Although at the present time the vast majority of the Slovaks bears an unfriendly attitude toward inclusion in any form of Czecho-Slovakia, whether it be communist or democratic, it is self-evident that such was not the case during the First World War. Then the Slovaks accepted warm-hearted ly and hopefully the creation of Czecho-Slovakia, for together with the Czechs they possessed a mutual kinship of language and culture as well as similar political ambitions. The present unfavorable attitude toward the Czechs is attributed to the failure of Czechs to fulfill their promises and agreements, that is, the failure to grant autonomy to Slovakia and the refusal to concede to the Slovaks ethnical and racial rights belonging to them as a distinct nation. Instead, the Czech majority in the Prague parliament decided to form the so-called "Czechoslovak" nation by law, i.e., by maens of the Czechoslovak constitution, whereby the Slovaks in practice were identified racially with the Czechs, and Slovakia was made completely dependent upon the central government in Prague. Such an action was looked upon in Slovakia as a secret move to assimilate the Slovaks with the Czechs, and thus to deprive the Slovaks of their national individuality. Therefore, imediately after the creation of Czecho-Slovakia following the First World War, there arose in Slovakia a powerful movement for autonomy. This movement, warring against the concept "Czechoslovak nation" and the centralism based upon it, presents a new phase in the development of Slovak nationalism in the new and more favorable conditions of the Czechoslovak Republic. Even though this movement never had a clear majority of the Slovaks, but "this," as Mr. C. A. Macartney rightly points out, "does not necessarily mean that the majority of the Slovaks were in favor of a centralized Czechoslovak Republic. The elections were not fought on the issue of Autonomy versus Centralism, and material advantages were to be gained by voting for the Czechoslovak parties, especially for the always inoffice Agrarians. In fact, apart for the small and cultured Lutheran minority, most Slovaks who voted for the democratic Czechoslovak parties were probably opportunists. Those who felt most strongly were usually Autonomists or Communists" (11. ) �SLOVAKIA 59 Little wonder, therefore, that the majority of Slovaks displayed no sorrow at Hitler's overthrow of Czecho-Slovakia and accepted joyfully the idea of establishing a separate Slovak state, even though it was widely felt that the conditions for beginning a seprate existence during the revolutionary period of 1938-1939 were not very favorable. The existence of the Slovak Republic during the Second World War may appear to outside observers as the operation of those political elements is widely known as fascism, actually, however, the short-lived existence of the Slovak Republic indicates the final phase of the development of Slovak nationalism: the achieving of its own statehood. In spite of the situations in which the Slovaks have become involved since the last war, their efforts both in the free Western World and in Slovakia are concentrated as they never were before to restore independence to their country. (1) Nationalism and Internationalism, New York, 1946; p. 16. (2) Boyd C. Shafer: Nationalism: Myth and Reality, New York, Harcourt, Brace Company, 1954, pp. 7-8. (3) This is Slovakia: Obrana Press, Scranton, 1955; pp. 2-6. (4) Shafer: op. cit.; p. 7. (5) Dr. Frantisek Bokes: Dejiny Slovenska a Slovakov, Bratislava, 1940; p. 31. (6) Bokes: op. cit., p. 33. (7) Dr. Uudovit Zachar: Borba za narodnu slobodu, Bratislava, 1931; p. 220. (8) Shafer: op. cit.; p . 7. (9) The reader should be reminded that the author of this treatise uses always the word "nation" to indicate an ethnographic group and not a nation-state. (10) Boyd Shafer: Nationalism: Myth and Reality; p. 25. (11) Seton Watson: Eastern Europe Between the Wars 1918-1941, London, Hutchinson Co. , 1945; pp. 176-177 . • • • WHO SAID IT? ''Consemralive Catholic politics has no place in the twentieth century, noc can it exist in the proximity of the lJlSS!R. Politics of provocation is no positive politics. Denunciation of Comm unism, often supported by the shibboleth "For God and Country," can no longer be accepted even in view of the dem()ICratic evolution Olf the Slovak nation." - (Ferdinand Peroutka, a Benes Czech, DNESEK, 11-20-47). � 46 SLOVAKIA partment heads of U. S. Government on all Slovak and Czech matters still remain at their posts at our expense on the strength of a memorandum prepared by the Benes Czechs a memorandum whose language reveals that its authors just as well might have been the Czech Reds, or their "comrades" in Moscow! • • • SLOVAK NATIONALISM: THE ORIGINS OF SLOVAK NATIONALISM B. S. Bue, Ph.D. 1. Nationalism and the Existing "Status Quo" To speak of the Slovaks is to touch upon a problem which at the present time has assumed vital and worldwide proportions, namely, the problem of nationalism. Nationalism is one of the most discussed issues in the modern political world. The reason lies in the more extensive definition by which nationalism refers not only to the lofty devotion of citizens towards their native country, also known as patriotism, but especially to a revolutionary movement of our modern society. Thus, nationalism is giving rise to dangerous political tensions in various sectors of the globe and threatening to disintegrate the political status quo of many long established nations. There is need, therefore, of a thorough understanding of all its components, motives, and objectives. Slovak nationalism involves a lofty devotion to a native land, but as yet has not developed serious revolutionary characteristics. It has not, therefore, attracted significant attention from the international community. Nevertheless, it has grown from almost complete oblivion t o such proportions that it must be taken into consideration as one of the most important forces shaping the future destiny of Central Europe. From the beginning of its existence Slovak nationalism was nurtured by ideas which followed the revolutionary changes of medieval, feudal society and laid the foundation for the birth of new political systems which we call "Western Democracy." But Slovak nationalism is Western not because of its ideological relationship alone. During �SLOVAKIA 47 the First World War Western Democracies actually gave it physical support so that it could achieve partially the fulfillment of its ambitions. In the words of Don Luigi Sturza: "Once a country or a people has succeeded in developing a consciousness of its own personality and in affirming it in the struggles with which history has confronted it, there is no stopping."(!) Dissatisfied with only a partial fulfillment of its political ambitions, Slovak nationalism is endeavoring at the present time to attain the final goal sought by every nationalism, that is, complete national independence in its own state. Generally, under the term of nationalism fall most present political efforts that seek to alter the existing status quo which was formed in past centuries by great powers and the maintaining of which occupies their chief interests. The modern nationalistic movements seem to be governed more by sentiment than by realism in their outlook with regard to geographical, economic and strategic setups. From the standpoint of economy, they aim at breaking up time-tested, unified wholes and to form instead economically and strategically isolated inactive groups that easily succumb to one or another imperialism. The characteristic quality of these modern nationalistic movements is revolutionism. Under this term we must consider not only the violence that is perpetrated in the struggle for liberation, but above all the effort exerted to establish society upon new foundations. Such an arrangement cannot be realized in the present because its formation is always dependent upon a temporal and historical evolution. It is, however, difficult to condemn nationalistic movements from the standpoint of being guided more by sentiment than by realism. They are emotional only because they are striving to undo what we hold as sacred, accepted forms of the past; or they are realistic in that they endeavor to fulfill the modern principle of freedom and equality not only in the case of individuals, but also in the case of the organized groups that we call nations. �48 SLOVAKIA 2. Nature of Modern Nationalism Modern nationalism is very difficult to define precisely because its concept is not fixed and varies in scope and meaning. Nationalism is what the nationalists have made it; it is not a neat fixed concept, but a varying combination of beliefs and conditions. It may be in part founded on myth, but myths, like other errors, have a way of perpetuating themselves and of becoming not true but real. The fact is that myth and actuality, and truth and error, are inextricably intermixed in modern nationalism.. The only reasonable way to get at the nature of nationalism is to determine what beliefs - however true or false - and what conditions - however misinterpreted - are commonly present. The following ten are here hypothetically advanced. No claim is laid for their infallibility or finality. 1. A certain defined (often vaguely) unit of territory (whether possessed or coveted). 2. Some common cultural characteristics, such as language (or widely understood languages), customs, manners, and literature (folk tales and lore are the beginning). If an individual believes he shares these, and wishes to continue sharing them, he is usually said to be a member of the nationality. 3. Some common dominant social (as Christian) and economic (as capitalistic or recently communistic) institutions. 4. A common independent or sovereign government (type does not matter) or the desire for one. The "principle" that each nationality should be separate and independent is involved here. 5. A belief in a common history (it can be invented) and in a common origin (often mistakingly conceived to be racial in nature). 6. A love or esteem for fellow nationals (not necessarily as individuals). 7. A devotion to the entity (however little comprehended) called the nation, which embodies the common territory, culture, social and economic institutions, government, and fellow nationals, and which is at the same time (whether organism or not) more than their sum. 8. A common pride in the achievements (often military more than cultural) of this nation and a common sorrow in its tragedies (particularly its defeats). 9. A disregard for the hostility to other (not necessarily all) like groups, especially if these prevent or seem to threaten the separate national existence. 10. A hope that the nation will have a great and glorious future (usually in teritorial expansion) and become supreme in some way (in world power if the nation is already large) (2). Applying to the Slovaks, these ten characteristic points upon which all modern nationalisms are supposed to be based, we arrive at the conclusion that Slovak nationalism is based upon : �SLOVAKIA 49 1. a certain defined territory; 2. its own language and culture; 3. the Christian foundation of its society; 4. the "principle" that Slovaks must live in their own independent state; 5. the knowledge of its own long history; 6. a love for fellow nationals; 7. a devotion to their territory, 8. more upon a common sorrow for national tragedy than pride in national achievements; 9. a certain hostility to those who have attempted, or are attempting, to enslave the Slovak people; 10. a hope that the nation will be glorious, but definitely not an ambition to make Slovakia a decisive world power. 8. Geographical and Historical Suppositions of Slovak Nationalism The territory occupied by the Slovaks lies in the heart of Europe. Although Slovakia is a small country, it is, nevertheless, larger in area than Albania, Belgium, Denmark, Estonia, Holland, or Switzerland. Slovakia today comprises an area of 48,957 square kilometers, or 22,500 square miles, and approximates the size of Belgium and Holland combined, or the size of West Virginia in the U. S. A. Its present population is 3,800,000. Francis Hrusovsky, eminent Slovak historian, has described the political significance of the geographical position of Slovakia in the following words: "Slovakia lies along the northern shores of the Central Danube, where the eastern slopes of the Alps touch the western slopes of the Carpathian mountains, and its territory covers the northern part of the Danubian basin. Since the dawn of European history, a route has run through the gate of the Danube, connecting the West and the East. This important route was intersected at this very point by several routes which ran from south to north and linked the coasts of the Adriatic with those of the Baltic and North Seas. From earliest times, nations seeking new homelands have flowed over these routes which intersect along the Danube. Through the portals of the Danube marched aggressive conquerors, and the soil of this land frequently served as the stage for bloody conflicts. The nation which settled in such a bustling spot experienced little peace, continually having to defend itself to keep from being swept away by the raging �50 SLOVAKIA storms. In defending its life its strength was exhausted and hence could not grow and develop as it might have in a peaceful atmosphere where the catastrophe is not always imminent . . . When, at the end of the 4th Century, the Romans had to withdraw from the Danube, and when, subsequently, the German tribes also left that territory, the Slavs flooded Central Europe from the Baltic Sea to the Balkans" (3). Since the sixth century, therefore, the territory of Slovakia has been the homeland of the Slovaks and their forefathers. During the first two centuries the Slav (Slovanic) tribes, whose descendants are the present-day Slovaks, did not enjoy an independent life. For from the sixth to the eighth century, the entire central European sector suffered under the dominating sway of warring Avars who carried on attacks upon Western Europe. At the end of the eighth century, however, Charlemagne successfully destroyed the power of the Avar Empire. This victory enabled the tribes of the Slovanic races to begin efforts at unification and soon to establish the Greater Moravian Empire. This era then saw the definite beginning and unfolding of the history of the Slovaks, although most of the Slavs can trace from it the partial origins, if not of their political, at least of their cultural life. The brief but exceedingly rich history of the Greater Moravian Empire is a source of "common pride in the achievements of this nation and a common sorrow in its tragedies"(4) for Slovak nationalism. Without a doubt, it would be difficult to prove that during the existence of the Greater Moravian Empire the Slovaks constituted an element independent and separate from the other Slav (Slovanic) races. They constituted a part of the Slav races who, during the migration of nations, crossed the Carpathian boundaries and settled in the valley of the Danube and Moravian rivers. Furthermore, no clearly defined boundaries of Greater Moravia existed. Nevertheless, we know that it covered a large part of the territory surrounding the Carpathian mountains. In this sector the interests of the Western Franks met with the interests of the Byzantine Empire. The empire of Great Moravia was located in the territories of present-day Slovakia and Moravia, which were inhabited at that time by �SLOVAKIA 51 the predecessors of the Slovaks, with the Czechs settling in the land of the Boii, Bohemia. The first documentary evidence of Great Moravia dates from the year 822. In that year a parliamentary gathering took place at Frankfurt-on-the-Main, which included representatives of Great Moravia. The leaders of Great Moravia had to maintain constant vigilance against the frequent attacks of the Franks who, under the guise of spreading Christianity, sought to make vassals of the Great Moravian rulers(5). For a time the inhabitants of Great Moravia were successful. But to the danger which threatened them from the part of the Franks was soon added the danger of harrassing Magyar nomads of Mongolian origin, who had then begun to make inroads into Central Europe. After many bitter and wearisome struggles they finally succumbed either in the year 906 or 908. Though short-lived, the Great Moravia's eventful life proved itself an inexhaustible source of heroic material for the poets of the budding Slovak nationalism of the 17th and 18th centuries. Faithful to the mythical tendencies of Romanticism and Pan-Slavism, Slovak authors exploited successfully Great Moravia's hidden past and thus created in the almost extinct group of Slovak people a feeling of greatness and national pride. Slovakia was made by them the cradle of all Slav (Slovanic) cultures and the Slovaks the leading Slav nation in the conversion of the other Slavs from backward paganism to the higher cultural life of Christianity. These conclusions were reached on the ground of two testimonials which, even at the present time, bear witness of Great Moravia's cultural role and political importance for the Slovanic nations. These testimonials are : a church built in 830 A.D., and the Slovanic liturgy with its Cyrillic alphabet. They represented two different tendencies that play a big role in Great Moravia's politics on account of her vital position between the German Franks and . the Byzantines, respectively between the Latin and Eastern (Greek) form of Christianity. The little church in the Slovak city of Nitra, portions of whose walls are still preserved in the foundations of the �52 SLOVAKIA Cathedral church, is a testimonal of German influence and of the Latin trend in the Great Moravian era. It was built by Pribina - one of the first known ru• lers on Slovak soil who chose Nitra as the seat of govern• ment - and blessed by Adalram, the Archbishop of Salzburg, in the year 833(6). From this fact it is evident that Pribina brought with him the Germanic influence which he absorbed under the rulers of the Frankish Empire. For Slovak nationalism, however, this church is an historical mdication of the bent of the forefathers of Slovakia to Western culture, so clearly manifested in the Latin form of Christianity. The culture-religious testimonial, linking Great Moravia with the present, is the Slovanic liturgy still faithfully followed in Orthodox churches and the Greek Catholic churches of the Eastern Rite. The alphabet of the Russians and other Slavs also has its origin in Great Moravia. Not all the rulers favored Germanic influences as freely and sympathetically as Pribina. Rather they opposed them because of their desire to preserve as great an independence as possible. This opposition led at first to internal dissensions and later manifested itself in sincere efforts to find means of christianizing the Slovak and other Slovanic tribes of Great Moravia other than that of Frankish missionaries. During the internal upheaval Mojmir replaced Pribina. The defeat and departure of Pribina signifies the removal of Frankish influence and a broader unification of all Slovak and other Slovanic tribes under one ruler. The rulers of the Franks, however, always used the matter of Christianizing the Slavs as an excuse to meddle in the internal affairs of Great Moravia. The rulers of Great Moravia were therefore left with but one choice: to seek out such means of christianizing their subjects which would enable them to restrain every occasion of the Frankish Empire to circumscribe Slovak independence and subject the people to vassalage. This was the aim of Rastislav, Mojmir's successor, when he turned to the Byzantine Emperor Michael Ill - according to a preserved legend - with a request to send a bishop and teacher, who would enlighten and instruct his �SLOVAKIA 53 people in the true faith and in their own tongue"(7). Emperor Michael III must have realized the political implications of Rastislav's request, for he sent at once, in the year 863, to Great Moravia two of his most worthy and learned men - the Saints Cyril and Methodius who are honored today not only as Slovak Apostles, but also as "Apostles of the Slavs." Though Saints Cyri land Methodius were Greeks, they nevertheless understood the language of the Slovaks. They began their missionary labors by introducing a new adphabet and by translating the Bible and other religious books into the language of the people. Thus, through their efforts, was founded the Slovanic liturgy. Frankish bishops, however, saw in these innovations an opportune occasion to cause discord, for at this time divisions appeared which eventually ended in schism and divided the people into two camps, namely, the western and eastern forms of Christianity. Saints Cyril and Methodius desired to safeguard their methods of christianization in the eyes of Rome and obtained permission from the Pope to conduct the liturgy in Slovanic. But the political pressure of the Franks upon Great Moravia steadily grew stronger and stronger. It sapped the strength of the Slovak rulers and succeeded in bringing about the catastrophe of 906, i.e., the downfall of Great Moravia. The missionary labors of Saints Cyril and Methodius in the central European sphere of activity came to an end. Their pupils wended their way to the Balkans and lived among the Bulgarians and other Slovanic races, who eventually became the heirs of that cultural seed first sown in the confines of present-day Slovakia. With the downfall of Great Moravia, new states gradually began to take form in Central Europe, namely, the Czech, Polish, and Hungarian. For a thousand years this well-established portion of Great Moravia became a part of Hungarian rule. When, however, new ideas in the far distant future offer new opportunities for organizing a society, Great Moravia once again comes to life in the minds of its present generations, and becomes for the Slovaks the source of their "common pride in the achievements of this nation and a common sorrow in its �54 SLOVAKIA tragedies"(8). The brief but very dramatic events of Great Moravia play a very important role in the reawakening of Slovak nationalism: they give it an historical substance for its ambitions to statehood an doffer countless historical examples of past heroism as an incentive in its present attempts to acrieve these ambitions. The link between Great Moravia and present-day Slovak nationalism is more emotional than real, for the end of Great Moravia meant the end of its cultural and political influence within the area of Central Europe which is today called Slovakia. The Slovanic race residing at that time on the territory of what is iow Slovakia, the forefathers of the Slovaks, definitely came under the sphere of influence of Latin Christianity and politically became a part of the Hungarian State. That they were not wholly absorbed by the Magyars during the many centuries of their life in the Hungarian State can be attributed only to the cosmopolitan character of the Hungarian State and to the use of Latin as the official language in governmental and educational systems. The concepts "nation" and "nationality," as we know them today, probably did not exist at all at that time, and were certainly entirely different from the concept "state." 4. New Concepts: "People" and "Nation" The origin of modern Slovak nationalism, as well as of all nationalism in Central Europe, must be determined from that period when, under the influence of the Enlightenment, great masses of hitherto enslaved peoples began to be aware of their distinctive group characteristics. Medieval, feudal society itself felt that the end was near for its outmoded social system and clamored for reform. These reforms were to better the conditions and status of the "people" so that they could ascend the European political stage as new and revolutionary actors. As decisive political actors, these "people" first appeared in the American Revolution, where they laid the foundations of American democracy as opposed to European aristocracy and its autocratic form of government. A further and more radically revolutionary appearance of these actors occurred �SLOVAKIA 55 in the French Revolution which shook the foundations not only of France but of all Europe. Thanks to the military genius of Napoleon, the battlecry of these new revolutionary "people" flooded all of Europe with his soldiers. In the political millieu of the Slovaks, under the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, the revolutionary "people" obtained certain rights emanating from the drastic reforms inaugurated by the emperor of "Enlightenment," Joseph II. Although the greater portion of these reforms had to be repealed because of the opposition of the yet powerful upper class, nevertheless much agitation and reaction ensued with the result that this empire found itself embroiled in a revolutionary cauldron - the presentiment of its eventual downfall. In the language of the thinkers of the Enlightenment the concept "people" primarily denoted the social class of the poor as distinct from the class of aristocrats. It brought about revolutions of the poor against the rich, respectively of the underprivileged against the privileged. In this conflict, however, the established boundaries of the medieval states were not affected. When subsequently the German Romantic philosophers came to emphasize the importance of common history, language and culture, the cosmopolitan medieval European society started to split also along the new line of ethnographical groups, called nations. The result of it was that the long time established boundaries of the European states started to crack under the constant efforts of the ethnographical groups to emancipate themselves from the subjection of the other ethnographic groups that might have been predominating in their original states. In the case of "people" there was much more concern over the freedom of the individual, whereas in the case of "nation" the struggle for the freedom of the groups, called nations, is uppermost. In those places where language boundaries were consonant with the boundaries of the state, the concept "nation"(9), based upon a kinship of language, produced a greater national unity. Such was the situation in France and Germany. A homogeneous language produced among the Germans a strong feeling of fellowship and led to the unification of the Germans into a solid German state �56 SLOVAKIA under the leadership of Prussia. In the Austro-Hungarian Empire, however, the language question became the root of great discord and shook the foundations of this mighty territory. The many nationalities under its sway, after asserting their individuality, began to demand their own rights and, abetted by Western Democracies, brought Austro-Hungary to complete dissolution. This period of increasing European ferment brought forth also from the Slovaks their assertion for national independence from the other components of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy, particularly from the Magyars. As the other nations under Austro-Hungarian domination, so too the Slovaks codified their national language and began to search for historical, ideological, and cultural evidence that would express their national individuality. At first this national reawakening bore the markings of Pan-Slavism, whereby the Slovaks sought to establish Slovakia as the cradle of all the Slovanic nations. Memories of Great Moravia played an important role in this regard, for in the minds of Pan-Slavism this empire was the first political manifestation of Slovaks as well as the other Slavs. PanSlavism was supported more by Slovak Lutherans rather than Catholics. The reason is that many Slovak Lutherans received their education in Germany where they had the opportunity of becoming acquainted with Hegelian philosophy, which laid a mystical foundation for the nation state on a high phi•losophical plane where God, the world-spirit, reason, nature, and history intermingled and became one. In the profound and seldom clear introductions to his Philosophy of Right and Philosophy of History he proclaimed that each people was imbued with a world force endowing it with peculiar spirit and special purpose, and that the state was the final embodiment of dialectic evolution flowing out of the historical experience and genius of a people (10). Basing himself on the philosopphical premises of Hegel, Herder came to the conclusion that the Roman and German nations had fulfilled their historical mission and that the future will belong to the Slovanic peoples. Because of their dove-like character, they will bring to the world a period of peace and gentleness. These claims were in complete opposition to historical facts, but as myths they were �SLOVAKIA 57 instrumental in g1vmg birth to a special heroic Pan-Slavistic literature. By exalting the mythological past of Slovanic nations this literature gave rise to national pride. On the other hand, the realistic politics in which the Slovaks had to engage in order to safeguard themselves from the Magyarizing efforts of the rulers of the Hungarian State, led them gradually to abandon the utopian idea of Pan-Slavism and to assert instead their distinct national individuality. From 1860 to the end of the First World War, they had to undergo a period of severe trials at the hands of the Magyars, who attempted to accomplish in a few decades what they had failed to attain in centuries, that is, the assimilation of non-Magyar nations in Hungary. It is difficult to say whether they could have succeeded in this venture, because the First World War disrupted their attempts. The Slovaks, as well as the other nations in Austro-Hunga ry, found themselves in new political circumstances, and gained more favorable opportunities to develop their distinct national traits. 5. Progress of Slovak Nationalism After the First World War The dissolution of the Austro-Hung arian Monarchy after the First World War opened up a great opportunity for the development of Slovak national sentiment. Slovakia was taken away from the Magyars. With its inclusion in the Czecho-Slovak Republic, Slovakia for the first time in history obtained defined boundaries. The importance of this historical step cannot be minimized, for Slovak nationalism began to lean upon a certain well defined territory. The separation of the Slovaks from the Magyars broke also the tie binding the former to their feudal order and opened up opportunities for the near revolutionary development of a new democratic, Slovak society within the confines of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. Through the medium of schools, the Magyar attempt to assimilate the Slovaks was halted. In the Czecho-Slovak Republic the national Slovak language became the language not only of the people but also of the schools and official business. Thus, for the first time in history, opportunities arose for the formation of a distinct �58 SLOVAKIA Slovak culture, even though the centralizing efforts of the new Czecho-Slovak state, dominated by the Czechs, were opposed to such a development. Although at the present time the vast majority of the Slovaks bears an unfriendly attitude toward inclusion in any form of Czecho-Slovakia, whether it be communist or democratic, it is self-evident that such was not the case during the First World War. Then the Slovaks accepted warm-hearted ly and hopefully the creation of Czecho-Slovakia, for together with the Czechs they possessed a mutual kinship of language and culture as well as similar political ambitions. The present unfavorable attitude toward the Czechs is attributed to the failure of Czechs to fulfill their promises and agreements, that is, the failure to grant autonomy to Slovakia and the refusal to concede to the Slovaks ethnical and racial rights belonging to them as a distinct nation. Instead, the Czech majority in the Prague parliament decided to form the so-called "Czechoslovak" nation by law, i.e., by maens of the Czechoslovak constitution, whereby the Slovaks in practice were identified racially with the Czechs, and Slovakia was made completely dependent upon the central government in Prague. Such an action was looked upon in Slovakia as a secret move to assimilate the Slovaks with the Czechs, and thus to deprive the Slovaks of their national individuality. Therefore, imediately after the creation of Czecho-Slovakia following the First World War, there arose in Slovakia a powerful movement for autonomy. This movement, warring against the concept "Czechoslovak nation" and the centralism based upon it, presents a new phase in the development of Slovak nationalism in the new and more favorable conditions of the Czechoslovak Republic. Even though this movement never had a clear majority of the Slovaks, but "this," as Mr. C. A. Macartney rightly points out, "does not necessarily mean that the majority of the Slovaks were in favor of a centralized Czechoslovak Republic. The elections were not fought on the issue of Autonomy versus Centralism, and material advantages were to be gained by voting for the Czechoslovak parties, especially for the always inoffice Agrarians. In fact, apart for the small and cultured Lutheran minority, most Slovaks who voted for the democratic Czechoslovak parties were probably opportunists. Those who felt most strongly were usually Autonomists or Communists" (11. ) �SLOVAKIA 59 Little wonder, therefore, that the majority of Slovaks displayed no sorrow at Hitler's overthrow of Czecho-Slovakia and accepted joyfully the idea of establishing a separate Slovak state, even though it was widely felt that the conditions for beginning a seprate existence during the revolutionary period of 1938-1939 were not very favorable. The existence of the Slovak Republic during the Second World War may appear to outside observers as the operation of those political elements is widely known as fascism, actually, however, the short-lived existence of the Slovak Republic indicates the final phase of the development of Slovak nationalism: the achieving of its own statehood. In spite of the situations in which the Slovaks have become involved since the last war, their efforts both in the free Western World and in Slovakia are concentrated as they never were before to restore independence to their country. (1) Nationalism and Internationalism, New York, 1946; p. 16. (2) Boyd C. Shafer: Nationalism: Myth and Reality, New York, Harcourt, Brace Company, 1954, pp. 7-8. (3) This is Slovakia: Obrana Press, Scranton, 1955; pp. 2-6. (4) Shafer: op. cit.; p. 7. (5) Dr. Frantisek Bokes: Dejiny Slovenska a Slovakov, Bratislava, 1940; p. 31. (6) Bokes: op. cit., p. 33. (7) Dr. Uudovit Zachar: Borba za narodnu slobodu, Bratislava, 1931; p. 220. (8) Shafer: op. cit.; p . 7. (9) The reader should be reminded that the author of this treatise uses always the word "nation" to indicate an ethnographic group and not a nation-state. (10) Boyd Shafer: Nationalism: Myth and Reality; p. 25. (11) Seton Watson: Eastern Europe Between the Wars 1918-1941, London, Hutchinson Co. , 1945; pp. 176-177 . • • • WHO SAID IT? ''Consemralive Catholic politics has no place in the twentieth century, noc can it exist in the proximity of the lJlSS!R. Politics of provocation is no positive politics. Denunciation of Comm unism, often supported by the shibboleth "For God and Country," can no longer be accepted even in view of the dem()ICratic evolution Olf the Slovak nation." - (Ferdinand Peroutka, a Benes Czech, DNESEK, 11-20-47). � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1958, Vol. 8 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 26), March 1958.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 27), June 1958.</li> <li>Issue 3 (No. 28), December 1958.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1958 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 46 SLOVAKIA partment heads of U. S. Government on all Slovak and Czech matters still remain at their posts at our expense on the strength of a memorandum prepared by the Benes Czechs a memorandum whose language reveals that its authors just as well might have been the Czech Reds, or their "comrades" in Moscow! • • • SLOVAK NATIONALISM: THE ORIGINS OF SLOVAK NATIONALISM B. S. Bue, Ph.D. 1. Nationalism and the Existing "Status Quo" To speak of the Slovaks is to touch upon a problem which at the present time has assumed vital and worldwide proportions, namely, the problem of nationalism. Nationalism is one of the most discussed issues in the modern political world. The reason lies in the more extensive definition by which nationalism refers not only to the lofty devotion of citizens towards their native country, also known as patriotism, but especially to a revolutionary movement of our modern society. Thus, nationalism is giving rise to dangerous political tensions in various sectors of the globe and threatening to disintegrate the political status quo of many long established nations. There is need, therefore, of a thorough understanding of all its components, motives, and objectives. Slovak nationalism involves a lofty devotion to a native land, but as yet has not developed serious revolutionary characteristics. It has not, therefore, attracted significant attention from the international community. Nevertheless, it has grown from almost complete oblivion t o such proportions that it must be taken into consideration as one of the most important forces shaping the future destiny of Central Europe. From the beginning of its existence Slovak nationalism was nurtured by ideas which followed the revolutionary changes of medieval, feudal society and laid the foundation for the birth of new political systems which we call "Western Democracy." But Slovak nationalism is Western not because of its ideological relationship alone. During SLOVAKIA 47 the First World War Western Democracies actually gave it physical support so that it could achieve partially the fulfillment of its ambitions. In the words of Don Luigi Sturza: "Once a country or a people has succeeded in developing a consciousness of its own personality and in affirming it in the struggles with which history has confronted it, there is no stopping."(!) Dissatisfied with only a partial fulfillment of its political ambitions, Slovak nationalism is endeavoring at the present time to attain the final goal sought by every nationalism, that is, complete national independence in its own state. Generally, under the term of nationalism fall most present political efforts that seek to alter the existing status quo which was formed in past centuries by great powers and the maintaining of which occupies their chief interests. The modern nationalistic movements seem to be governed more by sentiment than by realism in their outlook with regard to geographical, economic and strategic setups. From the standpoint of economy, they aim at breaking up time-tested, unified wholes and to form instead economically and strategically isolated inactive groups that easily succumb to one or another imperialism. The characteristic quality of these modern nationalistic movements is revolutionism. Under this term we must consider not only the violence that is perpetrated in the struggle for liberation, but above all the effort exerted to establish society upon new foundations. Such an arrangement cannot be realized in the present because its formation is always dependent upon a temporal and historical evolution. It is, however, difficult to condemn nationalistic movements from the standpoint of being guided more by sentiment than by realism. They are emotional only because they are striving to undo what we hold as sacred, accepted forms of the past; or they are realistic in that they endeavor to fulfill the modern principle of freedom and equality not only in the case of individuals, but also in the case of the organized groups that we call nations. 48 SLOVAKIA 2. Nature of Modern Nationalism Modern nationalism is very difficult to define precisely because its concept is not fixed and varies in scope and meaning. Nationalism is what the nationalists have made it; it is not a neat fixed concept, but a varying combination of beliefs and conditions. It may be in part founded on myth, but myths, like other errors, have a way of perpetuating themselves and of becoming not true but real. The fact is that myth and actuality, and truth and error, are inextricably intermixed in modern nationalism.. The only reasonable way to get at the nature of nationalism is to determine what beliefs - however true or false - and what conditions - however misinterpreted - are commonly present. The following ten are here hypothetically advanced. No claim is laid for their infallibility or finality. 1. A certain defined (often vaguely) unit of territory (whether possessed or coveted). 2. Some common cultural characteristics, such as language (or widely understood languages), customs, manners, and literature (folk tales and lore are the beginning). If an individual believes he shares these, and wishes to continue sharing them, he is usually said to be a member of the nationality. 3. Some common dominant social (as Christian) and economic (as capitalistic or recently communistic) institutions. 4. A common independent or sovereign government (type does not matter) or the desire for one. The "principle" that each nationality should be separate and independent is involved here. 5. A belief in a common history (it can be invented) and in a common origin (often mistakingly conceived to be racial in nature). 6. A love or esteem for fellow nationals (not necessarily as individuals). 7. A devotion to the entity (however little comprehended) called the nation, which embodies the common territory, culture, social and economic institutions, government, and fellow nationals, and which is at the same time (whether organism or not) more than their sum. 8. A common pride in the achievements (often military more than cultural) of this nation and a common sorrow in its tragedies (particularly its defeats). 9. A disregard for the hostility to other (not necessarily all) like groups, especially if these prevent or seem to threaten the separate national existence. 10. A hope that the nation will have a great and glorious future (usually in teritorial expansion) and become supreme in some way (in world power if the nation is already large) (2). Applying to the Slovaks, these ten characteristic points upon which all modern nationalisms are supposed to be based, we arrive at the conclusion that Slovak nationalism is based upon : SLOVAKIA 49 1. a certain defined territory; 2. its own language and culture; 3. the Christian foundation of its society; 4. the "principle" that Slovaks must live in their own independent state; 5. the knowledge of its own long history; 6. a love for fellow nationals; 7. a devotion to their territory, 8. more upon a common sorrow for national tragedy than pride in national achievements; 9. a certain hostility to those who have attempted, or are attempting, to enslave the Slovak people; 10. a hope that the nation will be glorious, but definitely not an ambition to make Slovakia a decisive world power. 8. Geographical and Historical Suppositions of Slovak Nationalism The territory occupied by the Slovaks lies in the heart of Europe. Although Slovakia is a small country, it is, nevertheless, larger in area than Albania, Belgium, Denmark, Estonia, Holland, or Switzerland. Slovakia today comprises an area of 48,957 square kilometers, or 22,500 square miles, and approximates the size of Belgium and Holland combined, or the size of West Virginia in the U. S. A. Its present population is 3,800,000. Francis Hrusovsky, eminent Slovak historian, has described the political significance of the geographical position of Slovakia in the following words: "Slovakia lies along the northern shores of the Central Danube, where the eastern slopes of the Alps touch the western slopes of the Carpathian mountains, and its territory covers the northern part of the Danubian basin. Since the dawn of European history, a route has run through the gate of the Danube, connecting the West and the East. This important route was intersected at this very point by several routes which ran from south to north and linked the coasts of the Adriatic with those of the Baltic and North Seas. From earliest times, nations seeking new homelands have flowed over these routes which intersect along the Danube. Through the portals of the Danube marched aggressive conquerors, and the soil of this land frequently served as the stage for bloody conflicts. The nation which settled in such a bustling spot experienced little peace, continually having to defend itself to keep from being swept away by the raging 50 SLOVAKIA storms. In defending its life its strength was exhausted and hence could not grow and develop as it might have in a peaceful atmosphere where the catastrophe is not always imminent . . . When, at the end of the 4th Century, the Romans had to withdraw from the Danube, and when, subsequently, the German tribes also left that territory, the Slavs flooded Central Europe from the Baltic Sea to the Balkans" (3). Since the sixth century, therefore, the territory of Slovakia has been the homeland of the Slovaks and their forefathers. During the first two centuries the Slav (Slovanic) tribes, whose descendants are the present-day Slovaks, did not enjoy an independent life. For from the sixth to the eighth century, the entire central European sector suffered under the dominating sway of warring Avars who carried on attacks upon Western Europe. At the end of the eighth century, however, Charlemagne successfully destroyed the power of the Avar Empire. This victory enabled the tribes of the Slovanic races to begin efforts at unification and soon to establish the Greater Moravian Empire. This era then saw the definite beginning and unfolding of the history of the Slovaks, although most of the Slavs can trace from it the partial origins, if not of their political, at least of their cultural life. The brief but exceedingly rich history of the Greater Moravian Empire is a source of "common pride in the achievements of this nation and a common sorrow in its tragedies"(4) for Slovak nationalism. Without a doubt, it would be difficult to prove that during the existence of the Greater Moravian Empire the Slovaks constituted an element independent and separate from the other Slav (Slovanic) races. They constituted a part of the Slav races who, during the migration of nations, crossed the Carpathian boundaries and settled in the valley of the Danube and Moravian rivers. Furthermore, no clearly defined boundaries of Greater Moravia existed. Nevertheless, we know that it covered a large part of the territory surrounding the Carpathian mountains. In this sector the interests of the Western Franks met with the interests of the Byzantine Empire. The empire of Great Moravia was located in the territories of present-day Slovakia and Moravia, which were inhabited at that time by SLOVAKIA 51 the predecessors of the Slovaks, with the Czechs settling in the land of the Boii, Bohemia. The first documentary evidence of Great Moravia dates from the year 822. In that year a parliamentary gathering took place at Frankfurt-on-the-Main, which included representatives of Great Moravia. The leaders of Great Moravia had to maintain constant vigilance against the frequent attacks of the Franks who, under the guise of spreading Christianity, sought to make vassals of the Great Moravian rulers(5). For a time the inhabitants of Great Moravia were successful. But to the danger which threatened them from the part of the Franks was soon added the danger of harrassing Magyar nomads of Mongolian origin, who had then begun to make inroads into Central Europe. After many bitter and wearisome struggles they finally succumbed either in the year 906 or 908. Though short-lived, the Great Moravia's eventful life proved itself an inexhaustible source of heroic material for the poets of the budding Slovak nationalism of the 17th and 18th centuries. Faithful to the mythical tendencies of Romanticism and Pan-Slavism, Slovak authors exploited successfully Great Moravia's hidden past and thus created in the almost extinct group of Slovak people a feeling of greatness and national pride. Slovakia was made by them the cradle of all Slav (Slovanic) cultures and the Slovaks the leading Slav nation in the conversion of the other Slavs from backward paganism to the higher cultural life of Christianity. These conclusions were reached on the ground of two testimonials which, even at the present time, bear witness of Great Moravia's cultural role and political importance for the Slovanic nations. These testimonials are : a church built in 830 A.D., and the Slovanic liturgy with its Cyrillic alphabet. They represented two different tendencies that play a big role in Great Moravia's politics on account of her vital position between the German Franks and . the Byzantines, respectively between the Latin and Eastern (Greek) form of Christianity. The little church in the Slovak city of Nitra, portions of whose walls are still preserved in the foundations of the 52 SLOVAKIA Cathedral church, is a testimonal of German influence and of the Latin trend in the Great Moravian era. It was built by Pribina - one of the first known ru• lers on Slovak soil who chose Nitra as the seat of govern• ment - and blessed by Adalram, the Archbishop of Salzburg, in the year 833(6). From this fact it is evident that Pribina brought with him the Germanic influence which he absorbed under the rulers of the Frankish Empire. For Slovak nationalism, however, this church is an historical mdication of the bent of the forefathers of Slovakia to Western culture, so clearly manifested in the Latin form of Christianity. The culture-religious testimonial, linking Great Moravia with the present, is the Slovanic liturgy still faithfully followed in Orthodox churches and the Greek Catholic churches of the Eastern Rite. The alphabet of the Russians and other Slavs also has its origin in Great Moravia. Not all the rulers favored Germanic influences as freely and sympathetically as Pribina. Rather they opposed them because of their desire to preserve as great an independence as possible. This opposition led at first to internal dissensions and later manifested itself in sincere efforts to find means of christianizing the Slovak and other Slovanic tribes of Great Moravia other than that of Frankish missionaries. During the internal upheaval Mojmir replaced Pribina. The defeat and departure of Pribina signifies the removal of Frankish influence and a broader unification of all Slovak and other Slovanic tribes under one ruler. The rulers of the Franks, however, always used the matter of Christianizing the Slavs as an excuse to meddle in the internal affairs of Great Moravia. The rulers of Great Moravia were therefore left with but one choice: to seek out such means of christianizing their subjects which would enable them to restrain every occasion of the Frankish Empire to circumscribe Slovak independence and subject the people to vassalage. This was the aim of Rastislav, Mojmir's successor, when he turned to the Byzantine Emperor Michael Ill - according to a preserved legend - with a request to send a bishop and teacher, who would enlighten and instruct his SLOVAKIA 53 people in the true faith and in their own tongue"(7). Emperor Michael III must have realized the political implications of Rastislav's request, for he sent at once, in the year 863, to Great Moravia two of his most worthy and learned men - the Saints Cyril and Methodius who are honored today not only as Slovak Apostles, but also as "Apostles of the Slavs." Though Saints Cyri land Methodius were Greeks, they nevertheless understood the language of the Slovaks. They began their missionary labors by introducing a new adphabet and by translating the Bible and other religious books into the language of the people. Thus, through their efforts, was founded the Slovanic liturgy. Frankish bishops, however, saw in these innovations an opportune occasion to cause discord, for at this time divisions appeared which eventually ended in schism and divided the people into two camps, namely, the western and eastern forms of Christianity. Saints Cyril and Methodius desired to safeguard their methods of christianization in the eyes of Rome and obtained permission from the Pope to conduct the liturgy in Slovanic. But the political pressure of the Franks upon Great Moravia steadily grew stronger and stronger. It sapped the strength of the Slovak rulers and succeeded in bringing about the catastrophe of 906, i.e., the downfall of Great Moravia. The missionary labors of Saints Cyril and Methodius in the central European sphere of activity came to an end. Their pupils wended their way to the Balkans and lived among the Bulgarians and other Slovanic races, who eventually became the heirs of that cultural seed first sown in the confines of present-day Slovakia. With the downfall of Great Moravia, new states gradually began to take form in Central Europe, namely, the Czech, Polish, and Hungarian. For a thousand years this well-established portion of Great Moravia became a part of Hungarian rule. When, however, new ideas in the far distant future offer new opportunities for organizing a society, Great Moravia once again comes to life in the minds of its present generations, and becomes for the Slovaks the source of their "common pride in the achievements of this nation and a common sorrow in its 54 SLOVAKIA tragedies"(8). The brief but very dramatic events of Great Moravia play a very important role in the reawakening of Slovak nationalism: they give it an historical substance for its ambitions to statehood an doffer countless historical examples of past heroism as an incentive in its present attempts to acrieve these ambitions. The link between Great Moravia and present-day Slovak nationalism is more emotional than real, for the end of Great Moravia meant the end of its cultural and political influence within the area of Central Europe which is today called Slovakia. The Slovanic race residing at that time on the territory of what is iow Slovakia, the forefathers of the Slovaks, definitely came under the sphere of influence of Latin Christianity and politically became a part of the Hungarian State. That they were not wholly absorbed by the Magyars during the many centuries of their life in the Hungarian State can be attributed only to the cosmopolitan character of the Hungarian State and to the use of Latin as the official language in governmental and educational systems. The concepts "nation" and "nationality," as we know them today, probably did not exist at all at that time, and were certainly entirely different from the concept "state." 4. New Concepts: "People" and "Nation" The origin of modern Slovak nationalism, as well as of all nationalism in Central Europe, must be determined from that period when, under the influence of the Enlightenment, great masses of hitherto enslaved peoples began to be aware of their distinctive group characteristics. Medieval, feudal society itself felt that the end was near for its outmoded social system and clamored for reform. These reforms were to better the conditions and status of the "people" so that they could ascend the European political stage as new and revolutionary actors. As decisive political actors, these "people" first appeared in the American Revolution, where they laid the foundations of American democracy as opposed to European aristocracy and its autocratic form of government. A further and more radically revolutionary appearance of these actors occurred SLOVAKIA 55 in the French Revolution which shook the foundations not only of France but of all Europe. Thanks to the military genius of Napoleon, the battlecry of these new revolutionary "people" flooded all of Europe with his soldiers. In the political millieu of the Slovaks, under the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, the revolutionary "people" obtained certain rights emanating from the drastic reforms inaugurated by the emperor of "Enlightenment," Joseph II. Although the greater portion of these reforms had to be repealed because of the opposition of the yet powerful upper class, nevertheless much agitation and reaction ensued with the result that this empire found itself embroiled in a revolutionary cauldron - the presentiment of its eventual downfall. In the language of the thinkers of the Enlightenment the concept "people" primarily denoted the social class of the poor as distinct from the class of aristocrats. It brought about revolutions of the poor against the rich, respectively of the underprivileged against the privileged. In this conflict, however, the established boundaries of the medieval states were not affected. When subsequently the German Romantic philosophers came to emphasize the importance of common history, language and culture, the cosmopolitan medieval European society started to split also along the new line of ethnographical groups, called nations. The result of it was that the long time established boundaries of the European states started to crack under the constant efforts of the ethnographical groups to emancipate themselves from the subjection of the other ethnographic groups that might have been predominating in their original states. In the case of "people" there was much more concern over the freedom of the individual, whereas in the case of "nation" the struggle for the freedom of the groups, called nations, is uppermost. In those places where language boundaries were consonant with the boundaries of the state, the concept "nation"(9), based upon a kinship of language, produced a greater national unity. Such was the situation in France and Germany. A homogeneous language produced among the Germans a strong feeling of fellowship and led to the unification of the Germans into a solid German state 56 SLOVAKIA under the leadership of Prussia. In the Austro-Hungarian Empire, however, the language question became the root of great discord and shook the foundations of this mighty territory. The many nationalities under its sway, after asserting their individuality, began to demand their own rights and, abetted by Western Democracies, brought Austro-Hungary to complete dissolution. This period of increasing European ferment brought forth also from the Slovaks their assertion for national independence from the other components of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy, particularly from the Magyars. As the other nations under Austro-Hungarian domination, so too the Slovaks codified their national language and began to search for historical, ideological, and cultural evidence that would express their national individuality. At first this national reawakening bore the markings of Pan-Slavism, whereby the Slovaks sought to establish Slovakia as the cradle of all the Slovanic nations. Memories of Great Moravia played an important role in this regard, for in the minds of Pan-Slavism this empire was the first political manifestation of Slovaks as well as the other Slavs. PanSlavism was supported more by Slovak Lutherans rather than Catholics. The reason is that many Slovak Lutherans received their education in Germany where they had the opportunity of becoming acquainted with Hegelian philosophy, which laid a mystical foundation for the nation state on a high phi•losophical plane where God, the world-spirit, reason, nature, and history intermingled and became one. In the profound and seldom clear introductions to his Philosophy of Right and Philosophy of History he proclaimed that each people was imbued with a world force endowing it with peculiar spirit and special purpose, and that the state was the final embodiment of dialectic evolution flowing out of the historical experience and genius of a people (10). Basing himself on the philosopphical premises of Hegel, Herder came to the conclusion that the Roman and German nations had fulfilled their historical mission and that the future will belong to the Slovanic peoples. Because of their dove-like character, they will bring to the world a period of peace and gentleness. These claims were in complete opposition to historical facts, but as myths they were SLOVAKIA 57 instrumental in g1vmg birth to a special heroic Pan-Slavistic literature. By exalting the mythological past of Slovanic nations this literature gave rise to national pride. On the other hand, the realistic politics in which the Slovaks had to engage in order to safeguard themselves from the Magyarizing efforts of the rulers of the Hungarian State, led them gradually to abandon the utopian idea of Pan-Slavism and to assert instead their distinct national individuality. From 1860 to the end of the First World War, they had to undergo a period of severe trials at the hands of the Magyars, who attempted to accomplish in a few decades what they had failed to attain in centuries, that is, the assimilation of non-Magyar nations in Hungary. It is difficult to say whether they could have succeeded in this venture, because the First World War disrupted their attempts. The Slovaks, as well as the other nations in Austro-Hunga ry, found themselves in new political circumstances, and gained more favorable opportunities to develop their distinct national traits. 5. Progress of Slovak Nationalism After the First World War The dissolution of the Austro-Hung arian Monarchy after the First World War opened up a great opportunity for the development of Slovak national sentiment. Slovakia was taken away from the Magyars. With its inclusion in the Czecho-Slovak Republic, Slovakia for the first time in history obtained defined boundaries. The importance of this historical step cannot be minimized, for Slovak nationalism began to lean upon a certain well defined territory. The separation of the Slovaks from the Magyars broke also the tie binding the former to their feudal order and opened up opportunities for the near revolutionary development of a new democratic, Slovak society within the confines of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. Through the medium of schools, the Magyar attempt to assimilate the Slovaks was halted. In the Czecho-Slovak Republic the national Slovak language became the language not only of the people but also of the schools and official business. Thus, for the first time in history, opportunities arose for the formation of a distinct 58 SLOVAKIA Slovak culture, even though the centralizing efforts of the new Czecho-Slovak state, dominated by the Czechs, were opposed to such a development. Although at the present time the vast majority of the Slovaks bears an unfriendly attitude toward inclusion in any form of Czecho-Slovakia, whether it be communist or democratic, it is self-evident that such was not the case during the First World War. Then the Slovaks accepted warm-hearted ly and hopefully the creation of Czecho-Slovakia, for together with the Czechs they possessed a mutual kinship of language and culture as well as similar political ambitions. The present unfavorable attitude toward the Czechs is attributed to the failure of Czechs to fulfill their promises and agreements, that is, the failure to grant autonomy to Slovakia and the refusal to concede to the Slovaks ethnical and racial rights belonging to them as a distinct nation. Instead, the Czech majority in the Prague parliament decided to form the so-called "Czechoslovak" nation by law, i.e., by maens of the Czechoslovak constitution, whereby the Slovaks in practice were identified racially with the Czechs, and Slovakia was made completely dependent upon the central government in Prague. Such an action was looked upon in Slovakia as a secret move to assimilate the Slovaks with the Czechs, and thus to deprive the Slovaks of their national individuality. Therefore, imediately after the creation of Czecho-Slovakia following the First World War, there arose in Slovakia a powerful movement for autonomy. This movement, warring against the concept "Czechoslovak nation" and the centralism based upon it, presents a new phase in the development of Slovak nationalism in the new and more favorable conditions of the Czechoslovak Republic. Even though this movement never had a clear majority of the Slovaks, but "this," as Mr. C. A. Macartney rightly points out, "does not necessarily mean that the majority of the Slovaks were in favor of a centralized Czechoslovak Republic. The elections were not fought on the issue of Autonomy versus Centralism, and material advantages were to be gained by voting for the Czechoslovak parties, especially for the always inoffice Agrarians. In fact, apart for the small and cultured Lutheran minority, most Slovaks who voted for the democratic Czechoslovak parties were probably opportunists. Those who felt most strongly were usually Autonomists or Communists" (11. ) SLOVAKIA 59 Little wonder, therefore, that the majority of Slovaks displayed no sorrow at Hitler's overthrow of Czecho-Slovakia and accepted joyfully the idea of establishing a separate Slovak state, even though it was widely felt that the conditions for beginning a seprate existence during the revolutionary period of 1938-1939 were not very favorable. The existence of the Slovak Republic during the Second World War may appear to outside observers as the operation of those political elements is widely known as fascism, actually, however, the short-lived existence of the Slovak Republic indicates the final phase of the development of Slovak nationalism: the achieving of its own statehood. In spite of the situations in which the Slovaks have become involved since the last war, their efforts both in the free Western World and in Slovakia are concentrated as they never were before to restore independence to their country. (1) Nationalism and Internationalism, New York, 1946; p. 16. (2) Boyd C. Shafer: Nationalism: Myth and Reality, New York, Harcourt, Brace Company, 1954, pp. 7-8. (3) This is Slovakia: Obrana Press, Scranton, 1955; pp. 2-6. (4) Shafer: op. cit.; p. 7. (5) Dr. Frantisek Bokes: Dejiny Slovenska a Slovakov, Bratislava, 1940; p. 31. (6) Bokes: op. cit., p. 33. (7) Dr. Uudovit Zachar: Borba za narodnu slobodu, Bratislava, 1931; p. 220. (8) Shafer: op. cit.; p . 7. (9) The reader should be reminded that the author of this treatise uses always the word "nation" to indicate an ethnographic group and not a nation-state. (10) Boyd Shafer: Nationalism: Myth and Reality; p. 25. (11) Seton Watson: Eastern Europe Between the Wars 1918-1941, London, Hutchinson Co. , 1945; pp. 176-177 . • • • WHO SAID IT? ''Consemralive Catholic politics has no place in the twentieth century, noc can it exist in the proximity of the lJlSS!R. Politics of provocation is no positive politics. Denunciation of Comm unism, often supported by the shibboleth "For God and Country," can no longer be accepted even in view of the dem()ICratic evolution Olf the Slovak nation." - (Ferdinand Peroutka, a Benes Czech, DNESEK, 11-20-47).  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovak Nationalism: The Origins of Slovak Nationalism Description An account of the resource B. S. Buc, Ph.D.<br />Slovakia, Vol. 8, No. 1 (26), March 1958<br />pp. 46-59<br /><ol><li>Nationalism and the Existing "Status Quo"</li> <li>Nature of Modern Nationalism</li> <li>Geographical and Historical Suppositions of Slovak Nationalism</li> <li>New Concepts: "People" and "Nation"</li> <li>Progress of Slovak Nationalism After the First World War</li> </ol> Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Buc, B. S. (Bonaventure S.), 1910-1966 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource March 1958 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/ffdd90e93a1e0dd7bfadee4f9be62543.pdf 3d921bb0dc4b66649d2663cee5110f77 PDF Text Text 32 SLOVAKIA Bratislava streets rang out with song for quite a time. We embraced each other and danced. Then we marched, or rather should ,J say, danced all the way to Svoradov. The fraternity was another joyous scene. I still remember vividly how we embraced Colman Murgas in the refectory, his eyes streaming with tears. I was so excited that 1 could hardly eat. Like so many others, l had lost my appetite for food. Like them, I was satiated with joy. The Slovaks proclaimed their country an independent Republic on March 14, 1939. • • • SLOVAK NATIONALISM: THE ROLE OF EMIGRANTS IN SLOVAK NATIONALISM B. S. BUC, Ph.D. 1. The Nation of Emigrants Slovak nationalism cannot be considered as the outgrowth of the Central European soil and the pure product of political forces of that sector. It was steadily developing under many outside influences which penetrated that sector either in the form of new ideas or in the form of outside political and economic interests. Moreover, in the period of the greatest oppression, the real shaping of the Slovak national will for survival was occuring outside Slovakia, among emigrants. About one third of the present Slovak population lives outside Slovakia as emigrants in various sectors of the world. That makes Slovaks truly a nation of emigrants. They were forced to emigrate either for economic or political reasons. Slovakia is a mountainous country with forests covering 40 % of the land. Moreover, prior to 1918, a substantial part of Slovak land was owned by the Magyar or foreign aristocracy, so that Slovaks had little opportunity to make living from agriculture. Temporary or permanent emigration became, therefore the only solution to the economic problem for many children of Slovak farmers. When they �SLOVAKIA 33 reached free soil, especially the United 1S tates of America, they proved themselves to be the greatest promoters of Slovak nationalism, not only among themselves but also in their native country. They conveyed ideas of democracy and freedom to their homeland and influenced the outside world to help their compatriots at home in their struggle for survival in Hungary. In 1918, when Slovakia became a part of Czecho-Slovakia, emigration did not cease. It is true, however, that in the first years of the new Republic, Czecho-,Slovakia inaugurated a drastic agrarian reform, wherein almost all of the soil belonging to the aristocracy was apportioned among new owners. Nevertheless, these reforms failed to ameliorate the original situation, because they aimed at rewarding political careerists rather than at bettering the social position of the inhabitants. According to a French observer : "many of the good lands, instead of being apportioned among the peasants, were used to constitute a new agrarian bourgeoisie, under the name of 'surplus estates' " (1). These estates served to favor the political aims of the Czech agrarian party, who used them either to establish Czechs in Southern Slovakia, or to reward Slovaks who were inclined to apply cen• tralist politics to the government of Slovakia. This gave rise to a privileged class, the "surplussers" who resembled very much the ancient landlords of the Hungarian feudal system. While the latter received their lands as a recompense for their services in the army, the former received them for their services in politics (2). Under Czecho-Slovakia, however, Slovak industry fared even worse. The Czechs were chiefly concerned with industrial expansion within their own domains and, therefore, not only contributed nothing to the expansion of former Slovak industries, but adversely put down many existing undertakings in an evident attempt to keep Slovakia agrarian. According to William iDiamond: "During the period from 1934 to 1937, 91.5% of all factory manufacturing in the state occured in Czech lands" ( 3). According to information presented in May of 1949 to the XIX Congress of the Communist !Party in Prague by William Siroky, who at that time was Chairman of the Communist Party in Slovakia, 92,000 workers were engaged in Slovak industries and trades in 191i3. This figure �34 SLOVAKIA comprised about 17 % of the total population. After the unification of Czechs and Slovaks, the progressive tendency in industry since the First World War was completely halted. In 1'927, no more than 80,000 workers were engaged in industry in Slovakia. Within ten more years, during which industry showed great and rapid progress in Czech lands the increase in the number of workers in Slovakia was negligible, with the result that in 1937 they numbered 104,91'5 ( 4). Because of this unhealthy economic situation in Slovakia, almost one-third of the entire S 1 o v a k population sought relief through emigration. The majority emigrated to the United States between 1'873 and 1918. When the United States placed a limit on immigration in 1918, however, the Slovaks emigrated to Canada, South America, Australia, France, and Belgium. This emigration actually became the only liberty-holding portion of Slovaks and, therefore, chiefly before 1918, an almost exclusive representative of Slovak national endeavors. 2. Slovak Immigrants in the United States The leading position in these endeavors was held by Slovak immigrants in the United States. In 1910 Slovaks in this country numbered 281,707; by 1920 the number had increased to 619,866. According to a private appraisal, however, the number should be at least 200,000 more, for about that number of people of Slovak descent may have registered as Austro-iHungarians. Slovaks are represented mostly in the state of Pennsylvania, where in 1920 they numbered 296,219. The remainder are scattered mainly through nine states: Ohio, New York, New Jersey, Illinois, Connecticut, Michigan, Wisconsin, and Indiana ( 5) . On United States soil, the Slovaks developed a very living, organized activity chiefly in the field of fraternalism. At the present time there exist eleven such ·Slovak fraternal organizations with a membership of more than 400,000 and with assets totaling 88½ million d0llars (6). They established besides an extensive Slovak press, which had a great significance for Slovak nationalism in that it was really the only national press during the time of fierce �SLOVAKIA 35 magyarization at the close of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth century. 3. Shaping of the National Will Every coercive measure of the Hungarian government encountered great opposition in the Slovak press of the United States. On the soil of this country Slovak and Magyars waged an obstinate battle, with the result that the Western World became acquainted with the name "Slovak" and with the nationality problem of Austria-Hungary. The first public and organized opposition of Slovaks towards !Magyars in the United ,States took place at Cleveland in 1902. The Magyar immigrants of that city were attempting to place in the Public Square a monument dedicated to their revolutionary Magyar leader of 1848, Louis Kossuth. They were hindered by the Slovaks, who publicly revealed Kossuth's totalitarian methods towards Slovaks and other nationalities of Hungary. When, in 1906, the Hungarian government brought Rev. Andrew Hlinka and several other 'Slovak patriots to trial, this action led the immigrants of all convictions in the United States to join forces and to found a united organization called Slovak League of America at the first Slovak Congress assembled in Cleveland, Ohio, on May 26, 1907. According to .its first tenets, the principal aim of the Slovak League was to exert every effort "that S 1 ova k nation would rank among the other nations as an equal among equals'' (7). Its first step was the creation of a national fund to carry on an active struggle for the liberation of Slovaks. Among the League's first successes in this country must be numbered the fact that, during the census of 1910, the following question was aked in the questionnaire: what is your mother tongue? Through this change, passed by the Senate at the proposal of Senator Oliver, the Slovaks as well as the other nationalities of former Hungary could not be separated from the universal concept of "Hungarian", under which they should have been originally classed for belonging to the Hungarian Kingdom (8). At the outbreak of the First World War, the Slovak �36 SLOVAKIA League published a memorandum, which was sent to all members of Congress and to other distinguished political figures in the United States as well as others in the West. This memorandum, in the spirit of American democratic ideals, stressed the desire that: The Slovaks in Hungary should obtain their natural privileges of life, freedom, and pursuit of happiness, which they have been deprived of by the dynasty; that the ,Slovaks be given opportunity to develop their national spirit, their abilities, and the natural resources of their native land; that the Slovaks be guaranteed the realization of their national ideals and efforts, which have been mercilessly trodden by the tyrannical Hungarian Government (9). The memorandum was signed by: all ofificials of the Slovak League; the representatives of twenty-three Slovak newspapers; the representatives of twenty organizations; fifty-two Slovak Catholic priests and forty Slovak Protestant ministers. 'It was published in five languages besides English. The main significance of this memorandum, however, lies in the fact that the 1S lovaks in this country immediately after the outbreak of the war assumed the leadership of the entire Slovak nation. They did it not only because they were free to express the will of the whole nation, but also because the number of their organized ranks exceeded the number of organized Slovaks ever known in their own fatherland. The number of publications represented on the memorandum also exceeded the number edited by the Slovaks in their native country. 4. In Search of a New Ally When the Slovak immigrants in the United States had sent out the afore-mentioned memorandum, they still had not made up their minds clearly concerning the future of their native land. Since they did not intend to form an independent state out of Slovakia, they had to concern themselves with the problem of deciding within what kind of future framework the Slovaks should enjoy those political rights which they sought. All were unanimously agreed that Slovakia must be definitely torn away from Hungary. Several proposed combinations developed. Some favored the Czechs as the ally to be sought. Others favored the Russians. Others favored the Poles, who already had promises from the Allies for the �SLOVAKIA 37 restoration of Poland. Gradually the Czechs came to be selected as the most logical ally to be sought (10). The thinking most prevalent in the minds of the Slovak immigrants in the United States is clearly stated in a letter of the Rev. Matthew Jankola, one of the foremost active participants in these matters. In a letter written in Bridgeport, Conn., on December 15, 1915, he wrote: We shall mean nothing in a monarchy, and absolutely nothing in a great Russia. But we would stand on a footing of equality with the Czechs, a la Austria and Hungary; or as formerly Norway and Sweden; with our own self-government, our own parliament, our own Slovak State language. Can we ever obtain this under Russia, or in In regards to the Czechs, their supremacy can Austria-Hungary? only be temporary; until the time that we rear one generation in our own spirit. I do not consider Czech liberalism so dangerous. Our naI mean common ture and character are different. The S I ova k shall retain their character (11). people - In the meantime, in Europe, profesor Thomas G. Masaryk began a revolutionary movement for the liberation of Czechs and Slovaks in Austria-Hungary. Under his influence the Czech immigrants in the United States also formed a joint organization under the name "Czech National Alliance" , which organization adopted the same program regarding Czechs as the Slovak League had done regarding Slovaks. T. G. Masaryk soon became the recognized head of the movement for the liberation of the Czechs and the alliance of the Slovaks with the Czechs. 5. The Cleveland Agreement Professor T. G. Masaryk from •Paris asked the Czech ational Alliance in America to gain the cooperation of the Slovak League for common Czech and Slovak liberation efforts. Following that request, the secretary of the Czech National Alliance invited the Slovak League of America to a meeting. Along with this invitation the secretary sent a proposed draft of an agreement which was accepted in Cleveland on October 25, 1915, and since that time has been known as the Cleveland Agreement. It contained the following points: 1. Independence of Czech lands and Slovakia. 2. A union of the Czech and Slovak nations in a federative alliance of states with a complete national autonomy for Slovakia, with its own state government, its own cultural freedom and, therefore, �38 SLOVAKIA its own complete use of the Slovak language, its own financial and political government, and with Slovak as the ,State language. 3. Voting power: general, secret, and direct. 4. Form of government: A personal union with a democratic State, the same as in ,England. 5. These points form the basis of the mutual agreement and can be enlarged or expanded only with the approval of both parties. The Czech National Alliance reserves the right of making possible changes, and the Slovak League has the same right (12) . This Cleveland Agreement opened up suppositions for the close cooperation of Czechs and Slovaks and eventually led to the formation of the common political state of the Czecho-<Slovak Republic. In spite of this agreement, however, the Czech side began to show indications of naming all common liberation undertakings as Czech. This instilled in the Slovaks the fear that the Czechs did not wish to accept the Slovaks as equal partners. Many discussions, therefore, ensued with the result that, during these sessions, one of the Slovak representatives clearly pin-pointed the Slovak position with the words: "Yes, we want to tear away from the Magyars and be with the Czechs, but not under the Czechs" ( 13). The above-mentioned Czech tactic prompted many of the Slovaks to lose faith in the Cleveland Agreement and in the Czechs, and prompted them to look for new allies. Such a decision did not take a firm foothold because, in the meantime, important events had occurred in the diplomatic world. President Wilson was re-elected on November 8, 1916. Soon after his re-election (December 21, 1916) he issued a proclamation to the warring nations in which he asked for a statement of their war aims. The Allies answered on January 12, 1917, and, in the conditions which they enumerated, the following sentence was found: "Liberation of the Italians, Slavs, Rumanians, Czecho-Slovaks from foreign government control" (14 ) . T. G. Masaryk explains that the term "Czecho-Slovaks" was written into the Allies' reply after the reply had been completed. "The word Czecho.JSlovaks", he writes, "contained in the proclamation, has its own interesting internal history. There were three suggestions: liberation of the Czechs - the Czech nation - the Czecho-Slovaks. The latter suggestion was accepted at a conference of Dr. Ed- �SLOVAKIA 39 ward Benes (Czech), Milan R. Stefanik (.Slovak), and Stephen Osusky (American Slovak)" (15). Dr. Benes, on the other hand, writes that he conferred with Mr. Osusky and Mr. Sychravy about the matter, since M. iR. Stefanik was then in Russia; and he further states that "Osusky expressed fear that the Allies' reply to President Wilson might name Czechs only, not the Slovaks". - For that reason he insisted on the term "Czecho-Slovaks" (16). 6. The Pittsburgh Pact The Allies' reply concerning the liberation of CzechoSlovakia definitely determined that, after a victoriously ended war, the Slovaks would be thrust into a common political state with the Czechs, which opened up among the Slovaks all sorts of speculations regarding the future of their fatherland. The official pronouncement concerning the Czecho-Slovaks indicated the existence of two separate groups with the formation of a new state. The Slovaks, therefore, had less reasons to fear that the Czechs would deprive them of their national individuality. T. G. Masaryk, who came to the United States near the end of the war, in April of 1'918, helped in no way to dispel this fear. He was looked upon as the person who could settle most of the small differences, suspicions, and discrepancies that had arisen. Delivering his first speech May 5, 191'8, in Chicago, Ill., he repeatedly mentioned the Czech lands, the Czech army, the Czech fight, the Czech future, etc., but not once did he mention Slovakia and completely ignored Slovak participation in the struggle. His speech was a big disappointment to the Slovaks and ,g ave rise to new doubts about Czech sincerity. On May 30, 1918, T. G. Masaryk came to 'Pittsburgh. Once again he spoke, but this time he changed face and stated proudly that he was of Slovak descent. He also said that Slovaks and Czechs were united and that the differences which arose were artificially produced through German and Magyar influences. He declared that there would be a free Bohemia and a free Slovakia, that political control, education, courts of justice, and all else in Slovakia would be_ Slovak, and in Bohemia, Czech. Each n a t i o n, therefore, would be master in its own home. �SLOVAKIA 40 The huge gathering received Masaryk's address with tremendous acclaim. All Slovaks were overjoyed, for these were just the things they had been wishing for (17). That same evening Masaryk held a conference with the representatives of the Slovaks in the Moose Temple and on the following day, May 31st, drafted a new agreement establishing the relations between Czechs and Slovaks in the new state. Besides him this agreement was signed by eleven Czechs and seventeen ,Slovak representatives and contained the following: The Czecho-Slovak Pact agreed upon in Pittsburgh , Pa., on May 30th, 1918. Representatives of the Slovak and Czech or anlzations the Slovak League, the Czech National Alliin the United States discussed the Czechoance, and the Alliance of Czech Catholics Slovak question in the presence of the chairman of the Czecho-Slovak National Council, 1Prof. Masaryk, and the program declaration made up to this time, and resolved the following: We approve the political program which endeavors to unite the Czechs and Slovaks in an independent state of the Czech lands and Slovakia. Slovakia shall have its own administration, its own parliament, and its own courts. The Slovak language shall be the official language in the schools, in offices, and in public life in general. The Czecho-Slovak State shall be a republic, its constitution shall be democratic. The organization of the cooperation of the Czechs and Slovaks in the USA shall be intensified and arranged with mutual understanding as necessity and the changing conditions shall require. The detailed regulations for the establishment of the Czecho-Slovak State are being left to the liberated Czechs and Slovaks and their legal representatives. ( 18). Saturated with the ideals of American democracy, Slovak immigrants in this country endeavored in the Pittsburgh 'P act to assure for their fatherland such rights as they enjoyed here. They labored thus in full knowledge of their leading position, which they held as regards their enslaved fatherland. They were the only free and organized portion of the Slovak nation, and Slovaks at home, as far as they were able under existing circumstances, not only accepted them as the framers of their political future, but also placed in them their only hope of liberation from Magyar enslavement. The greatest weakness of the Pittsburgh Pact as regards any decisions in Slovakia showed itself to be the final 1 �SLOVAKIA 41 point which stated that "the detailed arrangements and regulations in the Czecho-Slovak State are being left to the liberated Czechs and Slovaks and their legal representatives". Without having any knowledge of the action of the Slovak League in the United States, the newly created Slovak Council in Slovakia - formed as a result of the war's end - met in Turciansky Svaty Martin on October 30, 1918, two days after the iPrague Proclamation of an independent Czecho.JSlovak Republic. Here a declaration was brought out in which, altough the Council requested the right of self-expression for Slovaks according to the demands of President Wilson on October 18, 1918, it nevertheless announced that "the Slovak nation is both a linguistic and culturo-historical component of the joint CzechoSlovak nation" (19). Amidst the enthusiastic atmosphere, the small group of those who stood for complete union of Czechs and Slovaks were free to draw up the declaration in such a way that it would best fit their objectives. By emphasizing that "the 1Slovak nation is both a linguistic and a culturo-historical component of the joint Czecho-Slovak nation" the Martin Declaration - as it came to be known since - was considered to be the denial of the distinct Slovak individuality about which the Slovak representatives were most concerned when they entered into the Cleveland and ·Pittsburgh agreements with the Czechs. The freedom exercised by the promoters of the union with the Czechs in drawing up the declaration in Turciansky Sv. Martin is also apparent from the fact that one of them, Dr. Milan Hodza, who was entrusted with the task of publishing the document, left out several points arbitrarily. One of the omitted points was the request that the Slovaks be represented at the peace conference. This Martin Declaration - no matter how doubtfull its worth - was, however, considered a free expression of the will of the liberated Slovaks by Prague, and, consequently, the Pittsburgh Pact was declared void. T. G. Masaryk went so far that, in his reply of October 12, 1929, to the Rev. Andrew Hlinka, leader of the Slovak People's Party, he wrote of this Pact: �42 SLOVAKIA But the main thing is that the document that verbal agreement is forged, is a falsum, because at the time when the American Slovaks wanted that verbal agreement, the League did not exist legally, it was not recognized by the State until 1919. For that reason a serious politician, a statesman, cannot and must not operate with a paper. Falsification cannot become an act of State .•• (20). From its very beginning, therefore, Czecho-Slovakia was organized as a centralistic Czech state, in which Slovakia was more in the position of a colony than as an equal partner. The Czechs, on the other hand, tactfully utilized the already-mentioned conflicts .w ithin the Slovak camp. For the majority of inhabitants, the incorporation of Slovakia into the Czecho-Slovak Republic was such an unexpected surprise that a certain development was necessary before the complete range of the new political situation actually came forth. To make matter worse, a split occurred even among the active members of the Slovak League. One part, under the impact of alarming news from their liberated native country, was convinced that the carrying out of the Pittsbwgh Pact would be a misfortune for Slovakia and, therefore, did not insist, as was expected, upon its incorporation into the constitution of the new state. The other part, even though comprising an insignificant number of opportunists, was won over to the idea of centralism by being rewarded with well-paid offices within the administration of the new state. The Pittsburgh Pact was, therefore, excluded with comparative ease from all discussions during the formation of 'Slovak and Czech relations in the new Czecho-Slovakia. Even though this pact failed to fulfill its primary function, it gave to 'Slovak autonomists an effective weapon to accuse the Czechs of insincerity and faithlessness. With the creation of Czecho-Slovakia, there was an obvious tendency, according to the Czech writer Vaclav Peroutka, to exclude "Catholics from public offices and the enjoyment of honor" (21). And it was under such circumstances that in May, 1919, a year after its signing, the Pittsburgh ·P act came into the hands of the Rev. Andrew Hlinka, the leader of the Slovak Catholics. He did not hesitate to make out of it the Magna Charta of the movement for autonomy. It gave his autonomist movement a clear program and offered effect- �SLOVAKIA 43 ive propaganda material to depict Czech faithlessness. It is quite obvious that the denial of the Pittsburgh Pact occasioned much greater harm to the survival of Czecho-Slovakia than it would have done at the beginning when the newly liberated, still politically immature Slovakia was consolidating its forces. Even though the Slovak immigrant failed to achieve his original goal through this pact, he nevertheless created in his native country an irresistable desire to attain it. The Pittsburgh Pact sounded the tocsin to battle, the outcome of which was to be a clearer and more accurate definition of national rights. The present situation shows that the Slovak immigrant in the United States has almost lost his distinguishing marks in the new American society. Whereas, in the history of Slovakia, he still remains one of the most distinguished actors in defining its national character and in determining its political ambitions. If the "American democratic crusading spirit" sank deep into the life of a nation by means of an immigrant, it perhaps did so mostly in the case of Slovakia in connection with the iPittsburgh Pact. 7. The Present Political Emigrants The afore-mentioned Slovak emigrants, who left Slovakia mostly from social motives, were joined in recent years by a small though in its actions a very alert group of people, who left Slovakia and came to the West from clearly political motives. They departed in two waves. The first represented the functionaries of the independent Slovak Republic who, after the downfall of Slovakia in 1945, sought asylum in the West to escape the vengeance of the so-called "people's courts" . They were joined three years later (1948) by a further wave of political exiles who fled when Communists took complete control of the Czecho-Slovak government. The latter group comprised functionaries of non-Communist parties of the Czecho-Slovakia, in other words, people who were not in accord with the Communist "People's Democracy". In both instances we actually behold the first mass, political, Slovak emigration which, from the viewpoint of Slovak nationalism, signifies that political activity is its �44 SLOVAKIA very pulsating vocation. Its aim is the return homeward of all exiles and, therefore, a change in the political situation which forced the Slovaks to leave their native land. Slovak emigrants are bearing influence in two ways: they are endeavoring to gain the favor of Western Democracies in their efforts to overthrow the Communist dictatorship; and they are displaying the ability to organize underground movements to bring about a change, perhaps through internal revolution. One could probably surmise that the group who left Slovakia immediately after Second War will seek the revival of an independent Slovakia as a continuation of the Slovak Republic, whereas the other group will simply join those forces that work for the restoration of a democratic CzechoSlovakia. But the time-interval between these two waves of emigrants is not an accurate divisor of their political affiliation. It is true, however, that the Slovaks are divided into two camps: the Slovak and Czecho ..Slovak camp. The former aims for an i n d e p e n d e n t Slovakia without the Czecho-Slovak framework; the latter aims for a Slovakia within the Czecho-Slovak framework. Numerically, however, those who desire an independent Slovakia constitute the overwhelming majority. They include not only former functionaries of the 1Slovak Republic but also at least 90% of all those who left Czecho-Slovakia after the Communist coup of 194'8. As an o r g a n i z e d force, both camps act through three organs: the National Council of Free Czechoslovakia; the Slovak National Council Abroad; and the Slovak Liberation Committee. The aim of the National Council of Free Czechoslovakia is the destruction of present Communist dictatorship and the restoration of democracy in the spirit of T. G. Masaryk and Dr. E. Benes (anti-Catholic). CzechoJSlovakia involves, however, the solution of two problems: 1. the problem of some three and one-half million displaced Sudeten Germans whose desire to return to their homeland is being actively supported by the newly-risen West Germany; 2. what position is Slovakia to have in the new demecratic CzechoSlovakia. It is a known fact that the greater majority of Slovaks 1 �SLOVAKIA 45, at home are more than ever before opposed to any idea or form of a Czecho-Slovakia. Informed people know that Slovakia can be maintained within the framework of CzechoSlovakia only by force and violence. The other two organs, the Slovak National Council Abroad and the Slovak Liberation Committee, are striving for the creation of an independent Slovakia. Their difference lies not so much in their aim as in their methods. Even though the Slovak National Council Abroad avers that the Slovak Republic which existed during the Second World War was formed in accord with the principles of international law as the free manifestation of the people, it nevertheless does not insist upon her legal continuity. lt is a great promoter of the federative solution of Central Europe in which it seeks for Slovakia the same position that other national groups will have. It is the political organ of the greater number of the 1Slovak exiles of 1945 and 1948. Furthermore, its program has been endorsed by the two largest organizations of older emigrants, namely, the Slovak League of America and the Canadian Slovak League. The Slovak Liberation Committee is the political organ of a radical portion of the Slovak exiles. It strives for an independent Slovakia on the basis of a legal continuity of the former Slovak Republic. It is distinguished by a special activity which manifests itself principally in many memorandums sent to the United Nations Organization as well as to the other r esponsible political circles in the West. Because of this across-the-border activity as well as other efforts to organize underground movements in Slovakia, which is dominated by Czech Communists, the ·Slovak Liberation Committee is looked upon in Czecho-Slovakia as the principal enemy of the government of the People's Democracy. It seems to be quite popular with the dissatisfied and change-hungry inhabitants at home. 1 It is hard to foretell whether any of these organs will succeed in achieving any of their objectives at the present time. It is highly improbable that any of them will succeed in organizing an active underground movement, which would be in a position to bring about a change in the present po- �46 SLOVAKIA litical situation with the aid of an internal revolution. The hope for a change depends only upon a new war, and then upon the measure in which respective efforts will be in accord with the interests of victorious powers. 1. ,M. Darras: "Onze ans de vie independente en Slovaque", LeMonde slave, (rnai-juin, 1930), 177. 2. Joseph A. Mikus: La Slovaque dans le Drame de l'Europe, Paris, 1'955, p. 57. 3. ·W illiam ,Diamond : Czechoslovakia Between East and West, London, 1947, p. 172. 4. Pravda, Bratislava, May 29, 1949. 15. ,Karol Sidor: Slovaci v zahranicnom odboji, Bratislava, 1929, p. 1'6. 6. Bulletin of the Slovak National Council Abroad, Middletown, Pa., August, 1956, p. 3. 7. Sidor: loc. cit., p. 32. 8. Karol Sidor: Slovaci v zahranicnom odboji, Bratislava, 1929, p. 33. 9. The Slovaks and the Pittsburgh ,Pact, Chicago, Tylka Bros. Press, 1Inc., 1934, p. 10. 10. I bid., p. 13. 11. Ibid., p. 13. 12. Ibid., p. 16. 13. Ibid., p. 18. 14. Ibid., p. 19. 15. T. G. Masaryk : La resurection d' un Etat ('Souvenir et reflection 1914-1918), Paris, 1930, p . 256. 16. nr .. Eduard Benes: My War Memoirs, London, 1928, p. 157. 17. The Slovaks and The Pittsburgh Pact, Joe. cit., p . 24. 18. Ibid., p. 27. 19. Dr. Frantisek Bokes : Dejiny Sloven ska a Slovakov, Bratislava, 1946, p. 363. 20. To this an authority on American law on April 23, 1930, when asked a bout the legality of the Slovak League had to say: "I understand the organization in question having a C onstitution, by-laws, officers, etc., though not chartered by the State. For the purpose of taking the action which -w as taken, such an organization would have all the n ecessary power as fully as if had been chartered. The agreement entered into by the unchartered organization refered to would be just as effectiv-e as if entered into with a chartered organization and just as valid if closed on ,Memorial Day as on any other day". (The Slovaks and The Pittsburgh Pact, loc. cit., p. 36-39). 21. Vaclav Peroutka : Budovani statu, Prague, 1933-1935, I , p. 352 . • • • RECOMMENDED BOOKS: THE SLOVAKS - their history and traditions - by Peter P. Yurchak; 312 pages, hard cover, bound In cloth - $3.00; paper cover - $2.00. SKETCHES FROM SLOVAK HISTORY by Joseph Skultety; 229 pages, well documented; hard cover, bound in cloth - $2.00; paper cover - $1.00. � 32 SLOVAKIA Bratislava streets rang out with song for quite a time. We embraced each other and danced. Then we marched, or rather should ,J say, danced all the way to Svoradov. The fraternity was another joyous scene. I still remember vividly how we embraced Colman Murgas in the refectory, his eyes streaming with tears. I was so excited that 1 could hardly eat. Like so many others, l had lost my appetite for food. Like them, I was satiated with joy. The Slovaks proclaimed their country an independent Republic on March 14, 1939. • • • SLOVAK NATIONALISM: THE ROLE OF EMIGRANTS IN SLOVAK NATIONALISM B. S. BUC, Ph.D. 1. The Nation of Emigrants Slovak nationalism cannot be considered as the outgrowth of the Central European soil and the pure product of political forces of that sector. It was steadily developing under many outside influences which penetrated that sector either in the form of new ideas or in the form of outside political and economic interests. Moreover, in the period of the greatest oppression, the real shaping of the Slovak national will for survival was occuring outside Slovakia, among emigrants. About one third of the present Slovak population lives outside Slovakia as emigrants in various sectors of the world. That makes Slovaks truly a nation of emigrants. They were forced to emigrate either for economic or political reasons. Slovakia is a mountainous country with forests covering 40 % of the land. Moreover, prior to 1918, a substantial part of Slovak land was owned by the Magyar or foreign aristocracy, so that Slovaks had little opportunity to make living from agriculture. Temporary or permanent emigration became, therefore the only solution to the economic problem for many children of Slovak farmers. When they �SLOVAKIA 33 reached free soil, especially the United 1S tates of America, they proved themselves to be the greatest promoters of Slovak nationalism, not only among themselves but also in their native country. They conveyed ideas of democracy and freedom to their homeland and influenced the outside world to help their compatriots at home in their struggle for survival in Hungary. In 1918, when Slovakia became a part of Czecho-Slovakia, emigration did not cease. It is true, however, that in the first years of the new Republic, Czecho-,Slovakia inaugurated a drastic agrarian reform, wherein almost all of the soil belonging to the aristocracy was apportioned among new owners. Nevertheless, these reforms failed to ameliorate the original situation, because they aimed at rewarding political careerists rather than at bettering the social position of the inhabitants. According to a French observer : "many of the good lands, instead of being apportioned among the peasants, were used to constitute a new agrarian bourgeoisie, under the name of 'surplus estates' " (1). These estates served to favor the political aims of the Czech agrarian party, who used them either to establish Czechs in Southern Slovakia, or to reward Slovaks who were inclined to apply cen• tralist politics to the government of Slovakia. This gave rise to a privileged class, the "surplussers" who resembled very much the ancient landlords of the Hungarian feudal system. While the latter received their lands as a recompense for their services in the army, the former received them for their services in politics (2). Under Czecho-Slovakia, however, Slovak industry fared even worse. The Czechs were chiefly concerned with industrial expansion within their own domains and, therefore, not only contributed nothing to the expansion of former Slovak industries, but adversely put down many existing undertakings in an evident attempt to keep Slovakia agrarian. According to William iDiamond: "During the period from 1934 to 1937, 91.5% of all factory manufacturing in the state occured in Czech lands" ( 3). According to information presented in May of 1949 to the XIX Congress of the Communist !Party in Prague by William Siroky, who at that time was Chairman of the Communist Party in Slovakia, 92,000 workers were engaged in Slovak industries and trades in 191i3. This figure �34 SLOVAKIA comprised about 17 % of the total population. After the unification of Czechs and Slovaks, the progressive tendency in industry since the First World War was completely halted. In 1'927, no more than 80,000 workers were engaged in industry in Slovakia. Within ten more years, during which industry showed great and rapid progress in Czech lands the increase in the number of workers in Slovakia was negligible, with the result that in 1937 they numbered 104,91'5 ( 4). Because of this unhealthy economic situation in Slovakia, almost one-third of the entire S 1 o v a k population sought relief through emigration. The majority emigrated to the United States between 1'873 and 1918. When the United States placed a limit on immigration in 1918, however, the Slovaks emigrated to Canada, South America, Australia, France, and Belgium. This emigration actually became the only liberty-holding portion of Slovaks and, therefore, chiefly before 1918, an almost exclusive representative of Slovak national endeavors. 2. Slovak Immigrants in the United States The leading position in these endeavors was held by Slovak immigrants in the United States. In 1910 Slovaks in this country numbered 281,707; by 1920 the number had increased to 619,866. According to a private appraisal, however, the number should be at least 200,000 more, for about that number of people of Slovak descent may have registered as Austro-iHungarians. Slovaks are represented mostly in the state of Pennsylvania, where in 1920 they numbered 296,219. The remainder are scattered mainly through nine states: Ohio, New York, New Jersey, Illinois, Connecticut, Michigan, Wisconsin, and Indiana ( 5) . On United States soil, the Slovaks developed a very living, organized activity chiefly in the field of fraternalism. At the present time there exist eleven such ·Slovak fraternal organizations with a membership of more than 400,000 and with assets totaling 88½ million d0llars (6). They established besides an extensive Slovak press, which had a great significance for Slovak nationalism in that it was really the only national press during the time of fierce �SLOVAKIA 35 magyarization at the close of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth century. 3. Shaping of the National Will Every coercive measure of the Hungarian government encountered great opposition in the Slovak press of the United States. On the soil of this country Slovak and Magyars waged an obstinate battle, with the result that the Western World became acquainted with the name "Slovak" and with the nationality problem of Austria-Hungary. The first public and organized opposition of Slovaks towards !Magyars in the United ,States took place at Cleveland in 1902. The Magyar immigrants of that city were attempting to place in the Public Square a monument dedicated to their revolutionary Magyar leader of 1848, Louis Kossuth. They were hindered by the Slovaks, who publicly revealed Kossuth's totalitarian methods towards Slovaks and other nationalities of Hungary. When, in 1906, the Hungarian government brought Rev. Andrew Hlinka and several other 'Slovak patriots to trial, this action led the immigrants of all convictions in the United States to join forces and to found a united organization called Slovak League of America at the first Slovak Congress assembled in Cleveland, Ohio, on May 26, 1907. According to .its first tenets, the principal aim of the Slovak League was to exert every effort "that S 1 ova k nation would rank among the other nations as an equal among equals'' (7). Its first step was the creation of a national fund to carry on an active struggle for the liberation of Slovaks. Among the League's first successes in this country must be numbered the fact that, during the census of 1910, the following question was aked in the questionnaire: what is your mother tongue? Through this change, passed by the Senate at the proposal of Senator Oliver, the Slovaks as well as the other nationalities of former Hungary could not be separated from the universal concept of "Hungarian", under which they should have been originally classed for belonging to the Hungarian Kingdom (8). At the outbreak of the First World War, the Slovak �36 SLOVAKIA League published a memorandum, which was sent to all members of Congress and to other distinguished political figures in the United States as well as others in the West. This memorandum, in the spirit of American democratic ideals, stressed the desire that: The Slovaks in Hungary should obtain their natural privileges of life, freedom, and pursuit of happiness, which they have been deprived of by the dynasty; that the ,Slovaks be given opportunity to develop their national spirit, their abilities, and the natural resources of their native land; that the Slovaks be guaranteed the realization of their national ideals and efforts, which have been mercilessly trodden by the tyrannical Hungarian Government (9). The memorandum was signed by: all ofificials of the Slovak League; the representatives of twenty-three Slovak newspapers; the representatives of twenty organizations; fifty-two Slovak Catholic priests and forty Slovak Protestant ministers. 'It was published in five languages besides English. The main significance of this memorandum, however, lies in the fact that the 1S lovaks in this country immediately after the outbreak of the war assumed the leadership of the entire Slovak nation. They did it not only because they were free to express the will of the whole nation, but also because the number of their organized ranks exceeded the number of organized Slovaks ever known in their own fatherland. The number of publications represented on the memorandum also exceeded the number edited by the Slovaks in their native country. 4. In Search of a New Ally When the Slovak immigrants in the United States had sent out the afore-mentioned memorandum, they still had not made up their minds clearly concerning the future of their native land. Since they did not intend to form an independent state out of Slovakia, they had to concern themselves with the problem of deciding within what kind of future framework the Slovaks should enjoy those political rights which they sought. All were unanimously agreed that Slovakia must be definitely torn away from Hungary. Several proposed combinations developed. Some favored the Czechs as the ally to be sought. Others favored the Russians. Others favored the Poles, who already had promises from the Allies for the �SLOVAKIA 37 restoration of Poland. Gradually the Czechs came to be selected as the most logical ally to be sought (10). The thinking most prevalent in the minds of the Slovak immigrants in the United States is clearly stated in a letter of the Rev. Matthew Jankola, one of the foremost active participants in these matters. In a letter written in Bridgeport, Conn., on December 15, 1915, he wrote: We shall mean nothing in a monarchy, and absolutely nothing in a great Russia. But we would stand on a footing of equality with the Czechs, a la Austria and Hungary; or as formerly Norway and Sweden; with our own self-government, our own parliament, our own Slovak State language. Can we ever obtain this under Russia, or in In regards to the Czechs, their supremacy can Austria-Hungary? only be temporary; until the time that we rear one generation in our own spirit. I do not consider Czech liberalism so dangerous. Our naI mean common ture and character are different. The S I ova k shall retain their character (11). people - In the meantime, in Europe, profesor Thomas G. Masaryk began a revolutionary movement for the liberation of Czechs and Slovaks in Austria-Hungary. Under his influence the Czech immigrants in the United States also formed a joint organization under the name "Czech National Alliance" , which organization adopted the same program regarding Czechs as the Slovak League had done regarding Slovaks. T. G. Masaryk soon became the recognized head of the movement for the liberation of the Czechs and the alliance of the Slovaks with the Czechs. 5. The Cleveland Agreement Professor T. G. Masaryk from •Paris asked the Czech ational Alliance in America to gain the cooperation of the Slovak League for common Czech and Slovak liberation efforts. Following that request, the secretary of the Czech National Alliance invited the Slovak League of America to a meeting. Along with this invitation the secretary sent a proposed draft of an agreement which was accepted in Cleveland on October 25, 1915, and since that time has been known as the Cleveland Agreement. It contained the following points: 1. Independence of Czech lands and Slovakia. 2. A union of the Czech and Slovak nations in a federative alliance of states with a complete national autonomy for Slovakia, with its own state government, its own cultural freedom and, therefore, �38 SLOVAKIA its own complete use of the Slovak language, its own financial and political government, and with Slovak as the ,State language. 3. Voting power: general, secret, and direct. 4. Form of government: A personal union with a democratic State, the same as in ,England. 5. These points form the basis of the mutual agreement and can be enlarged or expanded only with the approval of both parties. The Czech National Alliance reserves the right of making possible changes, and the Slovak League has the same right (12) . This Cleveland Agreement opened up suppositions for the close cooperation of Czechs and Slovaks and eventually led to the formation of the common political state of the Czecho-<Slovak Republic. In spite of this agreement, however, the Czech side began to show indications of naming all common liberation undertakings as Czech. This instilled in the Slovaks the fear that the Czechs did not wish to accept the Slovaks as equal partners. Many discussions, therefore, ensued with the result that, during these sessions, one of the Slovak representatives clearly pin-pointed the Slovak position with the words: "Yes, we want to tear away from the Magyars and be with the Czechs, but not under the Czechs" ( 13). The above-mentioned Czech tactic prompted many of the Slovaks to lose faith in the Cleveland Agreement and in the Czechs, and prompted them to look for new allies. Such a decision did not take a firm foothold because, in the meantime, important events had occurred in the diplomatic world. President Wilson was re-elected on November 8, 1916. Soon after his re-election (December 21, 1916) he issued a proclamation to the warring nations in which he asked for a statement of their war aims. The Allies answered on January 12, 1917, and, in the conditions which they enumerated, the following sentence was found: "Liberation of the Italians, Slavs, Rumanians, Czecho-Slovaks from foreign government control" (14 ) . T. G. Masaryk explains that the term "Czecho-Slovaks" was written into the Allies' reply after the reply had been completed. "The word Czecho.JSlovaks", he writes, "contained in the proclamation, has its own interesting internal history. There were three suggestions: liberation of the Czechs - the Czech nation - the Czecho-Slovaks. The latter suggestion was accepted at a conference of Dr. Ed- �SLOVAKIA 39 ward Benes (Czech), Milan R. Stefanik (.Slovak), and Stephen Osusky (American Slovak)" (15). Dr. Benes, on the other hand, writes that he conferred with Mr. Osusky and Mr. Sychravy about the matter, since M. iR. Stefanik was then in Russia; and he further states that "Osusky expressed fear that the Allies' reply to President Wilson might name Czechs only, not the Slovaks". - For that reason he insisted on the term "Czecho-Slovaks" (16). 6. The Pittsburgh Pact The Allies' reply concerning the liberation of CzechoSlovakia definitely determined that, after a victoriously ended war, the Slovaks would be thrust into a common political state with the Czechs, which opened up among the Slovaks all sorts of speculations regarding the future of their fatherland. The official pronouncement concerning the Czecho-Slovaks indicated the existence of two separate groups with the formation of a new state. The Slovaks, therefore, had less reasons to fear that the Czechs would deprive them of their national individuality. T. G. Masaryk, who came to the United States near the end of the war, in April of 1'918, helped in no way to dispel this fear. He was looked upon as the person who could settle most of the small differences, suspicions, and discrepancies that had arisen. Delivering his first speech May 5, 191'8, in Chicago, Ill., he repeatedly mentioned the Czech lands, the Czech army, the Czech fight, the Czech future, etc., but not once did he mention Slovakia and completely ignored Slovak participation in the struggle. His speech was a big disappointment to the Slovaks and ,g ave rise to new doubts about Czech sincerity. On May 30, 1918, T. G. Masaryk came to 'Pittsburgh. Once again he spoke, but this time he changed face and stated proudly that he was of Slovak descent. He also said that Slovaks and Czechs were united and that the differences which arose were artificially produced through German and Magyar influences. He declared that there would be a free Bohemia and a free Slovakia, that political control, education, courts of justice, and all else in Slovakia would be_ Slovak, and in Bohemia, Czech. Each n a t i o n, therefore, would be master in its own home. �SLOVAKIA 40 The huge gathering received Masaryk's address with tremendous acclaim. All Slovaks were overjoyed, for these were just the things they had been wishing for (17). That same evening Masaryk held a conference with the representatives of the Slovaks in the Moose Temple and on the following day, May 31st, drafted a new agreement establishing the relations between Czechs and Slovaks in the new state. Besides him this agreement was signed by eleven Czechs and seventeen ,Slovak representatives and contained the following: The Czecho-Slovak Pact agreed upon in Pittsburgh , Pa., on May 30th, 1918. Representatives of the Slovak and Czech or anlzations the Slovak League, the Czech National Alliin the United States discussed the Czechoance, and the Alliance of Czech Catholics Slovak question in the presence of the chairman of the Czecho-Slovak National Council, 1Prof. Masaryk, and the program declaration made up to this time, and resolved the following: We approve the political program which endeavors to unite the Czechs and Slovaks in an independent state of the Czech lands and Slovakia. Slovakia shall have its own administration, its own parliament, and its own courts. The Slovak language shall be the official language in the schools, in offices, and in public life in general. The Czecho-Slovak State shall be a republic, its constitution shall be democratic. The organization of the cooperation of the Czechs and Slovaks in the USA shall be intensified and arranged with mutual understanding as necessity and the changing conditions shall require. The detailed regulations for the establishment of the Czecho-Slovak State are being left to the liberated Czechs and Slovaks and their legal representatives. ( 18). Saturated with the ideals of American democracy, Slovak immigrants in this country endeavored in the Pittsburgh 'P act to assure for their fatherland such rights as they enjoyed here. They labored thus in full knowledge of their leading position, which they held as regards their enslaved fatherland. They were the only free and organized portion of the Slovak nation, and Slovaks at home, as far as they were able under existing circumstances, not only accepted them as the framers of their political future, but also placed in them their only hope of liberation from Magyar enslavement. The greatest weakness of the Pittsburgh Pact as regards any decisions in Slovakia showed itself to be the final 1 �SLOVAKIA 41 point which stated that "the detailed arrangements and regulations in the Czecho-Slovak State are being left to the liberated Czechs and Slovaks and their legal representatives". Without having any knowledge of the action of the Slovak League in the United States, the newly created Slovak Council in Slovakia - formed as a result of the war's end - met in Turciansky Svaty Martin on October 30, 1918, two days after the iPrague Proclamation of an independent Czecho.JSlovak Republic. Here a declaration was brought out in which, altough the Council requested the right of self-expression for Slovaks according to the demands of President Wilson on October 18, 1918, it nevertheless announced that "the Slovak nation is both a linguistic and culturo-historical component of the joint CzechoSlovak nation" (19). Amidst the enthusiastic atmosphere, the small group of those who stood for complete union of Czechs and Slovaks were free to draw up the declaration in such a way that it would best fit their objectives. By emphasizing that "the 1Slovak nation is both a linguistic and a culturo-historical component of the joint Czecho-Slovak nation" the Martin Declaration - as it came to be known since - was considered to be the denial of the distinct Slovak individuality about which the Slovak representatives were most concerned when they entered into the Cleveland and ·Pittsburgh agreements with the Czechs. The freedom exercised by the promoters of the union with the Czechs in drawing up the declaration in Turciansky Sv. Martin is also apparent from the fact that one of them, Dr. Milan Hodza, who was entrusted with the task of publishing the document, left out several points arbitrarily. One of the omitted points was the request that the Slovaks be represented at the peace conference. This Martin Declaration - no matter how doubtfull its worth - was, however, considered a free expression of the will of the liberated Slovaks by Prague, and, consequently, the Pittsburgh Pact was declared void. T. G. Masaryk went so far that, in his reply of October 12, 1929, to the Rev. Andrew Hlinka, leader of the Slovak People's Party, he wrote of this Pact: �42 SLOVAKIA But the main thing is that the document that verbal agreement is forged, is a falsum, because at the time when the American Slovaks wanted that verbal agreement, the League did not exist legally, it was not recognized by the State until 1919. For that reason a serious politician, a statesman, cannot and must not operate with a paper. Falsification cannot become an act of State .•• (20). From its very beginning, therefore, Czecho-Slovakia was organized as a centralistic Czech state, in which Slovakia was more in the position of a colony than as an equal partner. The Czechs, on the other hand, tactfully utilized the already-mentioned conflicts .w ithin the Slovak camp. For the majority of inhabitants, the incorporation of Slovakia into the Czecho-Slovak Republic was such an unexpected surprise that a certain development was necessary before the complete range of the new political situation actually came forth. To make matter worse, a split occurred even among the active members of the Slovak League. One part, under the impact of alarming news from their liberated native country, was convinced that the carrying out of the Pittsbwgh Pact would be a misfortune for Slovakia and, therefore, did not insist, as was expected, upon its incorporation into the constitution of the new state. The other part, even though comprising an insignificant number of opportunists, was won over to the idea of centralism by being rewarded with well-paid offices within the administration of the new state. The Pittsburgh Pact was, therefore, excluded with comparative ease from all discussions during the formation of 'Slovak and Czech relations in the new Czecho-Slovakia. Even though this pact failed to fulfill its primary function, it gave to 'Slovak autonomists an effective weapon to accuse the Czechs of insincerity and faithlessness. With the creation of Czecho-Slovakia, there was an obvious tendency, according to the Czech writer Vaclav Peroutka, to exclude "Catholics from public offices and the enjoyment of honor" (21). And it was under such circumstances that in May, 1919, a year after its signing, the Pittsburgh ·P act came into the hands of the Rev. Andrew Hlinka, the leader of the Slovak Catholics. He did not hesitate to make out of it the Magna Charta of the movement for autonomy. It gave his autonomist movement a clear program and offered effect- �SLOVAKIA 43 ive propaganda material to depict Czech faithlessness. It is quite obvious that the denial of the Pittsburgh Pact occasioned much greater harm to the survival of Czecho-Slovakia than it would have done at the beginning when the newly liberated, still politically immature Slovakia was consolidating its forces. Even though the Slovak immigrant failed to achieve his original goal through this pact, he nevertheless created in his native country an irresistable desire to attain it. The Pittsburgh Pact sounded the tocsin to battle, the outcome of which was to be a clearer and more accurate definition of national rights. The present situation shows that the Slovak immigrant in the United States has almost lost his distinguishing marks in the new American society. Whereas, in the history of Slovakia, he still remains one of the most distinguished actors in defining its national character and in determining its political ambitions. If the "American democratic crusading spirit" sank deep into the life of a nation by means of an immigrant, it perhaps did so mostly in the case of Slovakia in connection with the iPittsburgh Pact. 7. The Present Political Emigrants The afore-mentioned Slovak emigrants, who left Slovakia mostly from social motives, were joined in recent years by a small though in its actions a very alert group of people, who left Slovakia and came to the West from clearly political motives. They departed in two waves. The first represented the functionaries of the independent Slovak Republic who, after the downfall of Slovakia in 1945, sought asylum in the West to escape the vengeance of the so-called "people's courts" . They were joined three years later (1948) by a further wave of political exiles who fled when Communists took complete control of the Czecho-Slovak government. The latter group comprised functionaries of non-Communist parties of the Czecho-Slovakia, in other words, people who were not in accord with the Communist "People's Democracy". In both instances we actually behold the first mass, political, Slovak emigration which, from the viewpoint of Slovak nationalism, signifies that political activity is its �44 SLOVAKIA very pulsating vocation. Its aim is the return homeward of all exiles and, therefore, a change in the political situation which forced the Slovaks to leave their native land. Slovak emigrants are bearing influence in two ways: they are endeavoring to gain the favor of Western Democracies in their efforts to overthrow the Communist dictatorship; and they are displaying the ability to organize underground movements to bring about a change, perhaps through internal revolution. One could probably surmise that the group who left Slovakia immediately after Second War will seek the revival of an independent Slovakia as a continuation of the Slovak Republic, whereas the other group will simply join those forces that work for the restoration of a democratic CzechoSlovakia. But the time-interval between these two waves of emigrants is not an accurate divisor of their political affiliation. It is true, however, that the Slovaks are divided into two camps: the Slovak and Czecho ..Slovak camp. The former aims for an i n d e p e n d e n t Slovakia without the Czecho-Slovak framework; the latter aims for a Slovakia within the Czecho-Slovak framework. Numerically, however, those who desire an independent Slovakia constitute the overwhelming majority. They include not only former functionaries of the 1Slovak Republic but also at least 90% of all those who left Czecho-Slovakia after the Communist coup of 194'8. As an o r g a n i z e d force, both camps act through three organs: the National Council of Free Czechoslovakia; the Slovak National Council Abroad; and the Slovak Liberation Committee. The aim of the National Council of Free Czechoslovakia is the destruction of present Communist dictatorship and the restoration of democracy in the spirit of T. G. Masaryk and Dr. E. Benes (anti-Catholic). CzechoJSlovakia involves, however, the solution of two problems: 1. the problem of some three and one-half million displaced Sudeten Germans whose desire to return to their homeland is being actively supported by the newly-risen West Germany; 2. what position is Slovakia to have in the new demecratic CzechoSlovakia. It is a known fact that the greater majority of Slovaks 1 �SLOVAKIA 45, at home are more than ever before opposed to any idea or form of a Czecho-Slovakia. Informed people know that Slovakia can be maintained within the framework of CzechoSlovakia only by force and violence. The other two organs, the Slovak National Council Abroad and the Slovak Liberation Committee, are striving for the creation of an independent Slovakia. Their difference lies not so much in their aim as in their methods. Even though the Slovak National Council Abroad avers that the Slovak Republic which existed during the Second World War was formed in accord with the principles of international law as the free manifestation of the people, it nevertheless does not insist upon her legal continuity. lt is a great promoter of the federative solution of Central Europe in which it seeks for Slovakia the same position that other national groups will have. It is the political organ of the greater number of the 1Slovak exiles of 1945 and 1948. Furthermore, its program has been endorsed by the two largest organizations of older emigrants, namely, the Slovak League of America and the Canadian Slovak League. The Slovak Liberation Committee is the political organ of a radical portion of the Slovak exiles. It strives for an independent Slovakia on the basis of a legal continuity of the former Slovak Republic. It is distinguished by a special activity which manifests itself principally in many memorandums sent to the United Nations Organization as well as to the other r esponsible political circles in the West. Because of this across-the-border activity as well as other efforts to organize underground movements in Slovakia, which is dominated by Czech Communists, the ·Slovak Liberation Committee is looked upon in Czecho-Slovakia as the principal enemy of the government of the People's Democracy. It seems to be quite popular with the dissatisfied and change-hungry inhabitants at home. 1 It is hard to foretell whether any of these organs will succeed in achieving any of their objectives at the present time. It is highly improbable that any of them will succeed in organizing an active underground movement, which would be in a position to bring about a change in the present po- �46 SLOVAKIA litical situation with the aid of an internal revolution. The hope for a change depends only upon a new war, and then upon the measure in which respective efforts will be in accord with the interests of victorious powers. 1. ,M. Darras: "Onze ans de vie independente en Slovaque", LeMonde slave, (rnai-juin, 1930), 177. 2. Joseph A. Mikus: La Slovaque dans le Drame de l'Europe, Paris, 1'955, p. 57. 3. ·W illiam ,Diamond : Czechoslovakia Between East and West, London, 1947, p. 172. 4. Pravda, Bratislava, May 29, 1949. 15. ,Karol Sidor: Slovaci v zahranicnom odboji, Bratislava, 1929, p. 1'6. 6. Bulletin of the Slovak National Council Abroad, Middletown, Pa., August, 1956, p. 3. 7. Sidor: loc. cit., p. 32. 8. Karol Sidor: Slovaci v zahranicnom odboji, Bratislava, 1929, p. 33. 9. The Slovaks and the Pittsburgh ,Pact, Chicago, Tylka Bros. Press, 1Inc., 1934, p. 10. 10. I bid., p. 13. 11. Ibid., p. 13. 12. Ibid., p. 16. 13. Ibid., p. 18. 14. Ibid., p. 19. 15. T. G. Masaryk : La resurection d' un Etat ('Souvenir et reflection 1914-1918), Paris, 1930, p . 256. 16. nr .. Eduard Benes: My War Memoirs, London, 1928, p. 157. 17. The Slovaks and The Pittsburgh Pact, Joe. cit., p . 24. 18. Ibid., p. 27. 19. Dr. Frantisek Bokes : Dejiny Sloven ska a Slovakov, Bratislava, 1946, p. 363. 20. To this an authority on American law on April 23, 1930, when asked a bout the legality of the Slovak League had to say: "I understand the organization in question having a C onstitution, by-laws, officers, etc., though not chartered by the State. For the purpose of taking the action which -w as taken, such an organization would have all the n ecessary power as fully as if had been chartered. The agreement entered into by the unchartered organization refered to would be just as effectiv-e as if entered into with a chartered organization and just as valid if closed on ,Memorial Day as on any other day". (The Slovaks and The Pittsburgh Pact, loc. cit., p. 36-39). 21. Vaclav Peroutka : Budovani statu, Prague, 1933-1935, I , p. 352 . • • • RECOMMENDED BOOKS: THE SLOVAKS - their history and traditions - by Peter P. Yurchak; 312 pages, hard cover, bound In cloth - $3.00; paper cover - $2.00. SKETCHES FROM SLOVAK HISTORY by Joseph Skultety; 229 pages, well documented; hard cover, bound in cloth - $2.00; paper cover - $1.00. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1959, Vol. 9 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 4 [sic] (No. 29), March 1959.</li> <li>Issue 5 [sic] (No. 30), June-December 1959.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1959 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 32 SLOVAKIA Bratislava streets rang out with song for quite a time. We embraced each other and danced. Then we marched, or rather should ,J say, danced all the way to Svoradov. The fraternity was another joyous scene. I still remember vividly how we embraced Colman Murgas in the refectory, his eyes streaming with tears. I was so excited that 1 could hardly eat. Like so many others, l had lost my appetite for food. Like them, I was satiated with joy. The Slovaks proclaimed their country an independent Republic on March 14, 1939. • • • SLOVAK NATIONALISM: THE ROLE OF EMIGRANTS IN SLOVAK NATIONALISM B. S. BUC, Ph.D. 1. The Nation of Emigrants Slovak nationalism cannot be considered as the outgrowth of the Central European soil and the pure product of political forces of that sector. It was steadily developing under many outside influences which penetrated that sector either in the form of new ideas or in the form of outside political and economic interests. Moreover, in the period of the greatest oppression, the real shaping of the Slovak national will for survival was occuring outside Slovakia, among emigrants. About one third of the present Slovak population lives outside Slovakia as emigrants in various sectors of the world. That makes Slovaks truly a nation of emigrants. They were forced to emigrate either for economic or political reasons. Slovakia is a mountainous country with forests covering 40 % of the land. Moreover, prior to 1918, a substantial part of Slovak land was owned by the Magyar or foreign aristocracy, so that Slovaks had little opportunity to make living from agriculture. Temporary or permanent emigration became, therefore the only solution to the economic problem for many children of Slovak farmers. When they SLOVAKIA 33 reached free soil, especially the United 1S tates of America, they proved themselves to be the greatest promoters of Slovak nationalism, not only among themselves but also in their native country. They conveyed ideas of democracy and freedom to their homeland and influenced the outside world to help their compatriots at home in their struggle for survival in Hungary. In 1918, when Slovakia became a part of Czecho-Slovakia, emigration did not cease. It is true, however, that in the first years of the new Republic, Czecho-,Slovakia inaugurated a drastic agrarian reform, wherein almost all of the soil belonging to the aristocracy was apportioned among new owners. Nevertheless, these reforms failed to ameliorate the original situation, because they aimed at rewarding political careerists rather than at bettering the social position of the inhabitants. According to a French observer : "many of the good lands, instead of being apportioned among the peasants, were used to constitute a new agrarian bourgeoisie, under the name of 'surplus estates' " (1). These estates served to favor the political aims of the Czech agrarian party, who used them either to establish Czechs in Southern Slovakia, or to reward Slovaks who were inclined to apply cen• tralist politics to the government of Slovakia. This gave rise to a privileged class, the "surplussers" who resembled very much the ancient landlords of the Hungarian feudal system. While the latter received their lands as a recompense for their services in the army, the former received them for their services in politics (2). Under Czecho-Slovakia, however, Slovak industry fared even worse. The Czechs were chiefly concerned with industrial expansion within their own domains and, therefore, not only contributed nothing to the expansion of former Slovak industries, but adversely put down many existing undertakings in an evident attempt to keep Slovakia agrarian. According to William iDiamond: "During the period from 1934 to 1937, 91.5% of all factory manufacturing in the state occured in Czech lands" ( 3). According to information presented in May of 1949 to the XIX Congress of the Communist !Party in Prague by William Siroky, who at that time was Chairman of the Communist Party in Slovakia, 92,000 workers were engaged in Slovak industries and trades in 191i3. This figure 34 SLOVAKIA comprised about 17 % of the total population. After the unification of Czechs and Slovaks, the progressive tendency in industry since the First World War was completely halted. In 1'927, no more than 80,000 workers were engaged in industry in Slovakia. Within ten more years, during which industry showed great and rapid progress in Czech lands the increase in the number of workers in Slovakia was negligible, with the result that in 1937 they numbered 104,91'5 ( 4). Because of this unhealthy economic situation in Slovakia, almost one-third of the entire S 1 o v a k population sought relief through emigration. The majority emigrated to the United States between 1'873 and 1918. When the United States placed a limit on immigration in 1918, however, the Slovaks emigrated to Canada, South America, Australia, France, and Belgium. This emigration actually became the only liberty-holding portion of Slovaks and, therefore, chiefly before 1918, an almost exclusive representative of Slovak national endeavors. 2. Slovak Immigrants in the United States The leading position in these endeavors was held by Slovak immigrants in the United States. In 1910 Slovaks in this country numbered 281,707; by 1920 the number had increased to 619,866. According to a private appraisal, however, the number should be at least 200,000 more, for about that number of people of Slovak descent may have registered as Austro-iHungarians. Slovaks are represented mostly in the state of Pennsylvania, where in 1920 they numbered 296,219. The remainder are scattered mainly through nine states: Ohio, New York, New Jersey, Illinois, Connecticut, Michigan, Wisconsin, and Indiana ( 5) . On United States soil, the Slovaks developed a very living, organized activity chiefly in the field of fraternalism. At the present time there exist eleven such ·Slovak fraternal organizations with a membership of more than 400,000 and with assets totaling 88½ million d0llars (6). They established besides an extensive Slovak press, which had a great significance for Slovak nationalism in that it was really the only national press during the time of fierce SLOVAKIA 35 magyarization at the close of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth century. 3. Shaping of the National Will Every coercive measure of the Hungarian government encountered great opposition in the Slovak press of the United States. On the soil of this country Slovak and Magyars waged an obstinate battle, with the result that the Western World became acquainted with the name "Slovak" and with the nationality problem of Austria-Hungary. The first public and organized opposition of Slovaks towards !Magyars in the United ,States took place at Cleveland in 1902. The Magyar immigrants of that city were attempting to place in the Public Square a monument dedicated to their revolutionary Magyar leader of 1848, Louis Kossuth. They were hindered by the Slovaks, who publicly revealed Kossuth's totalitarian methods towards Slovaks and other nationalities of Hungary. When, in 1906, the Hungarian government brought Rev. Andrew Hlinka and several other 'Slovak patriots to trial, this action led the immigrants of all convictions in the United States to join forces and to found a united organization called Slovak League of America at the first Slovak Congress assembled in Cleveland, Ohio, on May 26, 1907. According to .its first tenets, the principal aim of the Slovak League was to exert every effort "that S 1 ova k nation would rank among the other nations as an equal among equals'' (7). Its first step was the creation of a national fund to carry on an active struggle for the liberation of Slovaks. Among the League's first successes in this country must be numbered the fact that, during the census of 1910, the following question was aked in the questionnaire: what is your mother tongue? Through this change, passed by the Senate at the proposal of Senator Oliver, the Slovaks as well as the other nationalities of former Hungary could not be separated from the universal concept of "Hungarian", under which they should have been originally classed for belonging to the Hungarian Kingdom (8). At the outbreak of the First World War, the Slovak 36 SLOVAKIA League published a memorandum, which was sent to all members of Congress and to other distinguished political figures in the United States as well as others in the West. This memorandum, in the spirit of American democratic ideals, stressed the desire that: The Slovaks in Hungary should obtain their natural privileges of life, freedom, and pursuit of happiness, which they have been deprived of by the dynasty; that the ,Slovaks be given opportunity to develop their national spirit, their abilities, and the natural resources of their native land; that the Slovaks be guaranteed the realization of their national ideals and efforts, which have been mercilessly trodden by the tyrannical Hungarian Government (9). The memorandum was signed by: all ofificials of the Slovak League; the representatives of twenty-three Slovak newspapers; the representatives of twenty organizations; fifty-two Slovak Catholic priests and forty Slovak Protestant ministers. 'It was published in five languages besides English. The main significance of this memorandum, however, lies in the fact that the 1S lovaks in this country immediately after the outbreak of the war assumed the leadership of the entire Slovak nation. They did it not only because they were free to express the will of the whole nation, but also because the number of their organized ranks exceeded the number of organized Slovaks ever known in their own fatherland. The number of publications represented on the memorandum also exceeded the number edited by the Slovaks in their native country. 4. In Search of a New Ally When the Slovak immigrants in the United States had sent out the afore-mentioned memorandum, they still had not made up their minds clearly concerning the future of their native land. Since they did not intend to form an independent state out of Slovakia, they had to concern themselves with the problem of deciding within what kind of future framework the Slovaks should enjoy those political rights which they sought. All were unanimously agreed that Slovakia must be definitely torn away from Hungary. Several proposed combinations developed. Some favored the Czechs as the ally to be sought. Others favored the Russians. Others favored the Poles, who already had promises from the Allies for the SLOVAKIA 37 restoration of Poland. Gradually the Czechs came to be selected as the most logical ally to be sought (10). The thinking most prevalent in the minds of the Slovak immigrants in the United States is clearly stated in a letter of the Rev. Matthew Jankola, one of the foremost active participants in these matters. In a letter written in Bridgeport, Conn., on December 15, 1915, he wrote: We shall mean nothing in a monarchy, and absolutely nothing in a great Russia. But we would stand on a footing of equality with the Czechs, a la Austria and Hungary; or as formerly Norway and Sweden; with our own self-government, our own parliament, our own Slovak State language. Can we ever obtain this under Russia, or in In regards to the Czechs, their supremacy can Austria-Hungary? only be temporary; until the time that we rear one generation in our own spirit. I do not consider Czech liberalism so dangerous. Our naI mean common ture and character are different. The S I ova k shall retain their character (11). people - In the meantime, in Europe, profesor Thomas G. Masaryk began a revolutionary movement for the liberation of Czechs and Slovaks in Austria-Hungary. Under his influence the Czech immigrants in the United States also formed a joint organization under the name "Czech National Alliance" , which organization adopted the same program regarding Czechs as the Slovak League had done regarding Slovaks. T. G. Masaryk soon became the recognized head of the movement for the liberation of the Czechs and the alliance of the Slovaks with the Czechs. 5. The Cleveland Agreement Professor T. G. Masaryk from •Paris asked the Czech ational Alliance in America to gain the cooperation of the Slovak League for common Czech and Slovak liberation efforts. Following that request, the secretary of the Czech National Alliance invited the Slovak League of America to a meeting. Along with this invitation the secretary sent a proposed draft of an agreement which was accepted in Cleveland on October 25, 1915, and since that time has been known as the Cleveland Agreement. It contained the following points: 1. Independence of Czech lands and Slovakia. 2. A union of the Czech and Slovak nations in a federative alliance of states with a complete national autonomy for Slovakia, with its own state government, its own cultural freedom and, therefore, 38 SLOVAKIA its own complete use of the Slovak language, its own financial and political government, and with Slovak as the ,State language. 3. Voting power: general, secret, and direct. 4. Form of government: A personal union with a democratic State, the same as in ,England. 5. These points form the basis of the mutual agreement and can be enlarged or expanded only with the approval of both parties. The Czech National Alliance reserves the right of making possible changes, and the Slovak League has the same right (12) . This Cleveland Agreement opened up suppositions for the close cooperation of Czechs and Slovaks and eventually led to the formation of the common political state of the Czecho-<Slovak Republic. In spite of this agreement, however, the Czech side began to show indications of naming all common liberation undertakings as Czech. This instilled in the Slovaks the fear that the Czechs did not wish to accept the Slovaks as equal partners. Many discussions, therefore, ensued with the result that, during these sessions, one of the Slovak representatives clearly pin-pointed the Slovak position with the words: "Yes, we want to tear away from the Magyars and be with the Czechs, but not under the Czechs" ( 13). The above-mentioned Czech tactic prompted many of the Slovaks to lose faith in the Cleveland Agreement and in the Czechs, and prompted them to look for new allies. Such a decision did not take a firm foothold because, in the meantime, important events had occurred in the diplomatic world. President Wilson was re-elected on November 8, 1916. Soon after his re-election (December 21, 1916) he issued a proclamation to the warring nations in which he asked for a statement of their war aims. The Allies answered on January 12, 1917, and, in the conditions which they enumerated, the following sentence was found: "Liberation of the Italians, Slavs, Rumanians, Czecho-Slovaks from foreign government control" (14 ) . T. G. Masaryk explains that the term "Czecho-Slovaks" was written into the Allies' reply after the reply had been completed. "The word Czecho.JSlovaks", he writes, "contained in the proclamation, has its own interesting internal history. There were three suggestions: liberation of the Czechs - the Czech nation - the Czecho-Slovaks. The latter suggestion was accepted at a conference of Dr. Ed- SLOVAKIA 39 ward Benes (Czech), Milan R. Stefanik (.Slovak), and Stephen Osusky (American Slovak)" (15). Dr. Benes, on the other hand, writes that he conferred with Mr. Osusky and Mr. Sychravy about the matter, since M. iR. Stefanik was then in Russia; and he further states that "Osusky expressed fear that the Allies' reply to President Wilson might name Czechs only, not the Slovaks". - For that reason he insisted on the term "Czecho-Slovaks" (16). 6. The Pittsburgh Pact The Allies' reply concerning the liberation of CzechoSlovakia definitely determined that, after a victoriously ended war, the Slovaks would be thrust into a common political state with the Czechs, which opened up among the Slovaks all sorts of speculations regarding the future of their fatherland. The official pronouncement concerning the Czecho-Slovaks indicated the existence of two separate groups with the formation of a new state. The Slovaks, therefore, had less reasons to fear that the Czechs would deprive them of their national individuality. T. G. Masaryk, who came to the United States near the end of the war, in April of 1'918, helped in no way to dispel this fear. He was looked upon as the person who could settle most of the small differences, suspicions, and discrepancies that had arisen. Delivering his first speech May 5, 191'8, in Chicago, Ill., he repeatedly mentioned the Czech lands, the Czech army, the Czech fight, the Czech future, etc., but not once did he mention Slovakia and completely ignored Slovak participation in the struggle. His speech was a big disappointment to the Slovaks and ,g ave rise to new doubts about Czech sincerity. On May 30, 1918, T. G. Masaryk came to 'Pittsburgh. Once again he spoke, but this time he changed face and stated proudly that he was of Slovak descent. He also said that Slovaks and Czechs were united and that the differences which arose were artificially produced through German and Magyar influences. He declared that there would be a free Bohemia and a free Slovakia, that political control, education, courts of justice, and all else in Slovakia would be_ Slovak, and in Bohemia, Czech. Each n a t i o n, therefore, would be master in its own home. SLOVAKIA 40 The huge gathering received Masaryk's address with tremendous acclaim. All Slovaks were overjoyed, for these were just the things they had been wishing for (17). That same evening Masaryk held a conference with the representatives of the Slovaks in the Moose Temple and on the following day, May 31st, drafted a new agreement establishing the relations between Czechs and Slovaks in the new state. Besides him this agreement was signed by eleven Czechs and seventeen ,Slovak representatives and contained the following: The Czecho-Slovak Pact agreed upon in Pittsburgh , Pa., on May 30th, 1918. Representatives of the Slovak and Czech or anlzations the Slovak League, the Czech National Alliin the United States discussed the Czechoance, and the Alliance of Czech Catholics Slovak question in the presence of the chairman of the Czecho-Slovak National Council, 1Prof. Masaryk, and the program declaration made up to this time, and resolved the following: We approve the political program which endeavors to unite the Czechs and Slovaks in an independent state of the Czech lands and Slovakia. Slovakia shall have its own administration, its own parliament, and its own courts. The Slovak language shall be the official language in the schools, in offices, and in public life in general. The Czecho-Slovak State shall be a republic, its constitution shall be democratic. The organization of the cooperation of the Czechs and Slovaks in the USA shall be intensified and arranged with mutual understanding as necessity and the changing conditions shall require. The detailed regulations for the establishment of the Czecho-Slovak State are being left to the liberated Czechs and Slovaks and their legal representatives. ( 18). Saturated with the ideals of American democracy, Slovak immigrants in this country endeavored in the Pittsburgh 'P act to assure for their fatherland such rights as they enjoyed here. They labored thus in full knowledge of their leading position, which they held as regards their enslaved fatherland. They were the only free and organized portion of the Slovak nation, and Slovaks at home, as far as they were able under existing circumstances, not only accepted them as the framers of their political future, but also placed in them their only hope of liberation from Magyar enslavement. The greatest weakness of the Pittsburgh Pact as regards any decisions in Slovakia showed itself to be the final 1 SLOVAKIA 41 point which stated that "the detailed arrangements and regulations in the Czecho-Slovak State are being left to the liberated Czechs and Slovaks and their legal representatives". Without having any knowledge of the action of the Slovak League in the United States, the newly created Slovak Council in Slovakia - formed as a result of the war's end - met in Turciansky Svaty Martin on October 30, 1918, two days after the iPrague Proclamation of an independent Czecho.JSlovak Republic. Here a declaration was brought out in which, altough the Council requested the right of self-expression for Slovaks according to the demands of President Wilson on October 18, 1918, it nevertheless announced that "the Slovak nation is both a linguistic and culturo-historical component of the joint CzechoSlovak nation" (19). Amidst the enthusiastic atmosphere, the small group of those who stood for complete union of Czechs and Slovaks were free to draw up the declaration in such a way that it would best fit their objectives. By emphasizing that "the 1Slovak nation is both a linguistic and a culturo-historical component of the joint Czecho-Slovak nation" the Martin Declaration - as it came to be known since - was considered to be the denial of the distinct Slovak individuality about which the Slovak representatives were most concerned when they entered into the Cleveland and ·Pittsburgh agreements with the Czechs. The freedom exercised by the promoters of the union with the Czechs in drawing up the declaration in Turciansky Sv. Martin is also apparent from the fact that one of them, Dr. Milan Hodza, who was entrusted with the task of publishing the document, left out several points arbitrarily. One of the omitted points was the request that the Slovaks be represented at the peace conference. This Martin Declaration - no matter how doubtfull its worth - was, however, considered a free expression of the will of the liberated Slovaks by Prague, and, consequently, the Pittsburgh Pact was declared void. T. G. Masaryk went so far that, in his reply of October 12, 1929, to the Rev. Andrew Hlinka, leader of the Slovak People's Party, he wrote of this Pact: 42 SLOVAKIA But the main thing is that the document that verbal agreement is forged, is a falsum, because at the time when the American Slovaks wanted that verbal agreement, the League did not exist legally, it was not recognized by the State until 1919. For that reason a serious politician, a statesman, cannot and must not operate with a paper. Falsification cannot become an act of State .•• (20). From its very beginning, therefore, Czecho-Slovakia was organized as a centralistic Czech state, in which Slovakia was more in the position of a colony than as an equal partner. The Czechs, on the other hand, tactfully utilized the already-mentioned conflicts .w ithin the Slovak camp. For the majority of inhabitants, the incorporation of Slovakia into the Czecho-Slovak Republic was such an unexpected surprise that a certain development was necessary before the complete range of the new political situation actually came forth. To make matter worse, a split occurred even among the active members of the Slovak League. One part, under the impact of alarming news from their liberated native country, was convinced that the carrying out of the Pittsbwgh Pact would be a misfortune for Slovakia and, therefore, did not insist, as was expected, upon its incorporation into the constitution of the new state. The other part, even though comprising an insignificant number of opportunists, was won over to the idea of centralism by being rewarded with well-paid offices within the administration of the new state. The Pittsburgh Pact was, therefore, excluded with comparative ease from all discussions during the formation of 'Slovak and Czech relations in the new Czecho-Slovakia. Even though this pact failed to fulfill its primary function, it gave to 'Slovak autonomists an effective weapon to accuse the Czechs of insincerity and faithlessness. With the creation of Czecho-Slovakia, there was an obvious tendency, according to the Czech writer Vaclav Peroutka, to exclude "Catholics from public offices and the enjoyment of honor" (21). And it was under such circumstances that in May, 1919, a year after its signing, the Pittsburgh ·P act came into the hands of the Rev. Andrew Hlinka, the leader of the Slovak Catholics. He did not hesitate to make out of it the Magna Charta of the movement for autonomy. It gave his autonomist movement a clear program and offered effect- SLOVAKIA 43 ive propaganda material to depict Czech faithlessness. It is quite obvious that the denial of the Pittsburgh Pact occasioned much greater harm to the survival of Czecho-Slovakia than it would have done at the beginning when the newly liberated, still politically immature Slovakia was consolidating its forces. Even though the Slovak immigrant failed to achieve his original goal through this pact, he nevertheless created in his native country an irresistable desire to attain it. The Pittsburgh Pact sounded the tocsin to battle, the outcome of which was to be a clearer and more accurate definition of national rights. The present situation shows that the Slovak immigrant in the United States has almost lost his distinguishing marks in the new American society. Whereas, in the history of Slovakia, he still remains one of the most distinguished actors in defining its national character and in determining its political ambitions. If the "American democratic crusading spirit" sank deep into the life of a nation by means of an immigrant, it perhaps did so mostly in the case of Slovakia in connection with the iPittsburgh Pact. 7. The Present Political Emigrants The afore-mentioned Slovak emigrants, who left Slovakia mostly from social motives, were joined in recent years by a small though in its actions a very alert group of people, who left Slovakia and came to the West from clearly political motives. They departed in two waves. The first represented the functionaries of the independent Slovak Republic who, after the downfall of Slovakia in 1945, sought asylum in the West to escape the vengeance of the so-called "people's courts" . They were joined three years later (1948) by a further wave of political exiles who fled when Communists took complete control of the Czecho-Slovak government. The latter group comprised functionaries of non-Communist parties of the Czecho-Slovakia, in other words, people who were not in accord with the Communist "People's Democracy". In both instances we actually behold the first mass, political, Slovak emigration which, from the viewpoint of Slovak nationalism, signifies that political activity is its 44 SLOVAKIA very pulsating vocation. Its aim is the return homeward of all exiles and, therefore, a change in the political situation which forced the Slovaks to leave their native land. Slovak emigrants are bearing influence in two ways: they are endeavoring to gain the favor of Western Democracies in their efforts to overthrow the Communist dictatorship; and they are displaying the ability to organize underground movements to bring about a change, perhaps through internal revolution. One could probably surmise that the group who left Slovakia immediately after Second War will seek the revival of an independent Slovakia as a continuation of the Slovak Republic, whereas the other group will simply join those forces that work for the restoration of a democratic CzechoSlovakia. But the time-interval between these two waves of emigrants is not an accurate divisor of their political affiliation. It is true, however, that the Slovaks are divided into two camps: the Slovak and Czecho ..Slovak camp. The former aims for an i n d e p e n d e n t Slovakia without the Czecho-Slovak framework; the latter aims for a Slovakia within the Czecho-Slovak framework. Numerically, however, those who desire an independent Slovakia constitute the overwhelming majority. They include not only former functionaries of the 1Slovak Republic but also at least 90% of all those who left Czecho-Slovakia after the Communist coup of 194'8. As an o r g a n i z e d force, both camps act through three organs: the National Council of Free Czechoslovakia; the Slovak National Council Abroad; and the Slovak Liberation Committee. The aim of the National Council of Free Czechoslovakia is the destruction of present Communist dictatorship and the restoration of democracy in the spirit of T. G. Masaryk and Dr. E. Benes (anti-Catholic). CzechoJSlovakia involves, however, the solution of two problems: 1. the problem of some three and one-half million displaced Sudeten Germans whose desire to return to their homeland is being actively supported by the newly-risen West Germany; 2. what position is Slovakia to have in the new demecratic CzechoSlovakia. It is a known fact that the greater majority of Slovaks 1 SLOVAKIA 45, at home are more than ever before opposed to any idea or form of a Czecho-Slovakia. Informed people know that Slovakia can be maintained within the framework of CzechoSlovakia only by force and violence. The other two organs, the Slovak National Council Abroad and the Slovak Liberation Committee, are striving for the creation of an independent Slovakia. Their difference lies not so much in their aim as in their methods. Even though the Slovak National Council Abroad avers that the Slovak Republic which existed during the Second World War was formed in accord with the principles of international law as the free manifestation of the people, it nevertheless does not insist upon her legal continuity. lt is a great promoter of the federative solution of Central Europe in which it seeks for Slovakia the same position that other national groups will have. It is the political organ of the greater number of the 1Slovak exiles of 1945 and 1948. Furthermore, its program has been endorsed by the two largest organizations of older emigrants, namely, the Slovak League of America and the Canadian Slovak League. The Slovak Liberation Committee is the political organ of a radical portion of the Slovak exiles. It strives for an independent Slovakia on the basis of a legal continuity of the former Slovak Republic. It is distinguished by a special activity which manifests itself principally in many memorandums sent to the United Nations Organization as well as to the other r esponsible political circles in the West. Because of this across-the-border activity as well as other efforts to organize underground movements in Slovakia, which is dominated by Czech Communists, the ·Slovak Liberation Committee is looked upon in Czecho-Slovakia as the principal enemy of the government of the People's Democracy. It seems to be quite popular with the dissatisfied and change-hungry inhabitants at home. 1 It is hard to foretell whether any of these organs will succeed in achieving any of their objectives at the present time. It is highly improbable that any of them will succeed in organizing an active underground movement, which would be in a position to bring about a change in the present po- 46 SLOVAKIA litical situation with the aid of an internal revolution. The hope for a change depends only upon a new war, and then upon the measure in which respective efforts will be in accord with the interests of victorious powers. 1. ,M. Darras: "Onze ans de vie independente en Slovaque", LeMonde slave, (rnai-juin, 1930), 177. 2. Joseph A. Mikus: La Slovaque dans le Drame de l'Europe, Paris, 1'955, p. 57. 3. ·W illiam ,Diamond : Czechoslovakia Between East and West, London, 1947, p. 172. 4. Pravda, Bratislava, May 29, 1949. 15. ,Karol Sidor: Slovaci v zahranicnom odboji, Bratislava, 1929, p. 1'6. 6. Bulletin of the Slovak National Council Abroad, Middletown, Pa., August, 1956, p. 3. 7. Sidor: loc. cit., p. 32. 8. Karol Sidor: Slovaci v zahranicnom odboji, Bratislava, 1929, p. 33. 9. The Slovaks and the Pittsburgh ,Pact, Chicago, Tylka Bros. Press, 1Inc., 1934, p. 10. 10. I bid., p. 13. 11. Ibid., p. 13. 12. Ibid., p. 16. 13. Ibid., p. 18. 14. Ibid., p. 19. 15. T. G. Masaryk : La resurection d' un Etat ('Souvenir et reflection 1914-1918), Paris, 1930, p . 256. 16. nr .. Eduard Benes: My War Memoirs, London, 1928, p. 157. 17. The Slovaks and The Pittsburgh Pact, Joe. cit., p . 24. 18. Ibid., p. 27. 19. Dr. Frantisek Bokes : Dejiny Sloven ska a Slovakov, Bratislava, 1946, p. 363. 20. To this an authority on American law on April 23, 1930, when asked a bout the legality of the Slovak League had to say: "I understand the organization in question having a C onstitution, by-laws, officers, etc., though not chartered by the State. For the purpose of taking the action which -w as taken, such an organization would have all the n ecessary power as fully as if had been chartered. The agreement entered into by the unchartered organization refered to would be just as effectiv-e as if entered into with a chartered organization and just as valid if closed on ,Memorial Day as on any other day". (The Slovaks and The Pittsburgh Pact, loc. cit., p. 36-39). 21. Vaclav Peroutka : Budovani statu, Prague, 1933-1935, I , p. 352 . • • • RECOMMENDED BOOKS: THE SLOVAKS - their history and traditions - by Peter P. Yurchak; 312 pages, hard cover, bound In cloth - $3.00; paper cover - $2.00. SKETCHES FROM SLOVAK HISTORY by Joseph Skultety; 229 pages, well documented; hard cover, bound in cloth - $2.00; paper cover - $1.00.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovak Nationalism: The Role of Emigrants in Slovak Nationalism Description An account of the resource B. S. Buc, Ph.D.<br />Slovakia, Vol. 9, No. 4 (29), March 1959<br />pp. 32-46<br /><ol><li>The Nation of Emigrants</li> <li>Slovak Immigrants in the United States</li> <li>Shaping of the National Will</li> <li>In Search of a New Ally</li> <li>The Cleveland Agreement</li> <li>The Pittsburgh Pact</li> <li>The Present Political Emigrants</li> </ol> Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Buc, B. S. (Bonaventure S.), 1910-1966 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource March 1959 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/a274d5d6aa7367cd3ddb2e5703fa8992.pdf 6b45fe4cee5511188e2c849bd33571f7 PDF Text Text 36 SLOVAKIA SLOVAK PARTISAN COMMANDERS IN WORLD WAR TI: THE CASE OF JOSEF TROJAN R. Vladimir Baumgarten The Slovak resistance movement, which opposed the Nazis and the Government of the Slovak Repub lic in World War II, was sharply divided into two different and, oftentimes, conflicting orientations. One of them was both pro-Western and pro-Czech. Its adherents were most strongly represented by officers of the Slovak Army. In February of 1944 a group of four dissident lieutenant colonels Jan Golian, Mikulas Ferjencfk, Mirko Yesel and Dezider Kiss-Kalina-established contact with the Czechoslovak Government-in-Ex ile in London. Go lian was designated by the London government to head the uprising, which eventually took place in Aug ust of that year. These officers were unashamed to announce that they wanted a restoration of Czechoslovakia as it had been before the Munich accord of 1938. 1 It never occurred to them that, perhaps many Slovaks were fighting for something different - not the least of which was their recognition as a disti nct nation . The Communists, who represented the other orientation, had taken thi s difference into account. The Slovak Communist Party began its own resistance after the German invasion of the Soviet Union in June 1941. Initiall y, it did not favor the restoration of Czechoslovakia. Although opposed to the Nazis and the domestic regime of priest-president Jozef Tiso, the Communists were inclined toward s either a separate Slovak state or the incorporation of Slovakia as a republic of the Soviet Union. 2 Thi s position changed after the London government concluded a treaty of alliance with the Soviet Union 1 Mikulas Ferjencfk, "The Slovak ational Uprising and Mission to the USS R," in Lewis M. White, ed. , On All Fronts: Czechoslovaks in World War II Part II (Washington and New York, 1995), p.231. 2 Gustav Hu sak, "O vyvoji a situac ii na Slovensku" Svedectvi XV (58 ), I 979, pp. 377-378. �SLOVAKIA 37 late in 1943. 3 The Soviet Union favored the restoration of Czechoslovakia, a position that the Slovak Communists now had to take into acco unt. Henceforth the Communists, who made up half of the membership of the underground Slovak National Council, did likewise. It was intended, however, that the mistakes of the past would be avoided , and that Slovakia would play a greater role in the resur4 rected Czechoslovak state. By thi s time the Communists had assumed a predominant role in another resistance element which had begun to emerge. Since 1942, political di ssidents, military deserters, Jews fearing deportation, and escaped prisoners-of-war from France, the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia had taken refuge in the mountains of Slovakia. They formed the first parti san units in the country. By late summer of 1944 they were reinforced by Soviet partisans parachuted into the country. The latter, consisting of hardened veterans of the war on the Eastern Front, brought the war home to Slovakia. Their activities encouraged German military intervention in the country, causing the Slovak National Upri sing to be launched under premature circumstances .5 3 For detailed descriptions of the Soviet-Czechoslovak agreeme nt, see Edvard Benes, Memoirs (London, I 954 ), pp. I 68- I 96 and Edward Taborsky, President Edward Benes Between &1st and West 1938-/948 (Stanford , I98 I), pp. 159- 174. 4 "The Christmas Agreement of 1943 ," in Joseph Mikus, Slovakia: A Political History 19 18- 1955 (Mil waukee, 1963), Appendi x VI, pp.346-347. 5 These Soviet partisans were commanded by Captain Pyotr Alexeyevitch Yelitchko. They commenced blowing up tun ne ls and bridges, and massac ring members of the German ethnic community in the minin g tow ns of ce ntral Slovaki a. Their ac ti vity culmin ated in the massacre o f members of a German military mi ss ion pass ing throu gh the country. Thi s military miss ion was ori ginally dispatched to Romani a to keep the latter in the war on the Axi s side. Since the Antonesc u regime had been overthrow n, its efforts were futile. As the German military mission passed through Slovakia, its members were intercepted in the vicinity of Turciansky Svaty Martin by Ye litchko's partisans, disg uised as Slovak soldiers. They convinced the Germans th at a bridge further ahead had been destroyed, and that they sho uld be escorted to the barracks for their own protection. It was Ye litchko 's intention that the Germans should be disarmed at the barrac ks and then sent to Partisan Headquarters in Kiev; if this fa iled , they would be exec uted. Lieutenant Colone l Emj l Perko, garrison commander at Turciansky Svaty Martin and a member of the Slovak National Council , feared for the li ves of the members of this German mili tary mission. He was inclined to treat them as guests until the Military Center in Banska Bystrica took them off his hand s. But Perk o's subordin ate, Li eutenant Cyril Ku chta, was more inc lined to �38 SLOVAKIA Throughout the course of the 1944 uprisi ng , relations between the Army and the partisans were oftentimes strai ned. To coordinate military action between the two bodies, a War Council was established. Yet the War Council became meaningless when individual partisan commanders either acted according to their own will or on orders from Partisan Headquarters in Kiev . Initiall y, the partisans were commanded by the Slovak Communist Karo l Smidke; later, the command passed to Soviet Colonel Aleksei N. Asmolov. A comparison of photographs taken of Asmolov is revealing. He arrived in Slovakia as a clean-cut regular Soviet officer; he soon grew a beard and wore a fur cap. Asmolov advised the Slovak military to adapt to the partisan method of warfare. In practice, this would involve breaking down units into smaller size, where they could be absorbed and taken over by the Communists. Relations between the military and the partisans became so tense that, during one meeting of the War Council, Golian (by now promoted to brigadier-general by the London government) referred to the partisans as "Enemy No. I ."6 A fact which is oftentimes overlooked is that not all partisans were Communists . This holds true for three particularly significant commanders: Jan Nalepka, Viliam Zingor and Josef Trojan. The fates of these individuals and the manner in which postwar jurisprudence and historiography came to grips with them merits study. The case of Trojan is particularly interesting for a number of reasons and, therefore, merits special attention. Josef Trojan was of Czech origin. He was born on March 28 , 1906, in Horni Hermanice, in Moravia. The son of a farmer, Trojan married Stanislava Novakova, who bore him three sons and two daughters. One of the daughters, Zdenka Trojanova (194 7-), eventually became a scientist of some di stinction. Trojan's formal education was limited. He attended grade school and agricultural high school in his native village, The latter provided him with enough expertise to work as administrator of the monastery estates in Nova Rise (19261931). Thereafter he was employed by the Bata shoe works, which transferred him to Slovakia. Trojan served as manager in Zlfn (1931follow Yelitchko's orders, and Kuchta was the officer in charge on the fateful ni ght of August 27-28. For an account of what fo llowed, see Jozef Jablonicky, Po vstanie bez Jegiend (Bratislava, 1990), pp.170-173. 6 Ferjenc(k, p.229. �SLOVAKIA 39 1932), Trebic (1932-1934 ), Hostavice (I 934-1938), Os Iany and Simovany during the war years. The Bata shoe works can justifiably boast of having been one of the finest Industries of the First Czechoslovak Republic . Interwar Czechoslovakia had no shortage of flaws, not the least of which was an official denial of Slovak nationality. But the state was sociall y progressive. Although decidedly anti-Bolshevik, the government of the First Republic was by no means hostile to organized labor. Tomas Bata, founder of the shoe works, was a self-made man who appears to have believed that wealth has a certain social function . The workers of the Bata industry enjoyed a comprehensive profit sharing plan, and lower level management was elective. The corporation was considered a model for progressive capitalism in the years between the two world wars. In his capacity as a manager, Trojan brought a number of Czechs into Slovakia. These naturally supported the Slovak National Uprisi ng, which offered a prelude to the liberation of their own nation . They enjoyed a certain liberty to join the Slovak insurgents that their kin in the "Reichsprotectorat" of Bohemia and Moravia were denied : not only were the latter subject to execution by the Nazis if they were caught attempting to cross over, but their families were jeopardized as hostages as well. 7 Trojan began his participation in the uprising as part of partisan group Pavel, which was headquartered in the rebel center of Banska Bystrica. Initially, the command center focused on the north, encouraging partisan activity at Zarnovice, on the Polish border, and even di spatching partisans across the border to establish contact with the Polish resistance. 8 But the situation in the south attained a certain precedence. The significance of this area during the uprisi ng should not be underestimated. Elsewhere in Slovakia, where insurgents had to give up ground, they had mountain ranges to fall back upon, which shielded the central core around Banska Bystrica. The open valleys of the southern lowlands, by contrast, offered a soft underbelly favoring the German advance. A certain amount of local sympathy 7 Karol Fremal , "The Czechs in the Resistance Movement in Slovakia", in Jan Stanislav, et. al. , We Were Not Alone (Banska Bystrica), 1994), pp.21-23 . 8 Documents pertaining to the command structure of Partisan Group Pavel. Archfv Muzea SNP,Fond IV , prir. cfs: 49/76. Pages are unnumbered. �40 SLOVAKIA also favored the Germans. In the so uthwest, an ominous new front was opened by the actions of SS Regiment Schill. Its bloodless takeover of the Nitra garrison, which numbered 2,000, was a major blow to the insurgent cause. The garrison commander, Major Smigovsky, was also a friend of the Schill commander, Obersturmfiihrer Klotz, having served with the latter on the Eastern Front. Henceforth Nitra became a supply center for the Nazi advance on Banska Bystrica. SS Regiment Schill became the most outstanding German military unit in Slovakia, ultimately capturing Banska Bystrica. It was composed largely of noncommissioned officer candidates, and had been assembled within 24 hours among Germans in the Reichsprotectorate of Bohemia and Moravia. These yo un g men were conesquently highly motivated.9 The command of partisan group Pavel di spatched Trojan southward to organize a new partisan detachment in the upper Nitra valley. He commanded approximately 150 men . 10 Troj an made contact with some of hi s Czech associates, and also recruited shoe workers of Batbvany, in southwestern Slovakia. On several occasions the Nitra Brigade held up the drive of SS Regiment Schil l in its advance towards Banska Bystrica. Colonel Ferjencfk, one of the military leaders of the upri sing, later noted that, after the fal l of Turciansky Svaty Martin around September 20, most active cooperation between the partisans and the regular military was terminated. An exception was provided by Trojan's group. 11 Enjoying the benefits of a more enlightened variety of capitalism before the war, these shoe workers were immune to Communi st attempts to recruit them. Although Trojan was not a Communist, he was not adverse to recruiting partisans of Communist or leftist sy mpathies. This particularly held true of a group of Bulgarian exchange students residing in Slovakia. Throughout the interwar period, many Balkan students of 9 Anonymous, "The Waffen SS and the Crushing of the Slovak Military Mutiny" Siegrunen: The Waffen SS in Historical Perspective Volume 5, No.6, undated, pp. 29-30 . Contributors to thi s journal consist large ly of the sons of Waffen SS officers who draw extensively from fam il y papers. 10 Document pertai ning to the history of Partisan Group Pavel , with spec ific reference to Captain Trojan and the struggle in the upper Nitra va lley . Archfv Muzea SNP, Fond IV, prir. cfs: 5 26/75, p.22. 11 Ferjencik, p.228. �SLOVAKIA 41 the mundane sciences (medicine, engineering, etc.) went for their education to the more advanced universities in Czechoslovakia. Most of them studied in Prague or Brno, in the Czech lands. In November 1939, the Nazi rulers of the Reichsprotectorate of Bohemia and Moravia shut down the Czech universities following a student protest. Most of the Bulgarians consequently transferred to Slovak (previously Comenius) Uni ve rsity in Bratislava. At the beginning of the 1940s, their numbers were estimated as between 500 and 600. 12 The life of the average Slovak university student at this time was anything but luxurious, and the Bulgarians received negligible stipends and lived in substandard housing. There was an officially sanctioned Bulgarian student society named after Georgii Rakovski , one of the national awakeners of the nineteenth century. It was nationalist and right-wing in political orientation. Yet a number of students organized their own underground association called B.O.N.S.S. (Bulharsky vseobecny narodny zvaz). Their acknowleged leader was Stojan Panov Stojanov, a student of mechanical engineering. At the time of the outbreak of the Slovak National Uprising, Bulgaria changed sides in the wake of the advance of the Soviet military. Even after the German capture of Banska Bystrica (October 27), many of the Bulgarians in Slovakia were willing to support the struggle. The bulk of these Bulgarians, under the leadership of Stojanov, was received into the Nitra Brigade on December 20. Unfortunately , the Nitra Brigade was in a particularly exposed position. Most partisan units had fallen back into the Tatras, where the terrain made their elimination by the German military more difficult than those fighting further to the south. The Nitra Brigade operated in an area where the Hron River valley stood just above the lowlands. On February 13-14, 1945, the Germans struck a decisive blow against the Nitra Brigade in the vicinity of the village of Orovnice. Stojanov and most of his followers were killed. Ten of them were captured and dispatched to Nazi concentration camps. Two among this group survived Dachau , but were too physically debilitated to last long afterwards. Two other Bulgarians man aged to escape the massac re 12 V. Valev , "Bulharskf vysokoskolaci na Slovensku", p.4 and Valerian Bys tricky, "Bulhari v SNP", p. l in Archfv Muzea SNP,Fond IV , prir. cfs: 29/71. Hereafter articles and documents from this collection shall be referred to as SNP Muzeum archives/Bulgarian collecti on. �42 SLOVAKIA and joined the advancing Red Army, although both were killed in action before the end of the war. 13 Josef Trojan had particularly sentimental feelings for these Bulgarian students. It was in thi s spirit that, on February 7, 1946, he submitted a literary contribution entitled "S lavonic Peace." He stresssed the Pan-Slav nature of the struggle, and praised the Red Army. 14 Yet Trojan had a falling out with the incoming Communist government. It was perhaps less a matter of opposition to the government than it was his previous track record, plus the political atmosphere prevailing in Czechoslovakia at this time. At this point the leadership of the Czechoslovak Communist Party requires mention. The chairman of the party was Klement Gottwald, who had spent the war years in Moscow. Those Communists who had done so generally served as wi lling executors of Soviet policy. Yet others had spent the war years in prison or had served in the resistance movements in their native countries. Although they too wished to construct socialism, they wished to do so according to conditions in their native lands. Following Yugoslavia's split with the Kremlin in June ofl 948, Soviet leader Joseph Stalin ordered a massive purge of these nationali st elements throughout East Central Europe. Zionism was now targeted as an enemy ideology as well. Although both the Soviet Union and Czechoslovakia had endorsed the creation of Israel , when the British began to depart from Palestine, the Soviets began courting the Arabs. Moreover, Stalin had always held a personal distrust of Jews since the time of his conflict with the so-called "Old Bolsheviks," many of whom were Jewish. This realignment was particularly felt in Czechoslovakia, where many of the Jews who had survived the holocaust of World War II joined the Communist Party. The Secretary General of the Party, Rudolf Stansky , was himself Jewish, although he had never considered himself a Jew or a Czech or anything other than a Communist. He had also spent the war years in the Soviet Union. As the Czechoslovak Communi st Party took on an increasingly militant approach to domestic 13 List of Bulgarians killed in Slovakia 1944-45 , in SNP Muzeum arch ives/Bulgarian collection, pp.1-2. 14 Jozef Trojan , "S lovansky mier" (February 7, I946), in SNP Muzeum archives/Bulgarian collection, p.5. �SLOVAKIA 43 affairs, Slansky ordered a wholesale inqui sition against suspected di ssidents. He created a machine of police terror which ultimately destroyed him as well. As those who were arrested were tortured to name other"conspirators," Slanskfs name became prominent. In the subsequent purge which followed , thousand s of innocent lives were destroyed. 15 Josef Trojan was arrested in Prague on the night of December 22, 1949 on the personal orders of Rudolf Slansky. He was charged with having collaborated with the Gestapo. Although Slansky was himself swept away not long afterwards, the machinery of repression had already been set in motion. Among its victims were Gustav Husak and other Slovak Communi st leaders of the 1944 upri sing, who received long terms of impri sonment. Even the death of Stalin early in 1953 did not halt the trend . Trojan was hanged on December 29th of that year. 16 A comparison of the fate of Trojan with those of the other two previously mentioned commanders reveal s a marked contrast, and more than just a few ironies. Jan Nalepka, unlike Trojan, was an intellectual. A poet and a teacher, he was noted for a mischievous disposition as a youth , and he retained hi s precociousness after having entered teachers' college in 1931. A conference of young teac hers in Komorna Lhotka (July 1933) was addressed by Czechoslovak president T . G. Masary k. The latter viewed the educational system as a means of molding young Slovaks into a "Czechoslovak" spirit. But, Nalepka whispered to hi s friend Vladimir Clementis that Slovak students were capable of cultivating their own spirits. 17 Clementis eventually became Czechoslovakia's foreign minister, and likew ise went to the gallows as a result of the "S lansky Affair." Nalepka was a lefti st, but also a nation alist. In February 1939, he began organizing clandestine elements against the governing Slovak People's Party-one month before the latter ass umed the leadership of 15 For the most comprehensive study of what has come to be known as the "Shi nsky Affair," see Jiri Pelikan, ed., The Czechoslovak Political Trials 1950-/ 954. The Suppressed Report of the Dubcek Government 's Commission of Inquiry, 1968 (London, 197 I). 16 Jozef Jablonicky, "Krute osudy ," in Vladimir Babni c, ed. , Na se povstanie (Banska Bystrica, I999), p. I00. 17 Jozef Nalepka, ed. , Jni kapit:foovi J:inovi N:ilepkovi (Spisska Nova Yes, 2002), p.28. �44 SLOVAKIA a se parate Slovak state. Yet the events of March 1939 inc luded a Hungari an invasion of eastern Slovakia. Called up fo r military service, Nalepka participated willingly in the brief border war. He saw no contradiction between thi s action and hi s ow n ideals. Later that year, Slovakia's military alliance with Nazi Germany dictated participati on in the Polish campaign. Nalepka, by then a lieutenant, fou ght with distinction on the northern side of the Carpathi ans. He was decorated by General Ferdinand Catlos, Slovakia's Minister of Defense. The war against Soviet Russia proved more problematic fo r Slovak soldiers. Slovaki a had territori al grievances with Hungary and Poland , but none with the Russians. Nalepka was ass igned to the soca ll ed "Security" Di visio n, whi ch was di spatched to the Pripet Marshes in northern Ukra ine and Be laru s fo r police duties against Soviet partisa ns. 18 He entered into c landes tine co ntact with these parti sans and eventu ally deserted to them, taking hi s men with him. The nature of parti san warfare in the swamps dictated th at Nalepka frequently travelled on horsebac k, carrying an automati c weapon. A photograph of this legend ary pose later inspired a plastic equestri an sc ulpture of him by Slovak sc ulptor Ann a Ki sakova . Nalepka's acti vity also contributed to hi s demj se. He was blled in an encounter with a German patro l outside the vill age of Ovruc on the ni ght of November 17, 1943. Co nsequentl y, Na lepka was un available to partic ipate in the Slovak National Uprising. But hi s survi ving comrades named their parti san brigade after him . The Captain Jan Nalepka Brigade was later parac huted back into Slovak ia to participate in the upri sing. Compared with other units which the Soviets ex ported, and which 18 Sold iers of the Security Division became, by Nazi standards, tota ll y corrupted by fra terni zation with local Ukrainians. Sov iet mili tary mobilization in the early part of the war had carried many yo un g men away. Others were forc ibly recruited by the Germans for labor services in th e Re ich. G ive n a shortage of domestic manpower, Ukra inian wome n rece ived th e Slovak sold iers willingly, if not enthusias ti call y. There was widespread venereal di sease among the Slovaks. Civilian hunger prompted a brisk trade in an exc lusive ly fe male commodity fo r rati ons, to the particul ar profit of Slovak warrant officers in charge of stores. As ide fro m all that, boredom drove many sold iers to alcohol ism. Slovak officers were re luctant to bring charges on such misdemeanors and began covering the m up, because men on punishment were removed from their co mmand without replacement. See Mark W. A. Axworthy, Axis Slovakia: Hitler's Slavic Wedge 1938- 1945 (Bays ide, New York, 2002), p. 148. �SLOVAKIA 45 largely engaged in looting, the Nalepka Brigade conducted itself in an exemplary manner. Together with the 2nd Czechoslovak Paratroopers, it shares credit for the capture of the strategic village of Jalna in the Hron River valley on October 10-12, 1944. This action was the last victory of the insurgents in Slovakia during the up• 19 n• smg. Nalepka died at a convenient time, which enabled him to become a legend in the postwar Communist era. Hi s peasant parents were received with honor in the Soviet Union at memorial services dedicated to the captain. His popularity survived the collapse of the Communist system in East Central Europe. Streets in various Slovak communities are still named after him. Being an established folk hero has its privileges. Viliam Zingor, like Nalepka, was an army deserter. Called up for service on the Eastern Front, he instead took to the mountains in the vicinity of Turciansky Svaty Martin. He was the brother of a nationally renowned hunter. Bohus Zingor was well known among forest rangers, a fact which was of considerable help to his fugitive brother. When Viliam Zingor took to hiding on the Podstranie Mountain, he was befriended and sheltered by forest ranger Ladislav Frimmel. The Zingor brothers and Frimmel organized a network to aid other fugitives. A significant member of this group was Vladimir Iershov, a Slovak professor of Ru ssian extraction. Iershov's area of specialty was escaped Soviet prisoners of war who had made their way to the Slovak highlands. These included people of Russian , Ukrainian, Georgian and Armenian nationalities.2° They played a key role in the overall partisan movement during the events of autumn 1944. By March of 1944, Viliam Zingor commanded a significant number of partisans in the vicinity of the Podstranie Mountain. In August, membership was estimated at roughly 100 men. Later that month the group was reinforced by Soviet partisans commanded by Captain Pyotr Alekseyevitch Velitchko, who had parachuted into 19 Ibid, p.292. Prior to the collapse of the Soviet Un ion, participants in the Slovak National Uprising from the various republics were acknow ledged and honored simply as citizens of the Soviet Union. At the time of the 60th anniversary in Hanska Bystrica, a number of ambassadors of now sovereign republics participated in the celebrations. The participation of their citizens was duly acknow ledged by the Muzeum SNP, leading to a dramatic increase of nations listed as having contributed to the uprising. 20 �46 SLOVAKIA Slovakia. On August 25 - four days before the formal commencement of the upri sing - Zingor was made commander of the M. R. Stefanik Brigade. This partisan brigade was named after the Slovak member of the founding fathers of Czechoslovakia, who held the rank of brigadier-general in the army of France during the First World War. It was so named in part because of a large number of French members. Earlier in the war, French soldiers who had escaped from prisoner of war camps in Germany made their way eastward. It was their intention to reac h neutral Turkey , from whence they could board ships and make their way back to the Allied side. Most of these Frenchmen were recaptured or interned in either Slovakia or Hungary. The Slovak underground arranged their escape and transfer to the mountains around Turciansky Svaty Martin , where they were absorbed into the partisan movement. These Frenchmen enjoyed a certain independence of command under Lieutenant Georges Barazar de Lannurien. During the opening weeks of the uprising, they halted the German advance in the vicinity of Strecno. 21 Viliam Zingor supported the Democratic Party of Jozef Lettrich (a member of the Slovak National Council during the upri sing) in the years immediately following the war. Consequently, he opposed the incoming Communist government. Mutual antagonism intensified after the Communists consolidated power in February of 1948 . By now the state had recourse against Zingor. It alleged that he and several wartime associates had established a subversive organization. This body was said to be inspired by the "Anglo-American imperialists," now enemies of the Soviet Union, Czechoslovakia's protector. Zingor and his associates were accused of agitating among the trade union s. It was further alleged that they had disbursed various funds for this purpose. They were put on trial on October 12-2 1, 1950, 21 For an English-language acco unt of the French participation in Slovakia, see Bohus Chnoupek, A Breaking of Seals: The French Resistance in Slovakia (Oxford and New York, 1988). Chnoupek was a Slovak journalist who first publicized the French role at the time of the tenth anniversary of the upri sing. Later, he became Czechoslovakia's foreign minister under the Husak regime. For the most comprehensive work on the subject, see Dusan Halaj et. al., Francuzi v Slovenskom narodnom povstanf (Banska Bystrica, 2003). �SLOVAKIA 47 were found guilty, and were sentenced to death .22 Zingor was executed the following year. Viliam Zingor's rehabilitation came about as a result of the democratic reforms temporarily effected in Czechoslovakia in 1968. At the beginning of that year Slovak Communist Party leader Alexander Dubcek assumed the leadership of the Czechoslovak Communist Party . The way was paved for the redress of many outstanding grievances. Relatives of the defendants in the Zingor trial maintained that allegations concerning the disbursement of funds for illegal purposes were the invention of "agents provocateurs" in the service of State Security. It may be argued that the reviewing court was more generous than just in its evaluation. The hostility of the defendants to the Communist regime was an unquestionable fact. Yet, insofar as no network of conspiratorial activity actually existed, the district court of Banska Bystrica formally overturned the verdicts on April 29, 1968. 23 Czechoslovakia's democratic reforms , popularly known as the "Prague Spring," were abruptly terminated in August of that year. The Soviet Union and other Warsaw Pact countries invaded and occupied Czechoslovakia. Within a year Dubcek was forced out of his position as Party Secretary and replaced by Gustav Husak. A one-time Slovak nationalist and former political prisoner, Husak now acknowledged Soviet hegemony as an unavoidable fact and urged his countrymen to do likewise. He thus became the enforcer of Soviet policy in that hapless land . But the status of the Slovaks underwent a revision formally acting in their favor . Czechoslovakia was federalized into two republics - one Czech and the other Slovak although both were subject to a common Communi st Party . Most significantly, the official attitude towards the Slovak Nation al Upri22 Copies of documents pertainin g to both the prosecution of and the verdi ct on the state's case against Zingor may be found in the archives of the Museum of the Slovak National Uprising in Banska Bystrica. For the prosecution , see Odpi s zaloby rok 1950 in Archfv Muzea SNP, Fond IV , prir. cfs: 576/9 1, pp. 1-20. For the verdict , see Rozsudok rok 1950, Archiv Muzea SNP, Fond IV, prir. cfs : 575/96, pp. I - 15. 23 Documents pertaining to th e review of the case of the state versus Z ingor and associates may be found in the archives of the Museum of the Slovak National Uprising in Banska Bystri ca. For the formal verdict, see Rozsudok rok 1968 in Archfv Muzea SNP, Fond IV, prir. cfs: 5 76/9 1, pp.1 -33 . For the rehabilitati on, see Uznesenie rok 1968 in Archfv Muzea SN P, Fond IV, prir. cfs : 5 76/91 , pp. 1- 10. �48 SLOVAKIA sing changed. Previously vilified, it was now hailed as a cornerstone in relations between the two nationalities. Consequently, Zingor's rehabilitation was permitted to stand, and he began receiving honorable mention in officially sanctioned historical publications. The fact that he had aided escaped Soviet P.O.W.S made him less than objectionable to Czechoslovakia's overlords. Josef Trojan had to wai t another generation before receiving honorable mention in Slovak history books. Ironically, his memory is treated more charitably by Slovak historians such as Jozef Jablonicky than it is among his own Czech people. Trojan's case was reviewed following the collapse of the Communist system in the Velvet Revolution of autumn 1989. He was exonerated on the charge of having collaborated with the Gestapo, and his death penalty was overturned. But a conviction and prison sentence remained in force on the grounds that Trojan "organized murder," in this case hav ing executed members of his own partisan unit. Trojan 's case raises an interesting legal question. Under common maritime law, a captain on an isolated ship has virtually unlimited authority to execute insubordinates. To what extent does this apply to a partisan commander in an insurgent situation, in a country where the successor government disavows the sovereignty of the previous one? Czech historian Jan Rychlik has asserted that, according to a law promulgated on May 8, 1946, acts committed between September 30, 1938 and October 28,1945, which normally would be considered crimes, were not punishable if they contributed to the liberation of the Czech and Slovak peoples. Internal military ordinances permitted the commander to use force (including the use of firearms) under field conditions in which subordinate soldiers refu sed to fulfill orders. The question of the application of these legal norms, however, remained contingent upon the decision of an individual court. 24 A Slovak partisan who knew Trojan both before and after the war concurs with the revised verdict. Jan Kulhan began the war as a Slovak soldier di spatched to the Eastern Front. Like many others, he changed sides, becoming a member of the 1st Czechoslovak Army Corps commanded by General Ludvik Svoboda. He was di spatched 24 Law of May 8, 1946 (No. 11 5/ 1946) from Collection of Laws, Official Law Gazette. Information provided by Jan Rychlfk, to whom the present author expresses his gratitude. �SLOVAKIA 49 ahead of the front on a mission to destroy German-held oil wells in southern Poland. Kulhan's recollection of Trojan remains a lively and coherent one. According to Kulhan , Trojan actually joined the Communist Party after the war. At this time he was noted as a stern manager, going so far as to insist that employees show up for work. Kulhan asserted that the charge of having collaborated with the Gestapo was a fabrication. Trojan's honeymoon with the Czechoslovak Communist Party was a brief one, and his disillusionment placed him on a collision course. Kulhan also conceded that, given his professional background, Trojan's partisans were perhaps the best shod in the Slovak National Uprising. But several friends of Kulhan's sister were among the partisans who were executed. Kulhan maintain s that Trojan acted wrongfully in this matter. 25 At the time of the writing of this essay, the Czech judicial system maintains an enigmatic silence concerning Trojan, although his case is again open for review. Meanwhile, Slovak historians and octogenarian veterans of World War II alike look forward to the rehabilitation of a man who, although born a Czech , enjoys a certain reputation as a Slovak hero. Yet, judging from the opinion of Kulhan , not all octogenarians agree. It remains for the Czech judicial system to give a complete account of the execution of partisans by Trojan, and the state's case against him. 25 Telephone interview with John Kulhan, August I0 , 2005. Mr. Kulhan is today a U.S. citizen and is currently a nominee fo r the Pres identi al Medal of Freedom. � 36 SLOVAKIA SLOVAK PARTISAN COMMANDERS IN WORLD WAR TI: THE CASE OF JOSEF TROJAN R. Vladimir Baumgarten The Slovak resistance movement, which opposed the Nazis and the Government of the Slovak Repub lic in World War II, was sharply divided into two different and, oftentimes, conflicting orientations. One of them was both pro-Western and pro-Czech. Its adherents were most strongly represented by officers of the Slovak Army. In February of 1944 a group of four dissident lieutenant colonels Jan Golian, Mikulas Ferjencfk, Mirko Yesel and Dezider Kiss-Kalina-established contact with the Czechoslovak Government-in-Ex ile in London. Go lian was designated by the London government to head the uprising, which eventually took place in Aug ust of that year. These officers were unashamed to announce that they wanted a restoration of Czechoslovakia as it had been before the Munich accord of 1938. 1 It never occurred to them that, perhaps many Slovaks were fighting for something different - not the least of which was their recognition as a disti nct nation . The Communists, who represented the other orientation, had taken thi s difference into account. The Slovak Communist Party began its own resistance after the German invasion of the Soviet Union in June 1941. Initiall y, it did not favor the restoration of Czechoslovakia. Although opposed to the Nazis and the domestic regime of priest-president Jozef Tiso, the Communists were inclined toward s either a separate Slovak state or the incorporation of Slovakia as a republic of the Soviet Union. 2 Thi s position changed after the London government concluded a treaty of alliance with the Soviet Union 1 Mikulas Ferjencfk, "The Slovak ational Uprising and Mission to the USS R," in Lewis M. White, ed. , On All Fronts: Czechoslovaks in World War II Part II (Washington and New York, 1995), p.231. 2 Gustav Hu sak, "O vyvoji a situac ii na Slovensku" Svedectvi XV (58 ), I 979, pp. 377-378. �SLOVAKIA 37 late in 1943. 3 The Soviet Union favored the restoration of Czechoslovakia, a position that the Slovak Communists now had to take into acco unt. Henceforth the Communists, who made up half of the membership of the underground Slovak National Council, did likewise. It was intended, however, that the mistakes of the past would be avoided , and that Slovakia would play a greater role in the resur4 rected Czechoslovak state. By thi s time the Communists had assumed a predominant role in another resistance element which had begun to emerge. Since 1942, political di ssidents, military deserters, Jews fearing deportation, and escaped prisoners-of-war from France, the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia had taken refuge in the mountains of Slovakia. They formed the first parti san units in the country. By late summer of 1944 they were reinforced by Soviet partisans parachuted into the country. The latter, consisting of hardened veterans of the war on the Eastern Front, brought the war home to Slovakia. Their activities encouraged German military intervention in the country, causing the Slovak National Upri sing to be launched under premature circumstances .5 3 For detailed descriptions of the Soviet-Czechoslovak agreeme nt, see Edvard Benes, Memoirs (London, I 954 ), pp. I 68- I 96 and Edward Taborsky, President Edward Benes Between &1st and West 1938-/948 (Stanford , I98 I), pp. 159- 174. 4 "The Christmas Agreement of 1943 ," in Joseph Mikus, Slovakia: A Political History 19 18- 1955 (Mil waukee, 1963), Appendi x VI, pp.346-347. 5 These Soviet partisans were commanded by Captain Pyotr Alexeyevitch Yelitchko. They commenced blowing up tun ne ls and bridges, and massac ring members of the German ethnic community in the minin g tow ns of ce ntral Slovaki a. Their ac ti vity culmin ated in the massacre o f members of a German military mi ss ion pass ing throu gh the country. Thi s military miss ion was ori ginally dispatched to Romani a to keep the latter in the war on the Axi s side. Since the Antonesc u regime had been overthrow n, its efforts were futile. As the German military mission passed through Slovakia, its members were intercepted in the vicinity of Turciansky Svaty Martin by Ye litchko's partisans, disg uised as Slovak soldiers. They convinced the Germans th at a bridge further ahead had been destroyed, and that they sho uld be escorted to the barracks for their own protection. It was Ye litchko 's intention that the Germans should be disarmed at the barrac ks and then sent to Partisan Headquarters in Kiev; if this fa iled , they would be exec uted. Lieutenant Colone l Emj l Perko, garrison commander at Turciansky Svaty Martin and a member of the Slovak National Council , feared for the li ves of the members of this German mili tary mission. He was inclined to treat them as guests until the Military Center in Banska Bystrica took them off his hand s. But Perk o's subordin ate, Li eutenant Cyril Ku chta, was more inc lined to �38 SLOVAKIA Throughout the course of the 1944 uprisi ng , relations between the Army and the partisans were oftentimes strai ned. To coordinate military action between the two bodies, a War Council was established. Yet the War Council became meaningless when individual partisan commanders either acted according to their own will or on orders from Partisan Headquarters in Kiev . Initiall y, the partisans were commanded by the Slovak Communist Karo l Smidke; later, the command passed to Soviet Colonel Aleksei N. Asmolov. A comparison of photographs taken of Asmolov is revealing. He arrived in Slovakia as a clean-cut regular Soviet officer; he soon grew a beard and wore a fur cap. Asmolov advised the Slovak military to adapt to the partisan method of warfare. In practice, this would involve breaking down units into smaller size, where they could be absorbed and taken over by the Communists. Relations between the military and the partisans became so tense that, during one meeting of the War Council, Golian (by now promoted to brigadier-general by the London government) referred to the partisans as "Enemy No. I ."6 A fact which is oftentimes overlooked is that not all partisans were Communists . This holds true for three particularly significant commanders: Jan Nalepka, Viliam Zingor and Josef Trojan. The fates of these individuals and the manner in which postwar jurisprudence and historiography came to grips with them merits study. The case of Trojan is particularly interesting for a number of reasons and, therefore, merits special attention. Josef Trojan was of Czech origin. He was born on March 28 , 1906, in Horni Hermanice, in Moravia. The son of a farmer, Trojan married Stanislava Novakova, who bore him three sons and two daughters. One of the daughters, Zdenka Trojanova (194 7-), eventually became a scientist of some di stinction. Trojan's formal education was limited. He attended grade school and agricultural high school in his native village, The latter provided him with enough expertise to work as administrator of the monastery estates in Nova Rise (19261931). Thereafter he was employed by the Bata shoe works, which transferred him to Slovakia. Trojan served as manager in Zlfn (1931follow Yelitchko's orders, and Kuchta was the officer in charge on the fateful ni ght of August 27-28. For an account of what fo llowed, see Jozef Jablonicky, Po vstanie bez Jegiend (Bratislava, 1990), pp.170-173. 6 Ferjenc(k, p.229. �SLOVAKIA 39 1932), Trebic (1932-1934 ), Hostavice (I 934-1938), Os Iany and Simovany during the war years. The Bata shoe works can justifiably boast of having been one of the finest Industries of the First Czechoslovak Republic . Interwar Czechoslovakia had no shortage of flaws, not the least of which was an official denial of Slovak nationality. But the state was sociall y progressive. Although decidedly anti-Bolshevik, the government of the First Republic was by no means hostile to organized labor. Tomas Bata, founder of the shoe works, was a self-made man who appears to have believed that wealth has a certain social function . The workers of the Bata industry enjoyed a comprehensive profit sharing plan, and lower level management was elective. The corporation was considered a model for progressive capitalism in the years between the two world wars. In his capacity as a manager, Trojan brought a number of Czechs into Slovakia. These naturally supported the Slovak National Uprisi ng, which offered a prelude to the liberation of their own nation . They enjoyed a certain liberty to join the Slovak insurgents that their kin in the "Reichsprotectorat" of Bohemia and Moravia were denied : not only were the latter subject to execution by the Nazis if they were caught attempting to cross over, but their families were jeopardized as hostages as well. 7 Trojan began his participation in the uprising as part of partisan group Pavel, which was headquartered in the rebel center of Banska Bystrica. Initially, the command center focused on the north, encouraging partisan activity at Zarnovice, on the Polish border, and even di spatching partisans across the border to establish contact with the Polish resistance. 8 But the situation in the south attained a certain precedence. The significance of this area during the uprisi ng should not be underestimated. Elsewhere in Slovakia, where insurgents had to give up ground, they had mountain ranges to fall back upon, which shielded the central core around Banska Bystrica. The open valleys of the southern lowlands, by contrast, offered a soft underbelly favoring the German advance. A certain amount of local sympathy 7 Karol Fremal , "The Czechs in the Resistance Movement in Slovakia", in Jan Stanislav, et. al. , We Were Not Alone (Banska Bystrica), 1994), pp.21-23 . 8 Documents pertaining to the command structure of Partisan Group Pavel. Archfv Muzea SNP,Fond IV , prir. cfs: 49/76. Pages are unnumbered. �40 SLOVAKIA also favored the Germans. In the so uthwest, an ominous new front was opened by the actions of SS Regiment Schill. Its bloodless takeover of the Nitra garrison, which numbered 2,000, was a major blow to the insurgent cause. The garrison commander, Major Smigovsky, was also a friend of the Schill commander, Obersturmfiihrer Klotz, having served with the latter on the Eastern Front. Henceforth Nitra became a supply center for the Nazi advance on Banska Bystrica. SS Regiment Schill became the most outstanding German military unit in Slovakia, ultimately capturing Banska Bystrica. It was composed largely of noncommissioned officer candidates, and had been assembled within 24 hours among Germans in the Reichsprotectorate of Bohemia and Moravia. These yo un g men were conesquently highly motivated.9 The command of partisan group Pavel di spatched Trojan southward to organize a new partisan detachment in the upper Nitra valley. He commanded approximately 150 men . 10 Troj an made contact with some of hi s Czech associates, and also recruited shoe workers of Batbvany, in southwestern Slovakia. On several occasions the Nitra Brigade held up the drive of SS Regiment Schil l in its advance towards Banska Bystrica. Colonel Ferjencfk, one of the military leaders of the upri sing, later noted that, after the fal l of Turciansky Svaty Martin around September 20, most active cooperation between the partisans and the regular military was terminated. An exception was provided by Trojan's group. 11 Enjoying the benefits of a more enlightened variety of capitalism before the war, these shoe workers were immune to Communi st attempts to recruit them. Although Trojan was not a Communist, he was not adverse to recruiting partisans of Communist or leftist sy mpathies. This particularly held true of a group of Bulgarian exchange students residing in Slovakia. Throughout the interwar period, many Balkan students of 9 Anonymous, "The Waffen SS and the Crushing of the Slovak Military Mutiny" Siegrunen: The Waffen SS in Historical Perspective Volume 5, No.6, undated, pp. 29-30 . Contributors to thi s journal consist large ly of the sons of Waffen SS officers who draw extensively from fam il y papers. 10 Document pertai ning to the history of Partisan Group Pavel , with spec ific reference to Captain Trojan and the struggle in the upper Nitra va lley . Archfv Muzea SNP, Fond IV, prir. cfs: 5 26/75, p.22. 11 Ferjencik, p.228. �SLOVAKIA 41 the mundane sciences (medicine, engineering, etc.) went for their education to the more advanced universities in Czechoslovakia. Most of them studied in Prague or Brno, in the Czech lands. In November 1939, the Nazi rulers of the Reichsprotectorate of Bohemia and Moravia shut down the Czech universities following a student protest. Most of the Bulgarians consequently transferred to Slovak (previously Comenius) Uni ve rsity in Bratislava. At the beginning of the 1940s, their numbers were estimated as between 500 and 600. 12 The life of the average Slovak university student at this time was anything but luxurious, and the Bulgarians received negligible stipends and lived in substandard housing. There was an officially sanctioned Bulgarian student society named after Georgii Rakovski , one of the national awakeners of the nineteenth century. It was nationalist and right-wing in political orientation. Yet a number of students organized their own underground association called B.O.N.S.S. (Bulharsky vseobecny narodny zvaz). Their acknowleged leader was Stojan Panov Stojanov, a student of mechanical engineering. At the time of the outbreak of the Slovak National Uprising, Bulgaria changed sides in the wake of the advance of the Soviet military. Even after the German capture of Banska Bystrica (October 27), many of the Bulgarians in Slovakia were willing to support the struggle. The bulk of these Bulgarians, under the leadership of Stojanov, was received into the Nitra Brigade on December 20. Unfortunately , the Nitra Brigade was in a particularly exposed position. Most partisan units had fallen back into the Tatras, where the terrain made their elimination by the German military more difficult than those fighting further to the south. The Nitra Brigade operated in an area where the Hron River valley stood just above the lowlands. On February 13-14, 1945, the Germans struck a decisive blow against the Nitra Brigade in the vicinity of the village of Orovnice. Stojanov and most of his followers were killed. Ten of them were captured and dispatched to Nazi concentration camps. Two among this group survived Dachau , but were too physically debilitated to last long afterwards. Two other Bulgarians man aged to escape the massac re 12 V. Valev , "Bulharskf vysokoskolaci na Slovensku", p.4 and Valerian Bys tricky, "Bulhari v SNP", p. l in Archfv Muzea SNP,Fond IV , prir. cfs: 29/71. Hereafter articles and documents from this collection shall be referred to as SNP Muzeum archives/Bulgarian collecti on. �42 SLOVAKIA and joined the advancing Red Army, although both were killed in action before the end of the war. 13 Josef Trojan had particularly sentimental feelings for these Bulgarian students. It was in thi s spirit that, on February 7, 1946, he submitted a literary contribution entitled "S lavonic Peace." He stresssed the Pan-Slav nature of the struggle, and praised the Red Army. 14 Yet Trojan had a falling out with the incoming Communist government. It was perhaps less a matter of opposition to the government than it was his previous track record, plus the political atmosphere prevailing in Czechoslovakia at this time. At this point the leadership of the Czechoslovak Communist Party requires mention. The chairman of the party was Klement Gottwald, who had spent the war years in Moscow. Those Communists who had done so generally served as wi lling executors of Soviet policy. Yet others had spent the war years in prison or had served in the resistance movements in their native countries. Although they too wished to construct socialism, they wished to do so according to conditions in their native lands. Following Yugoslavia's split with the Kremlin in June ofl 948, Soviet leader Joseph Stalin ordered a massive purge of these nationali st elements throughout East Central Europe. Zionism was now targeted as an enemy ideology as well. Although both the Soviet Union and Czechoslovakia had endorsed the creation of Israel , when the British began to depart from Palestine, the Soviets began courting the Arabs. Moreover, Stalin had always held a personal distrust of Jews since the time of his conflict with the so-called "Old Bolsheviks," many of whom were Jewish. This realignment was particularly felt in Czechoslovakia, where many of the Jews who had survived the holocaust of World War II joined the Communist Party. The Secretary General of the Party, Rudolf Stansky , was himself Jewish, although he had never considered himself a Jew or a Czech or anything other than a Communist. He had also spent the war years in the Soviet Union. As the Czechoslovak Communi st Party took on an increasingly militant approach to domestic 13 List of Bulgarians killed in Slovakia 1944-45 , in SNP Muzeum arch ives/Bulgarian collection, pp.1-2. 14 Jozef Trojan , "S lovansky mier" (February 7, I946), in SNP Muzeum archives/Bulgarian collection, p.5. �SLOVAKIA 43 affairs, Slansky ordered a wholesale inqui sition against suspected di ssidents. He created a machine of police terror which ultimately destroyed him as well. As those who were arrested were tortured to name other"conspirators," Slanskfs name became prominent. In the subsequent purge which followed , thousand s of innocent lives were destroyed. 15 Josef Trojan was arrested in Prague on the night of December 22, 1949 on the personal orders of Rudolf Slansky. He was charged with having collaborated with the Gestapo. Although Slansky was himself swept away not long afterwards, the machinery of repression had already been set in motion. Among its victims were Gustav Husak and other Slovak Communi st leaders of the 1944 upri sing, who received long terms of impri sonment. Even the death of Stalin early in 1953 did not halt the trend . Trojan was hanged on December 29th of that year. 16 A comparison of the fate of Trojan with those of the other two previously mentioned commanders reveal s a marked contrast, and more than just a few ironies. Jan Nalepka, unlike Trojan, was an intellectual. A poet and a teacher, he was noted for a mischievous disposition as a youth , and he retained hi s precociousness after having entered teachers' college in 1931. A conference of young teac hers in Komorna Lhotka (July 1933) was addressed by Czechoslovak president T . G. Masary k. The latter viewed the educational system as a means of molding young Slovaks into a "Czechoslovak" spirit. But, Nalepka whispered to hi s friend Vladimir Clementis that Slovak students were capable of cultivating their own spirits. 17 Clementis eventually became Czechoslovakia's foreign minister, and likew ise went to the gallows as a result of the "S lansky Affair." Nalepka was a lefti st, but also a nation alist. In February 1939, he began organizing clandestine elements against the governing Slovak People's Party-one month before the latter ass umed the leadership of 15 For the most comprehensive study of what has come to be known as the "Shi nsky Affair," see Jiri Pelikan, ed., The Czechoslovak Political Trials 1950-/ 954. The Suppressed Report of the Dubcek Government 's Commission of Inquiry, 1968 (London, 197 I). 16 Jozef Jablonicky, "Krute osudy ," in Vladimir Babni c, ed. , Na se povstanie (Banska Bystrica, I999), p. I00. 17 Jozef Nalepka, ed. , Jni kapit:foovi J:inovi N:ilepkovi (Spisska Nova Yes, 2002), p.28. �44 SLOVAKIA a se parate Slovak state. Yet the events of March 1939 inc luded a Hungari an invasion of eastern Slovakia. Called up fo r military service, Nalepka participated willingly in the brief border war. He saw no contradiction between thi s action and hi s ow n ideals. Later that year, Slovakia's military alliance with Nazi Germany dictated participati on in the Polish campaign. Nalepka, by then a lieutenant, fou ght with distinction on the northern side of the Carpathi ans. He was decorated by General Ferdinand Catlos, Slovakia's Minister of Defense. The war against Soviet Russia proved more problematic fo r Slovak soldiers. Slovaki a had territori al grievances with Hungary and Poland , but none with the Russians. Nalepka was ass igned to the soca ll ed "Security" Di visio n, whi ch was di spatched to the Pripet Marshes in northern Ukra ine and Be laru s fo r police duties against Soviet partisa ns. 18 He entered into c landes tine co ntact with these parti sans and eventu ally deserted to them, taking hi s men with him. The nature of parti san warfare in the swamps dictated th at Nalepka frequently travelled on horsebac k, carrying an automati c weapon. A photograph of this legend ary pose later inspired a plastic equestri an sc ulpture of him by Slovak sc ulptor Ann a Ki sakova . Nalepka's acti vity also contributed to hi s demj se. He was blled in an encounter with a German patro l outside the vill age of Ovruc on the ni ght of November 17, 1943. Co nsequentl y, Na lepka was un available to partic ipate in the Slovak National Uprising. But hi s survi ving comrades named their parti san brigade after him . The Captain Jan Nalepka Brigade was later parac huted back into Slovak ia to participate in the upri sing. Compared with other units which the Soviets ex ported, and which 18 Sold iers of the Security Division became, by Nazi standards, tota ll y corrupted by fra terni zation with local Ukrainians. Sov iet mili tary mobilization in the early part of the war had carried many yo un g men away. Others were forc ibly recruited by the Germans for labor services in th e Re ich. G ive n a shortage of domestic manpower, Ukra inian wome n rece ived th e Slovak sold iers willingly, if not enthusias ti call y. There was widespread venereal di sease among the Slovaks. Civilian hunger prompted a brisk trade in an exc lusive ly fe male commodity fo r rati ons, to the particul ar profit of Slovak warrant officers in charge of stores. As ide fro m all that, boredom drove many sold iers to alcohol ism. Slovak officers were re luctant to bring charges on such misdemeanors and began covering the m up, because men on punishment were removed from their co mmand without replacement. See Mark W. A. Axworthy, Axis Slovakia: Hitler's Slavic Wedge 1938- 1945 (Bays ide, New York, 2002), p. 148. �SLOVAKIA 45 largely engaged in looting, the Nalepka Brigade conducted itself in an exemplary manner. Together with the 2nd Czechoslovak Paratroopers, it shares credit for the capture of the strategic village of Jalna in the Hron River valley on October 10-12, 1944. This action was the last victory of the insurgents in Slovakia during the up• 19 n• smg. Nalepka died at a convenient time, which enabled him to become a legend in the postwar Communist era. Hi s peasant parents were received with honor in the Soviet Union at memorial services dedicated to the captain. His popularity survived the collapse of the Communist system in East Central Europe. Streets in various Slovak communities are still named after him. Being an established folk hero has its privileges. Viliam Zingor, like Nalepka, was an army deserter. Called up for service on the Eastern Front, he instead took to the mountains in the vicinity of Turciansky Svaty Martin. He was the brother of a nationally renowned hunter. Bohus Zingor was well known among forest rangers, a fact which was of considerable help to his fugitive brother. When Viliam Zingor took to hiding on the Podstranie Mountain, he was befriended and sheltered by forest ranger Ladislav Frimmel. The Zingor brothers and Frimmel organized a network to aid other fugitives. A significant member of this group was Vladimir Iershov, a Slovak professor of Ru ssian extraction. Iershov's area of specialty was escaped Soviet prisoners of war who had made their way to the Slovak highlands. These included people of Russian , Ukrainian, Georgian and Armenian nationalities.2° They played a key role in the overall partisan movement during the events of autumn 1944. By March of 1944, Viliam Zingor commanded a significant number of partisans in the vicinity of the Podstranie Mountain. In August, membership was estimated at roughly 100 men. Later that month the group was reinforced by Soviet partisans commanded by Captain Pyotr Alekseyevitch Velitchko, who had parachuted into 19 Ibid, p.292. Prior to the collapse of the Soviet Un ion, participants in the Slovak National Uprising from the various republics were acknow ledged and honored simply as citizens of the Soviet Union. At the time of the 60th anniversary in Hanska Bystrica, a number of ambassadors of now sovereign republics participated in the celebrations. The participation of their citizens was duly acknow ledged by the Muzeum SNP, leading to a dramatic increase of nations listed as having contributed to the uprising. 20 �46 SLOVAKIA Slovakia. On August 25 - four days before the formal commencement of the upri sing - Zingor was made commander of the M. R. Stefanik Brigade. This partisan brigade was named after the Slovak member of the founding fathers of Czechoslovakia, who held the rank of brigadier-general in the army of France during the First World War. It was so named in part because of a large number of French members. Earlier in the war, French soldiers who had escaped from prisoner of war camps in Germany made their way eastward. It was their intention to reac h neutral Turkey , from whence they could board ships and make their way back to the Allied side. Most of these Frenchmen were recaptured or interned in either Slovakia or Hungary. The Slovak underground arranged their escape and transfer to the mountains around Turciansky Svaty Martin , where they were absorbed into the partisan movement. These Frenchmen enjoyed a certain independence of command under Lieutenant Georges Barazar de Lannurien. During the opening weeks of the uprising, they halted the German advance in the vicinity of Strecno. 21 Viliam Zingor supported the Democratic Party of Jozef Lettrich (a member of the Slovak National Council during the upri sing) in the years immediately following the war. Consequently, he opposed the incoming Communist government. Mutual antagonism intensified after the Communists consolidated power in February of 1948 . By now the state had recourse against Zingor. It alleged that he and several wartime associates had established a subversive organization. This body was said to be inspired by the "Anglo-American imperialists," now enemies of the Soviet Union, Czechoslovakia's protector. Zingor and his associates were accused of agitating among the trade union s. It was further alleged that they had disbursed various funds for this purpose. They were put on trial on October 12-2 1, 1950, 21 For an English-language acco unt of the French participation in Slovakia, see Bohus Chnoupek, A Breaking of Seals: The French Resistance in Slovakia (Oxford and New York, 1988). Chnoupek was a Slovak journalist who first publicized the French role at the time of the tenth anniversary of the upri sing. Later, he became Czechoslovakia's foreign minister under the Husak regime. For the most comprehensive work on the subject, see Dusan Halaj et. al., Francuzi v Slovenskom narodnom povstanf (Banska Bystrica, 2003). �SLOVAKIA 47 were found guilty, and were sentenced to death .22 Zingor was executed the following year. Viliam Zingor's rehabilitation came about as a result of the democratic reforms temporarily effected in Czechoslovakia in 1968. At the beginning of that year Slovak Communist Party leader Alexander Dubcek assumed the leadership of the Czechoslovak Communist Party . The way was paved for the redress of many outstanding grievances. Relatives of the defendants in the Zingor trial maintained that allegations concerning the disbursement of funds for illegal purposes were the invention of "agents provocateurs" in the service of State Security. It may be argued that the reviewing court was more generous than just in its evaluation. The hostility of the defendants to the Communist regime was an unquestionable fact. Yet, insofar as no network of conspiratorial activity actually existed, the district court of Banska Bystrica formally overturned the verdicts on April 29, 1968. 23 Czechoslovakia's democratic reforms , popularly known as the "Prague Spring," were abruptly terminated in August of that year. The Soviet Union and other Warsaw Pact countries invaded and occupied Czechoslovakia. Within a year Dubcek was forced out of his position as Party Secretary and replaced by Gustav Husak. A one-time Slovak nationalist and former political prisoner, Husak now acknowledged Soviet hegemony as an unavoidable fact and urged his countrymen to do likewise. He thus became the enforcer of Soviet policy in that hapless land . But the status of the Slovaks underwent a revision formally acting in their favor . Czechoslovakia was federalized into two republics - one Czech and the other Slovak although both were subject to a common Communi st Party . Most significantly, the official attitude towards the Slovak Nation al Upri22 Copies of documents pertainin g to both the prosecution of and the verdi ct on the state's case against Zingor may be found in the archives of the Museum of the Slovak National Uprising in Banska Bystrica. For the prosecution , see Odpi s zaloby rok 1950 in Archfv Muzea SNP, Fond IV , prir. cfs: 576/9 1, pp. 1-20. For the verdict , see Rozsudok rok 1950, Archiv Muzea SNP, Fond IV, prir. cfs : 575/96, pp. I - 15. 23 Documents pertaining to th e review of the case of the state versus Z ingor and associates may be found in the archives of the Museum of the Slovak National Uprising in Banska Bystri ca. For the formal verdict, see Rozsudok rok 1968 in Archfv Muzea SNP, Fond IV, prir. cfs: 5 76/9 1, pp.1 -33 . For the rehabilitati on, see Uznesenie rok 1968 in Archfv Muzea SN P, Fond IV, prir. cfs : 5 76/91 , pp. 1- 10. �48 SLOVAKIA sing changed. Previously vilified, it was now hailed as a cornerstone in relations between the two nationalities. Consequently, Zingor's rehabilitation was permitted to stand, and he began receiving honorable mention in officially sanctioned historical publications. The fact that he had aided escaped Soviet P.O.W.S made him less than objectionable to Czechoslovakia's overlords. Josef Trojan had to wai t another generation before receiving honorable mention in Slovak history books. Ironically, his memory is treated more charitably by Slovak historians such as Jozef Jablonicky than it is among his own Czech people. Trojan's case was reviewed following the collapse of the Communist system in the Velvet Revolution of autumn 1989. He was exonerated on the charge of having collaborated with the Gestapo, and his death penalty was overturned. But a conviction and prison sentence remained in force on the grounds that Trojan "organized murder," in this case hav ing executed members of his own partisan unit. Trojan 's case raises an interesting legal question. Under common maritime law, a captain on an isolated ship has virtually unlimited authority to execute insubordinates. To what extent does this apply to a partisan commander in an insurgent situation, in a country where the successor government disavows the sovereignty of the previous one? Czech historian Jan Rychlik has asserted that, according to a law promulgated on May 8, 1946, acts committed between September 30, 1938 and October 28,1945, which normally would be considered crimes, were not punishable if they contributed to the liberation of the Czech and Slovak peoples. Internal military ordinances permitted the commander to use force (including the use of firearms) under field conditions in which subordinate soldiers refu sed to fulfill orders. The question of the application of these legal norms, however, remained contingent upon the decision of an individual court. 24 A Slovak partisan who knew Trojan both before and after the war concurs with the revised verdict. Jan Kulhan began the war as a Slovak soldier di spatched to the Eastern Front. Like many others, he changed sides, becoming a member of the 1st Czechoslovak Army Corps commanded by General Ludvik Svoboda. He was di spatched 24 Law of May 8, 1946 (No. 11 5/ 1946) from Collection of Laws, Official Law Gazette. Information provided by Jan Rychlfk, to whom the present author expresses his gratitude. �SLOVAKIA 49 ahead of the front on a mission to destroy German-held oil wells in southern Poland. Kulhan's recollection of Trojan remains a lively and coherent one. According to Kulhan , Trojan actually joined the Communist Party after the war. At this time he was noted as a stern manager, going so far as to insist that employees show up for work. Kulhan asserted that the charge of having collaborated with the Gestapo was a fabrication. Trojan's honeymoon with the Czechoslovak Communist Party was a brief one, and his disillusionment placed him on a collision course. Kulhan also conceded that, given his professional background, Trojan's partisans were perhaps the best shod in the Slovak National Uprising. But several friends of Kulhan's sister were among the partisans who were executed. Kulhan maintain s that Trojan acted wrongfully in this matter. 25 At the time of the writing of this essay, the Czech judicial system maintains an enigmatic silence concerning Trojan, although his case is again open for review. Meanwhile, Slovak historians and octogenarian veterans of World War II alike look forward to the rehabilitation of a man who, although born a Czech , enjoys a certain reputation as a Slovak hero. Yet, judging from the opinion of Kulhan , not all octogenarians agree. It remains for the Czech judicial system to give a complete account of the execution of partisans by Trojan, and the state's case against him. 25 Telephone interview with John Kulhan, August I0 , 2005. Mr. Kulhan is today a U.S. citizen and is currently a nominee fo r the Pres identi al Medal of Freedom. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2007, Vol. 39 Description An account of the resource Vol. 39 (No. 72-73), 2007. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2007 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 36 SLOVAKIA SLOVAK PARTISAN COMMANDERS IN WORLD WAR TI: THE CASE OF JOSEF TROJAN R. Vladimir Baumgarten The Slovak resistance movement, which opposed the Nazis and the Government of the Slovak Repub lic in World War II, was sharply divided into two different and, oftentimes, conflicting orientations. One of them was both pro-Western and pro-Czech. Its adherents were most strongly represented by officers of the Slovak Army. In February of 1944 a group of four dissident lieutenant colonels Jan Golian, Mikulas Ferjencfk, Mirko Yesel and Dezider Kiss-Kalina-established contact with the Czechoslovak Government-in-Ex ile in London. Go lian was designated by the London government to head the uprising, which eventually took place in Aug ust of that year. These officers were unashamed to announce that they wanted a restoration of Czechoslovakia as it had been before the Munich accord of 1938. 1 It never occurred to them that, perhaps many Slovaks were fighting for something different - not the least of which was their recognition as a disti nct nation . The Communists, who represented the other orientation, had taken thi s difference into account. The Slovak Communist Party began its own resistance after the German invasion of the Soviet Union in June 1941. Initiall y, it did not favor the restoration of Czechoslovakia. Although opposed to the Nazis and the domestic regime of priest-president Jozef Tiso, the Communists were inclined toward s either a separate Slovak state or the incorporation of Slovakia as a republic of the Soviet Union. 2 Thi s position changed after the London government concluded a treaty of alliance with the Soviet Union 1 Mikulas Ferjencfk, "The Slovak ational Uprising and Mission to the USS R," in Lewis M. White, ed. , On All Fronts: Czechoslovaks in World War II Part II (Washington and New York, 1995), p.231. 2 Gustav Hu sak, "O vyvoji a situac ii na Slovensku" Svedectvi XV (58 ), I 979, pp. 377-378. SLOVAKIA 37 late in 1943. 3 The Soviet Union favored the restoration of Czechoslovakia, a position that the Slovak Communists now had to take into acco unt. Henceforth the Communists, who made up half of the membership of the underground Slovak National Council, did likewise. It was intended, however, that the mistakes of the past would be avoided , and that Slovakia would play a greater role in the resur4 rected Czechoslovak state. By thi s time the Communists had assumed a predominant role in another resistance element which had begun to emerge. Since 1942, political di ssidents, military deserters, Jews fearing deportation, and escaped prisoners-of-war from France, the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia had taken refuge in the mountains of Slovakia. They formed the first parti san units in the country. By late summer of 1944 they were reinforced by Soviet partisans parachuted into the country. The latter, consisting of hardened veterans of the war on the Eastern Front, brought the war home to Slovakia. Their activities encouraged German military intervention in the country, causing the Slovak National Upri sing to be launched under premature circumstances .5 3 For detailed descriptions of the Soviet-Czechoslovak agreeme nt, see Edvard Benes, Memoirs (London, I 954 ), pp. I 68- I 96 and Edward Taborsky, President Edward Benes Between &1st and West 1938-/948 (Stanford , I98 I), pp. 159- 174. 4 "The Christmas Agreement of 1943 ," in Joseph Mikus, Slovakia: A Political History 19 18- 1955 (Mil waukee, 1963), Appendi x VI, pp.346-347. 5 These Soviet partisans were commanded by Captain Pyotr Alexeyevitch Yelitchko. They commenced blowing up tun ne ls and bridges, and massac ring members of the German ethnic community in the minin g tow ns of ce ntral Slovaki a. Their ac ti vity culmin ated in the massacre o f members of a German military mi ss ion pass ing throu gh the country. Thi s military miss ion was ori ginally dispatched to Romani a to keep the latter in the war on the Axi s side. Since the Antonesc u regime had been overthrow n, its efforts were futile. As the German military mission passed through Slovakia, its members were intercepted in the vicinity of Turciansky Svaty Martin by Ye litchko's partisans, disg uised as Slovak soldiers. They convinced the Germans th at a bridge further ahead had been destroyed, and that they sho uld be escorted to the barracks for their own protection. It was Ye litchko 's intention that the Germans should be disarmed at the barrac ks and then sent to Partisan Headquarters in Kiev; if this fa iled , they would be exec uted. Lieutenant Colone l Emj l Perko, garrison commander at Turciansky Svaty Martin and a member of the Slovak National Council , feared for the li ves of the members of this German mili tary mission. He was inclined to treat them as guests until the Military Center in Banska Bystrica took them off his hand s. But Perk o's subordin ate, Li eutenant Cyril Ku chta, was more inc lined to 38 SLOVAKIA Throughout the course of the 1944 uprisi ng , relations between the Army and the partisans were oftentimes strai ned. To coordinate military action between the two bodies, a War Council was established. Yet the War Council became meaningless when individual partisan commanders either acted according to their own will or on orders from Partisan Headquarters in Kiev . Initiall y, the partisans were commanded by the Slovak Communist Karo l Smidke; later, the command passed to Soviet Colonel Aleksei N. Asmolov. A comparison of photographs taken of Asmolov is revealing. He arrived in Slovakia as a clean-cut regular Soviet officer; he soon grew a beard and wore a fur cap. Asmolov advised the Slovak military to adapt to the partisan method of warfare. In practice, this would involve breaking down units into smaller size, where they could be absorbed and taken over by the Communists. Relations between the military and the partisans became so tense that, during one meeting of the War Council, Golian (by now promoted to brigadier-general by the London government) referred to the partisans as "Enemy No. I ."6 A fact which is oftentimes overlooked is that not all partisans were Communists . This holds true for three particularly significant commanders: Jan Nalepka, Viliam Zingor and Josef Trojan. The fates of these individuals and the manner in which postwar jurisprudence and historiography came to grips with them merits study. The case of Trojan is particularly interesting for a number of reasons and, therefore, merits special attention. Josef Trojan was of Czech origin. He was born on March 28 , 1906, in Horni Hermanice, in Moravia. The son of a farmer, Trojan married Stanislava Novakova, who bore him three sons and two daughters. One of the daughters, Zdenka Trojanova (194 7-), eventually became a scientist of some di stinction. Trojan's formal education was limited. He attended grade school and agricultural high school in his native village, The latter provided him with enough expertise to work as administrator of the monastery estates in Nova Rise (19261931). Thereafter he was employed by the Bata shoe works, which transferred him to Slovakia. Trojan served as manager in Zlfn (1931follow Yelitchko's orders, and Kuchta was the officer in charge on the fateful ni ght of August 27-28. For an account of what fo llowed, see Jozef Jablonicky, Po vstanie bez Jegiend (Bratislava, 1990), pp.170-173. 6 Ferjenc(k, p.229. SLOVAKIA 39 1932), Trebic (1932-1934 ), Hostavice (I 934-1938), Os Iany and Simovany during the war years. The Bata shoe works can justifiably boast of having been one of the finest Industries of the First Czechoslovak Republic . Interwar Czechoslovakia had no shortage of flaws, not the least of which was an official denial of Slovak nationality. But the state was sociall y progressive. Although decidedly anti-Bolshevik, the government of the First Republic was by no means hostile to organized labor. Tomas Bata, founder of the shoe works, was a self-made man who appears to have believed that wealth has a certain social function . The workers of the Bata industry enjoyed a comprehensive profit sharing plan, and lower level management was elective. The corporation was considered a model for progressive capitalism in the years between the two world wars. In his capacity as a manager, Trojan brought a number of Czechs into Slovakia. These naturally supported the Slovak National Uprisi ng, which offered a prelude to the liberation of their own nation . They enjoyed a certain liberty to join the Slovak insurgents that their kin in the "Reichsprotectorat" of Bohemia and Moravia were denied : not only were the latter subject to execution by the Nazis if they were caught attempting to cross over, but their families were jeopardized as hostages as well. 7 Trojan began his participation in the uprising as part of partisan group Pavel, which was headquartered in the rebel center of Banska Bystrica. Initially, the command center focused on the north, encouraging partisan activity at Zarnovice, on the Polish border, and even di spatching partisans across the border to establish contact with the Polish resistance. 8 But the situation in the south attained a certain precedence. The significance of this area during the uprisi ng should not be underestimated. Elsewhere in Slovakia, where insurgents had to give up ground, they had mountain ranges to fall back upon, which shielded the central core around Banska Bystrica. The open valleys of the southern lowlands, by contrast, offered a soft underbelly favoring the German advance. A certain amount of local sympathy 7 Karol Fremal , "The Czechs in the Resistance Movement in Slovakia", in Jan Stanislav, et. al. , We Were Not Alone (Banska Bystrica), 1994), pp.21-23 . 8 Documents pertaining to the command structure of Partisan Group Pavel. Archfv Muzea SNP,Fond IV , prir. cfs: 49/76. Pages are unnumbered. 40 SLOVAKIA also favored the Germans. In the so uthwest, an ominous new front was opened by the actions of SS Regiment Schill. Its bloodless takeover of the Nitra garrison, which numbered 2,000, was a major blow to the insurgent cause. The garrison commander, Major Smigovsky, was also a friend of the Schill commander, Obersturmfiihrer Klotz, having served with the latter on the Eastern Front. Henceforth Nitra became a supply center for the Nazi advance on Banska Bystrica. SS Regiment Schill became the most outstanding German military unit in Slovakia, ultimately capturing Banska Bystrica. It was composed largely of noncommissioned officer candidates, and had been assembled within 24 hours among Germans in the Reichsprotectorate of Bohemia and Moravia. These yo un g men were conesquently highly motivated.9 The command of partisan group Pavel di spatched Trojan southward to organize a new partisan detachment in the upper Nitra valley. He commanded approximately 150 men . 10 Troj an made contact with some of hi s Czech associates, and also recruited shoe workers of Batbvany, in southwestern Slovakia. On several occasions the Nitra Brigade held up the drive of SS Regiment Schil l in its advance towards Banska Bystrica. Colonel Ferjencfk, one of the military leaders of the upri sing, later noted that, after the fal l of Turciansky Svaty Martin around September 20, most active cooperation between the partisans and the regular military was terminated. An exception was provided by Trojan's group. 11 Enjoying the benefits of a more enlightened variety of capitalism before the war, these shoe workers were immune to Communi st attempts to recruit them. Although Trojan was not a Communist, he was not adverse to recruiting partisans of Communist or leftist sy mpathies. This particularly held true of a group of Bulgarian exchange students residing in Slovakia. Throughout the interwar period, many Balkan students of 9 Anonymous, "The Waffen SS and the Crushing of the Slovak Military Mutiny" Siegrunen: The Waffen SS in Historical Perspective Volume 5, No.6, undated, pp. 29-30 . Contributors to thi s journal consist large ly of the sons of Waffen SS officers who draw extensively from fam il y papers. 10 Document pertai ning to the history of Partisan Group Pavel , with spec ific reference to Captain Trojan and the struggle in the upper Nitra va lley . Archfv Muzea SNP, Fond IV, prir. cfs: 5 26/75, p.22. 11 Ferjencik, p.228. SLOVAKIA 41 the mundane sciences (medicine, engineering, etc.) went for their education to the more advanced universities in Czechoslovakia. Most of them studied in Prague or Brno, in the Czech lands. In November 1939, the Nazi rulers of the Reichsprotectorate of Bohemia and Moravia shut down the Czech universities following a student protest. Most of the Bulgarians consequently transferred to Slovak (previously Comenius) Uni ve rsity in Bratislava. At the beginning of the 1940s, their numbers were estimated as between 500 and 600. 12 The life of the average Slovak university student at this time was anything but luxurious, and the Bulgarians received negligible stipends and lived in substandard housing. There was an officially sanctioned Bulgarian student society named after Georgii Rakovski , one of the national awakeners of the nineteenth century. It was nationalist and right-wing in political orientation. Yet a number of students organized their own underground association called B.O.N.S.S. (Bulharsky vseobecny narodny zvaz). Their acknowleged leader was Stojan Panov Stojanov, a student of mechanical engineering. At the time of the outbreak of the Slovak National Uprising, Bulgaria changed sides in the wake of the advance of the Soviet military. Even after the German capture of Banska Bystrica (October 27), many of the Bulgarians in Slovakia were willing to support the struggle. The bulk of these Bulgarians, under the leadership of Stojanov, was received into the Nitra Brigade on December 20. Unfortunately , the Nitra Brigade was in a particularly exposed position. Most partisan units had fallen back into the Tatras, where the terrain made their elimination by the German military more difficult than those fighting further to the south. The Nitra Brigade operated in an area where the Hron River valley stood just above the lowlands. On February 13-14, 1945, the Germans struck a decisive blow against the Nitra Brigade in the vicinity of the village of Orovnice. Stojanov and most of his followers were killed. Ten of them were captured and dispatched to Nazi concentration camps. Two among this group survived Dachau , but were too physically debilitated to last long afterwards. Two other Bulgarians man aged to escape the massac re 12 V. Valev , "Bulharskf vysokoskolaci na Slovensku", p.4 and Valerian Bys tricky, "Bulhari v SNP", p. l in Archfv Muzea SNP,Fond IV , prir. cfs: 29/71. Hereafter articles and documents from this collection shall be referred to as SNP Muzeum archives/Bulgarian collecti on. 42 SLOVAKIA and joined the advancing Red Army, although both were killed in action before the end of the war. 13 Josef Trojan had particularly sentimental feelings for these Bulgarian students. It was in thi s spirit that, on February 7, 1946, he submitted a literary contribution entitled "S lavonic Peace." He stresssed the Pan-Slav nature of the struggle, and praised the Red Army. 14 Yet Trojan had a falling out with the incoming Communist government. It was perhaps less a matter of opposition to the government than it was his previous track record, plus the political atmosphere prevailing in Czechoslovakia at this time. At this point the leadership of the Czechoslovak Communist Party requires mention. The chairman of the party was Klement Gottwald, who had spent the war years in Moscow. Those Communists who had done so generally served as wi lling executors of Soviet policy. Yet others had spent the war years in prison or had served in the resistance movements in their native countries. Although they too wished to construct socialism, they wished to do so according to conditions in their native lands. Following Yugoslavia's split with the Kremlin in June ofl 948, Soviet leader Joseph Stalin ordered a massive purge of these nationali st elements throughout East Central Europe. Zionism was now targeted as an enemy ideology as well. Although both the Soviet Union and Czechoslovakia had endorsed the creation of Israel , when the British began to depart from Palestine, the Soviets began courting the Arabs. Moreover, Stalin had always held a personal distrust of Jews since the time of his conflict with the so-called "Old Bolsheviks," many of whom were Jewish. This realignment was particularly felt in Czechoslovakia, where many of the Jews who had survived the holocaust of World War II joined the Communist Party. The Secretary General of the Party, Rudolf Stansky , was himself Jewish, although he had never considered himself a Jew or a Czech or anything other than a Communist. He had also spent the war years in the Soviet Union. As the Czechoslovak Communi st Party took on an increasingly militant approach to domestic 13 List of Bulgarians killed in Slovakia 1944-45 , in SNP Muzeum arch ives/Bulgarian collection, pp.1-2. 14 Jozef Trojan , "S lovansky mier" (February 7, I946), in SNP Muzeum archives/Bulgarian collection, p.5. SLOVAKIA 43 affairs, Slansky ordered a wholesale inqui sition against suspected di ssidents. He created a machine of police terror which ultimately destroyed him as well. As those who were arrested were tortured to name other"conspirators," Slanskfs name became prominent. In the subsequent purge which followed , thousand s of innocent lives were destroyed. 15 Josef Trojan was arrested in Prague on the night of December 22, 1949 on the personal orders of Rudolf Slansky. He was charged with having collaborated with the Gestapo. Although Slansky was himself swept away not long afterwards, the machinery of repression had already been set in motion. Among its victims were Gustav Husak and other Slovak Communi st leaders of the 1944 upri sing, who received long terms of impri sonment. Even the death of Stalin early in 1953 did not halt the trend . Trojan was hanged on December 29th of that year. 16 A comparison of the fate of Trojan with those of the other two previously mentioned commanders reveal s a marked contrast, and more than just a few ironies. Jan Nalepka, unlike Trojan, was an intellectual. A poet and a teacher, he was noted for a mischievous disposition as a youth , and he retained hi s precociousness after having entered teachers' college in 1931. A conference of young teac hers in Komorna Lhotka (July 1933) was addressed by Czechoslovak president T . G. Masary k. The latter viewed the educational system as a means of molding young Slovaks into a "Czechoslovak" spirit. But, Nalepka whispered to hi s friend Vladimir Clementis that Slovak students were capable of cultivating their own spirits. 17 Clementis eventually became Czechoslovakia's foreign minister, and likew ise went to the gallows as a result of the "S lansky Affair." Nalepka was a lefti st, but also a nation alist. In February 1939, he began organizing clandestine elements against the governing Slovak People's Party-one month before the latter ass umed the leadership of 15 For the most comprehensive study of what has come to be known as the "Shi nsky Affair," see Jiri Pelikan, ed., The Czechoslovak Political Trials 1950-/ 954. The Suppressed Report of the Dubcek Government 's Commission of Inquiry, 1968 (London, 197 I). 16 Jozef Jablonicky, "Krute osudy ," in Vladimir Babni c, ed. , Na se povstanie (Banska Bystrica, I999), p. I00. 17 Jozef Nalepka, ed. , Jni kapit:foovi J:inovi N:ilepkovi (Spisska Nova Yes, 2002), p.28. 44 SLOVAKIA a se parate Slovak state. Yet the events of March 1939 inc luded a Hungari an invasion of eastern Slovakia. Called up fo r military service, Nalepka participated willingly in the brief border war. He saw no contradiction between thi s action and hi s ow n ideals. Later that year, Slovakia's military alliance with Nazi Germany dictated participati on in the Polish campaign. Nalepka, by then a lieutenant, fou ght with distinction on the northern side of the Carpathi ans. He was decorated by General Ferdinand Catlos, Slovakia's Minister of Defense. The war against Soviet Russia proved more problematic fo r Slovak soldiers. Slovaki a had territori al grievances with Hungary and Poland , but none with the Russians. Nalepka was ass igned to the soca ll ed "Security" Di visio n, whi ch was di spatched to the Pripet Marshes in northern Ukra ine and Be laru s fo r police duties against Soviet partisa ns. 18 He entered into c landes tine co ntact with these parti sans and eventu ally deserted to them, taking hi s men with him. The nature of parti san warfare in the swamps dictated th at Nalepka frequently travelled on horsebac k, carrying an automati c weapon. A photograph of this legend ary pose later inspired a plastic equestri an sc ulpture of him by Slovak sc ulptor Ann a Ki sakova . Nalepka's acti vity also contributed to hi s demj se. He was blled in an encounter with a German patro l outside the vill age of Ovruc on the ni ght of November 17, 1943. Co nsequentl y, Na lepka was un available to partic ipate in the Slovak National Uprising. But hi s survi ving comrades named their parti san brigade after him . The Captain Jan Nalepka Brigade was later parac huted back into Slovak ia to participate in the upri sing. Compared with other units which the Soviets ex ported, and which 18 Sold iers of the Security Division became, by Nazi standards, tota ll y corrupted by fra terni zation with local Ukrainians. Sov iet mili tary mobilization in the early part of the war had carried many yo un g men away. Others were forc ibly recruited by the Germans for labor services in th e Re ich. G ive n a shortage of domestic manpower, Ukra inian wome n rece ived th e Slovak sold iers willingly, if not enthusias ti call y. There was widespread venereal di sease among the Slovaks. Civilian hunger prompted a brisk trade in an exc lusive ly fe male commodity fo r rati ons, to the particul ar profit of Slovak warrant officers in charge of stores. As ide fro m all that, boredom drove many sold iers to alcohol ism. Slovak officers were re luctant to bring charges on such misdemeanors and began covering the m up, because men on punishment were removed from their co mmand without replacement. See Mark W. A. Axworthy, Axis Slovakia: Hitler's Slavic Wedge 1938- 1945 (Bays ide, New York, 2002), p. 148. SLOVAKIA 45 largely engaged in looting, the Nalepka Brigade conducted itself in an exemplary manner. Together with the 2nd Czechoslovak Paratroopers, it shares credit for the capture of the strategic village of Jalna in the Hron River valley on October 10-12, 1944. This action was the last victory of the insurgents in Slovakia during the up• 19 n• smg. Nalepka died at a convenient time, which enabled him to become a legend in the postwar Communist era. Hi s peasant parents were received with honor in the Soviet Union at memorial services dedicated to the captain. His popularity survived the collapse of the Communist system in East Central Europe. Streets in various Slovak communities are still named after him. Being an established folk hero has its privileges. Viliam Zingor, like Nalepka, was an army deserter. Called up for service on the Eastern Front, he instead took to the mountains in the vicinity of Turciansky Svaty Martin. He was the brother of a nationally renowned hunter. Bohus Zingor was well known among forest rangers, a fact which was of considerable help to his fugitive brother. When Viliam Zingor took to hiding on the Podstranie Mountain, he was befriended and sheltered by forest ranger Ladislav Frimmel. The Zingor brothers and Frimmel organized a network to aid other fugitives. A significant member of this group was Vladimir Iershov, a Slovak professor of Ru ssian extraction. Iershov's area of specialty was escaped Soviet prisoners of war who had made their way to the Slovak highlands. These included people of Russian , Ukrainian, Georgian and Armenian nationalities.2° They played a key role in the overall partisan movement during the events of autumn 1944. By March of 1944, Viliam Zingor commanded a significant number of partisans in the vicinity of the Podstranie Mountain. In August, membership was estimated at roughly 100 men. Later that month the group was reinforced by Soviet partisans commanded by Captain Pyotr Alekseyevitch Velitchko, who had parachuted into 19 Ibid, p.292. Prior to the collapse of the Soviet Un ion, participants in the Slovak National Uprising from the various republics were acknow ledged and honored simply as citizens of the Soviet Union. At the time of the 60th anniversary in Hanska Bystrica, a number of ambassadors of now sovereign republics participated in the celebrations. The participation of their citizens was duly acknow ledged by the Muzeum SNP, leading to a dramatic increase of nations listed as having contributed to the uprising. 20 46 SLOVAKIA Slovakia. On August 25 - four days before the formal commencement of the upri sing - Zingor was made commander of the M. R. Stefanik Brigade. This partisan brigade was named after the Slovak member of the founding fathers of Czechoslovakia, who held the rank of brigadier-general in the army of France during the First World War. It was so named in part because of a large number of French members. Earlier in the war, French soldiers who had escaped from prisoner of war camps in Germany made their way eastward. It was their intention to reac h neutral Turkey , from whence they could board ships and make their way back to the Allied side. Most of these Frenchmen were recaptured or interned in either Slovakia or Hungary. The Slovak underground arranged their escape and transfer to the mountains around Turciansky Svaty Martin , where they were absorbed into the partisan movement. These Frenchmen enjoyed a certain independence of command under Lieutenant Georges Barazar de Lannurien. During the opening weeks of the uprising, they halted the German advance in the vicinity of Strecno. 21 Viliam Zingor supported the Democratic Party of Jozef Lettrich (a member of the Slovak National Council during the upri sing) in the years immediately following the war. Consequently, he opposed the incoming Communist government. Mutual antagonism intensified after the Communists consolidated power in February of 1948 . By now the state had recourse against Zingor. It alleged that he and several wartime associates had established a subversive organization. This body was said to be inspired by the "Anglo-American imperialists," now enemies of the Soviet Union, Czechoslovakia's protector. Zingor and his associates were accused of agitating among the trade union s. It was further alleged that they had disbursed various funds for this purpose. They were put on trial on October 12-2 1, 1950, 21 For an English-language acco unt of the French participation in Slovakia, see Bohus Chnoupek, A Breaking of Seals: The French Resistance in Slovakia (Oxford and New York, 1988). Chnoupek was a Slovak journalist who first publicized the French role at the time of the tenth anniversary of the upri sing. Later, he became Czechoslovakia's foreign minister under the Husak regime. For the most comprehensive work on the subject, see Dusan Halaj et. al., Francuzi v Slovenskom narodnom povstanf (Banska Bystrica, 2003). SLOVAKIA 47 were found guilty, and were sentenced to death .22 Zingor was executed the following year. Viliam Zingor's rehabilitation came about as a result of the democratic reforms temporarily effected in Czechoslovakia in 1968. At the beginning of that year Slovak Communist Party leader Alexander Dubcek assumed the leadership of the Czechoslovak Communist Party . The way was paved for the redress of many outstanding grievances. Relatives of the defendants in the Zingor trial maintained that allegations concerning the disbursement of funds for illegal purposes were the invention of "agents provocateurs" in the service of State Security. It may be argued that the reviewing court was more generous than just in its evaluation. The hostility of the defendants to the Communist regime was an unquestionable fact. Yet, insofar as no network of conspiratorial activity actually existed, the district court of Banska Bystrica formally overturned the verdicts on April 29, 1968. 23 Czechoslovakia's democratic reforms , popularly known as the "Prague Spring," were abruptly terminated in August of that year. The Soviet Union and other Warsaw Pact countries invaded and occupied Czechoslovakia. Within a year Dubcek was forced out of his position as Party Secretary and replaced by Gustav Husak. A one-time Slovak nationalist and former political prisoner, Husak now acknowledged Soviet hegemony as an unavoidable fact and urged his countrymen to do likewise. He thus became the enforcer of Soviet policy in that hapless land . But the status of the Slovaks underwent a revision formally acting in their favor . Czechoslovakia was federalized into two republics - one Czech and the other Slovak although both were subject to a common Communi st Party . Most significantly, the official attitude towards the Slovak Nation al Upri22 Copies of documents pertainin g to both the prosecution of and the verdi ct on the state's case against Zingor may be found in the archives of the Museum of the Slovak National Uprising in Banska Bystrica. For the prosecution , see Odpi s zaloby rok 1950 in Archfv Muzea SNP, Fond IV , prir. cfs: 576/9 1, pp. 1-20. For the verdict , see Rozsudok rok 1950, Archiv Muzea SNP, Fond IV, prir. cfs : 575/96, pp. I - 15. 23 Documents pertaining to th e review of the case of the state versus Z ingor and associates may be found in the archives of the Museum of the Slovak National Uprising in Banska Bystri ca. For the formal verdict, see Rozsudok rok 1968 in Archfv Muzea SNP, Fond IV, prir. cfs: 5 76/9 1, pp.1 -33 . For the rehabilitati on, see Uznesenie rok 1968 in Archfv Muzea SN P, Fond IV, prir. cfs : 5 76/91 , pp. 1- 10. 48 SLOVAKIA sing changed. Previously vilified, it was now hailed as a cornerstone in relations between the two nationalities. Consequently, Zingor's rehabilitation was permitted to stand, and he began receiving honorable mention in officially sanctioned historical publications. The fact that he had aided escaped Soviet P.O.W.S made him less than objectionable to Czechoslovakia's overlords. Josef Trojan had to wai t another generation before receiving honorable mention in Slovak history books. Ironically, his memory is treated more charitably by Slovak historians such as Jozef Jablonicky than it is among his own Czech people. Trojan's case was reviewed following the collapse of the Communist system in the Velvet Revolution of autumn 1989. He was exonerated on the charge of having collaborated with the Gestapo, and his death penalty was overturned. But a conviction and prison sentence remained in force on the grounds that Trojan "organized murder," in this case hav ing executed members of his own partisan unit. Trojan 's case raises an interesting legal question. Under common maritime law, a captain on an isolated ship has virtually unlimited authority to execute insubordinates. To what extent does this apply to a partisan commander in an insurgent situation, in a country where the successor government disavows the sovereignty of the previous one? Czech historian Jan Rychlik has asserted that, according to a law promulgated on May 8, 1946, acts committed between September 30, 1938 and October 28,1945, which normally would be considered crimes, were not punishable if they contributed to the liberation of the Czech and Slovak peoples. Internal military ordinances permitted the commander to use force (including the use of firearms) under field conditions in which subordinate soldiers refu sed to fulfill orders. The question of the application of these legal norms, however, remained contingent upon the decision of an individual court. 24 A Slovak partisan who knew Trojan both before and after the war concurs with the revised verdict. Jan Kulhan began the war as a Slovak soldier di spatched to the Eastern Front. Like many others, he changed sides, becoming a member of the 1st Czechoslovak Army Corps commanded by General Ludvik Svoboda. He was di spatched 24 Law of May 8, 1946 (No. 11 5/ 1946) from Collection of Laws, Official Law Gazette. Information provided by Jan Rychlfk, to whom the present author expresses his gratitude. SLOVAKIA 49 ahead of the front on a mission to destroy German-held oil wells in southern Poland. Kulhan's recollection of Trojan remains a lively and coherent one. According to Kulhan , Trojan actually joined the Communist Party after the war. At this time he was noted as a stern manager, going so far as to insist that employees show up for work. Kulhan asserted that the charge of having collaborated with the Gestapo was a fabrication. Trojan's honeymoon with the Czechoslovak Communist Party was a brief one, and his disillusionment placed him on a collision course. Kulhan also conceded that, given his professional background, Trojan's partisans were perhaps the best shod in the Slovak National Uprising. But several friends of Kulhan's sister were among the partisans who were executed. Kulhan maintain s that Trojan acted wrongfully in this matter. 25 At the time of the writing of this essay, the Czech judicial system maintains an enigmatic silence concerning Trojan, although his case is again open for review. Meanwhile, Slovak historians and octogenarian veterans of World War II alike look forward to the rehabilitation of a man who, although born a Czech , enjoys a certain reputation as a Slovak hero. Yet, judging from the opinion of Kulhan , not all octogenarians agree. It remains for the Czech judicial system to give a complete account of the execution of partisans by Trojan, and the state's case against him. 25 Telephone interview with John Kulhan, August I0 , 2005. Mr. Kulhan is today a U.S. citizen and is currently a nominee fo r the Pres identi al Medal of Freedom.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovak Partisan Commanders in World War II: The Case of Josef Trojan Description An account of the resource R. Vladimír Baumgarten Slovakia, Vol. 39 (No. 72-73), 2007 pp. 36-49 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Baumgarten, R. Vladimir Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2007 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/ddd0bdeda788ee4c11d6ce4a8d4ba7b5.pdf 29ea0dcde14b493a3a3f4d6a87885146 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 80 Antonia M a z d n o v d: Slovak Piano Composition (A BRIEF SURVEY ) Conditions in 19th century Slovakia were so repressive, so debilitating to the spirit, that only under menacing hardships could the Slovaks develop their music on a n ational scale. The leadership concentrated on the nation's struggle for liberation from the Magyars. All its efforts and energies were directed toward Slovak national and cultural independence. The incipient cultivation of Slovak national art cut across the injustice of the Slovak position , and music, too, actively entered the fray. Slovak music and its origins cannot be evaluated from the perspective of modern musical art. While urban artistic culture at that period was comparatively highly developed in Slovakia, it represented cosmopolitan, not Slovak art. Therefore, the movement for authentic Slovak revival kept aloof from it and concentrated its cultural and artistic activity within certain cities like Turciansky Sv. Martin, Banska Bystrica, Liptovsky Sv. Mikulas, Dolny Kubin and several others, which likewise became important centers of patriotic and promotional movements. Music and song were completely at the service of national ideologies and struggles. Music no less than the other arts was expected to spark national consciousness and keep patriotism alive. Slovakia in that period possessed neither the means nor the conditions required for the cultivation of artistic music; consequently the character of its over-all musical life remained amateurish. Musical enthusiasts who happened to flourish were dilettantes devoid of professional training and only by way of exception did any of them attain artisticesthetic renown in competent circles. Folk creativity played a significant role in the growth and quality of Slovak national music. From the age of enlightenment it served as a powerful source of inspiration for artistic composition, chiefly under the influence of Romanticism, from which the entire Slovak national art evolved. A Slovak in the 19th century would have recognized �SLOVAKIA 81 in folk art (folksong) the most authentic expression of the national spirit, the personification of the nation's immortality and sole source of resistance in its struggle for self-identity. Eventually, toward the close of the 19th century, this trend resulted in conservatism and became a deterrent to fresh views in folk music and hampered any effort to raise the artistic standard of Slovak music. The earliest collections of folksongs were the basis from which piano compositions evolved. These consisted of simple arrangements of a primitive nature. In 1830 Martin Suchan arranged 12 songs from safarik's collection and in 1837 Ladislav Ftiredy composed piano arrangements for 25 pieces from Kollar's collection of patriotic songs. Toward the end of the 18th and on into the 19th century new musical creations appeared, combining Magyar elements with Slovak folksongs, resulting in the so-called neo-Hungarian song. The neo-Hungarian style, evident principally in the dance forms, also partly infiuenced emerging Slovak musical compositions in Slovak musical centers, as exemplified in the piano compositions of M. Godra, well-known songs like Matthew's Musing, Svihrovskd, and gypsy traces in M. Laciak's and M. Francisci's arrangements of folksongs. In the 1870's a counter influence arose against the gypsy influence in Slovak folksongs. The leading protagonist in the effort to offset foreign influence in music was the puristic oriented Milan Lichard. Early composers were prolific in their works for the piano. Paul Gerengay (1825-95) (Dance music: Recollection of Sitno) and Maximilian Hudec (1836-1911) ( Hurban March, Marina Quadrille) made a beginning. The most popular were the quadrilles, mazurkas, polkas, waltzes, etc. (Emigrant, by A. Krcmery; Quadrille of St. Martin, by Bella, Ladonka, by Laciak, a quartet, Tatra Flowers, by Boldis, and others). To this group belongs Michael Laciak ( 1826-1901) who, besides the piano variations for Our Times also attempted in his Instruction to standardize Slovak musical terminology. A. Horislav Skultety was a most productive composer. He composed about 6 stylistic dances for the piano. In this period l'..udovit Vansa (1835-73) received a thorough musical education and became a creative composer. For his own immediate :"'leeds and to his great personal satisfaction he produced Wreaths of Folksongs �82 SLOVAKIA for the piano. Similar aspirations were achieved by Stefan Fajnor ( 1844-1909) one of the most accomplished composers of a renaissance era. Originally he composed chamber music and was considerably influenced by the neo-Hungarian style, than finally turned to Slovak melodies in his Variations for piano and Fantasia of Slovak Folksongs. Vlastimir Melicko (1893-1946) the son of a musical family of the renowned Jan Melicko, already graced with a technical musical training, became a highly talented composer. He arranged dances for the piano and produced Slovak Rhapsody and Fantasia, based on Slovak folksongs. Associated with the activities of the Slovak Society in Budapest is the name of ~udovit Izak (Milos Lihovecky, 1862-1927) composer of a wide variety of works. For the piano he wrote the popular polka Anica and piano variations on the folksong Tecie voda, tecie. Another member of the Slovak Society was Milan Lichard (1853-1935). He obtained his specialized musical training at the Academy in Budapest. Noteworthy on his extensive list of compositions are his short piano pieces and two-piano rhapsodies, which in reality are outstanding collections of songs. Two other piano composers who lived and composed outside of Slovakia must be mentioned. Holding first place was Milos Francisci, a dentist (1854-1926). He was act~ve in the United States and besides choruses, he wrote for piano paraphrases of folksongs, entitled Trdvnice (two volumes of 100 songs each) and a Fantasia on Slovak songs for two pianos. Vladimir G. sasko (1875-1960) a piano virtuoso, also emigrated to the United States. He studied at the Academy of Music in Budapest and taught at the Chicago Musical College. He is the creator of many Slovak compositions: rhapsodies, Fantasia, based on Slovak folksongs and variations. Piano compositions and other unnamed works of these two composers were instrumental in making an impact on Slovak national consciousness in the United States. To this generation of Slovak creative artists, all of them composers in the Slovak national tradition, we further assign, Jan Levoslav Bella, Mikulas Mayzes, Viliam FigusBystry and Mikulas Schneider-Trnavsky. The initial efforts of this generation of composers sparked a national revival of native Slovak art, which also embraced music in its �SLOVAKIA 83 patriotic-awakening, informative and world-wide roles. These composers, by contrast with the former generation, already possessed all the marks of a creative artistic individuality. Their compositions continued to show the influence of the former esthetic revival based on the role of the folksong, which extended into the 1920's and 1940's, when a new generation of composers with modern artistic styles was emerging. One of the first musicians with a European outlook was Jan Levoslav Bella 0843-1936), the dean of Slovak composers, one of the founders of Slovak national musical culture. Self-educated in playing the piano, he did not indulge in piano composition in the later years of his mature mastery. His four-movement Sonata in B Minor, which to this day appears on programs, represents a work of perennial merit in music literature. Another outstanding composition is his fragmentary Sonata in C Minor, from the elaborate first movement of which has been constructed a Beethoven allegro and an impressively beautiful adagio. Minor works include: Variations for the song Pri Presporku and Leti roj, as well as a Sonatina in E Minor, all of which exemplify the music standard of his contemporaries. An enthusiastic admirer and promoter of Slovak folksongs, Viliam Figus-Bystry ( 1875-1937) directed his activity almost exclusively to using folksongs in classical music. Together with Milan Lichard and Stefan Fajnor, he dominated the so-called renaissance period of Slovak music, in which the composers for the most part were self-trained. The basic design of Figus's creations is derived from Slovak folksong arrangements. His piano compositions include One Thousand Slovak Folksongs, Flowers of the Field, a collection written for children ( 106 songs in simple arrangement for the piano), Dances, and a march Pages from an Album, Multicolored Leaves (10 compositions) Musical Miniatures (12 compositions). Probably the most extensive of his piano compositions is the four-part Slovak Sonata in the dorian mode, based on themes of Slovak folksongs . In his earlier years Figus also composed practical piano music in chamber style (polkas, marches, etc.). The overture for his opera Detvan has been arranged for four hands. One of the pioneers of the national realistic trend in �84 SLOVAKIA Slovak music was Mikulas Moyzes (1872-1944). The bulk of his compositions gravitated toward orchestral music. Most of his piano compositions he eventually transposed to orchestral arrangements. His best known works are the three-movement Sonatina and a series of 12 piano compositions, To our Youth. His remaining piano works consist of short forms like mazurkas, polonaises, preludes, impromptus, arabesques, meditations, etc. The inspirational basis for his entire repertoire is the Slovak folksong, from which he selected a typical Slovak melodic theme in order to develop an independent creation. Moyzes originated the ballad song with its deep realistic picturesqueness. Following Bella, the most impressive member of the older generation of composers was Mikulas SchneiderTrnavsky ( 1881-1959) a pioneer in the trend toward realism in Slovak national music and a friend of Zoltan Kodaly. The strong point in his creativeness was artistic variation in Slovak folksongs and classical song form composition comparable to the motifs in the style of Schubert and Mendelssohn. Schneider-Trnavsky was the first to develop the recitative-rhapsodic type of Slovak melody. Because of the wealth of his compositions in this category, his piano works are not extensive. His Opus 5 is a Brief Waltz (1898) and his popular instructive Slovak Sonatina is well-known and often concertized. Later appeared his Variation Line of Compositions (1944). The musical philosophy of M. SchneiderTrnavsky in all his creative effort stems from the Slovak folksong. His style and tools of expression are Post-Romantic. To this creative quartet of Slovak musicians (from the standpoint of age and style) one must add the names of Frico Kafenda and Alexander Albrecht. As composers they were not specifically aligned with the effort to promote Slovak national music, but they nevertheless made a valuable contribution to the advancement of Slovak musical art. And although they belonged to the Romantic school of composers, they formed a logical link in the historical development of Slovak music and provided an effective transition from the dilettante culture of the previous century to the Slovak avantgarde and indeed paved the way for it. �SLOVAKIA 85 The character of Frico Kafenda's creations (1883-1965) was decisively influenced by his training in Leipzig, where conservative traditions merged with the Post-Romantic school. Among his teachers were Robert Teich-Mtiller (piano ), Stefan Krehl and Heinrich Zollner (composition), Arthur Nikisch (conducting). He also attended lectures by Herrmann Kretschmar and Hugh Riemann. Kafenda's compositions frequently exhibit a subjective intimate character. The style of his music is marked by strict harmony and proficient contrapuntal writing. The core of his works comprises chamber, song-like, and instrumental compositions. His piano works consist of A Piano Suite in the ancient modes, Three Piano Compositions, and Variations and Fugues. Alexander Albrecht (1885-1958) can be described as the type of composer-synthesist, who radiates a variety of influences. He was an intimate friend of Bartok. He studied at the Conservatory of Budapest and his teachers were Istvan Thoman (piano), Hans Kassler (composition), and F. Szandtner (conducting). Hindemith's influence led him to combine classicism with modern elements of expression. His musical thought was expressed chiefly in lyrics, in the tender grazioso and the play!ul scherzo. Among his distinguished piano compositions, the following are outstanding: Scherzo in F Major (duet) (1899), Sonata in F Major, Scherzo (1907), (duet), Aphorisms, New Year Greeting, Moods (duet), Wild Rose Suite, (duet), Sonatina in three movements as a duet, humoresque (Excursion i n a Thunderstorm), Twelve short compositions (Success to Music, Little Johnny, In the Distance, Shepherd Dance, Joyful Awakening, Wedding Feast of the Crickets, In a Gay Room, Beginner in Dancing, Perfect Dancer, Dusk, Night, Going to Work in the Morning). His final composition is an instructive work, entitled Ten Duets, based on song themes and recitations from Jan Krasko's collection. After 1918 the newly evolved Slovak music style encountered many difficult challenges : to create a firm material basis for a national musical life and to establish a strong organizational position in competition with a fully developed appreciation of foreign music, which had found a ready response in the musical life of Slovakia. The spirit of competition generated much activity, cen- �86 SLOVAKIA tered in new musically-cul tural institutions, organizations and music schools. In these years, as it were in the shadow of the previously mentioned composers, there indeed arose a group of musicians, who adhered to ancient traditions, but their productions lacked any distinguishab le unity. Renowned at this time was Dezider Lauko (1872-1942) whose piano compositions can be compared with Liszt's in their brilliance and salon presentation. For the piano he wrote Slovak Moods, Piano Etudes for Children, Humoresques, three Valse Scherzandos, Rhapsody in Slovak Meadows, duets for Slovak Dances, and others. :r.uctmila Krizkova-Leh otska (1863-1945), the first Slovak woman composer, in addition to various piano works, directed her talent to composing for children. Angeia Cziczkova (1888-1973) specialized in pedagogical elements of music instruction as well as in composition. Her works consist of more than 100 compositions (Unisono with 54 exercises, Study in Octaves, Rhythmic Exercises with Variations, Technique in Trills, A Study in Chromatics, Preparing to Play Tremolo . In addition she wrote 48 compositions, Youth, 16 Short Preludes for piano. From among her classical selections are Twelve Sonatas, Slavic Fantasy, Prelude in A Flat Major, and Nine Preludes for piano. An individualisti c pattern was folloved by Fran.a Dostalik (1896-1944). His music portrays modern expression and shows some attempt at experimentat ion. Besides shorter forms for the piano, he wrote Detvan Sonatina which he later arranged as a piano duet. To this group of composers belong many others who flourished in the years before and after World War I. Their thought and inspiration sprang from a cultural climate where struggle for an independent national musical art predominated ; or it was derived from the uncertain period of new social-cultura l conditions during the first Republic, when new ideas of national musical culture among the younger generation clashed with the older music. Some of these composers achieved only amateur status; for others again the unfavorable conditions of Slovak cultural life in that period precluded any advancement even with specialized musical training. One of the most productive composers in this group (he has about 260 works to his credit) is Jozef Rosinsky �SLOVAKIA 87 (1897-1973). He obtained his education in Turin and in Rome (law); in Nice he studied piano and organ. His rich productivity comprises all genres. A listing of his piano works must include the following noteworthy selections: Mazurka in A Minor, Children's March, Trencin Bells, Fantasia alla Zingara, Prelude on Slovak Motifs, Plastic Pictures, Scherzo (duet), Slovak Gleanings, Ten Short Compositions, First Sonata, Second Sonata, Sonata for piano or harmonium, Echoes of Enchanted Nitra, and Slovak Concert Fantasia for piano and orchestra. Ladislav Stancek ( 1898) is a composer of the same calibre. His vast productivity was directed almost exclusively to program music. In Brno he studied organ under Tregler, composition under V. Petrzelka and 0. Chlubna and conducting under F. Neumann. Among his most popular piano compositions are: Child's Suite, Variations on an original theme and a collection entitled From Life. Representative of the culturally-enlightened and popular composition, anchored in the great traditions of the nationally-revived chorus and group singing in Slovakia, is Jan Valast'an Dolinsky (1892-1965). In the area of piano composition he left short forms: Complaint, Remembrance of May, Minuets in G Major and E Flat Major, Waltz in A Minor, Page From an Album, and Valse Triste. The works of Jan Krasko-Zapotocky (1893-1968) fall into the same category. He, too, was noted as an enlightened leader in the field of music instruction. Among his works are sonatinas and patriotic songs issued under the title, Echoes of Freedom. Jan Mory (1897) belongs to quite another class of composers. He dealt principally with operettic, popular, and dance music. For the piano he prepared instructional works for children, several duets and a collection entitled Children Sing and Play. The composers of yet another school react sensitively to the contemporary, employing methods-modern, technical, and expressive. Their common characteristic is a higher artistic and idealistic standard, without, however, a uniform productivity. An outstanding figure is Stefan Ladislav Nemeth-samorinsky (1896), a typical representative of Bratislava's musical life. In thought and artistry he belongs to the progressive Magyar musical culture as �88 SLOVAKIA represented in Bratislava by Bela Bartok and Alexander Albrecht. He studied piano, organ, and composition at the Academy of Music in Budapest and later attended the Graduate School of Franz Schmidt in Vienna. He can claim a valuable collection of piano works. He arranged 20 Slovak folksongs for piano under the title, For Youth. He wrote a very effective Slovak Rhapsody and Improvisation on a Slovak folksong . Other significant works include: Meditation on Paganini's Theme, a transcription of Beethoven's Romance in D Major for violin, Intermezzo for piano, Sonata with three movements, containing valuable content (Toccata and Fugue) Piano Concerto, and Transcription of Liszt's Prelude and Fugue on Bach's name for two pianos. A composer of an earlier generation with extensive production in music theory, writing, and pedagogy was Jan Fiser-Kveton (1896-1963). He studied composition and conducting at the Prague Conservatory under K. B. Jirak and J. B. Forster. In composition he reached out into diverse styles. In 1928 he produced Sonata in F Minor for piano and the best-loved compositions are his two-piano Suites for Youth. A distinctive role m Slovak musical life and composition was played by Michael Vilec (1902), who was associated in the early years of his creativity with Eastern Slovakia. His compositions reflect the influence of his teacher Zoltan Kodaly and are marked by impressionism. At first he had held himself aloof from the compositional efforts of his generation. His works are noted for their expressive folk elements, among which must be mentioned Bagatelles for piano, Ballade for two pianos, Sonata for piano, Rondo, Three Sonatinas, two series of duets From the Banks of the Danube, Conversation at the Piano, Two-Tone Inventions, Eight Studies on the Development of Interpretive Elements and Fantasia on the waltzes of Franz Schubert: Schubertiada for piano and orchestra. Together with Mikulas Mayzes, he wrote a significant two-volume School of Piano. The first third of the century saw the emergence of a young generation of Slovak composers with a new program and new ideals and goals: to create a style of music that would be contemporary, modern, deeply realistic and Slovak. These composers were determined to put an end to provincialism and dilettantism and at long last to incorpo- �SLOVAKIA 89 rate the culture of a highly talented Slovak nation into the great orchestra of European music. A Golden Age of musical composition was about to dawn throughout the world and Slovak piano creativity would play a responsible role in it. Another composer of contemporary music is Alexander Moyzes (1906). He obtained his musical training at the Prague Conservatory under the direction of such teachers as Otakar Sin and Rudolf Karel (composition), Otakar Ostrem (conducting), and B. A. Wiedermann (organ) . Moyzes is noted for his program music with its polished composition2.! technique, which combines classical and Post-Romantic principles with impulses of impressionism. In addition to his creative works, Moyzes actively promoted a new style of Slovak music by means of articles, critical essays, and reviews, in which he condemned in no uncertain terms both dilettantism and conservatism in Slovak musical life. In his capacity as music instructor he educated an entire generation of composers, who to this day occupy foremos t positions in Slovak musical circles. (Holoubek, Jurovsky, Kardos, Ocenas, Freso and several others) . Moyzes' creative works include basic instrumental and vocal genres. His principal compositions for the piano are: Sonata in E Minor (a transcription of Seven Compositions - 1942) which has been rated as one of the best Slovak piano compositions. Others are: Divertimento (1930), FoxEtude and Improptu (1935), Highwayman's Rhapsody (1957) . He also wrote Jazz Sonata (1932) for two pianos. Eugen Suchon (1908) shares with Moyzes the glory of initiating the Golden Age of Slovak musical art. He is at once its creator, its promoter, and its splendid flowering. He studied at the Academy of Music and Drama in Bratislava under the direction of Frico Kafenda and Jozef Vincourek. After graduation he continued his studies under Vitezoslav Novak at the Graduate School in Prague. Suchon's art is completely original. It matured under the impact of Slovak folk melodies combined with modern techniques. The blending of melody, harmony, rhyth::.n and form characterizes Suchoi'.t's music and gives it its national character. Omitting his earlier compositions, (1923-28), a list of his best known works includes the following: Short Suite with Passacaglia (1931), Ballade Suite (1936), which is a standard calling card among elite Slovak pianists; �90 SLOVAKIA Metamorphosis Suites (1953), which is a compendium of modern piano tunes with effective transition and harmonious techniques; Pictures from Slovakia, six series of piano compositions from 1956-1957; and a newer Rhapsodic Suite for piano and orchestra (1968). In 1969 he contributed Kaleidoscope (Evolution of Harmony) in which individual numbers are a succession of delicate musical miniatures. Jan Cikker (1911), pioneer of contemporary national opera, a celebrity known for his irrepressible vitality and vibrant energy, yet not without meditative depth, also belongs to the contemporary scene. He studied composition at the Prague Conservatory under Jaroslav Kricka, organ under B. A. Wiedermann, and conducting under Pavel Dedecek. At the Graduate School he was the student of Vitezoslav Novak and pursued conducting under Felix Weingartner. Cikker opened wide the concentrated art of folksong and dance and developed it into classical, highly spontaneous forms. He is a contemporary lyricist and dramatist. Although Cikker concentrated on operatic creations, he also wrote a considerable number of piano compositions: Sonata in E Minor (1927), while yet pursuing his studies, two compositions for piano In Solitude ( 1940), Piano Variations (1935), Lullaby (1942), Two Compositions for Youth (1948), Tatra's Brooks (three brilliant compositions for piano, 1954), and finally 15 piano water-colors, What the Children Narrated, also a Concertina for piano and orchestra. In addition there is his arrangement of Slovak Suites for orchestra and two pianos. The foremost personality in the field of Slovak music is Dezider Kardos (1914), a student of Alexander Moyzes and V. Novak, a.member of the central generation of composers (along with Ocenas, Jurovsky, Kresanek, Freso and Holoubek). Kardos concentrates his talent on the creation of monumental works, in which his technique is best applied. From among his numerous works the foremost are: Two Piano Compositions (1933), Piano Suite II (1937), Studies for Piano ( 1947), a series of piano compositions Bagatelles (1948), Cycle of 10 Piano Compositions for Youth (1956), many individual scores for children, and notably the interpretive, yet quite spontaneous three compositions To My Children (Banter, Humoresque, Toccatina). In 1969 �SLOVAKIA 91 he concluded Piano Concerto with orchestra. It was his first composition of the concert type. It is not a concert work in the traditional sense of the word. The piano is combined with the orchestral rhythm, but it continues to express the individual motifs and ideas. Another member of the central generation of composers is Ladislav Holoubek (1913). He studied composition under A. Moyzes, conducting under Jozef Vincourek, piano under Ernest Krizan. After completing his studies he pursued composition under V. Novak. Holoubek's artistry is best exemplified in his operatic creations. His works for piano are: Sonata in G Major (1931), Prelude, Passacaglia and Toccata (1934) , Four Fugues , II Sonata for Piano (1947), and a cycle for young advanced pianists, Children's Games and Joys . Prominent also as a representative member of the central generation of composers is Andrej Ocenas ( 1911). He studied in Bratislava under A. Moyzes (composition), conducting under Jozef Vincourek, and advanced composition under V. Novak in Prague. His production is characterized by design of splendor and monumentality. For the piano he wrote: First Letters (I Piano Suite), Fugue for piano, II Piano Suite, a piano fantasia Sleet, a series of piano compositions, New Spring, a piano suite Youth, a piano suite, Pictures from a Fable, Ballade, Piano Concerto with orchestra, several individual compositions and Flowers of the Field for young pianists. The creations of Ocenas are characterized by original reconstruction of genuine folklore; he therefore resembles the realists, Janacek and Moussorgsky. A lyrical composer with a feeling for poetic tonal-coloring detail was simon Jurovsky (1912-1963). A student of A. Moyzes (composition), Jozef Vincourek (conducting), he later studied in Vienna under Jozef Marx. In addition to a series of major forms, he left the following piano compositions: Piano Suite, 4 compositions for children, From a Child's Paradise, a suite from ballet, Chivalrous Ballade for piano, Peace Symphony, for concert piano and string orchestra. Tibor Freso ( 1918) belongs to a generation which injected a new creative spirit into Slovak music. He studied under the Italian composer, Ildebrand -Pizetti at the Academia �92 SLOVAKIA di Santa Cecilia in Rome. For piano he wrote a Miniature Suite, which is an effective recital composition with lesser technical demands; Russian Dance for piano, a piano suite In a Child's Room for very young pianists, and a succession of shorter works. Frantisek Babusek ( 1905-1954) a prominent broadcasting conductor, studied conducting under Pavel Dedecek and composition under V. Novak, Jozef Suk, and Jaroslav Kricka in Prague. To Babusek belongs well-deserved credit for producing original compositions and organizing periodic symphonic concerts. He wrote Prelude for piano and the majestic Concerto in D Minor, which in its claims is indeed somewhat exaggerated, but is a masterly composition in which Babusek amassed a whole assemblage of modern piano techniques, many-faceted rhythms and intricacies. The leading personality of Slovak musical science is Dr. Jozef Kresanek (1913). He was educated in composition under Rudolf Karl at the Prague Conservatory and at the Graduate School of V. Novak. Along with his scholarly pursuits, which netted him a long series of learned articles, and books, he composed many songs, choruses, chamber music as well as the following works for the piano: Piano Suite in four parts, I I Piano Suite, arrangements of Slovak folksongs for young pianists, Meadow Flowers, Elegy for piano, Highwayman's Ballade and others. His Scherzo for the piano is an outstanding work. The foremost exponent of Slovak musical theory and estheticism is Dr. Otto Ferenczy ( 1921) . As a composer he advanced on the knowledge of Bart6k and Stravinsky and was able to combine their thrust with the realism of the Slovak folksong. Characteristic of Ferenczy are his expressive elegance, his brilliance and intellectual humor. His works reflect inspiration from the eastern Slovak folksong and dance, and later from more imposing concert and symphonic works. From a wealth of creative works one must list his Intermezzo for piano, and Capriccio for piano and orchestra. He wrote an innovative piece entitled Partita for concert piano and orchestra. Jan Zimmer (1926) can be characterized as a highly productive artist and one of the most distinguished figures of a youthful generation of masters. He obtained his musical training at thP. Bratislava Conservatory, studying organ �SLOVAKIA 93 under Jozef Veber, piano under Frico Kafenda, and composition under Eugen Suchan. He also studied composition at the Franz Liszt Academy in Budapest, under Ferencz Farkas and is a graduate of the Salzburg Seminary in American studies (David Diamond). Zimmer himself is a piano virtuoso, appearing in concerts as the exclusive interpreter of his own compositions and constantly deals with problems involving the piano-solo and piano with orchestra. The blossoming of his style is based on the synthesis of neo-classical interpretive forms with the distinctive quality of sound. In all his works Zimmer explores new directions. Besides a lengthy list of other types of composition, he is credited also with numerous piano works as follows: Four Piano Compositions, Moods, I and II Sonatas for piano, Three Sonatas for 2 pianos, Tatry I-II (I and II suites for piano and orchestra), Three Sonatas for 2 pianos, Four Piano Concertos with orchestra, Concerto for piano without orchestra, A Piano Concerto, with solo part in the bass with orchestra, Three Preludes for piano, Rhapsody for piano and orchestra, Short Fantasia for piano and orchestra, Ten Children's Pieces, Concerto Grosso for 2 pianos, 2 string orchestras,· including percussion ·instruments. In contemporary musical life a place of distinction belongs to Rudolf Macudzinski (1907), master, pedagogue, and an outstanding Slovak piano virtuoso. A student of V. Kurz and Leos Janacek, he trained a significant number of young piano-artists. As an accomplished artist, he stands in the forefront of Slovak concert life and together with his wife Silvia Macudzinski often concertizes on two pianos, thus ably promoting this less known type of music. His talent and skill in composition takes many forms, but he excels chiefly in instrumental music. From his piano pieces we choose Two Romances, Sonatina, solo theme for piano, Meditation and Fugue for 2 pianos, Divertimento for two pianos, Bagatelles for 2 pianos, orchestral and concert arrangements, Valse-Improptu for piano and orchestra, Variazoni Olimpiche for piano and orchestra. Well known are his arrangements of folksongs for piano and his instructive and presentative works for youth, such as Study of Scales I and II, and Christmas Numbers I Can Play, and others. �94 SLOVAKIA Resembling Macudzinski in character and artistic creative thought, is the talented Slovak conductor, Dr. ~udovit Rajter (1906). He pursued his studies in Vienna under C. Kraus and A. Wunderer, as well as F. Schmidt and J. Marx. Later he continued his studies under Dohnanyi in Budapest. His creative works are not as numerous as those of Macudzinski, but artistically they are highly polished. His most important piano piece is Short Suite in the old style. Otherwise he composes for orchestra and chorus. Several composers align themselves with the tradition of artistic creativity based on the folklore of eastern Slovakia. One of these is Jozef Gresak (1907), who with his Piano Concerto introduced altogether unusual hues into piano tones and presented quite fascinating methodical problems about natural and unnatural fingerings and the central role of the thumb as the midpoint of a pianistic hand. An individual of remarkable stature in contemporary Slovak life is Julius Kowalski (1912). He studied composition and conducting at the Prague Conservatory under Rudolf Karl, Alojz Haba and Pavel Dedecek. He continued his studies at the Graduate School in Prague under Jozef Suk and Vaclav Talich, and later in Vienna under C. Kraus. His earlier compositions are influenced by the European avantgarde and Alojz Haba in his Four Pieces for piano, in Fantasia in the quarter-tone system; but his later works are influenced by the Post-Romantic tradition. As a pedagogue, he wrote much for children. His cycles From the World of Toys, five short recital pieces, are written for young pianists. The years after World War II witnessed the resurgence of a new segment of Slovak musical life, which achieved a natural fusion between folk art and the more exacting principles of classical music. Important for the development of the new genres was the appearance on the scene of artistic folk choirs, like the Slovak Artistic Collective, Lucnica, Military Artistic Choir, and others. Likewise important was the rise of opera scenarios and the use of radio, cinema, and television. With original composition all the Slovak artists participated in the development of these genres and simultaneously a young generation arose which �SLOVAKIA 95 also directed its activity to this new segment of Slovak musical life. A protagonist of modern Slovak musical achievement is Tibor Andrasovan (1917). He is a higly productive and successful Slovak composer in the field of operetta, film, scenario, and folk music. His Gypsy Dance for piano and orchestra stands as a worthy sample of his rich creativity, which gained for him both popularity and widespread accolades from an admiring public. A composer with similar tastes and merit is Bartolomej Urbanec (1918 ) . He studied composition and conducting under A. Mayzes, Eugen Suchan and Kornel Schimpel, and advanced conducting under Vaclav Talich. He is one of the pioneers of creative work for artistic folk choirs, such as the Slovak Artistic Collective, Lucnica, and others. His greatest works are Concertina for piano and orchestra and Three Romantic Pieces, which often appear on concert programs. By his creative compositions Teodor Hirner (1910) identifies himself with Eastern Slovakia. He wrote numerous compositions for various audiences. The familiar ones are Capriccio for piano and archestra, and his piano cycle Imagini. By character and musical ability Julius Letnan ( 19141973) falls into this group. His Sonata for piano causes amazement especially in its lyrical middle section where the presentation is colored with truly Slovak beauty and expression. The duet Dances and Songs for piano and orchestra is also included in this Sonata. Noteworthy is his work Ten Studies, in which he solves technical piano problems in modern style. With the great increase in educational and cultural programs on the radio, and the steadily mounting demands for high artistic standards in musical broadcasts, the number of musicians who turned their talents to the broadcasting arts has likewise increased. A veteran of this broadcasting activity was the pianist Janka Matuska (1897-1959 ) . He was a versatile composer, producing many works, especially for piano. His characteristic features are humor, laughter, optimism and emotional immediacy. The characteristic and typical examples of his notable talent are such short compositions as Imp in the Chimney, Musical Clock, Gi ant, �96 S LOVAKIA Rabbi t and Hunter, Hum oresque, Minuet, Valse Mignon, variations on folksong : Old M aids, Paraphrases on Slovak Folksongs , and a piano cycle, Slovak Land. A noteworthy representative of Slovak dance music and songs is Karol Elbert (1911). He wrote 3 jazz sonatas for piano. Ondrej Francisci (1915 ) dedicates his works principally to children and young people. He wrote 10 pieces for youth. In the 1950's a group of talented composers, pupils of Mayzes and Cikker, appeared on the scene. In their case there is no concern for program music or its style. The area of their creative interests is very broad and consists, above all, in contemporary musical art; not lacking, however , are positive efforts to come to terms with the impulses of serial and electronic music. A composer who divides his creative activity between theory and composition is the musical scholar, Dr. Ladislav Burlas (1922). In his compositions he inclines toward Bartok. The area of his brief forms is represented by Chaconne and Fugue for piano. Otherwise his chief interest and activity rest with folklore theory and composition. One of the most original composers in the effort for new artistic patterns is Ilja Zeljenka (1932 ) . His piano works excel in two Suites and a Sonata. Pavol Simai (1930) evinces fresh creative orientation in regard to Slovak folk themes. First he studied under Pavol Kados in Budapest, then in Bratislava under A. Moyzes and Jan Cikker; finally he came under Paul Dessau in Berlin. His compositions excel in unconventional lyricism, steeped in sentiment, as exemplified in his piano works: Pastoral for piano, a piano suite From Slovakia and a Sonata for piano. He also wrote numerous shorter forms, such as his Fugues, Invention, Song, Scherzo, Impressions. Mention must also be made of his Sonata Fragment, the Dead, and Pen and Ink Drawings. A composer noted for his scientific work in music theory is Dr. Ivan Hrusovsky (1927). In composition he was a student of A. Moyzes. His early works are characterized by principles of the new Romanticism and Impressionism, exemplifying the influence of his teacher. He manifests his individuality in his later compositions and his dominant characteristics are his inclination toward lyricism and his �SLOVAKIA 97 outstanding technique. Besides other works he wrote a Sonatina for piano, Piano Variations, Toccata for piano and a Piano Concerto with orchestra. His Sonata for piano is particularly valuable. In its three movements he incorporates all the concepts exemplifying piano techniques of the present day. Narcisa Donatova ( 1928 ) is an ambitious musician. The greater-lesser styles of vocal music are her domain, but she also writes piano pieces, such. as Suite for Youth , the suites How the Forests Reminisce, Talking Suite, the suite In n New School and others. Among her shorter works are Brioni Island, Marilyn Bridge, The Moon and the Ocean, and Red Lantern. The talented Jozef Malovec ( 1933) belongs to the youngest generation. Instrumental music is dominant in his limited production. He wrote two sonatinas for the piano. For the dissemination of cultural music to the rural areas much is being accomplished by these young musicians. One of them is Tibor Sladkovic (1928 ), known for his Ten Piano Variations. Peter Kolman ( 1937) may be classed among composers searching for fresh developmental methods. Hindemith and Schonberg exerted the greatest influence on his works. His two most serious pieces composed for piano are Three Miniatures and Three Compositions in memory of Schonberg. Dusan Martincek (1936) is a most versatile musician. He studied piano at the conservatory in Bratislava under the direction of Anna Kafenda, and composition privately under Jan Cikker and Jan Zimmer. He writes principally for piano; his models are eminent personalities in musical circles, such as A. N. Scriabin, S . V. Rachmaninoff, Bela Bartok, and D. D. Shostakovich. His works include: Rhapsody for piano and orchestra, Three Preludes , Six Etudes, Variations, Poem for piano (Sonata I), Three Preludes and Fugues , Two Dances with a Bulgarian Rhythm, D ialogues in the form of variations for piano and orchestra, T wo Romantic Preludes in memory of A. Scriabin, Concert Rhapsody Negrea, Seven Concert Etudes , containing interesting new problems in piano techniques; three waltzes, Quasi Valse, R eferences to Bagpipes, Introduction and Toccata for piano �98 SLOVAKIA and string orchestra, Three Sonatinas, five new Preludes and Fugues (1970). Ivan Parik (1936) has enjoyed close association with th~ vast panorama of European music. Originally he studied under Alexander Albrecht, composition under Andrej Ocemis, and conducting under K. Schimpel. Eventually he became a student of A. Moyzes. He is one of the most talented composers of the younger generation. In his search for contemporary and unconventional modes of expression, he attained admirable results in his works for piano: Rhapsody for piano, Night a sketch for two pianos, Suite for piano, Sketch for piano, Three Pieces for piano, Songs About Falling Leaves (4 compositions for piano) . Juraj Hatrik ( 1941) wrote Sonata in C Sharp M i nor for piano, Andante Semplice and Burlesque for piano, Toccata and Romantic Etude in F Sharp M i nor, Short Suite. For children he wrote the cycle The Last Vacation Day and for young clients a piano Concerto Facile. Miroslav Bazlik ( 1931) entered a music school upon the recommendation of Jan Cikker. His earliest productions, Sonata in B Minor for piano and bagatelles A Palette show a Post-Romantic and Impressionistic influence. In the following compositions he manifests an inclination toward neo-Classicism, as exemplified in Six Variations , Concert Etude, and Moment Musical. Marian Ivankovic (1931) has to his credit a number of works in various styles. He wrote Trifles for piano. Roman Berger, one of the youngest, wrote a Sonata for piano and a Suite (Prelude, Scherzo, Toccata). Jozef Sixta's first composition was Two Fugues . He also wrote Five Compositi ons and Fantasia for piano. To the afore-mentioned must be added Ivan Konecny, who wrote Two Bagatelles for piano, Variations , Two Fugues, and Three Compositions. Vladimir Bokes, son of the late Dr. Bokes, well-known musical author, made his debut in music composition with Partita for piano (Prelude, Aria, Capriccio). This brief survey gives some slight indication of the tireless effort and persistent struggle endured by the musically gifted Slovak nation, which ably shaped its musical culture despite turbulent times and developed it to match the music standards of greater nations. � SLOVAKIA 80 Antonia M a z d n o v d: Slovak Piano Composition (A BRIEF SURVEY ) Conditions in 19th century Slovakia were so repressive, so debilitating to the spirit, that only under menacing hardships could the Slovaks develop their music on a n ational scale. The leadership concentrated on the nation's struggle for liberation from the Magyars. All its efforts and energies were directed toward Slovak national and cultural independence. The incipient cultivation of Slovak national art cut across the injustice of the Slovak position , and music, too, actively entered the fray. Slovak music and its origins cannot be evaluated from the perspective of modern musical art. While urban artistic culture at that period was comparatively highly developed in Slovakia, it represented cosmopolitan, not Slovak art. Therefore, the movement for authentic Slovak revival kept aloof from it and concentrated its cultural and artistic activity within certain cities like Turciansky Sv. Martin, Banska Bystrica, Liptovsky Sv. Mikulas, Dolny Kubin and several others, which likewise became important centers of patriotic and promotional movements. Music and song were completely at the service of national ideologies and struggles. Music no less than the other arts was expected to spark national consciousness and keep patriotism alive. Slovakia in that period possessed neither the means nor the conditions required for the cultivation of artistic music; consequently the character of its over-all musical life remained amateurish. Musical enthusiasts who happened to flourish were dilettantes devoid of professional training and only by way of exception did any of them attain artisticesthetic renown in competent circles. Folk creativity played a significant role in the growth and quality of Slovak national music. From the age of enlightenment it served as a powerful source of inspiration for artistic composition, chiefly under the influence of Romanticism, from which the entire Slovak national art evolved. A Slovak in the 19th century would have recognized �SLOVAKIA 81 in folk art (folksong) the most authentic expression of the national spirit, the personification of the nation's immortality and sole source of resistance in its struggle for self-identity. Eventually, toward the close of the 19th century, this trend resulted in conservatism and became a deterrent to fresh views in folk music and hampered any effort to raise the artistic standard of Slovak music. The earliest collections of folksongs were the basis from which piano compositions evolved. These consisted of simple arrangements of a primitive nature. In 1830 Martin Suchan arranged 12 songs from safarik's collection and in 1837 Ladislav Ftiredy composed piano arrangements for 25 pieces from Kollar's collection of patriotic songs. Toward the end of the 18th and on into the 19th century new musical creations appeared, combining Magyar elements with Slovak folksongs, resulting in the so-called neo-Hungarian song. The neo-Hungarian style, evident principally in the dance forms, also partly infiuenced emerging Slovak musical compositions in Slovak musical centers, as exemplified in the piano compositions of M. Godra, well-known songs like Matthew's Musing, Svihrovskd, and gypsy traces in M. Laciak's and M. Francisci's arrangements of folksongs. In the 1870's a counter influence arose against the gypsy influence in Slovak folksongs. The leading protagonist in the effort to offset foreign influence in music was the puristic oriented Milan Lichard. Early composers were prolific in their works for the piano. Paul Gerengay (1825-95) (Dance music: Recollection of Sitno) and Maximilian Hudec (1836-1911) ( Hurban March, Marina Quadrille) made a beginning. The most popular were the quadrilles, mazurkas, polkas, waltzes, etc. (Emigrant, by A. Krcmery; Quadrille of St. Martin, by Bella, Ladonka, by Laciak, a quartet, Tatra Flowers, by Boldis, and others). To this group belongs Michael Laciak ( 1826-1901) who, besides the piano variations for Our Times also attempted in his Instruction to standardize Slovak musical terminology. A. Horislav Skultety was a most productive composer. He composed about 6 stylistic dances for the piano. In this period l'..udovit Vansa (1835-73) received a thorough musical education and became a creative composer. For his own immediate :"'leeds and to his great personal satisfaction he produced Wreaths of Folksongs �82 SLOVAKIA for the piano. Similar aspirations were achieved by Stefan Fajnor ( 1844-1909) one of the most accomplished composers of a renaissance era. Originally he composed chamber music and was considerably influenced by the neo-Hungarian style, than finally turned to Slovak melodies in his Variations for piano and Fantasia of Slovak Folksongs. Vlastimir Melicko (1893-1946) the son of a musical family of the renowned Jan Melicko, already graced with a technical musical training, became a highly talented composer. He arranged dances for the piano and produced Slovak Rhapsody and Fantasia, based on Slovak folksongs. Associated with the activities of the Slovak Society in Budapest is the name of ~udovit Izak (Milos Lihovecky, 1862-1927) composer of a wide variety of works. For the piano he wrote the popular polka Anica and piano variations on the folksong Tecie voda, tecie. Another member of the Slovak Society was Milan Lichard (1853-1935). He obtained his specialized musical training at the Academy in Budapest. Noteworthy on his extensive list of compositions are his short piano pieces and two-piano rhapsodies, which in reality are outstanding collections of songs. Two other piano composers who lived and composed outside of Slovakia must be mentioned. Holding first place was Milos Francisci, a dentist (1854-1926). He was act~ve in the United States and besides choruses, he wrote for piano paraphrases of folksongs, entitled Trdvnice (two volumes of 100 songs each) and a Fantasia on Slovak songs for two pianos. Vladimir G. sasko (1875-1960) a piano virtuoso, also emigrated to the United States. He studied at the Academy of Music in Budapest and taught at the Chicago Musical College. He is the creator of many Slovak compositions: rhapsodies, Fantasia, based on Slovak folksongs and variations. Piano compositions and other unnamed works of these two composers were instrumental in making an impact on Slovak national consciousness in the United States. To this generation of Slovak creative artists, all of them composers in the Slovak national tradition, we further assign, Jan Levoslav Bella, Mikulas Mayzes, Viliam FigusBystry and Mikulas Schneider-Trnavsky. The initial efforts of this generation of composers sparked a national revival of native Slovak art, which also embraced music in its �SLOVAKIA 83 patriotic-awakening, informative and world-wide roles. These composers, by contrast with the former generation, already possessed all the marks of a creative artistic individuality. Their compositions continued to show the influence of the former esthetic revival based on the role of the folksong, which extended into the 1920's and 1940's, when a new generation of composers with modern artistic styles was emerging. One of the first musicians with a European outlook was Jan Levoslav Bella 0843-1936), the dean of Slovak composers, one of the founders of Slovak national musical culture. Self-educated in playing the piano, he did not indulge in piano composition in the later years of his mature mastery. His four-movement Sonata in B Minor, which to this day appears on programs, represents a work of perennial merit in music literature. Another outstanding composition is his fragmentary Sonata in C Minor, from the elaborate first movement of which has been constructed a Beethoven allegro and an impressively beautiful adagio. Minor works include: Variations for the song Pri Presporku and Leti roj, as well as a Sonatina in E Minor, all of which exemplify the music standard of his contemporaries. An enthusiastic admirer and promoter of Slovak folksongs, Viliam Figus-Bystry ( 1875-1937) directed his activity almost exclusively to using folksongs in classical music. Together with Milan Lichard and Stefan Fajnor, he dominated the so-called renaissance period of Slovak music, in which the composers for the most part were self-trained. The basic design of Figus's creations is derived from Slovak folksong arrangements. His piano compositions include One Thousand Slovak Folksongs, Flowers of the Field, a collection written for children ( 106 songs in simple arrangement for the piano), Dances, and a march Pages from an Album, Multicolored Leaves (10 compositions) Musical Miniatures (12 compositions). Probably the most extensive of his piano compositions is the four-part Slovak Sonata in the dorian mode, based on themes of Slovak folksongs . In his earlier years Figus also composed practical piano music in chamber style (polkas, marches, etc.). The overture for his opera Detvan has been arranged for four hands. One of the pioneers of the national realistic trend in �84 SLOVAKIA Slovak music was Mikulas Moyzes (1872-1944). The bulk of his compositions gravitated toward orchestral music. Most of his piano compositions he eventually transposed to orchestral arrangements. His best known works are the three-movement Sonatina and a series of 12 piano compositions, To our Youth. His remaining piano works consist of short forms like mazurkas, polonaises, preludes, impromptus, arabesques, meditations, etc. The inspirational basis for his entire repertoire is the Slovak folksong, from which he selected a typical Slovak melodic theme in order to develop an independent creation. Moyzes originated the ballad song with its deep realistic picturesqueness. Following Bella, the most impressive member of the older generation of composers was Mikulas SchneiderTrnavsky ( 1881-1959) a pioneer in the trend toward realism in Slovak national music and a friend of Zoltan Kodaly. The strong point in his creativeness was artistic variation in Slovak folksongs and classical song form composition comparable to the motifs in the style of Schubert and Mendelssohn. Schneider-Trnavsky was the first to develop the recitative-rhapsodic type of Slovak melody. Because of the wealth of his compositions in this category, his piano works are not extensive. His Opus 5 is a Brief Waltz (1898) and his popular instructive Slovak Sonatina is well-known and often concertized. Later appeared his Variation Line of Compositions (1944). The musical philosophy of M. SchneiderTrnavsky in all his creative effort stems from the Slovak folksong. His style and tools of expression are Post-Romantic. To this creative quartet of Slovak musicians (from the standpoint of age and style) one must add the names of Frico Kafenda and Alexander Albrecht. As composers they were not specifically aligned with the effort to promote Slovak national music, but they nevertheless made a valuable contribution to the advancement of Slovak musical art. And although they belonged to the Romantic school of composers, they formed a logical link in the historical development of Slovak music and provided an effective transition from the dilettante culture of the previous century to the Slovak avantgarde and indeed paved the way for it. �SLOVAKIA 85 The character of Frico Kafenda's creations (1883-1965) was decisively influenced by his training in Leipzig, where conservative traditions merged with the Post-Romantic school. Among his teachers were Robert Teich-Mtiller (piano ), Stefan Krehl and Heinrich Zollner (composition), Arthur Nikisch (conducting). He also attended lectures by Herrmann Kretschmar and Hugh Riemann. Kafenda's compositions frequently exhibit a subjective intimate character. The style of his music is marked by strict harmony and proficient contrapuntal writing. The core of his works comprises chamber, song-like, and instrumental compositions. His piano works consist of A Piano Suite in the ancient modes, Three Piano Compositions, and Variations and Fugues. Alexander Albrecht (1885-1958) can be described as the type of composer-synthesist, who radiates a variety of influences. He was an intimate friend of Bartok. He studied at the Conservatory of Budapest and his teachers were Istvan Thoman (piano), Hans Kassler (composition), and F. Szandtner (conducting). Hindemith's influence led him to combine classicism with modern elements of expression. His musical thought was expressed chiefly in lyrics, in the tender grazioso and the play!ul scherzo. Among his distinguished piano compositions, the following are outstanding: Scherzo in F Major (duet) (1899), Sonata in F Major, Scherzo (1907), (duet), Aphorisms, New Year Greeting, Moods (duet), Wild Rose Suite, (duet), Sonatina in three movements as a duet, humoresque (Excursion i n a Thunderstorm), Twelve short compositions (Success to Music, Little Johnny, In the Distance, Shepherd Dance, Joyful Awakening, Wedding Feast of the Crickets, In a Gay Room, Beginner in Dancing, Perfect Dancer, Dusk, Night, Going to Work in the Morning). His final composition is an instructive work, entitled Ten Duets, based on song themes and recitations from Jan Krasko's collection. After 1918 the newly evolved Slovak music style encountered many difficult challenges : to create a firm material basis for a national musical life and to establish a strong organizational position in competition with a fully developed appreciation of foreign music, which had found a ready response in the musical life of Slovakia. The spirit of competition generated much activity, cen- �86 SLOVAKIA tered in new musically-cul tural institutions, organizations and music schools. In these years, as it were in the shadow of the previously mentioned composers, there indeed arose a group of musicians, who adhered to ancient traditions, but their productions lacked any distinguishab le unity. Renowned at this time was Dezider Lauko (1872-1942) whose piano compositions can be compared with Liszt's in their brilliance and salon presentation. For the piano he wrote Slovak Moods, Piano Etudes for Children, Humoresques, three Valse Scherzandos, Rhapsody in Slovak Meadows, duets for Slovak Dances, and others. :r.uctmila Krizkova-Leh otska (1863-1945), the first Slovak woman composer, in addition to various piano works, directed her talent to composing for children. Angeia Cziczkova (1888-1973) specialized in pedagogical elements of music instruction as well as in composition. Her works consist of more than 100 compositions (Unisono with 54 exercises, Study in Octaves, Rhythmic Exercises with Variations, Technique in Trills, A Study in Chromatics, Preparing to Play Tremolo . In addition she wrote 48 compositions, Youth, 16 Short Preludes for piano. From among her classical selections are Twelve Sonatas, Slavic Fantasy, Prelude in A Flat Major, and Nine Preludes for piano. An individualisti c pattern was folloved by Fran.a Dostalik (1896-1944). His music portrays modern expression and shows some attempt at experimentat ion. Besides shorter forms for the piano, he wrote Detvan Sonatina which he later arranged as a piano duet. To this group of composers belong many others who flourished in the years before and after World War I. Their thought and inspiration sprang from a cultural climate where struggle for an independent national musical art predominated ; or it was derived from the uncertain period of new social-cultura l conditions during the first Republic, when new ideas of national musical culture among the younger generation clashed with the older music. Some of these composers achieved only amateur status; for others again the unfavorable conditions of Slovak cultural life in that period precluded any advancement even with specialized musical training. One of the most productive composers in this group (he has about 260 works to his credit) is Jozef Rosinsky �SLOVAKIA 87 (1897-1973). He obtained his education in Turin and in Rome (law); in Nice he studied piano and organ. His rich productivity comprises all genres. A listing of his piano works must include the following noteworthy selections: Mazurka in A Minor, Children's March, Trencin Bells, Fantasia alla Zingara, Prelude on Slovak Motifs, Plastic Pictures, Scherzo (duet), Slovak Gleanings, Ten Short Compositions, First Sonata, Second Sonata, Sonata for piano or harmonium, Echoes of Enchanted Nitra, and Slovak Concert Fantasia for piano and orchestra. Ladislav Stancek ( 1898) is a composer of the same calibre. His vast productivity was directed almost exclusively to program music. In Brno he studied organ under Tregler, composition under V. Petrzelka and 0. Chlubna and conducting under F. Neumann. Among his most popular piano compositions are: Child's Suite, Variations on an original theme and a collection entitled From Life. Representative of the culturally-enlightened and popular composition, anchored in the great traditions of the nationally-revived chorus and group singing in Slovakia, is Jan Valast'an Dolinsky (1892-1965). In the area of piano composition he left short forms: Complaint, Remembrance of May, Minuets in G Major and E Flat Major, Waltz in A Minor, Page From an Album, and Valse Triste. The works of Jan Krasko-Zapotocky (1893-1968) fall into the same category. He, too, was noted as an enlightened leader in the field of music instruction. Among his works are sonatinas and patriotic songs issued under the title, Echoes of Freedom. Jan Mory (1897) belongs to quite another class of composers. He dealt principally with operettic, popular, and dance music. For the piano he prepared instructional works for children, several duets and a collection entitled Children Sing and Play. The composers of yet another school react sensitively to the contemporary, employing methods-modern, technical, and expressive. Their common characteristic is a higher artistic and idealistic standard, without, however, a uniform productivity. An outstanding figure is Stefan Ladislav Nemeth-samorinsky (1896), a typical representative of Bratislava's musical life. In thought and artistry he belongs to the progressive Magyar musical culture as �88 SLOVAKIA represented in Bratislava by Bela Bartok and Alexander Albrecht. He studied piano, organ, and composition at the Academy of Music in Budapest and later attended the Graduate School of Franz Schmidt in Vienna. He can claim a valuable collection of piano works. He arranged 20 Slovak folksongs for piano under the title, For Youth. He wrote a very effective Slovak Rhapsody and Improvisation on a Slovak folksong . Other significant works include: Meditation on Paganini's Theme, a transcription of Beethoven's Romance in D Major for violin, Intermezzo for piano, Sonata with three movements, containing valuable content (Toccata and Fugue) Piano Concerto, and Transcription of Liszt's Prelude and Fugue on Bach's name for two pianos. A composer of an earlier generation with extensive production in music theory, writing, and pedagogy was Jan Fiser-Kveton (1896-1963). He studied composition and conducting at the Prague Conservatory under K. B. Jirak and J. B. Forster. In composition he reached out into diverse styles. In 1928 he produced Sonata in F Minor for piano and the best-loved compositions are his two-piano Suites for Youth. A distinctive role m Slovak musical life and composition was played by Michael Vilec (1902), who was associated in the early years of his creativity with Eastern Slovakia. His compositions reflect the influence of his teacher Zoltan Kodaly and are marked by impressionism. At first he had held himself aloof from the compositional efforts of his generation. His works are noted for their expressive folk elements, among which must be mentioned Bagatelles for piano, Ballade for two pianos, Sonata for piano, Rondo, Three Sonatinas, two series of duets From the Banks of the Danube, Conversation at the Piano, Two-Tone Inventions, Eight Studies on the Development of Interpretive Elements and Fantasia on the waltzes of Franz Schubert: Schubertiada for piano and orchestra. Together with Mikulas Mayzes, he wrote a significant two-volume School of Piano. The first third of the century saw the emergence of a young generation of Slovak composers with a new program and new ideals and goals: to create a style of music that would be contemporary, modern, deeply realistic and Slovak. These composers were determined to put an end to provincialism and dilettantism and at long last to incorpo- �SLOVAKIA 89 rate the culture of a highly talented Slovak nation into the great orchestra of European music. A Golden Age of musical composition was about to dawn throughout the world and Slovak piano creativity would play a responsible role in it. Another composer of contemporary music is Alexander Moyzes (1906). He obtained his musical training at the Prague Conservatory under the direction of such teachers as Otakar Sin and Rudolf Karel (composition), Otakar Ostrem (conducting), and B. A. Wiedermann (organ) . Moyzes is noted for his program music with its polished composition2.! technique, which combines classical and Post-Romantic principles with impulses of impressionism. In addition to his creative works, Moyzes actively promoted a new style of Slovak music by means of articles, critical essays, and reviews, in which he condemned in no uncertain terms both dilettantism and conservatism in Slovak musical life. In his capacity as music instructor he educated an entire generation of composers, who to this day occupy foremos t positions in Slovak musical circles. (Holoubek, Jurovsky, Kardos, Ocenas, Freso and several others) . Moyzes' creative works include basic instrumental and vocal genres. His principal compositions for the piano are: Sonata in E Minor (a transcription of Seven Compositions - 1942) which has been rated as one of the best Slovak piano compositions. Others are: Divertimento (1930), FoxEtude and Improptu (1935), Highwayman's Rhapsody (1957) . He also wrote Jazz Sonata (1932) for two pianos. Eugen Suchon (1908) shares with Moyzes the glory of initiating the Golden Age of Slovak musical art. He is at once its creator, its promoter, and its splendid flowering. He studied at the Academy of Music and Drama in Bratislava under the direction of Frico Kafenda and Jozef Vincourek. After graduation he continued his studies under Vitezoslav Novak at the Graduate School in Prague. Suchon's art is completely original. It matured under the impact of Slovak folk melodies combined with modern techniques. The blending of melody, harmony, rhyth::.n and form characterizes Suchoi'.t's music and gives it its national character. Omitting his earlier compositions, (1923-28), a list of his best known works includes the following: Short Suite with Passacaglia (1931), Ballade Suite (1936), which is a standard calling card among elite Slovak pianists; �90 SLOVAKIA Metamorphosis Suites (1953), which is a compendium of modern piano tunes with effective transition and harmonious techniques; Pictures from Slovakia, six series of piano compositions from 1956-1957; and a newer Rhapsodic Suite for piano and orchestra (1968). In 1969 he contributed Kaleidoscope (Evolution of Harmony) in which individual numbers are a succession of delicate musical miniatures. Jan Cikker (1911), pioneer of contemporary national opera, a celebrity known for his irrepressible vitality and vibrant energy, yet not without meditative depth, also belongs to the contemporary scene. He studied composition at the Prague Conservatory under Jaroslav Kricka, organ under B. A. Wiedermann, and conducting under Pavel Dedecek. At the Graduate School he was the student of Vitezoslav Novak and pursued conducting under Felix Weingartner. Cikker opened wide the concentrated art of folksong and dance and developed it into classical, highly spontaneous forms. He is a contemporary lyricist and dramatist. Although Cikker concentrated on operatic creations, he also wrote a considerable number of piano compositions: Sonata in E Minor (1927), while yet pursuing his studies, two compositions for piano In Solitude ( 1940), Piano Variations (1935), Lullaby (1942), Two Compositions for Youth (1948), Tatra's Brooks (three brilliant compositions for piano, 1954), and finally 15 piano water-colors, What the Children Narrated, also a Concertina for piano and orchestra. In addition there is his arrangement of Slovak Suites for orchestra and two pianos. The foremost personality in the field of Slovak music is Dezider Kardos (1914), a student of Alexander Moyzes and V. Novak, a.member of the central generation of composers (along with Ocenas, Jurovsky, Kresanek, Freso and Holoubek). Kardos concentrates his talent on the creation of monumental works, in which his technique is best applied. From among his numerous works the foremost are: Two Piano Compositions (1933), Piano Suite II (1937), Studies for Piano ( 1947), a series of piano compositions Bagatelles (1948), Cycle of 10 Piano Compositions for Youth (1956), many individual scores for children, and notably the interpretive, yet quite spontaneous three compositions To My Children (Banter, Humoresque, Toccatina). In 1969 �SLOVAKIA 91 he concluded Piano Concerto with orchestra. It was his first composition of the concert type. It is not a concert work in the traditional sense of the word. The piano is combined with the orchestral rhythm, but it continues to express the individual motifs and ideas. Another member of the central generation of composers is Ladislav Holoubek (1913). He studied composition under A. Moyzes, conducting under Jozef Vincourek, piano under Ernest Krizan. After completing his studies he pursued composition under V. Novak. Holoubek's artistry is best exemplified in his operatic creations. His works for piano are: Sonata in G Major (1931), Prelude, Passacaglia and Toccata (1934) , Four Fugues , II Sonata for Piano (1947), and a cycle for young advanced pianists, Children's Games and Joys . Prominent also as a representative member of the central generation of composers is Andrej Ocenas ( 1911). He studied in Bratislava under A. Moyzes (composition), conducting under Jozef Vincourek, and advanced composition under V. Novak in Prague. His production is characterized by design of splendor and monumentality. For the piano he wrote: First Letters (I Piano Suite), Fugue for piano, II Piano Suite, a piano fantasia Sleet, a series of piano compositions, New Spring, a piano suite Youth, a piano suite, Pictures from a Fable, Ballade, Piano Concerto with orchestra, several individual compositions and Flowers of the Field for young pianists. The creations of Ocenas are characterized by original reconstruction of genuine folklore; he therefore resembles the realists, Janacek and Moussorgsky. A lyrical composer with a feeling for poetic tonal-coloring detail was simon Jurovsky (1912-1963). A student of A. Moyzes (composition), Jozef Vincourek (conducting), he later studied in Vienna under Jozef Marx. In addition to a series of major forms, he left the following piano compositions: Piano Suite, 4 compositions for children, From a Child's Paradise, a suite from ballet, Chivalrous Ballade for piano, Peace Symphony, for concert piano and string orchestra. Tibor Freso ( 1918) belongs to a generation which injected a new creative spirit into Slovak music. He studied under the Italian composer, Ildebrand -Pizetti at the Academia �92 SLOVAKIA di Santa Cecilia in Rome. For piano he wrote a Miniature Suite, which is an effective recital composition with lesser technical demands; Russian Dance for piano, a piano suite In a Child's Room for very young pianists, and a succession of shorter works. Frantisek Babusek ( 1905-1954) a prominent broadcasting conductor, studied conducting under Pavel Dedecek and composition under V. Novak, Jozef Suk, and Jaroslav Kricka in Prague. To Babusek belongs well-deserved credit for producing original compositions and organizing periodic symphonic concerts. He wrote Prelude for piano and the majestic Concerto in D Minor, which in its claims is indeed somewhat exaggerated, but is a masterly composition in which Babusek amassed a whole assemblage of modern piano techniques, many-faceted rhythms and intricacies. The leading personality of Slovak musical science is Dr. Jozef Kresanek (1913). He was educated in composition under Rudolf Karl at the Prague Conservatory and at the Graduate School of V. Novak. Along with his scholarly pursuits, which netted him a long series of learned articles, and books, he composed many songs, choruses, chamber music as well as the following works for the piano: Piano Suite in four parts, I I Piano Suite, arrangements of Slovak folksongs for young pianists, Meadow Flowers, Elegy for piano, Highwayman's Ballade and others. His Scherzo for the piano is an outstanding work. The foremost exponent of Slovak musical theory and estheticism is Dr. Otto Ferenczy ( 1921) . As a composer he advanced on the knowledge of Bart6k and Stravinsky and was able to combine their thrust with the realism of the Slovak folksong. Characteristic of Ferenczy are his expressive elegance, his brilliance and intellectual humor. His works reflect inspiration from the eastern Slovak folksong and dance, and later from more imposing concert and symphonic works. From a wealth of creative works one must list his Intermezzo for piano, and Capriccio for piano and orchestra. He wrote an innovative piece entitled Partita for concert piano and orchestra. Jan Zimmer (1926) can be characterized as a highly productive artist and one of the most distinguished figures of a youthful generation of masters. He obtained his musical training at thP. Bratislava Conservatory, studying organ �SLOVAKIA 93 under Jozef Veber, piano under Frico Kafenda, and composition under Eugen Suchan. He also studied composition at the Franz Liszt Academy in Budapest, under Ferencz Farkas and is a graduate of the Salzburg Seminary in American studies (David Diamond). Zimmer himself is a piano virtuoso, appearing in concerts as the exclusive interpreter of his own compositions and constantly deals with problems involving the piano-solo and piano with orchestra. The blossoming of his style is based on the synthesis of neo-classical interpretive forms with the distinctive quality of sound. In all his works Zimmer explores new directions. Besides a lengthy list of other types of composition, he is credited also with numerous piano works as follows: Four Piano Compositions, Moods, I and II Sonatas for piano, Three Sonatas for 2 pianos, Tatry I-II (I and II suites for piano and orchestra), Three Sonatas for 2 pianos, Four Piano Concertos with orchestra, Concerto for piano without orchestra, A Piano Concerto, with solo part in the bass with orchestra, Three Preludes for piano, Rhapsody for piano and orchestra, Short Fantasia for piano and orchestra, Ten Children's Pieces, Concerto Grosso for 2 pianos, 2 string orchestras,· including percussion ·instruments. In contemporary musical life a place of distinction belongs to Rudolf Macudzinski (1907), master, pedagogue, and an outstanding Slovak piano virtuoso. A student of V. Kurz and Leos Janacek, he trained a significant number of young piano-artists. As an accomplished artist, he stands in the forefront of Slovak concert life and together with his wife Silvia Macudzinski often concertizes on two pianos, thus ably promoting this less known type of music. His talent and skill in composition takes many forms, but he excels chiefly in instrumental music. From his piano pieces we choose Two Romances, Sonatina, solo theme for piano, Meditation and Fugue for 2 pianos, Divertimento for two pianos, Bagatelles for 2 pianos, orchestral and concert arrangements, Valse-Improptu for piano and orchestra, Variazoni Olimpiche for piano and orchestra. Well known are his arrangements of folksongs for piano and his instructive and presentative works for youth, such as Study of Scales I and II, and Christmas Numbers I Can Play, and others. �94 SLOVAKIA Resembling Macudzinski in character and artistic creative thought, is the talented Slovak conductor, Dr. ~udovit Rajter (1906). He pursued his studies in Vienna under C. Kraus and A. Wunderer, as well as F. Schmidt and J. Marx. Later he continued his studies under Dohnanyi in Budapest. His creative works are not as numerous as those of Macudzinski, but artistically they are highly polished. His most important piano piece is Short Suite in the old style. Otherwise he composes for orchestra and chorus. Several composers align themselves with the tradition of artistic creativity based on the folklore of eastern Slovakia. One of these is Jozef Gresak (1907), who with his Piano Concerto introduced altogether unusual hues into piano tones and presented quite fascinating methodical problems about natural and unnatural fingerings and the central role of the thumb as the midpoint of a pianistic hand. An individual of remarkable stature in contemporary Slovak life is Julius Kowalski (1912). He studied composition and conducting at the Prague Conservatory under Rudolf Karl, Alojz Haba and Pavel Dedecek. He continued his studies at the Graduate School in Prague under Jozef Suk and Vaclav Talich, and later in Vienna under C. Kraus. His earlier compositions are influenced by the European avantgarde and Alojz Haba in his Four Pieces for piano, in Fantasia in the quarter-tone system; but his later works are influenced by the Post-Romantic tradition. As a pedagogue, he wrote much for children. His cycles From the World of Toys, five short recital pieces, are written for young pianists. The years after World War II witnessed the resurgence of a new segment of Slovak musical life, which achieved a natural fusion between folk art and the more exacting principles of classical music. Important for the development of the new genres was the appearance on the scene of artistic folk choirs, like the Slovak Artistic Collective, Lucnica, Military Artistic Choir, and others. Likewise important was the rise of opera scenarios and the use of radio, cinema, and television. With original composition all the Slovak artists participated in the development of these genres and simultaneously a young generation arose which �SLOVAKIA 95 also directed its activity to this new segment of Slovak musical life. A protagonist of modern Slovak musical achievement is Tibor Andrasovan (1917). He is a higly productive and successful Slovak composer in the field of operetta, film, scenario, and folk music. His Gypsy Dance for piano and orchestra stands as a worthy sample of his rich creativity, which gained for him both popularity and widespread accolades from an admiring public. A composer with similar tastes and merit is Bartolomej Urbanec (1918 ) . He studied composition and conducting under A. Mayzes, Eugen Suchan and Kornel Schimpel, and advanced conducting under Vaclav Talich. He is one of the pioneers of creative work for artistic folk choirs, such as the Slovak Artistic Collective, Lucnica, and others. His greatest works are Concertina for piano and orchestra and Three Romantic Pieces, which often appear on concert programs. By his creative compositions Teodor Hirner (1910) identifies himself with Eastern Slovakia. He wrote numerous compositions for various audiences. The familiar ones are Capriccio for piano and archestra, and his piano cycle Imagini. By character and musical ability Julius Letnan ( 19141973) falls into this group. His Sonata for piano causes amazement especially in its lyrical middle section where the presentation is colored with truly Slovak beauty and expression. The duet Dances and Songs for piano and orchestra is also included in this Sonata. Noteworthy is his work Ten Studies, in which he solves technical piano problems in modern style. With the great increase in educational and cultural programs on the radio, and the steadily mounting demands for high artistic standards in musical broadcasts, the number of musicians who turned their talents to the broadcasting arts has likewise increased. A veteran of this broadcasting activity was the pianist Janka Matuska (1897-1959 ) . He was a versatile composer, producing many works, especially for piano. His characteristic features are humor, laughter, optimism and emotional immediacy. The characteristic and typical examples of his notable talent are such short compositions as Imp in the Chimney, Musical Clock, Gi ant, �96 S LOVAKIA Rabbi t and Hunter, Hum oresque, Minuet, Valse Mignon, variations on folksong : Old M aids, Paraphrases on Slovak Folksongs , and a piano cycle, Slovak Land. A noteworthy representative of Slovak dance music and songs is Karol Elbert (1911). He wrote 3 jazz sonatas for piano. Ondrej Francisci (1915 ) dedicates his works principally to children and young people. He wrote 10 pieces for youth. In the 1950's a group of talented composers, pupils of Mayzes and Cikker, appeared on the scene. In their case there is no concern for program music or its style. The area of their creative interests is very broad and consists, above all, in contemporary musical art; not lacking, however , are positive efforts to come to terms with the impulses of serial and electronic music. A composer who divides his creative activity between theory and composition is the musical scholar, Dr. Ladislav Burlas (1922). In his compositions he inclines toward Bartok. The area of his brief forms is represented by Chaconne and Fugue for piano. Otherwise his chief interest and activity rest with folklore theory and composition. One of the most original composers in the effort for new artistic patterns is Ilja Zeljenka (1932 ) . His piano works excel in two Suites and a Sonata. Pavol Simai (1930) evinces fresh creative orientation in regard to Slovak folk themes. First he studied under Pavol Kados in Budapest, then in Bratislava under A. Moyzes and Jan Cikker; finally he came under Paul Dessau in Berlin. His compositions excel in unconventional lyricism, steeped in sentiment, as exemplified in his piano works: Pastoral for piano, a piano suite From Slovakia and a Sonata for piano. He also wrote numerous shorter forms, such as his Fugues, Invention, Song, Scherzo, Impressions. Mention must also be made of his Sonata Fragment, the Dead, and Pen and Ink Drawings. A composer noted for his scientific work in music theory is Dr. Ivan Hrusovsky (1927). In composition he was a student of A. Moyzes. His early works are characterized by principles of the new Romanticism and Impressionism, exemplifying the influence of his teacher. He manifests his individuality in his later compositions and his dominant characteristics are his inclination toward lyricism and his �SLOVAKIA 97 outstanding technique. Besides other works he wrote a Sonatina for piano, Piano Variations, Toccata for piano and a Piano Concerto with orchestra. His Sonata for piano is particularly valuable. In its three movements he incorporates all the concepts exemplifying piano techniques of the present day. Narcisa Donatova ( 1928 ) is an ambitious musician. The greater-lesser styles of vocal music are her domain, but she also writes piano pieces, such. as Suite for Youth , the suites How the Forests Reminisce, Talking Suite, the suite In n New School and others. Among her shorter works are Brioni Island, Marilyn Bridge, The Moon and the Ocean, and Red Lantern. The talented Jozef Malovec ( 1933) belongs to the youngest generation. Instrumental music is dominant in his limited production. He wrote two sonatinas for the piano. For the dissemination of cultural music to the rural areas much is being accomplished by these young musicians. One of them is Tibor Sladkovic (1928 ), known for his Ten Piano Variations. Peter Kolman ( 1937) may be classed among composers searching for fresh developmental methods. Hindemith and Schonberg exerted the greatest influence on his works. His two most serious pieces composed for piano are Three Miniatures and Three Compositions in memory of Schonberg. Dusan Martincek (1936) is a most versatile musician. He studied piano at the conservatory in Bratislava under the direction of Anna Kafenda, and composition privately under Jan Cikker and Jan Zimmer. He writes principally for piano; his models are eminent personalities in musical circles, such as A. N. Scriabin, S . V. Rachmaninoff, Bela Bartok, and D. D. Shostakovich. His works include: Rhapsody for piano and orchestra, Three Preludes , Six Etudes, Variations, Poem for piano (Sonata I), Three Preludes and Fugues , Two Dances with a Bulgarian Rhythm, D ialogues in the form of variations for piano and orchestra, T wo Romantic Preludes in memory of A. Scriabin, Concert Rhapsody Negrea, Seven Concert Etudes , containing interesting new problems in piano techniques; three waltzes, Quasi Valse, R eferences to Bagpipes, Introduction and Toccata for piano �98 SLOVAKIA and string orchestra, Three Sonatinas, five new Preludes and Fugues (1970). Ivan Parik (1936) has enjoyed close association with th~ vast panorama of European music. Originally he studied under Alexander Albrecht, composition under Andrej Ocemis, and conducting under K. Schimpel. Eventually he became a student of A. Moyzes. He is one of the most talented composers of the younger generation. In his search for contemporary and unconventional modes of expression, he attained admirable results in his works for piano: Rhapsody for piano, Night a sketch for two pianos, Suite for piano, Sketch for piano, Three Pieces for piano, Songs About Falling Leaves (4 compositions for piano) . Juraj Hatrik ( 1941) wrote Sonata in C Sharp M i nor for piano, Andante Semplice and Burlesque for piano, Toccata and Romantic Etude in F Sharp M i nor, Short Suite. For children he wrote the cycle The Last Vacation Day and for young clients a piano Concerto Facile. Miroslav Bazlik ( 1931) entered a music school upon the recommendation of Jan Cikker. His earliest productions, Sonata in B Minor for piano and bagatelles A Palette show a Post-Romantic and Impressionistic influence. In the following compositions he manifests an inclination toward neo-Classicism, as exemplified in Six Variations , Concert Etude, and Moment Musical. Marian Ivankovic (1931) has to his credit a number of works in various styles. He wrote Trifles for piano. Roman Berger, one of the youngest, wrote a Sonata for piano and a Suite (Prelude, Scherzo, Toccata). Jozef Sixta's first composition was Two Fugues . He also wrote Five Compositi ons and Fantasia for piano. To the afore-mentioned must be added Ivan Konecny, who wrote Two Bagatelles for piano, Variations , Two Fugues, and Three Compositions. Vladimir Bokes, son of the late Dr. Bokes, well-known musical author, made his debut in music composition with Partita for piano (Prelude, Aria, Capriccio). This brief survey gives some slight indication of the tireless effort and persistent struggle endured by the musically gifted Slovak nation, which ably shaped its musical culture despite turbulent times and developed it to match the music standards of greater nations. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1975, Vol. 25 Description An account of the resource Vol. 25 (No. 48), 1975. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1975 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 80 Antonia M a z d n o v d: Slovak Piano Composition (A BRIEF SURVEY ) Conditions in 19th century Slovakia were so repressive, so debilitating to the spirit, that only under menacing hardships could the Slovaks develop their music on a n ational scale. The leadership concentrated on the nation's struggle for liberation from the Magyars. All its efforts and energies were directed toward Slovak national and cultural independence. The incipient cultivation of Slovak national art cut across the injustice of the Slovak position , and music, too, actively entered the fray. Slovak music and its origins cannot be evaluated from the perspective of modern musical art. While urban artistic culture at that period was comparatively highly developed in Slovakia, it represented cosmopolitan, not Slovak art. Therefore, the movement for authentic Slovak revival kept aloof from it and concentrated its cultural and artistic activity within certain cities like Turciansky Sv. Martin, Banska Bystrica, Liptovsky Sv. Mikulas, Dolny Kubin and several others, which likewise became important centers of patriotic and promotional movements. Music and song were completely at the service of national ideologies and struggles. Music no less than the other arts was expected to spark national consciousness and keep patriotism alive. Slovakia in that period possessed neither the means nor the conditions required for the cultivation of artistic music; consequently the character of its over-all musical life remained amateurish. Musical enthusiasts who happened to flourish were dilettantes devoid of professional training and only by way of exception did any of them attain artisticesthetic renown in competent circles. Folk creativity played a significant role in the growth and quality of Slovak national music. From the age of enlightenment it served as a powerful source of inspiration for artistic composition, chiefly under the influence of Romanticism, from which the entire Slovak national art evolved. A Slovak in the 19th century would have recognized SLOVAKIA 81 in folk art (folksong) the most authentic expression of the national spirit, the personification of the nation's immortality and sole source of resistance in its struggle for self-identity. Eventually, toward the close of the 19th century, this trend resulted in conservatism and became a deterrent to fresh views in folk music and hampered any effort to raise the artistic standard of Slovak music. The earliest collections of folksongs were the basis from which piano compositions evolved. These consisted of simple arrangements of a primitive nature. In 1830 Martin Suchan arranged 12 songs from safarik's collection and in 1837 Ladislav Ftiredy composed piano arrangements for 25 pieces from Kollar's collection of patriotic songs. Toward the end of the 18th and on into the 19th century new musical creations appeared, combining Magyar elements with Slovak folksongs, resulting in the so-called neo-Hungarian song. The neo-Hungarian style, evident principally in the dance forms, also partly infiuenced emerging Slovak musical compositions in Slovak musical centers, as exemplified in the piano compositions of M. Godra, well-known songs like Matthew's Musing, Svihrovskd, and gypsy traces in M. Laciak's and M. Francisci's arrangements of folksongs. In the 1870's a counter influence arose against the gypsy influence in Slovak folksongs. The leading protagonist in the effort to offset foreign influence in music was the puristic oriented Milan Lichard. Early composers were prolific in their works for the piano. Paul Gerengay (1825-95) (Dance music: Recollection of Sitno) and Maximilian Hudec (1836-1911) ( Hurban March, Marina Quadrille) made a beginning. The most popular were the quadrilles, mazurkas, polkas, waltzes, etc. (Emigrant, by A. Krcmery; Quadrille of St. Martin, by Bella, Ladonka, by Laciak, a quartet, Tatra Flowers, by Boldis, and others). To this group belongs Michael Laciak ( 1826-1901) who, besides the piano variations for Our Times also attempted in his Instruction to standardize Slovak musical terminology. A. Horislav Skultety was a most productive composer. He composed about 6 stylistic dances for the piano. In this period l'..udovit Vansa (1835-73) received a thorough musical education and became a creative composer. For his own immediate :"'leeds and to his great personal satisfaction he produced Wreaths of Folksongs 82 SLOVAKIA for the piano. Similar aspirations were achieved by Stefan Fajnor ( 1844-1909) one of the most accomplished composers of a renaissance era. Originally he composed chamber music and was considerably influenced by the neo-Hungarian style, than finally turned to Slovak melodies in his Variations for piano and Fantasia of Slovak Folksongs. Vlastimir Melicko (1893-1946) the son of a musical family of the renowned Jan Melicko, already graced with a technical musical training, became a highly talented composer. He arranged dances for the piano and produced Slovak Rhapsody and Fantasia, based on Slovak folksongs. Associated with the activities of the Slovak Society in Budapest is the name of ~udovit Izak (Milos Lihovecky, 1862-1927) composer of a wide variety of works. For the piano he wrote the popular polka Anica and piano variations on the folksong Tecie voda, tecie. Another member of the Slovak Society was Milan Lichard (1853-1935). He obtained his specialized musical training at the Academy in Budapest. Noteworthy on his extensive list of compositions are his short piano pieces and two-piano rhapsodies, which in reality are outstanding collections of songs. Two other piano composers who lived and composed outside of Slovakia must be mentioned. Holding first place was Milos Francisci, a dentist (1854-1926). He was act~ve in the United States and besides choruses, he wrote for piano paraphrases of folksongs, entitled Trdvnice (two volumes of 100 songs each) and a Fantasia on Slovak songs for two pianos. Vladimir G. sasko (1875-1960) a piano virtuoso, also emigrated to the United States. He studied at the Academy of Music in Budapest and taught at the Chicago Musical College. He is the creator of many Slovak compositions: rhapsodies, Fantasia, based on Slovak folksongs and variations. Piano compositions and other unnamed works of these two composers were instrumental in making an impact on Slovak national consciousness in the United States. To this generation of Slovak creative artists, all of them composers in the Slovak national tradition, we further assign, Jan Levoslav Bella, Mikulas Mayzes, Viliam FigusBystry and Mikulas Schneider-Trnavsky. The initial efforts of this generation of composers sparked a national revival of native Slovak art, which also embraced music in its SLOVAKIA 83 patriotic-awakening, informative and world-wide roles. These composers, by contrast with the former generation, already possessed all the marks of a creative artistic individuality. Their compositions continued to show the influence of the former esthetic revival based on the role of the folksong, which extended into the 1920's and 1940's, when a new generation of composers with modern artistic styles was emerging. One of the first musicians with a European outlook was Jan Levoslav Bella 0843-1936), the dean of Slovak composers, one of the founders of Slovak national musical culture. Self-educated in playing the piano, he did not indulge in piano composition in the later years of his mature mastery. His four-movement Sonata in B Minor, which to this day appears on programs, represents a work of perennial merit in music literature. Another outstanding composition is his fragmentary Sonata in C Minor, from the elaborate first movement of which has been constructed a Beethoven allegro and an impressively beautiful adagio. Minor works include: Variations for the song Pri Presporku and Leti roj, as well as a Sonatina in E Minor, all of which exemplify the music standard of his contemporaries. An enthusiastic admirer and promoter of Slovak folksongs, Viliam Figus-Bystry ( 1875-1937) directed his activity almost exclusively to using folksongs in classical music. Together with Milan Lichard and Stefan Fajnor, he dominated the so-called renaissance period of Slovak music, in which the composers for the most part were self-trained. The basic design of Figus's creations is derived from Slovak folksong arrangements. His piano compositions include One Thousand Slovak Folksongs, Flowers of the Field, a collection written for children ( 106 songs in simple arrangement for the piano), Dances, and a march Pages from an Album, Multicolored Leaves (10 compositions) Musical Miniatures (12 compositions). Probably the most extensive of his piano compositions is the four-part Slovak Sonata in the dorian mode, based on themes of Slovak folksongs . In his earlier years Figus also composed practical piano music in chamber style (polkas, marches, etc.). The overture for his opera Detvan has been arranged for four hands. One of the pioneers of the national realistic trend in 84 SLOVAKIA Slovak music was Mikulas Moyzes (1872-1944). The bulk of his compositions gravitated toward orchestral music. Most of his piano compositions he eventually transposed to orchestral arrangements. His best known works are the three-movement Sonatina and a series of 12 piano compositions, To our Youth. His remaining piano works consist of short forms like mazurkas, polonaises, preludes, impromptus, arabesques, meditations, etc. The inspirational basis for his entire repertoire is the Slovak folksong, from which he selected a typical Slovak melodic theme in order to develop an independent creation. Moyzes originated the ballad song with its deep realistic picturesqueness. Following Bella, the most impressive member of the older generation of composers was Mikulas SchneiderTrnavsky ( 1881-1959) a pioneer in the trend toward realism in Slovak national music and a friend of Zoltan Kodaly. The strong point in his creativeness was artistic variation in Slovak folksongs and classical song form composition comparable to the motifs in the style of Schubert and Mendelssohn. Schneider-Trnavsky was the first to develop the recitative-rhapsodic type of Slovak melody. Because of the wealth of his compositions in this category, his piano works are not extensive. His Opus 5 is a Brief Waltz (1898) and his popular instructive Slovak Sonatina is well-known and often concertized. Later appeared his Variation Line of Compositions (1944). The musical philosophy of M. SchneiderTrnavsky in all his creative effort stems from the Slovak folksong. His style and tools of expression are Post-Romantic. To this creative quartet of Slovak musicians (from the standpoint of age and style) one must add the names of Frico Kafenda and Alexander Albrecht. As composers they were not specifically aligned with the effort to promote Slovak national music, but they nevertheless made a valuable contribution to the advancement of Slovak musical art. And although they belonged to the Romantic school of composers, they formed a logical link in the historical development of Slovak music and provided an effective transition from the dilettante culture of the previous century to the Slovak avantgarde and indeed paved the way for it. SLOVAKIA 85 The character of Frico Kafenda's creations (1883-1965) was decisively influenced by his training in Leipzig, where conservative traditions merged with the Post-Romantic school. Among his teachers were Robert Teich-Mtiller (piano ), Stefan Krehl and Heinrich Zollner (composition), Arthur Nikisch (conducting). He also attended lectures by Herrmann Kretschmar and Hugh Riemann. Kafenda's compositions frequently exhibit a subjective intimate character. The style of his music is marked by strict harmony and proficient contrapuntal writing. The core of his works comprises chamber, song-like, and instrumental compositions. His piano works consist of A Piano Suite in the ancient modes, Three Piano Compositions, and Variations and Fugues. Alexander Albrecht (1885-1958) can be described as the type of composer-synthesist, who radiates a variety of influences. He was an intimate friend of Bartok. He studied at the Conservatory of Budapest and his teachers were Istvan Thoman (piano), Hans Kassler (composition), and F. Szandtner (conducting). Hindemith's influence led him to combine classicism with modern elements of expression. His musical thought was expressed chiefly in lyrics, in the tender grazioso and the play!ul scherzo. Among his distinguished piano compositions, the following are outstanding: Scherzo in F Major (duet) (1899), Sonata in F Major, Scherzo (1907), (duet), Aphorisms, New Year Greeting, Moods (duet), Wild Rose Suite, (duet), Sonatina in three movements as a duet, humoresque (Excursion i n a Thunderstorm), Twelve short compositions (Success to Music, Little Johnny, In the Distance, Shepherd Dance, Joyful Awakening, Wedding Feast of the Crickets, In a Gay Room, Beginner in Dancing, Perfect Dancer, Dusk, Night, Going to Work in the Morning). His final composition is an instructive work, entitled Ten Duets, based on song themes and recitations from Jan Krasko's collection. After 1918 the newly evolved Slovak music style encountered many difficult challenges : to create a firm material basis for a national musical life and to establish a strong organizational position in competition with a fully developed appreciation of foreign music, which had found a ready response in the musical life of Slovakia. The spirit of competition generated much activity, cen- 86 SLOVAKIA tered in new musically-cul tural institutions, organizations and music schools. In these years, as it were in the shadow of the previously mentioned composers, there indeed arose a group of musicians, who adhered to ancient traditions, but their productions lacked any distinguishab le unity. Renowned at this time was Dezider Lauko (1872-1942) whose piano compositions can be compared with Liszt's in their brilliance and salon presentation. For the piano he wrote Slovak Moods, Piano Etudes for Children, Humoresques, three Valse Scherzandos, Rhapsody in Slovak Meadows, duets for Slovak Dances, and others. :r.uctmila Krizkova-Leh otska (1863-1945), the first Slovak woman composer, in addition to various piano works, directed her talent to composing for children. Angeia Cziczkova (1888-1973) specialized in pedagogical elements of music instruction as well as in composition. Her works consist of more than 100 compositions (Unisono with 54 exercises, Study in Octaves, Rhythmic Exercises with Variations, Technique in Trills, A Study in Chromatics, Preparing to Play Tremolo . In addition she wrote 48 compositions, Youth, 16 Short Preludes for piano. From among her classical selections are Twelve Sonatas, Slavic Fantasy, Prelude in A Flat Major, and Nine Preludes for piano. An individualisti c pattern was folloved by Fran.a Dostalik (1896-1944). His music portrays modern expression and shows some attempt at experimentat ion. Besides shorter forms for the piano, he wrote Detvan Sonatina which he later arranged as a piano duet. To this group of composers belong many others who flourished in the years before and after World War I. Their thought and inspiration sprang from a cultural climate where struggle for an independent national musical art predominated ; or it was derived from the uncertain period of new social-cultura l conditions during the first Republic, when new ideas of national musical culture among the younger generation clashed with the older music. Some of these composers achieved only amateur status; for others again the unfavorable conditions of Slovak cultural life in that period precluded any advancement even with specialized musical training. One of the most productive composers in this group (he has about 260 works to his credit) is Jozef Rosinsky SLOVAKIA 87 (1897-1973). He obtained his education in Turin and in Rome (law); in Nice he studied piano and organ. His rich productivity comprises all genres. A listing of his piano works must include the following noteworthy selections: Mazurka in A Minor, Children's March, Trencin Bells, Fantasia alla Zingara, Prelude on Slovak Motifs, Plastic Pictures, Scherzo (duet), Slovak Gleanings, Ten Short Compositions, First Sonata, Second Sonata, Sonata for piano or harmonium, Echoes of Enchanted Nitra, and Slovak Concert Fantasia for piano and orchestra. Ladislav Stancek ( 1898) is a composer of the same calibre. His vast productivity was directed almost exclusively to program music. In Brno he studied organ under Tregler, composition under V. Petrzelka and 0. Chlubna and conducting under F. Neumann. Among his most popular piano compositions are: Child's Suite, Variations on an original theme and a collection entitled From Life. Representative of the culturally-enlightened and popular composition, anchored in the great traditions of the nationally-revived chorus and group singing in Slovakia, is Jan Valast'an Dolinsky (1892-1965). In the area of piano composition he left short forms: Complaint, Remembrance of May, Minuets in G Major and E Flat Major, Waltz in A Minor, Page From an Album, and Valse Triste. The works of Jan Krasko-Zapotocky (1893-1968) fall into the same category. He, too, was noted as an enlightened leader in the field of music instruction. Among his works are sonatinas and patriotic songs issued under the title, Echoes of Freedom. Jan Mory (1897) belongs to quite another class of composers. He dealt principally with operettic, popular, and dance music. For the piano he prepared instructional works for children, several duets and a collection entitled Children Sing and Play. The composers of yet another school react sensitively to the contemporary, employing methods-modern, technical, and expressive. Their common characteristic is a higher artistic and idealistic standard, without, however, a uniform productivity. An outstanding figure is Stefan Ladislav Nemeth-samorinsky (1896), a typical representative of Bratislava's musical life. In thought and artistry he belongs to the progressive Magyar musical culture as 88 SLOVAKIA represented in Bratislava by Bela Bartok and Alexander Albrecht. He studied piano, organ, and composition at the Academy of Music in Budapest and later attended the Graduate School of Franz Schmidt in Vienna. He can claim a valuable collection of piano works. He arranged 20 Slovak folksongs for piano under the title, For Youth. He wrote a very effective Slovak Rhapsody and Improvisation on a Slovak folksong . Other significant works include: Meditation on Paganini's Theme, a transcription of Beethoven's Romance in D Major for violin, Intermezzo for piano, Sonata with three movements, containing valuable content (Toccata and Fugue) Piano Concerto, and Transcription of Liszt's Prelude and Fugue on Bach's name for two pianos. A composer of an earlier generation with extensive production in music theory, writing, and pedagogy was Jan Fiser-Kveton (1896-1963). He studied composition and conducting at the Prague Conservatory under K. B. Jirak and J. B. Forster. In composition he reached out into diverse styles. In 1928 he produced Sonata in F Minor for piano and the best-loved compositions are his two-piano Suites for Youth. A distinctive role m Slovak musical life and composition was played by Michael Vilec (1902), who was associated in the early years of his creativity with Eastern Slovakia. His compositions reflect the influence of his teacher Zoltan Kodaly and are marked by impressionism. At first he had held himself aloof from the compositional efforts of his generation. His works are noted for their expressive folk elements, among which must be mentioned Bagatelles for piano, Ballade for two pianos, Sonata for piano, Rondo, Three Sonatinas, two series of duets From the Banks of the Danube, Conversation at the Piano, Two-Tone Inventions, Eight Studies on the Development of Interpretive Elements and Fantasia on the waltzes of Franz Schubert: Schubertiada for piano and orchestra. Together with Mikulas Mayzes, he wrote a significant two-volume School of Piano. The first third of the century saw the emergence of a young generation of Slovak composers with a new program and new ideals and goals: to create a style of music that would be contemporary, modern, deeply realistic and Slovak. These composers were determined to put an end to provincialism and dilettantism and at long last to incorpo- SLOVAKIA 89 rate the culture of a highly talented Slovak nation into the great orchestra of European music. A Golden Age of musical composition was about to dawn throughout the world and Slovak piano creativity would play a responsible role in it. Another composer of contemporary music is Alexander Moyzes (1906). He obtained his musical training at the Prague Conservatory under the direction of such teachers as Otakar Sin and Rudolf Karel (composition), Otakar Ostrem (conducting), and B. A. Wiedermann (organ) . Moyzes is noted for his program music with its polished composition2.! technique, which combines classical and Post-Romantic principles with impulses of impressionism. In addition to his creative works, Moyzes actively promoted a new style of Slovak music by means of articles, critical essays, and reviews, in which he condemned in no uncertain terms both dilettantism and conservatism in Slovak musical life. In his capacity as music instructor he educated an entire generation of composers, who to this day occupy foremos t positions in Slovak musical circles. (Holoubek, Jurovsky, Kardos, Ocenas, Freso and several others) . Moyzes' creative works include basic instrumental and vocal genres. His principal compositions for the piano are: Sonata in E Minor (a transcription of Seven Compositions - 1942) which has been rated as one of the best Slovak piano compositions. Others are: Divertimento (1930), FoxEtude and Improptu (1935), Highwayman's Rhapsody (1957) . He also wrote Jazz Sonata (1932) for two pianos. Eugen Suchon (1908) shares with Moyzes the glory of initiating the Golden Age of Slovak musical art. He is at once its creator, its promoter, and its splendid flowering. He studied at the Academy of Music and Drama in Bratislava under the direction of Frico Kafenda and Jozef Vincourek. After graduation he continued his studies under Vitezoslav Novak at the Graduate School in Prague. Suchon's art is completely original. It matured under the impact of Slovak folk melodies combined with modern techniques. The blending of melody, harmony, rhyth::.n and form characterizes Suchoi'.t's music and gives it its national character. Omitting his earlier compositions, (1923-28), a list of his best known works includes the following: Short Suite with Passacaglia (1931), Ballade Suite (1936), which is a standard calling card among elite Slovak pianists; 90 SLOVAKIA Metamorphosis Suites (1953), which is a compendium of modern piano tunes with effective transition and harmonious techniques; Pictures from Slovakia, six series of piano compositions from 1956-1957; and a newer Rhapsodic Suite for piano and orchestra (1968). In 1969 he contributed Kaleidoscope (Evolution of Harmony) in which individual numbers are a succession of delicate musical miniatures. Jan Cikker (1911), pioneer of contemporary national opera, a celebrity known for his irrepressible vitality and vibrant energy, yet not without meditative depth, also belongs to the contemporary scene. He studied composition at the Prague Conservatory under Jaroslav Kricka, organ under B. A. Wiedermann, and conducting under Pavel Dedecek. At the Graduate School he was the student of Vitezoslav Novak and pursued conducting under Felix Weingartner. Cikker opened wide the concentrated art of folksong and dance and developed it into classical, highly spontaneous forms. He is a contemporary lyricist and dramatist. Although Cikker concentrated on operatic creations, he also wrote a considerable number of piano compositions: Sonata in E Minor (1927), while yet pursuing his studies, two compositions for piano In Solitude ( 1940), Piano Variations (1935), Lullaby (1942), Two Compositions for Youth (1948), Tatra's Brooks (three brilliant compositions for piano, 1954), and finally 15 piano water-colors, What the Children Narrated, also a Concertina for piano and orchestra. In addition there is his arrangement of Slovak Suites for orchestra and two pianos. The foremost personality in the field of Slovak music is Dezider Kardos (1914), a student of Alexander Moyzes and V. Novak, a.member of the central generation of composers (along with Ocenas, Jurovsky, Kresanek, Freso and Holoubek). Kardos concentrates his talent on the creation of monumental works, in which his technique is best applied. From among his numerous works the foremost are: Two Piano Compositions (1933), Piano Suite II (1937), Studies for Piano ( 1947), a series of piano compositions Bagatelles (1948), Cycle of 10 Piano Compositions for Youth (1956), many individual scores for children, and notably the interpretive, yet quite spontaneous three compositions To My Children (Banter, Humoresque, Toccatina). In 1969 SLOVAKIA 91 he concluded Piano Concerto with orchestra. It was his first composition of the concert type. It is not a concert work in the traditional sense of the word. The piano is combined with the orchestral rhythm, but it continues to express the individual motifs and ideas. Another member of the central generation of composers is Ladislav Holoubek (1913). He studied composition under A. Moyzes, conducting under Jozef Vincourek, piano under Ernest Krizan. After completing his studies he pursued composition under V. Novak. Holoubek's artistry is best exemplified in his operatic creations. His works for piano are: Sonata in G Major (1931), Prelude, Passacaglia and Toccata (1934) , Four Fugues , II Sonata for Piano (1947), and a cycle for young advanced pianists, Children's Games and Joys . Prominent also as a representative member of the central generation of composers is Andrej Ocenas ( 1911). He studied in Bratislava under A. Moyzes (composition), conducting under Jozef Vincourek, and advanced composition under V. Novak in Prague. His production is characterized by design of splendor and monumentality. For the piano he wrote: First Letters (I Piano Suite), Fugue for piano, II Piano Suite, a piano fantasia Sleet, a series of piano compositions, New Spring, a piano suite Youth, a piano suite, Pictures from a Fable, Ballade, Piano Concerto with orchestra, several individual compositions and Flowers of the Field for young pianists. The creations of Ocenas are characterized by original reconstruction of genuine folklore; he therefore resembles the realists, Janacek and Moussorgsky. A lyrical composer with a feeling for poetic tonal-coloring detail was simon Jurovsky (1912-1963). A student of A. Moyzes (composition), Jozef Vincourek (conducting), he later studied in Vienna under Jozef Marx. In addition to a series of major forms, he left the following piano compositions: Piano Suite, 4 compositions for children, From a Child's Paradise, a suite from ballet, Chivalrous Ballade for piano, Peace Symphony, for concert piano and string orchestra. Tibor Freso ( 1918) belongs to a generation which injected a new creative spirit into Slovak music. He studied under the Italian composer, Ildebrand -Pizetti at the Academia 92 SLOVAKIA di Santa Cecilia in Rome. For piano he wrote a Miniature Suite, which is an effective recital composition with lesser technical demands; Russian Dance for piano, a piano suite In a Child's Room for very young pianists, and a succession of shorter works. Frantisek Babusek ( 1905-1954) a prominent broadcasting conductor, studied conducting under Pavel Dedecek and composition under V. Novak, Jozef Suk, and Jaroslav Kricka in Prague. To Babusek belongs well-deserved credit for producing original compositions and organizing periodic symphonic concerts. He wrote Prelude for piano and the majestic Concerto in D Minor, which in its claims is indeed somewhat exaggerated, but is a masterly composition in which Babusek amassed a whole assemblage of modern piano techniques, many-faceted rhythms and intricacies. The leading personality of Slovak musical science is Dr. Jozef Kresanek (1913). He was educated in composition under Rudolf Karl at the Prague Conservatory and at the Graduate School of V. Novak. Along with his scholarly pursuits, which netted him a long series of learned articles, and books, he composed many songs, choruses, chamber music as well as the following works for the piano: Piano Suite in four parts, I I Piano Suite, arrangements of Slovak folksongs for young pianists, Meadow Flowers, Elegy for piano, Highwayman's Ballade and others. His Scherzo for the piano is an outstanding work. The foremost exponent of Slovak musical theory and estheticism is Dr. Otto Ferenczy ( 1921) . As a composer he advanced on the knowledge of Bart6k and Stravinsky and was able to combine their thrust with the realism of the Slovak folksong. Characteristic of Ferenczy are his expressive elegance, his brilliance and intellectual humor. His works reflect inspiration from the eastern Slovak folksong and dance, and later from more imposing concert and symphonic works. From a wealth of creative works one must list his Intermezzo for piano, and Capriccio for piano and orchestra. He wrote an innovative piece entitled Partita for concert piano and orchestra. Jan Zimmer (1926) can be characterized as a highly productive artist and one of the most distinguished figures of a youthful generation of masters. He obtained his musical training at thP. Bratislava Conservatory, studying organ SLOVAKIA 93 under Jozef Veber, piano under Frico Kafenda, and composition under Eugen Suchan. He also studied composition at the Franz Liszt Academy in Budapest, under Ferencz Farkas and is a graduate of the Salzburg Seminary in American studies (David Diamond). Zimmer himself is a piano virtuoso, appearing in concerts as the exclusive interpreter of his own compositions and constantly deals with problems involving the piano-solo and piano with orchestra. The blossoming of his style is based on the synthesis of neo-classical interpretive forms with the distinctive quality of sound. In all his works Zimmer explores new directions. Besides a lengthy list of other types of composition, he is credited also with numerous piano works as follows: Four Piano Compositions, Moods, I and II Sonatas for piano, Three Sonatas for 2 pianos, Tatry I-II (I and II suites for piano and orchestra), Three Sonatas for 2 pianos, Four Piano Concertos with orchestra, Concerto for piano without orchestra, A Piano Concerto, with solo part in the bass with orchestra, Three Preludes for piano, Rhapsody for piano and orchestra, Short Fantasia for piano and orchestra, Ten Children's Pieces, Concerto Grosso for 2 pianos, 2 string orchestras,· including percussion ·instruments. In contemporary musical life a place of distinction belongs to Rudolf Macudzinski (1907), master, pedagogue, and an outstanding Slovak piano virtuoso. A student of V. Kurz and Leos Janacek, he trained a significant number of young piano-artists. As an accomplished artist, he stands in the forefront of Slovak concert life and together with his wife Silvia Macudzinski often concertizes on two pianos, thus ably promoting this less known type of music. His talent and skill in composition takes many forms, but he excels chiefly in instrumental music. From his piano pieces we choose Two Romances, Sonatina, solo theme for piano, Meditation and Fugue for 2 pianos, Divertimento for two pianos, Bagatelles for 2 pianos, orchestral and concert arrangements, Valse-Improptu for piano and orchestra, Variazoni Olimpiche for piano and orchestra. Well known are his arrangements of folksongs for piano and his instructive and presentative works for youth, such as Study of Scales I and II, and Christmas Numbers I Can Play, and others. 94 SLOVAKIA Resembling Macudzinski in character and artistic creative thought, is the talented Slovak conductor, Dr. ~udovit Rajter (1906). He pursued his studies in Vienna under C. Kraus and A. Wunderer, as well as F. Schmidt and J. Marx. Later he continued his studies under Dohnanyi in Budapest. His creative works are not as numerous as those of Macudzinski, but artistically they are highly polished. His most important piano piece is Short Suite in the old style. Otherwise he composes for orchestra and chorus. Several composers align themselves with the tradition of artistic creativity based on the folklore of eastern Slovakia. One of these is Jozef Gresak (1907), who with his Piano Concerto introduced altogether unusual hues into piano tones and presented quite fascinating methodical problems about natural and unnatural fingerings and the central role of the thumb as the midpoint of a pianistic hand. An individual of remarkable stature in contemporary Slovak life is Julius Kowalski (1912). He studied composition and conducting at the Prague Conservatory under Rudolf Karl, Alojz Haba and Pavel Dedecek. He continued his studies at the Graduate School in Prague under Jozef Suk and Vaclav Talich, and later in Vienna under C. Kraus. His earlier compositions are influenced by the European avantgarde and Alojz Haba in his Four Pieces for piano, in Fantasia in the quarter-tone system; but his later works are influenced by the Post-Romantic tradition. As a pedagogue, he wrote much for children. His cycles From the World of Toys, five short recital pieces, are written for young pianists. The years after World War II witnessed the resurgence of a new segment of Slovak musical life, which achieved a natural fusion between folk art and the more exacting principles of classical music. Important for the development of the new genres was the appearance on the scene of artistic folk choirs, like the Slovak Artistic Collective, Lucnica, Military Artistic Choir, and others. Likewise important was the rise of opera scenarios and the use of radio, cinema, and television. With original composition all the Slovak artists participated in the development of these genres and simultaneously a young generation arose which SLOVAKIA 95 also directed its activity to this new segment of Slovak musical life. A protagonist of modern Slovak musical achievement is Tibor Andrasovan (1917). He is a higly productive and successful Slovak composer in the field of operetta, film, scenario, and folk music. His Gypsy Dance for piano and orchestra stands as a worthy sample of his rich creativity, which gained for him both popularity and widespread accolades from an admiring public. A composer with similar tastes and merit is Bartolomej Urbanec (1918 ) . He studied composition and conducting under A. Mayzes, Eugen Suchan and Kornel Schimpel, and advanced conducting under Vaclav Talich. He is one of the pioneers of creative work for artistic folk choirs, such as the Slovak Artistic Collective, Lucnica, and others. His greatest works are Concertina for piano and orchestra and Three Romantic Pieces, which often appear on concert programs. By his creative compositions Teodor Hirner (1910) identifies himself with Eastern Slovakia. He wrote numerous compositions for various audiences. The familiar ones are Capriccio for piano and archestra, and his piano cycle Imagini. By character and musical ability Julius Letnan ( 19141973) falls into this group. His Sonata for piano causes amazement especially in its lyrical middle section where the presentation is colored with truly Slovak beauty and expression. The duet Dances and Songs for piano and orchestra is also included in this Sonata. Noteworthy is his work Ten Studies, in which he solves technical piano problems in modern style. With the great increase in educational and cultural programs on the radio, and the steadily mounting demands for high artistic standards in musical broadcasts, the number of musicians who turned their talents to the broadcasting arts has likewise increased. A veteran of this broadcasting activity was the pianist Janka Matuska (1897-1959 ) . He was a versatile composer, producing many works, especially for piano. His characteristic features are humor, laughter, optimism and emotional immediacy. The characteristic and typical examples of his notable talent are such short compositions as Imp in the Chimney, Musical Clock, Gi ant, 96 S LOVAKIA Rabbi t and Hunter, Hum oresque, Minuet, Valse Mignon, variations on folksong : Old M aids, Paraphrases on Slovak Folksongs , and a piano cycle, Slovak Land. A noteworthy representative of Slovak dance music and songs is Karol Elbert (1911). He wrote 3 jazz sonatas for piano. Ondrej Francisci (1915 ) dedicates his works principally to children and young people. He wrote 10 pieces for youth. In the 1950's a group of talented composers, pupils of Mayzes and Cikker, appeared on the scene. In their case there is no concern for program music or its style. The area of their creative interests is very broad and consists, above all, in contemporary musical art; not lacking, however , are positive efforts to come to terms with the impulses of serial and electronic music. A composer who divides his creative activity between theory and composition is the musical scholar, Dr. Ladislav Burlas (1922). In his compositions he inclines toward Bartok. The area of his brief forms is represented by Chaconne and Fugue for piano. Otherwise his chief interest and activity rest with folklore theory and composition. One of the most original composers in the effort for new artistic patterns is Ilja Zeljenka (1932 ) . His piano works excel in two Suites and a Sonata. Pavol Simai (1930) evinces fresh creative orientation in regard to Slovak folk themes. First he studied under Pavol Kados in Budapest, then in Bratislava under A. Moyzes and Jan Cikker; finally he came under Paul Dessau in Berlin. His compositions excel in unconventional lyricism, steeped in sentiment, as exemplified in his piano works: Pastoral for piano, a piano suite From Slovakia and a Sonata for piano. He also wrote numerous shorter forms, such as his Fugues, Invention, Song, Scherzo, Impressions. Mention must also be made of his Sonata Fragment, the Dead, and Pen and Ink Drawings. A composer noted for his scientific work in music theory is Dr. Ivan Hrusovsky (1927). In composition he was a student of A. Moyzes. His early works are characterized by principles of the new Romanticism and Impressionism, exemplifying the influence of his teacher. He manifests his individuality in his later compositions and his dominant characteristics are his inclination toward lyricism and his SLOVAKIA 97 outstanding technique. Besides other works he wrote a Sonatina for piano, Piano Variations, Toccata for piano and a Piano Concerto with orchestra. His Sonata for piano is particularly valuable. In its three movements he incorporates all the concepts exemplifying piano techniques of the present day. Narcisa Donatova ( 1928 ) is an ambitious musician. The greater-lesser styles of vocal music are her domain, but she also writes piano pieces, such. as Suite for Youth , the suites How the Forests Reminisce, Talking Suite, the suite In n New School and others. Among her shorter works are Brioni Island, Marilyn Bridge, The Moon and the Ocean, and Red Lantern. The talented Jozef Malovec ( 1933) belongs to the youngest generation. Instrumental music is dominant in his limited production. He wrote two sonatinas for the piano. For the dissemination of cultural music to the rural areas much is being accomplished by these young musicians. One of them is Tibor Sladkovic (1928 ), known for his Ten Piano Variations. Peter Kolman ( 1937) may be classed among composers searching for fresh developmental methods. Hindemith and Schonberg exerted the greatest influence on his works. His two most serious pieces composed for piano are Three Miniatures and Three Compositions in memory of Schonberg. Dusan Martincek (1936) is a most versatile musician. He studied piano at the conservatory in Bratislava under the direction of Anna Kafenda, and composition privately under Jan Cikker and Jan Zimmer. He writes principally for piano; his models are eminent personalities in musical circles, such as A. N. Scriabin, S . V. Rachmaninoff, Bela Bartok, and D. D. Shostakovich. His works include: Rhapsody for piano and orchestra, Three Preludes , Six Etudes, Variations, Poem for piano (Sonata I), Three Preludes and Fugues , Two Dances with a Bulgarian Rhythm, D ialogues in the form of variations for piano and orchestra, T wo Romantic Preludes in memory of A. Scriabin, Concert Rhapsody Negrea, Seven Concert Etudes , containing interesting new problems in piano techniques; three waltzes, Quasi Valse, R eferences to Bagpipes, Introduction and Toccata for piano 98 SLOVAKIA and string orchestra, Three Sonatinas, five new Preludes and Fugues (1970). Ivan Parik (1936) has enjoyed close association with th~ vast panorama of European music. Originally he studied under Alexander Albrecht, composition under Andrej Ocemis, and conducting under K. Schimpel. Eventually he became a student of A. Moyzes. He is one of the most talented composers of the younger generation. In his search for contemporary and unconventional modes of expression, he attained admirable results in his works for piano: Rhapsody for piano, Night a sketch for two pianos, Suite for piano, Sketch for piano, Three Pieces for piano, Songs About Falling Leaves (4 compositions for piano) . Juraj Hatrik ( 1941) wrote Sonata in C Sharp M i nor for piano, Andante Semplice and Burlesque for piano, Toccata and Romantic Etude in F Sharp M i nor, Short Suite. For children he wrote the cycle The Last Vacation Day and for young clients a piano Concerto Facile. Miroslav Bazlik ( 1931) entered a music school upon the recommendation of Jan Cikker. His earliest productions, Sonata in B Minor for piano and bagatelles A Palette show a Post-Romantic and Impressionistic influence. In the following compositions he manifests an inclination toward neo-Classicism, as exemplified in Six Variations , Concert Etude, and Moment Musical. Marian Ivankovic (1931) has to his credit a number of works in various styles. He wrote Trifles for piano. Roman Berger, one of the youngest, wrote a Sonata for piano and a Suite (Prelude, Scherzo, Toccata). Jozef Sixta's first composition was Two Fugues . He also wrote Five Compositi ons and Fantasia for piano. To the afore-mentioned must be added Ivan Konecny, who wrote Two Bagatelles for piano, Variations , Two Fugues, and Three Compositions. Vladimir Bokes, son of the late Dr. Bokes, well-known musical author, made his debut in music composition with Partita for piano (Prelude, Aria, Capriccio). This brief survey gives some slight indication of the tireless effort and persistent struggle endured by the musically gifted Slovak nation, which ably shaped its musical culture despite turbulent times and developed it to match the music standards of greater nations.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovak Piano Composition (A Brief Survey) Description An account of the resource Antonia Mazánová Slovakia, Vol. 25 (No. 48), 1975 pp. 80-98 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Mazánová, Antonia Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1975 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/bd1e7e74d0a067a4c8cdb7dbc77da199.pdf aa51708e32362a00d48b8ed3255314e5 PDF Text Text 108 SLOVAKIA Slovak Pioneers in A1nerica DR. ALEXANDER DIANISKA (March 21, 1867-November 9, 1923) Alexander Dianiska who played a significant role in Slovak-American life was born on March 21, 1867 in Banska Bystrica, Slovakia. Affluence was not the lot of his parents but the very lack of material wealth and wellbeing only disposed them to cling to God and abide by His commandments all the more faithfully. In this spirit of filial fear of God which is the beginning of wisdom, they reared their son who was a precocious boy. From the very outset of his formal schooling he applied himself to learning with marked talent and zest, and as a youth of about high school level he gave unmistakable evidence of his Slovak consciousness and undeviating loyalty to his homeland-a gift that came to him from his parents. The intermediate school which young Dianiska attended in Banska Bystrica was controlled by Magyar and Magyarone professors bent on a program of alienating Slovak students to the Magyar cause. Dianiska was not won by them. He had been an outstanding student in all his classes and graduated with distinction. His final examination earned a special award for excellence and was sent to the educational ministry in Budapest as a model of meritorious achievement and exceptional quality. Yet aside from this deserved academic recognition, Dianiska did not fare well; his national convictions disturbed the authorities. He was Slovak enough even to be one of a group who chose to make sacramental confession in Slovak. When the Rev. Joseph Martincek, another patriot, for the first time heard Dianiska confess in Slovak, he marveled that a student of the Banska Bystrica intermediate school had the spirit and the daring to defy the professorial overlords of the school who had absolutely proscribed the use of Slovak. The overjoyed priest invited the youth to stop for a chat at the rectory, and from a chance religious encounter there developed a lifelong friendship, Father Martincek deepening and strength- �SLOVAKIA 109 ening in the younger man his already deep-rooted Slovak devotion. Together with Father Martin Kolar, Father Martincek took special interest in the future of the gifted Alexander Dianiska especially after learning of his desire to become a priest. Both clergymen conferred with Canon John Juriga of Ostrihom, urging him to find practical means of enabling the young man to realize his aspiration. In time, and despite repeated obstacles, it did become possible for Dianiska to launch his theological courses at the seminary of Ostrihom even though his acceptance restricted him to the status of an extern student. As an externist, Dianiska roomed with four other Slovak theology students, one of whom was Ferdis Juriga. Just at this time the Magyar journal Budapest Hirlap launched a new attack on Slovak students and inveighed against the seminary at Ostrihom as a nest of Panslavism. Father Martincek hurried a warning note to Dianiska advising that the Slovak loyalists be circumspect and even put into temporary hiding all the works of Vajansky and copies of the literary periodical Slovenske pohl'ady. But the communication never reached Dianiska because it was intercepted. Only in a personal interview with the prefect of the seminary did he learn that Father Martincek had written him . The Magyar professors then investigated the Slovak student group and Dianiska as well as Aloysius Vladar . also a theology major, were dismissed. John Donoval (a Slovak poet who wrote under the pseudonym Tichomir Milkin) was severely reprimanded and all but dismissed. After this setback, Dianiska returned to his hometown and went directly to Father Martincek who secretly sheltered him for a few days. The distraught young stu• dent eventually found the courage to approach his father who was in a dying condition. In a voice that could not hide great feeling and anxiety for his father's advanced illness he explained what had happened to him at the seminary and awaited his father's reaction. "Be the Slovak that you have been up to now; God will not forsake us," was the brave father's only observation to his suffering son. Alexander was worthy of his father's expectations. Father Martincek found him another sponsor and pro- �110 SLOVAKIA tector in the person of Canon Majovsky and it became possible for him to complete his theological courses at Banska Bystrica where he was ordained a priest on July 5, 1889. Because he wished to pursue advanced studies, the newly ordained Father Dianiska began to prepare for a doctoral degree in sacred theology. He had no prospect of enrolling as a regular university student because his ordinary rated him as a dangerous pan-Slavist and subjected him to repeated transferrals from one curacy to another. In spite of all difficulties and obstacles, however, the young priest did achieve his goal: a doctoral degree in theology granted by the University of Vienna with a special citation for excellence. But this only whetted the rancor of the Magyar and Magyarone forces, and the thorny way of the young ardent priest grew more and more forbidding and impossible. It now became his lot to be assigned to the most impoverished and all but destitute curacies of the diocese. Father Martincek understood clearly and with undeniable conviction that if Dr. Dianiska had only reneged his Slovak loyalties and had offered his talents at the service of the alien political powers, he would have been promoted not only to the rank of canon but even to the dignity of an episcopal position. In the thirteenth year of his priestly ministry Dr. Dianiska was named administrator of the parish at Brezno . Commissioner Repaszy of the Zvolen County with calculated deliberateness told Dr. Dianiska that this parish would immediately become his permanent pastorate if he would do as simple a thing as pay him a brief visit and denounce "panslavism." Dr. Dianiska rejected the offer as he would spurn a bribe; he would not forswear his nation. He made no visit to Commissioner Repaszy; he went, instead, to Lopej to see Father Martincek. Two staunch friends, two staunch patriots-they had little need for circumlocutions or prolonged conference. Father Martincek's fate was much like that of Dr. Dianiska. They sang the heart-rending lament "Hojze, Boze, jak to boli . . ." and Dr. Dianiska left Slovakia for the United States. The year was 1903. He gave his adopted country twenty years of illustrious priestly service until he died at Mercy Hospital in Wilkes-Barre on Nov. 9, 1923. �SLOVAKIA 111 Dr. Dianiska's American assignment was a pastorate at St. Stephen's parish in Plymouth, Pennsylvania, and it was here that he spent the remainder of his life. "His wisdom, kindliness, apostolic zeal, and fatherly concern in a short time transformed this struggling Plymouth parish and made of it one of the most efficiently organized parishes in the diocese" was the deserving appraisal expressed in the eulogy by Dr. Dianiska's lifelong friend, Father Martincek.1 As St. Stephen's pastor, Dr. Dianiska had the church artistically decorated. He also procured a new organ, built a rectory, provided a convent, and constructed a fine school. He became the vital spark that activated all the local fraternities and organizations, and under his aegis they prospered and flourished and contributed notably to the vitality of parish life and of Slovak-American life in general. His exemplary priestly involvement deeply affected the flowering of spiritual life in St. Stephen's parish and it is largely to the credit of so zealous and worthy a pastor that this parish gave the Church eight priests as well as fourteen Sisters in the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. The name of Dr. Dianiska will be eternally associated with St. Stephen's parish. In 1903 the Slovak priests of the Scranton diocese founded the Treasury of St. Anthony, a priestly society to further in the younger Slovak generation vocations to the priestly and religious life. It became one of the key agencies in founding the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. And Dr. Dianiska was one of the seven charter members who sent invitations to the preliminary conference that resulted in the establishment of this Treasury of St. Anthony. He was also close to Father Jankola in the early trying days that marked the origins of this religious congregation. It was specifically Fathers Matthew Jankola, Andrew Pavco, Alexander Dianiska, and Joseph Murgas who in the spring of 1909 presented to Pope St. Pius X, through the mediation of Bishop Michael Hoban of Scranton, Pa., the petition for authorization to found the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. When the Holy Father granted this decree of approval, the first religious �112 SLOVAKIA congregation of Slovak Sisters in the history of the Church became a reality. A reading of the minutes of the Treasury of St. Anthony reveals that on more than one occasion Dr. Dianiska was the leading force in activities to be undertaken and that he consistently supported the efforts of Father Jankola to have the Community preserve and deepen its Slovak character. 2 Because of his natural endowment and moral integrity, the Treasury of St. Anthony entrusted to Dr. Dianiska many responsible offices. He was, for example, a member of the exam ining board that screened applicants to the congregation of Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius and he was also on the advisory board that was to assign Sisters to their specific apostolates. In the light of contemporary thinking on Church renewal and adaptation it is noteworthy to observe that Dr. Dianiska was in advance of his age, for he strongly advocated that the laity also be involved in the Treasury of St. Anthony. Although his efforts in this direction were fruitless, for his motion to admit lay members were consistently voted down, his contemporaries often recalled how Dr. Dianiska made it a practice to develop intimate ties with laymen even in other situations. He was especially interested in cultivating church organists, and both Dr. Dianiska and Father John Porubsky effected practically a distinct Slovak institution of these professionals. One who reads and studies in the light of history must naturally make some observations about the position which Dr. Dianiska took when the leadership of American Slovaks broke into camps and this split was patent even in the ranks of the Catholic clergy. From beginning to end, Dr . Dianiska stood firmly at the side of Father Furdek and Father Jankola. "A rich and warm friendship as well as a bond of common effort and cooperation both in religio-ecclesial as well as in socio-cultural and national spheres bound him to the late Father Furdek and Father Jankola. These were three mighty pillars in our national and religious structure in America," wrote the journalist-patriot Joseph Husek.3 Efforts were started to bring into the leadership core of American Slovaks some persons whose instability and �SLOVAKIA 113 proneness toward Magyarone associations would have shaken the very foundations of organizations already established. Such a trend could have also jeopardized other groups that were still in their early organizational st~P."e. Among the clear-eyed guardians of untained patriotism was Dr. Dianiska and it was especially at the meetings of the Treasury of St. Anthony that he unflinchingly and uncompromisingly took action to safeguard the purity of spirit and principle that characterized Slovak organizations. It was he, for example, who in 1911 together with Fathers Furdek, Jankola, and Porubsky saw to it that only persons of proven worth be at the helm of the Sdruzenie Slovenskych Katolikov ( As~oci~.t.ion of Slovak Catholics) which was viewed by many priests as a concurrent offshoot of the already fully functioning and proven Treasury of St. Anthony. Although the labors of Dr. Dianiska were rooted first and foremost in his own assi~ned parish and within the sphere of Catholic organizational circles, it necessarily followed that his name eventually became a kind of talisman of universal Slovak exchange in all cultural and national movements of any significant dimension. Dr. Dianiska's peers are agreed that a career in science would have been his readiest road to self-fulfillment. He had the potential, the attraction, and the qualifications for it; however, his apostolic ministry became his all, for he was-before all things-a priest. Yet he did not deny his American Slovaks a legacy from the heart; he bent his gifted spirit to writing on spiritual themes. His outstanding achievement here is an admirable translation of Goffine's masterpiece titled Postila. "But his writing interests were not limited to this one type of subject," wrote Joseph Rusek. "He also produced cultural and political essays and articles glowing with national awareness. These excelled in aptness and directness of expression, precision and clearness, and a sense of logic that brooked no appeal. Whatever he wrote, he wrote well. Whatever he said, he said well, ex cathedra. His authority was generally recognized even beyond Slovak borders as the theoretics of a man of thought who was also a leader. Because of his lack of adaptability, practically an inflexibility or intransigence, he did not �114 SLOVAKIA become popular - in the ordinary connotation of the word-with his younger colleagues, but because of his innate sterling character, his learning and nobility of spirit he won esteem and prestige among all those whose lives he touched, even his adversaries."4 Dr. Dianiska was a patriot par excellence. His was a quiet and unobtrusive quality of devotion to the fatherland, the kind that did not seek the publicity of pretentious functions and the acclaim of broadcast honors, still there were few others in his period of Slovak America to whom as many seekers came for counsel and exchange of views concerning cultural and national interests as the countless numbers that had recourse to Dr. Dianiska. As Father Martincek often affirmed that Dr. Dianiska could have became a bishop in his younger years had he given up the allegiance he bore his own nation, so Joseph Rusek believed with quiet but unavailing hope and anticipation that the new regime after World War I would recall Dr. Dianiska to Slovakia and there see him honored with the dignity of the episcopacy. This would have been a deserved reward and compensation not only for Dr. Dianiska personally but also for all American Slovaks since it was in their midst that he found refuge and a more serene way of life than had been granted him within native boundaries. But it was a fruitless expectation. The new government only suspected Dr. Dianiska of every questionable motive and wrong possible but it never admitted or conceded that he had qualifications to distinguish him as a bishop. He was (they implied) a monarchist and therefore an enemy of the new state that had risen from the ruins of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy. This was a gross untruth. Dr. Dianiska had demanded for Slovakia only those rights which the vast majority of American Slovaks were demanding through their representatives, the signers of the Pittsburgh Pact, who stood firm in their position and defended both the letter and the spirit of the compact. Dr. Dianiska "knew no pretense," Joseph Husek recalls, "and for this reason he made no secrets of his dislike for the current ruling system in Czecho-Slovakia because of its anti-Catholic and anti- Slovak bias. And he did not hesitate to express himself on this score with undisguised and unmitigated bitterness. �SLOVAKIA 115 This made him suspect of being a monarchist. It reality he was not. The writer of these lines had ample opportunity to convince himself of this thoroughly. Dr. Dianiska did not on principle oppose a republican form of state government, but he did want to see the rights of the Catholic Church and of the Slovak nation guaranteed within the framework of such a government." 5 The case of Dr. Dianiska is only another instance o! the tragic experience that befell Slovak leaders from the pre-Uprising days-strong souls who had to leave for America because the political climate and the ruling powers did not care to favor them with the chance to use their talents, their intellectual endowments, their training and education and various other potentials within the confines of Slovakia, their own native country. A worthy gifted Slovak had to leave Slovakia which needed him more sorely than did any foreign territory to which he was forced to migrate. In a pioneer age, however, the free land of America could not provide adequate conditions for the full and satisfying use of such talents as those of Dr. Dianiska. It could not offer situations most conducive to the flowering of such gifts since the masses of immigrants needed these leaders in a different capacity and they, bound by service to their people, did not desert them even at the cost of sacrificing distinguished careers and rewards that would have been available if they had devoted themselves discretely to their particular professional fields-science, theology, philosophy, technology, or whatever the individual major talent happened to be. Dr. Alexander Dianiska, the son of Slovak parents of ordinary stock, came a long way and rose to eminence as an unsung hero of the spirit; his name is inscribed in perpetual memory in the annals of American Slovaks. 1 At the Bier of Dr. Alexander Dianiska (Nad rakvou Dr. Alexandra nianisJcu) , Jednota (weekly), Nov. 28, 1923. 2 "Rev. Joseph Murgas moves that the Sisters teach their classes in Slovak. Rev. Alexander Dianiska seconds the motion, specifically enumerating that ·t hese be the subjects taught in Slovak: 1) Christian Doctrine 2) Slovak reading 3) Slovak grammar 4) Slovak composition 5) History 6) Slovak geography 7) Church music at the direction or recommendation of the local pastor 8) Children's stage plays and presentations, suited to the situa tion and the circumstances of each particular school. Unanimously �116 SLOVAKIA carried." Minutes of the regular meeting of the Treasu_ry of St. Anthony, July 25, 1912, Pittston, Penna. 3 Alexander Dianiska, D .D ., Jednota, (weekly) , Nov. 14, 1923. 4 Ibid. 5 Ibid. Cf. also Joseph Pauco, Matthew JankoLa, Priest and Patriot (Matus Jankola, ki\.az a narodovec), Danville, Pa., 1959. IGNATIUS GESSAY ( June 17, 1874-August 12, 1928) In the little town of Tvrdosin, Orava County, the Gessay family of small means brought up a son who became a leader of no small stature. He was born on June 17, 1874 and chose teaching as his life's career. The Magyar school system of his day was geared to extinguish in him the very last spark of national consciousness, but the choked glow managed to burst into a glorious vital flame fanned by the spirited journalism of the magazine Dom a skola ( Home and School) published by Karol Salva in Ruzomberok. Shortly after this revitalizing experience, Ignatius Gessay became a co-worker on the daily Krest'an ( The Christian) which was managed and edited by Edward ~andorfi, a zealous Catholic Slovak priest in Budapest. Like too many another patriot of his day, Gessay was tracked by Magyar officials who labeled him a "Dangerous Panslav" and forbade him to write any more contributions for Slovak publications. Like too many others who were unmercifully hounded before him and after him, he found the situation more and more unbearable as time went on, and finally he decided to leave Slovakia, the land of his birth, in order to find a free country for uninterrupted and unhampered work on behalf of his nation. He came to the haven of America in 1898. This was a time of prime need among American Slovaks for qualified and available professionals in all walks of life. Gessay's first stopping point was at Olyphant, Pennsylvania, where he used his talents as a Slovak teacher. But the keen organizer and leader, Peter Rovnianek, with his astute sense of discernment for excellences among men, readily discovered Gessay and offered him a position in the editorial offices of the Amerikdnsko-Slovenske Novi- �SLOVAKIA 117 ny ( American-Slovak News ). This was in 1900. For a full decade Gessay worked under the immediate direction of Rovnianek. In 1910 he became editor-in-chief of the Slovensky dennik ( The Slovak Daily) and then editor of the Ndrodne Noviny (The National News ), the official organ of the Narodny Slovensky Spolok (The National Slovak Society). In 1914 Gessay assumed editorship of the New Yorsky Dennik ( The New York Daily) but a year later he founded his own journal Denny hlas ( The Daily Voice ) which he managed successfully for three years. But this did not exhaust his rich editorial capacity. He next became editor of the first Slovak magazine for student groups in America-Mlddez ( Youth) and he also managed the official magazine of the Slovak League in America, Nave Slovensko ( New Slovakia). Ignatius Gessay was one of the most distinguished, most diligent and most productive of Slovak editors in America. At the same time sincere and cordial ties bound him also to Slovak-American fraternal organizations whose foremost concern then was the welfare of immigrants to America. This association with fraternal and organizational life also provided Gessay with excellent opportunities for a further excercise of his manifold talents. His initiation into this direct interaction with large groups of people united in fraternal bodies envolved largely within the framework of the Narodny Slovensky Spolok and brought him very close to the heart and inner workings of extensive cultural and national movements on American soil. He became one of the pillars of this first Slovak national society in America. As a matter of fact, the NSS is indebted to Gessay for founding its youth division Kruh Mlddeze, a project he inaugurated because he had the insight to realize that an organization will survive only with great difficulty unless it is nurtured by younger forces coming to it through a juvenile membership body. Ignatius Gessay also played a prominent part in the founding of the Slovak League in America. The preliminary groundwork for this organization was undertaken by the Association of Slovak Journalists when Rev. Stephen Furdek invited Slovak newsmen to attend a conference in Pittsburgh on December 21 , 1906. Specific invitations �118 SLOVAKIA were sent to the following newspaper offices: SlovenskJ} Dennik (The Slovak Daily), Jednota (the official organ of the First Catholic Slovak Union), Amerikdnsko-Slovenske Noviny ( The American-Slovak News) , Slovak v Amerike ( The Slovak in America), Slovensky Hldsnik (The Slovak Herald) , Slovensky Sokol (The Slovak Falcon) , Bratstvo ( Brotherhood), and Svedok ( Witness ). These were the contemporary press agencies that served the Slovak reading public and supported the Slovak cause. They all answered the invitation by sending representatives to the conference except Bratstvo and Svedok. Both of these however, pledged support and gave assurance that they would endorse the decisions of the conference. The purpose of the deliberations at this first conference of Slovak journalists was this: "that having taken into account all the persecutions and injustices inflicted upon our nation and upon the champions of its cause in our homeland abroad, we initiate action on the part of all American Slovak patriots for the spiritual rescue of our nation across the sea."1 The assemblage agreed at once to found an Association of Slovak Journalists in America and they voted the following individuals into office: Rev. Stephen Furdek, president; Rev. John Porubsky, secretary; Ignatius Gessay, treasurer . The new organization further decided to sponsor in key American-Slovak centers a series of public protest demonstrations (Indignacne schodze) in order to publicize their condemnation of "the oppression of our people on native territory, and specifically to denounce the inequitable sentencing of our national leaders Rev. Andrew Hlinka and Rev. Ferdinand Juriga." 2 These newsmen were well aware that it would not be enough to project only Slovak-contained demonstrations ; important as these were, it was even far more important to put before the English-speaking public the scope of some of the injustice and wrongs perpetrated upon the Slovak nation, upon its outstanding leaders and prominent citizens. For this purpose an English brochure was planned, specifically to expose the farce of the Magyar court trial of Andrew Hlinka, and an initial printing of 15,000 copies of this pamphlet was ordered. �SLOVAKIA 119 This 1907 program of public protest meetings held in twenty American cities alerted not only American and European Slovaks but also the American public at large. Keynote speakers at the programs included American as well as Slovak lecturers. The gatherings and activities were covered by reporters of all the Slovak press agencies and, more importantly, by American newsmen too, with the result that "American dailies and journals set themselves to writing about the Slovaks and their cause more prolifically than they had ever done before."3 The Slovak League in America is the offspring of the Association of Slovak Journalists, for it was conceived at the second gathering of the Association held in Pittsburgh on April 4, 1907. This conference was attended by representatives from all the Slovak journals and newspapers as well as by delegations from all the Slovak organizations in the United States. The gathering unanimously agreed to convene "a mass meeting of all Slovak loyalists living in America in order to lay the foundation for a single organization working in solid and unified cooperation for the most efficient promotion of our national endeavors."~ This became no mere meeting; it developed into a grand convention that was held in Cleveland on May 26, 1907, and it was under these auspices that the Slovak League in America was founded. The Association of Slovak Journalists appointed the following to form a committee for organizational preliminaries for the prospective League: A. S. Ambrose, Ignatius Gessay, Gustav Marsall-Petrovski' and Rev. Stephen Furdek. At the founding congress of the Slovak League in America, Ignatius Gessay represented the Slovensky Dennik (The Slovak Daily). But this was really just an initiation into the rich national and cultural activity of this extraordinarily productive and vigorous Slovak intellectual. Gessay was the first Slovak of academic stature to undertake visiting all the American Slovak settlements in order to gather firsthand data for a history of the Slovaks in America. In 1910 he toured and studied practically the entire U.S. East and Midwest, assembling notes and gathering every bit of �120 SLOVAKIA available material that he considered relevant for his projected historical account. It is most unfortunate that he never actually compiled all this significant research into the finished product that he had envisioned. It is also highly regrettable that this collection of invaluable data (like too many other priceless memorabilia) is now irretrievably lost. Imbued with love for the written word in Slovak and a devotion for values of the spirit in general, Gessay undertook a movement which he called "Four books for a dollar." He knew that as worthwhile reading serves to educate man, so the Slovak immigrant family would find its horizons of spirit and intellect broadened by good reading, and this benefit would, in turn, dispose American Slovaks to advance readily in their new country and to overcome many of the limitations that either deliberately or accidentally barred their way toward better things. If Gessay had enjoyed deserved support in this one effort alone, the American Slovaks of today would be able to pride themselves on an enviable book market and a most flourishing publications enterprise. Ignatius Gessay found himself in the front ranks of every national movement. When the notorious Magyar Count Albert Apponyi arrived here in 1911 with the intent which he publicly proclaimed in New York : to set afoot intrigues against national groups and to leave them crushed beneath his heel, 5 Gessay drafted and effected successful and wholesome counter-strategy. The American Slovaks resolutely used the forum of the press and of public assemblage to make known to the world their repudiation of Apponyi's tactics and objectives. Gessay, on his part, took the lead in keeping the American press adequately informed concerning the position and the attitudes of the Slovaks. As a result, American newspapers and journals carried almost daily reports about the justified resistance of the Slovaks not only to Magyar politics and the wave of Magyarization abroad but also to Apponyi's propagandizing in this country. The English-speaking world was being honestly informed. Similarly did Ignatius Gessay in 1914 take an intrepid lead in exposing the true nature of another Magyar count's �SLOVAKIA 121 visit to America. This time it was Count Michael Karolyi who flagrantly vilified the Slovaks and hoped to reap from the American government the support of American dollars. Gessay at once saw what was to be done. He personally drew up an English draft of a direct Slovak appeal which disproved Karolyi's allegations and revealed the true nature of the visitor's intent. Copies of this appeal to defend truth and justice were delivered to American newsmen and journalists. They effected a much desired and widespread publicity for the Slovak cause and evoked appropriate reaction. It can be said of Gessay that he was one of the first Slovaks in America fully to understand the need for presenting to the American public the true state of the Slovak problem abroad. His English expose of Karolyi, channeled through the arteries of American journalism, forced the unscrupulous count to leave America as a foiled schemer: The American Slovaks in this instance scored a triumph, and Ignatius Gessay-as a recognized leader among them -had every right to take personal satisfaction in this successful issue of a formidable problem though he did not look for personal glory. During World War I, Gessay was close to the vital pulse of every Slovak undertaking in America. He participated in the preliminary conference that led to the signing of the Cleveland Agreement. He was close to General Milan Rastislav Stefanik when Legionnaires were being recruited in America from among those not subject to the Selective Service Laws. 7 He served as a war correspondent and in Cleveland and the surrounding areas he was very active in organizing the Legionnaires. As the war effort mounted toward a climax of victory, so did the endeavor of American Slovaks also wax stronger to secure guarantees of freedom for the Slovak nation. Here, too, Gessay satisfied his obligations as a devoted son of his native country. Since the original Association of Slovak Journalists fell into a hiatus of inactivity, the deliberations of the Slovak League in America established a Society of Slovak Newsmen on April 13, 1917, and it entrusted the office of president to Ignatius Gessay. Almost immediately after this, American Slovaks �122 SLOVAKIA launched the famed Million Dollar Drive and Ignatius Gessay was one of the leaders who became most enthusiastic about this undertaking. Its gratifying outcome testifies that the drive was in capable and worthy hands . The entire project, as the Slovak League in America had conceived it, maintained but one goal: "to promote action for attaining Slovakia's self-determin ation and independence."8 True, this independence was envisioned within a coalition structured as a Czecho-Slova k federation and it was also accepted as such within the provisions of the Cleveland Agreement and the subsequent Pittsburgh Pact. Ignatius Gessay had been one of the signers of the Pittsburgh Pact and one of its staunch defenders. In 1918 Gessay founded the magazine Nave Slovensko (New Slovakia). A year later he traveled to Paris to attend the peace conference. From there he went to Slovakia and then returned to report to the Slovak League in America all his experiences on this trip. It was at this time that he decided to return to Slovakia and take up permanent residence there, and he lost little time between decision and reality. He made his home in Bratislava where he set up an information center, trusting that it would become a liason medium between Slovakia and the Slovaks living in America. As he had ever in this country dedicated his journalistic and organizationa l talents to the service of immigrants, so now in Slovakia he worked with great compassion and understandin g on behalf of those who became returned emigres. Slovaks who returned to their native land after some period of emigration found him willing and resourceful "to help in procuring licenses, offices, positions, and property. And he was always animated with utmost concern that they become more and more closely bound to their homeland again." 9 For the proper orientation of this segment of Slovak citizens, he founded the periodical Americky Slovak (The American Slovak). The crowning achievement of Ignatius Gessay was his founding of the Slovak League in Slovakia in 1920. In this undertaking he put to use his host of experiences in the United States, adapted the constitutions of the �SLOVAKIA 123 American League to fit the home situation and with apparent relish and enterprise he ventured upon this new pioneering. As he had noted in America the alienation and isolation of many of his countrymen who were unattached -without a parish, a school and the possibilities of becoming involved in organizational life-so in Slovakia he readily grasped the fact that entire Slovak areas on the border fringes were in danger of suffering a telling severance unless help reached out to them without delay. He oriented the Slovak League in Slovakia for mixed ethnic territories where Slovaks were generally in the minority. He was fortunate in securing first-class support in this work and he raised this Slovak League abroad to the proportions of a national organization which played a vital role in the cultural life of the Slovak nation up to the end of World War II. The Slovak League in Slovakia had a membership of over 20,000 individuals gathered into over 400 branch units. Its historic mission was to establish upon territories of mixed ethnic peoples 205 Slovak schools whose total enrollment exceeded 10,000 students-young people who otherwise would have been subjected to Magyarizing pressures and influences because the government was disinclined to build new schools for minorities and most of the existing schools were already appropriated by nonSlovak elements. Only the genius of a patriot gifted with uncommon foresight could meet the challenge of so noble and so demanding an assigment, and to meet it as did Gessay, so that the fulfillment of plans exceeded all sanguine expectations. Ignatius Gessay died in Bratislava on August 12, 1928, still comparatively young and in the midst of some of his greatest activity. He is buried in the local St. Andrew Cemetery and his own words are engraved as an epitaph upon his tombstone: "If my labors have inspired anyone with zeal for our sacred cause, then I have not lived in vain." Gessay did inspire and still inspires the hearts of Slovak sons who are willing to spend themselves in the service of their country. He was one of those extraordinary patriots whose devotion to his nation prompted him- �124 SLOVAKIA both on home territory as well as in America-to undertake as much as his strength and energy could possibly endure in the defense and interests of the most seriously threatened portion of the national body. Such heroes achieve far beyond the measure of everyday hopes and dreams. Gessay had offered himself totally and without the slightest reservations in order to save ten thousand fellowmen. This alone makes him deserving of a lasting monument in Slovakia as well as in America. Joseph Pauco, Ph. D. Translated by Si ster M. Martina Tybor, SS.C.M. 1) J ednota (weekly) January 2, 1907. Excerpt fro m the published minutes of the confe rence of Slovak Journalists held in Pittsburgh, P ennsylvania , on December 21 , 1906. 2 ) I bid. 3 ) Indignacne schodze (Protest Mee tings-Demonstrations), J ednota K alendar (Jednota Y ear boo k) 1908, p. 154. 4 ) Jednota (weekly), April 10, 1907 Schodza slovenskych novincirov (Meeting of Slovak Journalists) . 5 ) J ednot a (weekly), March 1, 1911. 6) An Open Letter Addr essed to Count Michae l K cirolyi, New York, N. Y. , April 13, 1914. 7 ) As a r esult of this effort on the part of Stefanik and the cooper ation of Slovak Americans, four thousand men were recruited and sent to France where they were trained and later served with distinc tion in the F rench army. 8) Jednota (weekly) , May 30, 1917. Zbierka mili6n dolcirov (Th e Million Dollar Drive). 9) J oseph Sr obar, Canon, 0 Igncicovi Gessayov i ( A bout Ignatius Gessay ) , an add ress delivered at the unveiling of a bust of Ignatius Gessay in Bratislava on October 18, 1936. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA firmly believes that the national existence and welfare of the Slovak nation can best be safeguarded by the Slovaks themselves in their own independent Slovak Republic. � 108 SLOVAKIA Slovak Pioneers in A1nerica DR. ALEXANDER DIANISKA (March 21, 1867-November 9, 1923) Alexander Dianiska who played a significant role in Slovak-American life was born on March 21, 1867 in Banska Bystrica, Slovakia. Affluence was not the lot of his parents but the very lack of material wealth and wellbeing only disposed them to cling to God and abide by His commandments all the more faithfully. In this spirit of filial fear of God which is the beginning of wisdom, they reared their son who was a precocious boy. From the very outset of his formal schooling he applied himself to learning with marked talent and zest, and as a youth of about high school level he gave unmistakable evidence of his Slovak consciousness and undeviating loyalty to his homeland-a gift that came to him from his parents. The intermediate school which young Dianiska attended in Banska Bystrica was controlled by Magyar and Magyarone professors bent on a program of alienating Slovak students to the Magyar cause. Dianiska was not won by them. He had been an outstanding student in all his classes and graduated with distinction. His final examination earned a special award for excellence and was sent to the educational ministry in Budapest as a model of meritorious achievement and exceptional quality. Yet aside from this deserved academic recognition, Dianiska did not fare well; his national convictions disturbed the authorities. He was Slovak enough even to be one of a group who chose to make sacramental confession in Slovak. When the Rev. Joseph Martincek, another patriot, for the first time heard Dianiska confess in Slovak, he marveled that a student of the Banska Bystrica intermediate school had the spirit and the daring to defy the professorial overlords of the school who had absolutely proscribed the use of Slovak. The overjoyed priest invited the youth to stop for a chat at the rectory, and from a chance religious encounter there developed a lifelong friendship, Father Martincek deepening and strength- �SLOVAKIA 109 ening in the younger man his already deep-rooted Slovak devotion. Together with Father Martin Kolar, Father Martincek took special interest in the future of the gifted Alexander Dianiska especially after learning of his desire to become a priest. Both clergymen conferred with Canon John Juriga of Ostrihom, urging him to find practical means of enabling the young man to realize his aspiration. In time, and despite repeated obstacles, it did become possible for Dianiska to launch his theological courses at the seminary of Ostrihom even though his acceptance restricted him to the status of an extern student. As an externist, Dianiska roomed with four other Slovak theology students, one of whom was Ferdis Juriga. Just at this time the Magyar journal Budapest Hirlap launched a new attack on Slovak students and inveighed against the seminary at Ostrihom as a nest of Panslavism. Father Martincek hurried a warning note to Dianiska advising that the Slovak loyalists be circumspect and even put into temporary hiding all the works of Vajansky and copies of the literary periodical Slovenske pohl'ady. But the communication never reached Dianiska because it was intercepted. Only in a personal interview with the prefect of the seminary did he learn that Father Martincek had written him . The Magyar professors then investigated the Slovak student group and Dianiska as well as Aloysius Vladar . also a theology major, were dismissed. John Donoval (a Slovak poet who wrote under the pseudonym Tichomir Milkin) was severely reprimanded and all but dismissed. After this setback, Dianiska returned to his hometown and went directly to Father Martincek who secretly sheltered him for a few days. The distraught young stu• dent eventually found the courage to approach his father who was in a dying condition. In a voice that could not hide great feeling and anxiety for his father's advanced illness he explained what had happened to him at the seminary and awaited his father's reaction. "Be the Slovak that you have been up to now; God will not forsake us," was the brave father's only observation to his suffering son. Alexander was worthy of his father's expectations. Father Martincek found him another sponsor and pro- �110 SLOVAKIA tector in the person of Canon Majovsky and it became possible for him to complete his theological courses at Banska Bystrica where he was ordained a priest on July 5, 1889. Because he wished to pursue advanced studies, the newly ordained Father Dianiska began to prepare for a doctoral degree in sacred theology. He had no prospect of enrolling as a regular university student because his ordinary rated him as a dangerous pan-Slavist and subjected him to repeated transferrals from one curacy to another. In spite of all difficulties and obstacles, however, the young priest did achieve his goal: a doctoral degree in theology granted by the University of Vienna with a special citation for excellence. But this only whetted the rancor of the Magyar and Magyarone forces, and the thorny way of the young ardent priest grew more and more forbidding and impossible. It now became his lot to be assigned to the most impoverished and all but destitute curacies of the diocese. Father Martincek understood clearly and with undeniable conviction that if Dr. Dianiska had only reneged his Slovak loyalties and had offered his talents at the service of the alien political powers, he would have been promoted not only to the rank of canon but even to the dignity of an episcopal position. In the thirteenth year of his priestly ministry Dr. Dianiska was named administrator of the parish at Brezno . Commissioner Repaszy of the Zvolen County with calculated deliberateness told Dr. Dianiska that this parish would immediately become his permanent pastorate if he would do as simple a thing as pay him a brief visit and denounce "panslavism." Dr. Dianiska rejected the offer as he would spurn a bribe; he would not forswear his nation. He made no visit to Commissioner Repaszy; he went, instead, to Lopej to see Father Martincek. Two staunch friends, two staunch patriots-they had little need for circumlocutions or prolonged conference. Father Martincek's fate was much like that of Dr. Dianiska. They sang the heart-rending lament "Hojze, Boze, jak to boli . . ." and Dr. Dianiska left Slovakia for the United States. The year was 1903. He gave his adopted country twenty years of illustrious priestly service until he died at Mercy Hospital in Wilkes-Barre on Nov. 9, 1923. �SLOVAKIA 111 Dr. Dianiska's American assignment was a pastorate at St. Stephen's parish in Plymouth, Pennsylvania, and it was here that he spent the remainder of his life. "His wisdom, kindliness, apostolic zeal, and fatherly concern in a short time transformed this struggling Plymouth parish and made of it one of the most efficiently organized parishes in the diocese" was the deserving appraisal expressed in the eulogy by Dr. Dianiska's lifelong friend, Father Martincek.1 As St. Stephen's pastor, Dr. Dianiska had the church artistically decorated. He also procured a new organ, built a rectory, provided a convent, and constructed a fine school. He became the vital spark that activated all the local fraternities and organizations, and under his aegis they prospered and flourished and contributed notably to the vitality of parish life and of Slovak-American life in general. His exemplary priestly involvement deeply affected the flowering of spiritual life in St. Stephen's parish and it is largely to the credit of so zealous and worthy a pastor that this parish gave the Church eight priests as well as fourteen Sisters in the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. The name of Dr. Dianiska will be eternally associated with St. Stephen's parish. In 1903 the Slovak priests of the Scranton diocese founded the Treasury of St. Anthony, a priestly society to further in the younger Slovak generation vocations to the priestly and religious life. It became one of the key agencies in founding the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. And Dr. Dianiska was one of the seven charter members who sent invitations to the preliminary conference that resulted in the establishment of this Treasury of St. Anthony. He was also close to Father Jankola in the early trying days that marked the origins of this religious congregation. It was specifically Fathers Matthew Jankola, Andrew Pavco, Alexander Dianiska, and Joseph Murgas who in the spring of 1909 presented to Pope St. Pius X, through the mediation of Bishop Michael Hoban of Scranton, Pa., the petition for authorization to found the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. When the Holy Father granted this decree of approval, the first religious �112 SLOVAKIA congregation of Slovak Sisters in the history of the Church became a reality. A reading of the minutes of the Treasury of St. Anthony reveals that on more than one occasion Dr. Dianiska was the leading force in activities to be undertaken and that he consistently supported the efforts of Father Jankola to have the Community preserve and deepen its Slovak character. 2 Because of his natural endowment and moral integrity, the Treasury of St. Anthony entrusted to Dr. Dianiska many responsible offices. He was, for example, a member of the exam ining board that screened applicants to the congregation of Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius and he was also on the advisory board that was to assign Sisters to their specific apostolates. In the light of contemporary thinking on Church renewal and adaptation it is noteworthy to observe that Dr. Dianiska was in advance of his age, for he strongly advocated that the laity also be involved in the Treasury of St. Anthony. Although his efforts in this direction were fruitless, for his motion to admit lay members were consistently voted down, his contemporaries often recalled how Dr. Dianiska made it a practice to develop intimate ties with laymen even in other situations. He was especially interested in cultivating church organists, and both Dr. Dianiska and Father John Porubsky effected practically a distinct Slovak institution of these professionals. One who reads and studies in the light of history must naturally make some observations about the position which Dr. Dianiska took when the leadership of American Slovaks broke into camps and this split was patent even in the ranks of the Catholic clergy. From beginning to end, Dr . Dianiska stood firmly at the side of Father Furdek and Father Jankola. "A rich and warm friendship as well as a bond of common effort and cooperation both in religio-ecclesial as well as in socio-cultural and national spheres bound him to the late Father Furdek and Father Jankola. These were three mighty pillars in our national and religious structure in America," wrote the journalist-patriot Joseph Husek.3 Efforts were started to bring into the leadership core of American Slovaks some persons whose instability and �SLOVAKIA 113 proneness toward Magyarone associations would have shaken the very foundations of organizations already established. Such a trend could have also jeopardized other groups that were still in their early organizational st~P."e. Among the clear-eyed guardians of untained patriotism was Dr. Dianiska and it was especially at the meetings of the Treasury of St. Anthony that he unflinchingly and uncompromisingly took action to safeguard the purity of spirit and principle that characterized Slovak organizations. It was he, for example, who in 1911 together with Fathers Furdek, Jankola, and Porubsky saw to it that only persons of proven worth be at the helm of the Sdruzenie Slovenskych Katolikov ( As~oci~.t.ion of Slovak Catholics) which was viewed by many priests as a concurrent offshoot of the already fully functioning and proven Treasury of St. Anthony. Although the labors of Dr. Dianiska were rooted first and foremost in his own assi~ned parish and within the sphere of Catholic organizational circles, it necessarily followed that his name eventually became a kind of talisman of universal Slovak exchange in all cultural and national movements of any significant dimension. Dr. Dianiska's peers are agreed that a career in science would have been his readiest road to self-fulfillment. He had the potential, the attraction, and the qualifications for it; however, his apostolic ministry became his all, for he was-before all things-a priest. Yet he did not deny his American Slovaks a legacy from the heart; he bent his gifted spirit to writing on spiritual themes. His outstanding achievement here is an admirable translation of Goffine's masterpiece titled Postila. "But his writing interests were not limited to this one type of subject," wrote Joseph Rusek. "He also produced cultural and political essays and articles glowing with national awareness. These excelled in aptness and directness of expression, precision and clearness, and a sense of logic that brooked no appeal. Whatever he wrote, he wrote well. Whatever he said, he said well, ex cathedra. His authority was generally recognized even beyond Slovak borders as the theoretics of a man of thought who was also a leader. Because of his lack of adaptability, practically an inflexibility or intransigence, he did not �114 SLOVAKIA become popular - in the ordinary connotation of the word-with his younger colleagues, but because of his innate sterling character, his learning and nobility of spirit he won esteem and prestige among all those whose lives he touched, even his adversaries."4 Dr. Dianiska was a patriot par excellence. His was a quiet and unobtrusive quality of devotion to the fatherland, the kind that did not seek the publicity of pretentious functions and the acclaim of broadcast honors, still there were few others in his period of Slovak America to whom as many seekers came for counsel and exchange of views concerning cultural and national interests as the countless numbers that had recourse to Dr. Dianiska. As Father Martincek often affirmed that Dr. Dianiska could have became a bishop in his younger years had he given up the allegiance he bore his own nation, so Joseph Rusek believed with quiet but unavailing hope and anticipation that the new regime after World War I would recall Dr. Dianiska to Slovakia and there see him honored with the dignity of the episcopacy. This would have been a deserved reward and compensation not only for Dr. Dianiska personally but also for all American Slovaks since it was in their midst that he found refuge and a more serene way of life than had been granted him within native boundaries. But it was a fruitless expectation. The new government only suspected Dr. Dianiska of every questionable motive and wrong possible but it never admitted or conceded that he had qualifications to distinguish him as a bishop. He was (they implied) a monarchist and therefore an enemy of the new state that had risen from the ruins of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy. This was a gross untruth. Dr. Dianiska had demanded for Slovakia only those rights which the vast majority of American Slovaks were demanding through their representatives, the signers of the Pittsburgh Pact, who stood firm in their position and defended both the letter and the spirit of the compact. Dr. Dianiska "knew no pretense," Joseph Husek recalls, "and for this reason he made no secrets of his dislike for the current ruling system in Czecho-Slovakia because of its anti-Catholic and anti- Slovak bias. And he did not hesitate to express himself on this score with undisguised and unmitigated bitterness. �SLOVAKIA 115 This made him suspect of being a monarchist. It reality he was not. The writer of these lines had ample opportunity to convince himself of this thoroughly. Dr. Dianiska did not on principle oppose a republican form of state government, but he did want to see the rights of the Catholic Church and of the Slovak nation guaranteed within the framework of such a government." 5 The case of Dr. Dianiska is only another instance o! the tragic experience that befell Slovak leaders from the pre-Uprising days-strong souls who had to leave for America because the political climate and the ruling powers did not care to favor them with the chance to use their talents, their intellectual endowments, their training and education and various other potentials within the confines of Slovakia, their own native country. A worthy gifted Slovak had to leave Slovakia which needed him more sorely than did any foreign territory to which he was forced to migrate. In a pioneer age, however, the free land of America could not provide adequate conditions for the full and satisfying use of such talents as those of Dr. Dianiska. It could not offer situations most conducive to the flowering of such gifts since the masses of immigrants needed these leaders in a different capacity and they, bound by service to their people, did not desert them even at the cost of sacrificing distinguished careers and rewards that would have been available if they had devoted themselves discretely to their particular professional fields-science, theology, philosophy, technology, or whatever the individual major talent happened to be. Dr. Alexander Dianiska, the son of Slovak parents of ordinary stock, came a long way and rose to eminence as an unsung hero of the spirit; his name is inscribed in perpetual memory in the annals of American Slovaks. 1 At the Bier of Dr. Alexander Dianiska (Nad rakvou Dr. Alexandra nianisJcu) , Jednota (weekly), Nov. 28, 1923. 2 "Rev. Joseph Murgas moves that the Sisters teach their classes in Slovak. Rev. Alexander Dianiska seconds the motion, specifically enumerating that ·t hese be the subjects taught in Slovak: 1) Christian Doctrine 2) Slovak reading 3) Slovak grammar 4) Slovak composition 5) History 6) Slovak geography 7) Church music at the direction or recommendation of the local pastor 8) Children's stage plays and presentations, suited to the situa tion and the circumstances of each particular school. Unanimously �116 SLOVAKIA carried." Minutes of the regular meeting of the Treasu_ry of St. Anthony, July 25, 1912, Pittston, Penna. 3 Alexander Dianiska, D .D ., Jednota, (weekly) , Nov. 14, 1923. 4 Ibid. 5 Ibid. Cf. also Joseph Pauco, Matthew JankoLa, Priest and Patriot (Matus Jankola, ki\.az a narodovec), Danville, Pa., 1959. IGNATIUS GESSAY ( June 17, 1874-August 12, 1928) In the little town of Tvrdosin, Orava County, the Gessay family of small means brought up a son who became a leader of no small stature. He was born on June 17, 1874 and chose teaching as his life's career. The Magyar school system of his day was geared to extinguish in him the very last spark of national consciousness, but the choked glow managed to burst into a glorious vital flame fanned by the spirited journalism of the magazine Dom a skola ( Home and School) published by Karol Salva in Ruzomberok. Shortly after this revitalizing experience, Ignatius Gessay became a co-worker on the daily Krest'an ( The Christian) which was managed and edited by Edward ~andorfi, a zealous Catholic Slovak priest in Budapest. Like too many another patriot of his day, Gessay was tracked by Magyar officials who labeled him a "Dangerous Panslav" and forbade him to write any more contributions for Slovak publications. Like too many others who were unmercifully hounded before him and after him, he found the situation more and more unbearable as time went on, and finally he decided to leave Slovakia, the land of his birth, in order to find a free country for uninterrupted and unhampered work on behalf of his nation. He came to the haven of America in 1898. This was a time of prime need among American Slovaks for qualified and available professionals in all walks of life. Gessay's first stopping point was at Olyphant, Pennsylvania, where he used his talents as a Slovak teacher. But the keen organizer and leader, Peter Rovnianek, with his astute sense of discernment for excellences among men, readily discovered Gessay and offered him a position in the editorial offices of the Amerikdnsko-Slovenske Novi- �SLOVAKIA 117 ny ( American-Slovak News ). This was in 1900. For a full decade Gessay worked under the immediate direction of Rovnianek. In 1910 he became editor-in-chief of the Slovensky dennik ( The Slovak Daily) and then editor of the Ndrodne Noviny (The National News ), the official organ of the Narodny Slovensky Spolok (The National Slovak Society). In 1914 Gessay assumed editorship of the New Yorsky Dennik ( The New York Daily) but a year later he founded his own journal Denny hlas ( The Daily Voice ) which he managed successfully for three years. But this did not exhaust his rich editorial capacity. He next became editor of the first Slovak magazine for student groups in America-Mlddez ( Youth) and he also managed the official magazine of the Slovak League in America, Nave Slovensko ( New Slovakia). Ignatius Gessay was one of the most distinguished, most diligent and most productive of Slovak editors in America. At the same time sincere and cordial ties bound him also to Slovak-American fraternal organizations whose foremost concern then was the welfare of immigrants to America. This association with fraternal and organizational life also provided Gessay with excellent opportunities for a further excercise of his manifold talents. His initiation into this direct interaction with large groups of people united in fraternal bodies envolved largely within the framework of the Narodny Slovensky Spolok and brought him very close to the heart and inner workings of extensive cultural and national movements on American soil. He became one of the pillars of this first Slovak national society in America. As a matter of fact, the NSS is indebted to Gessay for founding its youth division Kruh Mlddeze, a project he inaugurated because he had the insight to realize that an organization will survive only with great difficulty unless it is nurtured by younger forces coming to it through a juvenile membership body. Ignatius Gessay also played a prominent part in the founding of the Slovak League in America. The preliminary groundwork for this organization was undertaken by the Association of Slovak Journalists when Rev. Stephen Furdek invited Slovak newsmen to attend a conference in Pittsburgh on December 21 , 1906. Specific invitations �118 SLOVAKIA were sent to the following newspaper offices: SlovenskJ} Dennik (The Slovak Daily), Jednota (the official organ of the First Catholic Slovak Union), Amerikdnsko-Slovenske Noviny ( The American-Slovak News) , Slovak v Amerike ( The Slovak in America), Slovensky Hldsnik (The Slovak Herald) , Slovensky Sokol (The Slovak Falcon) , Bratstvo ( Brotherhood), and Svedok ( Witness ). These were the contemporary press agencies that served the Slovak reading public and supported the Slovak cause. They all answered the invitation by sending representatives to the conference except Bratstvo and Svedok. Both of these however, pledged support and gave assurance that they would endorse the decisions of the conference. The purpose of the deliberations at this first conference of Slovak journalists was this: "that having taken into account all the persecutions and injustices inflicted upon our nation and upon the champions of its cause in our homeland abroad, we initiate action on the part of all American Slovak patriots for the spiritual rescue of our nation across the sea."1 The assemblage agreed at once to found an Association of Slovak Journalists in America and they voted the following individuals into office: Rev. Stephen Furdek, president; Rev. John Porubsky, secretary; Ignatius Gessay, treasurer . The new organization further decided to sponsor in key American-Slovak centers a series of public protest demonstrations (Indignacne schodze) in order to publicize their condemnation of "the oppression of our people on native territory, and specifically to denounce the inequitable sentencing of our national leaders Rev. Andrew Hlinka and Rev. Ferdinand Juriga." 2 These newsmen were well aware that it would not be enough to project only Slovak-contained demonstrations ; important as these were, it was even far more important to put before the English-speaking public the scope of some of the injustice and wrongs perpetrated upon the Slovak nation, upon its outstanding leaders and prominent citizens. For this purpose an English brochure was planned, specifically to expose the farce of the Magyar court trial of Andrew Hlinka, and an initial printing of 15,000 copies of this pamphlet was ordered. �SLOVAKIA 119 This 1907 program of public protest meetings held in twenty American cities alerted not only American and European Slovaks but also the American public at large. Keynote speakers at the programs included American as well as Slovak lecturers. The gatherings and activities were covered by reporters of all the Slovak press agencies and, more importantly, by American newsmen too, with the result that "American dailies and journals set themselves to writing about the Slovaks and their cause more prolifically than they had ever done before."3 The Slovak League in America is the offspring of the Association of Slovak Journalists, for it was conceived at the second gathering of the Association held in Pittsburgh on April 4, 1907. This conference was attended by representatives from all the Slovak journals and newspapers as well as by delegations from all the Slovak organizations in the United States. The gathering unanimously agreed to convene "a mass meeting of all Slovak loyalists living in America in order to lay the foundation for a single organization working in solid and unified cooperation for the most efficient promotion of our national endeavors."~ This became no mere meeting; it developed into a grand convention that was held in Cleveland on May 26, 1907, and it was under these auspices that the Slovak League in America was founded. The Association of Slovak Journalists appointed the following to form a committee for organizational preliminaries for the prospective League: A. S. Ambrose, Ignatius Gessay, Gustav Marsall-Petrovski' and Rev. Stephen Furdek. At the founding congress of the Slovak League in America, Ignatius Gessay represented the Slovensky Dennik (The Slovak Daily). But this was really just an initiation into the rich national and cultural activity of this extraordinarily productive and vigorous Slovak intellectual. Gessay was the first Slovak of academic stature to undertake visiting all the American Slovak settlements in order to gather firsthand data for a history of the Slovaks in America. In 1910 he toured and studied practically the entire U.S. East and Midwest, assembling notes and gathering every bit of �120 SLOVAKIA available material that he considered relevant for his projected historical account. It is most unfortunate that he never actually compiled all this significant research into the finished product that he had envisioned. It is also highly regrettable that this collection of invaluable data (like too many other priceless memorabilia) is now irretrievably lost. Imbued with love for the written word in Slovak and a devotion for values of the spirit in general, Gessay undertook a movement which he called "Four books for a dollar." He knew that as worthwhile reading serves to educate man, so the Slovak immigrant family would find its horizons of spirit and intellect broadened by good reading, and this benefit would, in turn, dispose American Slovaks to advance readily in their new country and to overcome many of the limitations that either deliberately or accidentally barred their way toward better things. If Gessay had enjoyed deserved support in this one effort alone, the American Slovaks of today would be able to pride themselves on an enviable book market and a most flourishing publications enterprise. Ignatius Gessay found himself in the front ranks of every national movement. When the notorious Magyar Count Albert Apponyi arrived here in 1911 with the intent which he publicly proclaimed in New York : to set afoot intrigues against national groups and to leave them crushed beneath his heel, 5 Gessay drafted and effected successful and wholesome counter-strategy. The American Slovaks resolutely used the forum of the press and of public assemblage to make known to the world their repudiation of Apponyi's tactics and objectives. Gessay, on his part, took the lead in keeping the American press adequately informed concerning the position and the attitudes of the Slovaks. As a result, American newspapers and journals carried almost daily reports about the justified resistance of the Slovaks not only to Magyar politics and the wave of Magyarization abroad but also to Apponyi's propagandizing in this country. The English-speaking world was being honestly informed. Similarly did Ignatius Gessay in 1914 take an intrepid lead in exposing the true nature of another Magyar count's �SLOVAKIA 121 visit to America. This time it was Count Michael Karolyi who flagrantly vilified the Slovaks and hoped to reap from the American government the support of American dollars. Gessay at once saw what was to be done. He personally drew up an English draft of a direct Slovak appeal which disproved Karolyi's allegations and revealed the true nature of the visitor's intent. Copies of this appeal to defend truth and justice were delivered to American newsmen and journalists. They effected a much desired and widespread publicity for the Slovak cause and evoked appropriate reaction. It can be said of Gessay that he was one of the first Slovaks in America fully to understand the need for presenting to the American public the true state of the Slovak problem abroad. His English expose of Karolyi, channeled through the arteries of American journalism, forced the unscrupulous count to leave America as a foiled schemer: The American Slovaks in this instance scored a triumph, and Ignatius Gessay-as a recognized leader among them -had every right to take personal satisfaction in this successful issue of a formidable problem though he did not look for personal glory. During World War I, Gessay was close to the vital pulse of every Slovak undertaking in America. He participated in the preliminary conference that led to the signing of the Cleveland Agreement. He was close to General Milan Rastislav Stefanik when Legionnaires were being recruited in America from among those not subject to the Selective Service Laws. 7 He served as a war correspondent and in Cleveland and the surrounding areas he was very active in organizing the Legionnaires. As the war effort mounted toward a climax of victory, so did the endeavor of American Slovaks also wax stronger to secure guarantees of freedom for the Slovak nation. Here, too, Gessay satisfied his obligations as a devoted son of his native country. Since the original Association of Slovak Journalists fell into a hiatus of inactivity, the deliberations of the Slovak League in America established a Society of Slovak Newsmen on April 13, 1917, and it entrusted the office of president to Ignatius Gessay. Almost immediately after this, American Slovaks �122 SLOVAKIA launched the famed Million Dollar Drive and Ignatius Gessay was one of the leaders who became most enthusiastic about this undertaking. Its gratifying outcome testifies that the drive was in capable and worthy hands . The entire project, as the Slovak League in America had conceived it, maintained but one goal: "to promote action for attaining Slovakia's self-determin ation and independence."8 True, this independence was envisioned within a coalition structured as a Czecho-Slova k federation and it was also accepted as such within the provisions of the Cleveland Agreement and the subsequent Pittsburgh Pact. Ignatius Gessay had been one of the signers of the Pittsburgh Pact and one of its staunch defenders. In 1918 Gessay founded the magazine Nave Slovensko (New Slovakia). A year later he traveled to Paris to attend the peace conference. From there he went to Slovakia and then returned to report to the Slovak League in America all his experiences on this trip. It was at this time that he decided to return to Slovakia and take up permanent residence there, and he lost little time between decision and reality. He made his home in Bratislava where he set up an information center, trusting that it would become a liason medium between Slovakia and the Slovaks living in America. As he had ever in this country dedicated his journalistic and organizationa l talents to the service of immigrants, so now in Slovakia he worked with great compassion and understandin g on behalf of those who became returned emigres. Slovaks who returned to their native land after some period of emigration found him willing and resourceful "to help in procuring licenses, offices, positions, and property. And he was always animated with utmost concern that they become more and more closely bound to their homeland again." 9 For the proper orientation of this segment of Slovak citizens, he founded the periodical Americky Slovak (The American Slovak). The crowning achievement of Ignatius Gessay was his founding of the Slovak League in Slovakia in 1920. In this undertaking he put to use his host of experiences in the United States, adapted the constitutions of the �SLOVAKIA 123 American League to fit the home situation and with apparent relish and enterprise he ventured upon this new pioneering. As he had noted in America the alienation and isolation of many of his countrymen who were unattached -without a parish, a school and the possibilities of becoming involved in organizational life-so in Slovakia he readily grasped the fact that entire Slovak areas on the border fringes were in danger of suffering a telling severance unless help reached out to them without delay. He oriented the Slovak League in Slovakia for mixed ethnic territories where Slovaks were generally in the minority. He was fortunate in securing first-class support in this work and he raised this Slovak League abroad to the proportions of a national organization which played a vital role in the cultural life of the Slovak nation up to the end of World War II. The Slovak League in Slovakia had a membership of over 20,000 individuals gathered into over 400 branch units. Its historic mission was to establish upon territories of mixed ethnic peoples 205 Slovak schools whose total enrollment exceeded 10,000 students-young people who otherwise would have been subjected to Magyarizing pressures and influences because the government was disinclined to build new schools for minorities and most of the existing schools were already appropriated by nonSlovak elements. Only the genius of a patriot gifted with uncommon foresight could meet the challenge of so noble and so demanding an assigment, and to meet it as did Gessay, so that the fulfillment of plans exceeded all sanguine expectations. Ignatius Gessay died in Bratislava on August 12, 1928, still comparatively young and in the midst of some of his greatest activity. He is buried in the local St. Andrew Cemetery and his own words are engraved as an epitaph upon his tombstone: "If my labors have inspired anyone with zeal for our sacred cause, then I have not lived in vain." Gessay did inspire and still inspires the hearts of Slovak sons who are willing to spend themselves in the service of their country. He was one of those extraordinary patriots whose devotion to his nation prompted him- �124 SLOVAKIA both on home territory as well as in America-to undertake as much as his strength and energy could possibly endure in the defense and interests of the most seriously threatened portion of the national body. Such heroes achieve far beyond the measure of everyday hopes and dreams. Gessay had offered himself totally and without the slightest reservations in order to save ten thousand fellowmen. This alone makes him deserving of a lasting monument in Slovakia as well as in America. Joseph Pauco, Ph. D. Translated by Si ster M. Martina Tybor, SS.C.M. 1) J ednota (weekly) January 2, 1907. Excerpt fro m the published minutes of the confe rence of Slovak Journalists held in Pittsburgh, P ennsylvania , on December 21 , 1906. 2 ) I bid. 3 ) Indignacne schodze (Protest Mee tings-Demonstrations), J ednota K alendar (Jednota Y ear boo k) 1908, p. 154. 4 ) Jednota (weekly), April 10, 1907 Schodza slovenskych novincirov (Meeting of Slovak Journalists) . 5 ) J ednot a (weekly), March 1, 1911. 6) An Open Letter Addr essed to Count Michae l K cirolyi, New York, N. Y. , April 13, 1914. 7 ) As a r esult of this effort on the part of Stefanik and the cooper ation of Slovak Americans, four thousand men were recruited and sent to France where they were trained and later served with distinc tion in the F rench army. 8) Jednota (weekly) , May 30, 1917. Zbierka mili6n dolcirov (Th e Million Dollar Drive). 9) J oseph Sr obar, Canon, 0 Igncicovi Gessayov i ( A bout Ignatius Gessay ) , an add ress delivered at the unveiling of a bust of Ignatius Gessay in Bratislava on October 18, 1936. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA firmly believes that the national existence and welfare of the Slovak nation can best be safeguarded by the Slovaks themselves in their own independent Slovak Republic. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1969, Vol. 19 Description An account of the resource Vol. 19 (No. 42), 1969. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1969 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 108 SLOVAKIA Slovak Pioneers in A1nerica DR. ALEXANDER DIANISKA (March 21, 1867-November 9, 1923) Alexander Dianiska who played a significant role in Slovak-American life was born on March 21, 1867 in Banska Bystrica, Slovakia. Affluence was not the lot of his parents but the very lack of material wealth and wellbeing only disposed them to cling to God and abide by His commandments all the more faithfully. In this spirit of filial fear of God which is the beginning of wisdom, they reared their son who was a precocious boy. From the very outset of his formal schooling he applied himself to learning with marked talent and zest, and as a youth of about high school level he gave unmistakable evidence of his Slovak consciousness and undeviating loyalty to his homeland-a gift that came to him from his parents. The intermediate school which young Dianiska attended in Banska Bystrica was controlled by Magyar and Magyarone professors bent on a program of alienating Slovak students to the Magyar cause. Dianiska was not won by them. He had been an outstanding student in all his classes and graduated with distinction. His final examination earned a special award for excellence and was sent to the educational ministry in Budapest as a model of meritorious achievement and exceptional quality. Yet aside from this deserved academic recognition, Dianiska did not fare well; his national convictions disturbed the authorities. He was Slovak enough even to be one of a group who chose to make sacramental confession in Slovak. When the Rev. Joseph Martincek, another patriot, for the first time heard Dianiska confess in Slovak, he marveled that a student of the Banska Bystrica intermediate school had the spirit and the daring to defy the professorial overlords of the school who had absolutely proscribed the use of Slovak. The overjoyed priest invited the youth to stop for a chat at the rectory, and from a chance religious encounter there developed a lifelong friendship, Father Martincek deepening and strength- SLOVAKIA 109 ening in the younger man his already deep-rooted Slovak devotion. Together with Father Martin Kolar, Father Martincek took special interest in the future of the gifted Alexander Dianiska especially after learning of his desire to become a priest. Both clergymen conferred with Canon John Juriga of Ostrihom, urging him to find practical means of enabling the young man to realize his aspiration. In time, and despite repeated obstacles, it did become possible for Dianiska to launch his theological courses at the seminary of Ostrihom even though his acceptance restricted him to the status of an extern student. As an externist, Dianiska roomed with four other Slovak theology students, one of whom was Ferdis Juriga. Just at this time the Magyar journal Budapest Hirlap launched a new attack on Slovak students and inveighed against the seminary at Ostrihom as a nest of Panslavism. Father Martincek hurried a warning note to Dianiska advising that the Slovak loyalists be circumspect and even put into temporary hiding all the works of Vajansky and copies of the literary periodical Slovenske pohl'ady. But the communication never reached Dianiska because it was intercepted. Only in a personal interview with the prefect of the seminary did he learn that Father Martincek had written him . The Magyar professors then investigated the Slovak student group and Dianiska as well as Aloysius Vladar . also a theology major, were dismissed. John Donoval (a Slovak poet who wrote under the pseudonym Tichomir Milkin) was severely reprimanded and all but dismissed. After this setback, Dianiska returned to his hometown and went directly to Father Martincek who secretly sheltered him for a few days. The distraught young stu• dent eventually found the courage to approach his father who was in a dying condition. In a voice that could not hide great feeling and anxiety for his father's advanced illness he explained what had happened to him at the seminary and awaited his father's reaction. "Be the Slovak that you have been up to now; God will not forsake us," was the brave father's only observation to his suffering son. Alexander was worthy of his father's expectations. Father Martincek found him another sponsor and pro- 110 SLOVAKIA tector in the person of Canon Majovsky and it became possible for him to complete his theological courses at Banska Bystrica where he was ordained a priest on July 5, 1889. Because he wished to pursue advanced studies, the newly ordained Father Dianiska began to prepare for a doctoral degree in sacred theology. He had no prospect of enrolling as a regular university student because his ordinary rated him as a dangerous pan-Slavist and subjected him to repeated transferrals from one curacy to another. In spite of all difficulties and obstacles, however, the young priest did achieve his goal: a doctoral degree in theology granted by the University of Vienna with a special citation for excellence. But this only whetted the rancor of the Magyar and Magyarone forces, and the thorny way of the young ardent priest grew more and more forbidding and impossible. It now became his lot to be assigned to the most impoverished and all but destitute curacies of the diocese. Father Martincek understood clearly and with undeniable conviction that if Dr. Dianiska had only reneged his Slovak loyalties and had offered his talents at the service of the alien political powers, he would have been promoted not only to the rank of canon but even to the dignity of an episcopal position. In the thirteenth year of his priestly ministry Dr. Dianiska was named administrator of the parish at Brezno . Commissioner Repaszy of the Zvolen County with calculated deliberateness told Dr. Dianiska that this parish would immediately become his permanent pastorate if he would do as simple a thing as pay him a brief visit and denounce "panslavism." Dr. Dianiska rejected the offer as he would spurn a bribe; he would not forswear his nation. He made no visit to Commissioner Repaszy; he went, instead, to Lopej to see Father Martincek. Two staunch friends, two staunch patriots-they had little need for circumlocutions or prolonged conference. Father Martincek's fate was much like that of Dr. Dianiska. They sang the heart-rending lament "Hojze, Boze, jak to boli . . ." and Dr. Dianiska left Slovakia for the United States. The year was 1903. He gave his adopted country twenty years of illustrious priestly service until he died at Mercy Hospital in Wilkes-Barre on Nov. 9, 1923. SLOVAKIA 111 Dr. Dianiska's American assignment was a pastorate at St. Stephen's parish in Plymouth, Pennsylvania, and it was here that he spent the remainder of his life. "His wisdom, kindliness, apostolic zeal, and fatherly concern in a short time transformed this struggling Plymouth parish and made of it one of the most efficiently organized parishes in the diocese" was the deserving appraisal expressed in the eulogy by Dr. Dianiska's lifelong friend, Father Martincek.1 As St. Stephen's pastor, Dr. Dianiska had the church artistically decorated. He also procured a new organ, built a rectory, provided a convent, and constructed a fine school. He became the vital spark that activated all the local fraternities and organizations, and under his aegis they prospered and flourished and contributed notably to the vitality of parish life and of Slovak-American life in general. His exemplary priestly involvement deeply affected the flowering of spiritual life in St. Stephen's parish and it is largely to the credit of so zealous and worthy a pastor that this parish gave the Church eight priests as well as fourteen Sisters in the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. The name of Dr. Dianiska will be eternally associated with St. Stephen's parish. In 1903 the Slovak priests of the Scranton diocese founded the Treasury of St. Anthony, a priestly society to further in the younger Slovak generation vocations to the priestly and religious life. It became one of the key agencies in founding the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. And Dr. Dianiska was one of the seven charter members who sent invitations to the preliminary conference that resulted in the establishment of this Treasury of St. Anthony. He was also close to Father Jankola in the early trying days that marked the origins of this religious congregation. It was specifically Fathers Matthew Jankola, Andrew Pavco, Alexander Dianiska, and Joseph Murgas who in the spring of 1909 presented to Pope St. Pius X, through the mediation of Bishop Michael Hoban of Scranton, Pa., the petition for authorization to found the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. When the Holy Father granted this decree of approval, the first religious 112 SLOVAKIA congregation of Slovak Sisters in the history of the Church became a reality. A reading of the minutes of the Treasury of St. Anthony reveals that on more than one occasion Dr. Dianiska was the leading force in activities to be undertaken and that he consistently supported the efforts of Father Jankola to have the Community preserve and deepen its Slovak character. 2 Because of his natural endowment and moral integrity, the Treasury of St. Anthony entrusted to Dr. Dianiska many responsible offices. He was, for example, a member of the exam ining board that screened applicants to the congregation of Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius and he was also on the advisory board that was to assign Sisters to their specific apostolates. In the light of contemporary thinking on Church renewal and adaptation it is noteworthy to observe that Dr. Dianiska was in advance of his age, for he strongly advocated that the laity also be involved in the Treasury of St. Anthony. Although his efforts in this direction were fruitless, for his motion to admit lay members were consistently voted down, his contemporaries often recalled how Dr. Dianiska made it a practice to develop intimate ties with laymen even in other situations. He was especially interested in cultivating church organists, and both Dr. Dianiska and Father John Porubsky effected practically a distinct Slovak institution of these professionals. One who reads and studies in the light of history must naturally make some observations about the position which Dr. Dianiska took when the leadership of American Slovaks broke into camps and this split was patent even in the ranks of the Catholic clergy. From beginning to end, Dr . Dianiska stood firmly at the side of Father Furdek and Father Jankola. "A rich and warm friendship as well as a bond of common effort and cooperation both in religio-ecclesial as well as in socio-cultural and national spheres bound him to the late Father Furdek and Father Jankola. These were three mighty pillars in our national and religious structure in America," wrote the journalist-patriot Joseph Husek.3 Efforts were started to bring into the leadership core of American Slovaks some persons whose instability and SLOVAKIA 113 proneness toward Magyarone associations would have shaken the very foundations of organizations already established. Such a trend could have also jeopardized other groups that were still in their early organizational st~P."e. Among the clear-eyed guardians of untained patriotism was Dr. Dianiska and it was especially at the meetings of the Treasury of St. Anthony that he unflinchingly and uncompromisingly took action to safeguard the purity of spirit and principle that characterized Slovak organizations. It was he, for example, who in 1911 together with Fathers Furdek, Jankola, and Porubsky saw to it that only persons of proven worth be at the helm of the Sdruzenie Slovenskych Katolikov ( As~oci~.t.ion of Slovak Catholics) which was viewed by many priests as a concurrent offshoot of the already fully functioning and proven Treasury of St. Anthony. Although the labors of Dr. Dianiska were rooted first and foremost in his own assi~ned parish and within the sphere of Catholic organizational circles, it necessarily followed that his name eventually became a kind of talisman of universal Slovak exchange in all cultural and national movements of any significant dimension. Dr. Dianiska's peers are agreed that a career in science would have been his readiest road to self-fulfillment. He had the potential, the attraction, and the qualifications for it; however, his apostolic ministry became his all, for he was-before all things-a priest. Yet he did not deny his American Slovaks a legacy from the heart; he bent his gifted spirit to writing on spiritual themes. His outstanding achievement here is an admirable translation of Goffine's masterpiece titled Postila. "But his writing interests were not limited to this one type of subject," wrote Joseph Rusek. "He also produced cultural and political essays and articles glowing with national awareness. These excelled in aptness and directness of expression, precision and clearness, and a sense of logic that brooked no appeal. Whatever he wrote, he wrote well. Whatever he said, he said well, ex cathedra. His authority was generally recognized even beyond Slovak borders as the theoretics of a man of thought who was also a leader. Because of his lack of adaptability, practically an inflexibility or intransigence, he did not 114 SLOVAKIA become popular - in the ordinary connotation of the word-with his younger colleagues, but because of his innate sterling character, his learning and nobility of spirit he won esteem and prestige among all those whose lives he touched, even his adversaries."4 Dr. Dianiska was a patriot par excellence. His was a quiet and unobtrusive quality of devotion to the fatherland, the kind that did not seek the publicity of pretentious functions and the acclaim of broadcast honors, still there were few others in his period of Slovak America to whom as many seekers came for counsel and exchange of views concerning cultural and national interests as the countless numbers that had recourse to Dr. Dianiska. As Father Martincek often affirmed that Dr. Dianiska could have became a bishop in his younger years had he given up the allegiance he bore his own nation, so Joseph Rusek believed with quiet but unavailing hope and anticipation that the new regime after World War I would recall Dr. Dianiska to Slovakia and there see him honored with the dignity of the episcopacy. This would have been a deserved reward and compensation not only for Dr. Dianiska personally but also for all American Slovaks since it was in their midst that he found refuge and a more serene way of life than had been granted him within native boundaries. But it was a fruitless expectation. The new government only suspected Dr. Dianiska of every questionable motive and wrong possible but it never admitted or conceded that he had qualifications to distinguish him as a bishop. He was (they implied) a monarchist and therefore an enemy of the new state that had risen from the ruins of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy. This was a gross untruth. Dr. Dianiska had demanded for Slovakia only those rights which the vast majority of American Slovaks were demanding through their representatives, the signers of the Pittsburgh Pact, who stood firm in their position and defended both the letter and the spirit of the compact. Dr. Dianiska "knew no pretense," Joseph Husek recalls, "and for this reason he made no secrets of his dislike for the current ruling system in Czecho-Slovakia because of its anti-Catholic and anti- Slovak bias. And he did not hesitate to express himself on this score with undisguised and unmitigated bitterness. SLOVAKIA 115 This made him suspect of being a monarchist. It reality he was not. The writer of these lines had ample opportunity to convince himself of this thoroughly. Dr. Dianiska did not on principle oppose a republican form of state government, but he did want to see the rights of the Catholic Church and of the Slovak nation guaranteed within the framework of such a government." 5 The case of Dr. Dianiska is only another instance o! the tragic experience that befell Slovak leaders from the pre-Uprising days-strong souls who had to leave for America because the political climate and the ruling powers did not care to favor them with the chance to use their talents, their intellectual endowments, their training and education and various other potentials within the confines of Slovakia, their own native country. A worthy gifted Slovak had to leave Slovakia which needed him more sorely than did any foreign territory to which he was forced to migrate. In a pioneer age, however, the free land of America could not provide adequate conditions for the full and satisfying use of such talents as those of Dr. Dianiska. It could not offer situations most conducive to the flowering of such gifts since the masses of immigrants needed these leaders in a different capacity and they, bound by service to their people, did not desert them even at the cost of sacrificing distinguished careers and rewards that would have been available if they had devoted themselves discretely to their particular professional fields-science, theology, philosophy, technology, or whatever the individual major talent happened to be. Dr. Alexander Dianiska, the son of Slovak parents of ordinary stock, came a long way and rose to eminence as an unsung hero of the spirit; his name is inscribed in perpetual memory in the annals of American Slovaks. 1 At the Bier of Dr. Alexander Dianiska (Nad rakvou Dr. Alexandra nianisJcu) , Jednota (weekly), Nov. 28, 1923. 2 "Rev. Joseph Murgas moves that the Sisters teach their classes in Slovak. Rev. Alexander Dianiska seconds the motion, specifically enumerating that ·t hese be the subjects taught in Slovak: 1) Christian Doctrine 2) Slovak reading 3) Slovak grammar 4) Slovak composition 5) History 6) Slovak geography 7) Church music at the direction or recommendation of the local pastor 8) Children's stage plays and presentations, suited to the situa tion and the circumstances of each particular school. Unanimously 116 SLOVAKIA carried." Minutes of the regular meeting of the Treasu_ry of St. Anthony, July 25, 1912, Pittston, Penna. 3 Alexander Dianiska, D .D ., Jednota, (weekly) , Nov. 14, 1923. 4 Ibid. 5 Ibid. Cf. also Joseph Pauco, Matthew JankoLa, Priest and Patriot (Matus Jankola, ki\.az a narodovec), Danville, Pa., 1959. IGNATIUS GESSAY ( June 17, 1874-August 12, 1928) In the little town of Tvrdosin, Orava County, the Gessay family of small means brought up a son who became a leader of no small stature. He was born on June 17, 1874 and chose teaching as his life's career. The Magyar school system of his day was geared to extinguish in him the very last spark of national consciousness, but the choked glow managed to burst into a glorious vital flame fanned by the spirited journalism of the magazine Dom a skola ( Home and School) published by Karol Salva in Ruzomberok. Shortly after this revitalizing experience, Ignatius Gessay became a co-worker on the daily Krest'an ( The Christian) which was managed and edited by Edward ~andorfi, a zealous Catholic Slovak priest in Budapest. Like too many another patriot of his day, Gessay was tracked by Magyar officials who labeled him a "Dangerous Panslav" and forbade him to write any more contributions for Slovak publications. Like too many others who were unmercifully hounded before him and after him, he found the situation more and more unbearable as time went on, and finally he decided to leave Slovakia, the land of his birth, in order to find a free country for uninterrupted and unhampered work on behalf of his nation. He came to the haven of America in 1898. This was a time of prime need among American Slovaks for qualified and available professionals in all walks of life. Gessay's first stopping point was at Olyphant, Pennsylvania, where he used his talents as a Slovak teacher. But the keen organizer and leader, Peter Rovnianek, with his astute sense of discernment for excellences among men, readily discovered Gessay and offered him a position in the editorial offices of the Amerikdnsko-Slovenske Novi- SLOVAKIA 117 ny ( American-Slovak News ). This was in 1900. For a full decade Gessay worked under the immediate direction of Rovnianek. In 1910 he became editor-in-chief of the Slovensky dennik ( The Slovak Daily) and then editor of the Ndrodne Noviny (The National News ), the official organ of the Narodny Slovensky Spolok (The National Slovak Society). In 1914 Gessay assumed editorship of the New Yorsky Dennik ( The New York Daily) but a year later he founded his own journal Denny hlas ( The Daily Voice ) which he managed successfully for three years. But this did not exhaust his rich editorial capacity. He next became editor of the first Slovak magazine for student groups in America-Mlddez ( Youth) and he also managed the official magazine of the Slovak League in America, Nave Slovensko ( New Slovakia). Ignatius Gessay was one of the most distinguished, most diligent and most productive of Slovak editors in America. At the same time sincere and cordial ties bound him also to Slovak-American fraternal organizations whose foremost concern then was the welfare of immigrants to America. This association with fraternal and organizational life also provided Gessay with excellent opportunities for a further excercise of his manifold talents. His initiation into this direct interaction with large groups of people united in fraternal bodies envolved largely within the framework of the Narodny Slovensky Spolok and brought him very close to the heart and inner workings of extensive cultural and national movements on American soil. He became one of the pillars of this first Slovak national society in America. As a matter of fact, the NSS is indebted to Gessay for founding its youth division Kruh Mlddeze, a project he inaugurated because he had the insight to realize that an organization will survive only with great difficulty unless it is nurtured by younger forces coming to it through a juvenile membership body. Ignatius Gessay also played a prominent part in the founding of the Slovak League in America. The preliminary groundwork for this organization was undertaken by the Association of Slovak Journalists when Rev. Stephen Furdek invited Slovak newsmen to attend a conference in Pittsburgh on December 21 , 1906. Specific invitations 118 SLOVAKIA were sent to the following newspaper offices: SlovenskJ} Dennik (The Slovak Daily), Jednota (the official organ of the First Catholic Slovak Union), Amerikdnsko-Slovenske Noviny ( The American-Slovak News) , Slovak v Amerike ( The Slovak in America), Slovensky Hldsnik (The Slovak Herald) , Slovensky Sokol (The Slovak Falcon) , Bratstvo ( Brotherhood), and Svedok ( Witness ). These were the contemporary press agencies that served the Slovak reading public and supported the Slovak cause. They all answered the invitation by sending representatives to the conference except Bratstvo and Svedok. Both of these however, pledged support and gave assurance that they would endorse the decisions of the conference. The purpose of the deliberations at this first conference of Slovak journalists was this: "that having taken into account all the persecutions and injustices inflicted upon our nation and upon the champions of its cause in our homeland abroad, we initiate action on the part of all American Slovak patriots for the spiritual rescue of our nation across the sea."1 The assemblage agreed at once to found an Association of Slovak Journalists in America and they voted the following individuals into office: Rev. Stephen Furdek, president; Rev. John Porubsky, secretary; Ignatius Gessay, treasurer . The new organization further decided to sponsor in key American-Slovak centers a series of public protest demonstrations (Indignacne schodze) in order to publicize their condemnation of "the oppression of our people on native territory, and specifically to denounce the inequitable sentencing of our national leaders Rev. Andrew Hlinka and Rev. Ferdinand Juriga." 2 These newsmen were well aware that it would not be enough to project only Slovak-contained demonstrations ; important as these were, it was even far more important to put before the English-speaking public the scope of some of the injustice and wrongs perpetrated upon the Slovak nation, upon its outstanding leaders and prominent citizens. For this purpose an English brochure was planned, specifically to expose the farce of the Magyar court trial of Andrew Hlinka, and an initial printing of 15,000 copies of this pamphlet was ordered. SLOVAKIA 119 This 1907 program of public protest meetings held in twenty American cities alerted not only American and European Slovaks but also the American public at large. Keynote speakers at the programs included American as well as Slovak lecturers. The gatherings and activities were covered by reporters of all the Slovak press agencies and, more importantly, by American newsmen too, with the result that "American dailies and journals set themselves to writing about the Slovaks and their cause more prolifically than they had ever done before."3 The Slovak League in America is the offspring of the Association of Slovak Journalists, for it was conceived at the second gathering of the Association held in Pittsburgh on April 4, 1907. This conference was attended by representatives from all the Slovak journals and newspapers as well as by delegations from all the Slovak organizations in the United States. The gathering unanimously agreed to convene "a mass meeting of all Slovak loyalists living in America in order to lay the foundation for a single organization working in solid and unified cooperation for the most efficient promotion of our national endeavors."~ This became no mere meeting; it developed into a grand convention that was held in Cleveland on May 26, 1907, and it was under these auspices that the Slovak League in America was founded. The Association of Slovak Journalists appointed the following to form a committee for organizational preliminaries for the prospective League: A. S. Ambrose, Ignatius Gessay, Gustav Marsall-Petrovski' and Rev. Stephen Furdek. At the founding congress of the Slovak League in America, Ignatius Gessay represented the Slovensky Dennik (The Slovak Daily). But this was really just an initiation into the rich national and cultural activity of this extraordinarily productive and vigorous Slovak intellectual. Gessay was the first Slovak of academic stature to undertake visiting all the American Slovak settlements in order to gather firsthand data for a history of the Slovaks in America. In 1910 he toured and studied practically the entire U.S. East and Midwest, assembling notes and gathering every bit of 120 SLOVAKIA available material that he considered relevant for his projected historical account. It is most unfortunate that he never actually compiled all this significant research into the finished product that he had envisioned. It is also highly regrettable that this collection of invaluable data (like too many other priceless memorabilia) is now irretrievably lost. Imbued with love for the written word in Slovak and a devotion for values of the spirit in general, Gessay undertook a movement which he called "Four books for a dollar." He knew that as worthwhile reading serves to educate man, so the Slovak immigrant family would find its horizons of spirit and intellect broadened by good reading, and this benefit would, in turn, dispose American Slovaks to advance readily in their new country and to overcome many of the limitations that either deliberately or accidentally barred their way toward better things. If Gessay had enjoyed deserved support in this one effort alone, the American Slovaks of today would be able to pride themselves on an enviable book market and a most flourishing publications enterprise. Ignatius Gessay found himself in the front ranks of every national movement. When the notorious Magyar Count Albert Apponyi arrived here in 1911 with the intent which he publicly proclaimed in New York : to set afoot intrigues against national groups and to leave them crushed beneath his heel, 5 Gessay drafted and effected successful and wholesome counter-strategy. The American Slovaks resolutely used the forum of the press and of public assemblage to make known to the world their repudiation of Apponyi's tactics and objectives. Gessay, on his part, took the lead in keeping the American press adequately informed concerning the position and the attitudes of the Slovaks. As a result, American newspapers and journals carried almost daily reports about the justified resistance of the Slovaks not only to Magyar politics and the wave of Magyarization abroad but also to Apponyi's propagandizing in this country. The English-speaking world was being honestly informed. Similarly did Ignatius Gessay in 1914 take an intrepid lead in exposing the true nature of another Magyar count's SLOVAKIA 121 visit to America. This time it was Count Michael Karolyi who flagrantly vilified the Slovaks and hoped to reap from the American government the support of American dollars. Gessay at once saw what was to be done. He personally drew up an English draft of a direct Slovak appeal which disproved Karolyi's allegations and revealed the true nature of the visitor's intent. Copies of this appeal to defend truth and justice were delivered to American newsmen and journalists. They effected a much desired and widespread publicity for the Slovak cause and evoked appropriate reaction. It can be said of Gessay that he was one of the first Slovaks in America fully to understand the need for presenting to the American public the true state of the Slovak problem abroad. His English expose of Karolyi, channeled through the arteries of American journalism, forced the unscrupulous count to leave America as a foiled schemer: The American Slovaks in this instance scored a triumph, and Ignatius Gessay-as a recognized leader among them -had every right to take personal satisfaction in this successful issue of a formidable problem though he did not look for personal glory. During World War I, Gessay was close to the vital pulse of every Slovak undertaking in America. He participated in the preliminary conference that led to the signing of the Cleveland Agreement. He was close to General Milan Rastislav Stefanik when Legionnaires were being recruited in America from among those not subject to the Selective Service Laws. 7 He served as a war correspondent and in Cleveland and the surrounding areas he was very active in organizing the Legionnaires. As the war effort mounted toward a climax of victory, so did the endeavor of American Slovaks also wax stronger to secure guarantees of freedom for the Slovak nation. Here, too, Gessay satisfied his obligations as a devoted son of his native country. Since the original Association of Slovak Journalists fell into a hiatus of inactivity, the deliberations of the Slovak League in America established a Society of Slovak Newsmen on April 13, 1917, and it entrusted the office of president to Ignatius Gessay. Almost immediately after this, American Slovaks 122 SLOVAKIA launched the famed Million Dollar Drive and Ignatius Gessay was one of the leaders who became most enthusiastic about this undertaking. Its gratifying outcome testifies that the drive was in capable and worthy hands . The entire project, as the Slovak League in America had conceived it, maintained but one goal: "to promote action for attaining Slovakia's self-determin ation and independence."8 True, this independence was envisioned within a coalition structured as a Czecho-Slova k federation and it was also accepted as such within the provisions of the Cleveland Agreement and the subsequent Pittsburgh Pact. Ignatius Gessay had been one of the signers of the Pittsburgh Pact and one of its staunch defenders. In 1918 Gessay founded the magazine Nave Slovensko (New Slovakia). A year later he traveled to Paris to attend the peace conference. From there he went to Slovakia and then returned to report to the Slovak League in America all his experiences on this trip. It was at this time that he decided to return to Slovakia and take up permanent residence there, and he lost little time between decision and reality. He made his home in Bratislava where he set up an information center, trusting that it would become a liason medium between Slovakia and the Slovaks living in America. As he had ever in this country dedicated his journalistic and organizationa l talents to the service of immigrants, so now in Slovakia he worked with great compassion and understandin g on behalf of those who became returned emigres. Slovaks who returned to their native land after some period of emigration found him willing and resourceful "to help in procuring licenses, offices, positions, and property. And he was always animated with utmost concern that they become more and more closely bound to their homeland again." 9 For the proper orientation of this segment of Slovak citizens, he founded the periodical Americky Slovak (The American Slovak). The crowning achievement of Ignatius Gessay was his founding of the Slovak League in Slovakia in 1920. In this undertaking he put to use his host of experiences in the United States, adapted the constitutions of the SLOVAKIA 123 American League to fit the home situation and with apparent relish and enterprise he ventured upon this new pioneering. As he had noted in America the alienation and isolation of many of his countrymen who were unattached -without a parish, a school and the possibilities of becoming involved in organizational life-so in Slovakia he readily grasped the fact that entire Slovak areas on the border fringes were in danger of suffering a telling severance unless help reached out to them without delay. He oriented the Slovak League in Slovakia for mixed ethnic territories where Slovaks were generally in the minority. He was fortunate in securing first-class support in this work and he raised this Slovak League abroad to the proportions of a national organization which played a vital role in the cultural life of the Slovak nation up to the end of World War II. The Slovak League in Slovakia had a membership of over 20,000 individuals gathered into over 400 branch units. Its historic mission was to establish upon territories of mixed ethnic peoples 205 Slovak schools whose total enrollment exceeded 10,000 students-young people who otherwise would have been subjected to Magyarizing pressures and influences because the government was disinclined to build new schools for minorities and most of the existing schools were already appropriated by nonSlovak elements. Only the genius of a patriot gifted with uncommon foresight could meet the challenge of so noble and so demanding an assigment, and to meet it as did Gessay, so that the fulfillment of plans exceeded all sanguine expectations. Ignatius Gessay died in Bratislava on August 12, 1928, still comparatively young and in the midst of some of his greatest activity. He is buried in the local St. Andrew Cemetery and his own words are engraved as an epitaph upon his tombstone: "If my labors have inspired anyone with zeal for our sacred cause, then I have not lived in vain." Gessay did inspire and still inspires the hearts of Slovak sons who are willing to spend themselves in the service of their country. He was one of those extraordinary patriots whose devotion to his nation prompted him- 124 SLOVAKIA both on home territory as well as in America-to undertake as much as his strength and energy could possibly endure in the defense and interests of the most seriously threatened portion of the national body. Such heroes achieve far beyond the measure of everyday hopes and dreams. Gessay had offered himself totally and without the slightest reservations in order to save ten thousand fellowmen. This alone makes him deserving of a lasting monument in Slovakia as well as in America. Joseph Pauco, Ph. D. Translated by Si ster M. Martina Tybor, SS.C.M. 1) J ednota (weekly) January 2, 1907. Excerpt fro m the published minutes of the confe rence of Slovak Journalists held in Pittsburgh, P ennsylvania , on December 21 , 1906. 2 ) I bid. 3 ) Indignacne schodze (Protest Mee tings-Demonstrations), J ednota K alendar (Jednota Y ear boo k) 1908, p. 154. 4 ) Jednota (weekly), April 10, 1907 Schodza slovenskych novincirov (Meeting of Slovak Journalists) . 5 ) J ednot a (weekly), March 1, 1911. 6) An Open Letter Addr essed to Count Michae l K cirolyi, New York, N. Y. , April 13, 1914. 7 ) As a r esult of this effort on the part of Stefanik and the cooper ation of Slovak Americans, four thousand men were recruited and sent to France where they were trained and later served with distinc tion in the F rench army. 8) Jednota (weekly) , May 30, 1917. Zbierka mili6n dolcirov (Th e Million Dollar Drive). 9) J oseph Sr obar, Canon, 0 Igncicovi Gessayov i ( A bout Ignatius Gessay ) , an add ress delivered at the unveiling of a bust of Ignatius Gessay in Bratislava on October 18, 1936. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA firmly believes that the national existence and welfare of the Slovak nation can best be safeguarded by the Slovaks themselves in their own independent Slovak Republic.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovak Pioneers in America Description An account of the resource includes Dr. Alexander Dianiška (1867-1923) and Ignatius Gessay (1874-1928) Joseph Paučo, Ph.D. Slovakia, Vol. 19 (No. 42), 1969 pp. 108-124 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Paučo, Jozef, 1914-1975 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1969 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/f94875fc8f747e7995fc4eecf1cdeba6.pdf 1b7642a3332fca6d163ffb00092d6b6d PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 67 Jozef Pa u co, Ph.D.: Slovak Pioneers Ln America REVEREND GREGORY VANISCAK, O.S.B. (JULY 24, 1884-JANUARY 15, 1938) Father Furdek's accomplishments in behalf of the Slovak people by organizing the two Jednotas and the Slovak League of America and Father Jankola's achievement of being the founder of the Religious Order of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius in Danville, Pa. were supplemented by Father Vaniscak's founding of the Slovak abbey of the Order of St. Benedict in Cleveland, Ohio. These three men constitute the most glorious trio of Slovak Catholic leaders in America. The future founder of the Slovak Benedictine Abbey of St. Andrew Svorad in Cleveland, Ohio, namely, Jan Vaniscak, came to the United States as a 16-year old youth from the village of Lemesany, saris district, Slovakia, to join his brother, Andrew, in the city of Johnstown, Pa. Three years later through the efforts of Rev. Jan Martvo:n, pastor of St. Stephen's Slovak parish there, and Father Matus Jankola, Jan Vaniscak was enrolled at St. Procopius Benedictine College in Lisle, Illinois. As a zealous student and a pious, warm-hearted youth he became a leader among the Slovak students at Lisle. Under his guidance and inspiration several of his colleagues became attracted to the Benedictine way of life and soon shared his vision of establishing a Slovak Benedictine monastery. Foremost among these were the following: Francis Gmuca, destined to become the first abbot of the future St. Andrew's Abbey, his name in the Benedictine Order was Stanislaus; Father George (Stephen) Luba, who became the first principal of the new Benedictine High School in 1927 at St. Andrew's Priory, East 51st Street and Superior Avenue; Father Celestine Drexler, who did pioneer pastoral work for the new community; Father Leo Rehak, pastor of St. Benedict's parish in Cleveland for many years; Father Ivan Kramoris, principal at Benedictine High School and editor of the zenska Jednota semi-monthly publication �68 SLOVAKIA for a number of years; Father Charles Florek, who succeeded Father Gregory as pastor of St. Michael's in Chicago. These were the charter members of the Abbey. Father Gregory (his name in the Religious Order of St. Benedict) Vaniscak was ordained on June 6, 1914, and offered up his first solemn Mass in St. Stephen's Church, Johnstown, Pa. on June 14, 1914. He was immediately appointed pastor of the large flourishing Slovak parish of St. Michael's in Chicago. During his pastorate of approximately 15 years Father Gregory built a new school, a convent for the school sisters and a parsonage. The parish soon became a leading Slovak religious, cultural and national center in the heart of South Chicago. While at St. Procopius College and Seminary Father Gregory established life-long friendship with the following future priests: Father Malinak, Msgr. Hrtanek, Msgr. Kocis, Father Krispinsky, Msgr. Begalla, Msgr. Hamrak, Father Barlok, Father Banik, Father Fecko, also with outstanding lay leaders, among them Adam Podkrivacky, Julius Badzik and Philip Hrobak. Father Gregory's dream of having a Slovak Benedictine monastery was realized when he was elected conventual prior of St. Andrew's Priory in Cleveland, Ohio in the fall of 1929. The ground had been laid for the new foundation in February of 1922 when a dependent priory was established at St. Andrew's parish, East 51st Street and Superior Avenue by Abbot Valentine Kohlbeck, 0. S. B. and the monastic Chapter at St. Procopius Abbey in Lisle, Illinois. Father Stanislaus Gmuca, O.S.B., assistant to Father Gregory at St. Michael's parish in Chicago, was appointed prior of the fledging community in Cleveland at St. Andrew's dependent priory. Moreover, in the fall of 1927 Father George Luba, the newly-appointed principal of the Benedictine High School, welcomed a Freshman class of 27 boys to the new school at the priory. Two years later both the priory and school were moved to the new site at 10510 Buckeye Road and East Boulevard. Rev. Paschal Kavulic, O.S.B. transferred to St. Andrew's Abbey from St. Vincent's Archabbey in the late 1920's. The new monastic nucleus added the following clerical candidates : Frs. Wendelin Kravec, Michael Jasko, Gilbert Stopko, Sylvester Prise and John Zeman, O.S.B. At this time, too, �SLOVAKIA 69 the monastic community was increased by Brothers Method Tokarcik, Nicholas Pekar, Martin Seckar, Florian Halcin and Victor Repon, as well as by clerics at the beginning of the 1930's: Fratres Theodore Kojis, Daniel Novak, Joseph Bue, Stephen Sramek, Andrew Pier, Anthony Bachleda, Benedict Dobrancin, Paul Taracko. This was only the beginning of the fulfillment of Father Gregory's life-long dream, for he envisioned a college, a seminary and eventually a university. Although this rather grandiose dream was not to become a reality, nevertheless, the priory was elevated to the status of an abbey by the Holy See in 1934 and the 13-member chapter of St. Andrew's Priory (now with abbatial rank) was entitled to vote for its first abbot. Accordingly, on August 8, 1934, Father Stanislaus Gmuca, O.S.B. was elected. The many activities of Father Gregory exacted their toll and, as an inevitable consequence, his health began to fail noticeably after the election of the first abbot. Nevertheless, he accepted the position of pastor at St. Andrew's parish where he continued to fulfill his pastoral duties faithfully until he succumbed to a fatal heart attack on January 15, 1938. Thus at the age of 53 the life of an inspiring Slovak Benedictine monk came to a sudden end. Father Gregory's writings remain as an immortal legacy of his cultural and religious endeavors, namely, the many articles in the Ave Maria magazine which he edited for several years, his translation of the Holy Rule of St. Benedict and a brief life history of the Patriarch of the West, his Holy Name Manuel, the Way of the Cross, a Catechism and his Slovak grammar, and many articles that appeared in Slovak periodicals throughout the country. During World War I Father Gregory was in the forefront of the struggle for the liberation of the Slovak nation from Magyar rule. When the Slovaks joined the Czechs in forming Czecho-Slovakia, he refused to accept a medal from the new state because the government in Prague failed to live up to the promise of self-government in Slovakia. Michael Bosak, Sr., a leading American Slovak banker and patriot and intimate friend of Father Gregory's, also refused the proffered honor for meritorious service in behalf of the liberation of the Slovaks from foreign rule. �70 SLOVAKIA Slovaks everywhere mourned the death of Father Gregory Vaniscak, a foremost Slovak Benedictine in America, the founder of St. Andrew Svorad Abbey in Cleveland, an indefatigable worker, a zealous priest, a great Slovak patriot and a faithful servant of the Lord in His wineyard who labored perseveringly until the end for God, our Country and the Slovak nation under God. SOURCES Slovenske relwle v Amerike (Slovak Religious Orders in America), Fr. Hrusovsky, Ph.D., Slovak Institute, Cleveland, Ohio, 1955. Dve sviite hodiny (Two Holy Hours ), Jednota, February 2, 1938 by Rev. Paschal Kavulic, O.S.B. Slovensky samostatny priorcit (The Slovak Independent Priory), Jednota kalendar, 1931, by Rev. Gregor K.Vaniscak, O.S.B. Rehor K. Vanisccik, O.S.B. (Tribute in the Jednota kalendar, 1931). Several eye-witnesses of the events recorded, also first-hand account of all Benedictine personalities mentioned from persons who knew them personally. FATHER JOSEPH J. DUL1K (SEPTEMBER 10, 1884-AUGUST 26, 1936) As I look over the list of accomplishments of our Slovak pioneer priests, I invariably say to myself: "All deserved to be honored highly for innumerable religious and cultural contributions. But not one of them received due recognition for a lifetime of devoted service and noble endeavor in behalf of our Slovak people." Father f>ulik was one of the most deserving leaders among our Slovak clergy. In a comparatively brief span of life, Father :t.>ulik as a priest accomplished extraordinary services for the Slovak immigrants. An ideal priest, he labored indefatigably with true apostolic zeal for the cause of Christ. He was a veritable lighthouse of faith. His widespread influence among Slovak Catholic organizations inspired them to foster the highest ideals of our national, religious and cultural traditions and yet he vanished from the scene of American Slovak life virtually unknown, except among his own compatriots. A SERVANT OF GOD Father Joseph :t.>ulik was born in Rovne, Trencin district, Slovakia, on September 10, 1884. His parents were Jan and Katarina f>ulik (nee Podkrivacky). After completing his �SLOVAKIA 71 college education in Bratislava, zilina and Nitra he emigrated to the United States in 1904. He was enrolled in the diocesan seminary in Brooklyn, N. Y. where he was ordained five years later, on May 9, 1909. The new priest's first appointment was in an Irish parish, but he was soon given the assignment of organizing the Slovak parish of the Holy Family. In a short while he built a church and a rectory. Here he remained until November 12, 1912, when he was called to St. Michael's parish in Jessup, Pa. Before being transferred on March 1, 1916, to the Holy Ghost Slovak parish in Olyphant, Pa. he built a new school. Father t.>ulik was destined to remain in Olyphant until his untimely death twenty years later. Father !:>ulik's pastorate in Olyphant was marked by the building of a new church, a rectory and a Slovak cultural center-the latter in the renovated old church edifice. The parish under his inspiring leadership became the focal point of Slovak national and cultural activity in the entire area. Olyphant's Slovak community had complete confidence in Father f>ulik who devoted himself wholeheartedly to the spiritual, social and cultural welfare of his people. But his influence soon extended far beyond the confines of his parish, for he became involved in an extensive Slovak Catholic program that affected the destiny of the Slovak nation in America and in its native homeland. Moreover, he promoted a healthy ecumenical spirit in his personal intimate relationship with the Slovaks of the Lutheran faith. 1 A PILLAR IN THE SLOVAK CATHOLIC FEDERATION OF AMERICA At a critical time when it was necessary to maintain a proper perspective of the situation, it was Father t.>ulik's prudent leadership, honest convictions and genuine love for his people that brought him into national focus as a truly great leader in American Slovak life. After the first World War it was his role to win the Slovak Catholics to a pro-Hlinka outlook. In order to mitivate them in this direction Father t.>ulik made a decisive break with a number of organizations that did not share his views. As president of the Slovak Catholic Federation �72 SLOVAKIA he wrote a distinct chapter in the history of the Slovak nation, particularly as it affected his co-religionists. Even before his election as president of the federation, Father t'.>ulik had made his mark in Slovak national life. Had it not been for his initiative and the cooperation of Father Jan Kubasek (Yonkers, N. Y.) in 1919 the American Slovaks might have become sorely disunited. Under the auspices of the Slovak Catholic Federation, Father Anton Gracik was sent to Slovakia to invite a delegation of the Slovak People's Party (led by Andrej Hlinka) for a visit to America. The need for an exchange of views and united action in behalf of Slovak autonomy was a vital necessity because at a decisive stage of the Slovak nation's struggle for freedom the Slovak League of America, for lack of proper leadership, had lost its course and the mass of the American Slovaks was in a quandary. Soon after the coming of the Slovak delegation from overseas the matter was cleared up and the American Slovaks were again marching in the right direction. Father Joseph Rudinsky, a delegate of the Slovak People's Party, convinced the officers of the Slovak Catholic Federation to call a meeting of Slovak clergy and officers of all the Slovak societies in Pittsburgh, Pa. on November 19 and 20, 1919. Father t'.>ulik presided at the priests' meeting on November 19 and it was unanimously decided to support the program for Slovakia's autonomy in the frame-work of the newly-established Republic of CzechoSlovakia.2 The Slovak press throughout America hailed the announcement that was approved the following day by representatives of the various Slovak societies. At the above conference a proposal by Father i'.>ulik that a demand for the immediate release of Father Andrej Hlinka from prison be addressed to President Masaryk and that autonomy be put into effect in Slovakia ( an official paragraph in the Paris Peace Treaty) was adopted unanimously. 3 These measures were adopted at the convention of the Sdruzenie Slovenskych Katolikov ( Slovak Catholic Federation) on December 18, 1919, in Scranton, Pa. and Father t'.>ulik was elected president.4 On January 14, 1920, Father i'.>ulik called an executive meeting of the federation which voted 100,000 crowns to Andrej Hlinka, decided to issue a commemorative stamp �SLOVAKIA 73 in his honor and added a sum of $5,000 for Catholic action in Slovakia. Father Joseph Rudinsky, and Joseph Kubala, the two delegates from Slovakia, were assured that the federation was completely in accord with the Hlinka movement for autonomy, and, as if to confirm this policy, they were named to the positions of organizer and assistant secretary of the Slovak Catholic Federation.5 Under Father !>ulik's leadership a nationwide newspaper campaign was inaugurated to demand the acceptance and ratification of the Pittsburgh Pact in Czecho-Slovakia. The Memorandum adopted by the central executive committee of the federation on April 7, 1920, was sent to the Slovak leaders in Slovakia. An outline of the reasons for insisting that the Pittsburgh Pact be adopted officially by the new government of Czecho-Slovakia was attached to the Memorandum that called attention to the fact that President Masaryk had personally signed the document guaranteeing Slovak autonomy. Moreover, a supplementary denial of any agreement with irridentist Magyar elements accompanied the Memorandum. Father !>ulik's signature to the document proved beyond a doubt that he was a dedicated patriot of the Slovak nation.6 Twenty thousand members in 189 assemblies throughout the United States were enrolled as members in less than a year before the Slovak Catholic Federation held its convention on October 13 and 14 in Chicago in 1920.7 Demands for Slovakia's autonomy were reiterated at t his convention in Chicago.8 Father f>ulik, spokesman for t he delegates representing the majority of the Slovaks in America, declared that failure to grant autonomy to the Slovak nation would make President Masaryk and his cohorts a laughing-stock before the whole world. 9 SUPREME CHAPLAIN OF THE FIRST CATHOLIC SLOVAK UNION (JEDNOTA) Outstanding personalities in the early pioneer days built First Catholic Slovak Union on strong foundations . Father !>ulik was one of the foremost leaders of the era, closely behind in influence to Fathers Furdek and Jankola. As the last of the remarkable trio in the first quarter of �74 SLOVAKIA the 20th century, his was a highly influential career in both our national and fraternal life as one of our greatest Jednota leaders who served the society and our common cause with distinction and honor until the end of his life. Jednota's 22nd national convention in Scranton, Pa. in 1926 saw the emergence of a new set of leaders, among them John Sabol who was destined to serve as supreme secretary for four decades. Andrej Hlinka was the guest of honor at this convention that elected him as Jednota's honorary supreme chaplain for life. It was a great moment for the Slovaks in America, and for Slovaks everywhere. The great champion of Slovak liberty was given a standing ovation after a special proclamation, expressing gratitude to him for his sacrifices in behalf of the Slovak nation, was read, and assurances were given that the Jednota stood behind him 100 % in the struggle to win Slovak national freedom and self-governing statehood according to the Pittsburgh Pact. At the same convention the Jednota delegates elected Father t:>ulik as the supreme chaplain, as if to place him alongside Hlinka upon whom they had conferred the honorary title of chaplain for life. 10 Recognized as a veritable golden link between the old and young, Father Dulik was re-elected at the New York convention in 1928 11 and again at the Detroit convention in 1931.12 Much more can be said of Father Dulik than merely to note that he had been elected and re-elected as supreme chaplain several times. His influence in both the Jednota and the Slovak Catholic Federation left an indelible mark on both organizations in which his official priestly office and dignity, moral power and love of the Slovak nation and American patriotism proved to be unmistakably great assets for unquestioned leadership in his time. At a critical stage in the history of the Slovaks in America whose influence was felt in their native homeland across the Atlantic, when it was somewhat popular to downgrade the Church and religion in general, the Jednota was the bulwark of the Faith of our Fathers. When Magyar chauvinists stopped at nothing to destroy the Slovak national spirit, it was the Jednota that provided the resources and the power to withstand the assaults of these foes of �SLOVAKIA 75 Slovak freedom, foes who unfortunately sometimes found recruits for their ranks among ambitious or naive Slovaks themselves! Jednota leaders were not content to merely maintam a defensive position. They launched an effective offensive to rout the enemy and establish the natural right of the Slovak nation to its own democratic self-government in line with the Wilsonian principle of 'self-determinatio n for all nations.' Historically, it must be registered that the Jednota, from the highest officer to the last member, met the challenge of both the ancient and modern foes of Slovak freedom and helped immeasurably to liberate the Slovaks from Magyar rule in Hungary.13 Moral values for Father nulik rated an A-1 priority. Thus, the Jednota for him was a vital factor in Catholic action, and, thank God, under the truly Christian-inspired leadership of such leaders as Father Dulik the Jednota can rightfully and proudly claim that its policies have been guided by spiritual motives rather than material interests that are too often motivated by mere expediency. "Unique is the proper world to describe the total achievements of the Jednota, for it is undoubtedly great to have an organization with many thousands of members, to have a rich treasury, to have order and discipline, all of which have to a greater or less extent, as a matter of fact, but it is a far greater asset to cherish and foster our ancient Christian faith and traditions and to excel in moral virtue that contributed far more to our society in America than mere material wealth. I re-affirm unequivocally that the millions we have given out in benefits and that we shall distribute in the future cannot equal in value the spiritual benefits that have accrued to our members, Slovak nation and America directly as fruits of Jednota leadership in the past decades." 14 Father Dulik was fully aware of the vita! role of the Jednota, but he realized, too, that its work ultimately depended upon human beings. He always gave his full support, therefore, to his colleagues. His friendship with Joseph Husek, a noted journalist, was particularly strong and effective among the American Slovaks. These two complemented each other in the struggle for unity among �76 SLOVAKIA American Slovaks. This was an important and decisive factor when a number of Slovak priests organized opposition to Rusek. Father Dulik did not hesitate to side with his friend against a number of clerical opponents who attacked Rusek on the question of Slovak national freedom. 15 Husek's talents as editor Father nulik rightfully assessed and appreciated. Moreover, he did not doubt his sincerity, for he regarded Rusek as a true successor of Stefan Furdek in whose footsteps he followed to work in the true interests of the Jednota and the Slovak people. 16 Father nulik, unfortunately, became a victim of circumstances that seem to have plagued all of our great Slovak figures of the time. He suddenly lost his popularity at the very height of his brilliant career. A background to this ironical development is found in the minutes of the First Catholic Slovak Union. There we find a long list of intrigues and prejudices levelled against his person, as he himself outlined before his resignation at the annual executive meeting in 1933.17 Suddenly and unexpectedly a forceful personality was removed from the ranks of the Jednota. Father nulik's vision and dynamic energy were lost with his departure from the office of supreme chaplain. IN RETROSPECT: THE 1928 CONVENTION One of Father Dulik's proposals at the executive meeting in 1928, namely, to have a junior membership convention was immediately endorsed and the first such meeting was held at the Jednota Home in Middletown, Pa. in the summer of that very same year. A total of 170 delegates and more than 2,000 guests convened for this general assembly of our junior membership. As might be expected, the Man of the Hour was Father nulik. In his keynote address he called upon the entire assembly to foster the Slovak language, to cherish the ideals of the Slovak nation and to preserve our ancient national heritage of faith and freedom under God. 18 Hailed throughout the country in Slovak circles and publicized by the Slovak press, Father nulik's program stimulated such interest that the supreme chaplain was invited to speak at a series of programs in various parts of the country. He travelled extensively and created interest �SLOVAKIA 77 everywhere in the common cause of our fraternal and national destiny as true sons of the land of our Slovak forefathers. 19 TREASURER OF THE SLOVAK CATHOLIC EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTE Slovak priests and laity, as a general rule, from the very beginning worked together in harmony in this country, and that included cooperation in cultural and national affairs. In the Slovak Catholic Educational Institute, for example, under the presidency of the genial Michael Bosak, Sr. the office of secretary was ably filled by the aggressive Joseph Husek, and the treasurer's post was entrusted to the highly respected Father i'.>ulik. This unusual trio did an excellent job of collecting a substantial sum of several hundred thousand dollars despite adverse economic conditions in the country. A nationwide appeal by Father f>ulik aroused the interest of his fellow Slovaks who contributed generously to the project of higher education. A number of American bishops not only endorsed the campaign in their dioceses but contributed financially, too.20 Michael Bosak's generosity and Father f>ulik's personality were a happy combination that won generous support among the clergy and laity. The Slovak press supported the campaign that enabled the Slovak Sisters of St. Cyril and Methodius to build a beautiful new Academy for girls in Danville, Pa. and the Slovak Benedictines to purchase a suitable site for their boys' Benedictine High School in Cleveland, Ohio. Father f>ulik in a brief span of time between two World Wars was a dynamic force in stimulating an active and vigorous interest in the preservation of the Slovak spirit and the enrichment of Slovak culture in America, as well as a tremendous growth of our Slovak fraternal organizations. A TRAGIC ENDING Father Joseph i'.>ulik's life came to a tragic end when he was drawned accidentally while on a routine fishing trip on the Delaware River on August 26, 1936. Although Father f>ulik's life was comparatively brief, �78 SLOVAKIA his highly concentrated energies were instrumental in successfully promoting the highest traditions of Slovak freedom, culture and faith that became intimately interwoven into a beautiful fabric of American Slovak life that bears the unique imprint of his indomitable character and skillful workmanship. Perhaps more than any single individual in the history of the Slovaks in America Father Dulik's influence brought out the primeval elements of our national Slovak Christian heritage, namely, an indestructible faith in God and His Church, an all consuming love of his Slovak brethren and a passionate aspiration for Slovak national freedom, as well as profound appreciation of the richness of our Slovak language, literature and culture. Translated by Andrew Pier, O.S.B. FOOTNOTES 1) "Rev. J. J. 1'.>ulik 20 rokov knazom" (Rev J . J. Dulik 20 years a priest). Slovak v Amerike, June 6, 1929, p. 2. 2) "Za krest'anske a autonomne Slovensko" (For a Christian and autonomous Slovakia). Jednota, November 26, 1919, p. 4. 3) "Uradna zprava schodze katolickych duchovnych a zastupcov kat. organizacil odbyvana dna 19. a 20. novembra 19-19 v Pittsburgh, Pa." ( Official report of the meeting of Catholic clergy and representatives of Catholic organizations on November 19 and 20, 1919 in Pittsburgh, Pa.), Jednota, December 3, 1919, p. 5. Signed by Father !>ullk and A. Pirhalla. 4) "Podrobnosti z konvencie Sdruzenia Slov. Katolikov" (From the report of the Convention of the Slovak Catholic Federation ), Jednota, November 24, 1919, p. 1. 5) "Vaznejsie uznesenia Sdruz. SI. Katolikov (More important proceedings of the Slovak Catholic Federation), Jednota, January 28, 1920, p. 1. 6) The complete text of the Memorandum in the Jednota of May 26, 1920, p. 5. Signatures of Fr. Jozef !>ulik, president, Fr. Stefan Kocis, secretary and Jozef Husek, member of the executive committee. 7) "Konvencia Sdruzenia Slovenskych Katolikov" (Convention of the Slovak Catholic Federation), Jednota, October 20, 1920, p. 1. Reports from the convention confirmed Fr. !>ulik's principle expressed when he was elected president: "I am not a friend of programmed speeches, or articles. I prefer to do more than I promise." "Sdruzenie Katolikov," Jednota, January 7, 1920, p. 1. Father Klemo Hrtanek was elected president in Chicago. 8) Quote: "The Slovak Catholic Federation today is in favor of autonomous Slovakia and it will continue to support Slovak autonomy �SLOVAKIA 79 until the flag of Slovak autonomy waves above the Tatras in the framework of the Czecho-Slovak Republic." ... Rev. G. K. Vaniscak, O.S.B., "Po konvencii Sdruzenia Slovenskych Katolikov" (After the Convention of the Slovak Catholic Federation), Jednota, October 20, 1920, p. 4. 9) "Rev. Moysovi, " Jednota, March 13, 1920, p. 4. 10) Report of his election in the Minutes of the 22nd Convention of the Jednota (First Catholic Slovak Union), p. 254. Data in the minutes about the presence and election of Msgr. Andrej ffiinka. 11 ) Minutes from the 23rd Convention of the First Catholic Slovak Union, p. 288. 12) Minutes from the 24th Convention of the Jednota, p . 540. 13) "40 rokov" (40 Years) , Jednota, May 20, 1931, p. 1. 14) Minutes from the 24th Convention of the First Catholic Slovak Union, p. 17. 15) Matter pertaining to a pro-Magyar Slovak priest, Rev. Dr. Jehli~ka, and his comrades in America. See Minutes from the 24th Conv ention of the First Catholic Slovak Union, pp. 20-21. 16) "40 rokov" (40 Years), Jednota, May 20, 1931, p. 1. 17) Compare the Minutes from the annual meeting of the executive committee of the F.C.S.U. (Jednota), 1932, p. 3 pertaining to Fr. f>ulik's complaints with Husek's editorial "S Bohom . .. do videnia" (Goodbye, until we meet again) in the February 3, 1932, issue of the Jednota weekly. 18) Sermon on July 16, 1928, in St. Patrick's Cathedral, Harrisburg, Pa. Compare the report on the first convention of the young membership (Junior Branch) in the July 18, 1928, p. 1 issue of the Jednota. Details are given in this report. 19) "Rev. Joseph J . Dulik," Jednota issue of May 23, 1934. Contemporary critics agreed that Fr. f>ulik was a good preacher and an eloquent speaker. 20) Bishops Philip McDevitt of Harrisburg, Pa., Joseph Schrembs of Cleveland, Ohio, and T. C. O'Reilly of Scranton, Pa. endorsed the campaign of the Slovak Catholic Educational Institute for their Slovak priests. Bishop O'Reilly donated $1,000 and Bishop Thomas Walsh of Trenton gave $250 to the campaign. At a meeting of the Slovaks in T11enton Bishop Walsh recommended that the young Slovaks ought to learn the Slovak language, a language that has been spoken and written for hundreds of years. See Jednota issue of April 11, 1928, p. 4. Bishop Schrembs wrote an official letter in behalf of the Slovak Catholic Educational Institute. See the Jednota issue of April 24, 1929, p.1. SOURCES Minutes of the 22nd, 23rd and 24th Convention of the Jednota, and Minutes of the annual meeting of the executive committee of the First Catholic Slovak Union for the following years: 1928 through 1932. Kalendar Jednota, Middletown, Pa., 1937, p. 91. � SLOVAKIA 67 Jozef Pa u co, Ph.D.: Slovak Pioneers Ln America REVEREND GREGORY VANISCAK, O.S.B. (JULY 24, 1884-JANUARY 15, 1938) Father Furdek's accomplishments in behalf of the Slovak people by organizing the two Jednotas and the Slovak League of America and Father Jankola's achievement of being the founder of the Religious Order of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius in Danville, Pa. were supplemented by Father Vaniscak's founding of the Slovak abbey of the Order of St. Benedict in Cleveland, Ohio. These three men constitute the most glorious trio of Slovak Catholic leaders in America. The future founder of the Slovak Benedictine Abbey of St. Andrew Svorad in Cleveland, Ohio, namely, Jan Vaniscak, came to the United States as a 16-year old youth from the village of Lemesany, saris district, Slovakia, to join his brother, Andrew, in the city of Johnstown, Pa. Three years later through the efforts of Rev. Jan Martvo:n, pastor of St. Stephen's Slovak parish there, and Father Matus Jankola, Jan Vaniscak was enrolled at St. Procopius Benedictine College in Lisle, Illinois. As a zealous student and a pious, warm-hearted youth he became a leader among the Slovak students at Lisle. Under his guidance and inspiration several of his colleagues became attracted to the Benedictine way of life and soon shared his vision of establishing a Slovak Benedictine monastery. Foremost among these were the following: Francis Gmuca, destined to become the first abbot of the future St. Andrew's Abbey, his name in the Benedictine Order was Stanislaus; Father George (Stephen) Luba, who became the first principal of the new Benedictine High School in 1927 at St. Andrew's Priory, East 51st Street and Superior Avenue; Father Celestine Drexler, who did pioneer pastoral work for the new community; Father Leo Rehak, pastor of St. Benedict's parish in Cleveland for many years; Father Ivan Kramoris, principal at Benedictine High School and editor of the zenska Jednota semi-monthly publication �68 SLOVAKIA for a number of years; Father Charles Florek, who succeeded Father Gregory as pastor of St. Michael's in Chicago. These were the charter members of the Abbey. Father Gregory (his name in the Religious Order of St. Benedict) Vaniscak was ordained on June 6, 1914, and offered up his first solemn Mass in St. Stephen's Church, Johnstown, Pa. on June 14, 1914. He was immediately appointed pastor of the large flourishing Slovak parish of St. Michael's in Chicago. During his pastorate of approximately 15 years Father Gregory built a new school, a convent for the school sisters and a parsonage. The parish soon became a leading Slovak religious, cultural and national center in the heart of South Chicago. While at St. Procopius College and Seminary Father Gregory established life-long friendship with the following future priests: Father Malinak, Msgr. Hrtanek, Msgr. Kocis, Father Krispinsky, Msgr. Begalla, Msgr. Hamrak, Father Barlok, Father Banik, Father Fecko, also with outstanding lay leaders, among them Adam Podkrivacky, Julius Badzik and Philip Hrobak. Father Gregory's dream of having a Slovak Benedictine monastery was realized when he was elected conventual prior of St. Andrew's Priory in Cleveland, Ohio in the fall of 1929. The ground had been laid for the new foundation in February of 1922 when a dependent priory was established at St. Andrew's parish, East 51st Street and Superior Avenue by Abbot Valentine Kohlbeck, 0. S. B. and the monastic Chapter at St. Procopius Abbey in Lisle, Illinois. Father Stanislaus Gmuca, O.S.B., assistant to Father Gregory at St. Michael's parish in Chicago, was appointed prior of the fledging community in Cleveland at St. Andrew's dependent priory. Moreover, in the fall of 1927 Father George Luba, the newly-appointed principal of the Benedictine High School, welcomed a Freshman class of 27 boys to the new school at the priory. Two years later both the priory and school were moved to the new site at 10510 Buckeye Road and East Boulevard. Rev. Paschal Kavulic, O.S.B. transferred to St. Andrew's Abbey from St. Vincent's Archabbey in the late 1920's. The new monastic nucleus added the following clerical candidates : Frs. Wendelin Kravec, Michael Jasko, Gilbert Stopko, Sylvester Prise and John Zeman, O.S.B. At this time, too, �SLOVAKIA 69 the monastic community was increased by Brothers Method Tokarcik, Nicholas Pekar, Martin Seckar, Florian Halcin and Victor Repon, as well as by clerics at the beginning of the 1930's: Fratres Theodore Kojis, Daniel Novak, Joseph Bue, Stephen Sramek, Andrew Pier, Anthony Bachleda, Benedict Dobrancin, Paul Taracko. This was only the beginning of the fulfillment of Father Gregory's life-long dream, for he envisioned a college, a seminary and eventually a university. Although this rather grandiose dream was not to become a reality, nevertheless, the priory was elevated to the status of an abbey by the Holy See in 1934 and the 13-member chapter of St. Andrew's Priory (now with abbatial rank) was entitled to vote for its first abbot. Accordingly, on August 8, 1934, Father Stanislaus Gmuca, O.S.B. was elected. The many activities of Father Gregory exacted their toll and, as an inevitable consequence, his health began to fail noticeably after the election of the first abbot. Nevertheless, he accepted the position of pastor at St. Andrew's parish where he continued to fulfill his pastoral duties faithfully until he succumbed to a fatal heart attack on January 15, 1938. Thus at the age of 53 the life of an inspiring Slovak Benedictine monk came to a sudden end. Father Gregory's writings remain as an immortal legacy of his cultural and religious endeavors, namely, the many articles in the Ave Maria magazine which he edited for several years, his translation of the Holy Rule of St. Benedict and a brief life history of the Patriarch of the West, his Holy Name Manuel, the Way of the Cross, a Catechism and his Slovak grammar, and many articles that appeared in Slovak periodicals throughout the country. During World War I Father Gregory was in the forefront of the struggle for the liberation of the Slovak nation from Magyar rule. When the Slovaks joined the Czechs in forming Czecho-Slovakia, he refused to accept a medal from the new state because the government in Prague failed to live up to the promise of self-government in Slovakia. Michael Bosak, Sr., a leading American Slovak banker and patriot and intimate friend of Father Gregory's, also refused the proffered honor for meritorious service in behalf of the liberation of the Slovaks from foreign rule. �70 SLOVAKIA Slovaks everywhere mourned the death of Father Gregory Vaniscak, a foremost Slovak Benedictine in America, the founder of St. Andrew Svorad Abbey in Cleveland, an indefatigable worker, a zealous priest, a great Slovak patriot and a faithful servant of the Lord in His wineyard who labored perseveringly until the end for God, our Country and the Slovak nation under God. SOURCES Slovenske relwle v Amerike (Slovak Religious Orders in America), Fr. Hrusovsky, Ph.D., Slovak Institute, Cleveland, Ohio, 1955. Dve sviite hodiny (Two Holy Hours ), Jednota, February 2, 1938 by Rev. Paschal Kavulic, O.S.B. Slovensky samostatny priorcit (The Slovak Independent Priory), Jednota kalendar, 1931, by Rev. Gregor K.Vaniscak, O.S.B. Rehor K. Vanisccik, O.S.B. (Tribute in the Jednota kalendar, 1931). Several eye-witnesses of the events recorded, also first-hand account of all Benedictine personalities mentioned from persons who knew them personally. FATHER JOSEPH J. DUL1K (SEPTEMBER 10, 1884-AUGUST 26, 1936) As I look over the list of accomplishments of our Slovak pioneer priests, I invariably say to myself: "All deserved to be honored highly for innumerable religious and cultural contributions. But not one of them received due recognition for a lifetime of devoted service and noble endeavor in behalf of our Slovak people." Father f>ulik was one of the most deserving leaders among our Slovak clergy. In a comparatively brief span of life, Father :t.>ulik as a priest accomplished extraordinary services for the Slovak immigrants. An ideal priest, he labored indefatigably with true apostolic zeal for the cause of Christ. He was a veritable lighthouse of faith. His widespread influence among Slovak Catholic organizations inspired them to foster the highest ideals of our national, religious and cultural traditions and yet he vanished from the scene of American Slovak life virtually unknown, except among his own compatriots. A SERVANT OF GOD Father Joseph :t.>ulik was born in Rovne, Trencin district, Slovakia, on September 10, 1884. His parents were Jan and Katarina f>ulik (nee Podkrivacky). After completing his �SLOVAKIA 71 college education in Bratislava, zilina and Nitra he emigrated to the United States in 1904. He was enrolled in the diocesan seminary in Brooklyn, N. Y. where he was ordained five years later, on May 9, 1909. The new priest's first appointment was in an Irish parish, but he was soon given the assignment of organizing the Slovak parish of the Holy Family. In a short while he built a church and a rectory. Here he remained until November 12, 1912, when he was called to St. Michael's parish in Jessup, Pa. Before being transferred on March 1, 1916, to the Holy Ghost Slovak parish in Olyphant, Pa. he built a new school. Father t.>ulik was destined to remain in Olyphant until his untimely death twenty years later. Father !:>ulik's pastorate in Olyphant was marked by the building of a new church, a rectory and a Slovak cultural center-the latter in the renovated old church edifice. The parish under his inspiring leadership became the focal point of Slovak national and cultural activity in the entire area. Olyphant's Slovak community had complete confidence in Father f>ulik who devoted himself wholeheartedly to the spiritual, social and cultural welfare of his people. But his influence soon extended far beyond the confines of his parish, for he became involved in an extensive Slovak Catholic program that affected the destiny of the Slovak nation in America and in its native homeland. Moreover, he promoted a healthy ecumenical spirit in his personal intimate relationship with the Slovaks of the Lutheran faith. 1 A PILLAR IN THE SLOVAK CATHOLIC FEDERATION OF AMERICA At a critical time when it was necessary to maintain a proper perspective of the situation, it was Father t.>ulik's prudent leadership, honest convictions and genuine love for his people that brought him into national focus as a truly great leader in American Slovak life. After the first World War it was his role to win the Slovak Catholics to a pro-Hlinka outlook. In order to mitivate them in this direction Father t.>ulik made a decisive break with a number of organizations that did not share his views. As president of the Slovak Catholic Federation �72 SLOVAKIA he wrote a distinct chapter in the history of the Slovak nation, particularly as it affected his co-religionists. Even before his election as president of the federation, Father t'.>ulik had made his mark in Slovak national life. Had it not been for his initiative and the cooperation of Father Jan Kubasek (Yonkers, N. Y.) in 1919 the American Slovaks might have become sorely disunited. Under the auspices of the Slovak Catholic Federation, Father Anton Gracik was sent to Slovakia to invite a delegation of the Slovak People's Party (led by Andrej Hlinka) for a visit to America. The need for an exchange of views and united action in behalf of Slovak autonomy was a vital necessity because at a decisive stage of the Slovak nation's struggle for freedom the Slovak League of America, for lack of proper leadership, had lost its course and the mass of the American Slovaks was in a quandary. Soon after the coming of the Slovak delegation from overseas the matter was cleared up and the American Slovaks were again marching in the right direction. Father Joseph Rudinsky, a delegate of the Slovak People's Party, convinced the officers of the Slovak Catholic Federation to call a meeting of Slovak clergy and officers of all the Slovak societies in Pittsburgh, Pa. on November 19 and 20, 1919. Father t'.>ulik presided at the priests' meeting on November 19 and it was unanimously decided to support the program for Slovakia's autonomy in the frame-work of the newly-established Republic of CzechoSlovakia.2 The Slovak press throughout America hailed the announcement that was approved the following day by representatives of the various Slovak societies. At the above conference a proposal by Father i'.>ulik that a demand for the immediate release of Father Andrej Hlinka from prison be addressed to President Masaryk and that autonomy be put into effect in Slovakia ( an official paragraph in the Paris Peace Treaty) was adopted unanimously. 3 These measures were adopted at the convention of the Sdruzenie Slovenskych Katolikov ( Slovak Catholic Federation) on December 18, 1919, in Scranton, Pa. and Father t'.>ulik was elected president.4 On January 14, 1920, Father i'.>ulik called an executive meeting of the federation which voted 100,000 crowns to Andrej Hlinka, decided to issue a commemorative stamp �SLOVAKIA 73 in his honor and added a sum of $5,000 for Catholic action in Slovakia. Father Joseph Rudinsky, and Joseph Kubala, the two delegates from Slovakia, were assured that the federation was completely in accord with the Hlinka movement for autonomy, and, as if to confirm this policy, they were named to the positions of organizer and assistant secretary of the Slovak Catholic Federation.5 Under Father !>ulik's leadership a nationwide newspaper campaign was inaugurated to demand the acceptance and ratification of the Pittsburgh Pact in Czecho-Slovakia. The Memorandum adopted by the central executive committee of the federation on April 7, 1920, was sent to the Slovak leaders in Slovakia. An outline of the reasons for insisting that the Pittsburgh Pact be adopted officially by the new government of Czecho-Slovakia was attached to the Memorandum that called attention to the fact that President Masaryk had personally signed the document guaranteeing Slovak autonomy. Moreover, a supplementary denial of any agreement with irridentist Magyar elements accompanied the Memorandum. Father !>ulik's signature to the document proved beyond a doubt that he was a dedicated patriot of the Slovak nation.6 Twenty thousand members in 189 assemblies throughout the United States were enrolled as members in less than a year before the Slovak Catholic Federation held its convention on October 13 and 14 in Chicago in 1920.7 Demands for Slovakia's autonomy were reiterated at t his convention in Chicago.8 Father f>ulik, spokesman for t he delegates representing the majority of the Slovaks in America, declared that failure to grant autonomy to the Slovak nation would make President Masaryk and his cohorts a laughing-stock before the whole world. 9 SUPREME CHAPLAIN OF THE FIRST CATHOLIC SLOVAK UNION (JEDNOTA) Outstanding personalities in the early pioneer days built First Catholic Slovak Union on strong foundations . Father !>ulik was one of the foremost leaders of the era, closely behind in influence to Fathers Furdek and Jankola. As the last of the remarkable trio in the first quarter of �74 SLOVAKIA the 20th century, his was a highly influential career in both our national and fraternal life as one of our greatest Jednota leaders who served the society and our common cause with distinction and honor until the end of his life. Jednota's 22nd national convention in Scranton, Pa. in 1926 saw the emergence of a new set of leaders, among them John Sabol who was destined to serve as supreme secretary for four decades. Andrej Hlinka was the guest of honor at this convention that elected him as Jednota's honorary supreme chaplain for life. It was a great moment for the Slovaks in America, and for Slovaks everywhere. The great champion of Slovak liberty was given a standing ovation after a special proclamation, expressing gratitude to him for his sacrifices in behalf of the Slovak nation, was read, and assurances were given that the Jednota stood behind him 100 % in the struggle to win Slovak national freedom and self-governing statehood according to the Pittsburgh Pact. At the same convention the Jednota delegates elected Father t:>ulik as the supreme chaplain, as if to place him alongside Hlinka upon whom they had conferred the honorary title of chaplain for life. 10 Recognized as a veritable golden link between the old and young, Father Dulik was re-elected at the New York convention in 1928 11 and again at the Detroit convention in 1931.12 Much more can be said of Father Dulik than merely to note that he had been elected and re-elected as supreme chaplain several times. His influence in both the Jednota and the Slovak Catholic Federation left an indelible mark on both organizations in which his official priestly office and dignity, moral power and love of the Slovak nation and American patriotism proved to be unmistakably great assets for unquestioned leadership in his time. At a critical stage in the history of the Slovaks in America whose influence was felt in their native homeland across the Atlantic, when it was somewhat popular to downgrade the Church and religion in general, the Jednota was the bulwark of the Faith of our Fathers. When Magyar chauvinists stopped at nothing to destroy the Slovak national spirit, it was the Jednota that provided the resources and the power to withstand the assaults of these foes of �SLOVAKIA 75 Slovak freedom, foes who unfortunately sometimes found recruits for their ranks among ambitious or naive Slovaks themselves! Jednota leaders were not content to merely maintam a defensive position. They launched an effective offensive to rout the enemy and establish the natural right of the Slovak nation to its own democratic self-government in line with the Wilsonian principle of 'self-determinatio n for all nations.' Historically, it must be registered that the Jednota, from the highest officer to the last member, met the challenge of both the ancient and modern foes of Slovak freedom and helped immeasurably to liberate the Slovaks from Magyar rule in Hungary.13 Moral values for Father nulik rated an A-1 priority. Thus, the Jednota for him was a vital factor in Catholic action, and, thank God, under the truly Christian-inspired leadership of such leaders as Father Dulik the Jednota can rightfully and proudly claim that its policies have been guided by spiritual motives rather than material interests that are too often motivated by mere expediency. "Unique is the proper world to describe the total achievements of the Jednota, for it is undoubtedly great to have an organization with many thousands of members, to have a rich treasury, to have order and discipline, all of which have to a greater or less extent, as a matter of fact, but it is a far greater asset to cherish and foster our ancient Christian faith and traditions and to excel in moral virtue that contributed far more to our society in America than mere material wealth. I re-affirm unequivocally that the millions we have given out in benefits and that we shall distribute in the future cannot equal in value the spiritual benefits that have accrued to our members, Slovak nation and America directly as fruits of Jednota leadership in the past decades." 14 Father Dulik was fully aware of the vita! role of the Jednota, but he realized, too, that its work ultimately depended upon human beings. He always gave his full support, therefore, to his colleagues. His friendship with Joseph Husek, a noted journalist, was particularly strong and effective among the American Slovaks. These two complemented each other in the struggle for unity among �76 SLOVAKIA American Slovaks. This was an important and decisive factor when a number of Slovak priests organized opposition to Rusek. Father Dulik did not hesitate to side with his friend against a number of clerical opponents who attacked Rusek on the question of Slovak national freedom. 15 Husek's talents as editor Father nulik rightfully assessed and appreciated. Moreover, he did not doubt his sincerity, for he regarded Rusek as a true successor of Stefan Furdek in whose footsteps he followed to work in the true interests of the Jednota and the Slovak people. 16 Father nulik, unfortunately, became a victim of circumstances that seem to have plagued all of our great Slovak figures of the time. He suddenly lost his popularity at the very height of his brilliant career. A background to this ironical development is found in the minutes of the First Catholic Slovak Union. There we find a long list of intrigues and prejudices levelled against his person, as he himself outlined before his resignation at the annual executive meeting in 1933.17 Suddenly and unexpectedly a forceful personality was removed from the ranks of the Jednota. Father nulik's vision and dynamic energy were lost with his departure from the office of supreme chaplain. IN RETROSPECT: THE 1928 CONVENTION One of Father Dulik's proposals at the executive meeting in 1928, namely, to have a junior membership convention was immediately endorsed and the first such meeting was held at the Jednota Home in Middletown, Pa. in the summer of that very same year. A total of 170 delegates and more than 2,000 guests convened for this general assembly of our junior membership. As might be expected, the Man of the Hour was Father nulik. In his keynote address he called upon the entire assembly to foster the Slovak language, to cherish the ideals of the Slovak nation and to preserve our ancient national heritage of faith and freedom under God. 18 Hailed throughout the country in Slovak circles and publicized by the Slovak press, Father nulik's program stimulated such interest that the supreme chaplain was invited to speak at a series of programs in various parts of the country. He travelled extensively and created interest �SLOVAKIA 77 everywhere in the common cause of our fraternal and national destiny as true sons of the land of our Slovak forefathers. 19 TREASURER OF THE SLOVAK CATHOLIC EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTE Slovak priests and laity, as a general rule, from the very beginning worked together in harmony in this country, and that included cooperation in cultural and national affairs. In the Slovak Catholic Educational Institute, for example, under the presidency of the genial Michael Bosak, Sr. the office of secretary was ably filled by the aggressive Joseph Husek, and the treasurer's post was entrusted to the highly respected Father i'.>ulik. This unusual trio did an excellent job of collecting a substantial sum of several hundred thousand dollars despite adverse economic conditions in the country. A nationwide appeal by Father f>ulik aroused the interest of his fellow Slovaks who contributed generously to the project of higher education. A number of American bishops not only endorsed the campaign in their dioceses but contributed financially, too.20 Michael Bosak's generosity and Father f>ulik's personality were a happy combination that won generous support among the clergy and laity. The Slovak press supported the campaign that enabled the Slovak Sisters of St. Cyril and Methodius to build a beautiful new Academy for girls in Danville, Pa. and the Slovak Benedictines to purchase a suitable site for their boys' Benedictine High School in Cleveland, Ohio. Father f>ulik in a brief span of time between two World Wars was a dynamic force in stimulating an active and vigorous interest in the preservation of the Slovak spirit and the enrichment of Slovak culture in America, as well as a tremendous growth of our Slovak fraternal organizations. A TRAGIC ENDING Father Joseph i'.>ulik's life came to a tragic end when he was drawned accidentally while on a routine fishing trip on the Delaware River on August 26, 1936. Although Father f>ulik's life was comparatively brief, �78 SLOVAKIA his highly concentrated energies were instrumental in successfully promoting the highest traditions of Slovak freedom, culture and faith that became intimately interwoven into a beautiful fabric of American Slovak life that bears the unique imprint of his indomitable character and skillful workmanship. Perhaps more than any single individual in the history of the Slovaks in America Father Dulik's influence brought out the primeval elements of our national Slovak Christian heritage, namely, an indestructible faith in God and His Church, an all consuming love of his Slovak brethren and a passionate aspiration for Slovak national freedom, as well as profound appreciation of the richness of our Slovak language, literature and culture. Translated by Andrew Pier, O.S.B. FOOTNOTES 1) "Rev. J. J. 1'.>ulik 20 rokov knazom" (Rev J . J. Dulik 20 years a priest). Slovak v Amerike, June 6, 1929, p. 2. 2) "Za krest'anske a autonomne Slovensko" (For a Christian and autonomous Slovakia). Jednota, November 26, 1919, p. 4. 3) "Uradna zprava schodze katolickych duchovnych a zastupcov kat. organizacil odbyvana dna 19. a 20. novembra 19-19 v Pittsburgh, Pa." ( Official report of the meeting of Catholic clergy and representatives of Catholic organizations on November 19 and 20, 1919 in Pittsburgh, Pa.), Jednota, December 3, 1919, p. 5. Signed by Father !>ullk and A. Pirhalla. 4) "Podrobnosti z konvencie Sdruzenia Slov. Katolikov" (From the report of the Convention of the Slovak Catholic Federation ), Jednota, November 24, 1919, p. 1. 5) "Vaznejsie uznesenia Sdruz. SI. Katolikov (More important proceedings of the Slovak Catholic Federation), Jednota, January 28, 1920, p. 1. 6) The complete text of the Memorandum in the Jednota of May 26, 1920, p. 5. Signatures of Fr. Jozef !>ulik, president, Fr. Stefan Kocis, secretary and Jozef Husek, member of the executive committee. 7) "Konvencia Sdruzenia Slovenskych Katolikov" (Convention of the Slovak Catholic Federation), Jednota, October 20, 1920, p. 1. Reports from the convention confirmed Fr. !>ulik's principle expressed when he was elected president: "I am not a friend of programmed speeches, or articles. I prefer to do more than I promise." "Sdruzenie Katolikov," Jednota, January 7, 1920, p. 1. Father Klemo Hrtanek was elected president in Chicago. 8) Quote: "The Slovak Catholic Federation today is in favor of autonomous Slovakia and it will continue to support Slovak autonomy �SLOVAKIA 79 until the flag of Slovak autonomy waves above the Tatras in the framework of the Czecho-Slovak Republic." ... Rev. G. K. Vaniscak, O.S.B., "Po konvencii Sdruzenia Slovenskych Katolikov" (After the Convention of the Slovak Catholic Federation), Jednota, October 20, 1920, p. 4. 9) "Rev. Moysovi, " Jednota, March 13, 1920, p. 4. 10) Report of his election in the Minutes of the 22nd Convention of the Jednota (First Catholic Slovak Union), p. 254. Data in the minutes about the presence and election of Msgr. Andrej ffiinka. 11 ) Minutes from the 23rd Convention of the First Catholic Slovak Union, p. 288. 12) Minutes from the 24th Convention of the Jednota, p . 540. 13) "40 rokov" (40 Years) , Jednota, May 20, 1931, p. 1. 14) Minutes from the 24th Convention of the First Catholic Slovak Union, p. 17. 15) Matter pertaining to a pro-Magyar Slovak priest, Rev. Dr. Jehli~ka, and his comrades in America. See Minutes from the 24th Conv ention of the First Catholic Slovak Union, pp. 20-21. 16) "40 rokov" (40 Years), Jednota, May 20, 1931, p. 1. 17) Compare the Minutes from the annual meeting of the executive committee of the F.C.S.U. (Jednota), 1932, p. 3 pertaining to Fr. f>ulik's complaints with Husek's editorial "S Bohom . .. do videnia" (Goodbye, until we meet again) in the February 3, 1932, issue of the Jednota weekly. 18) Sermon on July 16, 1928, in St. Patrick's Cathedral, Harrisburg, Pa. Compare the report on the first convention of the young membership (Junior Branch) in the July 18, 1928, p. 1 issue of the Jednota. Details are given in this report. 19) "Rev. Joseph J . Dulik," Jednota issue of May 23, 1934. Contemporary critics agreed that Fr. f>ulik was a good preacher and an eloquent speaker. 20) Bishops Philip McDevitt of Harrisburg, Pa., Joseph Schrembs of Cleveland, Ohio, and T. C. O'Reilly of Scranton, Pa. endorsed the campaign of the Slovak Catholic Educational Institute for their Slovak priests. Bishop O'Reilly donated $1,000 and Bishop Thomas Walsh of Trenton gave $250 to the campaign. At a meeting of the Slovaks in T11enton Bishop Walsh recommended that the young Slovaks ought to learn the Slovak language, a language that has been spoken and written for hundreds of years. See Jednota issue of April 11, 1928, p. 4. Bishop Schrembs wrote an official letter in behalf of the Slovak Catholic Educational Institute. See the Jednota issue of April 24, 1929, p.1. SOURCES Minutes of the 22nd, 23rd and 24th Convention of the Jednota, and Minutes of the annual meeting of the executive committee of the First Catholic Slovak Union for the following years: 1928 through 1932. Kalendar Jednota, Middletown, Pa., 1937, p. 91. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1974, Vol. 24 Description An account of the resource Vol. 24 (No. 47), 1974. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1974 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 67 Jozef Pa u co, Ph.D.: Slovak Pioneers Ln America REVEREND GREGORY VANISCAK, O.S.B. (JULY 24, 1884-JANUARY 15, 1938) Father Furdek's accomplishments in behalf of the Slovak people by organizing the two Jednotas and the Slovak League of America and Father Jankola's achievement of being the founder of the Religious Order of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius in Danville, Pa. were supplemented by Father Vaniscak's founding of the Slovak abbey of the Order of St. Benedict in Cleveland, Ohio. These three men constitute the most glorious trio of Slovak Catholic leaders in America. The future founder of the Slovak Benedictine Abbey of St. Andrew Svorad in Cleveland, Ohio, namely, Jan Vaniscak, came to the United States as a 16-year old youth from the village of Lemesany, saris district, Slovakia, to join his brother, Andrew, in the city of Johnstown, Pa. Three years later through the efforts of Rev. Jan Martvo:n, pastor of St. Stephen's Slovak parish there, and Father Matus Jankola, Jan Vaniscak was enrolled at St. Procopius Benedictine College in Lisle, Illinois. As a zealous student and a pious, warm-hearted youth he became a leader among the Slovak students at Lisle. Under his guidance and inspiration several of his colleagues became attracted to the Benedictine way of life and soon shared his vision of establishing a Slovak Benedictine monastery. Foremost among these were the following: Francis Gmuca, destined to become the first abbot of the future St. Andrew's Abbey, his name in the Benedictine Order was Stanislaus; Father George (Stephen) Luba, who became the first principal of the new Benedictine High School in 1927 at St. Andrew's Priory, East 51st Street and Superior Avenue; Father Celestine Drexler, who did pioneer pastoral work for the new community; Father Leo Rehak, pastor of St. Benedict's parish in Cleveland for many years; Father Ivan Kramoris, principal at Benedictine High School and editor of the zenska Jednota semi-monthly publication 68 SLOVAKIA for a number of years; Father Charles Florek, who succeeded Father Gregory as pastor of St. Michael's in Chicago. These were the charter members of the Abbey. Father Gregory (his name in the Religious Order of St. Benedict) Vaniscak was ordained on June 6, 1914, and offered up his first solemn Mass in St. Stephen's Church, Johnstown, Pa. on June 14, 1914. He was immediately appointed pastor of the large flourishing Slovak parish of St. Michael's in Chicago. During his pastorate of approximately 15 years Father Gregory built a new school, a convent for the school sisters and a parsonage. The parish soon became a leading Slovak religious, cultural and national center in the heart of South Chicago. While at St. Procopius College and Seminary Father Gregory established life-long friendship with the following future priests: Father Malinak, Msgr. Hrtanek, Msgr. Kocis, Father Krispinsky, Msgr. Begalla, Msgr. Hamrak, Father Barlok, Father Banik, Father Fecko, also with outstanding lay leaders, among them Adam Podkrivacky, Julius Badzik and Philip Hrobak. Father Gregory's dream of having a Slovak Benedictine monastery was realized when he was elected conventual prior of St. Andrew's Priory in Cleveland, Ohio in the fall of 1929. The ground had been laid for the new foundation in February of 1922 when a dependent priory was established at St. Andrew's parish, East 51st Street and Superior Avenue by Abbot Valentine Kohlbeck, 0. S. B. and the monastic Chapter at St. Procopius Abbey in Lisle, Illinois. Father Stanislaus Gmuca, O.S.B., assistant to Father Gregory at St. Michael's parish in Chicago, was appointed prior of the fledging community in Cleveland at St. Andrew's dependent priory. Moreover, in the fall of 1927 Father George Luba, the newly-appointed principal of the Benedictine High School, welcomed a Freshman class of 27 boys to the new school at the priory. Two years later both the priory and school were moved to the new site at 10510 Buckeye Road and East Boulevard. Rev. Paschal Kavulic, O.S.B. transferred to St. Andrew's Abbey from St. Vincent's Archabbey in the late 1920's. The new monastic nucleus added the following clerical candidates : Frs. Wendelin Kravec, Michael Jasko, Gilbert Stopko, Sylvester Prise and John Zeman, O.S.B. At this time, too, SLOVAKIA 69 the monastic community was increased by Brothers Method Tokarcik, Nicholas Pekar, Martin Seckar, Florian Halcin and Victor Repon, as well as by clerics at the beginning of the 1930's: Fratres Theodore Kojis, Daniel Novak, Joseph Bue, Stephen Sramek, Andrew Pier, Anthony Bachleda, Benedict Dobrancin, Paul Taracko. This was only the beginning of the fulfillment of Father Gregory's life-long dream, for he envisioned a college, a seminary and eventually a university. Although this rather grandiose dream was not to become a reality, nevertheless, the priory was elevated to the status of an abbey by the Holy See in 1934 and the 13-member chapter of St. Andrew's Priory (now with abbatial rank) was entitled to vote for its first abbot. Accordingly, on August 8, 1934, Father Stanislaus Gmuca, O.S.B. was elected. The many activities of Father Gregory exacted their toll and, as an inevitable consequence, his health began to fail noticeably after the election of the first abbot. Nevertheless, he accepted the position of pastor at St. Andrew's parish where he continued to fulfill his pastoral duties faithfully until he succumbed to a fatal heart attack on January 15, 1938. Thus at the age of 53 the life of an inspiring Slovak Benedictine monk came to a sudden end. Father Gregory's writings remain as an immortal legacy of his cultural and religious endeavors, namely, the many articles in the Ave Maria magazine which he edited for several years, his translation of the Holy Rule of St. Benedict and a brief life history of the Patriarch of the West, his Holy Name Manuel, the Way of the Cross, a Catechism and his Slovak grammar, and many articles that appeared in Slovak periodicals throughout the country. During World War I Father Gregory was in the forefront of the struggle for the liberation of the Slovak nation from Magyar rule. When the Slovaks joined the Czechs in forming Czecho-Slovakia, he refused to accept a medal from the new state because the government in Prague failed to live up to the promise of self-government in Slovakia. Michael Bosak, Sr., a leading American Slovak banker and patriot and intimate friend of Father Gregory's, also refused the proffered honor for meritorious service in behalf of the liberation of the Slovaks from foreign rule. 70 SLOVAKIA Slovaks everywhere mourned the death of Father Gregory Vaniscak, a foremost Slovak Benedictine in America, the founder of St. Andrew Svorad Abbey in Cleveland, an indefatigable worker, a zealous priest, a great Slovak patriot and a faithful servant of the Lord in His wineyard who labored perseveringly until the end for God, our Country and the Slovak nation under God. SOURCES Slovenske relwle v Amerike (Slovak Religious Orders in America), Fr. Hrusovsky, Ph.D., Slovak Institute, Cleveland, Ohio, 1955. Dve sviite hodiny (Two Holy Hours ), Jednota, February 2, 1938 by Rev. Paschal Kavulic, O.S.B. Slovensky samostatny priorcit (The Slovak Independent Priory), Jednota kalendar, 1931, by Rev. Gregor K.Vaniscak, O.S.B. Rehor K. Vanisccik, O.S.B. (Tribute in the Jednota kalendar, 1931). Several eye-witnesses of the events recorded, also first-hand account of all Benedictine personalities mentioned from persons who knew them personally. FATHER JOSEPH J. DUL1K (SEPTEMBER 10, 1884-AUGUST 26, 1936) As I look over the list of accomplishments of our Slovak pioneer priests, I invariably say to myself: "All deserved to be honored highly for innumerable religious and cultural contributions. But not one of them received due recognition for a lifetime of devoted service and noble endeavor in behalf of our Slovak people." Father f>ulik was one of the most deserving leaders among our Slovak clergy. In a comparatively brief span of life, Father :t.>ulik as a priest accomplished extraordinary services for the Slovak immigrants. An ideal priest, he labored indefatigably with true apostolic zeal for the cause of Christ. He was a veritable lighthouse of faith. His widespread influence among Slovak Catholic organizations inspired them to foster the highest ideals of our national, religious and cultural traditions and yet he vanished from the scene of American Slovak life virtually unknown, except among his own compatriots. A SERVANT OF GOD Father Joseph :t.>ulik was born in Rovne, Trencin district, Slovakia, on September 10, 1884. His parents were Jan and Katarina f>ulik (nee Podkrivacky). After completing his SLOVAKIA 71 college education in Bratislava, zilina and Nitra he emigrated to the United States in 1904. He was enrolled in the diocesan seminary in Brooklyn, N. Y. where he was ordained five years later, on May 9, 1909. The new priest's first appointment was in an Irish parish, but he was soon given the assignment of organizing the Slovak parish of the Holy Family. In a short while he built a church and a rectory. Here he remained until November 12, 1912, when he was called to St. Michael's parish in Jessup, Pa. Before being transferred on March 1, 1916, to the Holy Ghost Slovak parish in Olyphant, Pa. he built a new school. Father t.>ulik was destined to remain in Olyphant until his untimely death twenty years later. Father !:>ulik's pastorate in Olyphant was marked by the building of a new church, a rectory and a Slovak cultural center-the latter in the renovated old church edifice. The parish under his inspiring leadership became the focal point of Slovak national and cultural activity in the entire area. Olyphant's Slovak community had complete confidence in Father f>ulik who devoted himself wholeheartedly to the spiritual, social and cultural welfare of his people. But his influence soon extended far beyond the confines of his parish, for he became involved in an extensive Slovak Catholic program that affected the destiny of the Slovak nation in America and in its native homeland. Moreover, he promoted a healthy ecumenical spirit in his personal intimate relationship with the Slovaks of the Lutheran faith. 1 A PILLAR IN THE SLOVAK CATHOLIC FEDERATION OF AMERICA At a critical time when it was necessary to maintain a proper perspective of the situation, it was Father t.>ulik's prudent leadership, honest convictions and genuine love for his people that brought him into national focus as a truly great leader in American Slovak life. After the first World War it was his role to win the Slovak Catholics to a pro-Hlinka outlook. In order to mitivate them in this direction Father t.>ulik made a decisive break with a number of organizations that did not share his views. As president of the Slovak Catholic Federation 72 SLOVAKIA he wrote a distinct chapter in the history of the Slovak nation, particularly as it affected his co-religionists. Even before his election as president of the federation, Father t'.>ulik had made his mark in Slovak national life. Had it not been for his initiative and the cooperation of Father Jan Kubasek (Yonkers, N. Y.) in 1919 the American Slovaks might have become sorely disunited. Under the auspices of the Slovak Catholic Federation, Father Anton Gracik was sent to Slovakia to invite a delegation of the Slovak People's Party (led by Andrej Hlinka) for a visit to America. The need for an exchange of views and united action in behalf of Slovak autonomy was a vital necessity because at a decisive stage of the Slovak nation's struggle for freedom the Slovak League of America, for lack of proper leadership, had lost its course and the mass of the American Slovaks was in a quandary. Soon after the coming of the Slovak delegation from overseas the matter was cleared up and the American Slovaks were again marching in the right direction. Father Joseph Rudinsky, a delegate of the Slovak People's Party, convinced the officers of the Slovak Catholic Federation to call a meeting of Slovak clergy and officers of all the Slovak societies in Pittsburgh, Pa. on November 19 and 20, 1919. Father t'.>ulik presided at the priests' meeting on November 19 and it was unanimously decided to support the program for Slovakia's autonomy in the frame-work of the newly-established Republic of CzechoSlovakia.2 The Slovak press throughout America hailed the announcement that was approved the following day by representatives of the various Slovak societies. At the above conference a proposal by Father i'.>ulik that a demand for the immediate release of Father Andrej Hlinka from prison be addressed to President Masaryk and that autonomy be put into effect in Slovakia ( an official paragraph in the Paris Peace Treaty) was adopted unanimously. 3 These measures were adopted at the convention of the Sdruzenie Slovenskych Katolikov ( Slovak Catholic Federation) on December 18, 1919, in Scranton, Pa. and Father t'.>ulik was elected president.4 On January 14, 1920, Father i'.>ulik called an executive meeting of the federation which voted 100,000 crowns to Andrej Hlinka, decided to issue a commemorative stamp SLOVAKIA 73 in his honor and added a sum of $5,000 for Catholic action in Slovakia. Father Joseph Rudinsky, and Joseph Kubala, the two delegates from Slovakia, were assured that the federation was completely in accord with the Hlinka movement for autonomy, and, as if to confirm this policy, they were named to the positions of organizer and assistant secretary of the Slovak Catholic Federation.5 Under Father !>ulik's leadership a nationwide newspaper campaign was inaugurated to demand the acceptance and ratification of the Pittsburgh Pact in Czecho-Slovakia. The Memorandum adopted by the central executive committee of the federation on April 7, 1920, was sent to the Slovak leaders in Slovakia. An outline of the reasons for insisting that the Pittsburgh Pact be adopted officially by the new government of Czecho-Slovakia was attached to the Memorandum that called attention to the fact that President Masaryk had personally signed the document guaranteeing Slovak autonomy. Moreover, a supplementary denial of any agreement with irridentist Magyar elements accompanied the Memorandum. Father !>ulik's signature to the document proved beyond a doubt that he was a dedicated patriot of the Slovak nation.6 Twenty thousand members in 189 assemblies throughout the United States were enrolled as members in less than a year before the Slovak Catholic Federation held its convention on October 13 and 14 in Chicago in 1920.7 Demands for Slovakia's autonomy were reiterated at t his convention in Chicago.8 Father f>ulik, spokesman for t he delegates representing the majority of the Slovaks in America, declared that failure to grant autonomy to the Slovak nation would make President Masaryk and his cohorts a laughing-stock before the whole world. 9 SUPREME CHAPLAIN OF THE FIRST CATHOLIC SLOVAK UNION (JEDNOTA) Outstanding personalities in the early pioneer days built First Catholic Slovak Union on strong foundations . Father !>ulik was one of the foremost leaders of the era, closely behind in influence to Fathers Furdek and Jankola. As the last of the remarkable trio in the first quarter of 74 SLOVAKIA the 20th century, his was a highly influential career in both our national and fraternal life as one of our greatest Jednota leaders who served the society and our common cause with distinction and honor until the end of his life. Jednota's 22nd national convention in Scranton, Pa. in 1926 saw the emergence of a new set of leaders, among them John Sabol who was destined to serve as supreme secretary for four decades. Andrej Hlinka was the guest of honor at this convention that elected him as Jednota's honorary supreme chaplain for life. It was a great moment for the Slovaks in America, and for Slovaks everywhere. The great champion of Slovak liberty was given a standing ovation after a special proclamation, expressing gratitude to him for his sacrifices in behalf of the Slovak nation, was read, and assurances were given that the Jednota stood behind him 100 % in the struggle to win Slovak national freedom and self-governing statehood according to the Pittsburgh Pact. At the same convention the Jednota delegates elected Father t:>ulik as the supreme chaplain, as if to place him alongside Hlinka upon whom they had conferred the honorary title of chaplain for life. 10 Recognized as a veritable golden link between the old and young, Father Dulik was re-elected at the New York convention in 1928 11 and again at the Detroit convention in 1931.12 Much more can be said of Father Dulik than merely to note that he had been elected and re-elected as supreme chaplain several times. His influence in both the Jednota and the Slovak Catholic Federation left an indelible mark on both organizations in which his official priestly office and dignity, moral power and love of the Slovak nation and American patriotism proved to be unmistakably great assets for unquestioned leadership in his time. At a critical stage in the history of the Slovaks in America whose influence was felt in their native homeland across the Atlantic, when it was somewhat popular to downgrade the Church and religion in general, the Jednota was the bulwark of the Faith of our Fathers. When Magyar chauvinists stopped at nothing to destroy the Slovak national spirit, it was the Jednota that provided the resources and the power to withstand the assaults of these foes of SLOVAKIA 75 Slovak freedom, foes who unfortunately sometimes found recruits for their ranks among ambitious or naive Slovaks themselves! Jednota leaders were not content to merely maintam a defensive position. They launched an effective offensive to rout the enemy and establish the natural right of the Slovak nation to its own democratic self-government in line with the Wilsonian principle of 'self-determinatio n for all nations.' Historically, it must be registered that the Jednota, from the highest officer to the last member, met the challenge of both the ancient and modern foes of Slovak freedom and helped immeasurably to liberate the Slovaks from Magyar rule in Hungary.13 Moral values for Father nulik rated an A-1 priority. Thus, the Jednota for him was a vital factor in Catholic action, and, thank God, under the truly Christian-inspired leadership of such leaders as Father Dulik the Jednota can rightfully and proudly claim that its policies have been guided by spiritual motives rather than material interests that are too often motivated by mere expediency. "Unique is the proper world to describe the total achievements of the Jednota, for it is undoubtedly great to have an organization with many thousands of members, to have a rich treasury, to have order and discipline, all of which have to a greater or less extent, as a matter of fact, but it is a far greater asset to cherish and foster our ancient Christian faith and traditions and to excel in moral virtue that contributed far more to our society in America than mere material wealth. I re-affirm unequivocally that the millions we have given out in benefits and that we shall distribute in the future cannot equal in value the spiritual benefits that have accrued to our members, Slovak nation and America directly as fruits of Jednota leadership in the past decades." 14 Father Dulik was fully aware of the vita! role of the Jednota, but he realized, too, that its work ultimately depended upon human beings. He always gave his full support, therefore, to his colleagues. His friendship with Joseph Husek, a noted journalist, was particularly strong and effective among the American Slovaks. These two complemented each other in the struggle for unity among 76 SLOVAKIA American Slovaks. This was an important and decisive factor when a number of Slovak priests organized opposition to Rusek. Father Dulik did not hesitate to side with his friend against a number of clerical opponents who attacked Rusek on the question of Slovak national freedom. 15 Husek's talents as editor Father nulik rightfully assessed and appreciated. Moreover, he did not doubt his sincerity, for he regarded Rusek as a true successor of Stefan Furdek in whose footsteps he followed to work in the true interests of the Jednota and the Slovak people. 16 Father nulik, unfortunately, became a victim of circumstances that seem to have plagued all of our great Slovak figures of the time. He suddenly lost his popularity at the very height of his brilliant career. A background to this ironical development is found in the minutes of the First Catholic Slovak Union. There we find a long list of intrigues and prejudices levelled against his person, as he himself outlined before his resignation at the annual executive meeting in 1933.17 Suddenly and unexpectedly a forceful personality was removed from the ranks of the Jednota. Father nulik's vision and dynamic energy were lost with his departure from the office of supreme chaplain. IN RETROSPECT: THE 1928 CONVENTION One of Father Dulik's proposals at the executive meeting in 1928, namely, to have a junior membership convention was immediately endorsed and the first such meeting was held at the Jednota Home in Middletown, Pa. in the summer of that very same year. A total of 170 delegates and more than 2,000 guests convened for this general assembly of our junior membership. As might be expected, the Man of the Hour was Father nulik. In his keynote address he called upon the entire assembly to foster the Slovak language, to cherish the ideals of the Slovak nation and to preserve our ancient national heritage of faith and freedom under God. 18 Hailed throughout the country in Slovak circles and publicized by the Slovak press, Father nulik's program stimulated such interest that the supreme chaplain was invited to speak at a series of programs in various parts of the country. He travelled extensively and created interest SLOVAKIA 77 everywhere in the common cause of our fraternal and national destiny as true sons of the land of our Slovak forefathers. 19 TREASURER OF THE SLOVAK CATHOLIC EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTE Slovak priests and laity, as a general rule, from the very beginning worked together in harmony in this country, and that included cooperation in cultural and national affairs. In the Slovak Catholic Educational Institute, for example, under the presidency of the genial Michael Bosak, Sr. the office of secretary was ably filled by the aggressive Joseph Husek, and the treasurer's post was entrusted to the highly respected Father i'.>ulik. This unusual trio did an excellent job of collecting a substantial sum of several hundred thousand dollars despite adverse economic conditions in the country. A nationwide appeal by Father f>ulik aroused the interest of his fellow Slovaks who contributed generously to the project of higher education. A number of American bishops not only endorsed the campaign in their dioceses but contributed financially, too.20 Michael Bosak's generosity and Father f>ulik's personality were a happy combination that won generous support among the clergy and laity. The Slovak press supported the campaign that enabled the Slovak Sisters of St. Cyril and Methodius to build a beautiful new Academy for girls in Danville, Pa. and the Slovak Benedictines to purchase a suitable site for their boys' Benedictine High School in Cleveland, Ohio. Father f>ulik in a brief span of time between two World Wars was a dynamic force in stimulating an active and vigorous interest in the preservation of the Slovak spirit and the enrichment of Slovak culture in America, as well as a tremendous growth of our Slovak fraternal organizations. A TRAGIC ENDING Father Joseph i'.>ulik's life came to a tragic end when he was drawned accidentally while on a routine fishing trip on the Delaware River on August 26, 1936. Although Father f>ulik's life was comparatively brief, 78 SLOVAKIA his highly concentrated energies were instrumental in successfully promoting the highest traditions of Slovak freedom, culture and faith that became intimately interwoven into a beautiful fabric of American Slovak life that bears the unique imprint of his indomitable character and skillful workmanship. Perhaps more than any single individual in the history of the Slovaks in America Father Dulik's influence brought out the primeval elements of our national Slovak Christian heritage, namely, an indestructible faith in God and His Church, an all consuming love of his Slovak brethren and a passionate aspiration for Slovak national freedom, as well as profound appreciation of the richness of our Slovak language, literature and culture. Translated by Andrew Pier, O.S.B. FOOTNOTES 1) "Rev. J. J. 1'.>ulik 20 rokov knazom" (Rev J . J. Dulik 20 years a priest). Slovak v Amerike, June 6, 1929, p. 2. 2) "Za krest'anske a autonomne Slovensko" (For a Christian and autonomous Slovakia). Jednota, November 26, 1919, p. 4. 3) "Uradna zprava schodze katolickych duchovnych a zastupcov kat. organizacil odbyvana dna 19. a 20. novembra 19-19 v Pittsburgh, Pa." ( Official report of the meeting of Catholic clergy and representatives of Catholic organizations on November 19 and 20, 1919 in Pittsburgh, Pa.), Jednota, December 3, 1919, p. 5. Signed by Father !>ullk and A. Pirhalla. 4) "Podrobnosti z konvencie Sdruzenia Slov. Katolikov" (From the report of the Convention of the Slovak Catholic Federation ), Jednota, November 24, 1919, p. 1. 5) "Vaznejsie uznesenia Sdruz. SI. Katolikov (More important proceedings of the Slovak Catholic Federation), Jednota, January 28, 1920, p. 1. 6) The complete text of the Memorandum in the Jednota of May 26, 1920, p. 5. Signatures of Fr. Jozef !>ulik, president, Fr. Stefan Kocis, secretary and Jozef Husek, member of the executive committee. 7) "Konvencia Sdruzenia Slovenskych Katolikov" (Convention of the Slovak Catholic Federation), Jednota, October 20, 1920, p. 1. Reports from the convention confirmed Fr. !>ulik's principle expressed when he was elected president: "I am not a friend of programmed speeches, or articles. I prefer to do more than I promise." "Sdruzenie Katolikov," Jednota, January 7, 1920, p. 1. Father Klemo Hrtanek was elected president in Chicago. 8) Quote: "The Slovak Catholic Federation today is in favor of autonomous Slovakia and it will continue to support Slovak autonomy SLOVAKIA 79 until the flag of Slovak autonomy waves above the Tatras in the framework of the Czecho-Slovak Republic." ... Rev. G. K. Vaniscak, O.S.B., "Po konvencii Sdruzenia Slovenskych Katolikov" (After the Convention of the Slovak Catholic Federation), Jednota, October 20, 1920, p. 4. 9) "Rev. Moysovi, " Jednota, March 13, 1920, p. 4. 10) Report of his election in the Minutes of the 22nd Convention of the Jednota (First Catholic Slovak Union), p. 254. Data in the minutes about the presence and election of Msgr. Andrej ffiinka. 11 ) Minutes from the 23rd Convention of the First Catholic Slovak Union, p. 288. 12) Minutes from the 24th Convention of the Jednota, p . 540. 13) "40 rokov" (40 Years) , Jednota, May 20, 1931, p. 1. 14) Minutes from the 24th Convention of the First Catholic Slovak Union, p. 17. 15) Matter pertaining to a pro-Magyar Slovak priest, Rev. Dr. Jehli~ka, and his comrades in America. See Minutes from the 24th Conv ention of the First Catholic Slovak Union, pp. 20-21. 16) "40 rokov" (40 Years), Jednota, May 20, 1931, p. 1. 17) Compare the Minutes from the annual meeting of the executive committee of the F.C.S.U. (Jednota), 1932, p. 3 pertaining to Fr. f>ulik's complaints with Husek's editorial "S Bohom . .. do videnia" (Goodbye, until we meet again) in the February 3, 1932, issue of the Jednota weekly. 18) Sermon on July 16, 1928, in St. Patrick's Cathedral, Harrisburg, Pa. Compare the report on the first convention of the young membership (Junior Branch) in the July 18, 1928, p. 1 issue of the Jednota. Details are given in this report. 19) "Rev. Joseph J . Dulik," Jednota issue of May 23, 1934. Contemporary critics agreed that Fr. f>ulik was a good preacher and an eloquent speaker. 20) Bishops Philip McDevitt of Harrisburg, Pa., Joseph Schrembs of Cleveland, Ohio, and T. C. O'Reilly of Scranton, Pa. endorsed the campaign of the Slovak Catholic Educational Institute for their Slovak priests. Bishop O'Reilly donated $1,000 and Bishop Thomas Walsh of Trenton gave $250 to the campaign. At a meeting of the Slovaks in T11enton Bishop Walsh recommended that the young Slovaks ought to learn the Slovak language, a language that has been spoken and written for hundreds of years. See Jednota issue of April 11, 1928, p. 4. Bishop Schrembs wrote an official letter in behalf of the Slovak Catholic Educational Institute. See the Jednota issue of April 24, 1929, p.1. SOURCES Minutes of the 22nd, 23rd and 24th Convention of the Jednota, and Minutes of the annual meeting of the executive committee of the First Catholic Slovak Union for the following years: 1928 through 1932. Kalendar Jednota, Middletown, Pa., 1937, p. 91.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovak Pioneers in America: Reverend Gregory Vaniščák, O.S.B. Description An account of the resource Jozef Paučo, Ph.D. Slovakia, Vol. 24 (No. 47), 1974 pp. 67-79 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Paučo, Jozef, 1914-1975 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1974 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/348c9e368340f6a63da731e0014e654c.pdf c537df93b1f349f71cf242f6784c9fe6 PDF Text Text 158 SLOVAKIA Slovak Scientist Stefan A. Jedhk, O.S.B. (JANUARY 11, 1800 - DECEMBER 12, 1895 ) Slovakia's noted physicist, Stefan A. Jedlik, Order of Saint Benedict, almost spanned the nineteenth century in his lifetime. A native of Zemne, Nove Zamky district in southern Slovakia, the Benedictine scientist patented a total of seventy-eight ( 78) inventions, the most notable being an electro-rotary machine, an electro-motor, a dynamo and a lightning-rod. The talented youth studied at Trnava, Bratislava and Budapest. He excelled not only in Philosophy and Theology but also in Mathematics and History. At the age of 22 he earned his doctorate in Physics and began his long and distinguished career in teaching and scientific experimentation as a member of the Benedictines. After teaching six years at the Benedictine Junior College in the town of Rab, he was assigned to the Royal Academy in Bratislava to teach mathematics, Physics and natural science until 1840 when he was sent to the University of Budapest to be a professor in the Physics department. Here he remained for more than a half century until his death close to the end of the century whose dawning he missed by some ten days, and whose closing he missed by 5 years. At the University of Budapest the renowned teacher of Physics met his life-long friend and associate, Dr. Jozef Pecval, a fellow Slovak professor of Physics who was destined to make notable contributions to photography. The two Slovak scientists collaborated in several projects and succeeded in developing a microscope for industrial tLSe and perfected a process and machine for the manufacture of high grade optical instruments. As a matter of historical record, Jedlik produced a dynamo and secured patent rights in 1861 , fully a half dozen years before Werner Siemens, for some mysterious reason was credited with the discovery of the dynamo in the year 1867. This strange event, incidentally, was the forerunner of what happened in the case of Father Murgas �SLOVAKIA 159 of Wilkes-Barre, Pa. The Slovak priest-pioneer in wireless telegraphy successfully transmitted a message from WilkesBarre to Scranton, Pa. (a distance of ten miles) in 1905 and secured patent rights to his invention in Washington, D. C. Nevertheless, he lost out to Marconi who perfected the device several years later and has been considered as the sole inventor of the Radio. Such is the irony of human history that somehow the scientific world is reluctant to acknowledge more than one individual in the final choice of a candidate for fame and immortality. Objective research, however, leaves no doubt of the real facts in either case. In our books both Jedlik and Murgas are indelibly registered forever as co-inventors of the dynamo and radio respectively in the 19th and 20th century. So far , we Slovaks claim the following immortals in science : 1 ) stefan A. Jedlik, 2) Jozef M. Pecval, 3) I van B. Zoch, another famous physicist, 4) Jozef Murgas, 5) General Milan R. Stefanik, renowned astronomer, 6) Aurelius Stodola, turbine expert in Switzerland, 7) Stefan Bani<\ inventor of the parachute in Greenville, Pa. in 1914. As a supplement we might add that Jedlik foresaw the splitting of the atom a hundred years ahead of his time, for in his writings he declares that by use of electrical power and pressure the atom could be smashed and become a source of tremendous energy. When the job was finally done during World War II, it opened the door for the production of the first atomic bomb. Jedlik's experiments were performed in his small · apartment because the university authorities would not permit him to conduct experiments in the school's laboratories along the lines he wished and according to his standards. Some saw in the ban a clear-cut case of Magyar chauvinism, others were prompted to discourage his widescale experimentation because of potential danger of an explosion of great magnitude, if his "wild" theories would succeed. If it was the fear of possible consequences, we cannot blame his superiors. Yet, in view of the ultimate outcome of atomic development along the same lines, who knows but that the genial Slovak Benedictine monastic genius might have been the first to split the atom, and harnessed unbelievable power for peaceful and not warlike uses. �160 SLOVAKIA Our claims for Slovak scientists are not arbitrary. They rest solidly on facts, and hence we feel that future historians must re-adjust these facts and harmonize them with the proper identities. Otherwise, history, too often dismissed as prejudicial will continue to repeat a chapter of fiction and pass it off as fact when the true record of two of our foremost Slovak scientists remains obscure, and if not altogether unknown, at least unpublicized and unknown by the general public. In the interest of truth the proper labels must at last be attached and inscribed posthumously to honor our fellow Slovak countrymen in a genuine hall of fame. A. V. Pier, 0. S. B . SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA - supports freedom and independence of Slovakia; promotes a better understanding and appreciation of the Slovak nation, its history, culture, traditions, and desires ; makes America better known to Slovakia and Slovakia better known to America in the interest of world peace, freedom and security; has a scholarship program for college and university students ; promotes cooperation among all American-Slovak organizations and publications for the promulgations of Slovak ethnic heritage. is a charter member of the Slovak World Congress. Life membership: $100.00 For further information, write to: Slovak League of America 313 Ridge Avenue Middletown, Pa. 17057 � 158 SLOVAKIA Slovak Scientist Stefan A. Jedhk, O.S.B. (JANUARY 11, 1800 - DECEMBER 12, 1895 ) Slovakia's noted physicist, Stefan A. Jedlik, Order of Saint Benedict, almost spanned the nineteenth century in his lifetime. A native of Zemne, Nove Zamky district in southern Slovakia, the Benedictine scientist patented a total of seventy-eight ( 78) inventions, the most notable being an electro-rotary machine, an electro-motor, a dynamo and a lightning-rod. The talented youth studied at Trnava, Bratislava and Budapest. He excelled not only in Philosophy and Theology but also in Mathematics and History. At the age of 22 he earned his doctorate in Physics and began his long and distinguished career in teaching and scientific experimentation as a member of the Benedictines. After teaching six years at the Benedictine Junior College in the town of Rab, he was assigned to the Royal Academy in Bratislava to teach mathematics, Physics and natural science until 1840 when he was sent to the University of Budapest to be a professor in the Physics department. Here he remained for more than a half century until his death close to the end of the century whose dawning he missed by some ten days, and whose closing he missed by 5 years. At the University of Budapest the renowned teacher of Physics met his life-long friend and associate, Dr. Jozef Pecval, a fellow Slovak professor of Physics who was destined to make notable contributions to photography. The two Slovak scientists collaborated in several projects and succeeded in developing a microscope for industrial tLSe and perfected a process and machine for the manufacture of high grade optical instruments. As a matter of historical record, Jedlik produced a dynamo and secured patent rights in 1861 , fully a half dozen years before Werner Siemens, for some mysterious reason was credited with the discovery of the dynamo in the year 1867. This strange event, incidentally, was the forerunner of what happened in the case of Father Murgas �SLOVAKIA 159 of Wilkes-Barre, Pa. The Slovak priest-pioneer in wireless telegraphy successfully transmitted a message from WilkesBarre to Scranton, Pa. (a distance of ten miles) in 1905 and secured patent rights to his invention in Washington, D. C. Nevertheless, he lost out to Marconi who perfected the device several years later and has been considered as the sole inventor of the Radio. Such is the irony of human history that somehow the scientific world is reluctant to acknowledge more than one individual in the final choice of a candidate for fame and immortality. Objective research, however, leaves no doubt of the real facts in either case. In our books both Jedlik and Murgas are indelibly registered forever as co-inventors of the dynamo and radio respectively in the 19th and 20th century. So far , we Slovaks claim the following immortals in science : 1 ) stefan A. Jedlik, 2) Jozef M. Pecval, 3) I van B. Zoch, another famous physicist, 4) Jozef Murgas, 5) General Milan R. Stefanik, renowned astronomer, 6) Aurelius Stodola, turbine expert in Switzerland, 7) Stefan Bani<\ inventor of the parachute in Greenville, Pa. in 1914. As a supplement we might add that Jedlik foresaw the splitting of the atom a hundred years ahead of his time, for in his writings he declares that by use of electrical power and pressure the atom could be smashed and become a source of tremendous energy. When the job was finally done during World War II, it opened the door for the production of the first atomic bomb. Jedlik's experiments were performed in his small · apartment because the university authorities would not permit him to conduct experiments in the school's laboratories along the lines he wished and according to his standards. Some saw in the ban a clear-cut case of Magyar chauvinism, others were prompted to discourage his widescale experimentation because of potential danger of an explosion of great magnitude, if his "wild" theories would succeed. If it was the fear of possible consequences, we cannot blame his superiors. Yet, in view of the ultimate outcome of atomic development along the same lines, who knows but that the genial Slovak Benedictine monastic genius might have been the first to split the atom, and harnessed unbelievable power for peaceful and not warlike uses. �160 SLOVAKIA Our claims for Slovak scientists are not arbitrary. They rest solidly on facts, and hence we feel that future historians must re-adjust these facts and harmonize them with the proper identities. Otherwise, history, too often dismissed as prejudicial will continue to repeat a chapter of fiction and pass it off as fact when the true record of two of our foremost Slovak scientists remains obscure, and if not altogether unknown, at least unpublicized and unknown by the general public. In the interest of truth the proper labels must at last be attached and inscribed posthumously to honor our fellow Slovak countrymen in a genuine hall of fame. A. V. Pier, 0. S. B . SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA - supports freedom and independence of Slovakia; promotes a better understanding and appreciation of the Slovak nation, its history, culture, traditions, and desires ; makes America better known to Slovakia and Slovakia better known to America in the interest of world peace, freedom and security; has a scholarship program for college and university students ; promotes cooperation among all American-Slovak organizations and publications for the promulgations of Slovak ethnic heritage. is a charter member of the Slovak World Congress. Life membership: $100.00 For further information, write to: Slovak League of America 313 Ridge Avenue Middletown, Pa. 17057 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1972, Vol. 22 Description An account of the resource Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1972 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 158 SLOVAKIA Slovak Scientist Stefan A. Jedhk, O.S.B. (JANUARY 11, 1800 - DECEMBER 12, 1895 ) Slovakia's noted physicist, Stefan A. Jedlik, Order of Saint Benedict, almost spanned the nineteenth century in his lifetime. A native of Zemne, Nove Zamky district in southern Slovakia, the Benedictine scientist patented a total of seventy-eight ( 78) inventions, the most notable being an electro-rotary machine, an electro-motor, a dynamo and a lightning-rod. The talented youth studied at Trnava, Bratislava and Budapest. He excelled not only in Philosophy and Theology but also in Mathematics and History. At the age of 22 he earned his doctorate in Physics and began his long and distinguished career in teaching and scientific experimentation as a member of the Benedictines. After teaching six years at the Benedictine Junior College in the town of Rab, he was assigned to the Royal Academy in Bratislava to teach mathematics, Physics and natural science until 1840 when he was sent to the University of Budapest to be a professor in the Physics department. Here he remained for more than a half century until his death close to the end of the century whose dawning he missed by some ten days, and whose closing he missed by 5 years. At the University of Budapest the renowned teacher of Physics met his life-long friend and associate, Dr. Jozef Pecval, a fellow Slovak professor of Physics who was destined to make notable contributions to photography. The two Slovak scientists collaborated in several projects and succeeded in developing a microscope for industrial tLSe and perfected a process and machine for the manufacture of high grade optical instruments. As a matter of historical record, Jedlik produced a dynamo and secured patent rights in 1861 , fully a half dozen years before Werner Siemens, for some mysterious reason was credited with the discovery of the dynamo in the year 1867. This strange event, incidentally, was the forerunner of what happened in the case of Father Murgas SLOVAKIA 159 of Wilkes-Barre, Pa. The Slovak priest-pioneer in wireless telegraphy successfully transmitted a message from WilkesBarre to Scranton, Pa. (a distance of ten miles) in 1905 and secured patent rights to his invention in Washington, D. C. Nevertheless, he lost out to Marconi who perfected the device several years later and has been considered as the sole inventor of the Radio. Such is the irony of human history that somehow the scientific world is reluctant to acknowledge more than one individual in the final choice of a candidate for fame and immortality. Objective research, however, leaves no doubt of the real facts in either case. In our books both Jedlik and Murgas are indelibly registered forever as co-inventors of the dynamo and radio respectively in the 19th and 20th century. So far , we Slovaks claim the following immortals in science : 1 ) stefan A. Jedlik, 2) Jozef M. Pecval, 3) I van B. Zoch, another famous physicist, 4) Jozef Murgas, 5) General Milan R. Stefanik, renowned astronomer, 6) Aurelius Stodola, turbine expert in Switzerland, 7) Stefan Bani<\ inventor of the parachute in Greenville, Pa. in 1914. As a supplement we might add that Jedlik foresaw the splitting of the atom a hundred years ahead of his time, for in his writings he declares that by use of electrical power and pressure the atom could be smashed and become a source of tremendous energy. When the job was finally done during World War II, it opened the door for the production of the first atomic bomb. Jedlik's experiments were performed in his small · apartment because the university authorities would not permit him to conduct experiments in the school's laboratories along the lines he wished and according to his standards. Some saw in the ban a clear-cut case of Magyar chauvinism, others were prompted to discourage his widescale experimentation because of potential danger of an explosion of great magnitude, if his "wild" theories would succeed. If it was the fear of possible consequences, we cannot blame his superiors. Yet, in view of the ultimate outcome of atomic development along the same lines, who knows but that the genial Slovak Benedictine monastic genius might have been the first to split the atom, and harnessed unbelievable power for peaceful and not warlike uses. 160 SLOVAKIA Our claims for Slovak scientists are not arbitrary. They rest solidly on facts, and hence we feel that future historians must re-adjust these facts and harmonize them with the proper identities. Otherwise, history, too often dismissed as prejudicial will continue to repeat a chapter of fiction and pass it off as fact when the true record of two of our foremost Slovak scientists remains obscure, and if not altogether unknown, at least unpublicized and unknown by the general public. In the interest of truth the proper labels must at last be attached and inscribed posthumously to honor our fellow Slovak countrymen in a genuine hall of fame. A. V. Pier, 0. S. B . SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA - supports freedom and independence of Slovakia; promotes a better understanding and appreciation of the Slovak nation, its history, culture, traditions, and desires ; makes America better known to Slovakia and Slovakia better known to America in the interest of world peace, freedom and security; has a scholarship program for college and university students ; promotes cooperation among all American-Slovak organizations and publications for the promulgations of Slovak ethnic heritage. is a charter member of the Slovak World Congress. Life membership: $100.00 For further information, write to: Slovak League of America 313 Ridge Avenue Middletown, Pa. 17057  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovak Scientist Štefan A. Jedlík, O.S.B. Description An account of the resource A. V. Pier Slovakia, Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972 pp. 158-160 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Pier, Andrew W., 1910-2003 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1972 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/5c313bfa13cf9069d823447544071007.pdf 71baa88f67621894f9b45c50dc7e2861 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 177 SLOVAK SOM JA Stephen John Knoblock This is not going to be a composition about our great patrons Saint Cyril and Methodius, nor about the first President the Slovaks had, Dr. Joseph Tiso. I will not write about the founder of the Sisters of Saint Cyril and Methodius, Father Matthew Jankola or of any other great Slovak leader about whom I have only read. Instead I will write about my great-grandparent s who were born in Slovakia and journeyed to this country at the turn of the century. I will tell about their strong love of God, traditions, and the variety of songs which they brought with them, along with stories I have heard from them and my parents. All their traditions today are an integral part of my life. The people of central, southern, and eastern Europe constantly looked toward the United States as a haven free from social injustice, economic serfdom and the threat of national liquidation. The Slovak was no exception. Harassed at home, subject to the insidious pressures of Magyarization, which sought to deprive them of their national character and identity, thousands of Slovak families, including my great-grandparent s, sought refuge in the new world. My great-grandparent s came to the United States on a passenger ship called "Kaiser Wilhelm der Grosse" in nineteen hundred, wearing their babuskies and carrying their loved possessions from the old country. Along with goose feathers, perinas, beautifully and artistically embroidered towels and linens, and some fine China pieces, they brought with them most importantly, their strong faith and immense love of God. They settled in little Slovak communities and shared apartments with relatives and friends. Many found work here in Yonkers at the hat factory, Sugar House, or at the Alexander Smith Carpet Mills. It was hard for them in the beginning, but just as any one of the many immigrant groups we can say that they "have made it" in America. They didn't want charity but worked hard and saved their money. They help found our beautiful Church, Most Holy Trinity, and denied themselves many luxuries and pleasures to build a fine school which still stands as a monument to these fine people. �178 SLOVAKIA At that time the Church was the center of their lives. Life revolved around all parish activities. There was no television, airplanes, or mini skirts. Most husbands and wives with their families attended High Mass and Vespers on Sunday afternoon (after their polievka), which was a must. After Vespers many would walk to Glen Park to watch local clubs and teams play soft ball. The Church sponsored many summer outings, Slovak plays and musicals. The Slovak people were a humble close-knit group with an innate reverence, love, and respect for their church and pastors. They were a praying people who always knelt to say morning and evening prayers and the men were not ashamed to be seen praying from their Slovak prayer books and fingering their rosaries. Every Holy Day or well known saint's day was a day for prayer and celebration. Seldom did they miss rosary devotions during the months of May and October or the Stations of the Cross during the season of Lent. Since their lives were so closely related to the church, so too many of their traditions are religious orientated. On the day before Christmas it was considered good luck if a man was the first person to enter a home. The man was expected to Vinsovat' . One major and very loving custom is the traditional Christmas Eve supper. This supper consists of the blessed oblatky, honey, kozare soup (mushroom and sauerkraut), bobal'ky, roshky and kapustnica. This symbolic meal always began and finished with prayers and blessings from the head of the family. The blest oblatky (or Christmas wafers) symbolized the manna that God sent to His people as they sojourned in the desert. Jesus also said that He was the "bread of life." He left us His Body and Blood under the appearances of bread and wine in the Eucharist. The word oblatky derives from the Latin word oblata, which simply means 'offerings'. Blessed bread, associated with Mass and yet distinct from the Eucharist continues to be an important food at our holy meal. We as Slovaks are fortunate in preserving this custom at Christmas, as an aid to worthy reception of Holy Communion as well as a family spiritual communion on this most joyous of feasts. Later that evening they went to Midnight Mass which was always preceeded by the "Koledy" or Slovak Christmas �SLOVAKIA 179 carols. Even today we sing these simple melodic hymns which tell of the events that occured at Bethlehem.Co To Za Krdsne Diet'atko?, Dnesny Den sa Radujme, Narodil Sa Spasitel', Prisli Sme Ku Tebe, are only but a few. My favorite is Novinu Radostnu, a glorious and moving piece written by the late Vendel Galik, organist and choir director of our parish for forty years. Now I am a member of the Most Holy Trinity Choir and am becoming familiar with these simple, yet beautiful hymns. After the solemn, quiet, prayerful season of Post (Lent) came the joyous and happy time of the church year Vel'ka Noc (Easter). When our forefathers sang Aleluja, Radujme Sa, Pan Jezis Kristus Vstal Z Mftvych, they truly were happy and joyfully secure in their faith. Palm Sunday began the holy week with processions of the blessing of the palm branches. Every Slovak, young and old, wore a cross of palms on his lapel, and reverently displayed them at home. Very few missed Mass on Holy Thursday. The procession of priests, altar boys and children venerating the Blessed Sacrament was and is a spiritual experience. It was the custom to visit as many different churches as possible and offer prayers at their altars. Good Friday then was taken a little more seriously. It was a day of prayers and silence. A day to make a visit to Church and say the Way of the Cross. It was a busy day in the kitchen with paskas, nut and poppyseed cakes to be baked and the syrek to be cooked. Dedo usually got the job of grating of horseradish for the making of chren. It was always done outdoors because the aroma was so pungent it actually brought him to tears. On Holy Saturday we always bring our food to church to be blessed by the priest. The food is carried in a basket covered by a specially embroidered cloth or doily. The basket contains baked ham, klobasy, some lamb, decorated hard boiled eggs, chren, butter, paska and my favorite, syrek. The church, filled with hundreds of baskets of food, smelled so good, I could hardly wait for our Easter break~ fast. My great-grandfa ther, so my Mother .tells me, always circled the house with the basket to bring us blessings all year. Now, my Father and I still follow this ritual. I'm not alwas sure why we do all the things we do or �180 SLOVAKIA follow our special customs, but I know without them life would be dull and we wouldn't have much to look forward to. Take any large or small group of Slovak people at a wed.ding, social outing, banquet, family get-to-gether or a bus ride and they invariably start to sing. The man will start with Ja Parobok z Kapusian, and then you'll always hear Pod Tym Nasim Okieneckom, Ked' Komara zenili and the ladies all love Tancuj, Tancuj. Have you ever noticed how the proud Slovak people stand straighter, sing with more gusto and feeling and renewed faith when Hej, Slovaci is played? I always do and I too feel proud and happy to be of Slovak descent. On the)Whole we, too, are happy, singing musical family, and I recall the first few lines of a song, Slovak Som Ja, Slovak Budem and this is the theme of my paper. "Slovak I am and Slovak I will be" and very proud and happy too, if someday I can accomplish as much as my ancestors, and be so well remembered. True, my great-grandparents biographies will never be published, televised or reiterated by great speakers, but the Slovak traditions, customs, and ideals will remain a part of my life. The greatest heritage bequeathed to me is my Catholic Faith ... (First place - High School) No people or nation can blossom culturally, socially, financially and politically without its own state or country. This is true for little or big nations. This is true for America and for Slovakia. THE OLD KR.AEOVIANSKY TUNNEL serves as a warehouse for 50,000 kilograms of the famed bryndza cheese beginning with May each year. � SLOVAKIA 177 SLOVAK SOM JA Stephen John Knoblock This is not going to be a composition about our great patrons Saint Cyril and Methodius, nor about the first President the Slovaks had, Dr. Joseph Tiso. I will not write about the founder of the Sisters of Saint Cyril and Methodius, Father Matthew Jankola or of any other great Slovak leader about whom I have only read. Instead I will write about my great-grandparent s who were born in Slovakia and journeyed to this country at the turn of the century. I will tell about their strong love of God, traditions, and the variety of songs which they brought with them, along with stories I have heard from them and my parents. All their traditions today are an integral part of my life. The people of central, southern, and eastern Europe constantly looked toward the United States as a haven free from social injustice, economic serfdom and the threat of national liquidation. The Slovak was no exception. Harassed at home, subject to the insidious pressures of Magyarization, which sought to deprive them of their national character and identity, thousands of Slovak families, including my great-grandparent s, sought refuge in the new world. My great-grandparent s came to the United States on a passenger ship called "Kaiser Wilhelm der Grosse" in nineteen hundred, wearing their babuskies and carrying their loved possessions from the old country. Along with goose feathers, perinas, beautifully and artistically embroidered towels and linens, and some fine China pieces, they brought with them most importantly, their strong faith and immense love of God. They settled in little Slovak communities and shared apartments with relatives and friends. Many found work here in Yonkers at the hat factory, Sugar House, or at the Alexander Smith Carpet Mills. It was hard for them in the beginning, but just as any one of the many immigrant groups we can say that they "have made it" in America. They didn't want charity but worked hard and saved their money. They help found our beautiful Church, Most Holy Trinity, and denied themselves many luxuries and pleasures to build a fine school which still stands as a monument to these fine people. �178 SLOVAKIA At that time the Church was the center of their lives. Life revolved around all parish activities. There was no television, airplanes, or mini skirts. Most husbands and wives with their families attended High Mass and Vespers on Sunday afternoon (after their polievka), which was a must. After Vespers many would walk to Glen Park to watch local clubs and teams play soft ball. The Church sponsored many summer outings, Slovak plays and musicals. The Slovak people were a humble close-knit group with an innate reverence, love, and respect for their church and pastors. They were a praying people who always knelt to say morning and evening prayers and the men were not ashamed to be seen praying from their Slovak prayer books and fingering their rosaries. Every Holy Day or well known saint's day was a day for prayer and celebration. Seldom did they miss rosary devotions during the months of May and October or the Stations of the Cross during the season of Lent. Since their lives were so closely related to the church, so too many of their traditions are religious orientated. On the day before Christmas it was considered good luck if a man was the first person to enter a home. The man was expected to Vinsovat' . One major and very loving custom is the traditional Christmas Eve supper. This supper consists of the blessed oblatky, honey, kozare soup (mushroom and sauerkraut), bobal'ky, roshky and kapustnica. This symbolic meal always began and finished with prayers and blessings from the head of the family. The blest oblatky (or Christmas wafers) symbolized the manna that God sent to His people as they sojourned in the desert. Jesus also said that He was the "bread of life." He left us His Body and Blood under the appearances of bread and wine in the Eucharist. The word oblatky derives from the Latin word oblata, which simply means 'offerings'. Blessed bread, associated with Mass and yet distinct from the Eucharist continues to be an important food at our holy meal. We as Slovaks are fortunate in preserving this custom at Christmas, as an aid to worthy reception of Holy Communion as well as a family spiritual communion on this most joyous of feasts. Later that evening they went to Midnight Mass which was always preceeded by the "Koledy" or Slovak Christmas �SLOVAKIA 179 carols. Even today we sing these simple melodic hymns which tell of the events that occured at Bethlehem.Co To Za Krdsne Diet'atko?, Dnesny Den sa Radujme, Narodil Sa Spasitel', Prisli Sme Ku Tebe, are only but a few. My favorite is Novinu Radostnu, a glorious and moving piece written by the late Vendel Galik, organist and choir director of our parish for forty years. Now I am a member of the Most Holy Trinity Choir and am becoming familiar with these simple, yet beautiful hymns. After the solemn, quiet, prayerful season of Post (Lent) came the joyous and happy time of the church year Vel'ka Noc (Easter). When our forefathers sang Aleluja, Radujme Sa, Pan Jezis Kristus Vstal Z Mftvych, they truly were happy and joyfully secure in their faith. Palm Sunday began the holy week with processions of the blessing of the palm branches. Every Slovak, young and old, wore a cross of palms on his lapel, and reverently displayed them at home. Very few missed Mass on Holy Thursday. The procession of priests, altar boys and children venerating the Blessed Sacrament was and is a spiritual experience. It was the custom to visit as many different churches as possible and offer prayers at their altars. Good Friday then was taken a little more seriously. It was a day of prayers and silence. A day to make a visit to Church and say the Way of the Cross. It was a busy day in the kitchen with paskas, nut and poppyseed cakes to be baked and the syrek to be cooked. Dedo usually got the job of grating of horseradish for the making of chren. It was always done outdoors because the aroma was so pungent it actually brought him to tears. On Holy Saturday we always bring our food to church to be blessed by the priest. The food is carried in a basket covered by a specially embroidered cloth or doily. The basket contains baked ham, klobasy, some lamb, decorated hard boiled eggs, chren, butter, paska and my favorite, syrek. The church, filled with hundreds of baskets of food, smelled so good, I could hardly wait for our Easter break~ fast. My great-grandfa ther, so my Mother .tells me, always circled the house with the basket to bring us blessings all year. Now, my Father and I still follow this ritual. I'm not alwas sure why we do all the things we do or �180 SLOVAKIA follow our special customs, but I know without them life would be dull and we wouldn't have much to look forward to. Take any large or small group of Slovak people at a wed.ding, social outing, banquet, family get-to-gether or a bus ride and they invariably start to sing. The man will start with Ja Parobok z Kapusian, and then you'll always hear Pod Tym Nasim Okieneckom, Ked' Komara zenili and the ladies all love Tancuj, Tancuj. Have you ever noticed how the proud Slovak people stand straighter, sing with more gusto and feeling and renewed faith when Hej, Slovaci is played? I always do and I too feel proud and happy to be of Slovak descent. On the)Whole we, too, are happy, singing musical family, and I recall the first few lines of a song, Slovak Som Ja, Slovak Budem and this is the theme of my paper. "Slovak I am and Slovak I will be" and very proud and happy too, if someday I can accomplish as much as my ancestors, and be so well remembered. True, my great-grandparents biographies will never be published, televised or reiterated by great speakers, but the Slovak traditions, customs, and ideals will remain a part of my life. The greatest heritage bequeathed to me is my Catholic Faith ... (First place - High School) No people or nation can blossom culturally, socially, financially and politically without its own state or country. This is true for little or big nations. This is true for America and for Slovakia. THE OLD KR.AEOVIANSKY TUNNEL serves as a warehouse for 50,000 kilograms of the famed bryndza cheese beginning with May each year. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1974, Vol. 24 Description An account of the resource Vol. 24 (No. 47), 1974. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1974 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 177 SLOVAK SOM JA Stephen John Knoblock This is not going to be a composition about our great patrons Saint Cyril and Methodius, nor about the first President the Slovaks had, Dr. Joseph Tiso. I will not write about the founder of the Sisters of Saint Cyril and Methodius, Father Matthew Jankola or of any other great Slovak leader about whom I have only read. Instead I will write about my great-grandparent s who were born in Slovakia and journeyed to this country at the turn of the century. I will tell about their strong love of God, traditions, and the variety of songs which they brought with them, along with stories I have heard from them and my parents. All their traditions today are an integral part of my life. The people of central, southern, and eastern Europe constantly looked toward the United States as a haven free from social injustice, economic serfdom and the threat of national liquidation. The Slovak was no exception. Harassed at home, subject to the insidious pressures of Magyarization, which sought to deprive them of their national character and identity, thousands of Slovak families, including my great-grandparent s, sought refuge in the new world. My great-grandparent s came to the United States on a passenger ship called "Kaiser Wilhelm der Grosse" in nineteen hundred, wearing their babuskies and carrying their loved possessions from the old country. Along with goose feathers, perinas, beautifully and artistically embroidered towels and linens, and some fine China pieces, they brought with them most importantly, their strong faith and immense love of God. They settled in little Slovak communities and shared apartments with relatives and friends. Many found work here in Yonkers at the hat factory, Sugar House, or at the Alexander Smith Carpet Mills. It was hard for them in the beginning, but just as any one of the many immigrant groups we can say that they "have made it" in America. They didn't want charity but worked hard and saved their money. They help found our beautiful Church, Most Holy Trinity, and denied themselves many luxuries and pleasures to build a fine school which still stands as a monument to these fine people. 178 SLOVAKIA At that time the Church was the center of their lives. Life revolved around all parish activities. There was no television, airplanes, or mini skirts. Most husbands and wives with their families attended High Mass and Vespers on Sunday afternoon (after their polievka), which was a must. After Vespers many would walk to Glen Park to watch local clubs and teams play soft ball. The Church sponsored many summer outings, Slovak plays and musicals. The Slovak people were a humble close-knit group with an innate reverence, love, and respect for their church and pastors. They were a praying people who always knelt to say morning and evening prayers and the men were not ashamed to be seen praying from their Slovak prayer books and fingering their rosaries. Every Holy Day or well known saint's day was a day for prayer and celebration. Seldom did they miss rosary devotions during the months of May and October or the Stations of the Cross during the season of Lent. Since their lives were so closely related to the church, so too many of their traditions are religious orientated. On the day before Christmas it was considered good luck if a man was the first person to enter a home. The man was expected to Vinsovat' . One major and very loving custom is the traditional Christmas Eve supper. This supper consists of the blessed oblatky, honey, kozare soup (mushroom and sauerkraut), bobal'ky, roshky and kapustnica. This symbolic meal always began and finished with prayers and blessings from the head of the family. The blest oblatky (or Christmas wafers) symbolized the manna that God sent to His people as they sojourned in the desert. Jesus also said that He was the "bread of life." He left us His Body and Blood under the appearances of bread and wine in the Eucharist. The word oblatky derives from the Latin word oblata, which simply means 'offerings'. Blessed bread, associated with Mass and yet distinct from the Eucharist continues to be an important food at our holy meal. We as Slovaks are fortunate in preserving this custom at Christmas, as an aid to worthy reception of Holy Communion as well as a family spiritual communion on this most joyous of feasts. Later that evening they went to Midnight Mass which was always preceeded by the "Koledy" or Slovak Christmas SLOVAKIA 179 carols. Even today we sing these simple melodic hymns which tell of the events that occured at Bethlehem.Co To Za Krdsne Diet'atko?, Dnesny Den sa Radujme, Narodil Sa Spasitel', Prisli Sme Ku Tebe, are only but a few. My favorite is Novinu Radostnu, a glorious and moving piece written by the late Vendel Galik, organist and choir director of our parish for forty years. Now I am a member of the Most Holy Trinity Choir and am becoming familiar with these simple, yet beautiful hymns. After the solemn, quiet, prayerful season of Post (Lent) came the joyous and happy time of the church year Vel'ka Noc (Easter). When our forefathers sang Aleluja, Radujme Sa, Pan Jezis Kristus Vstal Z Mftvych, they truly were happy and joyfully secure in their faith. Palm Sunday began the holy week with processions of the blessing of the palm branches. Every Slovak, young and old, wore a cross of palms on his lapel, and reverently displayed them at home. Very few missed Mass on Holy Thursday. The procession of priests, altar boys and children venerating the Blessed Sacrament was and is a spiritual experience. It was the custom to visit as many different churches as possible and offer prayers at their altars. Good Friday then was taken a little more seriously. It was a day of prayers and silence. A day to make a visit to Church and say the Way of the Cross. It was a busy day in the kitchen with paskas, nut and poppyseed cakes to be baked and the syrek to be cooked. Dedo usually got the job of grating of horseradish for the making of chren. It was always done outdoors because the aroma was so pungent it actually brought him to tears. On Holy Saturday we always bring our food to church to be blessed by the priest. The food is carried in a basket covered by a specially embroidered cloth or doily. The basket contains baked ham, klobasy, some lamb, decorated hard boiled eggs, chren, butter, paska and my favorite, syrek. The church, filled with hundreds of baskets of food, smelled so good, I could hardly wait for our Easter break~ fast. My great-grandfa ther, so my Mother .tells me, always circled the house with the basket to bring us blessings all year. Now, my Father and I still follow this ritual. I'm not alwas sure why we do all the things we do or 180 SLOVAKIA follow our special customs, but I know without them life would be dull and we wouldn't have much to look forward to. Take any large or small group of Slovak people at a wed.ding, social outing, banquet, family get-to-gether or a bus ride and they invariably start to sing. The man will start with Ja Parobok z Kapusian, and then you'll always hear Pod Tym Nasim Okieneckom, Ked' Komara zenili and the ladies all love Tancuj, Tancuj. Have you ever noticed how the proud Slovak people stand straighter, sing with more gusto and feeling and renewed faith when Hej, Slovaci is played? I always do and I too feel proud and happy to be of Slovak descent. On the)Whole we, too, are happy, singing musical family, and I recall the first few lines of a song, Slovak Som Ja, Slovak Budem and this is the theme of my paper. "Slovak I am and Slovak I will be" and very proud and happy too, if someday I can accomplish as much as my ancestors, and be so well remembered. True, my great-grandparents biographies will never be published, televised or reiterated by great speakers, but the Slovak traditions, customs, and ideals will remain a part of my life. The greatest heritage bequeathed to me is my Catholic Faith ... (First place - High School) No people or nation can blossom culturally, socially, financially and politically without its own state or country. This is true for little or big nations. This is true for America and for Slovakia. THE OLD KR.AEOVIANSKY TUNNEL serves as a warehouse for 50,000 kilograms of the famed bryndza cheese beginning with May each year.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovák som ja Description An account of the resource Stephen John Knoblock Slovakia, Vol. 24 (No. 47), 1974 pp. 177-180 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Knoblock, Stephen John Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1974 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/7d54895a0addf5d2ce8c601ba5159aba.pdf 8a0ac5ce6df2959de2477a32febbd6da PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 3 Slovak World Congress Edward J. B e h u n c i k First Vice-President, Slovak World Congress and President, Slovak League of America In May, 1918, just several months before the creation of the federated Republic of Czecho-Slovakia ( the spelling used in the peace treaties and all official documents ensuing from the Armistice of November 11, 1918), the Slovaks and Czechs in the United States met at Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. They spoke for their downtrodden brethren in Slovakia and Bohemia and brought forth the Pittsburgh Pact. By its terms, the newly created country was to be a federated country of the Slovak state and the Czech state. Now, with the legalistic existence of the Slovak Socialist Republic and the Czech Socialist Republic in the federated state of Czecho-Slovakia a reality, the need again arises for interested, freedom-loving and dedicated Slovaks to speak for their subjugated brethren. In the current crisis, however, the spokesmen for the captive natives can come from various parts of the free world, rather than primarily from the United States of America. In the half century since the founding of the new state--Czecho-Slovakia--the Communist bear has driven Slovaks and Czechs to all parts of the free world. Admittedly, the largest portion of refugees of both nations are in the United States. But, some of the cream of Slovak intellectuals, scientists, teachers, professors and other learned Slovak men and women (as well as Czech) are found in Africa, Asia, Australia, Canada, Latin America and Western Europe. All of those could contribute special talents and ideas to the common cause of peace for their fellow Slovaks and thus to the common cause for the peace we all seek through the brotherhood of man under the fatherhood of God. To get them to assist with their talents, it was necessary to have a common forum. In June, 1970, the Slovaks of the free world took �4 SLOVAKIA a giant step in this direction. From June 19, 1970 through June 21, 1970, at the Americana Hotel in New York City, representativ es and leaders of Slovak civic, cultural, fraternal and religious organizations from such diverse places as Australia, Argentina, Brazil, Venezuela, Canada, England , Africa, Sweden, Spain, Switzerland, West Germany, Italy, Belgium, Austria and Chile met in formal conclave. There, they created the Slovak World Congress with Stephen B . Roman, international ly renowned industrialist of Toronto, Ontario in Canada, as its first President. A formal Declaration was issued at the end of the sessions which Declaration, it is hoped, will in years to come be looked upon as the Slovak Magna Charta. It crystallizes in 20th Century language and background, the age old aspirations of the Slovak people for unity, national self-determin ation and a lawful place in the family of nations. The Declaration reads as follows: "Representativ es of Slovak organizations throughout the world, as well as individuals of Slovak origin in the Uniited States of America, Canada, Australia, Switzerland, Italy, Austria, Sweden, England, Argentina, Germany, Spa,i n and Chile, assembled in New York City in order to lay the founda,hlons for the creation of a wo-r ld organization of Slovaks hereby declare that: The struggle for freedom and self-fulfillment is the constant goal throughout Slovak history. Attainment of this objective has not been without encountering obstacles, nor without reqU!iring the work and struggle of many generartions and coull!tless sacrifices. Particularly now, when the Slovak nation is unable to determine its own destiny freely, everyone must make great sacrifices. Slovaks living throughout the entire world, many of whom were born in the United States and elsewhoce, accept as a moral durty the necessity to unite in the struggle for the natural rights o.f the Slovak na-tion and for the complete freedom in .the determinartion of its destinies. We consider it our obligation to present to the world a true picture of the life and aspira. !Jions of the Slovak naition for a free and democratic way of life. Today we a•r e more acutely aware of this duty in view �SLOVAKIA 5 of the fad that the regime which has been forced upon the Slovak nation is opposed to the national trad~tions of Slovakia and the country is occupied by the military forces of a foreign Great Power. Therefore, in view of the foregoing: We subscribe to the traditional values of Slovak history which have promoted the re-birth of our nation, its growth and its acceptance in western civilization among cultured nations; We contend thait the Slo~ak question is an iruterna,ti.onal problem and therefore we request tha,t inrternation.il justice be done Slovakia, justice that would be e~essed in full democratic statehood; We take a posiitive aittiitude towards the p,rocess of integration in Europe and we demand that the Slovak nation be given the right to participate freely and directly in this process. We desire and hope that the situation in Cerntral and Eastern Europe will change so that there Wiill no longer be any obstacle towards establishing and maintain~ng cu.l!turre exchanges between the Slovaks ait home and abroad which prnsent conditions in Slovakia either ma~e compl,etely impossible, or allow only in a restricted sense. We recommend the establishment of a permanent organization for the realization of all these aspirations under the name of: Slovak World Congress, which shaiU embody the spirit of brntherhood and mutual respect. Religious affiliations or poHtical views, insofar as they are not contrary to the spirit of democracy and the objectiv,es mentioned above, will not bar anyone from membership or activ,e participation in our o,rganization. We consider it essential that our go,als and methods as well as our activities foUow democratic principles. We sha]l endeavor to have the Slovak World Congress represent its members on all international scientific, cultural, reliigious o:r political forums in the in:tereSlts of ,the Slorvak nation as expressed in the Constiltution and by-laws of the organization. 1 1 We urge that the Slovak World Congress devote itself towa,rds promoting the spirit of unity and to co-ordina~e all nationa,l efforts through constant contact with member organizations maintained tmough central secretariats, regional secre- �SLOVAKIA 6 tariats, committees and information bureaus in various countries around the world. We a:sik the bless~ng of Almighty God in this undertaiking in the firm hope that with the help and co-operation of all ffiovia 1IB we may successful!~ ifulfill our role." A program for concerted action was formulated at the founding sessions of the Congress. In mid-1971, at the closing session of the first Congress to be held at Toronto from June 17 through 20, 1971, it is expected that a we11org-anized, progressive, farsighted and unified central vehicle will emerge. This central organ will make it possible for the Slovaks to act in conjunction with or on a parallel level with the other peoples of central and eastern Europe, all of whom, have the common fate of being presently under the domination of the Soviet tanks and forces . 1 It will at long last also give the Slovaks a worldwide representative body to speak for and act on behalf of their oppressed brethren in occupied Slovakia. Without such a voice to speak for them, our native Slovak kin might well feel abandoned by the fortunate Slovaks now settled throughout the free world. That our brethren in Slovakia would lose faith or themselves give up their fight for freedom and self-determination, is, of course, unthinkable in view of their centuries old struggle for these ideals. With good will on the part of all, with prayerful petitions to the Father of all, and with sacrifices of time, energy and finances by all, free world Slovaks should, under the imaginative, inspiring and dedicated leadership of Stephen B. Roman, be especially able to make a very worthwhile contribution to the Brotherhood of Man under the Fatherhood of God. May God grant that they do not miss this unusual opportunity for service and for good. That is why on a previous occasion, I prophesied that June, 1970, the birthdate of the Slovak World Congress will become known in Slovak history as the milestone of .· the last half of the twentieth century. I pray that the events of the coming decade will prove me correct. � SLOVAKIA 3 Slovak World Congress Edward J. B e h u n c i k First Vice-President, Slovak World Congress and President, Slovak League of America In May, 1918, just several months before the creation of the federated Republic of Czecho-Slovakia ( the spelling used in the peace treaties and all official documents ensuing from the Armistice of November 11, 1918), the Slovaks and Czechs in the United States met at Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. They spoke for their downtrodden brethren in Slovakia and Bohemia and brought forth the Pittsburgh Pact. By its terms, the newly created country was to be a federated country of the Slovak state and the Czech state. Now, with the legalistic existence of the Slovak Socialist Republic and the Czech Socialist Republic in the federated state of Czecho-Slovakia a reality, the need again arises for interested, freedom-loving and dedicated Slovaks to speak for their subjugated brethren. In the current crisis, however, the spokesmen for the captive natives can come from various parts of the free world, rather than primarily from the United States of America. In the half century since the founding of the new state--Czecho-Slovakia--the Communist bear has driven Slovaks and Czechs to all parts of the free world. Admittedly, the largest portion of refugees of both nations are in the United States. But, some of the cream of Slovak intellectuals, scientists, teachers, professors and other learned Slovak men and women (as well as Czech) are found in Africa, Asia, Australia, Canada, Latin America and Western Europe. All of those could contribute special talents and ideas to the common cause of peace for their fellow Slovaks and thus to the common cause for the peace we all seek through the brotherhood of man under the fatherhood of God. To get them to assist with their talents, it was necessary to have a common forum. In June, 1970, the Slovaks of the free world took �4 SLOVAKIA a giant step in this direction. From June 19, 1970 through June 21, 1970, at the Americana Hotel in New York City, representativ es and leaders of Slovak civic, cultural, fraternal and religious organizations from such diverse places as Australia, Argentina, Brazil, Venezuela, Canada, England , Africa, Sweden, Spain, Switzerland, West Germany, Italy, Belgium, Austria and Chile met in formal conclave. There, they created the Slovak World Congress with Stephen B . Roman, international ly renowned industrialist of Toronto, Ontario in Canada, as its first President. A formal Declaration was issued at the end of the sessions which Declaration, it is hoped, will in years to come be looked upon as the Slovak Magna Charta. It crystallizes in 20th Century language and background, the age old aspirations of the Slovak people for unity, national self-determin ation and a lawful place in the family of nations. The Declaration reads as follows: "Representativ es of Slovak organizations throughout the world, as well as individuals of Slovak origin in the Uniited States of America, Canada, Australia, Switzerland, Italy, Austria, Sweden, England, Argentina, Germany, Spa,i n and Chile, assembled in New York City in order to lay the founda,hlons for the creation of a wo-r ld organization of Slovaks hereby declare that: The struggle for freedom and self-fulfillment is the constant goal throughout Slovak history. Attainment of this objective has not been without encountering obstacles, nor without reqU!iring the work and struggle of many generartions and coull!tless sacrifices. Particularly now, when the Slovak nation is unable to determine its own destiny freely, everyone must make great sacrifices. Slovaks living throughout the entire world, many of whom were born in the United States and elsewhoce, accept as a moral durty the necessity to unite in the struggle for the natural rights o.f the Slovak na-tion and for the complete freedom in .the determinartion of its destinies. We consider it our obligation to present to the world a true picture of the life and aspira. !Jions of the Slovak naition for a free and democratic way of life. Today we a•r e more acutely aware of this duty in view �SLOVAKIA 5 of the fad that the regime which has been forced upon the Slovak nation is opposed to the national trad~tions of Slovakia and the country is occupied by the military forces of a foreign Great Power. Therefore, in view of the foregoing: We subscribe to the traditional values of Slovak history which have promoted the re-birth of our nation, its growth and its acceptance in western civilization among cultured nations; We contend thait the Slo~ak question is an iruterna,ti.onal problem and therefore we request tha,t inrternation.il justice be done Slovakia, justice that would be e~essed in full democratic statehood; We take a posiitive aittiitude towards the p,rocess of integration in Europe and we demand that the Slovak nation be given the right to participate freely and directly in this process. We desire and hope that the situation in Cerntral and Eastern Europe will change so that there Wiill no longer be any obstacle towards establishing and maintain~ng cu.l!turre exchanges between the Slovaks ait home and abroad which prnsent conditions in Slovakia either ma~e compl,etely impossible, or allow only in a restricted sense. We recommend the establishment of a permanent organization for the realization of all these aspirations under the name of: Slovak World Congress, which shaiU embody the spirit of brntherhood and mutual respect. Religious affiliations or poHtical views, insofar as they are not contrary to the spirit of democracy and the objectiv,es mentioned above, will not bar anyone from membership or activ,e participation in our o,rganization. We consider it essential that our go,als and methods as well as our activities foUow democratic principles. We sha]l endeavor to have the Slovak World Congress represent its members on all international scientific, cultural, reliigious o:r political forums in the in:tereSlts of ,the Slorvak nation as expressed in the Constiltution and by-laws of the organization. 1 1 We urge that the Slovak World Congress devote itself towa,rds promoting the spirit of unity and to co-ordina~e all nationa,l efforts through constant contact with member organizations maintained tmough central secretariats, regional secre- �SLOVAKIA 6 tariats, committees and information bureaus in various countries around the world. We a:sik the bless~ng of Almighty God in this undertaiking in the firm hope that with the help and co-operation of all ffiovia 1IB we may successful!~ ifulfill our role." A program for concerted action was formulated at the founding sessions of the Congress. In mid-1971, at the closing session of the first Congress to be held at Toronto from June 17 through 20, 1971, it is expected that a we11org-anized, progressive, farsighted and unified central vehicle will emerge. This central organ will make it possible for the Slovaks to act in conjunction with or on a parallel level with the other peoples of central and eastern Europe, all of whom, have the common fate of being presently under the domination of the Soviet tanks and forces . 1 It will at long last also give the Slovaks a worldwide representative body to speak for and act on behalf of their oppressed brethren in occupied Slovakia. Without such a voice to speak for them, our native Slovak kin might well feel abandoned by the fortunate Slovaks now settled throughout the free world. That our brethren in Slovakia would lose faith or themselves give up their fight for freedom and self-determination, is, of course, unthinkable in view of their centuries old struggle for these ideals. With good will on the part of all, with prayerful petitions to the Father of all, and with sacrifices of time, energy and finances by all, free world Slovaks should, under the imaginative, inspiring and dedicated leadership of Stephen B. Roman, be especially able to make a very worthwhile contribution to the Brotherhood of Man under the Fatherhood of God. May God grant that they do not miss this unusual opportunity for service and for good. That is why on a previous occasion, I prophesied that June, 1970, the birthdate of the Slovak World Congress will become known in Slovak history as the milestone of .· the last half of the twentieth century. I pray that the events of the coming decade will prove me correct. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1971, Vol. 21 Description An account of the resource Vol. 21 (No. 44), 1971. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1971 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 3 Slovak World Congress Edward J. B e h u n c i k First Vice-President, Slovak World Congress and President, Slovak League of America In May, 1918, just several months before the creation of the federated Republic of Czecho-Slovakia ( the spelling used in the peace treaties and all official documents ensuing from the Armistice of November 11, 1918), the Slovaks and Czechs in the United States met at Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. They spoke for their downtrodden brethren in Slovakia and Bohemia and brought forth the Pittsburgh Pact. By its terms, the newly created country was to be a federated country of the Slovak state and the Czech state. Now, with the legalistic existence of the Slovak Socialist Republic and the Czech Socialist Republic in the federated state of Czecho-Slovakia a reality, the need again arises for interested, freedom-loving and dedicated Slovaks to speak for their subjugated brethren. In the current crisis, however, the spokesmen for the captive natives can come from various parts of the free world, rather than primarily from the United States of America. In the half century since the founding of the new state--Czecho-Slovakia--the Communist bear has driven Slovaks and Czechs to all parts of the free world. Admittedly, the largest portion of refugees of both nations are in the United States. But, some of the cream of Slovak intellectuals, scientists, teachers, professors and other learned Slovak men and women (as well as Czech) are found in Africa, Asia, Australia, Canada, Latin America and Western Europe. All of those could contribute special talents and ideas to the common cause of peace for their fellow Slovaks and thus to the common cause for the peace we all seek through the brotherhood of man under the fatherhood of God. To get them to assist with their talents, it was necessary to have a common forum. In June, 1970, the Slovaks of the free world took 4 SLOVAKIA a giant step in this direction. From June 19, 1970 through June 21, 1970, at the Americana Hotel in New York City, representativ es and leaders of Slovak civic, cultural, fraternal and religious organizations from such diverse places as Australia, Argentina, Brazil, Venezuela, Canada, England , Africa, Sweden, Spain, Switzerland, West Germany, Italy, Belgium, Austria and Chile met in formal conclave. There, they created the Slovak World Congress with Stephen B . Roman, international ly renowned industrialist of Toronto, Ontario in Canada, as its first President. A formal Declaration was issued at the end of the sessions which Declaration, it is hoped, will in years to come be looked upon as the Slovak Magna Charta. It crystallizes in 20th Century language and background, the age old aspirations of the Slovak people for unity, national self-determin ation and a lawful place in the family of nations. The Declaration reads as follows: "Representativ es of Slovak organizations throughout the world, as well as individuals of Slovak origin in the Uniited States of America, Canada, Australia, Switzerland, Italy, Austria, Sweden, England, Argentina, Germany, Spa,i n and Chile, assembled in New York City in order to lay the founda,hlons for the creation of a wo-r ld organization of Slovaks hereby declare that: The struggle for freedom and self-fulfillment is the constant goal throughout Slovak history. Attainment of this objective has not been without encountering obstacles, nor without reqU!iring the work and struggle of many generartions and coull!tless sacrifices. Particularly now, when the Slovak nation is unable to determine its own destiny freely, everyone must make great sacrifices. Slovaks living throughout the entire world, many of whom were born in the United States and elsewhoce, accept as a moral durty the necessity to unite in the struggle for the natural rights o.f the Slovak na-tion and for the complete freedom in .the determinartion of its destinies. We consider it our obligation to present to the world a true picture of the life and aspira. !Jions of the Slovak naition for a free and democratic way of life. Today we a•r e more acutely aware of this duty in view SLOVAKIA 5 of the fad that the regime which has been forced upon the Slovak nation is opposed to the national trad~tions of Slovakia and the country is occupied by the military forces of a foreign Great Power. Therefore, in view of the foregoing: We subscribe to the traditional values of Slovak history which have promoted the re-birth of our nation, its growth and its acceptance in western civilization among cultured nations; We contend thait the Slo~ak question is an iruterna,ti.onal problem and therefore we request tha,t inrternation.il justice be done Slovakia, justice that would be e~essed in full democratic statehood; We take a posiitive aittiitude towards the p,rocess of integration in Europe and we demand that the Slovak nation be given the right to participate freely and directly in this process. We desire and hope that the situation in Cerntral and Eastern Europe will change so that there Wiill no longer be any obstacle towards establishing and maintain~ng cu.l!turre exchanges between the Slovaks ait home and abroad which prnsent conditions in Slovakia either ma~e compl,etely impossible, or allow only in a restricted sense. We recommend the establishment of a permanent organization for the realization of all these aspirations under the name of: Slovak World Congress, which shaiU embody the spirit of brntherhood and mutual respect. Religious affiliations or poHtical views, insofar as they are not contrary to the spirit of democracy and the objectiv,es mentioned above, will not bar anyone from membership or activ,e participation in our o,rganization. We consider it essential that our go,als and methods as well as our activities foUow democratic principles. We sha]l endeavor to have the Slovak World Congress represent its members on all international scientific, cultural, reliigious o:r political forums in the in:tereSlts of ,the Slorvak nation as expressed in the Constiltution and by-laws of the organization. 1 1 We urge that the Slovak World Congress devote itself towa,rds promoting the spirit of unity and to co-ordina~e all nationa,l efforts through constant contact with member organizations maintained tmough central secretariats, regional secre- SLOVAKIA 6 tariats, committees and information bureaus in various countries around the world. We a:sik the bless~ng of Almighty God in this undertaiking in the firm hope that with the help and co-operation of all ffiovia 1IB we may successful!~ ifulfill our role." A program for concerted action was formulated at the founding sessions of the Congress. In mid-1971, at the closing session of the first Congress to be held at Toronto from June 17 through 20, 1971, it is expected that a we11org-anized, progressive, farsighted and unified central vehicle will emerge. This central organ will make it possible for the Slovaks to act in conjunction with or on a parallel level with the other peoples of central and eastern Europe, all of whom, have the common fate of being presently under the domination of the Soviet tanks and forces . 1 It will at long last also give the Slovaks a worldwide representative body to speak for and act on behalf of their oppressed brethren in occupied Slovakia. Without such a voice to speak for them, our native Slovak kin might well feel abandoned by the fortunate Slovaks now settled throughout the free world. That our brethren in Slovakia would lose faith or themselves give up their fight for freedom and self-determination, is, of course, unthinkable in view of their centuries old struggle for these ideals. With good will on the part of all, with prayerful petitions to the Father of all, and with sacrifices of time, energy and finances by all, free world Slovaks should, under the imaginative, inspiring and dedicated leadership of Stephen B. Roman, be especially able to make a very worthwhile contribution to the Brotherhood of Man under the Fatherhood of God. May God grant that they do not miss this unusual opportunity for service and for good. That is why on a previous occasion, I prophesied that June, 1970, the birthdate of the Slovak World Congress will become known in Slovak history as the milestone of .· the last half of the twentieth century. I pray that the events of the coming decade will prove me correct.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovak World Congress Description An account of the resource Edward J. Behuncik, First Vice-President, Slovak World Congress, and President, Slovak League of America Slovakia, Vol. 21 (No. 44), 1971 pp. 3-6 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Behuncik, Edward J. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1971 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/162cb2b35c1f7f1f59fdec97e143349b.pdf a4e333c84d5e20423e0ad2235c253997 PDF Text Text 34 SLOVAKIA Slovak-American Newspapers, 1885-1975: A Preliminary Listing M. MARK STOLARIK In 1983, as the centennial of the Slovak-American press approached , I decided to re-work Konstantin Culen's annotated bibliography Slovenske casopisy v Amerike (Cleveland: First Catholic Slovak Union , 1970) and tell the story as he would have had he not died prematurely in 1964 . Therefore , I literally took his book apart and put it back together again with the aid of a computer. This resulted in two analytical essays and the listing I am about to publish. The essays were: " The Slovak-American Press," [1885-1984] in Sally M. Miller ed., The Ethnic Press in the United States: A Historical Analy sis and Handbook (Westport, Ct.: Greenwood Press, 1987), and "At Home Abroad: The SlovakAmerican Press, 1885-1918 , " which is slated to appear in Owen V. Johnson 's edited volume entitled Mobilizing the Mobilized: The Role and Functions of the Mass Media in Eastern Europe. The list of Slovak-American newspapers published between 1885 and 1975 which follows is based upon Culen's book , cited above , and the late Michal Lacko's Slovak Bibliography Abroad, 1945-1965, and 1966-1975 published in Slovak Studies VII and XVII, Bibliografica 1 and 2 (Rome: Slovak Institute, 1967 and 1977) . Culen listed 246 titles in his book, but, upon close inspection, I discovered 39 titles that he could not verify or which should not have been listed because they were not Slovak newspapers. I subtracted these from the list. Furthermore, Lacko discovered 13 titles that Culen had missed and I added these, coming up with a grand total of 220 for the period 1885-1975 . There have probably �SLOVAKIA 35 been more than 220 Slovak-American newspapers in the period 1885-1975, but they remain to be discovered and verified. Also, Jozef Rydlo, who has taken over the duties of editor of Slovak Studies, is presently working on a Slovak Bibliography Abroad, 1976-1985 and his work will allow me, or someone else, to update the list to 1985. Meanwhile, here is how I prepared the list. I carefully read Culen's annotated bibliography and kept his definition of a newspaper as one that appeared at least quarterly. I then listed the title, the date and city it first appeared in, and also major subsequent cities if it moved, and the date it folded. This list (plus my analytical articles, cited abov~) supplements the work of Michal Potemra who published a Bibliografia slovenskych novin a casopisov do roku 1918 (Martin: Matica slovenska, 1958) and Maria Kipsova et. al . Bibliografia slovenskych a inorecovy ch novin a casopisov z rokov 1919-1938 (Martin: Matica slovenska, 1968) . I hope that students of SlovakAmerican history will find it useful. Slovak-American Newspapers, 1885-1975 1885 Bulletin (Pittsburgh , 1885-1886) 1886 Bulletin Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny (Pittsburgh, 1886-1922) 1887 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny 1888 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Nova vlast' (Streator , Ill ., 1888) Slovak v Amerike (Plymouth & New York , 1889) Zastava (Plymouth , Pa ., 1889) 1890 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Katolicke noviny Slovak v Amerike 1891 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Jednota (Cleveland , 1891) Katolicke noviny Slovak v Amerike 1889 1892 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Katolicke noviny (Hazleton , Pa ., 1889-1891) Robotnik (Connellsville , Pa ., 1889) Americky Slovak (Cleveland, 1892-1894) Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Jednota �36 SLOVAKIA Slovak v Amerike Slovenske listy (Jersey City, N .J., 1892) 1893 Americky Slovak Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Jednota Slovak v Amerike Slovenska svornost' (Connellsville , Pa., 1893-1897) 1894 Americky Slovak Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Cirkevne listy (Cleveland, 1894-1899) Fakla (New York City, 1894) Jednota Majak (Pittsburgh, 1894) Pravda (Connellsville , Pa., 1894-1896) Slovak v Arilerike Slovenska pravda (Freeland, Pa., 1984-1904) Slovenska svornost' Slovensky hlas (Pittsburgh, 1894-1898) 1895 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Cas (Nanticoke, Pa., 1895-1899) Cirkevne listy Jednota Katolik (Freeland , Pa., 1895-1898) Pravda Rodina (Cleveland, 1895) Slovak (New York City , 1895) Slovak v Amerike Slovenska pravda Slovenska svornost' Slovensky hlas 1896 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Cas Cirkevne listy Jednota Katolik Pravda Rarasek (Pittsburgh, 1896-1912) Sasok (Wilkes-Barre, Pa., 1896-1898) Slovak v Amerike Slovaktownske hlasy (Pittsburgh, 1896) Slovenska pravda Slovenska svornost' Slovensky hlas 1897 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Carodejnik (Cleveland, 1897-1898) Cas Cirkevne listy The Emmigrant (Pittsburgh , 1897) Jednota Katolik Mydlo (Wilkes-Barre , Pa., 1897-1898) Rarasek Sasok Slovak v Amerike Slovenska pravda Slovenska svornost' Slovenske noviny (Hazleton , Pa., 1897-1911) Slovensky hlas 1898 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Carodejnik Cas Cirkevne listy Jednota Katolik Mydlo Rarasek �SLOVAKIA Sasok Slovak v Amerike Slovenska pravda Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlas 1899 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Bratstvo (Wilkes-Barre, Pa ., 1899-1941 ; 1945) Cas Cirkevne listy Jednota Novy Cernoknaznik (Cleveland , 1899) Rarasek Slovak v Amerike Slovenska pravda Slovenske noviny 1900 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Bratstvo Cas Jednota Lutheran (Cleveland , 1900-1902) Rarasek Slaboda (Chicago, 1900-1901) Slovak v Amerike Slovenska pravda Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik (Pittsburgh, 1900-1962) Slovensky Lutheran (Philadelphia, 1900) 1901 37 Slebodny Orel (New York, N.Y., 1901-1904) Slaboda Slovak v Amerike Slovenska pravda Slovenske noviny Slovensky dennik (Pittsburgh, 1901-1915) Slovensky hlasnik Viera (Cleveland , 1901-1902) 1902 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Bratstvo Jednota Lutheran Rarasek Slebodny ore! Slovak v Amerike Slovenska pravda Slovenske noviny Slovensky American (Pittsburgh, 1902-1903) Slovensky dennik Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky obcan (Bridgeport, Conn., 1902) Viera 1903 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Bratstvo Jednota Rarasek Slebodny ore! Slovak v Amerike Slovenska pravda Slovenske noviny Slovensky American Slovensky dennik Slovensky hlasnik Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Bratstvo Jednota Lutheran Naso novini (New York , N.Y., 1901) 1904 Rarasek Sip (Cleveland, 1901) Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny �38 SLOVAKIA Bratstvo Jednota Rarasek Robotnik (New York, N.Y., 1904) Slebodny V Amerike Slovenska pravda Slovenske noviny Slovensky dennik Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky sokol Slovensky tyzdennik Svedok (Pittsburgh , 1906Zornicka (Wilkes-Barre, Pa. , 1906-1907) 1907 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Bratstvo Hlas (Cleveland, 1907-1947) 1905 Jednota Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Katolicke Slovenske noviny Bratstvo Nasa zastava Rarasek Jednota Rovnost' l'udu Rarasek Slovak v Amerike Slovak v Amerike Slovenske noviny Slovenske noviny Slovensko-Americky zabavnik Slovensko-Americky zabavnik (Chicago , 1905-1912) Slovensky dennik Slovensky dennik Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin (Pittsburgh, Slovensky sokol (Perth Amboy , N .J., 1907-1962) 1905-1966) Slovensky pokrok Slovensky tyzdenmk (New York, Slovensky sokol N.Y ., 1905-1906) Svedok Sokol a narod (1905) Zensky svet (New York, N.Y., 1907-1908) Zornicka 1906 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny 1908 Bratstvo Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Jednota Bratstvo Katolicke Slovenske noviny Hlas (Chicago, 1906-1926) Nasa zastava (Bridgeport , Conn. , Jednota Katolicke Slovenske noviny 1906-1907) Krajan (Hazleton , Pa. , 1908) Rarasek Rovnost' l'udu (Chicago, 1906-1935) Rarasek Rovnost' l'udu Slovak v Amerike Skola reci anglickej (Pittsburgh, Slovenske noviny 1908-1909) Slovensko-Americky zabavnik Slovak v Amerike Slovensky dennik Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky pokrok (New York , N.Y ., Slovensko-Americky zabavnik Slovensky dennik 1906-1911) �SLOVAKIA Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky narod (Cudahy , Wisc., 1908) Slovensky pokrok Slovensky sokol Svetlak Zensky svet Zivena (Pittsburgh, 19081909 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Bratstvo Hlas Jednota Katolfcke Slovenske noviny Rarasek Rovnost' l'udu Skala reci anglickej Slovak v Amerike Slovenske noviny Slovensko-Americky zabavnik Slovensky dennik Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky pokrok Slovensky sokol Slovensky svet (Clarksburg , W.Va ., 1909-1910) Svetlak Zivena 1910 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Bratstvo Hlas Jednota Katolicke Slovenske noviny Kometa (Passaic, N.J. , 1910) Mladez (Pittsburgh , 1910-1911) Narodne noviny (Pittsburgh, 1910) Niva (Homestead, Pa., 1910-1911) Rarasek 39 Rovnost' l'udu Slovak v Amerike Slovenske listy (Chicago, 1910) Slovenske noviny Slovensko-Americky zabavnik Slovensky dennik Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky pokrok Slovensky sokol Slovensky svet Svetlak Youngstow nske Slovenske noviny (Youngstown, Ohio, 1910-1938) Zivena 1911 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Bratstvo Evanjelicky obzor (Cleveland, 1911-1912) Hlas Jednota Katolicke Slovenske noviny Katolicky sokol (Passaic , N.J., 1911) I.'.udovy dennik (Chicago , 1911-1917) Mladez Narodne noviny Niva Nova vlast' (Scranton, Pa ., 1911) Priatel' dietok (Passaic, N.J. , 1911) Rarasek Rovnost' l'udu Slovak a Amerike Slovenske noviny Slovensko-Americky zabavnik Slovensky dennik Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obzor (Passaic, N.J., 1911) Slovensky pokrok Slovensky soko l �40 SLOVAKIA Svedok Svornost' (Pittsburgh, 1911-1970} Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zivena 1912 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Bratstvo Evanjelicky obzor Hlas Jednota Juhozapadne noviny (Deslego , Mo. , 1912} Katolicke Slovenske noviny Katolicky sokol Krest'an (Uniontown , Pa., 1912-1932} I.:udovy dennik Narodne noviny Narodny dennik (Chicago, 1912} Priatel' dietok Rarasek Rovnost' l'udu Slovak v Amerike Slovensko-Americky zabavnik Slovensky dennik Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obcan (Hazleton , Pa ., 1912-1947} Slovensky sokol Slovensky tyzdenmk (Cleveland, 1912} Svedok Svornost' Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zivena 1913 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Bratstvo Hlas Jednota Katolicke Slovenske noviny Katolicky sokol Krajan (New York, N.Y ., 1913-1921} Krest'an I.:udovy dennik Narodne noviny New Yorsky dennik (New York, N .Y., 1913-1975) Osveta (Cleveland, 1913) Priatel' dietok Rovnost' l'udu Slovak v Amerike Slovenske slovo (Chicago , 1913-1914) Slovensky dennik Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obcan Slovensky sokol Svedok Svornost' Viestnik (Chicago, 1913) Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zivena 1914 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Bratstvo Hlas Hlas svobody (New York, N.Y., 1914-1917) Jednota Katolicke Slovenske noviny Katolicky sokol Krajan Krest'an Kritika (Cleveland, 1914-1915) I.:udovy dennik Narodne noviny Narodny dennik (Pittsburgh, 1914-1916) Narodny Slovensky dennik (Chicago, 1914-1916) New Yorsky dennik Priatel' dietok �SLOVAKIA Rovnost' l'udu Slovak v Amerike Slovenske slovo Slovensky dennik Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obcan Slovensky sokol Svedok Svornost' Oplna zdrzanlivost' (Hazleton , Pa ., 1914) Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zenska jednota (Cleveland, 1914-1975) Zivena 1915 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Amerikansko-Slovensky bulletin (Pittsburgh , 1915) Amerikansko-Slovensky svet (Pittsburgh , 1915-1916) Besedy l'udu (New York, 1915-1917) Bratstvo Denny hlas (Cleveland, 1915-1925) Farnik (Monessen, Pa. , 1915-1916) Hlas Hlas svobody Jednota Katolicke Slovenske noviny Katolicky sokol Krajan Krest'an Kritika Kruh mladeze (Pittsburgh , 1915-1934) l.:udovy dennik Narodne noviny Narodny dennik Narodny Slovensky dennik New Yorsky dennik Priatel' dietok Rovnost' l'udu Slovak v Amerike Slovensky dennik Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obcan Slovensky sokol Svedok Svornost' Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zenska jednota Zivena 1916 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Amerikansko-Slovensky svet Besedy l'udu Bratstvo Certik (Pittsburgh, 1916-1917) Denny hlas Farnik Hlas Hlas svobody Jednota Katolicke Slovenske noviny Katolicky sokol Krajan Krest'an Kruh mladeze l.:udovy dennik Narod (Pittsburgh, 1916) Narodne noviny Narodny dennik Narodny dennik (Pittsburgh, 1916-1924) Narodny slovensky dennik Nedel'a (Hazelton , Pa ., 1916) New Yorsky dennik Prehl'ad Priatel' dietok Rovnost' l'udu Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana (Scranton, Pa ., 1916-1972) Slovensky hlasnik 41 �42 SLOVAKIA Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obcan Slovensky sokol Slovensky tyzdennik (Wilkes-Barre, Pa., 1916) Svetlak Svornost' Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zenska jednota Zivena 1917 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Ave Maria (Cleveland, 1917Besedy l'udu (New York, N.Y., 1915-1917) Bratstvo Certik Chicagsky dennik (Chicago, 1917) Chicagsky Slovensky dennik (Chicago, 1917) Denny hlas Hlas Hlas svobody Jednota . Katolicke Slovenske noviny Katolicky sokol Krajan Krest'an Kruh mladeze I.:udovy dennik Narodne noviny Narodny dennik New Yorsky dennik Prehl'ad Priatel' dietok Rovnost' l'udu Slovak v Amerike Slovenska mladez (Pittsburgh , 1917-1918) Slovenska obrana Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obcan Slovensky sokol Sokolsky obzor (Chicago , 1917-1922) Svetlak Svornost' Tatran (Chicago, 1917-1937) Udalosti sveta (Hazleton, Pa., 1917-1919) Uradny organ (Braddock, Pa., 1917-1918) Vatra (Pittsburgh, 1917) Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zenska jednota Zivena 1918 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Ave Maria Bozske srdce Jezisa (Bridgeport , Conn., 1918-1952) Bratstvo Denny hlas Hlas Jednota Katolicke Slovenske noviny Katolicky sokol Krajan Krest'an Kruh mladeze Mlady Luteran (Streator, Ill., 1918-1941) Mudron district (Chicago , 1918) Narodne noviny Narodny dennik New Yorsky dennik Nave easy (Chicago, 1918-1945) Nave Slovensko (Pittsburgh, 1918-1922) Obzor Slovenskeho robotnickeho spolku (Chicago, 1918-1920) Osadnik (Cleveland , 1918) Prehl'ad Priatel' dietok Rovnost' l'udu Slovak v Amerike �SLOVAKIA Slovenska mladez Slovenska obrana Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obcan Slovensky sokol Sokolsky obzor Svedok Svornost' Tatran Udalosti sveta Oradny organ Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zenska jednota Zivena Zurnal spojenych majnerov (Indianapolis , Ind., 1918) 1919 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Ave Maria Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Denny hlas . Dobry pastier (Munhall, Pa. , 1919) Hlas Jednota Katolicke Slovenske noviny Katolicky sokol Krajan Krest'an Kruh mladeze Mlady Luteran Narodne noviny Narodny dennik New Yorsky dennik Nave easy Nave Slovensko Obzor Slovenskeho robotnickeho spolku Priatel' dietok Rovnost' l'udu Slovak v Amerike 43 Slovenska obrana Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obcan Slovensky sokol Sokolsky obzor Svetlak Svornost' Tatran Udalosti sveta Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo 1920 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Ave Maria Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Cernoknaznik (Cleveland , 1920-1927) Ceskoslovensky legionar (Pittsburgh , 1920-1926) Clevelandska Slovenska jednota (Cleveland , 1920-1945) Denny hlas Dobry pastier Hlas Hlas Sv. Emanuela (Minneapolis , 1920) Jednota Katolicke Slovenske noviny Katolicky Slovak (Chicago, 1920-1921) Katolicky sokol Krajan Krajan dzennik (New York, 1920-1921) Krest'an Kruh mladeze Mlady Luteran Narodne bratstvo (Cleveland , 1920) Narodne noviny �44 SLOVAKIA Narodny dennik New Yorsky dennik Nave easy Nave Slovensko Obzor Slovenskeho robotnickeho spolku Priatel' dietok Proletar (Cleveland, 1920-1921) Rovnost' l'udu Sion (Pittsburgh, 1920Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obean Slovensky sokol Sokolsky obzor Svedok Svornost' Tatran Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo 192 1 Amerikansk6-Slovenske noviny Ave Maria Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Cernoknaznik Ceskoslovensky legionar Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Denny hlas Dobry pastier Hlas Host' (Chicago , 1921-1922) Jednota Jara (Middletown, Pa ., 1921-1964) Katolfcke Slovenske noviny Katolfcky Slovak Katolfcky sokol Krajan Krajan dzennik Krest'an Kruh mladeze Mlady Luteran Narodne noviny Narodny dennik New Yorsky dennik Nave easy (Chicago, 1918-1945) Nave Slovensko Priatel' dietok Proletar Rovnost' l'udu Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obean Slovensky sokol Sokolsky obzor Svedok Svornost' Tatran Telegraf (Bridgeport, Conn., 1921-1923) Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo 1922 Americky Slovak (Pittsburgh , 1922) Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Ave Maria Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Cernoknaznik Ceskoslovensky legionar Chicagsky Slovensky dennik (Chicago , 1922) Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Denny hlas Dobry pastier Hlas Host' �SLOVAKIA Jednota Jara Katolicke Slovenske noviny Katolicky sokol Krest'an Kruh mladeze Mlady Luteran Narodne noviny Narodny dennik New Yorsky dennik Nave easy Nave Slovensko Priatel' dietok Rovnost' l'udu Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obean Slovensky sokol Sokolsky obzor Studentska horlivost' (Lisle, Ill. , 1922-1923) Svedok Svornost' Tatran Telegraf Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo Hlas Jednota Jara Katolicke Slovenske noviny Katolicky sokol Krest'an Kruh mladeze Mlady Luteran Narodne noviny Narodny dennik New Yorsky dennik Nova vlast' (Pittsburgh, 1923) Nave easy Priatel' dietok Rovnost' l'udu Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obean Slovensky sokol Studentska horlivost' Svedok Svornost' Tatran Telegraf Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo 1923 1924 Ave Maria Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Cernoki\.aznik Ceskoslovensky legionar Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Denny hlas Dobry pastier Fialky (Danville, Pa., 1923-1970) Furdek (Middletown, Pa., Ave Maria Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Cernoki\.aznik Caskoslovensky legionar Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Dennica (Pittsburgh , 1924-1962) Denny hlas Dobry pastier Fialky Furdek 1923-1941) 45 �46 SLOVAKIA Hlas Jednota Jara Katolicke Slovenske noviny Katolicky sokol Krest'an Kruh mladeze Listy Sv. Frantiska (Pittsburgh, 1924) Mlady Luteran Naradne noviny Narodny dennik Narodny tyzdennik (Pittsburgh , 1924) Nasa mladez (Chicago , 1924) New Yorsky dennik Nove easy Pokrokova jednota (McKees Rocks, Pa ., 1924-1935) Priatet' dietok Rovnost' l'udu Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovenska oqrana Slovensky bulletin (Bethlehem , Pa ., 1924-1929) Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obean Slovensky sokol Svedok Svornost' Tatran Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo 1925 Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Dennica Denny hlas Dobry pastier Fialky Furdek Hlas Jednota Jara Katolicke Slovenske noviny Katolicky sokol Krest'an Kruh mladeze Listy Sv. Frantiska Mlady Luteran Naradne noviny New Yorsky dennik Nove easy Pokrokova jednota Priatel' dietok Rovnost' l'udu Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovenske slovo (Cleveland , 1925) Slovensky bulletin Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky narod (Schenectady, N.Y ., 1925) Slovensky obean Slovensky sokol Svedok Svornost' Tatran Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo Ave Maria Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Cernoknaznik Ceskoslovensky legionar Ave Maria Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo 1926 �SLOVAKIA Cernoknaznik Ceskoslovensky legiona.r Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Furdek Hlas Jednota Jara Katolicke Slovenske noviny Katolicky sokol Krest'an Kruh mladeze Listy Sv. Frantiska Mlady Luteran Narodne noviny New Yorsky dennik Nave easy Pokrokova jednota Priatel' dietok Rovnost' l'udu Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovensky bulletin Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obean Slovensky sokol Slovensky svet (Pittsburgh, Cernoknaznik Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Furdek Hlas Jednota Jara Katolicky sokol Krest'an Kruh mladeze Listy Sv. Frantiska Mlady Luteran Naradne noviny New Yorsky dennik Nave easy Pok.rokova jednota Priatel' dietok Rovnost' l'udu Sdruzeniar (Youngstown, Ohio, 1927) Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovenska ozvena (Cleveland, 1927-1931) 1927 Slovensky bulletin Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obean Slovensky sokol Slovensky svet Slovo Svetlak Svornost' Tatran Youngstownske slovenske noviny Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo Ave Maria Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Ave Maria 1926-1940) Slovo (Pittsburgh, 1926-19 37) Svetlak Svornost' Tatran Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo 1928 47 �48 SLOVAKIA Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Furdek Hlas Jednota Jara Katolicky sokol Krest'an Kruh mladeze Li sty Sv . Frantiska Mlady Luteran Narodne noviny New Yorsky dennik Nave easy Osadne hlasy Pokrokova jednota Priatel' dietok Rovnost' l'udu Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovenska ozvena Slovensky bulletin Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky K,alvin Slovensky obcan Slovensky sokol Slovensky svet Slovo Svedok Svornost' Tatran Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo 1929 Ave Maria Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Furdek Hlas Jednota Jara Katolicky sokol Krest'an Kruh mladeze Listy Sv . Frantiska Mlady Luteran Narodne noviny New Yorsky dennik Nave easy Osadne hlasy Pokrokova jednota Priatel' dietok Rovnost' l'udu Samostatnost' (McKeesport, Pa ., 1929-1939) Sion Slovak Manor obzor (Long Island, N.Y ., 1929) Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovenska ozvena Slovenske noviny (New York , N.Y. , 1929-1943) Slovensky bulletin Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obcan Slovensky sokol Slovensky svet Slovo Svedok Svornost' Tatran Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo �SLOVAKIA 1930 Ave Maria Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Furdek Hlas Jednota Jaro Kadet (Cleveland, 1930-1962) Katolicky sokol Krest'an Kruh mladeze Listy Sv . Frantiska Mlady Luteran Narodne noviny New Yorsky dennik Nove easy Osadne hlasy Pokrokova jednota Priatel' dietok Rovnost' l'udu Samostatnost' Sion Slovak Orol (New York, N.Y., 1930) Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovenska ozvena Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obean Slovensky sokol Slovensky svet Slovo Sokolska straz (Pittsburgh, 1930-1931) Svedok Svornost' Tatran Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zapadne hlasy (Milwaukee , 1930) Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo 1931 Ave Maria The Benedictine (Cleveland, 1931-1976) Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Furdek Hlas Jednota Jaro Kadet Katolicky sokol Krest'an Kruh mladze Listy Sv. Frantiska Mlady Luteran Narodne noviny The Narrator (Milwaukee , 1931-1932) Nas svet (Chicago, 1931-1940) Nasa straz (Pittsburgh, 1931) New Yorsky dennik Nove easy Osadne hlasy Pokrokova jednota Priatel' dietok Rovnost' l'udu Samostatnost' Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovenska ozvena Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin 49 �SLOVAKIA 50 Slovensky obcan Slovensky sokol Slovensky svet Slovo Sokolska straz Svedok Svornost' Tatran Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo 1932 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bozske Srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Cirkevnik (Riverside , Ill. , 1932- ) Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Furdek Hlas Jed no ta Jara Kadel Katolicky sokol Krest'an Kruh mladeze Lampas (Cleveland, 1932) Listy Sv . Frantiska Mlady Luteran Narodne noviny The Narrator Nas svet New Yorsky dennik Nave easy Osadne hlasy Pokrokova jednota Priatel' dietok Rovnost' l'udu Samostatnost' Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obcan Slovensky sokol Slovensky svet Slovo Svedok Svornost' Tatran Youngstownske slovenske noviny Zenska jed nota Zivena Zrkadlo 1933 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Cirkevnik Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Furdek Hlas Jednota Jara Kadet Katolicky sokol Kruh mladeze Listy Sv . Frantiska Mlady Luteran Naradne noviny Nas svet New Yorsky dennlk Nave easy Osadne hlasy Pokrokova jednota �SLOVAKIA Pravda (Chicago , 193 3-1945} Priatel' dietok Rovnost' l'udu Samostatnost' Sion Slovak Democrat (New York , N.Y., 1933} Slovak V Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obcan Slovensky soko l Slovensky svet Slovo Svedok Svornost' Tatran Wiconsinsky Slovak (Milwaukee, 1933-1936} Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo 1934 Americky Slovak (Cleveland , 1934-35} Ave Maria The Benedictine Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Cirkevnik Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Dennica Detroitsky Slovak (Detroit, 1934} Dobry pastier Fialky Furdek Hlas Jednota Jaro Kadet Katolicky sokol Kruh mladeze Listy Sv . Frantiska Mlady Luteran Narodne noviny Nas svet New Yorsky dennik Nove easy Osadne hlasy Pokrokova jednota Pravda Priatel' dietok Rovnost' l'udu Samostalnost' Sion Slovak (New York , N.Y ., 1934) Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovenska revizia (Detriot , 1934} Slovenske novin y Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obcan Slovensky sokol Slovensky svet Slovo Svedok Svornost' Tatran Wisconsinsky Slovak Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo 1935 Americky Slovak Ave Maria The Benedictine Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Bulletin Slovenskej ligy v Amerike (Pittsburgh, 1935-1937} Cirkevnik Clevelandska Slovenska jednota 51 �52 SLOVAKIA Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Furdek Hlas Jednota Jaro Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv . Frantiska I.:udovy dennik (Chicago, 1935-1945) Mlady Luteran Narodne noviny Nas svet New Yorsky dennik Nove easy Osadne hlasy Pokrokova jednota Pravda Priatel' dietok Rovnost' l'udu Rozsieva/'.: (Gaines , Mich., 1935-1936) Samostatnost' Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky ob/'.:an Slovensky sokol Slovensky svet Slovo Svedok Svornost' Tatran Wisconsinsky Slovak Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zahradka (Pittsburgh, 1935-1937) Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo 1936 Ave Maria The Benedictine Besiedky , Listy Americkych Slovakov (New York , N.Y., 1936) Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Bulletin Slovenskej ligy v Amerike Cirkevnik Clevelandska Slovenska jednota The Courier (Granite City, Ill ., 1936-1937) Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Furdek Hlas Jednota Jaro Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska I.:udovy dennik Mlady Luteran Narodne noviny Nas svet New Yorsky dennik Nove easy Osadne hlasy Pravda a slavna nadej (Chicago, 1936) Pravda Priatel' dietok Rozsieva/'.: Rozsievac pravdy (Akron, Ohio , 1936) Samostatnost' Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky ob/'.:an �SLOVAKIA Slovensky sokol Slovensky svet Slovo Svedok Svornost' Tatran Wisconsinsky Slovak Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zahradka Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo 1937 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Bulletin Slovenskej ligy v Amerike Cirkevnik Clevelandska Slovenska jednota The Courier Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Furdek Hlas Hlasnik (Akron , Ohio , 1937) Jednota Jara Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska I.:udovy dennik Mlady Luteran Naradne noviny Nas svet New Yorsky dennik Nave easy Osadne hlasy Pravda Priatel' dietok Samostatnost' Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obcan Slovensky sokol Slovensky svet Slovo Svedok Svornost' Tatran Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zahradka Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo 1938 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Cirkevnik Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Furdek Hlas Jednota Jara Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska I.:udovy dennik Mlady Luteran Naradne noviny Nas svet New Yorsky dennik Nave easy Osadne hlasy Pravda Priatel' dietok 53 �54 SLOVAKIA Samostatnost' Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obcan Slovensky sokol Slovensky svet Straz (Palmyra , Pa. , 1938) Svedok Svornost' Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo 1939 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Cirkevnik Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Furdek Hlas Jednota Jaro Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska I.:udovy dennik Mlady Luteran Narodne noviny Nas svet New Yorsky dennik Nove easy Osadne hlasy Pravda Priatel' dietok Samostatnost' Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obean Slovensky sokol Slovensky svet Svedok Svornost' Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo 1940 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Cirkevnik Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Furdek Hlas Jednota Jaro Kadet Katolicky soko l Listy Sv . Frantiska I.:udovy dennik Mlady Luteran Narodne noviny Nas svet New Yorsky dennik Nove easy Osadne hlasy Pravda Priatel' dietok Roduverny Slovak (Chicago, 1940-1942) �SLOVAKIA Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovenka (Chicago , 1940) Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obi':an Slovensky sokol Slovensky svet Svetlak Svornost' Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo 1941 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Cirkevnik Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Furdek Hlas Jednota Jara Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska I..:udovy dennik Mlady Luteran Narodne noviny New Yorsky dennik Nave easy Osadne hlasy Pravda Priatel' dietok Roduverny Slovak Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovanske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obcan Slovensky sokol Svetlak Svornost' Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka (Pittsburgh , 1941Zrkadlo 1942 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bozske srdce Jez isa Cirkevnik Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Hlas Hlas mladeze (New York , N.Y., 1942-1968) Jednota Jara Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska Ludovy dennik Narodne noviny New Yorsky dennik Nave easy Osadne hlasy Pennsylvanska Slovenska jednota (Wilkes-Barre, 1942-1944) Pravda Priatel' dietok Roduvern y Slovak Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny 55 �56 SLOVAKIA Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obean Slovensky sokol Svedok Svornost' Zenska jednota Zivena Zornieka Zrkadlo 1943 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bozske srdce Jezisa Cirkevnik Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Hlas Hlas mladeze Jednota Jara Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska I.:udovy denn'ik Naradne noviny New Yorsky dennik Nave easy Osadne hlasy Pennsylvanska Slovenska jednota Pravda Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Record (Pittsburgh, 1943) Slaboda (New York , N.Y., 1943) Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obean Slovensky sokol Svedok Svornost' Zenska jednota Zivena Zornieka Zrkadlo 1944 Ave Maria The Benedictine Boske srdce Jezisa Cirkevnik Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Hlas Hlas mladeze Jednota Jara Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska I.:udovy dennik The Lutheran Beacon (Pittsburgh, 1944-1970) Naradne noviny New Yorsky dennik Nave easy Osadne hlasy Pennsylvanska Slovenska jednota Pravda Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obean Slovensky sokol Svedok Svornost' Zenska jednota �SLOVAKIA Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo Zornicka Zrkadlo 1945 1946 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo (Wilkes-Barre , Pa. , 1954) Cirkevnik Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Hlas Hlas mladeze Jednota Jaro Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska Cudove noviny (Chicago , 1945-1984) Cudovy dennik The Lutheran Beacon Narodne noviny New Yorsky dennik Nove easy Osadne hlasy Pravda Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obcan Slovensky sokol Svedok Svornost' Za tu nasu slovencinu (Scranton , Pa., 1945) Zenska jednota Zivena Ave Maria The Benedictine Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Cirkevnik Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Hlas Hlas mladeze Hlas slovenskej slobody (WilkesBarre , Pa ., 1946) Jednota Jaro Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv . Frantiska Cudove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Narodne noviny New Yorsky dennik Osadne hlasy Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Digest (Pittsburgh , 1946) Slovak Review (Middletown , Pa., 1946-1947) Slovenska obrana Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obcan Slovensky sokol Svedok Svornost' Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 57 �58 1947 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Cirkevnik Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Hlas Hlas ml adeze Jednota Jara Kadel Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska I..:udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Naradne noviny New Yorsky dennik Osadne hlasy Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Arnerike Slovak Review Slovenska obrana Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obcan Slovensky sokol Svedok Svornost' Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1948 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Cirkevnik Dennica SLOVAKIA Dobry pastier Fialky Hlas mladeze Jednota Jara Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska I..:udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Naradny Slovensky tyzdennik (Chicago , 1948) New Yorsky dennik Osadne hlasy Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak Bulletin (Pittsburgh, 1948) Slovak v Amerike Slovenska liga (Passaic , 1948) Slovenska obrana Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky sokol Svedok Svornost' Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1949 Ave Maria The Benedictin e Bozske srdce Jez isa Bratstvo Cirkevnik Denni ca Dobry past ier Fialky Hla s ml adeze Jed nota Jara Kad et Katolicky sokol �SLOVAKIA Listy Sv. Frantiska l.:udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Narodne noviny New Yorsky dennik Osadne hlasy Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Newsletter (Middletown , Pa .. 1949-1958) Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny (Cleveland, 1949-1959) Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky sokol Svedok Svornost' Zenska jednota Zivena Zornii':ka Zrkadlo 1950 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Cas (Washington , D.C., 1950-1959) Cirkevnik Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Hlas mladeze Jed no ta Jara Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska l.:udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Narodne noviny New Yorsky' dennik Osadne hlasy Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak newsletter Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky sokol Svetlak Svornost' Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1951 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Cas Cirkevnik Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Hlas mladeze Jed no ta Jara Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv . Frantiska l.:udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Naradne novin y New Yorsky dennik Osadne hlasy Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagl e (Bridgeport, Conn .. 1951) Slovak Newsletter 59 �60 Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky sokol Svetlak Svornost' Zenska jednota Zivena Zornii'.:ka Zrkadlo 1952 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Cas Cirkevnik Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Hlas mladeze Jednota Jara Kadet Katolicky so!<ol Listy Sv. Frantiska 1'.udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Narodne noviny New Yorsky dennik Osadne hlasy Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovak Newsletter Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky soko l Svetlak SLOVAKIA Svornost' Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1953 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bratstvo Bulletin of the Slovak National Council Abroad (Middletown, Pa., 1953-1958) Cas Cirkevnik Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Floridsky Slovak (Maitland, Fla., 1953) Hlas mladeze Jednota Jara Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska l'.udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Narodne noviny New Yorsky dennik Osadne hlasy Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovak Newsletter Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky sokol Svetlak Svornost' Zenska jednota �SLOVAKIA Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1954 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bratstvo Bulletin of the Slovak National Council Abroad Cas Cirkevnik Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Floridsky Slovak Hlas mladeze Jednota Jaro Kadel Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska l.:udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Most (Cleveland, 1954Narodne noviny New Yorsky dennik Osadne hlasy Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovak Newsletter Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky sokol Svedok Svornost' Zenska jed nota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1955 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bratstvo Bulletin of the Slovak National Council Abroad Cas Cirkevnik Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Floridsky Slovak Hlas mladeze Jednota Jaro Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska l.:udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Most Narodne noviny New Yorsky dennik Osadne hlasy Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovak Newsletter . Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky sokol Svedok Svornost' Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1956 Ave Maria The Benedictine 61 �62 SLOVAKIA Bratstvo Bulletin of the Slovak National Council Abroad Cas Cirkevnik Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Floridsky Slovak Hlas mladeze Jednota Jara Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska I.:udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Most Narodne noviny New Yorsky dennik Osadne hlasy Priatel' dietok Rozhl'ady (New York , N .Y., 1956-1959) Sion Slovak V Am'e rike Slovak Eagle Slovak Newsletter Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky sokol Svetlak Svornost' Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo The Benedictine Bratstvo Bulletin of the Slovak National Council Abroad Cas Cirkevnik Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Floridsky Slovak Hlas mladeze Jednota Jara Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska I.:udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Most Narodne noviny New Yorsky dennik Osadne hlasy Priatel' dietok Rozhl'ady Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovak Newsletter Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky sokol Svetlak Svornost' Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1957 1958 Amerikansko-Slovensky kocur (Cleveland , 1957-1958) Ave Maria Amerikansko-Slovensky kocur Ave Maria The Benedictine �SLOVAKIA Bratstvo Bulletin of the Slovak National Council Abroad Cas Cirkevnik Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Floridsky Slovak Hlas mladeze Jednota Jaro Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska l'.udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Most Narodne noviny New Yorsky dennik Osadne hlasy Priatel' dietok Rozhl'ady Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovak Newsletter Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky sokol Svetlak Svornost' Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1959 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bratstvo Cas Cirkevnik Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Floridsky Slovak Hlas mladeze Jednota Jaro Kadet Katolicky sokol Li sty Sv. Frantiska l'.udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Most Narodne noviny New Yorsky dennik Osadne hlasy Priatel' dietok Rozhl'lady Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky sokol Svetlak Svornost' Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1960 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bratstvo Cirkevnik Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Floridsky Slovak Hlas mladeze 63 �64 Jednota Jara Kadet Katolicky sokol Li sty Sv . Fran ti ska Ludove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Most Narodne noviny New Yorsky dennik Osadne hlasy Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovenska obrana Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky sokol Svetlak Svornost' Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1961 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bratstvo Cirkevnik Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Floridsky Slovak Hlas mladeze Jednota Jara Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska I.:udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Most SLOVAKIA Naradne noviny New Yorsky dennik Osadne hlasy Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovenska obrana Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky sokol Svetlak Svornost' Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1962 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bratstvo Calvin (Pittsburgh , 1962Cirkevnik Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Floridsky Slovak Hlas mladeze Jednota Jara Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv . Frantiska I.:udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Most Naradne noviny New Yorsky dennik Osadne hlasy Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle �SLOVAKIA Slovenska obrana Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky sokol Svedok Svornost' United Lutheran (Pittsburgh, 1962- ) Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1963 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bratstvo Calvin Cirkevnik Dobry pastier Fialky Floridsky Slovak Hlas mladeze Jednota Jaro Katolicky sokol Listy Sv . Frantiska I.:udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Most Narodne noviny New Yorsky dennik Osadne hlasy Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovenska obrana Slovensky sokol Svedok Svornost' United Luthera n Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1964 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bratstvo Calvin Cirkevnik Dobry pastier Fialky Floridsky Slovak Hlas mladeze Jednota Jara Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska I.:udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Most Nardone noviny New Yorsky dennik Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovenska obrana Slovensky sokol Svedok Svornost' United Lutheran Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1965 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bratstvo Calvin Cirkevnik Dobry pastier Fialky 65 �66 Floridsky Slovak Hlas mladeze Jednota Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska I.:udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Most Narodne noviny Nase hlasy (Chicago, 1965Nase snahy (Chicago, 1965New Yorsky dennik Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovenske obrana Slovensky sokol Svedok Svornost' United Lutheran Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1966 Ave Maria The Benedictine Benedictine··Bulletin Bratstvo Calvin Ciekevmk Dobry pastier Fialky Floridsky Slovak Hlas mladeze Jednota Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska I.:udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Most Narodne noviny SLOVAKIA ) ) Nase hlasy Nase snahy New Yorsky dennik Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovenska obrana Slovensky sokol Svedok Svornost' United Lutheran Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1967 Ave Maria The Benedictine Benedictine Bulletin Bratstvo Calvin Cirkevnik Dobry pastier Fialky Floridsky Slovak Hlas mladeze Jednota Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska I.:udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Most Narodne noviny Nase hlasy Nase snahy New Yorsky dennik Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovenska obrana Sokol Times (Perth Amboy, N.J ., 1967) �SLOVAKIA Svetlak Svornost' United Lutheran Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1968 Ave Maria The Benedictine Benedictine Bulletin Bratstvo Calvin Cirkevnik Dobry pastier Fialky Floridsky Slovak Hlas mladeze Jednota Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska LUdove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Most Narodne noviny Nase hlasy Nase snahy New Yorsky dennik Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovak Press Digest (New York , N.Y., 1968-1975) Sl~venska obrana Sokol Times Svetlak Svornost' United Lutheran Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1969 Ave Maria The Benedictine Benedictine Bulletin Bratstvo Calvin Cirkevnik Dobry pastier Fialky Floridsky Slovak Jednota Katolicky sokol Li sty Sv . Frantiska Ludove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Most Narodne noviny Nase hlasy Nase snahy New Yorsky dennik Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovak Press Digest Slovenska obrana Sokol Times Svedok Svornost' United Lutheran Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1970 Ave Maria The Benedictine Benedictine Bulletin Bratstvo Calvin Cirkevnik Dobry pastier Fialky 67 �68 Floridsky Slovak Jednota Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska I.:udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Most Narodne noviny Nase hlasy Nase snahy New Yorsky dennik Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovak Press Digest Slovenska obrana Sokol times Svetlak Svornost' United Lutheran Zenska jednota .Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1971 Ave Maria The Benedictine Benedictine Bulletin Bratstvo Calvin Cirkevnik Dobry pastier Floridsky Slovak Jednota Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska I.:udove noviny Most Narodne noviny Nase hlasy Nase snahy New Yorsky dennik SLOVAKIA Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovak Press Digest Slovak a Svet (Chicago, 1971-72) Slovenska obrana Sokol Times Svetlak United Lutheran Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1972 Ave Maria The Benedictine Benedictine Bulletin Bratstvo Calvin Cirkevnik Dobry pastier Floridsky Slovak Jednota Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Fran ti ska I.:udove noviny Most Narodne noviny Nase hlasy Nase snahy New Yorsky dennik Priatel' dietok Sion Slobodna tribuna (New York, N. Y. , 1972) Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovak Press Digest Slovak a Svet Slovenska obrana Sokol Times Svetlak �SLOVAKIA United Lutheran Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1973 Ave Maria The Benedictine Benedictine Bulletin Bratstvo Calvin Cirkevnik Dobry pastier Floridsky Slovak Jednota Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska I.:udove noviny Most Narodne noviny Nase hlasy Nase snahy New Yorsky dennik Priatel' dietok Sion Slobodna tribuna Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovak Press Digest Sokol Times Svedok United Lutheran Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1974 Ave Maria The Benedictine Benedictine Bulletin Bratstvo Calvin Cirkevnik Dobry pastier Floridsky Slovak Jednota Katolicky sokol Li sty Sv. Fran ti ska I.:udove noviny Most Narodne noviny Nase hlasy Nase snahy New Yorsky dennik Priatel' dietok Sion Slobodna Tribuna Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovak Press Digest Sokol Times Svedok United Lutheran Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1975 Ave Maria The Benedictine Benedictine Bulletin Bratstvo Calvin Cirkevnik Dobry pastier Floridsky Slovak Jednota Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska I.:udove noviny Most Narodne noviny Nase hlasy Nase snahy New Yorsky dennik 69 �70 Priatel' dietok Sion Slobodna tribuna Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovak Heritage (Detroit , 1975Slovak Press Digest SLOVAKIA Sokol Times Svetlak United Lutheran Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo �SLOVAKIA LITERATURE 71 �� 34 SLOVAKIA Slovak-American Newspapers, 1885-1975: A Preliminary Listing M. MARK STOLARIK In 1983, as the centennial of the Slovak-American press approached , I decided to re-work Konstantin Culen's annotated bibliography Slovenske casopisy v Amerike (Cleveland: First Catholic Slovak Union , 1970) and tell the story as he would have had he not died prematurely in 1964 . Therefore , I literally took his book apart and put it back together again with the aid of a computer. This resulted in two analytical essays and the listing I am about to publish. The essays were: " The Slovak-American Press," [1885-1984] in Sally M. Miller ed., The Ethnic Press in the United States: A Historical Analy sis and Handbook (Westport, Ct.: Greenwood Press, 1987), and "At Home Abroad: The SlovakAmerican Press, 1885-1918 , " which is slated to appear in Owen V. Johnson 's edited volume entitled Mobilizing the Mobilized: The Role and Functions of the Mass Media in Eastern Europe. The list of Slovak-American newspapers published between 1885 and 1975 which follows is based upon Culen's book , cited above , and the late Michal Lacko's Slovak Bibliography Abroad, 1945-1965, and 1966-1975 published in Slovak Studies VII and XVII, Bibliografica 1 and 2 (Rome: Slovak Institute, 1967 and 1977) . Culen listed 246 titles in his book, but, upon close inspection, I discovered 39 titles that he could not verify or which should not have been listed because they were not Slovak newspapers. I subtracted these from the list. Furthermore, Lacko discovered 13 titles that Culen had missed and I added these, coming up with a grand total of 220 for the period 1885-1975 . There have probably �SLOVAKIA 35 been more than 220 Slovak-American newspapers in the period 1885-1975, but they remain to be discovered and verified. Also, Jozef Rydlo, who has taken over the duties of editor of Slovak Studies, is presently working on a Slovak Bibliography Abroad, 1976-1985 and his work will allow me, or someone else, to update the list to 1985. Meanwhile, here is how I prepared the list. I carefully read Culen's annotated bibliography and kept his definition of a newspaper as one that appeared at least quarterly. I then listed the title, the date and city it first appeared in, and also major subsequent cities if it moved, and the date it folded. This list (plus my analytical articles, cited abov~) supplements the work of Michal Potemra who published a Bibliografia slovenskych novin a casopisov do roku 1918 (Martin: Matica slovenska, 1958) and Maria Kipsova et. al . Bibliografia slovenskych a inorecovy ch novin a casopisov z rokov 1919-1938 (Martin: Matica slovenska, 1968) . I hope that students of SlovakAmerican history will find it useful. Slovak-American Newspapers, 1885-1975 1885 Bulletin (Pittsburgh , 1885-1886) 1886 Bulletin Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny (Pittsburgh, 1886-1922) 1887 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny 1888 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Nova vlast' (Streator , Ill ., 1888) Slovak v Amerike (Plymouth & New York , 1889) Zastava (Plymouth , Pa ., 1889) 1890 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Katolicke noviny Slovak v Amerike 1891 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Jednota (Cleveland , 1891) Katolicke noviny Slovak v Amerike 1889 1892 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Katolicke noviny (Hazleton , Pa ., 1889-1891) Robotnik (Connellsville , Pa ., 1889) Americky Slovak (Cleveland, 1892-1894) Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Jednota �36 SLOVAKIA Slovak v Amerike Slovenske listy (Jersey City, N .J., 1892) 1893 Americky Slovak Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Jednota Slovak v Amerike Slovenska svornost' (Connellsville , Pa., 1893-1897) 1894 Americky Slovak Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Cirkevne listy (Cleveland, 1894-1899) Fakla (New York City, 1894) Jednota Majak (Pittsburgh, 1894) Pravda (Connellsville , Pa., 1894-1896) Slovak v Arilerike Slovenska pravda (Freeland, Pa., 1984-1904) Slovenska svornost' Slovensky hlas (Pittsburgh, 1894-1898) 1895 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Cas (Nanticoke, Pa., 1895-1899) Cirkevne listy Jednota Katolik (Freeland , Pa., 1895-1898) Pravda Rodina (Cleveland, 1895) Slovak (New York City , 1895) Slovak v Amerike Slovenska pravda Slovenska svornost' Slovensky hlas 1896 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Cas Cirkevne listy Jednota Katolik Pravda Rarasek (Pittsburgh, 1896-1912) Sasok (Wilkes-Barre, Pa., 1896-1898) Slovak v Amerike Slovaktownske hlasy (Pittsburgh, 1896) Slovenska pravda Slovenska svornost' Slovensky hlas 1897 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Carodejnik (Cleveland, 1897-1898) Cas Cirkevne listy The Emmigrant (Pittsburgh , 1897) Jednota Katolik Mydlo (Wilkes-Barre , Pa., 1897-1898) Rarasek Sasok Slovak v Amerike Slovenska pravda Slovenska svornost' Slovenske noviny (Hazleton , Pa., 1897-1911) Slovensky hlas 1898 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Carodejnik Cas Cirkevne listy Jednota Katolik Mydlo Rarasek �SLOVAKIA Sasok Slovak v Amerike Slovenska pravda Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlas 1899 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Bratstvo (Wilkes-Barre, Pa ., 1899-1941 ; 1945) Cas Cirkevne listy Jednota Novy Cernoknaznik (Cleveland , 1899) Rarasek Slovak v Amerike Slovenska pravda Slovenske noviny 1900 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Bratstvo Cas Jednota Lutheran (Cleveland , 1900-1902) Rarasek Slaboda (Chicago, 1900-1901) Slovak v Amerike Slovenska pravda Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik (Pittsburgh, 1900-1962) Slovensky Lutheran (Philadelphia, 1900) 1901 37 Slebodny Orel (New York, N.Y., 1901-1904) Slaboda Slovak v Amerike Slovenska pravda Slovenske noviny Slovensky dennik (Pittsburgh, 1901-1915) Slovensky hlasnik Viera (Cleveland , 1901-1902) 1902 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Bratstvo Jednota Lutheran Rarasek Slebodny ore! Slovak v Amerike Slovenska pravda Slovenske noviny Slovensky American (Pittsburgh, 1902-1903) Slovensky dennik Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky obcan (Bridgeport, Conn., 1902) Viera 1903 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Bratstvo Jednota Rarasek Slebodny ore! Slovak v Amerike Slovenska pravda Slovenske noviny Slovensky American Slovensky dennik Slovensky hlasnik Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Bratstvo Jednota Lutheran Naso novini (New York , N.Y., 1901) 1904 Rarasek Sip (Cleveland, 1901) Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny �38 SLOVAKIA Bratstvo Jednota Rarasek Robotnik (New York, N.Y., 1904) Slebodny V Amerike Slovenska pravda Slovenske noviny Slovensky dennik Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky sokol Slovensky tyzdennik Svedok (Pittsburgh , 1906Zornicka (Wilkes-Barre, Pa. , 1906-1907) 1907 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Bratstvo Hlas (Cleveland, 1907-1947) 1905 Jednota Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Katolicke Slovenske noviny Bratstvo Nasa zastava Rarasek Jednota Rovnost' l'udu Rarasek Slovak v Amerike Slovak v Amerike Slovenske noviny Slovenske noviny Slovensko-Americky zabavnik Slovensko-Americky zabavnik (Chicago , 1905-1912) Slovensky dennik Slovensky dennik Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin (Pittsburgh, Slovensky sokol (Perth Amboy , N .J., 1907-1962) 1905-1966) Slovensky pokrok Slovensky tyzdenmk (New York, Slovensky sokol N.Y ., 1905-1906) Svedok Sokol a narod (1905) Zensky svet (New York, N.Y., 1907-1908) Zornicka 1906 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny 1908 Bratstvo Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Jednota Bratstvo Katolicke Slovenske noviny Hlas (Chicago, 1906-1926) Nasa zastava (Bridgeport , Conn. , Jednota Katolicke Slovenske noviny 1906-1907) Krajan (Hazleton , Pa. , 1908) Rarasek Rovnost' l'udu (Chicago, 1906-1935) Rarasek Rovnost' l'udu Slovak v Amerike Skola reci anglickej (Pittsburgh, Slovenske noviny 1908-1909) Slovensko-Americky zabavnik Slovak v Amerike Slovensky dennik Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky pokrok (New York , N.Y ., Slovensko-Americky zabavnik Slovensky dennik 1906-1911) �SLOVAKIA Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky narod (Cudahy , Wisc., 1908) Slovensky pokrok Slovensky sokol Svetlak Zensky svet Zivena (Pittsburgh, 19081909 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Bratstvo Hlas Jednota Katolfcke Slovenske noviny Rarasek Rovnost' l'udu Skala reci anglickej Slovak v Amerike Slovenske noviny Slovensko-Americky zabavnik Slovensky dennik Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky pokrok Slovensky sokol Slovensky svet (Clarksburg , W.Va ., 1909-1910) Svetlak Zivena 1910 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Bratstvo Hlas Jednota Katolicke Slovenske noviny Kometa (Passaic, N.J. , 1910) Mladez (Pittsburgh , 1910-1911) Narodne noviny (Pittsburgh, 1910) Niva (Homestead, Pa., 1910-1911) Rarasek 39 Rovnost' l'udu Slovak v Amerike Slovenske listy (Chicago, 1910) Slovenske noviny Slovensko-Americky zabavnik Slovensky dennik Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky pokrok Slovensky sokol Slovensky svet Svetlak Youngstow nske Slovenske noviny (Youngstown, Ohio, 1910-1938) Zivena 1911 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Bratstvo Evanjelicky obzor (Cleveland, 1911-1912) Hlas Jednota Katolicke Slovenske noviny Katolicky sokol (Passaic , N.J., 1911) I.'.udovy dennik (Chicago , 1911-1917) Mladez Narodne noviny Niva Nova vlast' (Scranton, Pa ., 1911) Priatel' dietok (Passaic, N.J. , 1911) Rarasek Rovnost' l'udu Slovak a Amerike Slovenske noviny Slovensko-Americky zabavnik Slovensky dennik Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obzor (Passaic, N.J., 1911) Slovensky pokrok Slovensky soko l �40 SLOVAKIA Svedok Svornost' (Pittsburgh, 1911-1970} Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zivena 1912 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Bratstvo Evanjelicky obzor Hlas Jednota Juhozapadne noviny (Deslego , Mo. , 1912} Katolicke Slovenske noviny Katolicky sokol Krest'an (Uniontown , Pa., 1912-1932} I.:udovy dennik Narodne noviny Narodny dennik (Chicago, 1912} Priatel' dietok Rarasek Rovnost' l'udu Slovak v Amerike Slovensko-Americky zabavnik Slovensky dennik Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obcan (Hazleton , Pa ., 1912-1947} Slovensky sokol Slovensky tyzdenmk (Cleveland, 1912} Svedok Svornost' Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zivena 1913 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Bratstvo Hlas Jednota Katolicke Slovenske noviny Katolicky sokol Krajan (New York, N.Y ., 1913-1921} Krest'an I.:udovy dennik Narodne noviny New Yorsky dennik (New York, N .Y., 1913-1975) Osveta (Cleveland, 1913) Priatel' dietok Rovnost' l'udu Slovak v Amerike Slovenske slovo (Chicago , 1913-1914) Slovensky dennik Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obcan Slovensky sokol Svedok Svornost' Viestnik (Chicago, 1913) Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zivena 1914 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Bratstvo Hlas Hlas svobody (New York, N.Y., 1914-1917) Jednota Katolicke Slovenske noviny Katolicky sokol Krajan Krest'an Kritika (Cleveland, 1914-1915) I.:udovy dennik Narodne noviny Narodny dennik (Pittsburgh, 1914-1916) Narodny Slovensky dennik (Chicago, 1914-1916) New Yorsky dennik Priatel' dietok �SLOVAKIA Rovnost' l'udu Slovak v Amerike Slovenske slovo Slovensky dennik Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obcan Slovensky sokol Svedok Svornost' Oplna zdrzanlivost' (Hazleton , Pa ., 1914) Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zenska jednota (Cleveland, 1914-1975) Zivena 1915 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Amerikansko-Slovensky bulletin (Pittsburgh , 1915) Amerikansko-Slovensky svet (Pittsburgh , 1915-1916) Besedy l'udu (New York, 1915-1917) Bratstvo Denny hlas (Cleveland, 1915-1925) Farnik (Monessen, Pa. , 1915-1916) Hlas Hlas svobody Jednota Katolicke Slovenske noviny Katolicky sokol Krajan Krest'an Kritika Kruh mladeze (Pittsburgh , 1915-1934) l.:udovy dennik Narodne noviny Narodny dennik Narodny Slovensky dennik New Yorsky dennik Priatel' dietok Rovnost' l'udu Slovak v Amerike Slovensky dennik Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obcan Slovensky sokol Svedok Svornost' Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zenska jednota Zivena 1916 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Amerikansko-Slovensky svet Besedy l'udu Bratstvo Certik (Pittsburgh, 1916-1917) Denny hlas Farnik Hlas Hlas svobody Jednota Katolicke Slovenske noviny Katolicky sokol Krajan Krest'an Kruh mladeze l.:udovy dennik Narod (Pittsburgh, 1916) Narodne noviny Narodny dennik Narodny dennik (Pittsburgh, 1916-1924) Narodny slovensky dennik Nedel'a (Hazelton , Pa ., 1916) New Yorsky dennik Prehl'ad Priatel' dietok Rovnost' l'udu Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana (Scranton, Pa ., 1916-1972) Slovensky hlasnik 41 �42 SLOVAKIA Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obcan Slovensky sokol Slovensky tyzdennik (Wilkes-Barre, Pa., 1916) Svetlak Svornost' Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zenska jednota Zivena 1917 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Ave Maria (Cleveland, 1917Besedy l'udu (New York, N.Y., 1915-1917) Bratstvo Certik Chicagsky dennik (Chicago, 1917) Chicagsky Slovensky dennik (Chicago, 1917) Denny hlas Hlas Hlas svobody Jednota . Katolicke Slovenske noviny Katolicky sokol Krajan Krest'an Kruh mladeze I.:udovy dennik Narodne noviny Narodny dennik New Yorsky dennik Prehl'ad Priatel' dietok Rovnost' l'udu Slovak v Amerike Slovenska mladez (Pittsburgh , 1917-1918) Slovenska obrana Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obcan Slovensky sokol Sokolsky obzor (Chicago , 1917-1922) Svetlak Svornost' Tatran (Chicago, 1917-1937) Udalosti sveta (Hazleton, Pa., 1917-1919) Uradny organ (Braddock, Pa., 1917-1918) Vatra (Pittsburgh, 1917) Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zenska jednota Zivena 1918 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Ave Maria Bozske srdce Jezisa (Bridgeport , Conn., 1918-1952) Bratstvo Denny hlas Hlas Jednota Katolicke Slovenske noviny Katolicky sokol Krajan Krest'an Kruh mladeze Mlady Luteran (Streator, Ill., 1918-1941) Mudron district (Chicago , 1918) Narodne noviny Narodny dennik New Yorsky dennik Nave easy (Chicago, 1918-1945) Nave Slovensko (Pittsburgh, 1918-1922) Obzor Slovenskeho robotnickeho spolku (Chicago, 1918-1920) Osadnik (Cleveland , 1918) Prehl'ad Priatel' dietok Rovnost' l'udu Slovak v Amerike �SLOVAKIA Slovenska mladez Slovenska obrana Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obcan Slovensky sokol Sokolsky obzor Svedok Svornost' Tatran Udalosti sveta Oradny organ Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zenska jednota Zivena Zurnal spojenych majnerov (Indianapolis , Ind., 1918) 1919 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Ave Maria Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Denny hlas . Dobry pastier (Munhall, Pa. , 1919) Hlas Jednota Katolicke Slovenske noviny Katolicky sokol Krajan Krest'an Kruh mladeze Mlady Luteran Narodne noviny Narodny dennik New Yorsky dennik Nave easy Nave Slovensko Obzor Slovenskeho robotnickeho spolku Priatel' dietok Rovnost' l'udu Slovak v Amerike 43 Slovenska obrana Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obcan Slovensky sokol Sokolsky obzor Svetlak Svornost' Tatran Udalosti sveta Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo 1920 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Ave Maria Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Cernoknaznik (Cleveland , 1920-1927) Ceskoslovensky legionar (Pittsburgh , 1920-1926) Clevelandska Slovenska jednota (Cleveland , 1920-1945) Denny hlas Dobry pastier Hlas Hlas Sv. Emanuela (Minneapolis , 1920) Jednota Katolicke Slovenske noviny Katolicky Slovak (Chicago, 1920-1921) Katolicky sokol Krajan Krajan dzennik (New York, 1920-1921) Krest'an Kruh mladeze Mlady Luteran Narodne bratstvo (Cleveland , 1920) Narodne noviny �44 SLOVAKIA Narodny dennik New Yorsky dennik Nave easy Nave Slovensko Obzor Slovenskeho robotnickeho spolku Priatel' dietok Proletar (Cleveland, 1920-1921) Rovnost' l'udu Sion (Pittsburgh, 1920Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obean Slovensky sokol Sokolsky obzor Svedok Svornost' Tatran Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo 192 1 Amerikansk6-Slovenske noviny Ave Maria Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Cernoknaznik Ceskoslovensky legionar Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Denny hlas Dobry pastier Hlas Host' (Chicago , 1921-1922) Jednota Jara (Middletown, Pa ., 1921-1964) Katolfcke Slovenske noviny Katolfcky Slovak Katolfcky sokol Krajan Krajan dzennik Krest'an Kruh mladeze Mlady Luteran Narodne noviny Narodny dennik New Yorsky dennik Nave easy (Chicago, 1918-1945) Nave Slovensko Priatel' dietok Proletar Rovnost' l'udu Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obean Slovensky sokol Sokolsky obzor Svedok Svornost' Tatran Telegraf (Bridgeport, Conn., 1921-1923) Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo 1922 Americky Slovak (Pittsburgh , 1922) Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Ave Maria Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Cernoknaznik Ceskoslovensky legionar Chicagsky Slovensky dennik (Chicago , 1922) Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Denny hlas Dobry pastier Hlas Host' �SLOVAKIA Jednota Jara Katolicke Slovenske noviny Katolicky sokol Krest'an Kruh mladeze Mlady Luteran Narodne noviny Narodny dennik New Yorsky dennik Nave easy Nave Slovensko Priatel' dietok Rovnost' l'udu Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obean Slovensky sokol Sokolsky obzor Studentska horlivost' (Lisle, Ill. , 1922-1923) Svedok Svornost' Tatran Telegraf Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo Hlas Jednota Jara Katolicke Slovenske noviny Katolicky sokol Krest'an Kruh mladeze Mlady Luteran Narodne noviny Narodny dennik New Yorsky dennik Nova vlast' (Pittsburgh, 1923) Nave easy Priatel' dietok Rovnost' l'udu Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obean Slovensky sokol Studentska horlivost' Svedok Svornost' Tatran Telegraf Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo 1923 1924 Ave Maria Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Cernoki\.aznik Ceskoslovensky legionar Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Denny hlas Dobry pastier Fialky (Danville, Pa., 1923-1970) Furdek (Middletown, Pa., Ave Maria Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Cernoki\.aznik Caskoslovensky legionar Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Dennica (Pittsburgh , 1924-1962) Denny hlas Dobry pastier Fialky Furdek 1923-1941) 45 �46 SLOVAKIA Hlas Jednota Jara Katolicke Slovenske noviny Katolicky sokol Krest'an Kruh mladeze Listy Sv. Frantiska (Pittsburgh, 1924) Mlady Luteran Naradne noviny Narodny dennik Narodny tyzdennik (Pittsburgh , 1924) Nasa mladez (Chicago , 1924) New Yorsky dennik Nove easy Pokrokova jednota (McKees Rocks, Pa ., 1924-1935) Priatet' dietok Rovnost' l'udu Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovenska oqrana Slovensky bulletin (Bethlehem , Pa ., 1924-1929) Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obean Slovensky sokol Svedok Svornost' Tatran Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo 1925 Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Dennica Denny hlas Dobry pastier Fialky Furdek Hlas Jednota Jara Katolicke Slovenske noviny Katolicky sokol Krest'an Kruh mladeze Listy Sv. Frantiska Mlady Luteran Naradne noviny New Yorsky dennik Nove easy Pokrokova jednota Priatel' dietok Rovnost' l'udu Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovenske slovo (Cleveland , 1925) Slovensky bulletin Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky narod (Schenectady, N.Y ., 1925) Slovensky obean Slovensky sokol Svedok Svornost' Tatran Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo Ave Maria Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Cernoknaznik Ceskoslovensky legionar Ave Maria Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo 1926 �SLOVAKIA Cernoknaznik Ceskoslovensky legiona.r Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Furdek Hlas Jednota Jara Katolicke Slovenske noviny Katolicky sokol Krest'an Kruh mladeze Listy Sv. Frantiska Mlady Luteran Narodne noviny New Yorsky dennik Nave easy Pokrokova jednota Priatel' dietok Rovnost' l'udu Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovensky bulletin Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obean Slovensky sokol Slovensky svet (Pittsburgh, Cernoknaznik Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Furdek Hlas Jednota Jara Katolicky sokol Krest'an Kruh mladeze Listy Sv. Frantiska Mlady Luteran Naradne noviny New Yorsky dennik Nave easy Pok.rokova jednota Priatel' dietok Rovnost' l'udu Sdruzeniar (Youngstown, Ohio, 1927) Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovenska ozvena (Cleveland, 1927-1931) 1927 Slovensky bulletin Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obean Slovensky sokol Slovensky svet Slovo Svetlak Svornost' Tatran Youngstownske slovenske noviny Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo Ave Maria Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Ave Maria 1926-1940) Slovo (Pittsburgh, 1926-19 37) Svetlak Svornost' Tatran Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo 1928 47 �48 SLOVAKIA Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Furdek Hlas Jednota Jara Katolicky sokol Krest'an Kruh mladeze Li sty Sv . Frantiska Mlady Luteran Narodne noviny New Yorsky dennik Nave easy Osadne hlasy Pokrokova jednota Priatel' dietok Rovnost' l'udu Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovenska ozvena Slovensky bulletin Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky K,alvin Slovensky obcan Slovensky sokol Slovensky svet Slovo Svedok Svornost' Tatran Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo 1929 Ave Maria Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Furdek Hlas Jednota Jara Katolicky sokol Krest'an Kruh mladeze Listy Sv . Frantiska Mlady Luteran Narodne noviny New Yorsky dennik Nave easy Osadne hlasy Pokrokova jednota Priatel' dietok Rovnost' l'udu Samostatnost' (McKeesport, Pa ., 1929-1939) Sion Slovak Manor obzor (Long Island, N.Y ., 1929) Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovenska ozvena Slovenske noviny (New York , N.Y. , 1929-1943) Slovensky bulletin Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obcan Slovensky sokol Slovensky svet Slovo Svedok Svornost' Tatran Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo �SLOVAKIA 1930 Ave Maria Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Furdek Hlas Jednota Jaro Kadet (Cleveland, 1930-1962) Katolicky sokol Krest'an Kruh mladeze Listy Sv . Frantiska Mlady Luteran Narodne noviny New Yorsky dennik Nove easy Osadne hlasy Pokrokova jednota Priatel' dietok Rovnost' l'udu Samostatnost' Sion Slovak Orol (New York, N.Y., 1930) Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovenska ozvena Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obean Slovensky sokol Slovensky svet Slovo Sokolska straz (Pittsburgh, 1930-1931) Svedok Svornost' Tatran Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zapadne hlasy (Milwaukee , 1930) Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo 1931 Ave Maria The Benedictine (Cleveland, 1931-1976) Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Furdek Hlas Jednota Jaro Kadet Katolicky sokol Krest'an Kruh mladze Listy Sv. Frantiska Mlady Luteran Narodne noviny The Narrator (Milwaukee , 1931-1932) Nas svet (Chicago, 1931-1940) Nasa straz (Pittsburgh, 1931) New Yorsky dennik Nove easy Osadne hlasy Pokrokova jednota Priatel' dietok Rovnost' l'udu Samostatnost' Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovenska ozvena Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin 49 �SLOVAKIA 50 Slovensky obcan Slovensky sokol Slovensky svet Slovo Sokolska straz Svedok Svornost' Tatran Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo 1932 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bozske Srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Cirkevnik (Riverside , Ill. , 1932- ) Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Furdek Hlas Jed no ta Jara Kadel Katolicky sokol Krest'an Kruh mladeze Lampas (Cleveland, 1932) Listy Sv . Frantiska Mlady Luteran Narodne noviny The Narrator Nas svet New Yorsky dennik Nave easy Osadne hlasy Pokrokova jednota Priatel' dietok Rovnost' l'udu Samostatnost' Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obcan Slovensky sokol Slovensky svet Slovo Svedok Svornost' Tatran Youngstownske slovenske noviny Zenska jed nota Zivena Zrkadlo 1933 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Cirkevnik Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Furdek Hlas Jednota Jara Kadet Katolicky sokol Kruh mladeze Listy Sv . Frantiska Mlady Luteran Naradne noviny Nas svet New Yorsky dennlk Nave easy Osadne hlasy Pokrokova jednota �SLOVAKIA Pravda (Chicago , 193 3-1945} Priatel' dietok Rovnost' l'udu Samostatnost' Sion Slovak Democrat (New York , N.Y., 1933} Slovak V Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obcan Slovensky soko l Slovensky svet Slovo Svedok Svornost' Tatran Wiconsinsky Slovak (Milwaukee, 1933-1936} Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo 1934 Americky Slovak (Cleveland , 1934-35} Ave Maria The Benedictine Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Cirkevnik Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Dennica Detroitsky Slovak (Detroit, 1934} Dobry pastier Fialky Furdek Hlas Jednota Jaro Kadet Katolicky sokol Kruh mladeze Listy Sv . Frantiska Mlady Luteran Narodne noviny Nas svet New Yorsky dennik Nove easy Osadne hlasy Pokrokova jednota Pravda Priatel' dietok Rovnost' l'udu Samostalnost' Sion Slovak (New York , N.Y ., 1934) Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovenska revizia (Detriot , 1934} Slovenske novin y Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obcan Slovensky sokol Slovensky svet Slovo Svedok Svornost' Tatran Wisconsinsky Slovak Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo 1935 Americky Slovak Ave Maria The Benedictine Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Bulletin Slovenskej ligy v Amerike (Pittsburgh, 1935-1937} Cirkevnik Clevelandska Slovenska jednota 51 �52 SLOVAKIA Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Furdek Hlas Jednota Jaro Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv . Frantiska I.:udovy dennik (Chicago, 1935-1945) Mlady Luteran Narodne noviny Nas svet New Yorsky dennik Nove easy Osadne hlasy Pokrokova jednota Pravda Priatel' dietok Rovnost' l'udu Rozsieva/'.: (Gaines , Mich., 1935-1936) Samostatnost' Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky ob/'.:an Slovensky sokol Slovensky svet Slovo Svedok Svornost' Tatran Wisconsinsky Slovak Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zahradka (Pittsburgh, 1935-1937) Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo 1936 Ave Maria The Benedictine Besiedky , Listy Americkych Slovakov (New York , N.Y., 1936) Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Bulletin Slovenskej ligy v Amerike Cirkevnik Clevelandska Slovenska jednota The Courier (Granite City, Ill ., 1936-1937) Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Furdek Hlas Jednota Jaro Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska I.:udovy dennik Mlady Luteran Narodne noviny Nas svet New Yorsky dennik Nove easy Osadne hlasy Pravda a slavna nadej (Chicago, 1936) Pravda Priatel' dietok Rozsieva/'.: Rozsievac pravdy (Akron, Ohio , 1936) Samostatnost' Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky ob/'.:an �SLOVAKIA Slovensky sokol Slovensky svet Slovo Svedok Svornost' Tatran Wisconsinsky Slovak Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zahradka Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo 1937 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Bulletin Slovenskej ligy v Amerike Cirkevnik Clevelandska Slovenska jednota The Courier Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Furdek Hlas Hlasnik (Akron , Ohio , 1937) Jednota Jara Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska I.:udovy dennik Mlady Luteran Naradne noviny Nas svet New Yorsky dennik Nave easy Osadne hlasy Pravda Priatel' dietok Samostatnost' Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obcan Slovensky sokol Slovensky svet Slovo Svedok Svornost' Tatran Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zahradka Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo 1938 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Cirkevnik Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Furdek Hlas Jednota Jara Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska I.:udovy dennik Mlady Luteran Naradne noviny Nas svet New Yorsky dennik Nave easy Osadne hlasy Pravda Priatel' dietok 53 �54 SLOVAKIA Samostatnost' Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obcan Slovensky sokol Slovensky svet Straz (Palmyra , Pa. , 1938) Svedok Svornost' Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo 1939 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Cirkevnik Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Furdek Hlas Jednota Jaro Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska I.:udovy dennik Mlady Luteran Narodne noviny Nas svet New Yorsky dennik Nove easy Osadne hlasy Pravda Priatel' dietok Samostatnost' Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obean Slovensky sokol Slovensky svet Svedok Svornost' Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo 1940 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Cirkevnik Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Furdek Hlas Jednota Jaro Kadet Katolicky soko l Listy Sv . Frantiska I.:udovy dennik Mlady Luteran Narodne noviny Nas svet New Yorsky dennik Nove easy Osadne hlasy Pravda Priatel' dietok Roduverny Slovak (Chicago, 1940-1942) �SLOVAKIA Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovenka (Chicago , 1940) Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obi':an Slovensky sokol Slovensky svet Svetlak Svornost' Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo 1941 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Cirkevnik Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Furdek Hlas Jednota Jara Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska I..:udovy dennik Mlady Luteran Narodne noviny New Yorsky dennik Nave easy Osadne hlasy Pravda Priatel' dietok Roduverny Slovak Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovanske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obcan Slovensky sokol Svetlak Svornost' Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka (Pittsburgh , 1941Zrkadlo 1942 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bozske srdce Jez isa Cirkevnik Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Hlas Hlas mladeze (New York , N.Y., 1942-1968) Jednota Jara Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska Ludovy dennik Narodne noviny New Yorsky dennik Nave easy Osadne hlasy Pennsylvanska Slovenska jednota (Wilkes-Barre, 1942-1944) Pravda Priatel' dietok Roduvern y Slovak Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny 55 �56 SLOVAKIA Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obean Slovensky sokol Svedok Svornost' Zenska jednota Zivena Zornieka Zrkadlo 1943 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bozske srdce Jezisa Cirkevnik Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Hlas Hlas mladeze Jednota Jara Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska I.:udovy denn'ik Naradne noviny New Yorsky dennik Nave easy Osadne hlasy Pennsylvanska Slovenska jednota Pravda Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Record (Pittsburgh, 1943) Slaboda (New York , N.Y., 1943) Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obean Slovensky sokol Svedok Svornost' Zenska jednota Zivena Zornieka Zrkadlo 1944 Ave Maria The Benedictine Boske srdce Jezisa Cirkevnik Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Hlas Hlas mladeze Jednota Jara Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska I.:udovy dennik The Lutheran Beacon (Pittsburgh, 1944-1970) Naradne noviny New Yorsky dennik Nave easy Osadne hlasy Pennsylvanska Slovenska jednota Pravda Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obean Slovensky sokol Svedok Svornost' Zenska jednota �SLOVAKIA Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo Zornicka Zrkadlo 1945 1946 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo (Wilkes-Barre , Pa. , 1954) Cirkevnik Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Hlas Hlas mladeze Jednota Jaro Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska Cudove noviny (Chicago , 1945-1984) Cudovy dennik The Lutheran Beacon Narodne noviny New Yorsky dennik Nove easy Osadne hlasy Pravda Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obcan Slovensky sokol Svedok Svornost' Za tu nasu slovencinu (Scranton , Pa., 1945) Zenska jednota Zivena Ave Maria The Benedictine Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Cirkevnik Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Hlas Hlas mladeze Hlas slovenskej slobody (WilkesBarre , Pa ., 1946) Jednota Jaro Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv . Frantiska Cudove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Narodne noviny New Yorsky dennik Osadne hlasy Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Digest (Pittsburgh , 1946) Slovak Review (Middletown , Pa., 1946-1947) Slovenska obrana Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obcan Slovensky sokol Svedok Svornost' Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 57 �58 1947 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Cirkevnik Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Hlas Hlas ml adeze Jednota Jara Kadel Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska I..:udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Naradne noviny New Yorsky dennik Osadne hlasy Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Arnerike Slovak Review Slovenska obrana Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obcan Slovensky sokol Svedok Svornost' Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1948 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Cirkevnik Dennica SLOVAKIA Dobry pastier Fialky Hlas mladeze Jednota Jara Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska I..:udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Naradny Slovensky tyzdennik (Chicago , 1948) New Yorsky dennik Osadne hlasy Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak Bulletin (Pittsburgh, 1948) Slovak v Amerike Slovenska liga (Passaic , 1948) Slovenska obrana Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky sokol Svedok Svornost' Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1949 Ave Maria The Benedictin e Bozske srdce Jez isa Bratstvo Cirkevnik Denni ca Dobry past ier Fialky Hla s ml adeze Jed nota Jara Kad et Katolicky sokol �SLOVAKIA Listy Sv. Frantiska l.:udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Narodne noviny New Yorsky dennik Osadne hlasy Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Newsletter (Middletown , Pa .. 1949-1958) Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny (Cleveland, 1949-1959) Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky sokol Svedok Svornost' Zenska jednota Zivena Zornii':ka Zrkadlo 1950 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Cas (Washington , D.C., 1950-1959) Cirkevnik Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Hlas mladeze Jed no ta Jara Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska l.:udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Narodne noviny New Yorsky' dennik Osadne hlasy Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak newsletter Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky sokol Svetlak Svornost' Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1951 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Cas Cirkevnik Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Hlas mladeze Jed no ta Jara Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv . Frantiska l.:udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Naradne novin y New Yorsky dennik Osadne hlasy Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagl e (Bridgeport, Conn .. 1951) Slovak Newsletter 59 �60 Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky sokol Svetlak Svornost' Zenska jednota Zivena Zornii'.:ka Zrkadlo 1952 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Cas Cirkevnik Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Hlas mladeze Jednota Jara Kadet Katolicky so!<ol Listy Sv. Frantiska 1'.udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Narodne noviny New Yorsky dennik Osadne hlasy Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovak Newsletter Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky soko l Svetlak SLOVAKIA Svornost' Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1953 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bratstvo Bulletin of the Slovak National Council Abroad (Middletown, Pa., 1953-1958) Cas Cirkevnik Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Floridsky Slovak (Maitland, Fla., 1953) Hlas mladeze Jednota Jara Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska l'.udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Narodne noviny New Yorsky dennik Osadne hlasy Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovak Newsletter Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky sokol Svetlak Svornost' Zenska jednota �SLOVAKIA Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1954 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bratstvo Bulletin of the Slovak National Council Abroad Cas Cirkevnik Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Floridsky Slovak Hlas mladeze Jednota Jaro Kadel Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska l.:udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Most (Cleveland, 1954Narodne noviny New Yorsky dennik Osadne hlasy Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovak Newsletter Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky sokol Svedok Svornost' Zenska jed nota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1955 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bratstvo Bulletin of the Slovak National Council Abroad Cas Cirkevnik Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Floridsky Slovak Hlas mladeze Jednota Jaro Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska l.:udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Most Narodne noviny New Yorsky dennik Osadne hlasy Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovak Newsletter . Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky sokol Svedok Svornost' Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1956 Ave Maria The Benedictine 61 �62 SLOVAKIA Bratstvo Bulletin of the Slovak National Council Abroad Cas Cirkevnik Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Floridsky Slovak Hlas mladeze Jednota Jara Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska I.:udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Most Narodne noviny New Yorsky dennik Osadne hlasy Priatel' dietok Rozhl'ady (New York , N .Y., 1956-1959) Sion Slovak V Am'e rike Slovak Eagle Slovak Newsletter Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky sokol Svetlak Svornost' Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo The Benedictine Bratstvo Bulletin of the Slovak National Council Abroad Cas Cirkevnik Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Floridsky Slovak Hlas mladeze Jednota Jara Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska I.:udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Most Narodne noviny New Yorsky dennik Osadne hlasy Priatel' dietok Rozhl'ady Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovak Newsletter Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky sokol Svetlak Svornost' Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1957 1958 Amerikansko-Slovensky kocur (Cleveland , 1957-1958) Ave Maria Amerikansko-Slovensky kocur Ave Maria The Benedictine �SLOVAKIA Bratstvo Bulletin of the Slovak National Council Abroad Cas Cirkevnik Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Floridsky Slovak Hlas mladeze Jednota Jaro Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska l'.udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Most Narodne noviny New Yorsky dennik Osadne hlasy Priatel' dietok Rozhl'ady Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovak Newsletter Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky sokol Svetlak Svornost' Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1959 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bratstvo Cas Cirkevnik Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Floridsky Slovak Hlas mladeze Jednota Jaro Kadet Katolicky sokol Li sty Sv. Frantiska l'.udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Most Narodne noviny New Yorsky dennik Osadne hlasy Priatel' dietok Rozhl'lady Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky sokol Svetlak Svornost' Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1960 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bratstvo Cirkevnik Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Floridsky Slovak Hlas mladeze 63 �64 Jednota Jara Kadet Katolicky sokol Li sty Sv . Fran ti ska Ludove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Most Narodne noviny New Yorsky dennik Osadne hlasy Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovenska obrana Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky sokol Svetlak Svornost' Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1961 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bratstvo Cirkevnik Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Floridsky Slovak Hlas mladeze Jednota Jara Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska I.:udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Most SLOVAKIA Naradne noviny New Yorsky dennik Osadne hlasy Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovenska obrana Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky sokol Svetlak Svornost' Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1962 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bratstvo Calvin (Pittsburgh , 1962Cirkevnik Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Floridsky Slovak Hlas mladeze Jednota Jara Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv . Frantiska I.:udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Most Naradne noviny New Yorsky dennik Osadne hlasy Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle �SLOVAKIA Slovenska obrana Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky sokol Svedok Svornost' United Lutheran (Pittsburgh, 1962- ) Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1963 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bratstvo Calvin Cirkevnik Dobry pastier Fialky Floridsky Slovak Hlas mladeze Jednota Jaro Katolicky sokol Listy Sv . Frantiska I.:udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Most Narodne noviny New Yorsky dennik Osadne hlasy Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovenska obrana Slovensky sokol Svedok Svornost' United Luthera n Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1964 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bratstvo Calvin Cirkevnik Dobry pastier Fialky Floridsky Slovak Hlas mladeze Jednota Jara Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska I.:udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Most Nardone noviny New Yorsky dennik Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovenska obrana Slovensky sokol Svedok Svornost' United Lutheran Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1965 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bratstvo Calvin Cirkevnik Dobry pastier Fialky 65 �66 Floridsky Slovak Hlas mladeze Jednota Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska I.:udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Most Narodne noviny Nase hlasy (Chicago, 1965Nase snahy (Chicago, 1965New Yorsky dennik Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovenske obrana Slovensky sokol Svedok Svornost' United Lutheran Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1966 Ave Maria The Benedictine Benedictine··Bulletin Bratstvo Calvin Ciekevmk Dobry pastier Fialky Floridsky Slovak Hlas mladeze Jednota Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska I.:udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Most Narodne noviny SLOVAKIA ) ) Nase hlasy Nase snahy New Yorsky dennik Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovenska obrana Slovensky sokol Svedok Svornost' United Lutheran Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1967 Ave Maria The Benedictine Benedictine Bulletin Bratstvo Calvin Cirkevnik Dobry pastier Fialky Floridsky Slovak Hlas mladeze Jednota Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska I.:udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Most Narodne noviny Nase hlasy Nase snahy New Yorsky dennik Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovenska obrana Sokol Times (Perth Amboy, N.J ., 1967) �SLOVAKIA Svetlak Svornost' United Lutheran Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1968 Ave Maria The Benedictine Benedictine Bulletin Bratstvo Calvin Cirkevnik Dobry pastier Fialky Floridsky Slovak Hlas mladeze Jednota Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska LUdove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Most Narodne noviny Nase hlasy Nase snahy New Yorsky dennik Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovak Press Digest (New York , N.Y., 1968-1975) Sl~venska obrana Sokol Times Svetlak Svornost' United Lutheran Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1969 Ave Maria The Benedictine Benedictine Bulletin Bratstvo Calvin Cirkevnik Dobry pastier Fialky Floridsky Slovak Jednota Katolicky sokol Li sty Sv . Frantiska Ludove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Most Narodne noviny Nase hlasy Nase snahy New Yorsky dennik Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovak Press Digest Slovenska obrana Sokol Times Svedok Svornost' United Lutheran Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1970 Ave Maria The Benedictine Benedictine Bulletin Bratstvo Calvin Cirkevnik Dobry pastier Fialky 67 �68 Floridsky Slovak Jednota Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska I.:udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Most Narodne noviny Nase hlasy Nase snahy New Yorsky dennik Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovak Press Digest Slovenska obrana Sokol times Svetlak Svornost' United Lutheran Zenska jednota .Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1971 Ave Maria The Benedictine Benedictine Bulletin Bratstvo Calvin Cirkevnik Dobry pastier Floridsky Slovak Jednota Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska I.:udove noviny Most Narodne noviny Nase hlasy Nase snahy New Yorsky dennik SLOVAKIA Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovak Press Digest Slovak a Svet (Chicago, 1971-72) Slovenska obrana Sokol Times Svetlak United Lutheran Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1972 Ave Maria The Benedictine Benedictine Bulletin Bratstvo Calvin Cirkevnik Dobry pastier Floridsky Slovak Jednota Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Fran ti ska I.:udove noviny Most Narodne noviny Nase hlasy Nase snahy New Yorsky dennik Priatel' dietok Sion Slobodna tribuna (New York, N. Y. , 1972) Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovak Press Digest Slovak a Svet Slovenska obrana Sokol Times Svetlak �SLOVAKIA United Lutheran Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1973 Ave Maria The Benedictine Benedictine Bulletin Bratstvo Calvin Cirkevnik Dobry pastier Floridsky Slovak Jednota Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska I.:udove noviny Most Narodne noviny Nase hlasy Nase snahy New Yorsky dennik Priatel' dietok Sion Slobodna tribuna Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovak Press Digest Sokol Times Svedok United Lutheran Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1974 Ave Maria The Benedictine Benedictine Bulletin Bratstvo Calvin Cirkevnik Dobry pastier Floridsky Slovak Jednota Katolicky sokol Li sty Sv. Fran ti ska I.:udove noviny Most Narodne noviny Nase hlasy Nase snahy New Yorsky dennik Priatel' dietok Sion Slobodna Tribuna Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovak Press Digest Sokol Times Svedok United Lutheran Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1975 Ave Maria The Benedictine Benedictine Bulletin Bratstvo Calvin Cirkevnik Dobry pastier Floridsky Slovak Jednota Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska I.:udove noviny Most Narodne noviny Nase hlasy Nase snahy New Yorsky dennik 69 �70 Priatel' dietok Sion Slobodna tribuna Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovak Heritage (Detroit , 1975Slovak Press Digest SLOVAKIA Sokol Times Svetlak United Lutheran Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo �SLOVAKIA LITERATURE 71 �� Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1985-86, Vol. 32 Description An account of the resource Vol. 32 (No. 58-59), 1985-86. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1985-86 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 34 SLOVAKIA Slovak-American Newspapers, 1885-1975: A Preliminary Listing M. MARK STOLARIK In 1983, as the centennial of the Slovak-American press approached , I decided to re-work Konstantin Culen's annotated bibliography Slovenske casopisy v Amerike (Cleveland: First Catholic Slovak Union , 1970) and tell the story as he would have had he not died prematurely in 1964 . Therefore , I literally took his book apart and put it back together again with the aid of a computer. This resulted in two analytical essays and the listing I am about to publish. The essays were: " The Slovak-American Press," [1885-1984] in Sally M. Miller ed., The Ethnic Press in the United States: A Historical Analy sis and Handbook (Westport, Ct.: Greenwood Press, 1987), and "At Home Abroad: The SlovakAmerican Press, 1885-1918 , " which is slated to appear in Owen V. Johnson 's edited volume entitled Mobilizing the Mobilized: The Role and Functions of the Mass Media in Eastern Europe. The list of Slovak-American newspapers published between 1885 and 1975 which follows is based upon Culen's book , cited above , and the late Michal Lacko's Slovak Bibliography Abroad, 1945-1965, and 1966-1975 published in Slovak Studies VII and XVII, Bibliografica 1 and 2 (Rome: Slovak Institute, 1967 and 1977) . Culen listed 246 titles in his book, but, upon close inspection, I discovered 39 titles that he could not verify or which should not have been listed because they were not Slovak newspapers. I subtracted these from the list. Furthermore, Lacko discovered 13 titles that Culen had missed and I added these, coming up with a grand total of 220 for the period 1885-1975 . There have probably SLOVAKIA 35 been more than 220 Slovak-American newspapers in the period 1885-1975, but they remain to be discovered and verified. Also, Jozef Rydlo, who has taken over the duties of editor of Slovak Studies, is presently working on a Slovak Bibliography Abroad, 1976-1985 and his work will allow me, or someone else, to update the list to 1985. Meanwhile, here is how I prepared the list. I carefully read Culen's annotated bibliography and kept his definition of a newspaper as one that appeared at least quarterly. I then listed the title, the date and city it first appeared in, and also major subsequent cities if it moved, and the date it folded. This list (plus my analytical articles, cited abov~) supplements the work of Michal Potemra who published a Bibliografia slovenskych novin a casopisov do roku 1918 (Martin: Matica slovenska, 1958) and Maria Kipsova et. al . Bibliografia slovenskych a inorecovy ch novin a casopisov z rokov 1919-1938 (Martin: Matica slovenska, 1968) . I hope that students of SlovakAmerican history will find it useful. Slovak-American Newspapers, 1885-1975 1885 Bulletin (Pittsburgh , 1885-1886) 1886 Bulletin Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny (Pittsburgh, 1886-1922) 1887 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny 1888 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Nova vlast' (Streator , Ill ., 1888) Slovak v Amerike (Plymouth & New York , 1889) Zastava (Plymouth , Pa ., 1889) 1890 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Katolicke noviny Slovak v Amerike 1891 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Jednota (Cleveland , 1891) Katolicke noviny Slovak v Amerike 1889 1892 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Katolicke noviny (Hazleton , Pa ., 1889-1891) Robotnik (Connellsville , Pa ., 1889) Americky Slovak (Cleveland, 1892-1894) Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Jednota 36 SLOVAKIA Slovak v Amerike Slovenske listy (Jersey City, N .J., 1892) 1893 Americky Slovak Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Jednota Slovak v Amerike Slovenska svornost' (Connellsville , Pa., 1893-1897) 1894 Americky Slovak Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Cirkevne listy (Cleveland, 1894-1899) Fakla (New York City, 1894) Jednota Majak (Pittsburgh, 1894) Pravda (Connellsville , Pa., 1894-1896) Slovak v Arilerike Slovenska pravda (Freeland, Pa., 1984-1904) Slovenska svornost' Slovensky hlas (Pittsburgh, 1894-1898) 1895 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Cas (Nanticoke, Pa., 1895-1899) Cirkevne listy Jednota Katolik (Freeland , Pa., 1895-1898) Pravda Rodina (Cleveland, 1895) Slovak (New York City , 1895) Slovak v Amerike Slovenska pravda Slovenska svornost' Slovensky hlas 1896 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Cas Cirkevne listy Jednota Katolik Pravda Rarasek (Pittsburgh, 1896-1912) Sasok (Wilkes-Barre, Pa., 1896-1898) Slovak v Amerike Slovaktownske hlasy (Pittsburgh, 1896) Slovenska pravda Slovenska svornost' Slovensky hlas 1897 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Carodejnik (Cleveland, 1897-1898) Cas Cirkevne listy The Emmigrant (Pittsburgh , 1897) Jednota Katolik Mydlo (Wilkes-Barre , Pa., 1897-1898) Rarasek Sasok Slovak v Amerike Slovenska pravda Slovenska svornost' Slovenske noviny (Hazleton , Pa., 1897-1911) Slovensky hlas 1898 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Carodejnik Cas Cirkevne listy Jednota Katolik Mydlo Rarasek SLOVAKIA Sasok Slovak v Amerike Slovenska pravda Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlas 1899 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Bratstvo (Wilkes-Barre, Pa ., 1899-1941 ; 1945) Cas Cirkevne listy Jednota Novy Cernoknaznik (Cleveland , 1899) Rarasek Slovak v Amerike Slovenska pravda Slovenske noviny 1900 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Bratstvo Cas Jednota Lutheran (Cleveland , 1900-1902) Rarasek Slaboda (Chicago, 1900-1901) Slovak v Amerike Slovenska pravda Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik (Pittsburgh, 1900-1962) Slovensky Lutheran (Philadelphia, 1900) 1901 37 Slebodny Orel (New York, N.Y., 1901-1904) Slaboda Slovak v Amerike Slovenska pravda Slovenske noviny Slovensky dennik (Pittsburgh, 1901-1915) Slovensky hlasnik Viera (Cleveland , 1901-1902) 1902 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Bratstvo Jednota Lutheran Rarasek Slebodny ore! Slovak v Amerike Slovenska pravda Slovenske noviny Slovensky American (Pittsburgh, 1902-1903) Slovensky dennik Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky obcan (Bridgeport, Conn., 1902) Viera 1903 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Bratstvo Jednota Rarasek Slebodny ore! Slovak v Amerike Slovenska pravda Slovenske noviny Slovensky American Slovensky dennik Slovensky hlasnik Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Bratstvo Jednota Lutheran Naso novini (New York , N.Y., 1901) 1904 Rarasek Sip (Cleveland, 1901) Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny 38 SLOVAKIA Bratstvo Jednota Rarasek Robotnik (New York, N.Y., 1904) Slebodny V Amerike Slovenska pravda Slovenske noviny Slovensky dennik Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky sokol Slovensky tyzdennik Svedok (Pittsburgh , 1906Zornicka (Wilkes-Barre, Pa. , 1906-1907) 1907 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Bratstvo Hlas (Cleveland, 1907-1947) 1905 Jednota Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Katolicke Slovenske noviny Bratstvo Nasa zastava Rarasek Jednota Rovnost' l'udu Rarasek Slovak v Amerike Slovak v Amerike Slovenske noviny Slovenske noviny Slovensko-Americky zabavnik Slovensko-Americky zabavnik (Chicago , 1905-1912) Slovensky dennik Slovensky dennik Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin (Pittsburgh, Slovensky sokol (Perth Amboy , N .J., 1907-1962) 1905-1966) Slovensky pokrok Slovensky tyzdenmk (New York, Slovensky sokol N.Y ., 1905-1906) Svedok Sokol a narod (1905) Zensky svet (New York, N.Y., 1907-1908) Zornicka 1906 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny 1908 Bratstvo Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Jednota Bratstvo Katolicke Slovenske noviny Hlas (Chicago, 1906-1926) Nasa zastava (Bridgeport , Conn. , Jednota Katolicke Slovenske noviny 1906-1907) Krajan (Hazleton , Pa. , 1908) Rarasek Rovnost' l'udu (Chicago, 1906-1935) Rarasek Rovnost' l'udu Slovak v Amerike Skola reci anglickej (Pittsburgh, Slovenske noviny 1908-1909) Slovensko-Americky zabavnik Slovak v Amerike Slovensky dennik Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky pokrok (New York , N.Y ., Slovensko-Americky zabavnik Slovensky dennik 1906-1911) SLOVAKIA Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky narod (Cudahy , Wisc., 1908) Slovensky pokrok Slovensky sokol Svetlak Zensky svet Zivena (Pittsburgh, 19081909 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Bratstvo Hlas Jednota Katolfcke Slovenske noviny Rarasek Rovnost' l'udu Skala reci anglickej Slovak v Amerike Slovenske noviny Slovensko-Americky zabavnik Slovensky dennik Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky pokrok Slovensky sokol Slovensky svet (Clarksburg , W.Va ., 1909-1910) Svetlak Zivena 1910 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Bratstvo Hlas Jednota Katolicke Slovenske noviny Kometa (Passaic, N.J. , 1910) Mladez (Pittsburgh , 1910-1911) Narodne noviny (Pittsburgh, 1910) Niva (Homestead, Pa., 1910-1911) Rarasek 39 Rovnost' l'udu Slovak v Amerike Slovenske listy (Chicago, 1910) Slovenske noviny Slovensko-Americky zabavnik Slovensky dennik Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky pokrok Slovensky sokol Slovensky svet Svetlak Youngstow nske Slovenske noviny (Youngstown, Ohio, 1910-1938) Zivena 1911 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Bratstvo Evanjelicky obzor (Cleveland, 1911-1912) Hlas Jednota Katolicke Slovenske noviny Katolicky sokol (Passaic , N.J., 1911) I.'.udovy dennik (Chicago , 1911-1917) Mladez Narodne noviny Niva Nova vlast' (Scranton, Pa ., 1911) Priatel' dietok (Passaic, N.J. , 1911) Rarasek Rovnost' l'udu Slovak a Amerike Slovenske noviny Slovensko-Americky zabavnik Slovensky dennik Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obzor (Passaic, N.J., 1911) Slovensky pokrok Slovensky soko l 40 SLOVAKIA Svedok Svornost' (Pittsburgh, 1911-1970} Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zivena 1912 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Bratstvo Evanjelicky obzor Hlas Jednota Juhozapadne noviny (Deslego , Mo. , 1912} Katolicke Slovenske noviny Katolicky sokol Krest'an (Uniontown , Pa., 1912-1932} I.:udovy dennik Narodne noviny Narodny dennik (Chicago, 1912} Priatel' dietok Rarasek Rovnost' l'udu Slovak v Amerike Slovensko-Americky zabavnik Slovensky dennik Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obcan (Hazleton , Pa ., 1912-1947} Slovensky sokol Slovensky tyzdenmk (Cleveland, 1912} Svedok Svornost' Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zivena 1913 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Bratstvo Hlas Jednota Katolicke Slovenske noviny Katolicky sokol Krajan (New York, N.Y ., 1913-1921} Krest'an I.:udovy dennik Narodne noviny New Yorsky dennik (New York, N .Y., 1913-1975) Osveta (Cleveland, 1913) Priatel' dietok Rovnost' l'udu Slovak v Amerike Slovenske slovo (Chicago , 1913-1914) Slovensky dennik Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obcan Slovensky sokol Svedok Svornost' Viestnik (Chicago, 1913) Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zivena 1914 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Bratstvo Hlas Hlas svobody (New York, N.Y., 1914-1917) Jednota Katolicke Slovenske noviny Katolicky sokol Krajan Krest'an Kritika (Cleveland, 1914-1915) I.:udovy dennik Narodne noviny Narodny dennik (Pittsburgh, 1914-1916) Narodny Slovensky dennik (Chicago, 1914-1916) New Yorsky dennik Priatel' dietok SLOVAKIA Rovnost' l'udu Slovak v Amerike Slovenske slovo Slovensky dennik Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obcan Slovensky sokol Svedok Svornost' Oplna zdrzanlivost' (Hazleton , Pa ., 1914) Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zenska jednota (Cleveland, 1914-1975) Zivena 1915 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Amerikansko-Slovensky bulletin (Pittsburgh , 1915) Amerikansko-Slovensky svet (Pittsburgh , 1915-1916) Besedy l'udu (New York, 1915-1917) Bratstvo Denny hlas (Cleveland, 1915-1925) Farnik (Monessen, Pa. , 1915-1916) Hlas Hlas svobody Jednota Katolicke Slovenske noviny Katolicky sokol Krajan Krest'an Kritika Kruh mladeze (Pittsburgh , 1915-1934) l.:udovy dennik Narodne noviny Narodny dennik Narodny Slovensky dennik New Yorsky dennik Priatel' dietok Rovnost' l'udu Slovak v Amerike Slovensky dennik Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obcan Slovensky sokol Svedok Svornost' Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zenska jednota Zivena 1916 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Amerikansko-Slovensky svet Besedy l'udu Bratstvo Certik (Pittsburgh, 1916-1917) Denny hlas Farnik Hlas Hlas svobody Jednota Katolicke Slovenske noviny Katolicky sokol Krajan Krest'an Kruh mladeze l.:udovy dennik Narod (Pittsburgh, 1916) Narodne noviny Narodny dennik Narodny dennik (Pittsburgh, 1916-1924) Narodny slovensky dennik Nedel'a (Hazelton , Pa ., 1916) New Yorsky dennik Prehl'ad Priatel' dietok Rovnost' l'udu Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana (Scranton, Pa ., 1916-1972) Slovensky hlasnik 41 42 SLOVAKIA Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obcan Slovensky sokol Slovensky tyzdennik (Wilkes-Barre, Pa., 1916) Svetlak Svornost' Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zenska jednota Zivena 1917 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Ave Maria (Cleveland, 1917Besedy l'udu (New York, N.Y., 1915-1917) Bratstvo Certik Chicagsky dennik (Chicago, 1917) Chicagsky Slovensky dennik (Chicago, 1917) Denny hlas Hlas Hlas svobody Jednota . Katolicke Slovenske noviny Katolicky sokol Krajan Krest'an Kruh mladeze I.:udovy dennik Narodne noviny Narodny dennik New Yorsky dennik Prehl'ad Priatel' dietok Rovnost' l'udu Slovak v Amerike Slovenska mladez (Pittsburgh , 1917-1918) Slovenska obrana Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obcan Slovensky sokol Sokolsky obzor (Chicago , 1917-1922) Svetlak Svornost' Tatran (Chicago, 1917-1937) Udalosti sveta (Hazleton, Pa., 1917-1919) Uradny organ (Braddock, Pa., 1917-1918) Vatra (Pittsburgh, 1917) Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zenska jednota Zivena 1918 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Ave Maria Bozske srdce Jezisa (Bridgeport , Conn., 1918-1952) Bratstvo Denny hlas Hlas Jednota Katolicke Slovenske noviny Katolicky sokol Krajan Krest'an Kruh mladeze Mlady Luteran (Streator, Ill., 1918-1941) Mudron district (Chicago , 1918) Narodne noviny Narodny dennik New Yorsky dennik Nave easy (Chicago, 1918-1945) Nave Slovensko (Pittsburgh, 1918-1922) Obzor Slovenskeho robotnickeho spolku (Chicago, 1918-1920) Osadnik (Cleveland , 1918) Prehl'ad Priatel' dietok Rovnost' l'udu Slovak v Amerike SLOVAKIA Slovenska mladez Slovenska obrana Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obcan Slovensky sokol Sokolsky obzor Svedok Svornost' Tatran Udalosti sveta Oradny organ Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zenska jednota Zivena Zurnal spojenych majnerov (Indianapolis , Ind., 1918) 1919 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Ave Maria Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Denny hlas . Dobry pastier (Munhall, Pa. , 1919) Hlas Jednota Katolicke Slovenske noviny Katolicky sokol Krajan Krest'an Kruh mladeze Mlady Luteran Narodne noviny Narodny dennik New Yorsky dennik Nave easy Nave Slovensko Obzor Slovenskeho robotnickeho spolku Priatel' dietok Rovnost' l'udu Slovak v Amerike 43 Slovenska obrana Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obcan Slovensky sokol Sokolsky obzor Svetlak Svornost' Tatran Udalosti sveta Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo 1920 Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Ave Maria Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Cernoknaznik (Cleveland , 1920-1927) Ceskoslovensky legionar (Pittsburgh , 1920-1926) Clevelandska Slovenska jednota (Cleveland , 1920-1945) Denny hlas Dobry pastier Hlas Hlas Sv. Emanuela (Minneapolis , 1920) Jednota Katolicke Slovenske noviny Katolicky Slovak (Chicago, 1920-1921) Katolicky sokol Krajan Krajan dzennik (New York, 1920-1921) Krest'an Kruh mladeze Mlady Luteran Narodne bratstvo (Cleveland , 1920) Narodne noviny 44 SLOVAKIA Narodny dennik New Yorsky dennik Nave easy Nave Slovensko Obzor Slovenskeho robotnickeho spolku Priatel' dietok Proletar (Cleveland, 1920-1921) Rovnost' l'udu Sion (Pittsburgh, 1920Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obean Slovensky sokol Sokolsky obzor Svedok Svornost' Tatran Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo 192 1 Amerikansk6-Slovenske noviny Ave Maria Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Cernoknaznik Ceskoslovensky legionar Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Denny hlas Dobry pastier Hlas Host' (Chicago , 1921-1922) Jednota Jara (Middletown, Pa ., 1921-1964) Katolfcke Slovenske noviny Katolfcky Slovak Katolfcky sokol Krajan Krajan dzennik Krest'an Kruh mladeze Mlady Luteran Narodne noviny Narodny dennik New Yorsky dennik Nave easy (Chicago, 1918-1945) Nave Slovensko Priatel' dietok Proletar Rovnost' l'udu Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obean Slovensky sokol Sokolsky obzor Svedok Svornost' Tatran Telegraf (Bridgeport, Conn., 1921-1923) Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo 1922 Americky Slovak (Pittsburgh , 1922) Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny Ave Maria Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Cernoknaznik Ceskoslovensky legionar Chicagsky Slovensky dennik (Chicago , 1922) Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Denny hlas Dobry pastier Hlas Host' SLOVAKIA Jednota Jara Katolicke Slovenske noviny Katolicky sokol Krest'an Kruh mladeze Mlady Luteran Narodne noviny Narodny dennik New Yorsky dennik Nave easy Nave Slovensko Priatel' dietok Rovnost' l'udu Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obean Slovensky sokol Sokolsky obzor Studentska horlivost' (Lisle, Ill. , 1922-1923) Svedok Svornost' Tatran Telegraf Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo Hlas Jednota Jara Katolicke Slovenske noviny Katolicky sokol Krest'an Kruh mladeze Mlady Luteran Narodne noviny Narodny dennik New Yorsky dennik Nova vlast' (Pittsburgh, 1923) Nave easy Priatel' dietok Rovnost' l'udu Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obean Slovensky sokol Studentska horlivost' Svedok Svornost' Tatran Telegraf Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo 1923 1924 Ave Maria Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Cernoki\.aznik Ceskoslovensky legionar Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Denny hlas Dobry pastier Fialky (Danville, Pa., 1923-1970) Furdek (Middletown, Pa., Ave Maria Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Cernoki\.aznik Caskoslovensky legionar Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Dennica (Pittsburgh , 1924-1962) Denny hlas Dobry pastier Fialky Furdek 1923-1941) 45 46 SLOVAKIA Hlas Jednota Jara Katolicke Slovenske noviny Katolicky sokol Krest'an Kruh mladeze Listy Sv. Frantiska (Pittsburgh, 1924) Mlady Luteran Naradne noviny Narodny dennik Narodny tyzdennik (Pittsburgh , 1924) Nasa mladez (Chicago , 1924) New Yorsky dennik Nove easy Pokrokova jednota (McKees Rocks, Pa ., 1924-1935) Priatet' dietok Rovnost' l'udu Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovenska oqrana Slovensky bulletin (Bethlehem , Pa ., 1924-1929) Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obean Slovensky sokol Svedok Svornost' Tatran Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo 1925 Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Dennica Denny hlas Dobry pastier Fialky Furdek Hlas Jednota Jara Katolicke Slovenske noviny Katolicky sokol Krest'an Kruh mladeze Listy Sv. Frantiska Mlady Luteran Naradne noviny New Yorsky dennik Nove easy Pokrokova jednota Priatel' dietok Rovnost' l'udu Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovenske slovo (Cleveland , 1925) Slovensky bulletin Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky narod (Schenectady, N.Y ., 1925) Slovensky obean Slovensky sokol Svedok Svornost' Tatran Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo Ave Maria Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Cernoknaznik Ceskoslovensky legionar Ave Maria Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo 1926 SLOVAKIA Cernoknaznik Ceskoslovensky legiona.r Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Furdek Hlas Jednota Jara Katolicke Slovenske noviny Katolicky sokol Krest'an Kruh mladeze Listy Sv. Frantiska Mlady Luteran Narodne noviny New Yorsky dennik Nave easy Pokrokova jednota Priatel' dietok Rovnost' l'udu Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovensky bulletin Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obean Slovensky sokol Slovensky svet (Pittsburgh, Cernoknaznik Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Furdek Hlas Jednota Jara Katolicky sokol Krest'an Kruh mladeze Listy Sv. Frantiska Mlady Luteran Naradne noviny New Yorsky dennik Nave easy Pok.rokova jednota Priatel' dietok Rovnost' l'udu Sdruzeniar (Youngstown, Ohio, 1927) Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovenska ozvena (Cleveland, 1927-1931) 1927 Slovensky bulletin Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obean Slovensky sokol Slovensky svet Slovo Svetlak Svornost' Tatran Youngstownske slovenske noviny Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo Ave Maria Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Ave Maria 1926-1940) Slovo (Pittsburgh, 1926-19 37) Svetlak Svornost' Tatran Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo 1928 47 48 SLOVAKIA Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Furdek Hlas Jednota Jara Katolicky sokol Krest'an Kruh mladeze Li sty Sv . Frantiska Mlady Luteran Narodne noviny New Yorsky dennik Nave easy Osadne hlasy Pokrokova jednota Priatel' dietok Rovnost' l'udu Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovenska ozvena Slovensky bulletin Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky K,alvin Slovensky obcan Slovensky sokol Slovensky svet Slovo Svedok Svornost' Tatran Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo 1929 Ave Maria Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Furdek Hlas Jednota Jara Katolicky sokol Krest'an Kruh mladeze Listy Sv . Frantiska Mlady Luteran Narodne noviny New Yorsky dennik Nave easy Osadne hlasy Pokrokova jednota Priatel' dietok Rovnost' l'udu Samostatnost' (McKeesport, Pa ., 1929-1939) Sion Slovak Manor obzor (Long Island, N.Y ., 1929) Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovenska ozvena Slovenske noviny (New York , N.Y. , 1929-1943) Slovensky bulletin Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obcan Slovensky sokol Slovensky svet Slovo Svedok Svornost' Tatran Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo SLOVAKIA 1930 Ave Maria Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Furdek Hlas Jednota Jaro Kadet (Cleveland, 1930-1962) Katolicky sokol Krest'an Kruh mladeze Listy Sv . Frantiska Mlady Luteran Narodne noviny New Yorsky dennik Nove easy Osadne hlasy Pokrokova jednota Priatel' dietok Rovnost' l'udu Samostatnost' Sion Slovak Orol (New York, N.Y., 1930) Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovenska ozvena Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obean Slovensky sokol Slovensky svet Slovo Sokolska straz (Pittsburgh, 1930-1931) Svedok Svornost' Tatran Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zapadne hlasy (Milwaukee , 1930) Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo 1931 Ave Maria The Benedictine (Cleveland, 1931-1976) Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Furdek Hlas Jednota Jaro Kadet Katolicky sokol Krest'an Kruh mladze Listy Sv. Frantiska Mlady Luteran Narodne noviny The Narrator (Milwaukee , 1931-1932) Nas svet (Chicago, 1931-1940) Nasa straz (Pittsburgh, 1931) New Yorsky dennik Nove easy Osadne hlasy Pokrokova jednota Priatel' dietok Rovnost' l'udu Samostatnost' Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovenska ozvena Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin 49 SLOVAKIA 50 Slovensky obcan Slovensky sokol Slovensky svet Slovo Sokolska straz Svedok Svornost' Tatran Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo 1932 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bozske Srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Cirkevnik (Riverside , Ill. , 1932- ) Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Furdek Hlas Jed no ta Jara Kadel Katolicky sokol Krest'an Kruh mladeze Lampas (Cleveland, 1932) Listy Sv . Frantiska Mlady Luteran Narodne noviny The Narrator Nas svet New Yorsky dennik Nave easy Osadne hlasy Pokrokova jednota Priatel' dietok Rovnost' l'udu Samostatnost' Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obcan Slovensky sokol Slovensky svet Slovo Svedok Svornost' Tatran Youngstownske slovenske noviny Zenska jed nota Zivena Zrkadlo 1933 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Cirkevnik Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Furdek Hlas Jednota Jara Kadet Katolicky sokol Kruh mladeze Listy Sv . Frantiska Mlady Luteran Naradne noviny Nas svet New Yorsky dennlk Nave easy Osadne hlasy Pokrokova jednota SLOVAKIA Pravda (Chicago , 193 3-1945} Priatel' dietok Rovnost' l'udu Samostatnost' Sion Slovak Democrat (New York , N.Y., 1933} Slovak V Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obcan Slovensky soko l Slovensky svet Slovo Svedok Svornost' Tatran Wiconsinsky Slovak (Milwaukee, 1933-1936} Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo 1934 Americky Slovak (Cleveland , 1934-35} Ave Maria The Benedictine Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Cirkevnik Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Dennica Detroitsky Slovak (Detroit, 1934} Dobry pastier Fialky Furdek Hlas Jednota Jaro Kadet Katolicky sokol Kruh mladeze Listy Sv . Frantiska Mlady Luteran Narodne noviny Nas svet New Yorsky dennik Nove easy Osadne hlasy Pokrokova jednota Pravda Priatel' dietok Rovnost' l'udu Samostalnost' Sion Slovak (New York , N.Y ., 1934) Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovenska revizia (Detriot , 1934} Slovenske novin y Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obcan Slovensky sokol Slovensky svet Slovo Svedok Svornost' Tatran Wisconsinsky Slovak Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo 1935 Americky Slovak Ave Maria The Benedictine Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Bulletin Slovenskej ligy v Amerike (Pittsburgh, 1935-1937} Cirkevnik Clevelandska Slovenska jednota 51 52 SLOVAKIA Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Furdek Hlas Jednota Jaro Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv . Frantiska I.:udovy dennik (Chicago, 1935-1945) Mlady Luteran Narodne noviny Nas svet New Yorsky dennik Nove easy Osadne hlasy Pokrokova jednota Pravda Priatel' dietok Rovnost' l'udu Rozsieva/'.: (Gaines , Mich., 1935-1936) Samostatnost' Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky ob/'.:an Slovensky sokol Slovensky svet Slovo Svedok Svornost' Tatran Wisconsinsky Slovak Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zahradka (Pittsburgh, 1935-1937) Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo 1936 Ave Maria The Benedictine Besiedky , Listy Americkych Slovakov (New York , N.Y., 1936) Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Bulletin Slovenskej ligy v Amerike Cirkevnik Clevelandska Slovenska jednota The Courier (Granite City, Ill ., 1936-1937) Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Furdek Hlas Jednota Jaro Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska I.:udovy dennik Mlady Luteran Narodne noviny Nas svet New Yorsky dennik Nove easy Osadne hlasy Pravda a slavna nadej (Chicago, 1936) Pravda Priatel' dietok Rozsieva/'.: Rozsievac pravdy (Akron, Ohio , 1936) Samostatnost' Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky ob/'.:an SLOVAKIA Slovensky sokol Slovensky svet Slovo Svedok Svornost' Tatran Wisconsinsky Slovak Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zahradka Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo 1937 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Bulletin Slovenskej ligy v Amerike Cirkevnik Clevelandska Slovenska jednota The Courier Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Furdek Hlas Hlasnik (Akron , Ohio , 1937) Jednota Jara Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska I.:udovy dennik Mlady Luteran Naradne noviny Nas svet New Yorsky dennik Nave easy Osadne hlasy Pravda Priatel' dietok Samostatnost' Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obcan Slovensky sokol Slovensky svet Slovo Svedok Svornost' Tatran Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zahradka Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo 1938 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Cirkevnik Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Furdek Hlas Jednota Jara Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska I.:udovy dennik Mlady Luteran Naradne noviny Nas svet New Yorsky dennik Nave easy Osadne hlasy Pravda Priatel' dietok 53 54 SLOVAKIA Samostatnost' Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obcan Slovensky sokol Slovensky svet Straz (Palmyra , Pa. , 1938) Svedok Svornost' Youngstownske Slovenske noviny Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo 1939 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Cirkevnik Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Furdek Hlas Jednota Jaro Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska I.:udovy dennik Mlady Luteran Narodne noviny Nas svet New Yorsky dennik Nove easy Osadne hlasy Pravda Priatel' dietok Samostatnost' Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obean Slovensky sokol Slovensky svet Svedok Svornost' Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo 1940 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Cirkevnik Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Furdek Hlas Jednota Jaro Kadet Katolicky soko l Listy Sv . Frantiska I.:udovy dennik Mlady Luteran Narodne noviny Nas svet New Yorsky dennik Nove easy Osadne hlasy Pravda Priatel' dietok Roduverny Slovak (Chicago, 1940-1942) SLOVAKIA Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovenka (Chicago , 1940) Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obi':an Slovensky sokol Slovensky svet Svetlak Svornost' Zenska jednota Zivena Zrkadlo 1941 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Cirkevnik Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Furdek Hlas Jednota Jara Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska I..:udovy dennik Mlady Luteran Narodne noviny New Yorsky dennik Nave easy Osadne hlasy Pravda Priatel' dietok Roduverny Slovak Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovanske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obcan Slovensky sokol Svetlak Svornost' Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka (Pittsburgh , 1941Zrkadlo 1942 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bozske srdce Jez isa Cirkevnik Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Hlas Hlas mladeze (New York , N.Y., 1942-1968) Jednota Jara Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska Ludovy dennik Narodne noviny New Yorsky dennik Nave easy Osadne hlasy Pennsylvanska Slovenska jednota (Wilkes-Barre, 1942-1944) Pravda Priatel' dietok Roduvern y Slovak Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny 55 56 SLOVAKIA Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obean Slovensky sokol Svedok Svornost' Zenska jednota Zivena Zornieka Zrkadlo 1943 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bozske srdce Jezisa Cirkevnik Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Hlas Hlas mladeze Jednota Jara Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska I.:udovy denn'ik Naradne noviny New Yorsky dennik Nave easy Osadne hlasy Pennsylvanska Slovenska jednota Pravda Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Record (Pittsburgh, 1943) Slaboda (New York , N.Y., 1943) Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obean Slovensky sokol Svedok Svornost' Zenska jednota Zivena Zornieka Zrkadlo 1944 Ave Maria The Benedictine Boske srdce Jezisa Cirkevnik Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Hlas Hlas mladeze Jednota Jara Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska I.:udovy dennik The Lutheran Beacon (Pittsburgh, 1944-1970) Naradne noviny New Yorsky dennik Nave easy Osadne hlasy Pennsylvanska Slovenska jednota Pravda Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obean Slovensky sokol Svedok Svornost' Zenska jednota SLOVAKIA Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo Zornicka Zrkadlo 1945 1946 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo (Wilkes-Barre , Pa. , 1954) Cirkevnik Clevelandska Slovenska jednota Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Hlas Hlas mladeze Jednota Jaro Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska Cudove noviny (Chicago , 1945-1984) Cudovy dennik The Lutheran Beacon Narodne noviny New Yorsky dennik Nove easy Osadne hlasy Pravda Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovenska obrana Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obcan Slovensky sokol Svedok Svornost' Za tu nasu slovencinu (Scranton , Pa., 1945) Zenska jednota Zivena Ave Maria The Benedictine Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Cirkevnik Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Hlas Hlas mladeze Hlas slovenskej slobody (WilkesBarre , Pa ., 1946) Jednota Jaro Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv . Frantiska Cudove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Narodne noviny New Yorsky dennik Osadne hlasy Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Digest (Pittsburgh , 1946) Slovak Review (Middletown , Pa., 1946-1947) Slovenska obrana Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obcan Slovensky sokol Svedok Svornost' Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 57 58 1947 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Cirkevnik Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Hlas Hlas ml adeze Jednota Jara Kadel Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska I..:udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Naradne noviny New Yorsky dennik Osadne hlasy Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Arnerike Slovak Review Slovenska obrana Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky obcan Slovensky sokol Svedok Svornost' Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1948 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Cirkevnik Dennica SLOVAKIA Dobry pastier Fialky Hlas mladeze Jednota Jara Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska I..:udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Naradny Slovensky tyzdennik (Chicago , 1948) New Yorsky dennik Osadne hlasy Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak Bulletin (Pittsburgh, 1948) Slovak v Amerike Slovenska liga (Passaic , 1948) Slovenska obrana Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky sokol Svedok Svornost' Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1949 Ave Maria The Benedictin e Bozske srdce Jez isa Bratstvo Cirkevnik Denni ca Dobry past ier Fialky Hla s ml adeze Jed nota Jara Kad et Katolicky sokol SLOVAKIA Listy Sv. Frantiska l.:udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Narodne noviny New Yorsky dennik Osadne hlasy Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Newsletter (Middletown , Pa .. 1949-1958) Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny (Cleveland, 1949-1959) Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky sokol Svedok Svornost' Zenska jednota Zivena Zornii':ka Zrkadlo 1950 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Cas (Washington , D.C., 1950-1959) Cirkevnik Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Hlas mladeze Jed no ta Jara Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska l.:udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Narodne noviny New Yorsky' dennik Osadne hlasy Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak newsletter Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky sokol Svetlak Svornost' Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1951 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Cas Cirkevnik Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Hlas mladeze Jed no ta Jara Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv . Frantiska l.:udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Naradne novin y New Yorsky dennik Osadne hlasy Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagl e (Bridgeport, Conn .. 1951) Slovak Newsletter 59 60 Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky sokol Svetlak Svornost' Zenska jednota Zivena Zornii'.:ka Zrkadlo 1952 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bozske srdce Jezisa Bratstvo Cas Cirkevnik Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Hlas mladeze Jednota Jara Kadet Katolicky so!<ol Listy Sv. Frantiska 1'.udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Narodne noviny New Yorsky dennik Osadne hlasy Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovak Newsletter Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky soko l Svetlak SLOVAKIA Svornost' Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1953 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bratstvo Bulletin of the Slovak National Council Abroad (Middletown, Pa., 1953-1958) Cas Cirkevnik Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Floridsky Slovak (Maitland, Fla., 1953) Hlas mladeze Jednota Jara Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska l'.udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Narodne noviny New Yorsky dennik Osadne hlasy Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovak Newsletter Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky sokol Svetlak Svornost' Zenska jednota SLOVAKIA Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1954 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bratstvo Bulletin of the Slovak National Council Abroad Cas Cirkevnik Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Floridsky Slovak Hlas mladeze Jednota Jaro Kadel Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska l.:udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Most (Cleveland, 1954Narodne noviny New Yorsky dennik Osadne hlasy Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovak Newsletter Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky sokol Svedok Svornost' Zenska jed nota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1955 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bratstvo Bulletin of the Slovak National Council Abroad Cas Cirkevnik Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Floridsky Slovak Hlas mladeze Jednota Jaro Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska l.:udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Most Narodne noviny New Yorsky dennik Osadne hlasy Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovak Newsletter . Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky sokol Svedok Svornost' Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1956 Ave Maria The Benedictine 61 62 SLOVAKIA Bratstvo Bulletin of the Slovak National Council Abroad Cas Cirkevnik Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Floridsky Slovak Hlas mladeze Jednota Jara Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska I.:udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Most Narodne noviny New Yorsky dennik Osadne hlasy Priatel' dietok Rozhl'ady (New York , N .Y., 1956-1959) Sion Slovak V Am'e rike Slovak Eagle Slovak Newsletter Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky sokol Svetlak Svornost' Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo The Benedictine Bratstvo Bulletin of the Slovak National Council Abroad Cas Cirkevnik Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Floridsky Slovak Hlas mladeze Jednota Jara Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska I.:udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Most Narodne noviny New Yorsky dennik Osadne hlasy Priatel' dietok Rozhl'ady Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovak Newsletter Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky sokol Svetlak Svornost' Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1957 1958 Amerikansko-Slovensky kocur (Cleveland , 1957-1958) Ave Maria Amerikansko-Slovensky kocur Ave Maria The Benedictine SLOVAKIA Bratstvo Bulletin of the Slovak National Council Abroad Cas Cirkevnik Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Floridsky Slovak Hlas mladeze Jednota Jaro Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska l'.udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Most Narodne noviny New Yorsky dennik Osadne hlasy Priatel' dietok Rozhl'ady Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovak Newsletter Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky sokol Svetlak Svornost' Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1959 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bratstvo Cas Cirkevnik Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Floridsky Slovak Hlas mladeze Jednota Jaro Kadet Katolicky sokol Li sty Sv. Frantiska l'.udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Most Narodne noviny New Yorsky dennik Osadne hlasy Priatel' dietok Rozhl'lady Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovenska obrana Slovenske noviny Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky sokol Svetlak Svornost' Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1960 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bratstvo Cirkevnik Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Floridsky Slovak Hlas mladeze 63 64 Jednota Jara Kadet Katolicky sokol Li sty Sv . Fran ti ska Ludove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Most Narodne noviny New Yorsky dennik Osadne hlasy Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovenska obrana Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky sokol Svetlak Svornost' Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1961 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bratstvo Cirkevnik Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Floridsky Slovak Hlas mladeze Jednota Jara Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska I.:udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Most SLOVAKIA Naradne noviny New Yorsky dennik Osadne hlasy Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovenska obrana Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky sokol Svetlak Svornost' Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1962 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bratstvo Calvin (Pittsburgh , 1962Cirkevnik Dennica Dobry pastier Fialky Floridsky Slovak Hlas mladeze Jednota Jara Kadet Katolicky sokol Listy Sv . Frantiska I.:udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Most Naradne noviny New Yorsky dennik Osadne hlasy Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle SLOVAKIA Slovenska obrana Slovensky hlasnik Slovensky Kalvin Slovensky sokol Svedok Svornost' United Lutheran (Pittsburgh, 1962- ) Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1963 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bratstvo Calvin Cirkevnik Dobry pastier Fialky Floridsky Slovak Hlas mladeze Jednota Jaro Katolicky sokol Listy Sv . Frantiska I.:udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Most Narodne noviny New Yorsky dennik Osadne hlasy Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovenska obrana Slovensky sokol Svedok Svornost' United Luthera n Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1964 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bratstvo Calvin Cirkevnik Dobry pastier Fialky Floridsky Slovak Hlas mladeze Jednota Jara Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska I.:udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Most Nardone noviny New Yorsky dennik Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovenska obrana Slovensky sokol Svedok Svornost' United Lutheran Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1965 Ave Maria The Benedictine Bratstvo Calvin Cirkevnik Dobry pastier Fialky 65 66 Floridsky Slovak Hlas mladeze Jednota Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska I.:udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Most Narodne noviny Nase hlasy (Chicago, 1965Nase snahy (Chicago, 1965New Yorsky dennik Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovenske obrana Slovensky sokol Svedok Svornost' United Lutheran Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1966 Ave Maria The Benedictine Benedictine··Bulletin Bratstvo Calvin Ciekevmk Dobry pastier Fialky Floridsky Slovak Hlas mladeze Jednota Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska I.:udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Most Narodne noviny SLOVAKIA ) ) Nase hlasy Nase snahy New Yorsky dennik Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovenska obrana Slovensky sokol Svedok Svornost' United Lutheran Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1967 Ave Maria The Benedictine Benedictine Bulletin Bratstvo Calvin Cirkevnik Dobry pastier Fialky Floridsky Slovak Hlas mladeze Jednota Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska I.:udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Most Narodne noviny Nase hlasy Nase snahy New Yorsky dennik Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovenska obrana Sokol Times (Perth Amboy, N.J ., 1967) SLOVAKIA Svetlak Svornost' United Lutheran Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1968 Ave Maria The Benedictine Benedictine Bulletin Bratstvo Calvin Cirkevnik Dobry pastier Fialky Floridsky Slovak Hlas mladeze Jednota Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska LUdove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Most Narodne noviny Nase hlasy Nase snahy New Yorsky dennik Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovak Press Digest (New York , N.Y., 1968-1975) Sl~venska obrana Sokol Times Svetlak Svornost' United Lutheran Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1969 Ave Maria The Benedictine Benedictine Bulletin Bratstvo Calvin Cirkevnik Dobry pastier Fialky Floridsky Slovak Jednota Katolicky sokol Li sty Sv . Frantiska Ludove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Most Narodne noviny Nase hlasy Nase snahy New Yorsky dennik Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovak Press Digest Slovenska obrana Sokol Times Svedok Svornost' United Lutheran Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1970 Ave Maria The Benedictine Benedictine Bulletin Bratstvo Calvin Cirkevnik Dobry pastier Fialky 67 68 Floridsky Slovak Jednota Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska I.:udove noviny The Lutheran Beacon Most Narodne noviny Nase hlasy Nase snahy New Yorsky dennik Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovak Press Digest Slovenska obrana Sokol times Svetlak Svornost' United Lutheran Zenska jednota .Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1971 Ave Maria The Benedictine Benedictine Bulletin Bratstvo Calvin Cirkevnik Dobry pastier Floridsky Slovak Jednota Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska I.:udove noviny Most Narodne noviny Nase hlasy Nase snahy New Yorsky dennik SLOVAKIA Priatel' dietok Sion Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovak Press Digest Slovak a Svet (Chicago, 1971-72) Slovenska obrana Sokol Times Svetlak United Lutheran Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1972 Ave Maria The Benedictine Benedictine Bulletin Bratstvo Calvin Cirkevnik Dobry pastier Floridsky Slovak Jednota Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Fran ti ska I.:udove noviny Most Narodne noviny Nase hlasy Nase snahy New Yorsky dennik Priatel' dietok Sion Slobodna tribuna (New York, N. Y. , 1972) Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovak Press Digest Slovak a Svet Slovenska obrana Sokol Times Svetlak SLOVAKIA United Lutheran Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1973 Ave Maria The Benedictine Benedictine Bulletin Bratstvo Calvin Cirkevnik Dobry pastier Floridsky Slovak Jednota Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska I.:udove noviny Most Narodne noviny Nase hlasy Nase snahy New Yorsky dennik Priatel' dietok Sion Slobodna tribuna Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovak Press Digest Sokol Times Svedok United Lutheran Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1974 Ave Maria The Benedictine Benedictine Bulletin Bratstvo Calvin Cirkevnik Dobry pastier Floridsky Slovak Jednota Katolicky sokol Li sty Sv. Fran ti ska I.:udove noviny Most Narodne noviny Nase hlasy Nase snahy New Yorsky dennik Priatel' dietok Sion Slobodna Tribuna Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovak Press Digest Sokol Times Svedok United Lutheran Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo 1975 Ave Maria The Benedictine Benedictine Bulletin Bratstvo Calvin Cirkevnik Dobry pastier Floridsky Slovak Jednota Katolicky sokol Listy Sv. Frantiska I.:udove noviny Most Narodne noviny Nase hlasy Nase snahy New Yorsky dennik 69 70 Priatel' dietok Sion Slobodna tribuna Slovak v Amerike Slovak Eagle Slovak Heritage (Detroit , 1975Slovak Press Digest SLOVAKIA Sokol Times Svetlak United Lutheran Zenska jednota Zivena Zornicka Zrkadlo SLOVAKIA LITERATURE 71  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovak-American Newspapers, 1885-1975: A Preliminary Listing Description An account of the resource M. Mark Stolarik Slovakia, Vol. 32 (No. 58-59), 1985-86 pp. 34-70 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Stolarik, M. Mark, 1943- Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1985-86 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/98d25410d7f2879689d22a97cd1b2861.pdf d34c88dd6703b4521ac3630ddf0631b9 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 109 Slovak-Czech Relations: An assessment CAROL SKALNIK LEFF An often quoted aphorism in the literature on democratization is the caveat of a British statesman: "The people cannot decide until it is first decided who is the people." In varying forms it is precisely that question that has plagued Czech-Slovak relations over the past century. Although the essays in this forum were organized to survey the Czech-Slovak relationship in historically distinct periods, each analysis sheds light on the concrete manifestations of a persistent failure to reach a consensus on who the "people" are (Czech, Slovak or Czechoslovak citizens), and what institutional framework would be appropriate to orchestrate their decisions. Moreover, each of the essays contributes to a deeper understanding of the historical roots of the Czech-Slovak divorce proceedings of 1992. In these comments, I will try to integrate the periodized analysis of the assessments just offered, and to cull from them patterns in the CzechSlovak relationship that denote a permanent imbalance in perceptions of national identity and national interest, an imbalance that culminated in the abandonment of the joint statehood enterprise. In reviewing the period before the founding of the state, Edita Bosak defines a number of central features of Czech-Slovak relations , all of which establish a context for the tensions that persisted after 1918. Above all, she documents the essentially cultural character of the relationship during the Habsburg period, a focus that is important for two reasons. First, the tensions in that cultural nexus go to the core of the identity problem that would plague the joint �110 SLOVAKIA Czech-Slovak state into the 1990s . The centrality of the language question, from the outset, pointed to the larger issue - on whose terms would Czechs and Slovaks establish a working relationship? Slovak protectiveness regarding language was fundamentally a protection of besieged identity ,67 and Czech laments over the separation of the two languages reflected a failure to take seriously the distinctiveness of two cultures, a failure that would mark subsequent failures to acknowledge distinct Slovak interests in a range of issues from politics and economics to religion. Second, the essentially cultural character of the Czech-Slovak relationship before 1918 points to its converse - the limited political dialogue and collaboration, which Edita Bosak rightly defines as a function of Czech orientation toward the doctrine of historical rights to its ethnically mixed territory, and of the political sensitivity of any challenge to the structure of dualism. The paucity of political interaction meant an ill-constructed foundation for the edifice of joint statehood after 1918, and the carryover of unresolved ambiguities and tensions into the new state. The stakes in the inconclusive debate over identity mounted after independence, as cultural relations perforce became political and constitutional as well. Susan Mikula builds from precisely this important point to trace a pattern of political stasis in the interwar period that essentially excluded reformulation of the position of Slovaks within the state. She gives particularly cogent attention to the operation of a complex parliamentary system, a delicate balancing act dependent less of shifting electoral outcomes than on tight elite coordination and control. Stanislav Kirschbaum traces a consistent pattern of Slovak interests endplayed by Czech dominance of both the state apparatus and of the formulation of stateness itself. Through each of these analyses one can discern patterns that transcend historical eras. The Czech-Slovak relationship, in its sue67 It would have been helpful had Edita Bosak addressed more specifically the Hlasist position on the language issue; even avowed Czechoslovaks were not necessarily "linguistic" Czechoslovaks, and the distinction would contribute to a fuller understanding of the ambiguities of the "Czechoslovak" idea itself, ambiguities that heightened the probability of mutual misunderstanding and suspicion. �SLOVAKIA 111 cessive forms, was fundamentally a pragmatic alliance of small nations, brought together by the exgencies of external forces and constrained by internal structures . External threats to national survival were rooted in a usually hostile international environment, where larger and more powerful political entities were able to define the limits of national sovereignty and also to shape the character of CzechSlovak accommodation. Throughout the 19th and 20th centuries , Czechs and Slovaks were hostage to the stabilities and instabilities of the larger continental balance of power, such that their encasement in the Habsburg order was broken only by World War I and postwar "high diplomacy," their joint experiment in statehood was destroyed by Nazi intervention, and the reincarnation of the state after 1945 was defined by Soviet power. In each of these successive periods , broader forces therefore set the parameters for the Czech-Slovak relationship, and it is hardly coincidental that the experiment in statehood fell apart precisely when the international constraints that had long circumscribed political negotiation loosened dramatically. Before 1989, the climate of international threat and coercion had been a decisive factor in setting political boundaries . Czechs and Slovaks in 1918 forged a common state to reinforce their respective boundaries with former German and Hungarian overlords, who survived the dissolution of empire in substantial minorities on Czech and Slovak territory . Tellingly, the consequence of that strategic alliance was not merely, or even accurately, a "joint" state, but rather a centralized state, centralized precisely on the logic of fending off the claims of neighbors and resident minorities. This was an inhospitable environment for the resolution of Czech-Slovak differences , with raison d'Etat presented to foreclose negotiation, particularly after the Hungarian incursion of 1919. Nor was the subsequent crisis of Nazi intervention a favorable climate for a Slovak definition of national interests that Czechs would regard as the betrayal of superior state interests. Finally the defeat of Nazi power left a Slovak state legacy tarnished by its genesis and the reinstatement of Czechoslovakia as the only exit from the opprobrium of association with the Axis camp. The new postwar Czech-Slovak bargain was therefore encumbered by recent history, and further encumbered by a commu- �112 SLOVAKIA nist political schema that infused Pragocentrism with a new layer of ideological meaning. Slovak claims to political definition as people, therefore, were consistently either contaminated by international intervention (as World War II), or immobilized by politics as usual. It must therefore be recognized that a central feature of the Czech-Slovak relationship , the centralist strait jacket that frustrated Slovak attempts to attain institutional recognitionn for Slovak identity, was on balance rationalized by the character of the international context, which provided a series of ready rationales to forestall a mutually acceptable constitutional bargain. Another persistent impediment to consensus was the economic context of the Czech-Slovak relationship, a factor that all the essays incorporate into their assessments with varying emphasis. From the inception of the state in 1918, the economics of national benefit was a source of dissonance between the two nations. Economic policy is never ethnically neutral. It hardly proved so in Czechoslovakia. Differentials in economic development meant that market forces and government economic policy that worked well for the Czech lands were unlikely, uncorrected, to have a similar salutary impact in Slovakia. Hence, we see the partial "deindustrialization" of Slovakia in the interwar period, documented by Mikula in the face of Czech competition and government policy being insensitive to the political impact of such differentials. The divergent economic needs of the two areas set the pattern for longstanding conflict of perceptions of regime benevolence. From Prague, Slovaks appeared consistently ungrateful for the benefits of common statehood; from Bratislava, the perception was frequently of a negligent, even exploitative or colonial economic policy. The Communist priority attached to investment in Slovakia after 1948 did little to realign these perceptions, particularly inasmuch as a Soviet economic model continued to concentrate effective economic decisionmaking power in the center. It is notable that the federal design of 1968 was retrenched in 1970 precisely in the area of economic autonomy. Even more consequential in the long run was the character of communist era investment in Slovakia. Even as it may have narrowed the gap in production as long as the communist state �SLOVAKIA 113 system endured, the pattern of investment was skewed toward the demands of a larger regional communist system (especially with regard to military production.) When that economic system dissolved, so did the benefits to Slovakia, leaving it to suffer disproportionately in unemployment and production declines in the course of the dislocations attendant on remarketization. Deeprooted economic grievances thus resurfaced to reinforce the political case for recognizing Slovak nationhood in maximally decentralized form, as a political means of protecting Slovak interests against the disruptions of the market. Finally, all the essays present a profile of successive political systems in disequilibria with the multinational character of the state, prospectively or in practice. Whether one defines this disequilibrium as a conscious decision by a larger Czech entity to preserve a constitutional structure that preserved maximum control at the center, or whether one defines important ambiguities in the mutual perceptions of the two nations, ambiguities that imposed ideological blinders, the net result is the same: a series of states that functioned without feeling impelled to respond to the unsettled problem of the fit between the common state and the national subgroups that inhabited it. How then are we to understand the disintegration of the state in the course of 1992? At one level, this outcome appears perverse; following the 1992 elections, democratically elected politicians pursued a policy of disconnection despite the absence of public consensus (an anomaly noted by Stanislav Kirschbaum) for independence in either of the two republics. Part of the answer to this conundrum lies in decoding the electoral paradox that led voters to support political parties whose agendas were so clearly destined to clash. On closer inspection, this may be less paradoxical that it first appears. Both Vladimir Meciar's HZDS and Vaclav Klaus's ODC ran on platforms that reiterated a commitment to joint statehood, albeit in very different institutional forms. For voters then, the issue in each republic was not necessarily the continuance of the state, but rather support for the party that seemed to offer the best prospects for pursuing broader, but nonetheless nationally distinct, agendas - in the Czech lands, �114 SLOVAKIA rapid economic transformation - and in Slovakia, a strong defense of Slovak interests that need not in many cases have entailed a desire for separation. What electoral politics cannot reflect then, is the dissonance of views on the character of the state project that lay behind the apparent consensus on continued joint statehood. Since polls show the Czech public aligned on the spectrum of constitutional alternatives toward the unitary or federal end, and Slovaks on the other end tilting toward confederation or separation, it is not unfair to argue that the joint state preferred by Czechs was not in fact the same animal that the Slovak public espoused when expressing preference for a joint state. The election results and postelectoral negotiations, therefore, are not so paradoxical when one thinks about the dissonant concepts of statehood in the two republics. What had occurred was a political deadlock, a deadlock that reflected clear differences in the acceptability of alternative constitutional bargains for both leaders and publics in the two republics. This understanding leads us back to the point that all contributors to this forum have emphasized in different periods, that the Czech-Slovak division ran far deeper than the momentary clash of interests between two headstrong politicians. Differing conceptions of the preferred character of the state were underpinned by a long history of divergent conceptions of the beneficiaries of the state, each nation in fact harboring the perception, also validated in poll data, that the other had gained disproportionately from common statehood. What differentiated 1992 from earlier attempts to resolve the question was, perhaps, not merely the functioning of a democratic system, contigent on electoral outcomes, but rather two additional features of the political context. First, the international environment posed a lesser threat to national survival than earlier in the twentieth century. (Note however, that Slovaks see the Czech lands as vulnerable to German domination, while Czechs warn Slovaks of subordination to the benighted east). Second, for all its dubious relevance under communism, the federal structure of the state inherited by the Velvet Revolution was subsequently infused with institutional meaning through the electoral process. In contrast with the past, Slovaks possessed a constitutional �SLOVAKIA 115 veto in the bicameral federal assembly and could claim an electorally-validated seat at the bargaining table. In fact, no constitutional design could be accepted without the acquiescence of the Slovak government. Contrast this with the vivid, and I think, accurate picture sketched by Susan Mikula of the interwar politics of symbolic Slovak leadership inclusion and practical powerlessness to set the agenda. Given institutional bases that provided leverage for Czech and Slovak negotiators alike, the outcome of the postcommunist negotiations was certain to run a different course than had previous such attempts. It is also the case that the negotiators proceeded from the premise that a renegotiated national settlement was a necessary component of democratization (it was not initially clear that no settlement would be forthcoming). Here it should be noted that the Czech agenda of what came to be called "functional federalism" probably should be recognized as according certain concessions to the Slovak position. The December 1990 provisional agreement and subsequent bargaining did provide for greater decentralization of authority than past institutional arrangements. I am therefore inclined to be more sympathetic than Stanislav Kirschbaum in discerning Czech movement on the question of constitutional reconfiguration. But the crux of the matter is that the final attempted bargain, struck in February 1992, was insufficiently decentralized to pass muster with the Slovak National Council, but at the same time as decentralized a framework as the Czechs were likely to countenance. In this sense, the 1992 electoral outcome only crystalized two years of failure to reach consensus. In some senses, the dissolution of the state in the course of the 1992 negotiations can be regarded as a failure of leadership. If so, the leadership failure in question is not merely that of the endgame period of 1992, but of the full experience of joint statehood, in which two nations coexisted without ever reaching consensus on a common destiny or on the institutional design that would secure such a vision. ��REVIEW ESSAY �� SLOVAKIA 109 Slovak-Czech Relations: An assessment CAROL SKALNIK LEFF An often quoted aphorism in the literature on democratization is the caveat of a British statesman: "The people cannot decide until it is first decided who is the people." In varying forms it is precisely that question that has plagued Czech-Slovak relations over the past century. Although the essays in this forum were organized to survey the Czech-Slovak relationship in historically distinct periods, each analysis sheds light on the concrete manifestations of a persistent failure to reach a consensus on who the "people" are (Czech, Slovak or Czechoslovak citizens), and what institutional framework would be appropriate to orchestrate their decisions. Moreover, each of the essays contributes to a deeper understanding of the historical roots of the Czech-Slovak divorce proceedings of 1992. In these comments, I will try to integrate the periodized analysis of the assessments just offered, and to cull from them patterns in the CzechSlovak relationship that denote a permanent imbalance in perceptions of national identity and national interest, an imbalance that culminated in the abandonment of the joint statehood enterprise. In reviewing the period before the founding of the state, Edita Bosak defines a number of central features of Czech-Slovak relations , all of which establish a context for the tensions that persisted after 1918. Above all, she documents the essentially cultural character of the relationship during the Habsburg period, a focus that is important for two reasons. First, the tensions in that cultural nexus go to the core of the identity problem that would plague the joint �110 SLOVAKIA Czech-Slovak state into the 1990s . The centrality of the language question, from the outset, pointed to the larger issue - on whose terms would Czechs and Slovaks establish a working relationship? Slovak protectiveness regarding language was fundamentally a protection of besieged identity ,67 and Czech laments over the separation of the two languages reflected a failure to take seriously the distinctiveness of two cultures, a failure that would mark subsequent failures to acknowledge distinct Slovak interests in a range of issues from politics and economics to religion. Second, the essentially cultural character of the Czech-Slovak relationship before 1918 points to its converse - the limited political dialogue and collaboration, which Edita Bosak rightly defines as a function of Czech orientation toward the doctrine of historical rights to its ethnically mixed territory, and of the political sensitivity of any challenge to the structure of dualism. The paucity of political interaction meant an ill-constructed foundation for the edifice of joint statehood after 1918, and the carryover of unresolved ambiguities and tensions into the new state. The stakes in the inconclusive debate over identity mounted after independence, as cultural relations perforce became political and constitutional as well. Susan Mikula builds from precisely this important point to trace a pattern of political stasis in the interwar period that essentially excluded reformulation of the position of Slovaks within the state. She gives particularly cogent attention to the operation of a complex parliamentary system, a delicate balancing act dependent less of shifting electoral outcomes than on tight elite coordination and control. Stanislav Kirschbaum traces a consistent pattern of Slovak interests endplayed by Czech dominance of both the state apparatus and of the formulation of stateness itself. Through each of these analyses one can discern patterns that transcend historical eras. The Czech-Slovak relationship, in its sue67 It would have been helpful had Edita Bosak addressed more specifically the Hlasist position on the language issue; even avowed Czechoslovaks were not necessarily "linguistic" Czechoslovaks, and the distinction would contribute to a fuller understanding of the ambiguities of the "Czechoslovak" idea itself, ambiguities that heightened the probability of mutual misunderstanding and suspicion. �SLOVAKIA 111 cessive forms, was fundamentally a pragmatic alliance of small nations, brought together by the exgencies of external forces and constrained by internal structures . External threats to national survival were rooted in a usually hostile international environment, where larger and more powerful political entities were able to define the limits of national sovereignty and also to shape the character of CzechSlovak accommodation. Throughout the 19th and 20th centuries , Czechs and Slovaks were hostage to the stabilities and instabilities of the larger continental balance of power, such that their encasement in the Habsburg order was broken only by World War I and postwar "high diplomacy," their joint experiment in statehood was destroyed by Nazi intervention, and the reincarnation of the state after 1945 was defined by Soviet power. In each of these successive periods , broader forces therefore set the parameters for the Czech-Slovak relationship, and it is hardly coincidental that the experiment in statehood fell apart precisely when the international constraints that had long circumscribed political negotiation loosened dramatically. Before 1989, the climate of international threat and coercion had been a decisive factor in setting political boundaries . Czechs and Slovaks in 1918 forged a common state to reinforce their respective boundaries with former German and Hungarian overlords, who survived the dissolution of empire in substantial minorities on Czech and Slovak territory . Tellingly, the consequence of that strategic alliance was not merely, or even accurately, a "joint" state, but rather a centralized state, centralized precisely on the logic of fending off the claims of neighbors and resident minorities. This was an inhospitable environment for the resolution of Czech-Slovak differences , with raison d'Etat presented to foreclose negotiation, particularly after the Hungarian incursion of 1919. Nor was the subsequent crisis of Nazi intervention a favorable climate for a Slovak definition of national interests that Czechs would regard as the betrayal of superior state interests. Finally the defeat of Nazi power left a Slovak state legacy tarnished by its genesis and the reinstatement of Czechoslovakia as the only exit from the opprobrium of association with the Axis camp. The new postwar Czech-Slovak bargain was therefore encumbered by recent history, and further encumbered by a commu- �112 SLOVAKIA nist political schema that infused Pragocentrism with a new layer of ideological meaning. Slovak claims to political definition as people, therefore, were consistently either contaminated by international intervention (as World War II), or immobilized by politics as usual. It must therefore be recognized that a central feature of the Czech-Slovak relationship , the centralist strait jacket that frustrated Slovak attempts to attain institutional recognitionn for Slovak identity, was on balance rationalized by the character of the international context, which provided a series of ready rationales to forestall a mutually acceptable constitutional bargain. Another persistent impediment to consensus was the economic context of the Czech-Slovak relationship, a factor that all the essays incorporate into their assessments with varying emphasis. From the inception of the state in 1918, the economics of national benefit was a source of dissonance between the two nations. Economic policy is never ethnically neutral. It hardly proved so in Czechoslovakia. Differentials in economic development meant that market forces and government economic policy that worked well for the Czech lands were unlikely, uncorrected, to have a similar salutary impact in Slovakia. Hence, we see the partial "deindustrialization" of Slovakia in the interwar period, documented by Mikula in the face of Czech competition and government policy being insensitive to the political impact of such differentials. The divergent economic needs of the two areas set the pattern for longstanding conflict of perceptions of regime benevolence. From Prague, Slovaks appeared consistently ungrateful for the benefits of common statehood; from Bratislava, the perception was frequently of a negligent, even exploitative or colonial economic policy. The Communist priority attached to investment in Slovakia after 1948 did little to realign these perceptions, particularly inasmuch as a Soviet economic model continued to concentrate effective economic decisionmaking power in the center. It is notable that the federal design of 1968 was retrenched in 1970 precisely in the area of economic autonomy. Even more consequential in the long run was the character of communist era investment in Slovakia. Even as it may have narrowed the gap in production as long as the communist state �SLOVAKIA 113 system endured, the pattern of investment was skewed toward the demands of a larger regional communist system (especially with regard to military production.) When that economic system dissolved, so did the benefits to Slovakia, leaving it to suffer disproportionately in unemployment and production declines in the course of the dislocations attendant on remarketization. Deeprooted economic grievances thus resurfaced to reinforce the political case for recognizing Slovak nationhood in maximally decentralized form, as a political means of protecting Slovak interests against the disruptions of the market. Finally, all the essays present a profile of successive political systems in disequilibria with the multinational character of the state, prospectively or in practice. Whether one defines this disequilibrium as a conscious decision by a larger Czech entity to preserve a constitutional structure that preserved maximum control at the center, or whether one defines important ambiguities in the mutual perceptions of the two nations, ambiguities that imposed ideological blinders, the net result is the same: a series of states that functioned without feeling impelled to respond to the unsettled problem of the fit between the common state and the national subgroups that inhabited it. How then are we to understand the disintegration of the state in the course of 1992? At one level, this outcome appears perverse; following the 1992 elections, democratically elected politicians pursued a policy of disconnection despite the absence of public consensus (an anomaly noted by Stanislav Kirschbaum) for independence in either of the two republics. Part of the answer to this conundrum lies in decoding the electoral paradox that led voters to support political parties whose agendas were so clearly destined to clash. On closer inspection, this may be less paradoxical that it first appears. Both Vladimir Meciar's HZDS and Vaclav Klaus's ODC ran on platforms that reiterated a commitment to joint statehood, albeit in very different institutional forms. For voters then, the issue in each republic was not necessarily the continuance of the state, but rather support for the party that seemed to offer the best prospects for pursuing broader, but nonetheless nationally distinct, agendas - in the Czech lands, �114 SLOVAKIA rapid economic transformation - and in Slovakia, a strong defense of Slovak interests that need not in many cases have entailed a desire for separation. What electoral politics cannot reflect then, is the dissonance of views on the character of the state project that lay behind the apparent consensus on continued joint statehood. Since polls show the Czech public aligned on the spectrum of constitutional alternatives toward the unitary or federal end, and Slovaks on the other end tilting toward confederation or separation, it is not unfair to argue that the joint state preferred by Czechs was not in fact the same animal that the Slovak public espoused when expressing preference for a joint state. The election results and postelectoral negotiations, therefore, are not so paradoxical when one thinks about the dissonant concepts of statehood in the two republics. What had occurred was a political deadlock, a deadlock that reflected clear differences in the acceptability of alternative constitutional bargains for both leaders and publics in the two republics. This understanding leads us back to the point that all contributors to this forum have emphasized in different periods, that the Czech-Slovak division ran far deeper than the momentary clash of interests between two headstrong politicians. Differing conceptions of the preferred character of the state were underpinned by a long history of divergent conceptions of the beneficiaries of the state, each nation in fact harboring the perception, also validated in poll data, that the other had gained disproportionately from common statehood. What differentiated 1992 from earlier attempts to resolve the question was, perhaps, not merely the functioning of a democratic system, contigent on electoral outcomes, but rather two additional features of the political context. First, the international environment posed a lesser threat to national survival than earlier in the twentieth century. (Note however, that Slovaks see the Czech lands as vulnerable to German domination, while Czechs warn Slovaks of subordination to the benighted east). Second, for all its dubious relevance under communism, the federal structure of the state inherited by the Velvet Revolution was subsequently infused with institutional meaning through the electoral process. In contrast with the past, Slovaks possessed a constitutional �SLOVAKIA 115 veto in the bicameral federal assembly and could claim an electorally-validated seat at the bargaining table. In fact, no constitutional design could be accepted without the acquiescence of the Slovak government. Contrast this with the vivid, and I think, accurate picture sketched by Susan Mikula of the interwar politics of symbolic Slovak leadership inclusion and practical powerlessness to set the agenda. Given institutional bases that provided leverage for Czech and Slovak negotiators alike, the outcome of the postcommunist negotiations was certain to run a different course than had previous such attempts. It is also the case that the negotiators proceeded from the premise that a renegotiated national settlement was a necessary component of democratization (it was not initially clear that no settlement would be forthcoming). Here it should be noted that the Czech agenda of what came to be called "functional federalism" probably should be recognized as according certain concessions to the Slovak position. The December 1990 provisional agreement and subsequent bargaining did provide for greater decentralization of authority than past institutional arrangements. I am therefore inclined to be more sympathetic than Stanislav Kirschbaum in discerning Czech movement on the question of constitutional reconfiguration. But the crux of the matter is that the final attempted bargain, struck in February 1992, was insufficiently decentralized to pass muster with the Slovak National Council, but at the same time as decentralized a framework as the Czechs were likely to countenance. In this sense, the 1992 electoral outcome only crystalized two years of failure to reach consensus. In some senses, the dissolution of the state in the course of the 1992 negotiations can be regarded as a failure of leadership. If so, the leadership failure in question is not merely that of the endgame period of 1992, but of the full experience of joint statehood, in which two nations coexisted without ever reaching consensus on a common destiny or on the institutional design that would secure such a vision. ��REVIEW ESSAY �� Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1991-92, Vol. 35 Description An account of the resource Vol. 35 (No. 64-65), 1991-92. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Slovak League of America Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available 1991-92 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 109 Slovak-Czech Relations: An assessment CAROL SKALNIK LEFF An often quoted aphorism in the literature on democratization is the caveat of a British statesman: "The people cannot decide until it is first decided who is the people." In varying forms it is precisely that question that has plagued Czech-Slovak relations over the past century. Although the essays in this forum were organized to survey the Czech-Slovak relationship in historically distinct periods, each analysis sheds light on the concrete manifestations of a persistent failure to reach a consensus on who the "people" are (Czech, Slovak or Czechoslovak citizens), and what institutional framework would be appropriate to orchestrate their decisions. Moreover, each of the essays contributes to a deeper understanding of the historical roots of the Czech-Slovak divorce proceedings of 1992. In these comments, I will try to integrate the periodized analysis of the assessments just offered, and to cull from them patterns in the CzechSlovak relationship that denote a permanent imbalance in perceptions of national identity and national interest, an imbalance that culminated in the abandonment of the joint statehood enterprise. In reviewing the period before the founding of the state, Edita Bosak defines a number of central features of Czech-Slovak relations , all of which establish a context for the tensions that persisted after 1918. Above all, she documents the essentially cultural character of the relationship during the Habsburg period, a focus that is important for two reasons. First, the tensions in that cultural nexus go to the core of the identity problem that would plague the joint 110 SLOVAKIA Czech-Slovak state into the 1990s . The centrality of the language question, from the outset, pointed to the larger issue - on whose terms would Czechs and Slovaks establish a working relationship? Slovak protectiveness regarding language was fundamentally a protection of besieged identity ,67 and Czech laments over the separation of the two languages reflected a failure to take seriously the distinctiveness of two cultures, a failure that would mark subsequent failures to acknowledge distinct Slovak interests in a range of issues from politics and economics to religion. Second, the essentially cultural character of the Czech-Slovak relationship before 1918 points to its converse - the limited political dialogue and collaboration, which Edita Bosak rightly defines as a function of Czech orientation toward the doctrine of historical rights to its ethnically mixed territory, and of the political sensitivity of any challenge to the structure of dualism. The paucity of political interaction meant an ill-constructed foundation for the edifice of joint statehood after 1918, and the carryover of unresolved ambiguities and tensions into the new state. The stakes in the inconclusive debate over identity mounted after independence, as cultural relations perforce became political and constitutional as well. Susan Mikula builds from precisely this important point to trace a pattern of political stasis in the interwar period that essentially excluded reformulation of the position of Slovaks within the state. She gives particularly cogent attention to the operation of a complex parliamentary system, a delicate balancing act dependent less of shifting electoral outcomes than on tight elite coordination and control. Stanislav Kirschbaum traces a consistent pattern of Slovak interests endplayed by Czech dominance of both the state apparatus and of the formulation of stateness itself. Through each of these analyses one can discern patterns that transcend historical eras. The Czech-Slovak relationship, in its sue67 It would have been helpful had Edita Bosak addressed more specifically the Hlasist position on the language issue; even avowed Czechoslovaks were not necessarily "linguistic" Czechoslovaks, and the distinction would contribute to a fuller understanding of the ambiguities of the "Czechoslovak" idea itself, ambiguities that heightened the probability of mutual misunderstanding and suspicion. SLOVAKIA 111 cessive forms, was fundamentally a pragmatic alliance of small nations, brought together by the exgencies of external forces and constrained by internal structures . External threats to national survival were rooted in a usually hostile international environment, where larger and more powerful political entities were able to define the limits of national sovereignty and also to shape the character of CzechSlovak accommodation. Throughout the 19th and 20th centuries , Czechs and Slovaks were hostage to the stabilities and instabilities of the larger continental balance of power, such that their encasement in the Habsburg order was broken only by World War I and postwar "high diplomacy," their joint experiment in statehood was destroyed by Nazi intervention, and the reincarnation of the state after 1945 was defined by Soviet power. In each of these successive periods , broader forces therefore set the parameters for the Czech-Slovak relationship, and it is hardly coincidental that the experiment in statehood fell apart precisely when the international constraints that had long circumscribed political negotiation loosened dramatically. Before 1989, the climate of international threat and coercion had been a decisive factor in setting political boundaries . Czechs and Slovaks in 1918 forged a common state to reinforce their respective boundaries with former German and Hungarian overlords, who survived the dissolution of empire in substantial minorities on Czech and Slovak territory . Tellingly, the consequence of that strategic alliance was not merely, or even accurately, a "joint" state, but rather a centralized state, centralized precisely on the logic of fending off the claims of neighbors and resident minorities. This was an inhospitable environment for the resolution of Czech-Slovak differences , with raison d'Etat presented to foreclose negotiation, particularly after the Hungarian incursion of 1919. Nor was the subsequent crisis of Nazi intervention a favorable climate for a Slovak definition of national interests that Czechs would regard as the betrayal of superior state interests. Finally the defeat of Nazi power left a Slovak state legacy tarnished by its genesis and the reinstatement of Czechoslovakia as the only exit from the opprobrium of association with the Axis camp. The new postwar Czech-Slovak bargain was therefore encumbered by recent history, and further encumbered by a commu- 112 SLOVAKIA nist political schema that infused Pragocentrism with a new layer of ideological meaning. Slovak claims to political definition as people, therefore, were consistently either contaminated by international intervention (as World War II), or immobilized by politics as usual. It must therefore be recognized that a central feature of the Czech-Slovak relationship , the centralist strait jacket that frustrated Slovak attempts to attain institutional recognitionn for Slovak identity, was on balance rationalized by the character of the international context, which provided a series of ready rationales to forestall a mutually acceptable constitutional bargain. Another persistent impediment to consensus was the economic context of the Czech-Slovak relationship, a factor that all the essays incorporate into their assessments with varying emphasis. From the inception of the state in 1918, the economics of national benefit was a source of dissonance between the two nations. Economic policy is never ethnically neutral. It hardly proved so in Czechoslovakia. Differentials in economic development meant that market forces and government economic policy that worked well for the Czech lands were unlikely, uncorrected, to have a similar salutary impact in Slovakia. Hence, we see the partial "deindustrialization" of Slovakia in the interwar period, documented by Mikula in the face of Czech competition and government policy being insensitive to the political impact of such differentials. The divergent economic needs of the two areas set the pattern for longstanding conflict of perceptions of regime benevolence. From Prague, Slovaks appeared consistently ungrateful for the benefits of common statehood; from Bratislava, the perception was frequently of a negligent, even exploitative or colonial economic policy. The Communist priority attached to investment in Slovakia after 1948 did little to realign these perceptions, particularly inasmuch as a Soviet economic model continued to concentrate effective economic decisionmaking power in the center. It is notable that the federal design of 1968 was retrenched in 1970 precisely in the area of economic autonomy. Even more consequential in the long run was the character of communist era investment in Slovakia. Even as it may have narrowed the gap in production as long as the communist state SLOVAKIA 113 system endured, the pattern of investment was skewed toward the demands of a larger regional communist system (especially with regard to military production.) When that economic system dissolved, so did the benefits to Slovakia, leaving it to suffer disproportionately in unemployment and production declines in the course of the dislocations attendant on remarketization. Deeprooted economic grievances thus resurfaced to reinforce the political case for recognizing Slovak nationhood in maximally decentralized form, as a political means of protecting Slovak interests against the disruptions of the market. Finally, all the essays present a profile of successive political systems in disequilibria with the multinational character of the state, prospectively or in practice. Whether one defines this disequilibrium as a conscious decision by a larger Czech entity to preserve a constitutional structure that preserved maximum control at the center, or whether one defines important ambiguities in the mutual perceptions of the two nations, ambiguities that imposed ideological blinders, the net result is the same: a series of states that functioned without feeling impelled to respond to the unsettled problem of the fit between the common state and the national subgroups that inhabited it. How then are we to understand the disintegration of the state in the course of 1992? At one level, this outcome appears perverse; following the 1992 elections, democratically elected politicians pursued a policy of disconnection despite the absence of public consensus (an anomaly noted by Stanislav Kirschbaum) for independence in either of the two republics. Part of the answer to this conundrum lies in decoding the electoral paradox that led voters to support political parties whose agendas were so clearly destined to clash. On closer inspection, this may be less paradoxical that it first appears. Both Vladimir Meciar's HZDS and Vaclav Klaus's ODC ran on platforms that reiterated a commitment to joint statehood, albeit in very different institutional forms. For voters then, the issue in each republic was not necessarily the continuance of the state, but rather support for the party that seemed to offer the best prospects for pursuing broader, but nonetheless nationally distinct, agendas - in the Czech lands, 114 SLOVAKIA rapid economic transformation - and in Slovakia, a strong defense of Slovak interests that need not in many cases have entailed a desire for separation. What electoral politics cannot reflect then, is the dissonance of views on the character of the state project that lay behind the apparent consensus on continued joint statehood. Since polls show the Czech public aligned on the spectrum of constitutional alternatives toward the unitary or federal end, and Slovaks on the other end tilting toward confederation or separation, it is not unfair to argue that the joint state preferred by Czechs was not in fact the same animal that the Slovak public espoused when expressing preference for a joint state. The election results and postelectoral negotiations, therefore, are not so paradoxical when one thinks about the dissonant concepts of statehood in the two republics. What had occurred was a political deadlock, a deadlock that reflected clear differences in the acceptability of alternative constitutional bargains for both leaders and publics in the two republics. This understanding leads us back to the point that all contributors to this forum have emphasized in different periods, that the Czech-Slovak division ran far deeper than the momentary clash of interests between two headstrong politicians. Differing conceptions of the preferred character of the state were underpinned by a long history of divergent conceptions of the beneficiaries of the state, each nation in fact harboring the perception, also validated in poll data, that the other had gained disproportionately from common statehood. What differentiated 1992 from earlier attempts to resolve the question was, perhaps, not merely the functioning of a democratic system, contigent on electoral outcomes, but rather two additional features of the political context. First, the international environment posed a lesser threat to national survival than earlier in the twentieth century. (Note however, that Slovaks see the Czech lands as vulnerable to German domination, while Czechs warn Slovaks of subordination to the benighted east). Second, for all its dubious relevance under communism, the federal structure of the state inherited by the Velvet Revolution was subsequently infused with institutional meaning through the electoral process. In contrast with the past, Slovaks possessed a constitutional SLOVAKIA 115 veto in the bicameral federal assembly and could claim an electorally-validated seat at the bargaining table. In fact, no constitutional design could be accepted without the acquiescence of the Slovak government. Contrast this with the vivid, and I think, accurate picture sketched by Susan Mikula of the interwar politics of symbolic Slovak leadership inclusion and practical powerlessness to set the agenda. Given institutional bases that provided leverage for Czech and Slovak negotiators alike, the outcome of the postcommunist negotiations was certain to run a different course than had previous such attempts. It is also the case that the negotiators proceeded from the premise that a renegotiated national settlement was a necessary component of democratization (it was not initially clear that no settlement would be forthcoming). Here it should be noted that the Czech agenda of what came to be called "functional federalism" probably should be recognized as according certain concessions to the Slovak position. The December 1990 provisional agreement and subsequent bargaining did provide for greater decentralization of authority than past institutional arrangements. I am therefore inclined to be more sympathetic than Stanislav Kirschbaum in discerning Czech movement on the question of constitutional reconfiguration. But the crux of the matter is that the final attempted bargain, struck in February 1992, was insufficiently decentralized to pass muster with the Slovak National Council, but at the same time as decentralized a framework as the Czechs were likely to countenance. In this sense, the 1992 electoral outcome only crystalized two years of failure to reach consensus. In some senses, the dissolution of the state in the course of the 1992 negotiations can be regarded as a failure of leadership. If so, the leadership failure in question is not merely that of the endgame period of 1992, but of the full experience of joint statehood, in which two nations coexisted without ever reaching consensus on a common destiny or on the institutional design that would secure such a vision. REVIEW ESSAY  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovak-Czech Relations: An Assessment Description An account of the resource Carol Skalnik Leff Slovakia, Vol. 35 (No. 64-65), 1991-92 pp. 109-115 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Leff, Carol Skalnik, 1947- Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1991-92 LCNAF+dates https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/cd244d83d7853c521a3dab8ef3a32836.pdf d44550d5710a130c245721fea999ca98 PDF Text Text Slovakia - The Oldest State in Central Europe Prof. Francis Hrušovský The world, slowly but surely, is learning that the small Slovak nation in the Danube basin is asserting its right to independent national existence. Since a nation that is relatively small is concerned - a nation which through the fault of its larger neighbors for long ages did not have the possibility of appearing independently before the eyes of the cultural world - some European and non-European nations were not conscious of the existence of the Slovaks as an individual nation and did not, therefore, evince any interest In their existence. And yet, in the case of the Slovaks, we are concerned with a nation that deserves attention and has the right to strive for a position in the Carpatho-Danube area that belongs to an individual nation with an ancient past and a rich, cultural tradition. The Slovaks have remained a small nation, but they are neither a young nor a new nation. They are the oldest nation on the central Danube and they were the first nation in Central Europe which had its own Independent state. The historical destiny of the Slovak nation was determined first of all by the geographical position of the territory which the Slovaks colonized after their arrival in Central Europe in the sixth century. When the Slovaks crossed the Carpathians and established their permanent colonies on the banks of the central Danube and Its tributaries, they occupied the territory that lay on the very western edge of the Slovanic world and was in direct contact with the eastern countries of the Germans. The more numerous, militarily stronger, politically more developed and culturally more advanced Germans, especially since the times of Emperor Charles the Great (768-814), exerted a pressure on their Slovanic neighbors. This political and cultural pressure of the Germans was strongest In the area settled by the numerous small Slovak tribes. It was only natural that the small Slovak tribes, threatened by the growing pressure of their German neighbors, began to realize more clearly their mutual family ties and felt the need of uniting their forces in defense of their common interests which were threatened by a common danger. By such a unification of the small Slovak principalities already in the first half of the ninth century, there arose on the central Danube the Slovak state - known in historical literature as the Great Moravian Empire. The Slovak state - the nucleus and main castle of which were near the Morava river - was the first state organized on the territory of Central Europe. The geographical position of the Slovak territory was the reason why the Slovaks organized their own state as a defense against outside danger. The Slovak rulers who built and managed this state proved that the Slovaks orientated themselves early and well to the situation that evolved near the central Danube and they were quite able and capable to defend their vital interests and to decide their own destiny. The territory of the Slovak state was gradually extended to include the territories of neighboring Slovanic tribes. It became less dependent on the Frankish empire, and the military might of the Slovak princes increased to such an extent that they successfully repelled the attacks of the German kings. In the second half of the ninth century - during the reign of the prudent Rastislav (847-870), the belligerent Svätopluk (870-894), whom contemporary sources called King, and his heroic successor Mojmir II (894-906) - the Slovak state had gained such an international position that Slovak princes could make and keep diplomatic contacts with the Emperor's court in Constantinople and the Holy See. Slovak rulers were allies of the Emperor of Constantinople against Bulgar-Germanic coalition, and maintained active ties with the Vatican as Christian rulers because they wanted their country to have its own church organization and be an independent ecclesiastical province. The Slovaks came Into contact with Christianity right at the outset of their history in Central Europe. In the seat of the Slovak princes in Nitra already in 830 there stood a Christian church - the first Christian church on the territory of the western Slavs. The Slovaks received the Christian faith under the leadership of their princes and appropriated unto themselves all the attainments of Christian civilization and cultural progress. The Slovak state from its very inception was a Christian state. The new faith - due to the merits of western and eastern missionaries, especially the merits of Sts. Cyril and Methodius - was so deeply rooted in the Slovaks that no pagan reaction could grow on Slovak territory. Slovak Christianity became so firm, in fact, that Slovakia already in the ninth century became the mediator of the Christian faith and Christian culture even in neighboring countries to the east and performed this function even in the centuries that followed. In the very first centuries of its Christian life, Slovakia became a strong support of the Christian faith in the Danube basin and for whole ages it was a bastion of the Christian culture which was threatened by the invasion of eastern barbarians. Slovak rulers tried to solidify and safeguard the Independence of the Slovak state with the help of an independent ecclesiastical organization and the aid of an Independent ecclesiastical hierarchy. King Svätopluk, on the advice of Archbishop Methodius, went so far in his efforts that in 879 he sent a special delegation to Pope John VIII and placed himself, his princes, magnates and people under the protection of the Holy See. The Papal See accepted the Slovak state under the protection of St. Peter, and the successors of Pope John VIII most condescendingly showed their paternal altruism to the Slovak rulers and their anxiety for the fate of the ecclesiastical organization on the territory of the Slovak state. The Slovak rulers and the Slovak people sacrificed everything to preserve the independence of their country. They fought valiantly against their enemies in the east and the west. The Slovaks were greatly outnumbered and the continual defensive battles sapped the blood of their nation. Finally they were overcome by the superior forces of the enemy - the Germans and the Magyars - at the beginning of the tenth century and Slovakia lost its independence. At the beginning of the 11th century the Slovak territory became a part of the Hungarian state. Slovakia lost its independence in the tenth century, but the Slovak nation did not lose its rights to a free life. The picture of the Slovak state of the ninth century has been preserved throughout the long centuries in the mind of the Slovak nation and, revived In the works of Slovak writers and poets, has maintained in all Slovak generations the hope that Slovakia once again shall be an independent state and the free homeland of all Slovaks. SLOVAKIA 1 SLOVAKIATHE OLDEST STATE IN CENTRAL EUROPE PROF. FRANCIS HRUSOVSKY The world, slowly but surely, is learning that the small Slovak na,tion in the Danube basin is asserting its right to independent national existence. Since a nation that is relatively ,small Is concerned - a nation which through the fault of Its larger neighbors for long ~es did not have the possibility of a,ppearlng Independently before the eyes of the cultural world - some European and non-European nations were not conscious of the existence of the Slovaks as an individual nation and did not, therefore, evince any interest In their existence. And yet, in the ca,se of the Slovaks, we are concerned with a nation that deserves attention and has the right to strive for a posttlon in the Carpatho-Danube area that belongs to an Individual nation with an ancient past and a rich, cultural ,tradition. The Slovaks have r emain,ed a small nation, but they are neither a young nor a new nation. They are the oldest nation on the central Danube and they were the first nation in Central Europe which had its own Independent state. The historical destiny of the Slovak nation was determined flr~t of all by the geographical position of the territory which the Slovaks colonized after their arrival in Central Europe in the slxth century. When ,the Slovaks crossed the Carpathians and established their permanent colonies on the banks of the central Danube and Its tribu• tarles, they occupied the territory that lay on the very western edge of the Slovanic world and was In direct contact with -the eastern countries of the Germans. The more numerous, militari1y stronger, politically more developed and culturally more advanced Germans, especially since the times of Emperor Charles the Great (768-&14), exerted a pressure on their Slovanic neighbors. This political and cultural pressure of the Germans was strongest In the area settled by the numerous small Slovak tribes. It was only natural that the small Slovak tribes, threaitened by the growing pressure of their German neighbors, began to realize more clearly their mutual family ties and felt the need of uniting their forces In defense of ,their common interests which were threatened by a common danger. By such a unification of the small Slovak principalities already In the first half of the ninth century, there arose on the central Danube the Slovak state - known in historical literature as the Great Moravian Empire. The Slovak state - the nucleus and main castle of which were near the Morava river - was the first state organized on the territory of Central Europe. The geographical ,posl,Uon of the Slovak territory wa,s the reason why the Slovaks organized their own state a,s a defense against outside danger. The Slovak rulers who built and managed this state proved that the Slovaks orientated themselves early and well to the �2 SLOVAKIA situation that evolved near the central Danube and the) wer0 quite able and capable to defend their vital interests anJ to decide their own destiny. The territory of the Slovak state was gradually ex;tended to in· elude the territories of neighboring Slov:i!1ic tribes. It became less dependent on the Frankish empire, and the military might of the Slovak princes increased to such an extent that they sucoessfully re• pelied the attacks of the German kings. In the second half of the ninth century during the re ign of the prudent Rastislav (847--870), the belligerent Svatopluk (870-894), whom contemporary sources called King, and his heroic successor Mojmir 11 (894--906) th e Slovak state had gained such an international position that Slovak princes could make and keep diplomatic contacts with the Emperor's court in Constantinople and the Holy Sec. Slovak rulers were allies of the Emperor of Constantinople against Bulgar-Germanic coalition, and maintained active ties with the Vatican as Christian rulers because they wanted their country to have its own church organization and be an independent ecclesiastical province. The Slovaks came Into contact with Christianity right at the out• set of their history in Central Europe. In the seat of the Slovak princes in Nltra already in 830 there stood a Christian chu rch the first Christian church on the territory of the western Slavs. The Slo• vaks received the Christian faith under the leadership of th~r princes and appropriated unto themselves all the attainments of Christian civilization and cultural progress. The Slovak state from its very inception was a Christian state. The new faith - due to the merits of western and eastern missionaries, especially the merits of Sts. Cyril and Methodius - was &o deeply rooted in the Slovaks that no pagan reaction could grow on Slovak territory. Slovak Christianity became so firm, in tact, that Slovakia already in the ninth century became the mediator of the Christian faith and Christian culture even in neighboring countries to the east and performed this function even in the centuries ,that !ol· lowed. In the very first centuries of its Christian life, Slovakia became a strong support of the Christian faith in the Danube basin and for whole ages it was a bastion of the Christian culture which was threatened by the invasion of eastern barbarians. Slovak rulers tried to ,solidify and safeguard the Independence of the Slovak state wtth the help of an independent ecclesiastical organization and the aid of an Independent eccLesiastical hierarchy. King Sviitopluk, on the advice of Archbishop Methodius, went so far in his efforts that in 879 he sent a special delegation to Pope John VIII and placed hmself, his princes, magnates and people under the protection of the Holy See-. The Papal See accepted the Slovak state under the protection or St. Peter, and the successors of Pope John VIII most condescendingly showed their paternal altruism to the Slovak rulers and their anxiety for the Cate of the acclesiastical organization on the territory of the Slovak state. The Slovak rulers and the Slovak people sacrificed everything to pre11erve the independence of their country. They fought valiantly against their enemies in the east and ,the west. The Slovaks we1 e greatly outnumbered and the continual defensive battles sapped the �SLOVAKIA 3 blood of. their nation. Finally they were overcome by the superior forces of the enemy - the Germans and the Magyars - at ,the beginning of the tenth century and Slovakia lost its Independence. At the b eginning of the 11th century the Slovak territory became a part of the Hungarian state. Slovakla lost its independence in the tenth century, but the Slovak nation did not lose its rights to a free life. The picture of the Slovak state of the ninth century has been preserved throughout the long centuries in the mind of the Slovak nation and, revived In the works of Slovak writers and poets, has maintained in all S lovak generations the hope that Slovakia once again shall be an independent state and the free homeland of all S lovaks. • • • PEOPLE'S COURTS IN CZECHOSLOVAKIA As a result at Teheran and Yalta, so-called People's Courts were immediately organized in the countries that were "liberated" by the Soviet armies. Naturally these courts w-ere set up on the paittern on those in the Soviet countries. In Bulgaria, tor example, th ey were set up in September 1944 and in Hungary In January 1945, even though the war was ,still on and t h ere were no governments elected by the people in those respective countries. These two states are still under Soviet occupation (P aris Peace Con• ference) and so it actually was not possible to <'Onduct free and democratic elections there. People's Courts, then, were established on the incentive of outside countries. This pro\1'8s -the veracity of the statement: "might makes right." These courts quite obviously rendered such verdicts as were prescribed by ,the power of the state or by the power of the foreign state to which the state in question was subject. Benes, as the president of Czechoslovakia, Immediately after the "liberation" ruled t he state on the basis of the decrees h e himself issued. He received the authority to rule by decrees from the State Council which he personally appointed in London. So that these decrees might have a legal color, the National Assembly in Prague was elected in 1946 and its deputies approved all of the "presidential" decrees of Benes. It is doubtful, however, whether these decrees were constitutional and whether the elected Constitutional National Assembly was actually elected democratically in 1946. The system of People's Courts developed ind-ependently of each other in the so-called historic lands (Bohemia and Moravia) and In Slovakia. As president of the state, Benes Issu ed the decree No. 16/1945 for Bohemia and Moravia on June 19, 1945. With •this decree B enes established the People's Courts in Bohemia and Moravia. It is interesting to note here that this decree carries the signat ure not only of the Pesident, but also the signatures of several Czech ministers, who today are proclaiming in free America that they are democrats, that they "fought" against dictatorship, etc. These same pseudodemocrats had the audacity to form the Council of Free Czechoslovakia. The names of the ministers on that decree, � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1951, Vol. 1 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1951 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 1), May 1951.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 2), December 1951.</li> </ul> Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context <ul><li><a href="https://n2t.net/ark:/13960/s261hfmshm7" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span>ark:/13960/s261hfmshm7</span></a></li> <li><a href="https://n2t.net/ark:/13960/s21tk2wkzj4" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span>ark:/13960/s21tk2wkzj4</span></a></li> </ul> Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document Slovakia - The Oldest State in Central Europe Prof. Francis Hrušovský The world, slowly but surely, is learning that the small Slovak nation in the Danube basin is asserting its right to independent national existence. Since a nation that is relatively small is concerned - a nation which through the fault of its larger neighbors for long ages did not have the possibility of appearing independently before the eyes of the cultural world - some European and non-European nations were not conscious of the existence of the Slovaks as an individual nation and did not, therefore, evince any interest In their existence. And yet, in the case of the Slovaks, we are concerned with a nation that deserves attention and has the right to strive for a position in the Carpatho-Danube area that belongs to an individual nation with an ancient past and a rich, cultural tradition. The Slovaks have remained a small nation, but they are neither a young nor a new nation. They are the oldest nation on the central Danube and they were the first nation in Central Europe which had its own Independent state. The historical destiny of the Slovak nation was determined first of all by the geographical position of the territory which the Slovaks colonized after their arrival in Central Europe in the sixth century. When the Slovaks crossed the Carpathians and established their permanent colonies on the banks of the central Danube and Its tributaries, they occupied the territory that lay on the very western edge of the Slovanic world and was in direct contact with the eastern countries of the Germans. The more numerous, militarily stronger, politically more developed and culturally more advanced Germans, especially since the times of Emperor Charles the Great (768-814), exerted a pressure on their Slovanic neighbors. This political and cultural pressure of the Germans was strongest In the area settled by the numerous small Slovak tribes. It was only natural that the small Slovak tribes, threatened by the growing pressure of their German neighbors, began to realize more clearly their mutual family ties and felt the need of uniting their forces in defense of their common interests which were threatened by a common danger. By such a unification of the small Slovak principalities already in the first half of the ninth century, there arose on the central Danube the Slovak state - known in historical literature as the Great Moravian Empire. The Slovak state - the nucleus and main castle of which were near the Morava river - was the first state organized on the territory of Central Europe. The geographical position of the Slovak territory was the reason why the Slovaks organized their own state as a defense against outside danger. The Slovak rulers who built and managed this state proved that the Slovaks orientated themselves early and well to the situation that evolved near the central Danube and they were quite able and capable to defend their vital interests and to decide their own destiny. The territory of the Slovak state was gradually extended to include the territories of neighboring Slovanic tribes. It became less dependent on the Frankish empire, and the military might of the Slovak princes increased to such an extent that they successfully repelled the attacks of the German kings. In the second half of the ninth century - during the reign of the prudent Rastislav (847-870), the belligerent Svätopluk (870-894), whom contemporary sources called King, and his heroic successor Mojmir II (894-906) - the Slovak state had gained such an international position that Slovak princes could make and keep diplomatic contacts with the Emperor's court in Constantinople and the Holy See. Slovak rulers were allies of the Emperor of Constantinople against Bulgar-Germanic coalition, and maintained active ties with the Vatican as Christian rulers because they wanted their country to have its own church organization and be an independent ecclesiastical province. The Slovaks came Into contact with Christianity right at the outset of their history in Central Europe. In the seat of the Slovak princes in Nitra already in 830 there stood a Christian church - the first Christian church on the territory of the western Slavs. The Slovaks received the Christian faith under the leadership of their princes and appropriated unto themselves all the attainments of Christian civilization and cultural progress. The Slovak state from its very inception was a Christian state. The new faith - due to the merits of western and eastern missionaries, especially the merits of Sts. Cyril and Methodius - was so deeply rooted in the Slovaks that no pagan reaction could grow on Slovak territory. Slovak Christianity became so firm, in fact, that Slovakia already in the ninth century became the mediator of the Christian faith and Christian culture even in neighboring countries to the east and performed this function even in the centuries that followed. In the very first centuries of its Christian life, Slovakia became a strong support of the Christian faith in the Danube basin and for whole ages it was a bastion of the Christian culture which was threatened by the invasion of eastern barbarians. Slovak rulers tried to solidify and safeguard the Independence of the Slovak state with the help of an independent ecclesiastical organization and the aid of an Independent ecclesiastical hierarchy. King Svätopluk, on the advice of Archbishop Methodius, went so far in his efforts that in 879 he sent a special delegation to Pope John VIII and placed himself, his princes, magnates and people under the protection of the Holy See. The Papal See accepted the Slovak state under the protection of St. Peter, and the successors of Pope John VIII most condescendingly showed their paternal altruism to the Slovak rulers and their anxiety for the fate of the ecclesiastical organization on the territory of the Slovak state. The Slovak rulers and the Slovak people sacrificed everything to preserve the independence of their country. They fought valiantly against their enemies in the east and the west. The Slovaks were greatly outnumbered and the continual defensive battles sapped the blood of their nation. Finally they were overcome by the superior forces of the enemy - the Germans and the Magyars - at the beginning of the tenth century and Slovakia lost its independence. At the beginning of the 11th century the Slovak territory became a part of the Hungarian state. Slovakia lost its independence in the tenth century, but the Slovak nation did not lose its rights to a free life. The picture of the Slovak state of the ninth century has been preserved throughout the long centuries in the mind of the Slovak nation and, revived In the works of Slovak writers and poets, has maintained in all Slovak generations the hope that Slovakia once again shall be an independent state and the free homeland of all Slovaks. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovakia - The Oldest State in Central Europe Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource May 1951 Description An account of the resource Prof. Francis Hrušovský Slovakia, Vol. 1, No. 1 (1), May 1951 pp. 1-3 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Hrušovský, František, 1903-1956 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/9239fef5d8ab6eb3b2433e8a2957d812.pdf 084956448e2ce672b0e4c5192a28a424 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA SLOVAKIA - 13 WINTER WONDERLAND If you have never been in Slovakia in the winter, you stm have somefälng to Jive for. Under present conditlon·s , when freedom and independence are suppressed by the Communist system, you will not be able to see the "Winter Wonderland" that Slovakia really !s, but you mlg-ht consider visiting the !and of the Slovaks at some future time when the plague of Communism has been dispeHed. Winter, in all its sparkling and majestlc sp1endor, presents to every !over of nature ťhe best opportunity of seeing and fully enjoying the natural beautles of S.Jovakia. The coUliltry, because of its mountainous regions, ls especially suiitable for wlnter sports, partlcularly skíing. But you need not be sportsmindeid to enjoy Slovakla In the winter. The sheer beauty of nature in Slovakia in the wlnter wm enohant you, unburden and refresh your soul, and give added zest for livlng. You may not want to participa:te in winter sports In Slovakia, bwt the ·happy sight of others enjoyi-ng themselves wiH soothe your tired nerves and give you a sa,tlsfactíon never before known to you. 'ľhe Slovak mountains, as I once knew them, are unsurpassed for t heir winter charm. Accompany me, lf you wlll, on an imaglnary trip to them. Let us sliart out into the Small Carpathians (Malé Karpaty), W'hich extend from ,the confluence of the Danube and Morava rJvers to the Myjava. 'l'hey divide the Váh plai'll from the Moravian plain a.nd are covered wlth Jeafy and parUy evergreen trees and many fores,t meadows. Their moderate slopes offer good skiing. At l!he southwestern end, above the vlllage of Devin, there 1s the Dev!nska Kobyla, (The Mare of Devin), the peak or whlch 1719 feet above sea level. Near the city of Modra, there lies the summer resort of Harmónia, open a-lso In wlnter, with many comfo1,table hotels with hot and cold runnlng water and good restaurants. In t he mountalns, about two and one-half mi,Jes from Harmónia, on the so-called Sands (Piesky) stand two huts: it:he Zochova hut (1443 fet up), and only three mlnutes from it is the other one. Near the highest point or the mountain highway Jeading from Pezinok to Pernek is Országh's hut (1750 feet up) on Ba:ba (Grandmother) near Pezinok. The best sk·ling in the Little Carpathians is near Smolenice, where there are plenity of grassy hills and forest roeadows. The White Carpathians ( Biele Karpaty) stretch trom Myjava along t he Slovak-Moravian border to the mountain of Makyta, where they meet the J avorn!ky. They are covered wlth dense foresrts; only thelr wide southern part is Jess wooded and good for skiing. The most impoi,ta.nt centre is the Holuby hut (3226 feet) on the Javorina. It is best approached on foot from the railway station of Stará Turá, or from the bus stop Kvetná, on the line Nové Mesto nad Váhom l'.aerský Brod. Otherwise you may get to it from the Moravian side by car from Uherský Brod. Opposite the Whlte Carpathians, on the other side of the Váh valley, are the Inovec Mounta!ns, through which passes the railway from Trenč!n to Topoľčany. They, too, are densely wooded and have good skiing grounds. Out of the t.hree tourist huts whlch were here, only the Trenč!n Munic!pal Hut (1500 feet) under Sharp Peak (Ostrý �14 SLOVAKIA Vrch ) at Soblanov remains. The shortest way up 1s from the station Soblanov following -the blue tourist mark, or trom Trenčin followlng the red. Contlnuing, t!he Javornlky, whlch have huts both on the Slovak and Moravian slde, are the Western Beskyds, the southern parts of which are called th-e Jeseníky. Here there are many wooded and bare hills which are wonderful grounds for both the weakest and best sklers. Thelr Jocation on the borders of Slovakla and Moravla brings them many visitors from both sides. The numerous vllla,ges of the Upper Kysuca reglon offer many possibilltles for accommodationa both in the hotels as well as In private homes (Makov, Tunovka, Raková, Čadca). The best known centers are: Bumbálka Hut, MakovPotok Hut and the summer resoi,t Tešinský, which are open In winter. On the roa.d from Veľká •Bytča to Makov 1s Satinka Hut. All these huts are near Makov and the bo.rder and have ldeaJ grounds for skllng. Beyond the Jablunkov Pass, near Cadca, the Beskyds continue on as the Western Beskyds and form the border between Slovakía and Poland. Wooded sectlons mlngled wlth bare ones form Idea) skllng terra.in, w,h ere down-bili ru.os six mlles long are not at aH rare. Near the sta11lon at Serafinov lh-ere is a fine hotel, the surroundings of wh1ch are suitable for skilng. From the station In Cadca or Oščad­ nica, tbere is a good approach to the hut on Rača ( 4020 feet). The Bysitr.lcká Vall-ey up to Erdťidka and the whole of tbe Oravská Magura, near Námestovo, is a flrst class skiing ground with only one draiwback. it ls bard to appr<>ach. Otherwise the Orava region 1s one of the most popular ski terralns and has good posslbHitles of approach from tbe ra.llway Žilina-Košice, and also trom tbe ra.!lway Kraľovany./Suchá Hora. From the gorge of the Strečno rise the migbty bills of tbe mountaln range called Small Fatra ( Malá Fatra), whlch 1s covered mostly w.lth coniferous trees. Mountain meadows and grassy valleys, as well as tbe bare peaks of Stoh and Chleb, are the most popular places of northwestern Slovakia. The ldeal surroundlngs of the hut on Chleb (4660 feet) may be approached trom the station of Strečno, Šútovo, Kraľova.ny and Párnica. The hut there has been re1>alred and can accomodate 60 persona. It 1s the s,tarting point for tours on the Fatranský K11lváň, Chleb, Rozsut-ec and to the valley where Ištvä.nová lles. Martinské hole (The Plalns of St. Martin) are the southern range of tbe Lirttle Fatra, extending l'.rom the gorge of Strečno southwards to the vaney of Zliechov, near Ôlčmany. Thelr slopes are mostly wooded, but in the hills are plenty of meadows connected with one another all the way down to the valleys. On the surrounding mountain meadows tbere 1s wonderful skiing wlth Jong downhlll runs and marvelous views of the far surroundings - the Hlgh Taitras, the Whit-e and Little Ca'fl)athlans, Beskyds, Radhošť, the Ore mountans and the Inovec and Nitra MounWns. In the Martinské mountalns there is a hut 4100 feet above sea level. The best way to approach it 1s from Turčiansky Svätý Mafltln along several marked roads. Opposite t:he Martinské hole Ile the Great Fatra Mountains, wblch have quit-e a di!ferent character. They -stretch from the valley of the T>iver Váh to the rlver Hron: and thelr northern part ls cut by the valley ot Lubochňa. The wlde ridges of Ostredok, Rakytov and Krlžná �SLOVAKIA 15 are suitable for skiing, In the norvhern part of the Gre,at Fatra, there are ideal grounds for wlnter sports on th& Smrekovica. The best aPproach to the 4330 foot-high Smrekovica 1s from the station Podsuchá on the rallroad Ružomberok-Korytnica. The unusually hlgh and long lasting snow in the deep coniferous woods attract.s thou:sands of visltors to Smrekovica. Many stay ln Ružomberok where there ar& good accommodatlons and a tower for ski-jump like on the Smrekovica. The southern pa11t of the Grea,t Fatra is called Mountalns of Kremnica ( Kremnické hory), where there are plenty of houses for tourists. The cen,t~ of thls region is Kremnica which has several hot~Is. a tourist n.ight shelter near the station and many private accommod.aitlons. It is ,the s·tarting point for the Skalka hut. Contlnuing along the Great Fatra and the Mountains of Kremnica, on the other side of the river Hron, ·between the ratlway ZvolenLevice and Zvolen-Šahy, are the Mountains of Štiavnica ( Štiavnické hory), w1th Sitno a,s their •highest pea.lc. This region wlth its evergreen trees and large meadows, Jong ridges and slopes, is ideal for winter sports. The center of this region is Banská Štiavnica. The most visited plaoe, however, is the hut of Andrej Kmeť on Sitno (3330 feet up). from where one has a beautiful vlew as far as the Danube Plaln and the High Tatras. Below the Sitno, next to Lake Počuvadlo, ,are the Kállay sanatorium and the boarding house Anna, which offer good accommodations for guests. The mountains of Štiavnica have great suppl1es of ore and are called the Slovak Ore Mountains (Slovenské rudohorie). They stretch from the river Hron and the mountains of Štiavnica to Rožňava. The northern part is more or less connected and has several w:lde hllls, trom which there run long ridges in the form of rays, between which are deep valleys. The southwestern part is very prlmitive and has a tourist hut on the Javor (2722 fem), to whlch the best approa,ch !s from the statlons Podkriváň, or Píla pod Javorom, on the ra.ilway !lne Zvolen-Lučenec. The hut on Trsti (3722 feet) may be approached from Pila, near Tisovec, or directly from Tisovec. To the east from Oravská Magura one finds the Stag Mountains ( Roháče) , which have a high mountain character and resemble the Tatras. Sklers vis,it mostly the Smutná and Látaná valleys, as well as the Iong slopes of Rakoň, Volovec, Úplaz, or go even a.s far as Osobitá. Snow usually remains untll sprlng and lt is nothlng unusual to find s klers here even at Easter. Sklers sometlmes go from Rohäče to the valleys ot Račková or Žiar, wblch belong to the group of mountains called the Tatras of Liptov ( Liptovské Tatry), because of their idea! skilng terraln. Wlth their Iong slopes and mighty peaks they complete the Hlgh Tatras to which they really belong. The lo.nges,t and wldest mountaln range in Slovakla are <the Low Tatras (Nízke Tatry), which extend from the highway Banská Bystrica-Ružomberok to the •highway Telgart-Poprad. North of them flows the river Váh, south the rlver Hron. Only ,the lower part.s are covered wlth forests, the rest 1s bare so that a skler may undertake a one-day tour from Prašivá in the west to Ďumbier and Kráľova hoľa In the east wlthout much fatigue. The helght and breadth of the range affords long descents on both sides trom he!ghts of 200-4000 feet up. Not far from Banská Bystrica �16 SLOVAKlA 1s the winter sports center, the Sport hotel Donovaly (3330 feet) w!th Idea! surroundings, woods and meadows. The hotel !s filrs.t cla.ss and is sure to app&a.l to every guest. From this place there leads a romantlc trail to Korytnica., above whlch rlse the mighty rldges of Prašivá and Latiborská Hoľa. At a helght of 6460 feet is sltuated štefán.ik's hut beneaith the Ďumbier. The highest peaks are Chopok, to wh!ch a ski-lil\t wa.s built (6680 feet) from the valley of Demänová nea.r Liptovský Svätý Mikuláš, and Ďumbier (6820 feet) where snow remains tlll Jate sprjng. From the station Kráľova Lehota there 1s a highway wh!oh crosses the Low Tatra range on its way to Podbrezová. lit passes through the villages of Malužiná and Vyšná Boca and reaches the mountain Sport hotel at the lovely hut on čertovioa (4210 feet), which is surrounded by evergreen trees and mountain meadows. Among the numerous Slovak mountains the High Tatras (Vysoké Tatry) are the most vlsited by lovers of winrter sports. lt !s mostily because of their high mountain altitude, long las-ting snow, good accommodations, technical equipment and varled terrain. The startlng polnts to the Hlgh Tatras are the railway staUons Štrba and PopradTatry on the Košice-Bohumln raiJway line. From Štrba there runs a good road to the high cllmatlc spa Štrbské Pleso (Tarn of Štrba, 4500 feet) where there are accomodatlons for 400-500 persons (Hotels Hviezdoslav, Solisko, Kmvä.ň, Móry, boarding bouses Jánošik, Marina, Poleka, Iskra and chalets of the Slovak Touris.ts', and Skiers' Olub). Beyond t>he tarn there are the FUTkotská, Mlynická and Mengušovská valleys, to wbdch -the sklers come from the ridge of Solisko and Patria. Tbe slope of Solisko -is preferred, because there is a skl-lif,t there for sklers to a heigbt of 6260 feet. In the Mengušov va.Jley under steep Osterva there 1s a hut at Popradské Pleso ('l'arn of Poprad) with accommodatlons for 150 guests. In late sprjng and even on summer days it 1s posslble to ski under the Saddle Váhy, near the hut under the Rysy (7600 feet), whlch ls open In summer only. Another center is Stary Smokovec, where about 1000 persons can be accommodated in hotels and boaroing houses ({}rand Hotel, Hoepfner, Palace, etc.). Skllng grounds are on the slopes of Slavkov's Peak and In the lovely Studenovodská (Cold Water) valley, or in the Great or Little Cold Valleys. There ls a funicular rallway runnlng to the Športhotel Hrebienok from which goes a toboggan slide and ski run. At the end of the Great Cold Valley there are wonderful skllng grounds near the :Obojn!cka hut (6400 feet) . In the Llttle Cold Valley there are two •huts: at the beglnning of the valley ls the hut Zamkovský (5200 feet), and at the upper end Lles the Téry hut (6730 feet) on the F'ive Spiš Lakes. In tbe surroundings there are lovely sk!lng grounds for good sklers. A popular skllng center is Tatranská. Lomnica., wbich 1s connected wlth Poprad by both electrlc and steam railways. It ls 3000 feet high, has healtby cllmate and good skllng places. There are good accomodatlons In the hotels and boardlng houses wbere 1000-1200 persons may be housed (Grand Hotel Praha, Hotel Lomnica, Ehern, Payer, Spišský ilom, Hubertus, Javorina, Božena, etc.). From beyond the Grand Hotel tb-ere ran a cable railway to the Lomnický št!t (Lomnica Peak, 8780 feet), now runnolng to the station Skalnaté Pleso (Rocky Lake. 5480 feet) only. Above and below the hut there are some of the best skUng places on tbe Saddle of Lomnica. In the Dead Garden (Mŕtva záhrad- �SLOVAKIA 17 ka), the slopes of Svišťovka, or the skiing and bob sleigh raclng track. From the nearby Tatranské Matliary we approach huts which also have good skding grounds in their surroundings. They are as follows: the hut at Šalivový Prameň, tbe hut at Zelené Pleso (Green Lake) and the hut of Kežmarok, near the Biele plesá (White Lake's); the last one already Jies In t-he Belan Tatra. Not far away from Tatranské. Lomnica is situated the village Ždiar, famous for the fine costumes of its peasants. It has bus con.nections witb Tatranská Lomnica, Skiers may find good possibilities on the slopes of the Belan Tatra, near Javorina, or in the well known Wbite Water V,alley (Blelovodská dolina). Beyond the lowlands of Kežmarok tbere rise the Hi!Js of Levoča ( Levočské vrchy )J w•h ich are not very high but have good conditions for skiing and a hut, the Hut of Levoča under Javorina (4560 feet), best reached from Levoča. In the diroction of Prešov there is good skiing on the Branisko (3900 feet). The Slovak paradlise (Slovenský raj) also has its charm of frozen water-falls in winter, but few possibilities for skilng. Only the vicinitioo of Dobšiná, Krompachy and Gelnica have better terrains. Accomodation.s are found in the hut at tbe Ice Caves of Dobšiná. · Eastern Slovaklia (Východné Slovensko) has many good grounds, but the possibilities of accomodations are rare because many huts and lodging houses were destroyed. Tbe best skiing near Košice ls on Bankov, and at the hut Jahodná (2160 feet), where there are t\vo towers fo.r ski-jumping. The HUls of Slaná are alllo vislted bocause of their skiing terl1aJ!ns. Slovakla, endowed by nature wlth streams and lakes, mountains and valleys, with its modern and ancient structures and quaint vilJages, ls a !and of wondrous beauty and charm In all seasons, but In the winter it really ls a wonderland. • • • WHO SAID IT? "Tbe Slovak people h·ave ahvays shown a wlllingness to be a part of any federalized state, a readiness to cooperate with the other peoples in lt. ~heir history conclusively proves tha1: a natlon can be happy In such an order as long as it eujoys basic freedom. On the other hand, the history of the Slovak people also conclusively demonstrates that, not having this freedom, no natlon, even the smallest, wlll permit ltself to be pushed around by even lts racia! bloodbrother, wi.thout either openly fighting or (what 1s worse) plantlng the seeds of revolt that eventually brlng forth some terrlble harvest. The conclusion seems evident that the most benevolent and the best: inten.tioned domination wlll probably not be accepted by any natlon as a sub.stitute for self-rule." - {Congressman Daniel J. F!ood, Jan. ·1, 1946) . . • • • "Czech public opinion may be excused for not realizing that the sltuation In Slovakia at the close of 1923 !s radlcally 'dlfferent · from tba,t of the first year of the Revolutlon. And yet the bigher búreaucracy tends to act on the assumptlon that nothing has changed, •and ostrich-like to lgnore tbe keen and growing resentment in Slovakia and the urgent need !or measures to allay lt." - (R,· W. Seton Wat, son: "THE NEW SLOVAKIA," 1924). .. , .; � SLOVAKIA SLOVAKIA - 13 WINTER WONDERLAND If you have never been in Slovakia in the winter, you stm have somefälng to Jive for. Under present conditlon·s , when freedom and independence are suppressed by the Communist system, you will not be able to see the "Winter Wonderland" that Slovakia really !s, but you mlg-ht consider visiting the !and of the Slovaks at some future time when the plague of Communism has been dispeHed. Winter, in all its sparkling and majestlc sp1endor, presents to every !over of nature ťhe best opportunity of seeing and fully enjoying the natural beautles of S.Jovakia. The coUliltry, because of its mountainous regions, ls especially suiitable for wlnter sports, partlcularly skíing. But you need not be sportsmindeid to enjoy Slovakla In the winter. The sheer beauty of nature in Slovakia in the wlnter wm enohant you, unburden and refresh your soul, and give added zest for livlng. You may not want to participa:te in winter sports In Slovakia, bwt the ·happy sight of others enjoyi-ng themselves wiH soothe your tired nerves and give you a sa,tlsfactíon never before known to you. 'ľhe Slovak mountains, as I once knew them, are unsurpassed for t heir winter charm. Accompany me, lf you wlll, on an imaglnary trip to them. Let us sliart out into the Small Carpathians (Malé Karpaty), W'hich extend from ,the confluence of the Danube and Morava rJvers to the Myjava. 'l'hey divide the Váh plai'll from the Moravian plain a.nd are covered wlth Jeafy and parUy evergreen trees and many fores,t meadows. Their moderate slopes offer good skiing. At l!he southwestern end, above the vlllage of Devin, there 1s the Dev!nska Kobyla, (The Mare of Devin), the peak or whlch 1719 feet above sea level. Near the city of Modra, there lies the summer resort of Harmónia, open a-lso In wlnter, with many comfo1,table hotels with hot and cold runnlng water and good restaurants. In t he mountalns, about two and one-half mi,Jes from Harmónia, on the so-called Sands (Piesky) stand two huts: it:he Zochova hut (1443 fet up), and only three mlnutes from it is the other one. Near the highest point or the mountain highway Jeading from Pezinok to Pernek is Országh's hut (1750 feet up) on Ba:ba (Grandmother) near Pezinok. The best sk·ling in the Little Carpathians is near Smolenice, where there are plenity of grassy hills and forest roeadows. The White Carpathians ( Biele Karpaty) stretch trom Myjava along t he Slovak-Moravian border to the mountain of Makyta, where they meet the J avorn!ky. They are covered wlth dense foresrts; only thelr wide southern part is Jess wooded and good for skiing. The most impoi,ta.nt centre is the Holuby hut (3226 feet) on the Javorina. It is best approached on foot from the railway station of Stará Turá, or from the bus stop Kvetná, on the line Nové Mesto nad Váhom l'.aerský Brod. Otherwise you may get to it from the Moravian side by car from Uherský Brod. Opposite the Whlte Carpathians, on the other side of the Váh valley, are the Inovec Mounta!ns, through which passes the railway from Trenč!n to Topoľčany. They, too, are densely wooded and have good skiing grounds. Out of the t.hree tourist huts whlch were here, only the Trenč!n Munic!pal Hut (1500 feet) under Sharp Peak (Ostrý �14 SLOVAKIA Vrch ) at Soblanov remains. The shortest way up 1s from the station Soblanov following -the blue tourist mark, or trom Trenčin followlng the red. Contlnuing, t!he Javornlky, whlch have huts both on the Slovak and Moravian slde, are the Western Beskyds, the southern parts of which are called th-e Jeseníky. Here there are many wooded and bare hills which are wonderful grounds for both the weakest and best sklers. Thelr Jocation on the borders of Slovakla and Moravla brings them many visitors from both sides. The numerous vllla,ges of the Upper Kysuca reglon offer many possibilltles for accommodationa both in the hotels as well as In private homes (Makov, Tunovka, Raková, Čadca). The best known centers are: Bumbálka Hut, MakovPotok Hut and the summer resoi,t Tešinský, which are open In winter. On the roa.d from Veľká •Bytča to Makov 1s Satinka Hut. All these huts are near Makov and the bo.rder and have ldeaJ grounds for skllng. Beyond the Jablunkov Pass, near Cadca, the Beskyds continue on as the Western Beskyds and form the border between Slovakía and Poland. Wooded sectlons mlngled wlth bare ones form Idea) skllng terra.in, w,h ere down-bili ru.os six mlles long are not at aH rare. Near the sta11lon at Serafinov lh-ere is a fine hotel, the surroundings of wh1ch are suitable for skilng. From the station In Cadca or Oščad­ nica, tbere is a good approach to the hut on Rača ( 4020 feet). The Bysitr.lcká Vall-ey up to Erdťidka and the whole of tbe Oravská Magura, near Námestovo, is a flrst class skiing ground with only one draiwback. it ls bard to appr<>ach. Otherwise the Orava region 1s one of the most popular ski terralns and has good posslbHitles of approach from tbe ra.llway Žilina-Košice, and also trom tbe ra.!lway Kraľovany./Suchá Hora. From the gorge of the Strečno rise the migbty bills of tbe mountaln range called Small Fatra ( Malá Fatra), whlch 1s covered mostly w.lth coniferous trees. Mountain meadows and grassy valleys, as well as tbe bare peaks of Stoh and Chleb, are the most popular places of northwestern Slovakia. The ldeal surroundlngs of the hut on Chleb (4660 feet) may be approached trom the station of Strečno, Šútovo, Kraľova.ny and Párnica. The hut there has been re1>alred and can accomodate 60 persona. It 1s the s,tarting point for tours on the Fatranský K11lváň, Chleb, Rozsut-ec and to the valley where Ištvä.nová lles. Martinské hole (The Plalns of St. Martin) are the southern range of tbe Lirttle Fatra, extending l'.rom the gorge of Strečno southwards to the vaney of Zliechov, near Ôlčmany. Thelr slopes are mostly wooded, but in the hills are plenty of meadows connected with one another all the way down to the valleys. On the surrounding mountain meadows tbere 1s wonderful skiing wlth Jong downhlll runs and marvelous views of the far surroundings - the Hlgh Taitras, the Whit-e and Little Ca'fl)athlans, Beskyds, Radhošť, the Ore mountans and the Inovec and Nitra MounWns. In the Martinské mountalns there is a hut 4100 feet above sea level. The best way to approach it 1s from Turčiansky Svätý Mafltln along several marked roads. Opposite t:he Martinské hole Ile the Great Fatra Mountains, wblch have quit-e a di!ferent character. They -stretch from the valley of the T>iver Váh to the rlver Hron: and thelr northern part ls cut by the valley ot Lubochňa. The wlde ridges of Ostredok, Rakytov and Krlžná �SLOVAKIA 15 are suitable for skiing, In the norvhern part of the Gre,at Fatra, there are ideal grounds for wlnter sports on th& Smrekovica. The best aPproach to the 4330 foot-high Smrekovica 1s from the station Podsuchá on the rallroad Ružomberok-Korytnica. The unusually hlgh and long lasting snow in the deep coniferous woods attract.s thou:sands of visltors to Smrekovica. Many stay ln Ružomberok where there ar& good accommodatlons and a tower for ski-jump like on the Smrekovica. The southern pa11t of the Grea,t Fatra is called Mountalns of Kremnica ( Kremnické hory), where there are plenty of houses for tourists. The cen,t~ of thls region is Kremnica which has several hot~Is. a tourist n.ight shelter near the station and many private accommod.aitlons. It is ,the s·tarting point for the Skalka hut. Contlnuing along the Great Fatra and the Mountains of Kremnica, on the other side of the river Hron, ·between the ratlway ZvolenLevice and Zvolen-Šahy, are the Mountains of Štiavnica ( Štiavnické hory), w1th Sitno a,s their •highest pea.lc. This region wlth its evergreen trees and large meadows, Jong ridges and slopes, is ideal for winter sports. The center of this region is Banská Štiavnica. The most visited plaoe, however, is the hut of Andrej Kmeť on Sitno (3330 feet up). from where one has a beautiful vlew as far as the Danube Plaln and the High Tatras. Below the Sitno, next to Lake Počuvadlo, ,are the Kállay sanatorium and the boarding house Anna, which offer good accommodations for guests. The mountains of Štiavnica have great suppl1es of ore and are called the Slovak Ore Mountains (Slovenské rudohorie). They stretch from the river Hron and the mountains of Štiavnica to Rožňava. The northern part is more or less connected and has several w:lde hllls, trom which there run long ridges in the form of rays, between which are deep valleys. The southwestern part is very prlmitive and has a tourist hut on the Javor (2722 fem), to whlch the best approa,ch !s from the statlons Podkriváň, or Píla pod Javorom, on the ra.ilway !lne Zvolen-Lučenec. The hut on Trsti (3722 feet) may be approached from Pila, near Tisovec, or directly from Tisovec. To the east from Oravská Magura one finds the Stag Mountains ( Roháče) , which have a high mountain character and resemble the Tatras. Sklers vis,it mostly the Smutná and Látaná valleys, as well as the Iong slopes of Rakoň, Volovec, Úplaz, or go even a.s far as Osobitá. Snow usually remains untll sprlng and lt is nothlng unusual to find s klers here even at Easter. Sklers sometlmes go from Rohäče to the valleys ot Račková or Žiar, wblch belong to the group of mountains called the Tatras of Liptov ( Liptovské Tatry), because of their idea! skilng terraln. Wlth their Iong slopes and mighty peaks they complete the Hlgh Tatras to which they really belong. The lo.nges,t and wldest mountaln range in Slovakla are <the Low Tatras (Nízke Tatry), which extend from the highway Banská Bystrica-Ružomberok to the •highway Telgart-Poprad. North of them flows the river Váh, south the rlver Hron. Only ,the lower part.s are covered wlth forests, the rest 1s bare so that a skler may undertake a one-day tour from Prašivá in the west to Ďumbier and Kráľova hoľa In the east wlthout much fatigue. The helght and breadth of the range affords long descents on both sides trom he!ghts of 200-4000 feet up. Not far from Banská Bystrica �16 SLOVAKlA 1s the winter sports center, the Sport hotel Donovaly (3330 feet) w!th Idea! surroundings, woods and meadows. The hotel !s filrs.t cla.ss and is sure to app&a.l to every guest. From this place there leads a romantlc trail to Korytnica., above whlch rlse the mighty rldges of Prašivá and Latiborská Hoľa. At a helght of 6460 feet is sltuated štefán.ik's hut beneaith the Ďumbier. The highest peaks are Chopok, to wh!ch a ski-lil\t wa.s built (6680 feet) from the valley of Demänová nea.r Liptovský Svätý Mikuláš, and Ďumbier (6820 feet) where snow remains tlll Jate sprjng. From the station Kráľova Lehota there 1s a highway wh!oh crosses the Low Tatra range on its way to Podbrezová. lit passes through the villages of Malužiná and Vyšná Boca and reaches the mountain Sport hotel at the lovely hut on čertovioa (4210 feet), which is surrounded by evergreen trees and mountain meadows. Among the numerous Slovak mountains the High Tatras (Vysoké Tatry) are the most vlsited by lovers of winrter sports. lt !s mostily because of their high mountain altitude, long las-ting snow, good accommodations, technical equipment and varled terrain. The startlng polnts to the Hlgh Tatras are the railway staUons Štrba and PopradTatry on the Košice-Bohumln raiJway line. From Štrba there runs a good road to the high cllmatlc spa Štrbské Pleso (Tarn of Štrba, 4500 feet) where there are accomodatlons for 400-500 persons (Hotels Hviezdoslav, Solisko, Kmvä.ň, Móry, boarding bouses Jánošik, Marina, Poleka, Iskra and chalets of the Slovak Touris.ts', and Skiers' Olub). Beyond t>he tarn there are the FUTkotská, Mlynická and Mengušovská valleys, to wbdch -the sklers come from the ridge of Solisko and Patria. Tbe slope of Solisko -is preferred, because there is a skl-lif,t there for sklers to a heigbt of 6260 feet. In the Mengušov va.Jley under steep Osterva there 1s a hut at Popradské Pleso ('l'arn of Poprad) with accommodatlons for 150 guests. In late sprjng and even on summer days it 1s posslble to ski under the Saddle Váhy, near the hut under the Rysy (7600 feet), whlch ls open In summer only. Another center is Stary Smokovec, where about 1000 persons can be accommodated in hotels and boaroing houses ({}rand Hotel, Hoepfner, Palace, etc.). Skllng grounds are on the slopes of Slavkov's Peak and In the lovely Studenovodská (Cold Water) valley, or in the Great or Little Cold Valleys. There ls a funicular rallway runnlng to the Športhotel Hrebienok from which goes a toboggan slide and ski run. At the end of the Great Cold Valley there are wonderful skllng grounds near the :Obojn!cka hut (6400 feet) . In the Llttle Cold Valley there are two •huts: at the beglnning of the valley ls the hut Zamkovský (5200 feet), and at the upper end Lles the Téry hut (6730 feet) on the F'ive Spiš Lakes. In tbe surroundings there are lovely sk!lng grounds for good sklers. A popular skllng center is Tatranská. Lomnica., wbich 1s connected wlth Poprad by both electrlc and steam railways. It ls 3000 feet high, has healtby cllmate and good skllng places. There are good accomodatlons In the hotels and boardlng houses wbere 1000-1200 persons may be housed (Grand Hotel Praha, Hotel Lomnica, Ehern, Payer, Spišský ilom, Hubertus, Javorina, Božena, etc.). From beyond the Grand Hotel tb-ere ran a cable railway to the Lomnický št!t (Lomnica Peak, 8780 feet), now runnolng to the station Skalnaté Pleso (Rocky Lake. 5480 feet) only. Above and below the hut there are some of the best skUng places on tbe Saddle of Lomnica. In the Dead Garden (Mŕtva záhrad- �SLOVAKIA 17 ka), the slopes of Svišťovka, or the skiing and bob sleigh raclng track. From the nearby Tatranské Matliary we approach huts which also have good skding grounds in their surroundings. They are as follows: the hut at Šalivový Prameň, tbe hut at Zelené Pleso (Green Lake) and the hut of Kežmarok, near the Biele plesá (White Lake's); the last one already Jies In t-he Belan Tatra. Not far away from Tatranské. Lomnica is situated the village Ždiar, famous for the fine costumes of its peasants. It has bus con.nections witb Tatranská Lomnica, Skiers may find good possibilities on the slopes of the Belan Tatra, near Javorina, or in the well known Wbite Water V,alley (Blelovodská dolina). Beyond the lowlands of Kežmarok tbere rise the Hi!Js of Levoča ( Levočské vrchy )J w•h ich are not very high but have good conditions for skiing and a hut, the Hut of Levoča under Javorina (4560 feet), best reached from Levoča. In the diroction of Prešov there is good skiing on the Branisko (3900 feet). The Slovak paradlise (Slovenský raj) also has its charm of frozen water-falls in winter, but few possibilities for skilng. Only the vicinitioo of Dobšiná, Krompachy and Gelnica have better terrains. Accomodation.s are found in the hut at tbe Ice Caves of Dobšiná. · Eastern Slovaklia (Východné Slovensko) has many good grounds, but the possibilities of accomodations are rare because many huts and lodging houses were destroyed. Tbe best skiing near Košice ls on Bankov, and at the hut Jahodná (2160 feet), where there are t\vo towers fo.r ski-jumping. The HUls of Slaná are alllo vislted bocause of their skiing terl1aJ!ns. Slovakla, endowed by nature wlth streams and lakes, mountains and valleys, with its modern and ancient structures and quaint vilJages, ls a !and of wondrous beauty and charm In all seasons, but In the winter it really ls a wonderland. • • • WHO SAID IT? "Tbe Slovak people h·ave ahvays shown a wlllingness to be a part of any federalized state, a readiness to cooperate with the other peoples in lt. ~heir history conclusively proves tha1: a natlon can be happy In such an order as long as it eujoys basic freedom. On the other hand, the history of the Slovak people also conclusively demonstrates that, not having this freedom, no natlon, even the smallest, wlll permit ltself to be pushed around by even lts racia! bloodbrother, wi.thout either openly fighting or (what 1s worse) plantlng the seeds of revolt that eventually brlng forth some terrlble harvest. The conclusion seems evident that the most benevolent and the best: inten.tioned domination wlll probably not be accepted by any natlon as a sub.stitute for self-rule." - {Congressman Daniel J. F!ood, Jan. ·1, 1946) . . • • • "Czech public opinion may be excused for not realizing that the sltuation In Slovakia at the close of 1923 !s radlcally 'dlfferent · from tba,t of the first year of the Revolutlon. And yet the bigher búreaucracy tends to act on the assumptlon that nothing has changed, •and ostrich-like to lgnore tbe keen and growing resentment in Slovakia and the urgent need !or measures to allay lt." - (R,· W. Seton Wat, son: "THE NEW SLOVAKIA," 1924). .. , .; � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1952, Vol. 2 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1952 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 3), March 1952.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 4), August 1952.</li> <li>Issue 3 (No. 5), December 1952.</li> </ul> Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA SLOVAKIA - 13 WINTER WONDERLAND If you have never been in Slovakia in the winter, you stm have somefälng to Jive for. Under present conditlon·s , when freedom and independence are suppressed by the Communist system, you will not be able to see the "Winter Wonderland" that Slovakia really !s, but you mlg-ht consider visiting the !and of the Slovaks at some future time when the plague of Communism has been dispeHed. Winter, in all its sparkling and majestlc sp1endor, presents to every !over of nature ťhe best opportunity of seeing and fully enjoying the natural beautles of S.Jovakia. The coUliltry, because of its mountainous regions, ls especially suiitable for wlnter sports, partlcularly skíing. But you need not be sportsmindeid to enjoy Slovakla In the winter. The sheer beauty of nature in Slovakia in the wlnter wm enohant you, unburden and refresh your soul, and give added zest for livlng. You may not want to participa:te in winter sports In Slovakia, bwt the ·happy sight of others enjoyi-ng themselves wiH soothe your tired nerves and give you a sa,tlsfactíon never before known to you. 'ľhe Slovak mountains, as I once knew them, are unsurpassed for t heir winter charm. Accompany me, lf you wlll, on an imaglnary trip to them. Let us sliart out into the Small Carpathians (Malé Karpaty), W'hich extend from ,the confluence of the Danube and Morava rJvers to the Myjava. 'l'hey divide the Váh plai'll from the Moravian plain a.nd are covered wlth Jeafy and parUy evergreen trees and many fores,t meadows. Their moderate slopes offer good skiing. At l!he southwestern end, above the vlllage of Devin, there 1s the Dev!nska Kobyla, (The Mare of Devin), the peak or whlch 1719 feet above sea level. Near the city of Modra, there lies the summer resort of Harmónia, open a-lso In wlnter, with many comfo1,table hotels with hot and cold runnlng water and good restaurants. In t he mountalns, about two and one-half mi,Jes from Harmónia, on the so-called Sands (Piesky) stand two huts: it:he Zochova hut (1443 fet up), and only three mlnutes from it is the other one. Near the highest point or the mountain highway Jeading from Pezinok to Pernek is Országh's hut (1750 feet up) on Ba:ba (Grandmother) near Pezinok. The best sk·ling in the Little Carpathians is near Smolenice, where there are plenity of grassy hills and forest roeadows. The White Carpathians ( Biele Karpaty) stretch trom Myjava along t he Slovak-Moravian border to the mountain of Makyta, where they meet the J avorn!ky. They are covered wlth dense foresrts; only thelr wide southern part is Jess wooded and good for skiing. The most impoi,ta.nt centre is the Holuby hut (3226 feet) on the Javorina. It is best approached on foot from the railway station of Stará Turá, or from the bus stop Kvetná, on the line Nové Mesto nad Váhom l'.aerský Brod. Otherwise you may get to it from the Moravian side by car from Uherský Brod. Opposite the Whlte Carpathians, on the other side of the Váh valley, are the Inovec Mounta!ns, through which passes the railway from Trenč!n to Topoľčany. They, too, are densely wooded and have good skiing grounds. Out of the t.hree tourist huts whlch were here, only the Trenč!n Munic!pal Hut (1500 feet) under Sharp Peak (Ostrý 14 SLOVAKIA Vrch ) at Soblanov remains. The shortest way up 1s from the station Soblanov following -the blue tourist mark, or trom Trenčin followlng the red. Contlnuing, t!he Javornlky, whlch have huts both on the Slovak and Moravian slde, are the Western Beskyds, the southern parts of which are called th-e Jeseníky. Here there are many wooded and bare hills which are wonderful grounds for both the weakest and best sklers. Thelr Jocation on the borders of Slovakla and Moravla brings them many visitors from both sides. The numerous vllla,ges of the Upper Kysuca reglon offer many possibilltles for accommodationa both in the hotels as well as In private homes (Makov, Tunovka, Raková, Čadca). The best known centers are: Bumbálka Hut, MakovPotok Hut and the summer resoi,t Tešinský, which are open In winter. On the roa.d from Veľká •Bytča to Makov 1s Satinka Hut. All these huts are near Makov and the bo.rder and have ldeaJ grounds for skllng. Beyond the Jablunkov Pass, near Cadca, the Beskyds continue on as the Western Beskyds and form the border between Slovakía and Poland. Wooded sectlons mlngled wlth bare ones form Idea) skllng terra.in, w,h ere down-bili ru.os six mlles long are not at aH rare. Near the sta11lon at Serafinov lh-ere is a fine hotel, the surroundings of wh1ch are suitable for skilng. From the station In Cadca or Oščad­ nica, tbere is a good approach to the hut on Rača ( 4020 feet). The Bysitr.lcká Vall-ey up to Erdťidka and the whole of tbe Oravská Magura, near Námestovo, is a flrst class skiing ground with only one draiwback. it ls bard to appr<>ach. Otherwise the Orava region 1s one of the most popular ski terralns and has good posslbHitles of approach from tbe ra.llway Žilina-Košice, and also trom tbe ra.!lway Kraľovany./Suchá Hora. From the gorge of the Strečno rise the migbty bills of tbe mountaln range called Small Fatra ( Malá Fatra), whlch 1s covered mostly w.lth coniferous trees. Mountain meadows and grassy valleys, as well as tbe bare peaks of Stoh and Chleb, are the most popular places of northwestern Slovakia. The ldeal surroundlngs of the hut on Chleb (4660 feet) may be approached trom the station of Strečno, Šútovo, Kraľova.ny and Párnica. The hut there has been re1>alred and can accomodate 60 persona. It 1s the s,tarting point for tours on the Fatranský K11lváň, Chleb, Rozsut-ec and to the valley where Ištvä.nová lles. Martinské hole (The Plalns of St. Martin) are the southern range of tbe Lirttle Fatra, extending l'.rom the gorge of Strečno southwards to the vaney of Zliechov, near Ôlčmany. Thelr slopes are mostly wooded, but in the hills are plenty of meadows connected with one another all the way down to the valleys. On the surrounding mountain meadows tbere 1s wonderful skiing wlth Jong downhlll runs and marvelous views of the far surroundings - the Hlgh Taitras, the Whit-e and Little Ca'fl)athlans, Beskyds, Radhošť, the Ore mountans and the Inovec and Nitra MounWns. In the Martinské mountalns there is a hut 4100 feet above sea level. The best way to approach it 1s from Turčiansky Svätý Mafltln along several marked roads. Opposite t:he Martinské hole Ile the Great Fatra Mountains, wblch have quit-e a di!ferent character. They -stretch from the valley of the T>iver Váh to the rlver Hron: and thelr northern part ls cut by the valley ot Lubochňa. The wlde ridges of Ostredok, Rakytov and Krlžná SLOVAKIA 15 are suitable for skiing, In the norvhern part of the Gre,at Fatra, there are ideal grounds for wlnter sports on th& Smrekovica. The best aPproach to the 4330 foot-high Smrekovica 1s from the station Podsuchá on the rallroad Ružomberok-Korytnica. The unusually hlgh and long lasting snow in the deep coniferous woods attract.s thou:sands of visltors to Smrekovica. Many stay ln Ružomberok where there ar& good accommodatlons and a tower for ski-jump like on the Smrekovica. The southern pa11t of the Grea,t Fatra is called Mountalns of Kremnica ( Kremnické hory), where there are plenty of houses for tourists. The cen,t~ of thls region is Kremnica which has several hot~Is. a tourist n.ight shelter near the station and many private accommod.aitlons. It is ,the s·tarting point for the Skalka hut. Contlnuing along the Great Fatra and the Mountains of Kremnica, on the other side of the river Hron, ·between the ratlway ZvolenLevice and Zvolen-Šahy, are the Mountains of Štiavnica ( Štiavnické hory), w1th Sitno a,s their •highest pea.lc. This region wlth its evergreen trees and large meadows, Jong ridges and slopes, is ideal for winter sports. The center of this region is Banská Štiavnica. The most visited plaoe, however, is the hut of Andrej Kmeť on Sitno (3330 feet up). from where one has a beautiful vlew as far as the Danube Plaln and the High Tatras. Below the Sitno, next to Lake Počuvadlo, ,are the Kállay sanatorium and the boarding house Anna, which offer good accommodations for guests. The mountains of Štiavnica have great suppl1es of ore and are called the Slovak Ore Mountains (Slovenské rudohorie). They stretch from the river Hron and the mountains of Štiavnica to Rožňava. The northern part is more or less connected and has several w:lde hllls, trom which there run long ridges in the form of rays, between which are deep valleys. The southwestern part is very prlmitive and has a tourist hut on the Javor (2722 fem), to whlch the best approa,ch !s from the statlons Podkriváň, or Píla pod Javorom, on the ra.ilway !lne Zvolen-Lučenec. The hut on Trsti (3722 feet) may be approached from Pila, near Tisovec, or directly from Tisovec. To the east from Oravská Magura one finds the Stag Mountains ( Roháče) , which have a high mountain character and resemble the Tatras. Sklers vis,it mostly the Smutná and Látaná valleys, as well as the Iong slopes of Rakoň, Volovec, Úplaz, or go even a.s far as Osobitá. Snow usually remains untll sprlng and lt is nothlng unusual to find s klers here even at Easter. Sklers sometlmes go from Rohäče to the valleys ot Račková or Žiar, wblch belong to the group of mountains called the Tatras of Liptov ( Liptovské Tatry), because of their idea! skilng terraln. Wlth their Iong slopes and mighty peaks they complete the Hlgh Tatras to which they really belong. The lo.nges,t and wldest mountaln range in Slovakla are <the Low Tatras (Nízke Tatry), which extend from the highway Banská Bystrica-Ružomberok to the •highway Telgart-Poprad. North of them flows the river Váh, south the rlver Hron. Only ,the lower part.s are covered wlth forests, the rest 1s bare so that a skler may undertake a one-day tour from Prašivá in the west to Ďumbier and Kráľova hoľa In the east wlthout much fatigue. The helght and breadth of the range affords long descents on both sides trom he!ghts of 200-4000 feet up. Not far from Banská Bystrica 16 SLOVAKlA 1s the winter sports center, the Sport hotel Donovaly (3330 feet) w!th Idea! surroundings, woods and meadows. The hotel !s filrs.t cla.ss and is sure to app&a.l to every guest. From this place there leads a romantlc trail to Korytnica., above whlch rlse the mighty rldges of Prašivá and Latiborská Hoľa. At a helght of 6460 feet is sltuated štefán.ik's hut beneaith the Ďumbier. The highest peaks are Chopok, to wh!ch a ski-lil\t wa.s built (6680 feet) from the valley of Demänová nea.r Liptovský Svätý Mikuláš, and Ďumbier (6820 feet) where snow remains tlll Jate sprjng. From the station Kráľova Lehota there 1s a highway wh!oh crosses the Low Tatra range on its way to Podbrezová. lit passes through the villages of Malužiná and Vyšná Boca and reaches the mountain Sport hotel at the lovely hut on čertovioa (4210 feet), which is surrounded by evergreen trees and mountain meadows. Among the numerous Slovak mountains the High Tatras (Vysoké Tatry) are the most vlsited by lovers of winrter sports. lt !s mostily because of their high mountain altitude, long las-ting snow, good accommodations, technical equipment and varled terrain. The startlng polnts to the Hlgh Tatras are the railway staUons Štrba and PopradTatry on the Košice-Bohumln raiJway line. From Štrba there runs a good road to the high cllmatlc spa Štrbské Pleso (Tarn of Štrba, 4500 feet) where there are accomodatlons for 400-500 persons (Hotels Hviezdoslav, Solisko, Kmvä.ň, Móry, boarding bouses Jánošik, Marina, Poleka, Iskra and chalets of the Slovak Touris.ts', and Skiers' Olub). Beyond t>he tarn there are the FUTkotská, Mlynická and Mengušovská valleys, to wbdch -the sklers come from the ridge of Solisko and Patria. Tbe slope of Solisko -is preferred, because there is a skl-lif,t there for sklers to a heigbt of 6260 feet. In the Mengušov va.Jley under steep Osterva there 1s a hut at Popradské Pleso ('l'arn of Poprad) with accommodatlons for 150 guests. In late sprjng and even on summer days it 1s posslble to ski under the Saddle Váhy, near the hut under the Rysy (7600 feet), whlch ls open In summer only. Another center is Stary Smokovec, where about 1000 persons can be accommodated in hotels and boaroing houses ({}rand Hotel, Hoepfner, Palace, etc.). Skllng grounds are on the slopes of Slavkov's Peak and In the lovely Studenovodská (Cold Water) valley, or in the Great or Little Cold Valleys. There ls a funicular rallway runnlng to the Športhotel Hrebienok from which goes a toboggan slide and ski run. At the end of the Great Cold Valley there are wonderful skllng grounds near the :Obojn!cka hut (6400 feet) . In the Llttle Cold Valley there are two •huts: at the beglnning of the valley ls the hut Zamkovský (5200 feet), and at the upper end Lles the Téry hut (6730 feet) on the F'ive Spiš Lakes. In tbe surroundings there are lovely sk!lng grounds for good sklers. A popular skllng center is Tatranská. Lomnica., wbich 1s connected wlth Poprad by both electrlc and steam railways. It ls 3000 feet high, has healtby cllmate and good skllng places. There are good accomodatlons In the hotels and boardlng houses wbere 1000-1200 persons may be housed (Grand Hotel Praha, Hotel Lomnica, Ehern, Payer, Spišský ilom, Hubertus, Javorina, Božena, etc.). From beyond the Grand Hotel tb-ere ran a cable railway to the Lomnický št!t (Lomnica Peak, 8780 feet), now runnolng to the station Skalnaté Pleso (Rocky Lake. 5480 feet) only. Above and below the hut there are some of the best skUng places on tbe Saddle of Lomnica. In the Dead Garden (Mŕtva záhrad- SLOVAKIA 17 ka), the slopes of Svišťovka, or the skiing and bob sleigh raclng track. From the nearby Tatranské Matliary we approach huts which also have good skding grounds in their surroundings. They are as follows: the hut at Šalivový Prameň, tbe hut at Zelené Pleso (Green Lake) and the hut of Kežmarok, near the Biele plesá (White Lake's); the last one already Jies In t-he Belan Tatra. Not far away from Tatranské. Lomnica is situated the village Ždiar, famous for the fine costumes of its peasants. It has bus con.nections witb Tatranská Lomnica, Skiers may find good possibilities on the slopes of the Belan Tatra, near Javorina, or in the well known Wbite Water V,alley (Blelovodská dolina). Beyond the lowlands of Kežmarok tbere rise the Hi!Js of Levoča ( Levočské vrchy )J w•h ich are not very high but have good conditions for skiing and a hut, the Hut of Levoča under Javorina (4560 feet), best reached from Levoča. In the diroction of Prešov there is good skiing on the Branisko (3900 feet). The Slovak paradlise (Slovenský raj) also has its charm of frozen water-falls in winter, but few possibilities for skilng. Only the vicinitioo of Dobšiná, Krompachy and Gelnica have better terrains. Accomodation.s are found in the hut at tbe Ice Caves of Dobšiná. · Eastern Slovaklia (Východné Slovensko) has many good grounds, but the possibilities of accomodations are rare because many huts and lodging houses were destroyed. Tbe best skiing near Košice ls on Bankov, and at the hut Jahodná (2160 feet), where there are t\vo towers fo.r ski-jumping. The HUls of Slaná are alllo vislted bocause of their skiing terl1aJ!ns. Slovakla, endowed by nature wlth streams and lakes, mountains and valleys, with its modern and ancient structures and quaint vilJages, ls a !and of wondrous beauty and charm In all seasons, but In the winter it really ls a wonderland. • • • WHO SAID IT? "Tbe Slovak people h·ave ahvays shown a wlllingness to be a part of any federalized state, a readiness to cooperate with the other peoples in lt. ~heir history conclusively proves tha1: a natlon can be happy In such an order as long as it eujoys basic freedom. On the other hand, the history of the Slovak people also conclusively demonstrates that, not having this freedom, no natlon, even the smallest, wlll permit ltself to be pushed around by even lts racia! bloodbrother, wi.thout either openly fighting or (what 1s worse) plantlng the seeds of revolt that eventually brlng forth some terrlble harvest. The conclusion seems evident that the most benevolent and the best: inten.tioned domination wlll probably not be accepted by any natlon as a sub.stitute for self-rule." - {Congressman Daniel J. F!ood, Jan. ·1, 1946) . . • • • "Czech public opinion may be excused for not realizing that the sltuation In Slovakia at the close of 1923 !s radlcally 'dlfferent · from tba,t of the first year of the Revolutlon. And yet the bigher búreaucracy tends to act on the assumptlon that nothing has changed, •and ostrich-like to lgnore tbe keen and growing resentment in Slovakia and the urgent need !or measures to allay lt." - (R,· W. Seton Wat, son: "THE NEW SLOVAKIA," 1924). .. , .;  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovakia - Winter Wonderland Description An account of the resource Slovakia, Vol. 2, No. 3 (5), December 1952 pp. 13-17 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource December 1952 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/2c017a6896daf026af8d5ac438d38ef0.pdf f8dbb8f2841770df75e3a36c27f9d70c PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 41 SLOVAK.IA AND CENTRAL EUROPE CHARLES MURilN, LL.D., Ph.D. "Slovakia Nation. at the Crossroads of Central Europe" by Jioseph M. Kirs·ch'baum, l.JL.D., Ph.D., 1proif.eS1Soc at the Univ•e rsity of 'Montreal, iDeipartment of Sl<avic Studies. Preif,a ce by U. S. Congressma•n Alvin M. Bentley, Member of the Committee olf Forei.gn A'llfo.irs. Pp. x~:x 3711,; 7'2 dlocumEmts, 2 maips, 22 p'ho,togr-a phs, bilbliography, index. Pulb · + lisher Robert S'pe!Ier and Sons, Inc., Ne<w Yol'k. $5.00. Can a book concerning a small nation of four million behind the Iron Curtain draw the attention of the American and Canadian public at a time when Khrushchev is explodin•g nuclear bombs, Castro is defying the powerful U. S., and the struggle between West and East in Asia, Africa, and Europe is intensifying? The American reader might sigh and say: let bygones be bygones, there are more pressing problems today than the fate of four million Slovaks in the immediate neighborhood of the Soviet Union. Actually this might be the reaction of the man in the street who restricts his interests to what is presented to his sight, to the sensational. Professor Kirschbaum's book is by no means sensational in this sense, since it is written for both the intelligent observer of the international politics and those whose task it is to participate in the shaping of the current international situation which seems to contain an amount of irrational elements to a degree probably never equaled in the period of modern history. Kirschbaum's book is a valuable contribution to the understanding of the premises and origins of the presentday situation, restricted to one of its sections: Central Europe. Genetically this seems to be the most important field though the quantitive aspects of the problems in Asia and Africa overshadow the European problems. The author relates the political history of Slovakia and of Central Europe. The period described, however, happens to be the one which preceded the Soviet hegemony over half of Europe. Thus the book contains excellent material offered to the English reader who wants to trace down the errors of the past and is willing both to learn from past errors and re- �42 SLOVAKIA think the categories of living ideas and for<:es which simultaneously are being shaped by and are shaping this world of ours. The basic service this book renders to the reader is that it shows him to what degree the conceptions of the West in regard to the political organization of one of the neuralgic spots in Europe were dominated by facts and to what degree by fancy. To show the interplay of reality and illusion, the genuine and the phony in the official views of the state departments of the West in regard to Central Europe seems to us to be the aim of the book. Further the author shows to what extent these conceptions contained inherent contradictions and were therefore doomed in the long run. Be it noted that some of the prejudfres discussed in the book represent an inheritance from the postW orld-War I arrangements. The book under discussion is divided in four parts : the first is concerned with the past; the second with the present-past; the third with the present-future; and the fourth contains documents, maps, bibliography, and index. Part I introduces the reader to the topic of the book 1by giving the historical background of the problem. The service rendered by the author in this part of the book is the presentation of the Czech and Magyar historians, who usually treat Slovak history as a peripheral phenomenon of the Czech or Magyar past respectively. The characteristics one can as a rule find in the works of Magyar and Czech writers are the following: (a) Functional approach: the Slovaks are simply denied ethnical, linguistic, cultural, social and political individuality and thus are made part of either the Czech or the Magyar nation; the intelligibility of the Slovak history, if they agree at least to take notice of the fact, comes from without, i.e., from Czech history for a Czech writer, and from Magyar history if the writer is a Magyar. The meaning of Slovak history is seen, still according to these views, in an orientation of Slovaks towards loosing their weak traces of identity and ultimately in melting together with the one or the other nation. �SLOVAKIA 43 (b) For the principle of interpretation of the history of Slovakia (some writers use this term exclusively in a geographical sense) they use concepts upon which the national aspirations and dreams of their own people are based. It is not unusual for them to project a modern concept of the nineteenth and twentieth century to the ninth and tenth century of Slovak history. An interesting observation follows from the use of this method. If a certain conception of man, society and reality is embraced as unconditionally and metaphysically true, this conception and the laws which constitute its explication can be used as the principle of interpretation of each and every man, society, event and situation. This is exactly what Marxists do. Therefore it was no surprise for those acquainted with Marxist philosophy that a book was recently published in Slovakia in which the Great Moravian Empire of the King Svatopluk of the tenth century is interpreted in terms of a class struggle. A similar method is used by some Czech and Magyar historical writers in their interpretation of Slovak history, however, with the difference that the supposedly universally valid laws of the dialectical and historical materialism are replaced by the concepts of the meaning of history (i.e., either Czech or Magyar history), of national destiny, of mission, of glory, of interests, etc. True, the validity of these concepts is not universal; it is restricted to the one or the other nation. But in relation to the Slovak history, they are purposefully given a universal character, because outside of these concepts the history of Slovakia becomes, in the view of these writers, unintelligible, an irrational collection of unrelated facts which might find their interpretation on the level of Nature but never on the level of Spirit. Many conclusions of the historians in question cannot be understood without knowing these tacit or openly avowed premises. Although Professor Kirschbaum raises no claim to be a professional historian, nevertheless, as the author of many historical essays and several biographies and monographies, he has mastered more than sufficiently the material he is dealing with and is in a solid position to give an accurate �SLOVAKIA 44 account on Slovak history, an account based on a sober relativistic character of historical events, thus avoiding the peculiar exclusivities not only of the Czech and Magyar writers, but also of their Slovak antipodes. In Part I , the author shows that the Slovaks belong to the group of the most ancient peoples in Central Europe, they were the first of the Slovanic peoples to adhere to Christianism, always belonged to the orbit .o f the Western world, never were willing to lose and never lost their individuality and ethnical identity. The meaning of all Slovak history can be found only within and never outside the events that make up the drama of the Slovak nation. Part II seems to us to be the central piece of the book. This is the author's proper domain containing the events .of founding the first Czecho-Slovak Republic, the causes of its disintegration, the period of the Slovak Republic, and, finally, the restoration of the Czecho-Slovak Republic .following World War IL By far the greatest attention is given to the period of the Slovak RepU'blic. This is under.standable since it is mainly in this period that the author was active in the political life of Slovakia until ousted from the political scene under pressure of Hitlerite Germans and the small number of Slovak-Nazi sympathizers. Both his 7-year-long stay in neutral Switzerland (for three years as diplomatic representative of the Slovak Republic) and a period of 15-20 years, from the events he describes, permit Professor Kirsch baum to reach a degree of objectivity seldom achieved in books in which the authors touch upon the problems they contributed intrinsically both to .shape and to solve. When a number of the pages is of an apologetic character, not a personal defense of the author is involved but a rejection of the distortions of historical facts and a reproach of not seeing events in their true .light. It is extremely difficult to summarize this part of the book without going into some details and without transgressing the material limits of this reflection. Therefore, we shall restrain ourselves to the essential points which might be of interest to intelligent observers of international politics. 1 �SLOVAKIA 45 Part II begins with a demyth!ing of the legends propagated rubout the foundation of the Czecho-Slovak Republic at the end of World War I. The principle which gave birth to the first Republic was self-determination. President Wilson consented to dismemberment of the ethnical mosaic of the Austro-Hungarian Empire in the name of the principle of self-determination, and it was in the name of the same principle that another ethnical mosaic was created, i.e., the Czecho-Slovak Republic. No one of the six ethnical groups included in the new state constituted a simple majority of the population. Therefore, the only admissible structure of the state, even if one does not use anything more than common horse sense, was a federation. The leading statesmen of the Paris Peace Conference somehow sensed this, but did not know the facts clearly enough, and the whole problem became in their eyes one of minor importance. In order that at least one of the ethnical nations might constitute a simple majority in the state, a fusion of the two nations into one was needed. This tour de force on the diplomatic level was achieved by the presentation of the one ethnic "Czechoslovak" nation by Masaryk and Benes. Concerning this illusion of a "Czechoslovak" nation, one can find two contradictory legends. According to the one, the Slovaks joined the first republic willingly, over-eagerly, renouncing their own ethnical identity, and adherence to the new state equaled to merging with the Czech ethnical nation (this is the Czech version). In terms of the second version, the Slovaks were forced, duped or tricked into joining the Czech state (the Magyar version). Now, the truth is that the Slovaks were willing cofounders of the Czecho-Slovak Republic and much, possibly too much hope had been placed in the new state. At the same time, however, they were cautious and did not enter the partnership with the Czechs without a written guaranty of their rights which were supposed to secure free and democratic development of their national life (see document No. 2, p. 235-236). The refusal to implement the au- �46 SLOVAKIA tonomy of Slovakia, promised by the Agreement of Pittsburgh of May 30, 1918, and signed by T. G. Masaryk, dominated the relations between the Slovaks and Czechs fer 20 years of the first Republic. Although this unsolved problem of the Republic reflected unfavorably on the military value and strength of the state integrated in a system of alliances headed by France, neither the latter nor any other western government ddsplayed any wisdom to exerting a friendly influence in favor of a solution of this basic problem until it was far too late. When the Sudeten~German problem was used by Hitler as an excuse of attacking Czecho-Slovakia, the lack of internal coherence of the Republic brought an end to the illusion of strength both abroad and within the Republic itself. The Second Czecho-Slovak (post-Munich) Republic, territorially mutilated, vanished from the Central European scene after a brief period of six months. The State was doomed by the very treaties by which it was founded and the Constitution of the Republic of 1920. They were based on too much fantasy and too little facts, too many political illusions and not enough sociological reality. Most of the attention is given by the author to the period of the Slovak Republic, 1939-1945, apparently this being the crux of the problem exposed by Professor Kirschbaum. His thesis, supported by many documents, can be shortly yet fairly resumed as follows: Slovakia, since the dawn of its history, went Westward. The central ideal of modern Slovak political history was and remains the idea of freedom as developed in the West. The right of self-determination of nations is but an insepara•ble aspect of the Western concept of freedom. However, when it comes to the concrete application of the concept of freedom, more than one of the great Western Powers simply ignore or even deny this right to the nations which are unable to support their claim to a free and independent life by physical force. The reasons for this virtual condemnation of some nations to third or fourth grade national existence are �SLOVAKIA 47 usually several: economic interests of powerful friends or weak friends who are to be made powerful; lack of information or much bad information, etc. The claims of Slovaks to a free life hit upon deaf ears. More than that. When the Slovaks made the best of a bad situation which they did not create, objections were raised and they were told: if you keep your freedom ( a difficult freedom in an extremely tense situation, it is true), we shall have to use force to put you back where you were in 1938, or even in 1920 ; but if you renounce your will to a free life, be.have as a good child, we shall spare you. Freedom is something you fight for - and this the Slovaks did. But freedom is also what you legitimately expect to be respected for in a community whose distinctive mark is respect for freedom - and this the Slovaks did not receive. There is no doubt that the West takes freedom seriously, as a mission to mankind, yet when it comes to putting into reality the ideal of freedom, the West remains somehow hesitantly in the abstract and condones situations which make the Western concept of freedom look vague and restricted in its application to some nations only, or even to only a segment of the nations. As a result, the cornerstone of Western society, the gospel of freedom and dignity of man assumes a verbal character that can be ultimately argued away by skillful dialectics even of the materialistic brand. This is the reason why the nations on the verge of making their choice between West and East do not easily recognize the difference between the concrete articulation of the freedom of the West and the steps taken to a systematic enslavement of man and nations by the Communist Marxists. The Slovaks do not have to make their decision, this they have done over eleven hundred years ago. No matter what treatment they receive from the Western Powers, they will remain West.Jbound because they cannot deny their own identity. At this point, the somehow apologetic character of the book turns out to be both a silent and delicate rebuke �48 SLOVAKIA to the Western Powers and an eloquent wavning to present and future policy-ma kers of the West no matter which area of the world they are dealing with. An air of tragedy surround s both the reproach and the warning as the nations enslaved by the Soviets might foreshado w the future destiny of those who still use or a,buse their freedom. In this light the mistakes committe d during the period of the Slovak Republic (some of them bearing the fatality of a natural force) become more understan dable. The author does not confine himself to pointing out the errors to be avoided. He proposes a formula for the future arrangem ent of the Central European area which offers the best chance to secure a sound developm ent of the crossroad s between Eastern and Wes tern Europe. Part III of the book, under the section entitled "For a New Democracy in Central Europe," contains the author's views concernin g the future, shared, we believe, by many. The geopolitical location of the nations in question between Germany and Russia, demands a federalist solution, no matter what the political ideologies of the two great neighbori ng powers happen to be. Only by uniting their forces can the Central European nations secure their freedom. This is beyond the point of discussion and, furthermore, being the only logical solution, it receives a conffrmatur by recent and remote history. The question of internal structure of the Central European Federatio n is a much more delicate and less evident one than its necessity in the field of inter-play of powers. The principle on which the author suggests to reconstruct the Central European area can be called, we think, without being unfair to the author who does not use this term, the principle of regional balance of power. This represent s a realistic implemen tation of the moral claim for freedom, the other point beyond discussion. The principle of regional balance of power takes into considera tion the political and economical deve}opment in the direction to greater units, with the ultimate result of a wo~ld (federated) governme nt to be establishe d in the future. At the same time the principle takes into account, human nature being what it is, that the organizat ion of �SLOVAKIA 49 greater units (e.g., Western Europe, Central Europe, etc.) must be such that they could safeguard the freedom of concerned nations more on the lowest level of the administration than on the level of the Central government, be the latter of regional, continental, or of world-wide character. The strength and efficiency of the Federal Central Government rests ultimately upon the concrete human persons at the bottom (lack of this was the greaitest weakness of the Czecho-Slovak Republic) who are at the same time the foundation and the aim of any government. There always will ar,ise problems among the nations, as there always will be problems among individuals. The point is that the structure of institutions and organizations must be such that it permits to give an adequate and just answer both to the existing problems and to those which may arise. In this regard again the Czecho-Slovak Republic did not meet these requirements, and the political status of 1918, 1938, or of 1945 stands for the Wes tern concept of the Centra1 European area, in that case, this is a desperately backward concept which lags well behind the development. The visible signs of a change in this concept are represented by some very vague promises and semi-official declarations, but on the whole it is rather hard to guess to what extent there really is a change. What Professor Kirschbaum proposes is this: there is and proba1bly there will remain in the foreseeable future a certa1in antagonism ( call it: problem) among the Central European nations, the outcome of a centuries-long historical developement of this area which will not be eliminated over night (even if the night is as dark as the night under Commuruism). In defense of their national ideal some writers and orators resort at times to real living forces shaped by history, but sometimes to political fossils whose symbolic force and imaginative attraction is a matter of the past because they are without any meaning for the man of the second half of the twentieth century. Let us speak a more concrete language. The Masaryk and Benes governments molded their national aspirations to the image of the former Bohemian kings who in a certain period of time happened to be Roman-Germanic em- �50 SLOVAKIA perors who ruled the Central European area. The Hungarian government, on the other hand, claJimed the title of makers and organizers of Central Europe in the restricted sense of the word, because there was a period in which the nations of "Hungaria" actively participated together with the Magyars in constructive work for the common good. The two nations, i.e., the Czechs and the Magyars, possessing roughly an equal potential force, set themselves on a search for a surplus of power which would give them an edge over the power of the respective partner-opponent. Both agreed that Slovakia could represent this hoped for surplus, and, to no one's surprise, political writers "uncovered historical facts which favored either the one or the other conception of Slovak history, with the result of what we called a:bove the functional approach to the past of Slovakia. As a matter of fact, the theory of the surplus value of Slovakia for the Czechs and for the Magyars seemed to have received a confirmation by the political events of the twentieth century. PTior to World War I, when Slovakia was a part of Hungary, the Magyars held a wide edge over the Czechs. When, however , Slovakia joined forces with the Czechs, the latter emerged as the stronger power in the valley of the Danube. The only trouble with these two solutions was that besides being radically unjust, they led to a catastrophy of all the involved nations. There are other theoretical possibilities, i.e., Slovakia as a part of Poland, or as part of the Ukraine or Russia, yet we think that they would not yield better results since they seem to us to be even of a more violent nature than those just mentioned. It follows that the only realistic way to secure a regional balance of power and to safeguard the freedom of all nations in this erea is to recognize Slovakia as one of the national units in the Central Europeon Federation. The more so that only this solution renders justice to the ideal of freedom of nations. Fo:vtunately, the CentTal European nations are begiinning to realize the imperative character of this solution, and there is more than one confirmation of the development in the political thinking of nations under the Communist yoke towards this solution. �SLOVAKIA 51 What is lagging in the most unfortunate way behind this evolution is, e.g., Radio Free Europe and the Voice of America (Canadian and British, Rome and Madrid broadcasts have their Slovak sections) and, it would seem, since these are related to some officials of the U. S. State Department in an unofficial way, that these officials of the State Department are behind recent developments. The fact that the "statesmen," who substantially contributed to the present predicament of Central Europe, find not only willing ears to listen and, but also active support from some official circles of the U. S. is in support of our opinion. Part IV of the book contains a valuable collection of documents, many of them available for the first time to the English reader. This ensemble of documents control the author's affirmation and let the reader see the other side of the medal which, up to now, has been presented to the Western public in a purely functional way. The weakest part of the book is the bibliography. It is extremely summary - some 150 books referred to in the book not being listed. We learned that this regrettable shortcoming in Professor Kirschbaum's book was due to an error with the printers and that it will be corrected in the second edition of the book. RADIO FREIE EUROPE continues its policy of ignoring the rightful demands of the Slovak people a,n d ignoring Americans o,£ Slovak des·c ent and the'ir organizations. Its "Czedhoslovak" desk is sti11 dominated by former Czech National F1ronters, Czech socialists of all shades who co11ialborated with the Czech Reds and Moscow dJUring the Benes-Gottwa~d coalition (1945-lMS). Accordi,n,g to them freedom is for evieryibody except the Slovaks; Czecho.Sl·o vakia and the Czechs must be liberated, but not the Sfovaks. The latter are supposed to be doomed to Czeclh domination eternaUy! What a moclcery of the fundamenml pr,inciples of d,emocracy! IN THE WORKERS' PARADISE, a~ording to Radio Bratislava: Sllova'kia is be-hind in dts milk quota 6,600,000 Lite-rs (4-Jli&-61); thus far the Trelbisov tlistrict owes the State 1,,085,000 liters of milk this year (3-10-61); Dolny Kulbi,n, Cadca, Prievidza, and Zilina did not produce even a deci'liiter per cow (3-9-61); -i n Bratisllava (Street of the De>fende-rs of Peace) women waitetl for meat from 2:00 to 6:30 P. M. (3'-20-61); there is a great albundan:ce of feed for cattle and calves, but it's all rotten-; t!he people work tlhe farim:s, but steal over hallf the production (3-2().,61•); we have no tires, but why? I heard the exiplanlation that the reason for this is the war in Laos (2-U-61.) � SLOVAKIA 41 SLOVAK.IA AND CENTRAL EUROPE CHARLES MURilN, LL.D., Ph.D. "Slovakia Nation. at the Crossroads of Central Europe" by Jioseph M. Kirs·ch'baum, l.JL.D., Ph.D., 1proif.eS1Soc at the Univ•e rsity of 'Montreal, iDeipartment of Sl<avic Studies. Preif,a ce by U. S. Congressma•n Alvin M. Bentley, Member of the Committee olf Forei.gn A'llfo.irs. Pp. x~:x 3711,; 7'2 dlocumEmts, 2 maips, 22 p'ho,togr-a phs, bilbliography, index. Pulb · + lisher Robert S'pe!Ier and Sons, Inc., Ne<w Yol'k. $5.00. Can a book concerning a small nation of four million behind the Iron Curtain draw the attention of the American and Canadian public at a time when Khrushchev is explodin•g nuclear bombs, Castro is defying the powerful U. S., and the struggle between West and East in Asia, Africa, and Europe is intensifying? The American reader might sigh and say: let bygones be bygones, there are more pressing problems today than the fate of four million Slovaks in the immediate neighborhood of the Soviet Union. Actually this might be the reaction of the man in the street who restricts his interests to what is presented to his sight, to the sensational. Professor Kirschbaum's book is by no means sensational in this sense, since it is written for both the intelligent observer of the international politics and those whose task it is to participate in the shaping of the current international situation which seems to contain an amount of irrational elements to a degree probably never equaled in the period of modern history. Kirschbaum's book is a valuable contribution to the understanding of the premises and origins of the presentday situation, restricted to one of its sections: Central Europe. Genetically this seems to be the most important field though the quantitive aspects of the problems in Asia and Africa overshadow the European problems. The author relates the political history of Slovakia and of Central Europe. The period described, however, happens to be the one which preceded the Soviet hegemony over half of Europe. Thus the book contains excellent material offered to the English reader who wants to trace down the errors of the past and is willing both to learn from past errors and re- �42 SLOVAKIA think the categories of living ideas and for<:es which simultaneously are being shaped by and are shaping this world of ours. The basic service this book renders to the reader is that it shows him to what degree the conceptions of the West in regard to the political organization of one of the neuralgic spots in Europe were dominated by facts and to what degree by fancy. To show the interplay of reality and illusion, the genuine and the phony in the official views of the state departments of the West in regard to Central Europe seems to us to be the aim of the book. Further the author shows to what extent these conceptions contained inherent contradictions and were therefore doomed in the long run. Be it noted that some of the prejudfres discussed in the book represent an inheritance from the postW orld-War I arrangements. The book under discussion is divided in four parts : the first is concerned with the past; the second with the present-past; the third with the present-future; and the fourth contains documents, maps, bibliography, and index. Part I introduces the reader to the topic of the book 1by giving the historical background of the problem. The service rendered by the author in this part of the book is the presentation of the Czech and Magyar historians, who usually treat Slovak history as a peripheral phenomenon of the Czech or Magyar past respectively. The characteristics one can as a rule find in the works of Magyar and Czech writers are the following: (a) Functional approach: the Slovaks are simply denied ethnical, linguistic, cultural, social and political individuality and thus are made part of either the Czech or the Magyar nation; the intelligibility of the Slovak history, if they agree at least to take notice of the fact, comes from without, i.e., from Czech history for a Czech writer, and from Magyar history if the writer is a Magyar. The meaning of Slovak history is seen, still according to these views, in an orientation of Slovaks towards loosing their weak traces of identity and ultimately in melting together with the one or the other nation. �SLOVAKIA 43 (b) For the principle of interpretation of the history of Slovakia (some writers use this term exclusively in a geographical sense) they use concepts upon which the national aspirations and dreams of their own people are based. It is not unusual for them to project a modern concept of the nineteenth and twentieth century to the ninth and tenth century of Slovak history. An interesting observation follows from the use of this method. If a certain conception of man, society and reality is embraced as unconditionally and metaphysically true, this conception and the laws which constitute its explication can be used as the principle of interpretation of each and every man, society, event and situation. This is exactly what Marxists do. Therefore it was no surprise for those acquainted with Marxist philosophy that a book was recently published in Slovakia in which the Great Moravian Empire of the King Svatopluk of the tenth century is interpreted in terms of a class struggle. A similar method is used by some Czech and Magyar historical writers in their interpretation of Slovak history, however, with the difference that the supposedly universally valid laws of the dialectical and historical materialism are replaced by the concepts of the meaning of history (i.e., either Czech or Magyar history), of national destiny, of mission, of glory, of interests, etc. True, the validity of these concepts is not universal; it is restricted to the one or the other nation. But in relation to the Slovak history, they are purposefully given a universal character, because outside of these concepts the history of Slovakia becomes, in the view of these writers, unintelligible, an irrational collection of unrelated facts which might find their interpretation on the level of Nature but never on the level of Spirit. Many conclusions of the historians in question cannot be understood without knowing these tacit or openly avowed premises. Although Professor Kirschbaum raises no claim to be a professional historian, nevertheless, as the author of many historical essays and several biographies and monographies, he has mastered more than sufficiently the material he is dealing with and is in a solid position to give an accurate �SLOVAKIA 44 account on Slovak history, an account based on a sober relativistic character of historical events, thus avoiding the peculiar exclusivities not only of the Czech and Magyar writers, but also of their Slovak antipodes. In Part I , the author shows that the Slovaks belong to the group of the most ancient peoples in Central Europe, they were the first of the Slovanic peoples to adhere to Christianism, always belonged to the orbit .o f the Western world, never were willing to lose and never lost their individuality and ethnical identity. The meaning of all Slovak history can be found only within and never outside the events that make up the drama of the Slovak nation. Part II seems to us to be the central piece of the book. This is the author's proper domain containing the events .of founding the first Czecho-Slovak Republic, the causes of its disintegration, the period of the Slovak Republic, and, finally, the restoration of the Czecho-Slovak Republic .following World War IL By far the greatest attention is given to the period of the Slovak RepU'blic. This is under.standable since it is mainly in this period that the author was active in the political life of Slovakia until ousted from the political scene under pressure of Hitlerite Germans and the small number of Slovak-Nazi sympathizers. Both his 7-year-long stay in neutral Switzerland (for three years as diplomatic representative of the Slovak Republic) and a period of 15-20 years, from the events he describes, permit Professor Kirsch baum to reach a degree of objectivity seldom achieved in books in which the authors touch upon the problems they contributed intrinsically both to .shape and to solve. When a number of the pages is of an apologetic character, not a personal defense of the author is involved but a rejection of the distortions of historical facts and a reproach of not seeing events in their true .light. It is extremely difficult to summarize this part of the book without going into some details and without transgressing the material limits of this reflection. Therefore, we shall restrain ourselves to the essential points which might be of interest to intelligent observers of international politics. 1 �SLOVAKIA 45 Part II begins with a demyth!ing of the legends propagated rubout the foundation of the Czecho-Slovak Republic at the end of World War I. The principle which gave birth to the first Republic was self-determination. President Wilson consented to dismemberment of the ethnical mosaic of the Austro-Hungarian Empire in the name of the principle of self-determination, and it was in the name of the same principle that another ethnical mosaic was created, i.e., the Czecho-Slovak Republic. No one of the six ethnical groups included in the new state constituted a simple majority of the population. Therefore, the only admissible structure of the state, even if one does not use anything more than common horse sense, was a federation. The leading statesmen of the Paris Peace Conference somehow sensed this, but did not know the facts clearly enough, and the whole problem became in their eyes one of minor importance. In order that at least one of the ethnical nations might constitute a simple majority in the state, a fusion of the two nations into one was needed. This tour de force on the diplomatic level was achieved by the presentation of the one ethnic "Czechoslovak" nation by Masaryk and Benes. Concerning this illusion of a "Czechoslovak" nation, one can find two contradictory legends. According to the one, the Slovaks joined the first republic willingly, over-eagerly, renouncing their own ethnical identity, and adherence to the new state equaled to merging with the Czech ethnical nation (this is the Czech version). In terms of the second version, the Slovaks were forced, duped or tricked into joining the Czech state (the Magyar version). Now, the truth is that the Slovaks were willing cofounders of the Czecho-Slovak Republic and much, possibly too much hope had been placed in the new state. At the same time, however, they were cautious and did not enter the partnership with the Czechs without a written guaranty of their rights which were supposed to secure free and democratic development of their national life (see document No. 2, p. 235-236). The refusal to implement the au- �46 SLOVAKIA tonomy of Slovakia, promised by the Agreement of Pittsburgh of May 30, 1918, and signed by T. G. Masaryk, dominated the relations between the Slovaks and Czechs fer 20 years of the first Republic. Although this unsolved problem of the Republic reflected unfavorably on the military value and strength of the state integrated in a system of alliances headed by France, neither the latter nor any other western government ddsplayed any wisdom to exerting a friendly influence in favor of a solution of this basic problem until it was far too late. When the Sudeten~German problem was used by Hitler as an excuse of attacking Czecho-Slovakia, the lack of internal coherence of the Republic brought an end to the illusion of strength both abroad and within the Republic itself. The Second Czecho-Slovak (post-Munich) Republic, territorially mutilated, vanished from the Central European scene after a brief period of six months. The State was doomed by the very treaties by which it was founded and the Constitution of the Republic of 1920. They were based on too much fantasy and too little facts, too many political illusions and not enough sociological reality. Most of the attention is given by the author to the period of the Slovak Republic, 1939-1945, apparently this being the crux of the problem exposed by Professor Kirschbaum. His thesis, supported by many documents, can be shortly yet fairly resumed as follows: Slovakia, since the dawn of its history, went Westward. The central ideal of modern Slovak political history was and remains the idea of freedom as developed in the West. The right of self-determination of nations is but an insepara•ble aspect of the Western concept of freedom. However, when it comes to the concrete application of the concept of freedom, more than one of the great Western Powers simply ignore or even deny this right to the nations which are unable to support their claim to a free and independent life by physical force. The reasons for this virtual condemnation of some nations to third or fourth grade national existence are �SLOVAKIA 47 usually several: economic interests of powerful friends or weak friends who are to be made powerful; lack of information or much bad information, etc. The claims of Slovaks to a free life hit upon deaf ears. More than that. When the Slovaks made the best of a bad situation which they did not create, objections were raised and they were told: if you keep your freedom ( a difficult freedom in an extremely tense situation, it is true), we shall have to use force to put you back where you were in 1938, or even in 1920 ; but if you renounce your will to a free life, be.have as a good child, we shall spare you. Freedom is something you fight for - and this the Slovaks did. But freedom is also what you legitimately expect to be respected for in a community whose distinctive mark is respect for freedom - and this the Slovaks did not receive. There is no doubt that the West takes freedom seriously, as a mission to mankind, yet when it comes to putting into reality the ideal of freedom, the West remains somehow hesitantly in the abstract and condones situations which make the Western concept of freedom look vague and restricted in its application to some nations only, or even to only a segment of the nations. As a result, the cornerstone of Western society, the gospel of freedom and dignity of man assumes a verbal character that can be ultimately argued away by skillful dialectics even of the materialistic brand. This is the reason why the nations on the verge of making their choice between West and East do not easily recognize the difference between the concrete articulation of the freedom of the West and the steps taken to a systematic enslavement of man and nations by the Communist Marxists. The Slovaks do not have to make their decision, this they have done over eleven hundred years ago. No matter what treatment they receive from the Western Powers, they will remain West.Jbound because they cannot deny their own identity. At this point, the somehow apologetic character of the book turns out to be both a silent and delicate rebuke �48 SLOVAKIA to the Western Powers and an eloquent wavning to present and future policy-ma kers of the West no matter which area of the world they are dealing with. An air of tragedy surround s both the reproach and the warning as the nations enslaved by the Soviets might foreshado w the future destiny of those who still use or a,buse their freedom. In this light the mistakes committe d during the period of the Slovak Republic (some of them bearing the fatality of a natural force) become more understan dable. The author does not confine himself to pointing out the errors to be avoided. He proposes a formula for the future arrangem ent of the Central European area which offers the best chance to secure a sound developm ent of the crossroad s between Eastern and Wes tern Europe. Part III of the book, under the section entitled "For a New Democracy in Central Europe," contains the author's views concernin g the future, shared, we believe, by many. The geopolitical location of the nations in question between Germany and Russia, demands a federalist solution, no matter what the political ideologies of the two great neighbori ng powers happen to be. Only by uniting their forces can the Central European nations secure their freedom. This is beyond the point of discussion and, furthermore, being the only logical solution, it receives a conffrmatur by recent and remote history. The question of internal structure of the Central European Federatio n is a much more delicate and less evident one than its necessity in the field of inter-play of powers. The principle on which the author suggests to reconstruct the Central European area can be called, we think, without being unfair to the author who does not use this term, the principle of regional balance of power. This represent s a realistic implemen tation of the moral claim for freedom, the other point beyond discussion. The principle of regional balance of power takes into considera tion the political and economical deve}opment in the direction to greater units, with the ultimate result of a wo~ld (federated) governme nt to be establishe d in the future. At the same time the principle takes into account, human nature being what it is, that the organizat ion of �SLOVAKIA 49 greater units (e.g., Western Europe, Central Europe, etc.) must be such that they could safeguard the freedom of concerned nations more on the lowest level of the administration than on the level of the Central government, be the latter of regional, continental, or of world-wide character. The strength and efficiency of the Federal Central Government rests ultimately upon the concrete human persons at the bottom (lack of this was the greaitest weakness of the Czecho-Slovak Republic) who are at the same time the foundation and the aim of any government. There always will ar,ise problems among the nations, as there always will be problems among individuals. The point is that the structure of institutions and organizations must be such that it permits to give an adequate and just answer both to the existing problems and to those which may arise. In this regard again the Czecho-Slovak Republic did not meet these requirements, and the political status of 1918, 1938, or of 1945 stands for the Wes tern concept of the Centra1 European area, in that case, this is a desperately backward concept which lags well behind the development. The visible signs of a change in this concept are represented by some very vague promises and semi-official declarations, but on the whole it is rather hard to guess to what extent there really is a change. What Professor Kirschbaum proposes is this: there is and proba1bly there will remain in the foreseeable future a certa1in antagonism ( call it: problem) among the Central European nations, the outcome of a centuries-long historical developement of this area which will not be eliminated over night (even if the night is as dark as the night under Commuruism). In defense of their national ideal some writers and orators resort at times to real living forces shaped by history, but sometimes to political fossils whose symbolic force and imaginative attraction is a matter of the past because they are without any meaning for the man of the second half of the twentieth century. Let us speak a more concrete language. The Masaryk and Benes governments molded their national aspirations to the image of the former Bohemian kings who in a certain period of time happened to be Roman-Germanic em- �50 SLOVAKIA perors who ruled the Central European area. The Hungarian government, on the other hand, claJimed the title of makers and organizers of Central Europe in the restricted sense of the word, because there was a period in which the nations of "Hungaria" actively participated together with the Magyars in constructive work for the common good. The two nations, i.e., the Czechs and the Magyars, possessing roughly an equal potential force, set themselves on a search for a surplus of power which would give them an edge over the power of the respective partner-opponent. Both agreed that Slovakia could represent this hoped for surplus, and, to no one's surprise, political writers "uncovered historical facts which favored either the one or the other conception of Slovak history, with the result of what we called a:bove the functional approach to the past of Slovakia. As a matter of fact, the theory of the surplus value of Slovakia for the Czechs and for the Magyars seemed to have received a confirmation by the political events of the twentieth century. PTior to World War I, when Slovakia was a part of Hungary, the Magyars held a wide edge over the Czechs. When, however , Slovakia joined forces with the Czechs, the latter emerged as the stronger power in the valley of the Danube. The only trouble with these two solutions was that besides being radically unjust, they led to a catastrophy of all the involved nations. There are other theoretical possibilities, i.e., Slovakia as a part of Poland, or as part of the Ukraine or Russia, yet we think that they would not yield better results since they seem to us to be even of a more violent nature than those just mentioned. It follows that the only realistic way to secure a regional balance of power and to safeguard the freedom of all nations in this erea is to recognize Slovakia as one of the national units in the Central Europeon Federation. The more so that only this solution renders justice to the ideal of freedom of nations. Fo:vtunately, the CentTal European nations are begiinning to realize the imperative character of this solution, and there is more than one confirmation of the development in the political thinking of nations under the Communist yoke towards this solution. �SLOVAKIA 51 What is lagging in the most unfortunate way behind this evolution is, e.g., Radio Free Europe and the Voice of America (Canadian and British, Rome and Madrid broadcasts have their Slovak sections) and, it would seem, since these are related to some officials of the U. S. State Department in an unofficial way, that these officials of the State Department are behind recent developments. The fact that the "statesmen," who substantially contributed to the present predicament of Central Europe, find not only willing ears to listen and, but also active support from some official circles of the U. S. is in support of our opinion. Part IV of the book contains a valuable collection of documents, many of them available for the first time to the English reader. This ensemble of documents control the author's affirmation and let the reader see the other side of the medal which, up to now, has been presented to the Western public in a purely functional way. The weakest part of the book is the bibliography. It is extremely summary - some 150 books referred to in the book not being listed. We learned that this regrettable shortcoming in Professor Kirschbaum's book was due to an error with the printers and that it will be corrected in the second edition of the book. RADIO FREIE EUROPE continues its policy of ignoring the rightful demands of the Slovak people a,n d ignoring Americans o,£ Slovak des·c ent and the'ir organizations. Its "Czedhoslovak" desk is sti11 dominated by former Czech National F1ronters, Czech socialists of all shades who co11ialborated with the Czech Reds and Moscow dJUring the Benes-Gottwa~d coalition (1945-lMS). Accordi,n,g to them freedom is for evieryibody except the Slovaks; Czecho.Sl·o vakia and the Czechs must be liberated, but not the Sfovaks. The latter are supposed to be doomed to Czeclh domination eternaUy! What a moclcery of the fundamenml pr,inciples of d,emocracy! IN THE WORKERS' PARADISE, a~ording to Radio Bratislava: Sllova'kia is be-hind in dts milk quota 6,600,000 Lite-rs (4-Jli&-61); thus far the Trelbisov tlistrict owes the State 1,,085,000 liters of milk this year (3-10-61); Dolny Kulbi,n, Cadca, Prievidza, and Zilina did not produce even a deci'liiter per cow (3-9-61); -i n Bratisllava (Street of the De>fende-rs of Peace) women waitetl for meat from 2:00 to 6:30 P. M. (3'-20-61); there is a great albundan:ce of feed for cattle and calves, but it's all rotten-; t!he people work tlhe farim:s, but steal over hallf the production (3-2().,61•); we have no tires, but why? I heard the exiplanlation that the reason for this is the war in Laos (2-U-61.) � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1961, Vol. 11 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 33), March-June 1961.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 34), September-December June 1961.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1961 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 41 SLOVAK.IA AND CENTRAL EUROPE CHARLES MURilN, LL.D., Ph.D. "Slovakia Nation. at the Crossroads of Central Europe" by Jioseph M. Kirs·ch'baum, l.JL.D., Ph.D., 1proif.eS1Soc at the Univ•e rsity of 'Montreal, iDeipartment of Sl<avic Studies. Preif,a ce by U. S. Congressma•n Alvin M. Bentley, Member of the Committee olf Forei.gn A'llfo.irs. Pp. x~:x 3711,; 7'2 dlocumEmts, 2 maips, 22 p'ho,togr-a phs, bilbliography, index. Pulb · + lisher Robert S'pe!Ier and Sons, Inc., Ne<w Yol'k. $5.00. Can a book concerning a small nation of four million behind the Iron Curtain draw the attention of the American and Canadian public at a time when Khrushchev is explodin•g nuclear bombs, Castro is defying the powerful U. S., and the struggle between West and East in Asia, Africa, and Europe is intensifying? The American reader might sigh and say: let bygones be bygones, there are more pressing problems today than the fate of four million Slovaks in the immediate neighborhood of the Soviet Union. Actually this might be the reaction of the man in the street who restricts his interests to what is presented to his sight, to the sensational. Professor Kirschbaum's book is by no means sensational in this sense, since it is written for both the intelligent observer of the international politics and those whose task it is to participate in the shaping of the current international situation which seems to contain an amount of irrational elements to a degree probably never equaled in the period of modern history. Kirschbaum's book is a valuable contribution to the understanding of the premises and origins of the presentday situation, restricted to one of its sections: Central Europe. Genetically this seems to be the most important field though the quantitive aspects of the problems in Asia and Africa overshadow the European problems. The author relates the political history of Slovakia and of Central Europe. The period described, however, happens to be the one which preceded the Soviet hegemony over half of Europe. Thus the book contains excellent material offered to the English reader who wants to trace down the errors of the past and is willing both to learn from past errors and re- 42 SLOVAKIA think the categories of living ideas and for<:es which simultaneously are being shaped by and are shaping this world of ours. The basic service this book renders to the reader is that it shows him to what degree the conceptions of the West in regard to the political organization of one of the neuralgic spots in Europe were dominated by facts and to what degree by fancy. To show the interplay of reality and illusion, the genuine and the phony in the official views of the state departments of the West in regard to Central Europe seems to us to be the aim of the book. Further the author shows to what extent these conceptions contained inherent contradictions and were therefore doomed in the long run. Be it noted that some of the prejudfres discussed in the book represent an inheritance from the postW orld-War I arrangements. The book under discussion is divided in four parts : the first is concerned with the past; the second with the present-past; the third with the present-future; and the fourth contains documents, maps, bibliography, and index. Part I introduces the reader to the topic of the book 1by giving the historical background of the problem. The service rendered by the author in this part of the book is the presentation of the Czech and Magyar historians, who usually treat Slovak history as a peripheral phenomenon of the Czech or Magyar past respectively. The characteristics one can as a rule find in the works of Magyar and Czech writers are the following: (a) Functional approach: the Slovaks are simply denied ethnical, linguistic, cultural, social and political individuality and thus are made part of either the Czech or the Magyar nation; the intelligibility of the Slovak history, if they agree at least to take notice of the fact, comes from without, i.e., from Czech history for a Czech writer, and from Magyar history if the writer is a Magyar. The meaning of Slovak history is seen, still according to these views, in an orientation of Slovaks towards loosing their weak traces of identity and ultimately in melting together with the one or the other nation. SLOVAKIA 43 (b) For the principle of interpretation of the history of Slovakia (some writers use this term exclusively in a geographical sense) they use concepts upon which the national aspirations and dreams of their own people are based. It is not unusual for them to project a modern concept of the nineteenth and twentieth century to the ninth and tenth century of Slovak history. An interesting observation follows from the use of this method. If a certain conception of man, society and reality is embraced as unconditionally and metaphysically true, this conception and the laws which constitute its explication can be used as the principle of interpretation of each and every man, society, event and situation. This is exactly what Marxists do. Therefore it was no surprise for those acquainted with Marxist philosophy that a book was recently published in Slovakia in which the Great Moravian Empire of the King Svatopluk of the tenth century is interpreted in terms of a class struggle. A similar method is used by some Czech and Magyar historical writers in their interpretation of Slovak history, however, with the difference that the supposedly universally valid laws of the dialectical and historical materialism are replaced by the concepts of the meaning of history (i.e., either Czech or Magyar history), of national destiny, of mission, of glory, of interests, etc. True, the validity of these concepts is not universal; it is restricted to the one or the other nation. But in relation to the Slovak history, they are purposefully given a universal character, because outside of these concepts the history of Slovakia becomes, in the view of these writers, unintelligible, an irrational collection of unrelated facts which might find their interpretation on the level of Nature but never on the level of Spirit. Many conclusions of the historians in question cannot be understood without knowing these tacit or openly avowed premises. Although Professor Kirschbaum raises no claim to be a professional historian, nevertheless, as the author of many historical essays and several biographies and monographies, he has mastered more than sufficiently the material he is dealing with and is in a solid position to give an accurate SLOVAKIA 44 account on Slovak history, an account based on a sober relativistic character of historical events, thus avoiding the peculiar exclusivities not only of the Czech and Magyar writers, but also of their Slovak antipodes. In Part I , the author shows that the Slovaks belong to the group of the most ancient peoples in Central Europe, they were the first of the Slovanic peoples to adhere to Christianism, always belonged to the orbit .o f the Western world, never were willing to lose and never lost their individuality and ethnical identity. The meaning of all Slovak history can be found only within and never outside the events that make up the drama of the Slovak nation. Part II seems to us to be the central piece of the book. This is the author's proper domain containing the events .of founding the first Czecho-Slovak Republic, the causes of its disintegration, the period of the Slovak Republic, and, finally, the restoration of the Czecho-Slovak Republic .following World War IL By far the greatest attention is given to the period of the Slovak RepU'blic. This is under.standable since it is mainly in this period that the author was active in the political life of Slovakia until ousted from the political scene under pressure of Hitlerite Germans and the small number of Slovak-Nazi sympathizers. Both his 7-year-long stay in neutral Switzerland (for three years as diplomatic representative of the Slovak Republic) and a period of 15-20 years, from the events he describes, permit Professor Kirsch baum to reach a degree of objectivity seldom achieved in books in which the authors touch upon the problems they contributed intrinsically both to .shape and to solve. When a number of the pages is of an apologetic character, not a personal defense of the author is involved but a rejection of the distortions of historical facts and a reproach of not seeing events in their true .light. It is extremely difficult to summarize this part of the book without going into some details and without transgressing the material limits of this reflection. Therefore, we shall restrain ourselves to the essential points which might be of interest to intelligent observers of international politics. 1 SLOVAKIA 45 Part II begins with a demyth!ing of the legends propagated rubout the foundation of the Czecho-Slovak Republic at the end of World War I. The principle which gave birth to the first Republic was self-determination. President Wilson consented to dismemberment of the ethnical mosaic of the Austro-Hungarian Empire in the name of the principle of self-determination, and it was in the name of the same principle that another ethnical mosaic was created, i.e., the Czecho-Slovak Republic. No one of the six ethnical groups included in the new state constituted a simple majority of the population. Therefore, the only admissible structure of the state, even if one does not use anything more than common horse sense, was a federation. The leading statesmen of the Paris Peace Conference somehow sensed this, but did not know the facts clearly enough, and the whole problem became in their eyes one of minor importance. In order that at least one of the ethnical nations might constitute a simple majority in the state, a fusion of the two nations into one was needed. This tour de force on the diplomatic level was achieved by the presentation of the one ethnic "Czechoslovak" nation by Masaryk and Benes. Concerning this illusion of a "Czechoslovak" nation, one can find two contradictory legends. According to the one, the Slovaks joined the first republic willingly, over-eagerly, renouncing their own ethnical identity, and adherence to the new state equaled to merging with the Czech ethnical nation (this is the Czech version). In terms of the second version, the Slovaks were forced, duped or tricked into joining the Czech state (the Magyar version). Now, the truth is that the Slovaks were willing cofounders of the Czecho-Slovak Republic and much, possibly too much hope had been placed in the new state. At the same time, however, they were cautious and did not enter the partnership with the Czechs without a written guaranty of their rights which were supposed to secure free and democratic development of their national life (see document No. 2, p. 235-236). The refusal to implement the au- 46 SLOVAKIA tonomy of Slovakia, promised by the Agreement of Pittsburgh of May 30, 1918, and signed by T. G. Masaryk, dominated the relations between the Slovaks and Czechs fer 20 years of the first Republic. Although this unsolved problem of the Republic reflected unfavorably on the military value and strength of the state integrated in a system of alliances headed by France, neither the latter nor any other western government ddsplayed any wisdom to exerting a friendly influence in favor of a solution of this basic problem until it was far too late. When the Sudeten~German problem was used by Hitler as an excuse of attacking Czecho-Slovakia, the lack of internal coherence of the Republic brought an end to the illusion of strength both abroad and within the Republic itself. The Second Czecho-Slovak (post-Munich) Republic, territorially mutilated, vanished from the Central European scene after a brief period of six months. The State was doomed by the very treaties by which it was founded and the Constitution of the Republic of 1920. They were based on too much fantasy and too little facts, too many political illusions and not enough sociological reality. Most of the attention is given by the author to the period of the Slovak Republic, 1939-1945, apparently this being the crux of the problem exposed by Professor Kirschbaum. His thesis, supported by many documents, can be shortly yet fairly resumed as follows: Slovakia, since the dawn of its history, went Westward. The central ideal of modern Slovak political history was and remains the idea of freedom as developed in the West. The right of self-determination of nations is but an insepara•ble aspect of the Western concept of freedom. However, when it comes to the concrete application of the concept of freedom, more than one of the great Western Powers simply ignore or even deny this right to the nations which are unable to support their claim to a free and independent life by physical force. The reasons for this virtual condemnation of some nations to third or fourth grade national existence are SLOVAKIA 47 usually several: economic interests of powerful friends or weak friends who are to be made powerful; lack of information or much bad information, etc. The claims of Slovaks to a free life hit upon deaf ears. More than that. When the Slovaks made the best of a bad situation which they did not create, objections were raised and they were told: if you keep your freedom ( a difficult freedom in an extremely tense situation, it is true), we shall have to use force to put you back where you were in 1938, or even in 1920 ; but if you renounce your will to a free life, be.have as a good child, we shall spare you. Freedom is something you fight for - and this the Slovaks did. But freedom is also what you legitimately expect to be respected for in a community whose distinctive mark is respect for freedom - and this the Slovaks did not receive. There is no doubt that the West takes freedom seriously, as a mission to mankind, yet when it comes to putting into reality the ideal of freedom, the West remains somehow hesitantly in the abstract and condones situations which make the Western concept of freedom look vague and restricted in its application to some nations only, or even to only a segment of the nations. As a result, the cornerstone of Western society, the gospel of freedom and dignity of man assumes a verbal character that can be ultimately argued away by skillful dialectics even of the materialistic brand. This is the reason why the nations on the verge of making their choice between West and East do not easily recognize the difference between the concrete articulation of the freedom of the West and the steps taken to a systematic enslavement of man and nations by the Communist Marxists. The Slovaks do not have to make their decision, this they have done over eleven hundred years ago. No matter what treatment they receive from the Western Powers, they will remain West.Jbound because they cannot deny their own identity. At this point, the somehow apologetic character of the book turns out to be both a silent and delicate rebuke 48 SLOVAKIA to the Western Powers and an eloquent wavning to present and future policy-ma kers of the West no matter which area of the world they are dealing with. An air of tragedy surround s both the reproach and the warning as the nations enslaved by the Soviets might foreshado w the future destiny of those who still use or a,buse their freedom. In this light the mistakes committe d during the period of the Slovak Republic (some of them bearing the fatality of a natural force) become more understan dable. The author does not confine himself to pointing out the errors to be avoided. He proposes a formula for the future arrangem ent of the Central European area which offers the best chance to secure a sound developm ent of the crossroad s between Eastern and Wes tern Europe. Part III of the book, under the section entitled "For a New Democracy in Central Europe," contains the author's views concernin g the future, shared, we believe, by many. The geopolitical location of the nations in question between Germany and Russia, demands a federalist solution, no matter what the political ideologies of the two great neighbori ng powers happen to be. Only by uniting their forces can the Central European nations secure their freedom. This is beyond the point of discussion and, furthermore, being the only logical solution, it receives a conffrmatur by recent and remote history. The question of internal structure of the Central European Federatio n is a much more delicate and less evident one than its necessity in the field of inter-play of powers. The principle on which the author suggests to reconstruct the Central European area can be called, we think, without being unfair to the author who does not use this term, the principle of regional balance of power. This represent s a realistic implemen tation of the moral claim for freedom, the other point beyond discussion. The principle of regional balance of power takes into considera tion the political and economical deve}opment in the direction to greater units, with the ultimate result of a wo~ld (federated) governme nt to be establishe d in the future. At the same time the principle takes into account, human nature being what it is, that the organizat ion of SLOVAKIA 49 greater units (e.g., Western Europe, Central Europe, etc.) must be such that they could safeguard the freedom of concerned nations more on the lowest level of the administration than on the level of the Central government, be the latter of regional, continental, or of world-wide character. The strength and efficiency of the Federal Central Government rests ultimately upon the concrete human persons at the bottom (lack of this was the greaitest weakness of the Czecho-Slovak Republic) who are at the same time the foundation and the aim of any government. There always will ar,ise problems among the nations, as there always will be problems among individuals. The point is that the structure of institutions and organizations must be such that it permits to give an adequate and just answer both to the existing problems and to those which may arise. In this regard again the Czecho-Slovak Republic did not meet these requirements, and the political status of 1918, 1938, or of 1945 stands for the Wes tern concept of the Centra1 European area, in that case, this is a desperately backward concept which lags well behind the development. The visible signs of a change in this concept are represented by some very vague promises and semi-official declarations, but on the whole it is rather hard to guess to what extent there really is a change. What Professor Kirschbaum proposes is this: there is and proba1bly there will remain in the foreseeable future a certa1in antagonism ( call it: problem) among the Central European nations, the outcome of a centuries-long historical developement of this area which will not be eliminated over night (even if the night is as dark as the night under Commuruism). In defense of their national ideal some writers and orators resort at times to real living forces shaped by history, but sometimes to political fossils whose symbolic force and imaginative attraction is a matter of the past because they are without any meaning for the man of the second half of the twentieth century. Let us speak a more concrete language. The Masaryk and Benes governments molded their national aspirations to the image of the former Bohemian kings who in a certain period of time happened to be Roman-Germanic em- 50 SLOVAKIA perors who ruled the Central European area. The Hungarian government, on the other hand, claJimed the title of makers and organizers of Central Europe in the restricted sense of the word, because there was a period in which the nations of "Hungaria" actively participated together with the Magyars in constructive work for the common good. The two nations, i.e., the Czechs and the Magyars, possessing roughly an equal potential force, set themselves on a search for a surplus of power which would give them an edge over the power of the respective partner-opponent. Both agreed that Slovakia could represent this hoped for surplus, and, to no one's surprise, political writers "uncovered historical facts which favored either the one or the other conception of Slovak history, with the result of what we called a:bove the functional approach to the past of Slovakia. As a matter of fact, the theory of the surplus value of Slovakia for the Czechs and for the Magyars seemed to have received a confirmation by the political events of the twentieth century. PTior to World War I, when Slovakia was a part of Hungary, the Magyars held a wide edge over the Czechs. When, however , Slovakia joined forces with the Czechs, the latter emerged as the stronger power in the valley of the Danube. The only trouble with these two solutions was that besides being radically unjust, they led to a catastrophy of all the involved nations. There are other theoretical possibilities, i.e., Slovakia as a part of Poland, or as part of the Ukraine or Russia, yet we think that they would not yield better results since they seem to us to be even of a more violent nature than those just mentioned. It follows that the only realistic way to secure a regional balance of power and to safeguard the freedom of all nations in this erea is to recognize Slovakia as one of the national units in the Central Europeon Federation. The more so that only this solution renders justice to the ideal of freedom of nations. Fo:vtunately, the CentTal European nations are begiinning to realize the imperative character of this solution, and there is more than one confirmation of the development in the political thinking of nations under the Communist yoke towards this solution. SLOVAKIA 51 What is lagging in the most unfortunate way behind this evolution is, e.g., Radio Free Europe and the Voice of America (Canadian and British, Rome and Madrid broadcasts have their Slovak sections) and, it would seem, since these are related to some officials of the U. S. State Department in an unofficial way, that these officials of the State Department are behind recent developments. The fact that the "statesmen," who substantially contributed to the present predicament of Central Europe, find not only willing ears to listen and, but also active support from some official circles of the U. S. is in support of our opinion. Part IV of the book contains a valuable collection of documents, many of them available for the first time to the English reader. This ensemble of documents control the author's affirmation and let the reader see the other side of the medal which, up to now, has been presented to the Western public in a purely functional way. The weakest part of the book is the bibliography. It is extremely summary - some 150 books referred to in the book not being listed. We learned that this regrettable shortcoming in Professor Kirschbaum's book was due to an error with the printers and that it will be corrected in the second edition of the book. RADIO FREIE EUROPE continues its policy of ignoring the rightful demands of the Slovak people a,n d ignoring Americans o,£ Slovak des·c ent and the'ir organizations. Its "Czedhoslovak" desk is sti11 dominated by former Czech National F1ronters, Czech socialists of all shades who co11ialborated with the Czech Reds and Moscow dJUring the Benes-Gottwa~d coalition (1945-lMS). Accordi,n,g to them freedom is for evieryibody except the Slovaks; Czecho.Sl·o vakia and the Czechs must be liberated, but not the Sfovaks. The latter are supposed to be doomed to Czeclh domination eternaUy! What a moclcery of the fundamenml pr,inciples of d,emocracy! IN THE WORKERS' PARADISE, a~ording to Radio Bratislava: Sllova'kia is be-hind in dts milk quota 6,600,000 Lite-rs (4-Jli&-61); thus far the Trelbisov tlistrict owes the State 1,,085,000 liters of milk this year (3-10-61); Dolny Kulbi,n, Cadca, Prievidza, and Zilina did not produce even a deci'liiter per cow (3-9-61); -i n Bratisllava (Street of the De>fende-rs of Peace) women waitetl for meat from 2:00 to 6:30 P. M. (3'-20-61); there is a great albundan:ce of feed for cattle and calves, but it's all rotten-; t!he people work tlhe farim:s, but steal over hallf the production (3-2().,61•); we have no tires, but why? I heard the exiplanlation that the reason for this is the war in Laos (2-U-61.)  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovakia and Central Europe Description An account of the resource Charles Murin, LL.D., Ph.D. Slovakia, Vol. 11, No. 2 (34), September-December 1961 pp. 41-51 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Murín, Karol, 1913-1998 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource September-December 1961 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/246aaecc7fbdb68855219d458968dfc3.pdf 71517e9c2056577c91057c7e3f1fd7af PDF Text Text APRIL, 1953 SLOVAKIA 1 SLOVAKIA AND CENTRAL-EUROPEAN FEDERATION PLANS Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum Slovrukia with its three and a haJrf million inhiaJbitants and area 45,000 square kilometers lies in the very heart of Central EUTope and its fate in the ,past has been most bitter. After losing their first State, Great Moravia, which during the reign oif King svatopluk included a part of today's Poland, Hmgary, Yugoslavia and for a short time even the Czech lands (1), the SlovaJks as a political factor could not validate themselves in CentraJl Europe for whole centuries. The leading Sloivak group shed its blood first in battles with the Ge:rmians and Magyars and, later, also in battles with the Tu:rks and Tartars. And still later it suffered under tthe pressure of the assimilatory tendencies of the Magyars, which ilrl it.he 19th century and the 1b eginn. ing of this century re8iChed the broadest masses of Slovaks and ruppreciaJbly reduced the growth of the Slovak nation . The Slovaks, who already in 830 had theiT own sta:te and chUI1Ch or,ganization and tthus placed the first foundations of European civili Z8Jtion in the Danube area (2), ap pear more clearly on the ipolitica:l scene again only in 1848, when they rebelled to regain their national independenct>. Decimated and .pushed into the mountains of the north eastern part of their first State, the Great Moravii.8Jl1 Empire, the Slov,a ks were more a cutural than politioo.l factor , up to the 18th century. "During the 17th century," wrote Dr. Milan Hodza, "when the Turks had occupied •all the rest oif old Hungary, Slovakia became the refoge of many lofty intellectual ef forts on behalif of that country. For some time to come_ 1 . 1) Dr. Francis Hrusovsky, GESCHICHTE DER S-LOWAKEI, · pp. 9-15; Julius Pauler, A MAGYARNEMZET TORTJ!JNETE SZENT ISTVAN!G; Dr. Joseph ~kult~ty, ORTY ZO SLOVENSKEJ MINU• LOSTI, p. 13 ; Dr. Milan Hodza, FEDERATION IN CEN'mlAL EUROPE, p . 86; AL'Phoise Huber, GESCHICHTE OESTERREICHE, Vol. 1. 2) Dr. Milan Hodza, FEDERATION IN CENTRAL EUROPE, p. 86. �SLOVAKIA 2 in Slovaikia, there was much morn cultural mo;vement than in Bohemia or occupied Hungacy. At the end of the eighteenth century Slovakia prepared not only her racial rebirth. Trnaiva, which housed the Catholic University before it was tra:nsferred to Budaipest, became a centre of Catholic culture in the realm. Slova!kia was going to be the seat of the first serious democratic movement which had its raimifications in the whole of Hungary and which ended in a conspiracy directed against HaJbSlburg, and Slovakia revealed itselif as a meeting place of prructi:cally all contemporary currents of cultural and ipo>litica;l ideas. (3). After 1848, on the one side under the independence and politfrcal equality of a11 nations, and on the other side under the increasing pressure of assimilaitory Magyar policy, the Slova:k nation beg8;Jl a systematic fight for its polibcal riights. After the Slovak armed revolt of 1848 failed, the Slova!ks within the Hrubsburg monarchy dared to demand an individual self-administr ative unit, such as the Croaits demanded through Ostrozinsky, the Czechs through Pala cky, the Magyars, after Kossuth's revolution was squelched, through DeaJk. This was .p roposed also by Count Valerian Krasinski in his work "Panslavi.sm and Bangernnanism . " What the Slovaks really demanded was a federative solution. The Slovaks remained faithful to the idea of a fede rative solution of the Monarchy in the memorandum , pre sented to the Emperor in 1861, and aigailll at the Conigress of Na:tionaHties in Budrupest in 1867. At the second Congress of Nationa1ities, which took plruce August 10, 1895, in Budaipes't, despite ,persecutions, "the Rumanians, Serbs and Slova:ks, who assemlbled in Buda.pest, "wrote the Neue Freie Presse," dernand ,t he division of Hungary into ethnic self-administra iti;ve units, whreh in effect is equall to the demand to aJbol:ish the un.ion between Hungary and Tr.ainsylviania, to renew the Serbian Duchy and create a selfadmini,s trati:ve Slova:kia, suoh as Huriban (,leader of the 1 1 3) Dr. Mil an Hod za, IBIDEM, pp.208- 213. �SLOVAKIA 3 1848 Slo'Vak rebellion - Author) promoted already thi•r ty years earlier" ( 4). This stand of the Slovaks, if we consider the Nuropean situation oif thaJt time and even the special position of the Slovaks, is readily understandaJble. Not only because the federalization olf the Habs!burg Monarchy, fearing Pangermanism, was the political program also of the Test of the nations of the Monarchy, except the Poles, but also because the rest of Europe was inclined toward this solution, considering the Habslburg Monarchy in its politics of "'balance of poiwer" as a factor of balance betiween Germany and Russia. In this policy, dictated primarily 'by fear of the Germans who called a congress to Frankfurt i:n 1:848 to attempt a union orf all Germans, the Czechs plruyed a leading part. Palacky's arguments and slogan "if AIU'stria did not exist, we would have to create it" gained the rest of the nations.who were satisfiied with the demand of a federalized empire. Even the Emperor seemed ·favo:rable to the idea as long as the danger lasted. "Th~ preservation of Austria, its integrity and solidification, is and must be the great and important concern not only of the Czech nation, but of the whole of Europe, nay of all hUJmanity and foreign lands," wrote Palacky to the Frankfurt Congress in 1848. In this regard Dr. Edward Benes wrote in 1908: "It is frequently spoken about the dissoluti-on of Austria. I aJbsolutely do not believe in it. The historical and economic ties, which mutua:lly u.nite the nations of Austria, are too strong to allow Austria to collaJP5e" (5). The rest of Europe, oif course, also feared Russia and its efforts to realize Panslavism as related by J . Danilevskij in his book "Russia and Europe" and by General Fadejev in his writings. "Slovanic nations," wrote Fadejev, "must try to attain two aims, that is, political and ~onomic development in their present homelands, and then a 4) Quoted from book DIE VEREINIGTEN STAATEN VON GROSSOESTER!RELCH, by Aurel Popovic!, Leipzig, 1906. 5) LE PROBLEME .ArTJTRIOHIEN ET LA QUESTION TCHEQUE, p. 307. �·4 SLOVAKIA closer union with the general Slovanic uni:on, whkh must be headed by Russia in international and military Tela. tions. Ea,ch of these Slovanic tribes needs a ruler for inter nal affairs and for the ·general interests of the great Slovanic Czar. Without the fulifiltlme:nt of these conditions self-admmistra.tion a:nd independence of the BaJikaJD. and Danube Slovak tr}bes is unthinka,ble" (6). Danilevskij, who pUlblished his boolk in 1871, also proposed a Russian-Slovanic confedemtion, in which would · be uni,ted all the Slova,nic people (Slavs) from the Adriatic to the Pacific under the leadershtp of Russia. In this situation, always feeling that it was thr~tened by Germany, France regarded the Habsbu:rg ffimpire as "the only barrier, sufficiently strong, at the beginning of the 20th century, whkh could discourage German a,mbi. tions the day when these would begin to threaten the European bafance," WTote Henry Rene (7). And France saw this balance threatened also by Russia, about whioh Th. Funk-Brentano wrote: "No longer is Rus:sia our ally, as it neither is for Germany or Austria, for England or Turkey : it has only one concern - to expand. It has only one ambition - to g,row. If it uses definite form s . besides, then it does so only to be better understood and allowed into the so-called European concern . . . We make offers to it and it · presents them to Berlin, w,hi'ch makes it a bett er oitlfer . .. Every alliance ls good thrut h elps it to exp.and. All other alliances are bad. It partakes in the divLsion of .s tates with the same ruthlessness with which it m a r ches to conquer them; it will reduce Poland and support · t he Balkans , because they are .Slovanic peoples, and it will annex · t he CJiinese, Turks, Armenians because they are not. That is Russia always . . . " (8). · Fear of Russia and Pamslavism, of which the Magyars and Ruma,nians were afraid and ·b y which the Polish · nation w1as stilf.led periodically, and the fear of the German "'Drang nach · Osten," forced the nations of Centi.·al Europe · -to seek a solution, which would expose it to the least -dangers. This solution they saw in a federalized Hrubsburg 6) Biresvija Vjedomosti; UVAHY O ORIENTA.LNEJ OT A.ZKE ; NEUESTE SCHRIFTEN, pgs.37-4 9. . 7) H enry Rene, . QUESTIONS D'AUTRICHE-HONGRIE ET . 'Q UESTIONIS D'ORIENT, Paris, 1903. 8) Th. .Funk-Brentano, LA POLITIQUE , PR·I NCIPES. ORI· .TIQUES, REFORMES. P.aris, 1892. �SLOVAKIA 5 MonaTchy. As early as 1902 a representative of the Czech nation, one Oharles Kramaf, wTOte: "The wor1d does riot need a feeble, sickly Austria; only a strong, vigorous, interna!lly healthy Empiire can perform the all important task of keeping watch over the ba:lance of power in the world" (9). And Aurel C. Popovici, a Rumanian, WI'Orte a great woirk in 1906 in the defense of the e~istence of a federaliized HalbsJburg Monarchy under the title: Die Vereinigten Staaten von Gross-Oesterreich. Of course, this cry of the nations of the Halbsiburg Monarchy could find little SU!ppolit at the Royal Court, so the natioins constituting the Empire had to seek some other solution of theiir national problems, especially when the war whi-ch broke out in 1914 offered them an opportunity to do so. Furthermore, when the war ended, fear of Russia and Genmany, it was said, precluded the necessity of Austria, because Germany was defeaited, disarmed and "decrnilitar~zed," while Russia was in the throes of a politica:l and social revolution. Emerging from this situation, which the vrotorious a:llies somehow forgot to regard as transitory, the Peace Conference sanctioned the destruction of the Halbsbw,g Empire and the estaJblishment of national and nationaJi:stic states on its ruins. Centrnl Europe got a new face and a new OI1gani'zation on the basis of the right of self-determination of nations. But even this · new organization did not bring an end to fedemtional efforts , especiaHy not those of the Slovaks. II. FEDERALIZATION EFFORTS 1918-1945 The situation,· into whi-ch the Siovaks were forced after WorJd .War I, on the one hand, and the over-all situation of Central Europe in the period between the two wars, on the other, forced the Slovaks to continue their struggle for fedemlization: for a . federalization of Czecho-Slova:kia and simuitaneousiy also for -a federali,z ation of Central Europe. 9) NATIONAL REVIIDW, 1902. �6 S LOVAKIA In fact, 0zecho~Slovaikia was born on the basis of an aigreement between the Slova:ks and the Czechs that it woU!ld be a federart:ive state. In Cleveland Agreemelllt of 1915 and the Pittsburgh A!greement of 1918, the latter undersigned by T. G. Masaryk himself, t'hiJS was promised to the Slaviak:S. At the Peace Conference in 191'9 even Dr. Edward Benes promised this in the name of the 0zechoSlovak Gorvernment when he stated that "it is the intention of the Czecho-1Slovak Government to create the organization of the State ·b y accepting as a basis of natural rights the prindples aipplied in the constitution of the Swiss RelpUJblic, that is, to mrake the 0zecho;Slovak Republic a sort of Switzerland.... " (10). These agreements and commitments, however, were not rkept 1b y the Praigue government, which was dominated by the Czechs, and Czecho-1Slovakia became a centralistk state with apparent tendencies to assimHiate the non-Czech population, especiially the Slovaks on t'he basis of the artificia.Ny created conception of an ethnic "Czechoslovak" nation. - The eminent historian C. A. Macartney saw through the situation very clea11ly when he wrote: "The fact remains that the (Czech~Slova:k) government has been obliged more of:ten than not to rule Slovakia against the wishes of most of its inhabitants, maintaining itself only by the exipedienits of .restricting the powers of the .sellfgovernmg bodies to within the narrowest possilble limits, of filling the seats designated for "ex;perts" with its own nominees, and utilizi'Il!g. freely weapons of censorshi,p and po1i:ce supervision ... " About the economic policy of the Czech toward the S'1ovruks, the same author stated : "The richer (Ozech) firms bought up, or obtained control through holding barri!ks (notable the 2ivnostenska Ba'Il!ka) over the greater part of the Slovak establishments. The latter were thus left at the mel'cy of t'he owners in the Historic Lands (Bohemia), who worked them or closed them down as they pleased. Pro'balb.ly nearly one-third of all Slovak industries disaippeared in this way during the 10) Lloyd George, THE TRU TH ABOUT THE PEACE TREA· TIES, pg. 937 . �SLOVAI\.IA 7 immediate postwar peri'Od, the heavy industries and textile factories beiing chiefly ruffe:cted" (11) . . . It was only natural, then, that the Slova;ks opposed the system whioh put them at such a great disadvaintage econooniically, politically and cultura:lly. The vast majority of Sllova1-cs, under the leadership of Andrew Hlinka and Martin Razus, demanded the fedemii zation od: Ozecho-Slovakia from the very begin~ing of its existence. 1 On J•a nua;ry 23, 1920, one of the foremost Slovak politicians, Deputy Dr. Ferdis Juriga, demanded the federalization of the OzeclhoJSlovak RepUiblic on the floor of the Pa:rliament with these words : "We must tend to decentralization, toward sel:f-1administra;tion, so that the Republic could develop on a federalistic basis, because federalism is the system of the future - We must preserve our individual1ity and not let ourselves be absoribed. Federalization is not only in the interest of our naition, and the OzechoSlova!k Repwblic, but also answers the spirit of all mankind. It is an ahl-hu:man tenderrcy, the tendency of all mankind, this tendency to validate oneself, develop, to which every individual person and every national unit should have the right, whkh should crystallize out into a [egal personality, so tha;t these various nations could then become federalized in one, great world re4)u'bliic. This would be the highest ideal and the path that leads to it is : federalism (12). 1 But the Ozechs, just like the Ha'bsburgs, would not accede to the detrnands of the Siovaks and the minorities while there still was time. The Slovaks, therefore, "reacted in the form of a fl a,m'boyant Slovax nationalism which was a main reason for the albsence of revo[t with which they accepted the dissolution of the Ozecho-1Slovak State" (13). 1 11) C. A. Macartney, HUNGARY AND HER SIUCCESSOBS, London, 1937; pgs. 145, 130. J 2) Karol Sador, SLOVENSK.A. POLITJ:KA NA P<>DE PR.A2SKEHO SNEMU, Vol. I, pg.69. 13) ,C. A . Mwcartney, PROBLEMS OF 'DRE DANUBE BASIN, London; p. 122. �SLOVAKli. 8 Between 1918 and 1945, there were evident tendencies among the Slovaks for the creation of a federated Central ffiurope. The organimti{)IIl, whiich was given t!his area by the pea>ce treaties, soon proved to lbe unsatisfactory economically and poilitioolly. On the OIIle hand, the principle of the right of self--determination was valida,,ted only :parti•a lly and as a consequen!ce the several nations of Central EurO!pe awaited only the opporlunity ~o alter the given situation. States like Czecho-Slovakia or Yugoslavia, made up of several nations and minorities, resembled old Austria.JHungary sitructurally, and soon enough their unjust policies toward t'he national minorities caused distrust and revisionism and excluded harmonious cooperation in Central Europe. On May 8, 1919, Rdbert Lam.sing, Secretary of State of tJhe United States, had this to say a!bout this new organiizati'on : "Examine the Treaty and you •wiU find peoples delivered agaill.8t their wills into t,he hands of those whom they hate... Resentment and bitterness, if not desperation, are 'bound to be the oonsequen<:es oof such provisions . It may be years ·b efore these oppressed pooples are able to tih<row otif their yoke, 1but as wre as day follows night the time will eome when they will make the effort" (14). On the other hiand, the dissolution of the economic crises, especial'ly in the accession states. T,he period between 1918 and 1938 wa,,s one of constant seeking of a ·r eorgaruzaition of Central Europe into a harmonious econo.m.ic and political whole. The Little Ein.tente, estalblished in 1920, Hiantos',s plan in 1925, Tardieu's plan in 1932, the Danulbe ·Paict in 1935 and Hodza's fiTst plan in 1936, to note at least t'he better we11 known plans, all of these in sUJbstan>ce had but o~e purpose: to create in an acceptable form such an organization in Central Europe whi1ch would hasve the adivanrtaiges of former Austria-Hungary, 'but would lack al[ its politica;l and social .shortcomings. Preserving the nationaJl states and democratm regimes, the economic arising from the partition of the Danube area were to •b e .removed by a system of alHances. Thus would lb e removed the tense atmosphere whi'c h reigned in this region and provoked neighboring powers to acts of aggression. 1 14) THE PEACE NEGOTIATIONS, London, 1921; p. 245. �SLOVAKIA t Naturally, aU these plans and endeavors, including the Little Entente, resulted primarily !because of economiic condiitions; and their aim was not indi,c,ated as an effort to create a Centra:1-Euiropean Federation. This ,t hought, however, was deeply rooted in the minds of political leaders, even Dr. Edwaro Benes himself. A'1ways fearing the loss Otf the political and economic role which Ozecho-Slova:kia was playing, Dr. Edward Benes fought against every plan to unite Cenitra:l IDurape, 'but in 1936 he admiltted that "the plan of a Danube Federation is t!he widely propagated and best known conception proposed as a solution Otf the Austxian and Centro-European pro'blem." The reasons why this solution was not realized -w ere, according to Benes, "much more of a sentimental, psychologicrul and mora:1 nature than of a political and economic nature" (15) . 1 At , the end of the first World War, Dr. Stephen Osusky, foreimost representative of the Slovaks at that time on the side of the Entente, wrote a lb,o ok in F,renc'h, 1n whielh we find these words: "The defenders Otf AttstriaHunga:ry, in foreign lands as well as in the interior Otf the dual Monarchy, are aJCting very Hlog,rcaMy. They are very much for the 1ilberation of Poland, !b ut do not want to allow the ltberation of the remaining nations. Let us liberate all nations who wrunt to 'b e free, allowing them to create their own independent states, and we shall fulfill one of the tasks confronting us. Fav,o ring then the approchement of great Poland, whielh shall have access to the Ba:ltic Sea in Danzig, Rumania and the land$ of Czecho-Slova!kia, on the one hand, and Ukrainia, to which we must give serious thoug,ht, on the other hand, a ,powerful federation of free states will be created in the nor,th (of Central Europe)" (16). In the southern part of this area, Osus.ky proposed to support efforts to create a federation of .Southern Slavs, (15) LE PROBLEME DE L'EUROPE CENTIRALE: p.' 47, Sources et documents tchecoslovaques, No. 24. 16) Stephen Osuslky, ClJOPIN, MAGY:ARff ET ~4-NGERM.NNISTIDS, Paris, 1918. �SLOVAKIA 10 after the realiizaition of which, "we shall on'1y have to connect these two federaitioins with a bridge which once existed but collapsed under the blow of historic events. T,hiu:s would come to an end the Orang nach Osten, to German a:ggression to the ffiast, and Europe and the world could work in peaJCe" (17). The plan, however, was Oipposed by T. G. Masaryk and Edward Benes. Another Sllovaik, Dr. Milan Hod'za, came forth with a d:irfferent plan, the so-called "Danube Plan." Fkst as Minister of Agriculture , later as Premier of the Ozecho-iSlo<vak Governmen t, Dr. Hodza endeavored to develop cooperation between the Central Eruropean nations and the consolidation of the oconomic situation in this pa1t of Europe- The climax of these endeavors was his "Danu!be Plan," which aimed to create, ·aJccording to Hodza's own words, "one single, great economic urut in Central Europe." This was to be attained by removing tariff ba.roiers and establishing a customs union, regu1'atmg agriculture and industrial production, reorganizin g the system of payments and transportation, etc. (18). The first steps in this dirootion were already made in 1937 by treaJties conduded between the indwidu.ail Danulbfan States and Bulgaria. Hodm's initiatiive found understand ing both in France and ffingla.nd, but Gemnany and Italy opposed it, thinking the plan was aimed against their influence in Central Europe, nay that it was an "effort to surround Germany," a:s the Germian press e,cpressed it. The plan failed not only 'beca;use orf this opposition, but also because of the crisis which began to aippear within the framework of the Little Entente and the developmen t of an inter-natioD.ial situation which tended in the opposite direction. The politico-mil itary actions of nationaHy socialist Germany and Mussolini's ltaly began to have far-reachim.g i:nd:iluenice on the whole of EUTope, but the most marked consequenc es began to appeax in Central and Souithea:stern Europe. Yugoslavia was 17) A. Ohervin, L'AUTRIOHE ET LA HONGRIE DE DE- MAIN, Paris, 1915. 18) Dr. Milan Hodza, i;,JDDERATI-ON IN CENTRAL EUROPE, pgs. 131-133. �SLOVAKIA 11 the first to suffer the consequences froim the cha.rnged situation and, with Stojadinovic leading it, began to look toward Berlin. Mter a;n internal crisis and a change of governments, Rum-ani•a a'lso ibeca:m.e equaJil.y uncertain. The Little filntente, w'hioh •w as considered the pillar and guarantor of the OTder, created by pea:ce aigreements, went headlong into ruin. lit crashed even •b efore the Germans began their march into the DanuJbe basin and oould not prevent the colla;pse of the order built up in 1918, nor the political and economical hegemony of Hitler's Germany. UndoulbtecNy, the rea;sons for the collapse of the European system and, therefore, also of the Cenltral-European organization, were many- But it ca11!Ilot be denied that Hitler's plans and ructions in the Danube basin were suJbstantially facilitated by the political and economic conditions which governed there after 1918. Oonsequeinitly, the discontented nations, as predicted :ey Lansing, iif they did not work to overthrow that system, as did Hungary and Austria, then they certainly were not willing in the least to defend it, as was the case with c~echo-Slovatkiia a111d Yugoslavia. The dissolution of Czecho~Slova1kia was in fact caused by the German minoriity, as even Dr. Benes stated, because : In Munioh Czecho..:Slovakia was fatally wounded from the outside. " Munich, however, meant much more tha:n thaJt. "It opened the way along the Danulbe all the way to the Blacik Sea to German expamsion," as Winston Churchill said in the British Parliament O'l1 Oct. 5, 1938. Munich meant the end of the European system ,b uilt up by the •peace treaties of 19181920 and installed in Central Europe a Germ.an- Italian Russian co-dominiOIIl whioh, even though it did not last long, did bring new elements into the organization of the CentralEuropean area. Germany was in its politics consistent and adroit, and thus "milita;ry might, dwplomacy, propaganda and the feeling of helplessness before the preponderance of their neighbors, as well as the economic interests, were the causes of the voluntary or forced subordination of the Danulbian �12 SL0VAKlA nations, their new political orientation and cooperation with the Axis," says Graham Hutton (19). "•I n Belgrade, Bucharest and naturally in Sophia, kings and princes did not trust international obligations of collective security. They fuought tha,t every state must endeavor by its own means to serve the peace of all, buit t hat its first task ls to preserve its own peace" (20). And what 'hruppened in Prague was nothing else but what Dr. Benes had already told Minister Sfona in 1936: "If they (the French) aJbandon us without helping us in ·the face of German threats, we shall suI1prise the world by the limitless possilbilities of servility toward Berlin" (21) . This dissolution of the Versailles organization by German policies, whiich endeavored to make of this region a German "lebensraum," forced the representatives of the Central-European nations to return to the efforts to create a Cenitral-European federation, or confederation. A federalistic solution of Central-European problems seemed to be the only strong solution especial1.y when Gerniainy and Russia, with the pact of August 23, 1939, temporarily shared government over Central and Southeastern Europe, annexing territories, nay, even whole states and esta/t,lishing a dictatorship over them. In that situation even the most bigoted enemies of federalistic endeavors of Centr.a:l-Europe in the period between the two wars, politicians who ",p referred to see Hitler in Vienna than the Habsburgs," returned to the idea of creating a great federative unit in Central Europe after the end of the war. The Soviet-German Pact convinced even the nations, which in an effort to hold their own advantageous position in Central Europe wished its partition, that their own security, nay even their own existence in fact, could be guaranteed oltly by an intimate union of all the Central European nations. 19) Graihaim Hutton, LES NOUVEAUX DES'DINS DU DANiUBE, Paris, 1939. . 20) Gregoke Gafencu, DERNIERS J0URS DE L'EU'R0PE, p. 105. 21) Comte Sforza, ILLUS IONS ET REALITES DE L'EUR0PE, Neuch-atel 1944; p. 196. �SLOVAKIA 13 Russia, wrote Gregoire, "revea~ed her face, which had nothlng encouragin g either fur her neig1hlbors or for a peaceful order of the world. The Moscow aigreement unmasked the Soviet Union, in whrch the cult of might and the practice of dou!ble..dealing so strikingly reminded one of the times of Catherine the Great ,a nd the ooarrs of the past centuries. 'It seemed that she obeys the ancient and mighty impulses, siimilrur to those, which drove the Gennan masses in the opposite direction, to the East. But the Russian aggression was at the same time more corufusilng and mysterious. Opposing every .Umitation not because the area which this aggression included was too narrow, lbut conversely beca,use the concepti:on of borders is alien to the nature of Russia" (22). It was, therefore, only natural, that in such a situation the plans of l.lIWying Central Europe on a federalistic basis were again revived and that together . with t!he representativ es of other Central-EUTdpeain nations the Slovvaks - those who fought on the side of the Mlies, as well as the political representat ives who remained at home will:ih the people and sought to lead it into •postwar Europe with as little loss as possible - endeavored to realize a federated Central Europe. On the side of the AUies, it was especiaAly the Slovak political group led by Dr. M. Hodfa and Peter Pridavo~, which led an open strwg,gle for these conceptions . In his book "Federatio n in Central Europe" H~a writes that already in Jainuary 1940 Slovalk political emigrants had come to an understand ing that they wowld endeavor to create a Central-Eu ropean federation. The fotliildation of this federation was to be the union between Poland, the Czech. lands and Slovakia. On January 23, 1942, there wais such an agreement cone'luded between the Polish and Czecho-Slovak g(?vemmen ts with the __ jntention that it wouJd be. the nudeu:s of a great Central-Eu ropean £-Oll22) Gregoire Gafeneu, PRELIMINA,:fRES DE LA -, GUERRE A L'EST, Fri-bourg, 1944. �1-4 SLOVAKIA federation. Matters common to all were to be foreign, military, economic, social and furancial affairs, as weH as transportation, communications and the postaJl. service (23). Milan Hod'za's book, published in 1942, contained all the more serious reasO!I1s for a federated Central IDuroipe. "WaT event'S in Central Europe," wrote Hodza, "dhviously fully vindi<:ate the idea <Yf a solidly org,anized futuTe cooperatron <Yf ahl those eight States whicih aTe placed in complete geogrruphic coherenice between Russia, Germany amd Irtaily. A federali.lzed Centrall Europe is one of the absolute necessi-ties of a new postwaT order." In the preface <Yf his >book, Hodza te1ls us that the Oentral-EuTopean federation should be composed of four Sl'O'Vainic and four non"Slovanic nations, which should £ind a new, great and sohd foundation for their own national lilfe, keeping in balance all possi!ble ra;cial and imperialistic aspirations in the broad territory, the consolidated system of whioh is to be the strongest contribution to the new arraingement of Europe. The federation proposed 1b y Hodza was supposed to rest on a customs union. Fina<n:ces, trade policies, foreign ·p olicy, defense, communioations were to be managed jointly. The p1'am also called for a Ministry of Federal Law 8Jlld a Ministry <Yf Trade Unions and Professional Associations. Altogether there were to be eight commQ!Il. ministries, forming the federal government, which would be headed by a chancellor appoiinted by the president af the federation. In the central goverrunent all the nations were to ·b e represented by ministers without 1portfolio. Ministers with pol'tfOllfo were to perform their functiooo in cooperation with the state secretaries representing all.I the federated nations. The president was to be elected first by the presidents of the national governments, then 1b y the congress of the federation for a period of one yeaT. The memlbers af congress were to be elected by a two-thirds majority of the national parliaments in the proportion of 23) F.r om the French text of the Treaty in the Stoc![,holm review L'AVENIR, Vol. 1, No. 2. �SLOVAKIA one memlber for a million inhaib1tants. The ministers oif the federation, under the plan, could not be deputies of oongress. The solution ,p roposed iby Hod.fa would ha,v e a twofold advantage, wrote the "Voix des Peuples," the Swiss politicail review (Oct- 1944): "it would minimize the natio-nal antagonisms and would recreate the harmonius economic area, which !benefited Centrrul Europe before 1914. The sOilution, therefore, seems to be the wisest, because it is most advantageous for all the nations concerned." A positive stand to Hodfa's prnposal, on the assumption that SlO'Vlrukii:a iin the Europe confederation would figure as an ind~vidual member state, was truken by the main political o!I1gan in Slorva!kia, the "Slovfuk" (24), and in the Vatican diplomatic circles the interpreter of federalistic sqova,,k efforts was Ambassador Karol Sidor. At the beginniing af 1944, Dr. Ferdinand :Du11cansiky, university professoir and the first Fm·eign Minister of the Slovak Repulblic, published a technical study albout the problem of Centrail Euro;pe. The study ap:peaTed in the "Revue de droiit international, de sciences diplomatiques et politiques" (~fil annee, No. 1), putb lished in Gene,va. The status Which prevailed m Central Euro;pe up to 1938, led :Duvcansky to the log,i10al conclusion that a new Central Euro1p e must be orgaJnized on other fQ!Ulld:ations than those ()If 1'918 or those ruifteir that time; it must be organi:zed on the basis ()If coope:riation of the (Je,ntra!l-European niations and their equality. "We can imagine theoretically a cooperiati'On of the nations of Central Europe," wrote :DUTCam;ky, "either in a form of completely independent states, or in a form ()If close, mutual relation in a t.mrion of states. This cooperatiion would be directed by interna.tiona1 a:greement, or by a manner of federation in which every state would have •a special position defined by law." Campiete independence is, according .to :Dur1can:Sky, UJildou!btedly t!he most ad\.'amtageous. With regaro to the 1 24) Dr. Joseph Kirs:chlbaum, HODZ0V PLAN S'l'RED0-EUROPSKEJ F'EDERAOIE, article in tth e SLOVAK, Aug. 20, 1944. �}6 SLOVAKIA ciromnsta:nce that the majority of the Central-European nations, as far as their number and the exitent of their territories, are small nations, this coU!ld mean, said Durcansky, certain dangers. Furthermore, tendencies to limit the sovereignty of small[ nations, endeavors to create laxge eoonomiJC units, the result of technical development and experience from previous wars that sma:ller nations could not defend their independence rb y being neutral - all these led to tlle creation of larger units. :Dutcansky continues: "From these motives there is talk aJbout more active cooperation which ought to guar-amtee lasting peace aind a greater prosperity- This cooperation cannot overstep the framework of a confederation the cooperation 'between independent states diirected by norms of international law. This solution gives guarantees of independence and freedom to the nations of CentralEurope, enaJbles a s01lurti:on of incidental disputes which could arise between the individual states of the confederation and, on the other hand, could defend Central IDurope against external attacks." WthaJt are the arguments 3/gain.st the federation of Central Europe? :Duircainsky points ~mt that ail such arguments rest on the psychologica:l situation in Central-Euroipe, the prejudices emanating from the past and the tendencies of certain nations to renew their former status. The development of war events, however, did not respect the federalistic tendencies of Central-European nations as much as it did during the first World War. Desp~¼ the P-01ish-OzechJSlovak Agreement, despite the positive stand of influential Anglo~Saxon circles and despite tlle general conviction (25) that the Central-European prgaLD!ization created in 191'8 was aib,solutely unsatisfact,:ory _, :t9-r,, ~h~ majority of Centra,l-European nations, as it also ·was for the rest of Europe, nevertheless at the end of 25) What the indivrldual Centra)-Europel).n na.tions thought Stojan Pribil!evil!, about federating Central Europe is told by: WORLD WITHOUT END, New York, 1939; Edmoll'd Demaltre in the review 1/A:VENIR; Gr. Gl\,fencu, PRElJIMlNAIRES DE LA GUERRE A L'EST; ~ - A. Mccartney; PROBLEMS OF THE DANUBE BASIN. �SLOVAKIA 17 the war the very same states were renewed in their old forms, excepting maimed Poland and a smaller OzechoSlova:kia. The Altlantic Charter, the Charter of the United Nations, the natural rilght of every nation to its own state and the solemn prooLa.matioos of the waT years were qu'i.okly forgotten or e:,opediently a:bandoned. Furt:!hernnore, the dei1icate prolb'lem of the minorities began to lbe solved in a manner which was supported by the momenitary situation, in its co1I1Sequences, however, it ibroUJght new da:ngers for the Central-Ell.lropean area and ther~y for the whole of Europe. We are all witnesses of this today. The policy of the Soviet Union towaTd the n81tions of Central Euroipe and, therefore, feder81tiorral efforts did not die out even after World War II. m. THE PRESENT STRUGGLE OF THE SLOVAKS FOR A COMMONWEALTH OF CENTRAL-EUROPEAN NATIONS In 1945 Slova;kiia was occwpied by ,b oth the Russians and the Czechs, and the Communist-dOlminated regime installed there with the help of Moscow and Pr.ague reached to the very roots O!f the existence O!f the Slavalk nation. This irirefotaible fact has led the S1ov,a;k!s to fight uncompromisingly· from the very end of World War II :foT the liberation of Central Europe from alien hegemony rund for its federaJlirza:tion. The representatives O!f the Slovak nation are firmly convinced tha:t Central Europerun nations, if they do not waint to live under the hegemony of the one or the other otf their strong neig1hlbor,s, must unite in a larger · economic am.d stra:tegic unit. There i's no other solution. The entire politica1 and social development of Central EJurope from 1848 coofi:rnns this conclusfon. International policy, as well as the .p olfoy of individUJa1 1powers, is gu~ded by definilte coootants and lastinrg interests wihlch have Olll,tlived and shall out1we all changes o,f regimes. 'Dha:t is why today, just as in the past century, the CentraJl-IDuropeain nations must rookoo with the revival O!f German expansioo, �18 SLOVAKIA: which can change only its forms but not its aims, just as, on the other ham.d, Russi an JmperiaHsm haiS not changed and no regime will ever change it. The object of the expansionist endeavorrs of Russia and Gemniany is Central Europe, because of its geographical position and ethnic composition. These two powers have attaJdked each other for centuries for the control of the Centra~-Eumpeam nations. With the passage of centuries only the forms and pretenses of their imperiaJlism have changed. Pam.-Gerimanism and Pam-1Sllavism a1way:s followed and will follow the very sa:me pur,pose, and the only defense ,a grumst them is the unification of the Central-EJuropean nations on the basis of equality. ThaJt is the lesson of history. On the other hand, the experience of the ipast thirty years have proved that the system, which prevailed in Central and Eastern Europe s-ince 1918 and was again reestablished in 1945 by committing the very same mistakes, cotcld not giuai-antee Europe pea:ce and stalbNity, a:nd to the nations 'between Russia and Germany it could guarantee neither economic prosperity, nor security and freedom . ThUIS it hruppened that with the first blow of German imperiail~sm in 1938, as welil as a result of expansion of the Soviet Uni-on, the system succumbed, and with its downfall Ewrope and the wodd hruve boon thmst into dangerous crises, of whi:ch the first ended in war and the seoond threatoos with war. At the end of both waris, the nations of Central Europe were forced under regimes of terror, which were alien and hostile to the most fundamental cultur~d, po1i,tiical, economi:c and sociaiJ. traditions of all the CentraJl~Eurropeain natiions, who a.Te deeply devoted to the prindples of democr8Jcy and Christianity, the two concepts which are in prJndp1e at odds with both Nazism and materialistri1c OomJmunism. • 1 'I"housamds of Slov,ruk emigrants in Europe and elsewhere, am.d over a million Americruns of Slovak descent, have, therrefore, ,p roclaimed themselves since 194'5 for such a demooratic concepUon of a new Europe which would remove the o1d shortcomings of Europe, and especially of �SLOVAKIA 19 Central Europe, and would rest on the principle of equality of au nations alild be united in a federative uni'on. The organiization of Central and Eastern Europe, as it has proved thusfar, could not fulfill its mission orf strength against imperialism which has threatened the pea:.ce of Europe for Centuries, but conversely, it even facilitated the victory orf these imperirulismsThe weakest part of this organization was CzechoSlovakia, a heterogenous amd polyglotic state, which gave an OipipOrlU'lle excuse to ,the · Third Reich for its expansion and, on the other hand, made cooperation impossible with other Central Euiropean nations, because the millions of inhrubitants of the minorities which were included a:gainst their will into the Czecho-Slovak Republic. Instead of strength against the "Drang nach Osten," the Czecho-Slovak Repwblic became in 191'8 the gateway for the German march into the Dam.Iibe Basin, a,nd in 1945 the bridge 01Ver which the Russian-Bolshevist expainsion penetrated into the very heart of Europe without any resistence. A new orga:nization of Central Europe is therefore, according to the v,i ews orf the representatives of the Slovak emigiration, rubsoiutely ne<:essary not only in the interest of CentraiJ.-Euroipean nations, but also, and in the very first ¢ace, in the interest oif the security orf Euroipe and the peace of the world. We rememib er that both world conflrugrations broke out in this a:rea. Until the extensive region between Germany and Russia is organized on a new basis, gua1ramteeing justice, equality and freedom to every nation, Europe cannot have secured its security and prosperity. Aggression of imperialism , tending to dominaite Central Euro-pe, and then the whole of Euro,pe, could again be facilitated, nay aggressors could even find opportune pretenses and allies, if any one of the Central-European nations were wronged and forced under the rule od' another. The poHticai and economic development from the end of World War I has made the nations of Central Europe conscious enough orf the fact that a more pernnanent �SLOVAKIA !O and solid organization of this region demands that the r1ght to freedom and independence of every nation living there 'be recognired and respected. Being aiware of all this, the Slovak Lerugue of America, in the name of Americans of Slovak descent, as well as in the name of the Slovialk natioo, decl~re.d at its Congress in Oleve1and, Ohio, on Octdber 21, 1947, that "ibasicaliy it welcomes the idea of a federative union of the European nations." It was especially in agreement wiilth the thought of a fedei,aitive uni:on of the centra.1-IDuropean states, in which the nations of that part of Europe would find the prerequj.1s ities for peaceful coha/bitation, fruitful cooperation and effeicti.Jve defense of their individual and ool.lective interests. Of cou.rise, American Slovaks were for such an arrangement of Central Europe on the supposition that "the internal life of the indi,viduial member states amd their mu~ua.1 relationshi p ibe bui!l.t on the Christian principles of true democracy, mutual respect and solidarity," and if among the member states of this federation will be included "also Slovakia as an indrivid'l.Jlal , state, as an equiivalent state, as an equi,v alent and equal member." Slovak em~grants in Europe and elsewhere stand back of the same conceptions. They have so e~pressed themselves in numerous memoranda addressed to the Pe~e Conference, the United Nations, ind:ividua1l governments and to the represenitaltives of the various emigrant groups of the nations from behind the Iron Curtain. The Slovak nation never was am aggressor or imperi·a!list nation; it seeks nothing that does not rilghtfolly belong to it, and nothmg more than every naJtion, however large or small, has an inherent rig'hrt to .seek. The 'S lovaks are a deeply religious and democ-rati'c people, ruble and willing to cooperate with ·au nations of Europe who are determined to wipe out the pl,a gue oif Oommunism and fight for the freedom and independence of allil nati·ons. 1 It is, therefore, onl,y na,1:,ural that the representatiives of all the nations behintl the Iiron Curtain in emigration, among them aJlso Slo,va!k effii.gram.ts, are for the .remo,val �SLOVAKIA 21 of the organizations and regimes of terror which call themsclves "1p eople's democracies." Just as the hitherto unhealthy arralillgement clid not satisfy the needs of the Central-European nations - .one in which practreally hailf the nations of Central Europe did not attain the valid!aition of the right of selrf-detevmination - just so· the system of totali1:arian ":people's democracies" does not satisfy and ,is not in aocord with the traditions of these nations. The ,p olitical and social chaniges, effected iby the 30year economic and socia!l development in t'his region of Europe, whether in regard to the spreaJd oif cidization among the broad masses, or in the social structure, chang~ ed the features <if Cenitral Europe to such an extent that in the future onily true demooracy, extended to the e{!onomic field as ,well, can b.e the system which woU!ld satisfy the · mentality, the spiritual foundiaition and the social needs of t'he natio!IllS of Central Europe. Ainy other system than the democratic, especially the totalitarian system of the " 1people's democracies," is opposed to the most basic mOTal and poiitioail traditi'ons of these countries and, therefore, could be instaJ11ed only ,b y force and maintained only br terror. The freedom of Europe, however, cannot be · Se{!Ured as long as one half of it is under a government of tert01r. On the other hand, the ipeaice of ' Etl!iope and , tbe world cannot be secured as long as Centra1 ·: Europe _i,'s not free and tmi.ted :in sUJCh a manner that '-'it ' could cfufend its own freedom and security .and thereby , also the seciirity of Eumpe Thi,s ios ipossible only if a United Staites of Central Euro,p e be:c~mes a reality in one foT-m or another, Hugh Seton-W:atson, in the int,vodUJCtion of his book "Eiastem Europe Between the Wars," stressed this point when he wrote: "IndividuaLEastern countries ·o.fifer ·interesting fields of study to the speda,list, but are · of smaJ.l importance in world politics. But the Eastern · European proiblem, the problem of the hundred millions,· is· one :of •the ma,jor problems of oor age. Each of the peoiples of ffiaJstern Europe must enjoy liiberty aind self-government if unrest is to be aivoided." � APRIL, 1953 SLOVAKIA 1 SLOVAKIA AND CENTRAL-EUROPEAN FEDERATION PLANS Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum Slovrukia with its three and a haJrf million inhiaJbitants and area 45,000 square kilometers lies in the very heart of Central EUTope and its fate in the ,past has been most bitter. After losing their first State, Great Moravia, which during the reign oif King svatopluk included a part of today's Poland, Hmgary, Yugoslavia and for a short time even the Czech lands (1), the SlovaJks as a political factor could not validate themselves in CentraJl Europe for whole centuries. The leading Sloivak group shed its blood first in battles with the Ge:rmians and Magyars and, later, also in battles with the Tu:rks and Tartars. And still later it suffered under tthe pressure of the assimilatory tendencies of the Magyars, which ilrl it.he 19th century and the 1b eginn. ing of this century re8iChed the broadest masses of Slovaks and ruppreciaJbly reduced the growth of the Slovak nation . The Slovaks, who already in 830 had theiT own sta:te and chUI1Ch or,ganization and tthus placed the first foundations of European civili Z8Jtion in the Danube area (2), ap pear more clearly on the ipolitica:l scene again only in 1848, when they rebelled to regain their national independenct>. Decimated and .pushed into the mountains of the north eastern part of their first State, the Great Moravii.8Jl1 Empire, the Slov,a ks were more a cutural than politioo.l factor , up to the 18th century. "During the 17th century," wrote Dr. Milan Hodza, "when the Turks had occupied •all the rest oif old Hungary, Slovakia became the refoge of many lofty intellectual ef forts on behalif of that country. For some time to come_ 1 . 1) Dr. Francis Hrusovsky, GESCHICHTE DER S-LOWAKEI, · pp. 9-15; Julius Pauler, A MAGYARNEMZET TORTJ!JNETE SZENT ISTVAN!G; Dr. Joseph ~kult~ty, ORTY ZO SLOVENSKEJ MINU• LOSTI, p. 13 ; Dr. Milan Hodza, FEDERATION IN CEN'mlAL EUROPE, p . 86; AL'Phoise Huber, GESCHICHTE OESTERREICHE, Vol. 1. 2) Dr. Milan Hodza, FEDERATION IN CENTRAL EUROPE, p. 86. �SLOVAKIA 2 in Slovaikia, there was much morn cultural mo;vement than in Bohemia or occupied Hungacy. At the end of the eighteenth century Slovakia prepared not only her racial rebirth. Trnaiva, which housed the Catholic University before it was tra:nsferred to Budaipest, became a centre of Catholic culture in the realm. Slova!kia was going to be the seat of the first serious democratic movement which had its raimifications in the whole of Hungary and which ended in a conspiracy directed against HaJbSlburg, and Slovakia revealed itselif as a meeting place of prructi:cally all contemporary currents of cultural and ipo>litica;l ideas. (3). After 1848, on the one side under the independence and politfrcal equality of a11 nations, and on the other side under the increasing pressure of assimilaitory Magyar policy, the Slova:k nation beg8;Jl a systematic fight for its polibcal riights. After the Slovak armed revolt of 1848 failed, the Slova!ks within the Hrubsburg monarchy dared to demand an individual self-administr ative unit, such as the Croaits demanded through Ostrozinsky, the Czechs through Pala cky, the Magyars, after Kossuth's revolution was squelched, through DeaJk. This was .p roposed also by Count Valerian Krasinski in his work "Panslavi.sm and Bangernnanism . " What the Slovaks really demanded was a federative solution. The Slovaks remained faithful to the idea of a fede rative solution of the Monarchy in the memorandum , pre sented to the Emperor in 1861, and aigailll at the Conigress of Na:tionaHties in Budrupest in 1867. At the second Congress of Nationa1ities, which took plruce August 10, 1895, in Budaipes't, despite ,persecutions, "the Rumanians, Serbs and Slova:ks, who assemlbled in Buda.pest, "wrote the Neue Freie Presse," dernand ,t he division of Hungary into ethnic self-administra iti;ve units, whreh in effect is equall to the demand to aJbol:ish the un.ion between Hungary and Tr.ainsylviania, to renew the Serbian Duchy and create a selfadmini,s trati:ve Slova:kia, suoh as Huriban (,leader of the 1 1 3) Dr. Mil an Hod za, IBIDEM, pp.208- 213. �SLOVAKIA 3 1848 Slo'Vak rebellion - Author) promoted already thi•r ty years earlier" ( 4). This stand of the Slovaks, if we consider the Nuropean situation oif thaJt time and even the special position of the Slovaks, is readily understandaJble. Not only because the federalization olf the Habs!burg Monarchy, fearing Pangermanism, was the political program also of the Test of the nations of the Monarchy, except the Poles, but also because the rest of Europe was inclined toward this solution, considering the Habslburg Monarchy in its politics of "'balance of poiwer" as a factor of balance betiween Germany and Russia. In this policy, dictated primarily 'by fear of the Germans who called a congress to Frankfurt i:n 1:848 to attempt a union orf all Germans, the Czechs plruyed a leading part. Palacky's arguments and slogan "if AIU'stria did not exist, we would have to create it" gained the rest of the nations.who were satisfiied with the demand of a federalized empire. Even the Emperor seemed ·favo:rable to the idea as long as the danger lasted. "Th~ preservation of Austria, its integrity and solidification, is and must be the great and important concern not only of the Czech nation, but of the whole of Europe, nay of all hUJmanity and foreign lands," wrote Palacky to the Frankfurt Congress in 1848. In this regard Dr. Edward Benes wrote in 1908: "It is frequently spoken about the dissoluti-on of Austria. I aJbsolutely do not believe in it. The historical and economic ties, which mutua:lly u.nite the nations of Austria, are too strong to allow Austria to collaJP5e" (5). The rest of Europe, oif course, also feared Russia and its efforts to realize Panslavism as related by J . Danilevskij in his book "Russia and Europe" and by General Fadejev in his writings. "Slovanic nations," wrote Fadejev, "must try to attain two aims, that is, political and ~onomic development in their present homelands, and then a 4) Quoted from book DIE VEREINIGTEN STAATEN VON GROSSOESTER!RELCH, by Aurel Popovic!, Leipzig, 1906. 5) LE PROBLEME .ArTJTRIOHIEN ET LA QUESTION TCHEQUE, p. 307. �·4 SLOVAKIA closer union with the general Slovanic uni:on, whkh must be headed by Russia in international and military Tela. tions. Ea,ch of these Slovanic tribes needs a ruler for inter nal affairs and for the ·general interests of the great Slovanic Czar. Without the fulifiltlme:nt of these conditions self-admmistra.tion a:nd independence of the BaJikaJD. and Danube Slovak tr}bes is unthinka,ble" (6). Danilevskij, who pUlblished his boolk in 1871, also proposed a Russian-Slovanic confedemtion, in which would · be uni,ted all the Slova,nic people (Slavs) from the Adriatic to the Pacific under the leadershtp of Russia. In this situation, always feeling that it was thr~tened by Germany, France regarded the Habsbu:rg ffimpire as "the only barrier, sufficiently strong, at the beginning of the 20th century, whkh could discourage German a,mbi. tions the day when these would begin to threaten the European bafance," WTote Henry Rene (7). And France saw this balance threatened also by Russia, about whioh Th. Funk-Brentano wrote: "No longer is Rus:sia our ally, as it neither is for Germany or Austria, for England or Turkey : it has only one concern - to expand. It has only one ambition - to g,row. If it uses definite form s . besides, then it does so only to be better understood and allowed into the so-called European concern . . . We make offers to it and it · presents them to Berlin, w,hi'ch makes it a bett er oitlfer . .. Every alliance ls good thrut h elps it to exp.and. All other alliances are bad. It partakes in the divLsion of .s tates with the same ruthlessness with which it m a r ches to conquer them; it will reduce Poland and support · t he Balkans , because they are .Slovanic peoples, and it will annex · t he CJiinese, Turks, Armenians because they are not. That is Russia always . . . " (8). · Fear of Russia and Pamslavism, of which the Magyars and Ruma,nians were afraid and ·b y which the Polish · nation w1as stilf.led periodically, and the fear of the German "'Drang nach · Osten," forced the nations of Centi.·al Europe · -to seek a solution, which would expose it to the least -dangers. This solution they saw in a federalized Hrubsburg 6) Biresvija Vjedomosti; UVAHY O ORIENTA.LNEJ OT A.ZKE ; NEUESTE SCHRIFTEN, pgs.37-4 9. . 7) H enry Rene, . QUESTIONS D'AUTRICHE-HONGRIE ET . 'Q UESTIONIS D'ORIENT, Paris, 1903. 8) Th. .Funk-Brentano, LA POLITIQUE , PR·I NCIPES. ORI· .TIQUES, REFORMES. P.aris, 1892. �SLOVAKIA 5 MonaTchy. As early as 1902 a representative of the Czech nation, one Oharles Kramaf, wTOte: "The wor1d does riot need a feeble, sickly Austria; only a strong, vigorous, interna!lly healthy Empiire can perform the all important task of keeping watch over the ba:lance of power in the world" (9). And Aurel C. Popovici, a Rumanian, WI'Orte a great woirk in 1906 in the defense of the e~istence of a federaliized HalbsJburg Monarchy under the title: Die Vereinigten Staaten von Gross-Oesterreich. Of course, this cry of the nations of the Halbsiburg Monarchy could find little SU!ppolit at the Royal Court, so the natioins constituting the Empire had to seek some other solution of theiir national problems, especially when the war whi-ch broke out in 1914 offered them an opportunity to do so. Furthermore, when the war ended, fear of Russia and Genmany, it was said, precluded the necessity of Austria, because Germany was defeaited, disarmed and "decrnilitar~zed," while Russia was in the throes of a politica:l and social revolution. Emerging from this situation, which the vrotorious a:llies somehow forgot to regard as transitory, the Peace Conference sanctioned the destruction of the Halbsbw,g Empire and the estaJblishment of national and nationaJi:stic states on its ruins. Centrnl Europe got a new face and a new OI1gani'zation on the basis of the right of self-determination of nations. But even this · new organization did not bring an end to fedemtional efforts , especiaHy not those of the Slovaks. II. FEDERALIZATION EFFORTS 1918-1945 The situation,· into whi-ch the Siovaks were forced after WorJd .War I, on the one hand, and the over-all situation of Central Europe in the period between the two wars, on the other, forced the Slovaks to continue their struggle for fedemlization: for a . federalization of Czecho-Slova:kia and simuitaneousiy also for -a federali,z ation of Central Europe. 9) NATIONAL REVIIDW, 1902. �6 S LOVAKIA In fact, 0zecho~Slovaikia was born on the basis of an aigreement between the Slova:ks and the Czechs that it woU!ld be a federart:ive state. In Cleveland Agreemelllt of 1915 and the Pittsburgh A!greement of 1918, the latter undersigned by T. G. Masaryk himself, t'hiJS was promised to the Slaviak:S. At the Peace Conference in 191'9 even Dr. Edward Benes promised this in the name of the 0zechoSlovak Gorvernment when he stated that "it is the intention of the Czecho-1Slovak Government to create the organization of the State ·b y accepting as a basis of natural rights the prindples aipplied in the constitution of the Swiss RelpUJblic, that is, to mrake the 0zecho;Slovak Republic a sort of Switzerland.... " (10). These agreements and commitments, however, were not rkept 1b y the Praigue government, which was dominated by the Czechs, and Czecho-1Slovakia became a centralistk state with apparent tendencies to assimHiate the non-Czech population, especiially the Slovaks on t'he basis of the artificia.Ny created conception of an ethnic "Czechoslovak" nation. - The eminent historian C. A. Macartney saw through the situation very clea11ly when he wrote: "The fact remains that the (Czech~Slova:k) government has been obliged more of:ten than not to rule Slovakia against the wishes of most of its inhabitants, maintaining itself only by the exipedienits of .restricting the powers of the .sellfgovernmg bodies to within the narrowest possilble limits, of filling the seats designated for "ex;perts" with its own nominees, and utilizi'Il!g. freely weapons of censorshi,p and po1i:ce supervision ... " About the economic policy of the Czech toward the S'1ovruks, the same author stated : "The richer (Ozech) firms bought up, or obtained control through holding barri!ks (notable the 2ivnostenska Ba'Il!ka) over the greater part of the Slovak establishments. The latter were thus left at the mel'cy of t'he owners in the Historic Lands (Bohemia), who worked them or closed them down as they pleased. Pro'balb.ly nearly one-third of all Slovak industries disaippeared in this way during the 10) Lloyd George, THE TRU TH ABOUT THE PEACE TREA· TIES, pg. 937 . �SLOVAI\.IA 7 immediate postwar peri'Od, the heavy industries and textile factories beiing chiefly ruffe:cted" (11) . . . It was only natural, then, that the Slova;ks opposed the system whioh put them at such a great disadvaintage econooniically, politically and cultura:lly. The vast majority of Sllova1-cs, under the leadership of Andrew Hlinka and Martin Razus, demanded the fedemii zation od: Ozecho-Slovakia from the very begin~ing of its existence. 1 On J•a nua;ry 23, 1920, one of the foremost Slovak politicians, Deputy Dr. Ferdis Juriga, demanded the federalization of the OzeclhoJSlovak RepUiblic on the floor of the Pa:rliament with these words : "We must tend to decentralization, toward sel:f-1administra;tion, so that the Republic could develop on a federalistic basis, because federalism is the system of the future - We must preserve our individual1ity and not let ourselves be absoribed. Federalization is not only in the interest of our naition, and the OzechoSlova!k Repwblic, but also answers the spirit of all mankind. It is an ahl-hu:man tenderrcy, the tendency of all mankind, this tendency to validate oneself, develop, to which every individual person and every national unit should have the right, whkh should crystallize out into a [egal personality, so tha;t these various nations could then become federalized in one, great world re4)u'bliic. This would be the highest ideal and the path that leads to it is : federalism (12). 1 But the Ozechs, just like the Ha'bsburgs, would not accede to the detrnands of the Siovaks and the minorities while there still was time. The Slovaks, therefore, "reacted in the form of a fl a,m'boyant Slovax nationalism which was a main reason for the albsence of revo[t with which they accepted the dissolution of the Ozecho-1Slovak State" (13). 1 11) C. A. Macartney, HUNGARY AND HER SIUCCESSOBS, London, 1937; pgs. 145, 130. J 2) Karol Sador, SLOVENSK.A. POLITJ:KA NA P<>DE PR.A2SKEHO SNEMU, Vol. I, pg.69. 13) ,C. A . Mwcartney, PROBLEMS OF 'DRE DANUBE BASIN, London; p. 122. �SLOVAKli. 8 Between 1918 and 1945, there were evident tendencies among the Slovaks for the creation of a federated Central ffiurope. The organimti{)IIl, whiich was given t!his area by the pea>ce treaties, soon proved to lbe unsatisfactory economically and poilitioolly. On the OIIle hand, the principle of the right of self--determination was valida,,ted only :parti•a lly and as a consequen!ce the several nations of Central EurO!pe awaited only the opporlunity ~o alter the given situation. States like Czecho-Slovakia or Yugoslavia, made up of several nations and minorities, resembled old Austria.JHungary sitructurally, and soon enough their unjust policies toward t'he national minorities caused distrust and revisionism and excluded harmonious cooperation in Central Europe. On May 8, 1919, Rdbert Lam.sing, Secretary of State of tJhe United States, had this to say a!bout this new organiizati'on : "Examine the Treaty and you •wiU find peoples delivered agaill.8t their wills into t,he hands of those whom they hate... Resentment and bitterness, if not desperation, are 'bound to be the oonsequen<:es oof such provisions . It may be years ·b efore these oppressed pooples are able to tih<row otif their yoke, 1but as wre as day follows night the time will eome when they will make the effort" (14). On the other hiand, the dissolution of the economic crises, especial'ly in the accession states. T,he period between 1918 and 1938 wa,,s one of constant seeking of a ·r eorgaruzaition of Central Europe into a harmonious econo.m.ic and political whole. The Little Ein.tente, estalblished in 1920, Hiantos',s plan in 1925, Tardieu's plan in 1932, the Danulbe ·Paict in 1935 and Hodza's fiTst plan in 1936, to note at least t'he better we11 known plans, all of these in sUJbstan>ce had but o~e purpose: to create in an acceptable form such an organization in Central Europe whi1ch would hasve the adivanrtaiges of former Austria-Hungary, 'but would lack al[ its politica;l and social .shortcomings. Preserving the nationaJl states and democratm regimes, the economic arising from the partition of the Danube area were to •b e .removed by a system of alHances. Thus would lb e removed the tense atmosphere whi'c h reigned in this region and provoked neighboring powers to acts of aggression. 1 14) THE PEACE NEGOTIATIONS, London, 1921; p. 245. �SLOVAKIA t Naturally, aU these plans and endeavors, including the Little Entente, resulted primarily !because of economiic condiitions; and their aim was not indi,c,ated as an effort to create a Centra:1-Euiropean Federation. This ,t hought, however, was deeply rooted in the minds of political leaders, even Dr. Edwaro Benes himself. A'1ways fearing the loss Otf the political and economic role which Ozecho-Slova:kia was playing, Dr. Edward Benes fought against every plan to unite Cenitra:l IDurape, 'but in 1936 he admiltted that "the plan of a Danube Federation is t!he widely propagated and best known conception proposed as a solution Otf the Austxian and Centro-European pro'blem." The reasons why this solution was not realized -w ere, according to Benes, "much more of a sentimental, psychologicrul and mora:1 nature than of a political and economic nature" (15) . 1 At , the end of the first World War, Dr. Stephen Osusky, foreimost representative of the Slovaks at that time on the side of the Entente, wrote a lb,o ok in F,renc'h, 1n whielh we find these words: "The defenders Otf AttstriaHunga:ry, in foreign lands as well as in the interior Otf the dual Monarchy, are aJCting very Hlog,rcaMy. They are very much for the 1ilberation of Poland, !b ut do not want to allow the ltberation of the remaining nations. Let us liberate all nations who wrunt to 'b e free, allowing them to create their own independent states, and we shall fulfill one of the tasks confronting us. Fav,o ring then the approchement of great Poland, whielh shall have access to the Ba:ltic Sea in Danzig, Rumania and the land$ of Czecho-Slova!kia, on the one hand, and Ukrainia, to which we must give serious thoug,ht, on the other hand, a ,powerful federation of free states will be created in the nor,th (of Central Europe)" (16). In the southern part of this area, Osus.ky proposed to support efforts to create a federation of .Southern Slavs, (15) LE PROBLEME DE L'EUROPE CENTIRALE: p.' 47, Sources et documents tchecoslovaques, No. 24. 16) Stephen Osuslky, ClJOPIN, MAGY:ARff ET ~4-NGERM.NNISTIDS, Paris, 1918. �SLOVAKIA 10 after the realiizaition of which, "we shall on'1y have to connect these two federaitioins with a bridge which once existed but collapsed under the blow of historic events. T,hiu:s would come to an end the Orang nach Osten, to German a:ggression to the ffiast, and Europe and the world could work in peaJCe" (17). The plan, however, was Oipposed by T. G. Masaryk and Edward Benes. Another Sllovaik, Dr. Milan Hod'za, came forth with a d:irfferent plan, the so-called "Danube Plan." Fkst as Minister of Agriculture , later as Premier of the Ozecho-iSlo<vak Governmen t, Dr. Hodza endeavored to develop cooperation between the Central Eruropean nations and the consolidation of the oconomic situation in this pa1t of Europe- The climax of these endeavors was his "Danu!be Plan," which aimed to create, ·aJccording to Hodza's own words, "one single, great economic urut in Central Europe." This was to be attained by removing tariff ba.roiers and establishing a customs union, regu1'atmg agriculture and industrial production, reorganizin g the system of payments and transportation, etc. (18). The first steps in this dirootion were already made in 1937 by treaJties conduded between the indwidu.ail Danulbfan States and Bulgaria. Hodm's initiatiive found understand ing both in France and ffingla.nd, but Gemnany and Italy opposed it, thinking the plan was aimed against their influence in Central Europe, nay that it was an "effort to surround Germany," a:s the Germian press e,cpressed it. The plan failed not only 'beca;use orf this opposition, but also because of the crisis which began to aippear within the framework of the Little Entente and the developmen t of an inter-natioD.ial situation which tended in the opposite direction. The politico-mil itary actions of nationaHy socialist Germany and Mussolini's ltaly began to have far-reachim.g i:nd:iluenice on the whole of EUTope, but the most marked consequenc es began to appeax in Central and Souithea:stern Europe. Yugoslavia was 17) A. Ohervin, L'AUTRIOHE ET LA HONGRIE DE DE- MAIN, Paris, 1915. 18) Dr. Milan Hodza, i;,JDDERATI-ON IN CENTRAL EUROPE, pgs. 131-133. �SLOVAKIA 11 the first to suffer the consequences froim the cha.rnged situation and, with Stojadinovic leading it, began to look toward Berlin. Mter a;n internal crisis and a change of governments, Rum-ani•a a'lso ibeca:m.e equaJil.y uncertain. The Little filntente, w'hioh •w as considered the pillar and guarantor of the OTder, created by pea:ce aigreements, went headlong into ruin. lit crashed even •b efore the Germans began their march into the DanuJbe basin and oould not prevent the colla;pse of the order built up in 1918, nor the political and economical hegemony of Hitler's Germany. UndoulbtecNy, the rea;sons for the collapse of the European system and, therefore, also of the Cenltral-European organization, were many- But it ca11!Ilot be denied that Hitler's plans and ructions in the Danube basin were suJbstantially facilitated by the political and economic conditions which governed there after 1918. Oonsequeinitly, the discontented nations, as predicted :ey Lansing, iif they did not work to overthrow that system, as did Hungary and Austria, then they certainly were not willing in the least to defend it, as was the case with c~echo-Slovatkiia a111d Yugoslavia. The dissolution of Czecho~Slova1kia was in fact caused by the German minoriity, as even Dr. Benes stated, because : In Munioh Czecho..:Slovakia was fatally wounded from the outside. " Munich, however, meant much more tha:n thaJt. "It opened the way along the Danulbe all the way to the Blacik Sea to German expamsion," as Winston Churchill said in the British Parliament O'l1 Oct. 5, 1938. Munich meant the end of the European system ,b uilt up by the •peace treaties of 19181920 and installed in Central Europe a Germ.an- Italian Russian co-dominiOIIl whioh, even though it did not last long, did bring new elements into the organization of the CentralEuropean area. Germany was in its politics consistent and adroit, and thus "milita;ry might, dwplomacy, propaganda and the feeling of helplessness before the preponderance of their neighbors, as well as the economic interests, were the causes of the voluntary or forced subordination of the Danulbian �12 SL0VAKlA nations, their new political orientation and cooperation with the Axis," says Graham Hutton (19). "•I n Belgrade, Bucharest and naturally in Sophia, kings and princes did not trust international obligations of collective security. They fuought tha,t every state must endeavor by its own means to serve the peace of all, buit t hat its first task ls to preserve its own peace" (20). And what 'hruppened in Prague was nothing else but what Dr. Benes had already told Minister Sfona in 1936: "If they (the French) aJbandon us without helping us in ·the face of German threats, we shall suI1prise the world by the limitless possilbilities of servility toward Berlin" (21) . This dissolution of the Versailles organization by German policies, whiich endeavored to make of this region a German "lebensraum," forced the representatives of the Central-European nations to return to the efforts to create a Cenitral-European federation, or confederation. A federalistic solution of Central-European problems seemed to be the only strong solution especial1.y when Gerniainy and Russia, with the pact of August 23, 1939, temporarily shared government over Central and Southeastern Europe, annexing territories, nay, even whole states and esta/t,lishing a dictatorship over them. In that situation even the most bigoted enemies of federalistic endeavors of Centr.a:l-Europe in the period between the two wars, politicians who ",p referred to see Hitler in Vienna than the Habsburgs," returned to the idea of creating a great federative unit in Central Europe after the end of the war. The Soviet-German Pact convinced even the nations, which in an effort to hold their own advantageous position in Central Europe wished its partition, that their own security, nay even their own existence in fact, could be guaranteed oltly by an intimate union of all the Central European nations. 19) Graihaim Hutton, LES NOUVEAUX DES'DINS DU DANiUBE, Paris, 1939. . 20) Gregoke Gafencu, DERNIERS J0URS DE L'EU'R0PE, p. 105. 21) Comte Sforza, ILLUS IONS ET REALITES DE L'EUR0PE, Neuch-atel 1944; p. 196. �SLOVAKIA 13 Russia, wrote Gregoire, "revea~ed her face, which had nothlng encouragin g either fur her neig1hlbors or for a peaceful order of the world. The Moscow aigreement unmasked the Soviet Union, in whrch the cult of might and the practice of dou!ble..dealing so strikingly reminded one of the times of Catherine the Great ,a nd the ooarrs of the past centuries. 'It seemed that she obeys the ancient and mighty impulses, siimilrur to those, which drove the Gennan masses in the opposite direction, to the East. But the Russian aggression was at the same time more corufusilng and mysterious. Opposing every .Umitation not because the area which this aggression included was too narrow, lbut conversely beca,use the concepti:on of borders is alien to the nature of Russia" (22). It was, therefore, only natural, that in such a situation the plans of l.lIWying Central Europe on a federalistic basis were again revived and that together . with t!he representativ es of other Central-EUTdpeain nations the Slovvaks - those who fought on the side of the Mlies, as well as the political representat ives who remained at home will:ih the people and sought to lead it into •postwar Europe with as little loss as possible - endeavored to realize a federated Central Europe. On the side of the AUies, it was especiaAly the Slovak political group led by Dr. M. Hodfa and Peter Pridavo~, which led an open strwg,gle for these conceptions . In his book "Federatio n in Central Europe" H~a writes that already in Jainuary 1940 Slovalk political emigrants had come to an understand ing that they wowld endeavor to create a Central-Eu ropean federation. The fotliildation of this federation was to be the union between Poland, the Czech. lands and Slovakia. On January 23, 1942, there wais such an agreement cone'luded between the Polish and Czecho-Slovak g(?vemmen ts with the __ jntention that it wouJd be. the nudeu:s of a great Central-Eu ropean £-Oll22) Gregoire Gafeneu, PRELIMINA,:fRES DE LA -, GUERRE A L'EST, Fri-bourg, 1944. �1-4 SLOVAKIA federation. Matters common to all were to be foreign, military, economic, social and furancial affairs, as weH as transportation, communications and the postaJl. service (23). Milan Hod'za's book, published in 1942, contained all the more serious reasO!I1s for a federated Central IDuroipe. "WaT event'S in Central Europe," wrote Hodza, "dhviously fully vindi<:ate the idea <Yf a solidly org,anized futuTe cooperatron <Yf ahl those eight States whicih aTe placed in complete geogrruphic coherenice between Russia, Germany amd Irtaily. A federali.lzed Centrall Europe is one of the absolute necessi-ties of a new postwaT order." In the preface <Yf his >book, Hodza te1ls us that the Oentral-EuTopean federation should be composed of four Sl'O'Vainic and four non"Slovanic nations, which should £ind a new, great and sohd foundation for their own national lilfe, keeping in balance all possi!ble ra;cial and imperialistic aspirations in the broad territory, the consolidated system of whioh is to be the strongest contribution to the new arraingement of Europe. The federation proposed 1b y Hodza was supposed to rest on a customs union. Fina<n:ces, trade policies, foreign ·p olicy, defense, communioations were to be managed jointly. The p1'am also called for a Ministry of Federal Law 8Jlld a Ministry <Yf Trade Unions and Professional Associations. Altogether there were to be eight commQ!Il. ministries, forming the federal government, which would be headed by a chancellor appoiinted by the president af the federation. In the central goverrunent all the nations were to ·b e represented by ministers without 1portfolio. Ministers with pol'tfOllfo were to perform their functiooo in cooperation with the state secretaries representing all.I the federated nations. The president was to be elected first by the presidents of the national governments, then 1b y the congress of the federation for a period of one yeaT. The memlbers af congress were to be elected by a two-thirds majority of the national parliaments in the proportion of 23) F.r om the French text of the Treaty in the Stoc![,holm review L'AVENIR, Vol. 1, No. 2. �SLOVAKIA one memlber for a million inhaib1tants. The ministers oif the federation, under the plan, could not be deputies of oongress. The solution ,p roposed iby Hod.fa would ha,v e a twofold advantage, wrote the "Voix des Peuples," the Swiss politicail review (Oct- 1944): "it would minimize the natio-nal antagonisms and would recreate the harmonius economic area, which !benefited Centrrul Europe before 1914. The sOilution, therefore, seems to be the wisest, because it is most advantageous for all the nations concerned." A positive stand to Hodfa's prnposal, on the assumption that SlO'Vlrukii:a iin the Europe confederation would figure as an ind~vidual member state, was truken by the main political o!I1gan in Slorva!kia, the "Slovfuk" (24), and in the Vatican diplomatic circles the interpreter of federalistic sqova,,k efforts was Ambassador Karol Sidor. At the beginniing af 1944, Dr. Ferdinand :Du11cansiky, university professoir and the first Fm·eign Minister of the Slovak Repulblic, published a technical study albout the problem of Centrail Euro;pe. The study ap:peaTed in the "Revue de droiit international, de sciences diplomatiques et politiques" (~fil annee, No. 1), putb lished in Gene,va. The status Which prevailed m Central Euro;pe up to 1938, led :Duvcansky to the log,i10al conclusion that a new Central Euro1p e must be orgaJnized on other fQ!Ulld:ations than those ()If 1'918 or those ruifteir that time; it must be organi:zed on the basis ()If coope:riation of the (Je,ntra!l-European niations and their equality. "We can imagine theoretically a cooperiati'On of the nations of Central Europe," wrote :DUTCam;ky, "either in a form of completely independent states, or in a form ()If close, mutual relation in a t.mrion of states. This cooperatiion would be directed by interna.tiona1 a:greement, or by a manner of federation in which every state would have •a special position defined by law." Campiete independence is, according .to :Dur1can:Sky, UJildou!btedly t!he most ad\.'amtageous. With regaro to the 1 24) Dr. Joseph Kirs:chlbaum, HODZ0V PLAN S'l'RED0-EUROPSKEJ F'EDERAOIE, article in tth e SLOVAK, Aug. 20, 1944. �}6 SLOVAKIA ciromnsta:nce that the majority of the Central-European nations, as far as their number and the exitent of their territories, are small nations, this coU!ld mean, said Durcansky, certain dangers. Furthermore, tendencies to limit the sovereignty of small[ nations, endeavors to create laxge eoonomiJC units, the result of technical development and experience from previous wars that sma:ller nations could not defend their independence rb y being neutral - all these led to tlle creation of larger units. :Dutcansky continues: "From these motives there is talk aJbout more active cooperation which ought to guar-amtee lasting peace aind a greater prosperity- This cooperation cannot overstep the framework of a confederation the cooperation 'between independent states diirected by norms of international law. This solution gives guarantees of independence and freedom to the nations of CentralEurope, enaJbles a s01lurti:on of incidental disputes which could arise between the individual states of the confederation and, on the other hand, could defend Central IDurope against external attacks." WthaJt are the arguments 3/gain.st the federation of Central Europe? :Duircainsky points ~mt that ail such arguments rest on the psychologica:l situation in Central-Euroipe, the prejudices emanating from the past and the tendencies of certain nations to renew their former status. The development of war events, however, did not respect the federalistic tendencies of Central-European nations as much as it did during the first World War. Desp~¼ the P-01ish-OzechJSlovak Agreement, despite the positive stand of influential Anglo~Saxon circles and despite tlle general conviction (25) that the Central-European prgaLD!ization created in 191'8 was aib,solutely unsatisfact,:ory _, :t9-r,, ~h~ majority of Centra,l-European nations, as it also ·was for the rest of Europe, nevertheless at the end of 25) What the indivrldual Centra)-Europel).n na.tions thought Stojan Pribil!evil!, about federating Central Europe is told by: WORLD WITHOUT END, New York, 1939; Edmoll'd Demaltre in the review 1/A:VENIR; Gr. Gl\,fencu, PRElJIMlNAIRES DE LA GUERRE A L'EST; ~ - A. Mccartney; PROBLEMS OF THE DANUBE BASIN. �SLOVAKIA 17 the war the very same states were renewed in their old forms, excepting maimed Poland and a smaller OzechoSlova:kia. The Altlantic Charter, the Charter of the United Nations, the natural rilght of every nation to its own state and the solemn prooLa.matioos of the waT years were qu'i.okly forgotten or e:,opediently a:bandoned. Furt:!hernnore, the dei1icate prolb'lem of the minorities began to lbe solved in a manner which was supported by the momenitary situation, in its co1I1Sequences, however, it ibroUJght new da:ngers for the Central-Ell.lropean area and ther~y for the whole of Europe. We are all witnesses of this today. The policy of the Soviet Union towaTd the n81tions of Central Euroipe and, therefore, feder81tiorral efforts did not die out even after World War II. m. THE PRESENT STRUGGLE OF THE SLOVAKS FOR A COMMONWEALTH OF CENTRAL-EUROPEAN NATIONS In 1945 Slova;kiia was occwpied by ,b oth the Russians and the Czechs, and the Communist-dOlminated regime installed there with the help of Moscow and Pr.ague reached to the very roots O!f the existence O!f the Slavalk nation. This irirefotaible fact has led the S1ov,a;k!s to fight uncompromisingly· from the very end of World War II :foT the liberation of Central Europe from alien hegemony rund for its federaJlirza:tion. The representatives O!f the Slovak nation are firmly convinced tha:t Central Europerun nations, if they do not waint to live under the hegemony of the one or the other otf their strong neig1hlbor,s, must unite in a larger · economic am.d stra:tegic unit. There i's no other solution. The entire politica1 and social development of Central EJurope from 1848 coofi:rnns this conclusfon. International policy, as well as the .p olfoy of individUJa1 1powers, is gu~ded by definilte coootants and lastinrg interests wihlch have Olll,tlived and shall out1we all changes o,f regimes. 'Dha:t is why today, just as in the past century, the CentraJl-IDuropeain nations must rookoo with the revival O!f German expansioo, �18 SLOVAKIA: which can change only its forms but not its aims, just as, on the other ham.d, Russi an JmperiaHsm haiS not changed and no regime will ever change it. The object of the expansionist endeavorrs of Russia and Gemniany is Central Europe, because of its geographical position and ethnic composition. These two powers have attaJdked each other for centuries for the control of the Centra~-Eumpeam nations. With the passage of centuries only the forms and pretenses of their imperiaJlism have changed. Pam.-Gerimanism and Pam-1Sllavism a1way:s followed and will follow the very sa:me pur,pose, and the only defense ,a grumst them is the unification of the Central-EJuropean nations on the basis of equality. ThaJt is the lesson of history. On the other hand, the experience of the ipast thirty years have proved that the system, which prevailed in Central and Eastern Europe s-ince 1918 and was again reestablished in 1945 by committing the very same mistakes, cotcld not giuai-antee Europe pea:ce and stalbNity, a:nd to the nations 'between Russia and Germany it could guarantee neither economic prosperity, nor security and freedom . ThUIS it hruppened that with the first blow of German imperiail~sm in 1938, as welil as a result of expansion of the Soviet Uni-on, the system succumbed, and with its downfall Ewrope and the wodd hruve boon thmst into dangerous crises, of whi:ch the first ended in war and the seoond threatoos with war. At the end of both waris, the nations of Central Europe were forced under regimes of terror, which were alien and hostile to the most fundamental cultur~d, po1i,tiical, economi:c and sociaiJ. traditions of all the CentraJl~Eurropeain natiions, who a.Te deeply devoted to the prindples of democr8Jcy and Christianity, the two concepts which are in prJndp1e at odds with both Nazism and materialistri1c OomJmunism. • 1 'I"housamds of Slov,ruk emigrants in Europe and elsewhere, am.d over a million Americruns of Slovak descent, have, therrefore, ,p roclaimed themselves since 194'5 for such a demooratic concepUon of a new Europe which would remove the o1d shortcomings of Europe, and especially of �SLOVAKIA 19 Central Europe, and would rest on the principle of equality of au nations alild be united in a federative uni'on. The organiization of Central and Eastern Europe, as it has proved thusfar, could not fulfill its mission orf strength against imperialism which has threatened the pea:.ce of Europe for Centuries, but conversely, it even facilitated the victory orf these imperirulismsThe weakest part of this organization was CzechoSlovakia, a heterogenous amd polyglotic state, which gave an OipipOrlU'lle excuse to ,the · Third Reich for its expansion and, on the other hand, made cooperation impossible with other Central Euiropean nations, because the millions of inhrubitants of the minorities which were included a:gainst their will into the Czecho-Slovak Republic. Instead of strength against the "Drang nach Osten," the Czecho-Slovak Repwblic became in 191'8 the gateway for the German march into the Dam.Iibe Basin, a,nd in 1945 the bridge 01Ver which the Russian-Bolshevist expainsion penetrated into the very heart of Europe without any resistence. A new orga:nization of Central Europe is therefore, according to the v,i ews orf the representatives of the Slovak emigiration, rubsoiutely ne<:essary not only in the interest of CentraiJ.-Euroipean nations, but also, and in the very first ¢ace, in the interest oif the security orf Euroipe and the peace of the world. We rememib er that both world conflrugrations broke out in this a:rea. Until the extensive region between Germany and Russia is organized on a new basis, gua1ramteeing justice, equality and freedom to every nation, Europe cannot have secured its security and prosperity. Aggression of imperialism , tending to dominaite Central Euro-pe, and then the whole of Euro,pe, could again be facilitated, nay aggressors could even find opportune pretenses and allies, if any one of the Central-European nations were wronged and forced under the rule od' another. The poHticai and economic development from the end of World War I has made the nations of Central Europe conscious enough orf the fact that a more pernnanent �SLOVAKIA !O and solid organization of this region demands that the r1ght to freedom and independence of every nation living there 'be recognired and respected. Being aiware of all this, the Slovak Lerugue of America, in the name of Americans of Slovak descent, as well as in the name of the Slovialk natioo, decl~re.d at its Congress in Oleve1and, Ohio, on Octdber 21, 1947, that "ibasicaliy it welcomes the idea of a federative union of the European nations." It was especially in agreement wiilth the thought of a fedei,aitive uni:on of the centra.1-IDuropean states, in which the nations of that part of Europe would find the prerequj.1s ities for peaceful coha/bitation, fruitful cooperation and effeicti.Jve defense of their individual and ool.lective interests. Of cou.rise, American Slovaks were for such an arrangement of Central Europe on the supposition that "the internal life of the indi,viduial member states amd their mu~ua.1 relationshi p ibe bui!l.t on the Christian principles of true democracy, mutual respect and solidarity," and if among the member states of this federation will be included "also Slovakia as an indrivid'l.Jlal , state, as an equiivalent state, as an equi,v alent and equal member." Slovak em~grants in Europe and elsewhere stand back of the same conceptions. They have so e~pressed themselves in numerous memoranda addressed to the Pe~e Conference, the United Nations, ind:ividua1l governments and to the represenitaltives of the various emigrant groups of the nations from behind the Iron Curtain. The Slovak nation never was am aggressor or imperi·a!list nation; it seeks nothing that does not rilghtfolly belong to it, and nothmg more than every naJtion, however large or small, has an inherent rig'hrt to .seek. The 'S lovaks are a deeply religious and democ-rati'c people, ruble and willing to cooperate with ·au nations of Europe who are determined to wipe out the pl,a gue oif Oommunism and fight for the freedom and independence of allil nati·ons. 1 It is, therefore, onl,y na,1:,ural that the representatiives of all the nations behintl the Iiron Curtain in emigration, among them aJlso Slo,va!k effii.gram.ts, are for the .remo,val �SLOVAKIA 21 of the organizations and regimes of terror which call themsclves "1p eople's democracies." Just as the hitherto unhealthy arralillgement clid not satisfy the needs of the Central-European nations - .one in which practreally hailf the nations of Central Europe did not attain the valid!aition of the right of selrf-detevmination - just so· the system of totali1:arian ":people's democracies" does not satisfy and ,is not in aocord with the traditions of these nations. The ,p olitical and social chaniges, effected iby the 30year economic and socia!l development in t'his region of Europe, whether in regard to the spreaJd oif cidization among the broad masses, or in the social structure, chang~ ed the features <if Cenitral Europe to such an extent that in the future onily true demooracy, extended to the e{!onomic field as ,well, can b.e the system which woU!ld satisfy the · mentality, the spiritual foundiaition and the social needs of t'he natio!IllS of Central Europe. Ainy other system than the democratic, especially the totalitarian system of the " 1people's democracies," is opposed to the most basic mOTal and poiitioail traditi'ons of these countries and, therefore, could be instaJ11ed only ,b y force and maintained only br terror. The freedom of Europe, however, cannot be · Se{!Ured as long as one half of it is under a government of tert01r. On the other hand, the ipeaice of ' Etl!iope and , tbe world cannot be secured as long as Centra1 ·: Europe _i,'s not free and tmi.ted :in sUJCh a manner that '-'it ' could cfufend its own freedom and security .and thereby , also the seciirity of Eumpe Thi,s ios ipossible only if a United Staites of Central Euro,p e be:c~mes a reality in one foT-m or another, Hugh Seton-W:atson, in the int,vodUJCtion of his book "Eiastem Europe Between the Wars," stressed this point when he wrote: "IndividuaLEastern countries ·o.fifer ·interesting fields of study to the speda,list, but are · of smaJ.l importance in world politics. But the Eastern · European proiblem, the problem of the hundred millions,· is· one :of •the ma,jor problems of oor age. Each of the peoiples of ffiaJstern Europe must enjoy liiberty aind self-government if unrest is to be aivoided." � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1953, Vol. 3 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 6), April 1953.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 7), July 1953.</li> <li>Issue 3 (No. 8), September 1953.</li> <li>Issue 4 (No. 9), December 1953.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1953 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document APRIL, 1953 SLOVAKIA 1 SLOVAKIA AND CENTRAL-EUROPEAN FEDERATION PLANS Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum Slovrukia with its three and a haJrf million inhiaJbitants and area 45,000 square kilometers lies in the very heart of Central EUTope and its fate in the ,past has been most bitter. After losing their first State, Great Moravia, which during the reign oif King svatopluk included a part of today's Poland, Hmgary, Yugoslavia and for a short time even the Czech lands (1), the SlovaJks as a political factor could not validate themselves in CentraJl Europe for whole centuries. The leading Sloivak group shed its blood first in battles with the Ge:rmians and Magyars and, later, also in battles with the Tu:rks and Tartars. And still later it suffered under tthe pressure of the assimilatory tendencies of the Magyars, which ilrl it.he 19th century and the 1b eginn. ing of this century re8iChed the broadest masses of Slovaks and ruppreciaJbly reduced the growth of the Slovak nation . The Slovaks, who already in 830 had theiT own sta:te and chUI1Ch or,ganization and tthus placed the first foundations of European civili Z8Jtion in the Danube area (2), ap pear more clearly on the ipolitica:l scene again only in 1848, when they rebelled to regain their national independenct>. Decimated and .pushed into the mountains of the north eastern part of their first State, the Great Moravii.8Jl1 Empire, the Slov,a ks were more a cutural than politioo.l factor , up to the 18th century. "During the 17th century," wrote Dr. Milan Hodza, "when the Turks had occupied •all the rest oif old Hungary, Slovakia became the refoge of many lofty intellectual ef forts on behalif of that country. For some time to come_ 1 . 1) Dr. Francis Hrusovsky, GESCHICHTE DER S-LOWAKEI, · pp. 9-15; Julius Pauler, A MAGYARNEMZET TORTJ!JNETE SZENT ISTVAN!G; Dr. Joseph ~kult~ty, ORTY ZO SLOVENSKEJ MINU• LOSTI, p. 13 ; Dr. Milan Hodza, FEDERATION IN CEN'mlAL EUROPE, p . 86; AL'Phoise Huber, GESCHICHTE OESTERREICHE, Vol. 1. 2) Dr. Milan Hodza, FEDERATION IN CENTRAL EUROPE, p. 86. SLOVAKIA 2 in Slovaikia, there was much morn cultural mo;vement than in Bohemia or occupied Hungacy. At the end of the eighteenth century Slovakia prepared not only her racial rebirth. Trnaiva, which housed the Catholic University before it was tra:nsferred to Budaipest, became a centre of Catholic culture in the realm. Slova!kia was going to be the seat of the first serious democratic movement which had its raimifications in the whole of Hungary and which ended in a conspiracy directed against HaJbSlburg, and Slovakia revealed itselif as a meeting place of prructi:cally all contemporary currents of cultural and ipo>litica;l ideas. (3). After 1848, on the one side under the independence and politfrcal equality of a11 nations, and on the other side under the increasing pressure of assimilaitory Magyar policy, the Slova:k nation beg8;Jl a systematic fight for its polibcal riights. After the Slovak armed revolt of 1848 failed, the Slova!ks within the Hrubsburg monarchy dared to demand an individual self-administr ative unit, such as the Croaits demanded through Ostrozinsky, the Czechs through Pala cky, the Magyars, after Kossuth's revolution was squelched, through DeaJk. This was .p roposed also by Count Valerian Krasinski in his work "Panslavi.sm and Bangernnanism . " What the Slovaks really demanded was a federative solution. The Slovaks remained faithful to the idea of a fede rative solution of the Monarchy in the memorandum , pre sented to the Emperor in 1861, and aigailll at the Conigress of Na:tionaHties in Budrupest in 1867. At the second Congress of Nationa1ities, which took plruce August 10, 1895, in Budaipes't, despite ,persecutions, "the Rumanians, Serbs and Slova:ks, who assemlbled in Buda.pest, "wrote the Neue Freie Presse," dernand ,t he division of Hungary into ethnic self-administra iti;ve units, whreh in effect is equall to the demand to aJbol:ish the un.ion between Hungary and Tr.ainsylviania, to renew the Serbian Duchy and create a selfadmini,s trati:ve Slova:kia, suoh as Huriban (,leader of the 1 1 3) Dr. Mil an Hod za, IBIDEM, pp.208- 213. SLOVAKIA 3 1848 Slo'Vak rebellion - Author) promoted already thi•r ty years earlier" ( 4). This stand of the Slovaks, if we consider the Nuropean situation oif thaJt time and even the special position of the Slovaks, is readily understandaJble. Not only because the federalization olf the Habs!burg Monarchy, fearing Pangermanism, was the political program also of the Test of the nations of the Monarchy, except the Poles, but also because the rest of Europe was inclined toward this solution, considering the Habslburg Monarchy in its politics of "'balance of poiwer" as a factor of balance betiween Germany and Russia. In this policy, dictated primarily 'by fear of the Germans who called a congress to Frankfurt i:n 1:848 to attempt a union orf all Germans, the Czechs plruyed a leading part. Palacky's arguments and slogan "if AIU'stria did not exist, we would have to create it" gained the rest of the nations.who were satisfiied with the demand of a federalized empire. Even the Emperor seemed ·favo:rable to the idea as long as the danger lasted. "Th~ preservation of Austria, its integrity and solidification, is and must be the great and important concern not only of the Czech nation, but of the whole of Europe, nay of all hUJmanity and foreign lands," wrote Palacky to the Frankfurt Congress in 1848. In this regard Dr. Edward Benes wrote in 1908: "It is frequently spoken about the dissoluti-on of Austria. I aJbsolutely do not believe in it. The historical and economic ties, which mutua:lly u.nite the nations of Austria, are too strong to allow Austria to collaJP5e" (5). The rest of Europe, oif course, also feared Russia and its efforts to realize Panslavism as related by J . Danilevskij in his book "Russia and Europe" and by General Fadejev in his writings. "Slovanic nations," wrote Fadejev, "must try to attain two aims, that is, political and ~onomic development in their present homelands, and then a 4) Quoted from book DIE VEREINIGTEN STAATEN VON GROSSOESTER!RELCH, by Aurel Popovic!, Leipzig, 1906. 5) LE PROBLEME .ArTJTRIOHIEN ET LA QUESTION TCHEQUE, p. 307. ·4 SLOVAKIA closer union with the general Slovanic uni:on, whkh must be headed by Russia in international and military Tela. tions. Ea,ch of these Slovanic tribes needs a ruler for inter nal affairs and for the ·general interests of the great Slovanic Czar. Without the fulifiltlme:nt of these conditions self-admmistra.tion a:nd independence of the BaJikaJD. and Danube Slovak tr}bes is unthinka,ble" (6). Danilevskij, who pUlblished his boolk in 1871, also proposed a Russian-Slovanic confedemtion, in which would · be uni,ted all the Slova,nic people (Slavs) from the Adriatic to the Pacific under the leadershtp of Russia. In this situation, always feeling that it was thr~tened by Germany, France regarded the Habsbu:rg ffimpire as "the only barrier, sufficiently strong, at the beginning of the 20th century, whkh could discourage German a,mbi. tions the day when these would begin to threaten the European bafance," WTote Henry Rene (7). And France saw this balance threatened also by Russia, about whioh Th. Funk-Brentano wrote: "No longer is Rus:sia our ally, as it neither is for Germany or Austria, for England or Turkey : it has only one concern - to expand. It has only one ambition - to g,row. If it uses definite form s . besides, then it does so only to be better understood and allowed into the so-called European concern . . . We make offers to it and it · presents them to Berlin, w,hi'ch makes it a bett er oitlfer . .. Every alliance ls good thrut h elps it to exp.and. All other alliances are bad. It partakes in the divLsion of .s tates with the same ruthlessness with which it m a r ches to conquer them; it will reduce Poland and support · t he Balkans , because they are .Slovanic peoples, and it will annex · t he CJiinese, Turks, Armenians because they are not. That is Russia always . . . " (8). · Fear of Russia and Pamslavism, of which the Magyars and Ruma,nians were afraid and ·b y which the Polish · nation w1as stilf.led periodically, and the fear of the German "'Drang nach · Osten," forced the nations of Centi.·al Europe · -to seek a solution, which would expose it to the least -dangers. This solution they saw in a federalized Hrubsburg 6) Biresvija Vjedomosti; UVAHY O ORIENTA.LNEJ OT A.ZKE ; NEUESTE SCHRIFTEN, pgs.37-4 9. . 7) H enry Rene, . QUESTIONS D'AUTRICHE-HONGRIE ET . 'Q UESTIONIS D'ORIENT, Paris, 1903. 8) Th. .Funk-Brentano, LA POLITIQUE , PR·I NCIPES. ORI· .TIQUES, REFORMES. P.aris, 1892. SLOVAKIA 5 MonaTchy. As early as 1902 a representative of the Czech nation, one Oharles Kramaf, wTOte: "The wor1d does riot need a feeble, sickly Austria; only a strong, vigorous, interna!lly healthy Empiire can perform the all important task of keeping watch over the ba:lance of power in the world" (9). And Aurel C. Popovici, a Rumanian, WI'Orte a great woirk in 1906 in the defense of the e~istence of a federaliized HalbsJburg Monarchy under the title: Die Vereinigten Staaten von Gross-Oesterreich. Of course, this cry of the nations of the Halbsiburg Monarchy could find little SU!ppolit at the Royal Court, so the natioins constituting the Empire had to seek some other solution of theiir national problems, especially when the war whi-ch broke out in 1914 offered them an opportunity to do so. Furthermore, when the war ended, fear of Russia and Genmany, it was said, precluded the necessity of Austria, because Germany was defeaited, disarmed and "decrnilitar~zed," while Russia was in the throes of a politica:l and social revolution. Emerging from this situation, which the vrotorious a:llies somehow forgot to regard as transitory, the Peace Conference sanctioned the destruction of the Halbsbw,g Empire and the estaJblishment of national and nationaJi:stic states on its ruins. Centrnl Europe got a new face and a new OI1gani'zation on the basis of the right of self-determination of nations. But even this · new organization did not bring an end to fedemtional efforts , especiaHy not those of the Slovaks. II. FEDERALIZATION EFFORTS 1918-1945 The situation,· into whi-ch the Siovaks were forced after WorJd .War I, on the one hand, and the over-all situation of Central Europe in the period between the two wars, on the other, forced the Slovaks to continue their struggle for fedemlization: for a . federalization of Czecho-Slova:kia and simuitaneousiy also for -a federali,z ation of Central Europe. 9) NATIONAL REVIIDW, 1902. 6 S LOVAKIA In fact, 0zecho~Slovaikia was born on the basis of an aigreement between the Slova:ks and the Czechs that it woU!ld be a federart:ive state. In Cleveland Agreemelllt of 1915 and the Pittsburgh A!greement of 1918, the latter undersigned by T. G. Masaryk himself, t'hiJS was promised to the Slaviak:S. At the Peace Conference in 191'9 even Dr. Edward Benes promised this in the name of the 0zechoSlovak Gorvernment when he stated that "it is the intention of the Czecho-1Slovak Government to create the organization of the State ·b y accepting as a basis of natural rights the prindples aipplied in the constitution of the Swiss RelpUJblic, that is, to mrake the 0zecho;Slovak Republic a sort of Switzerland.... " (10). These agreements and commitments, however, were not rkept 1b y the Praigue government, which was dominated by the Czechs, and Czecho-1Slovakia became a centralistk state with apparent tendencies to assimHiate the non-Czech population, especiially the Slovaks on t'he basis of the artificia.Ny created conception of an ethnic "Czechoslovak" nation. - The eminent historian C. A. Macartney saw through the situation very clea11ly when he wrote: "The fact remains that the (Czech~Slova:k) government has been obliged more of:ten than not to rule Slovakia against the wishes of most of its inhabitants, maintaining itself only by the exipedienits of .restricting the powers of the .sellfgovernmg bodies to within the narrowest possilble limits, of filling the seats designated for "ex;perts" with its own nominees, and utilizi'Il!g. freely weapons of censorshi,p and po1i:ce supervision ... " About the economic policy of the Czech toward the S'1ovruks, the same author stated : "The richer (Ozech) firms bought up, or obtained control through holding barri!ks (notable the 2ivnostenska Ba'Il!ka) over the greater part of the Slovak establishments. The latter were thus left at the mel'cy of t'he owners in the Historic Lands (Bohemia), who worked them or closed them down as they pleased. Pro'balb.ly nearly one-third of all Slovak industries disaippeared in this way during the 10) Lloyd George, THE TRU TH ABOUT THE PEACE TREA· TIES, pg. 937 . SLOVAI\.IA 7 immediate postwar peri'Od, the heavy industries and textile factories beiing chiefly ruffe:cted" (11) . . . It was only natural, then, that the Slova;ks opposed the system whioh put them at such a great disadvaintage econooniically, politically and cultura:lly. The vast majority of Sllova1-cs, under the leadership of Andrew Hlinka and Martin Razus, demanded the fedemii zation od: Ozecho-Slovakia from the very begin~ing of its existence. 1 On J•a nua;ry 23, 1920, one of the foremost Slovak politicians, Deputy Dr. Ferdis Juriga, demanded the federalization of the OzeclhoJSlovak RepUiblic on the floor of the Pa:rliament with these words : "We must tend to decentralization, toward sel:f-1administra;tion, so that the Republic could develop on a federalistic basis, because federalism is the system of the future - We must preserve our individual1ity and not let ourselves be absoribed. Federalization is not only in the interest of our naition, and the OzechoSlova!k Repwblic, but also answers the spirit of all mankind. It is an ahl-hu:man tenderrcy, the tendency of all mankind, this tendency to validate oneself, develop, to which every individual person and every national unit should have the right, whkh should crystallize out into a [egal personality, so tha;t these various nations could then become federalized in one, great world re4)u'bliic. This would be the highest ideal and the path that leads to it is : federalism (12). 1 But the Ozechs, just like the Ha'bsburgs, would not accede to the detrnands of the Siovaks and the minorities while there still was time. The Slovaks, therefore, "reacted in the form of a fl a,m'boyant Slovax nationalism which was a main reason for the albsence of revo[t with which they accepted the dissolution of the Ozecho-1Slovak State" (13). 1 11) C. A. Macartney, HUNGARY AND HER SIUCCESSOBS, London, 1937; pgs. 145, 130. J 2) Karol Sador, SLOVENSK.A. POLITJ:KA NA P<>DE PR.A2SKEHO SNEMU, Vol. I, pg.69. 13) ,C. A . Mwcartney, PROBLEMS OF 'DRE DANUBE BASIN, London; p. 122. SLOVAKli. 8 Between 1918 and 1945, there were evident tendencies among the Slovaks for the creation of a federated Central ffiurope. The organimti{)IIl, whiich was given t!his area by the pea>ce treaties, soon proved to lbe unsatisfactory economically and poilitioolly. On the OIIle hand, the principle of the right of self--determination was valida,,ted only :parti•a lly and as a consequen!ce the several nations of Central EurO!pe awaited only the opporlunity ~o alter the given situation. States like Czecho-Slovakia or Yugoslavia, made up of several nations and minorities, resembled old Austria.JHungary sitructurally, and soon enough their unjust policies toward t'he national minorities caused distrust and revisionism and excluded harmonious cooperation in Central Europe. On May 8, 1919, Rdbert Lam.sing, Secretary of State of tJhe United States, had this to say a!bout this new organiizati'on : "Examine the Treaty and you •wiU find peoples delivered agaill.8t their wills into t,he hands of those whom they hate... Resentment and bitterness, if not desperation, are 'bound to be the oonsequen<:es oof such provisions . It may be years ·b efore these oppressed pooples are able to tih<row otif their yoke, 1but as wre as day follows night the time will eome when they will make the effort" (14). On the other hiand, the dissolution of the economic crises, especial'ly in the accession states. T,he period between 1918 and 1938 wa,,s one of constant seeking of a ·r eorgaruzaition of Central Europe into a harmonious econo.m.ic and political whole. The Little Ein.tente, estalblished in 1920, Hiantos',s plan in 1925, Tardieu's plan in 1932, the Danulbe ·Paict in 1935 and Hodza's fiTst plan in 1936, to note at least t'he better we11 known plans, all of these in sUJbstan>ce had but o~e purpose: to create in an acceptable form such an organization in Central Europe whi1ch would hasve the adivanrtaiges of former Austria-Hungary, 'but would lack al[ its politica;l and social .shortcomings. Preserving the nationaJl states and democratm regimes, the economic arising from the partition of the Danube area were to •b e .removed by a system of alHances. Thus would lb e removed the tense atmosphere whi'c h reigned in this region and provoked neighboring powers to acts of aggression. 1 14) THE PEACE NEGOTIATIONS, London, 1921; p. 245. SLOVAKIA t Naturally, aU these plans and endeavors, including the Little Entente, resulted primarily !because of economiic condiitions; and their aim was not indi,c,ated as an effort to create a Centra:1-Euiropean Federation. This ,t hought, however, was deeply rooted in the minds of political leaders, even Dr. Edwaro Benes himself. A'1ways fearing the loss Otf the political and economic role which Ozecho-Slova:kia was playing, Dr. Edward Benes fought against every plan to unite Cenitra:l IDurape, 'but in 1936 he admiltted that "the plan of a Danube Federation is t!he widely propagated and best known conception proposed as a solution Otf the Austxian and Centro-European pro'blem." The reasons why this solution was not realized -w ere, according to Benes, "much more of a sentimental, psychologicrul and mora:1 nature than of a political and economic nature" (15) . 1 At , the end of the first World War, Dr. Stephen Osusky, foreimost representative of the Slovaks at that time on the side of the Entente, wrote a lb,o ok in F,renc'h, 1n whielh we find these words: "The defenders Otf AttstriaHunga:ry, in foreign lands as well as in the interior Otf the dual Monarchy, are aJCting very Hlog,rcaMy. They are very much for the 1ilberation of Poland, !b ut do not want to allow the ltberation of the remaining nations. Let us liberate all nations who wrunt to 'b e free, allowing them to create their own independent states, and we shall fulfill one of the tasks confronting us. Fav,o ring then the approchement of great Poland, whielh shall have access to the Ba:ltic Sea in Danzig, Rumania and the land$ of Czecho-Slova!kia, on the one hand, and Ukrainia, to which we must give serious thoug,ht, on the other hand, a ,powerful federation of free states will be created in the nor,th (of Central Europe)" (16). In the southern part of this area, Osus.ky proposed to support efforts to create a federation of .Southern Slavs, (15) LE PROBLEME DE L'EUROPE CENTIRALE: p.' 47, Sources et documents tchecoslovaques, No. 24. 16) Stephen Osuslky, ClJOPIN, MAGY:ARff ET ~4-NGERM.NNISTIDS, Paris, 1918. SLOVAKIA 10 after the realiizaition of which, "we shall on'1y have to connect these two federaitioins with a bridge which once existed but collapsed under the blow of historic events. T,hiu:s would come to an end the Orang nach Osten, to German a:ggression to the ffiast, and Europe and the world could work in peaJCe" (17). The plan, however, was Oipposed by T. G. Masaryk and Edward Benes. Another Sllovaik, Dr. Milan Hod'za, came forth with a d:irfferent plan, the so-called "Danube Plan." Fkst as Minister of Agriculture , later as Premier of the Ozecho-iSlo<vak Governmen t, Dr. Hodza endeavored to develop cooperation between the Central Eruropean nations and the consolidation of the oconomic situation in this pa1t of Europe- The climax of these endeavors was his "Danu!be Plan," which aimed to create, ·aJccording to Hodza's own words, "one single, great economic urut in Central Europe." This was to be attained by removing tariff ba.roiers and establishing a customs union, regu1'atmg agriculture and industrial production, reorganizin g the system of payments and transportation, etc. (18). The first steps in this dirootion were already made in 1937 by treaJties conduded between the indwidu.ail Danulbfan States and Bulgaria. Hodm's initiatiive found understand ing both in France and ffingla.nd, but Gemnany and Italy opposed it, thinking the plan was aimed against their influence in Central Europe, nay that it was an "effort to surround Germany," a:s the Germian press e,cpressed it. The plan failed not only 'beca;use orf this opposition, but also because of the crisis which began to aippear within the framework of the Little Entente and the developmen t of an inter-natioD.ial situation which tended in the opposite direction. The politico-mil itary actions of nationaHy socialist Germany and Mussolini's ltaly began to have far-reachim.g i:nd:iluenice on the whole of EUTope, but the most marked consequenc es began to appeax in Central and Souithea:stern Europe. Yugoslavia was 17) A. Ohervin, L'AUTRIOHE ET LA HONGRIE DE DE- MAIN, Paris, 1915. 18) Dr. Milan Hodza, i;,JDDERATI-ON IN CENTRAL EUROPE, pgs. 131-133. SLOVAKIA 11 the first to suffer the consequences froim the cha.rnged situation and, with Stojadinovic leading it, began to look toward Berlin. Mter a;n internal crisis and a change of governments, Rum-ani•a a'lso ibeca:m.e equaJil.y uncertain. The Little filntente, w'hioh •w as considered the pillar and guarantor of the OTder, created by pea:ce aigreements, went headlong into ruin. lit crashed even •b efore the Germans began their march into the DanuJbe basin and oould not prevent the colla;pse of the order built up in 1918, nor the political and economical hegemony of Hitler's Germany. UndoulbtecNy, the rea;sons for the collapse of the European system and, therefore, also of the Cenltral-European organization, were many- But it ca11!Ilot be denied that Hitler's plans and ructions in the Danube basin were suJbstantially facilitated by the political and economic conditions which governed there after 1918. Oonsequeinitly, the discontented nations, as predicted :ey Lansing, iif they did not work to overthrow that system, as did Hungary and Austria, then they certainly were not willing in the least to defend it, as was the case with c~echo-Slovatkiia a111d Yugoslavia. The dissolution of Czecho~Slova1kia was in fact caused by the German minoriity, as even Dr. Benes stated, because : In Munioh Czecho..:Slovakia was fatally wounded from the outside. " Munich, however, meant much more tha:n thaJt. "It opened the way along the Danulbe all the way to the Blacik Sea to German expamsion," as Winston Churchill said in the British Parliament O'l1 Oct. 5, 1938. Munich meant the end of the European system ,b uilt up by the •peace treaties of 19181920 and installed in Central Europe a Germ.an- Italian Russian co-dominiOIIl whioh, even though it did not last long, did bring new elements into the organization of the CentralEuropean area. Germany was in its politics consistent and adroit, and thus "milita;ry might, dwplomacy, propaganda and the feeling of helplessness before the preponderance of their neighbors, as well as the economic interests, were the causes of the voluntary or forced subordination of the Danulbian 12 SL0VAKlA nations, their new political orientation and cooperation with the Axis," says Graham Hutton (19). "•I n Belgrade, Bucharest and naturally in Sophia, kings and princes did not trust international obligations of collective security. They fuought tha,t every state must endeavor by its own means to serve the peace of all, buit t hat its first task ls to preserve its own peace" (20). And what 'hruppened in Prague was nothing else but what Dr. Benes had already told Minister Sfona in 1936: "If they (the French) aJbandon us without helping us in ·the face of German threats, we shall suI1prise the world by the limitless possilbilities of servility toward Berlin" (21) . This dissolution of the Versailles organization by German policies, whiich endeavored to make of this region a German "lebensraum," forced the representatives of the Central-European nations to return to the efforts to create a Cenitral-European federation, or confederation. A federalistic solution of Central-European problems seemed to be the only strong solution especial1.y when Gerniainy and Russia, with the pact of August 23, 1939, temporarily shared government over Central and Southeastern Europe, annexing territories, nay, even whole states and esta/t,lishing a dictatorship over them. In that situation even the most bigoted enemies of federalistic endeavors of Centr.a:l-Europe in the period between the two wars, politicians who ",p referred to see Hitler in Vienna than the Habsburgs," returned to the idea of creating a great federative unit in Central Europe after the end of the war. The Soviet-German Pact convinced even the nations, which in an effort to hold their own advantageous position in Central Europe wished its partition, that their own security, nay even their own existence in fact, could be guaranteed oltly by an intimate union of all the Central European nations. 19) Graihaim Hutton, LES NOUVEAUX DES'DINS DU DANiUBE, Paris, 1939. . 20) Gregoke Gafencu, DERNIERS J0URS DE L'EU'R0PE, p. 105. 21) Comte Sforza, ILLUS IONS ET REALITES DE L'EUR0PE, Neuch-atel 1944; p. 196. SLOVAKIA 13 Russia, wrote Gregoire, "revea~ed her face, which had nothlng encouragin g either fur her neig1hlbors or for a peaceful order of the world. The Moscow aigreement unmasked the Soviet Union, in whrch the cult of might and the practice of dou!ble..dealing so strikingly reminded one of the times of Catherine the Great ,a nd the ooarrs of the past centuries. 'It seemed that she obeys the ancient and mighty impulses, siimilrur to those, which drove the Gennan masses in the opposite direction, to the East. But the Russian aggression was at the same time more corufusilng and mysterious. Opposing every .Umitation not because the area which this aggression included was too narrow, lbut conversely beca,use the concepti:on of borders is alien to the nature of Russia" (22). It was, therefore, only natural, that in such a situation the plans of l.lIWying Central Europe on a federalistic basis were again revived and that together . with t!he representativ es of other Central-EUTdpeain nations the Slovvaks - those who fought on the side of the Mlies, as well as the political representat ives who remained at home will:ih the people and sought to lead it into •postwar Europe with as little loss as possible - endeavored to realize a federated Central Europe. On the side of the AUies, it was especiaAly the Slovak political group led by Dr. M. Hodfa and Peter Pridavo~, which led an open strwg,gle for these conceptions . In his book "Federatio n in Central Europe" H~a writes that already in Jainuary 1940 Slovalk political emigrants had come to an understand ing that they wowld endeavor to create a Central-Eu ropean federation. The fotliildation of this federation was to be the union between Poland, the Czech. lands and Slovakia. On January 23, 1942, there wais such an agreement cone'luded between the Polish and Czecho-Slovak g(?vemmen ts with the __ jntention that it wouJd be. the nudeu:s of a great Central-Eu ropean £-Oll22) Gregoire Gafeneu, PRELIMINA,:fRES DE LA -, GUERRE A L'EST, Fri-bourg, 1944. 1-4 SLOVAKIA federation. Matters common to all were to be foreign, military, economic, social and furancial affairs, as weH as transportation, communications and the postaJl. service (23). Milan Hod'za's book, published in 1942, contained all the more serious reasO!I1s for a federated Central IDuroipe. "WaT event'S in Central Europe," wrote Hodza, "dhviously fully vindi<:ate the idea <Yf a solidly org,anized futuTe cooperatron <Yf ahl those eight States whicih aTe placed in complete geogrruphic coherenice between Russia, Germany amd Irtaily. A federali.lzed Centrall Europe is one of the absolute necessi-ties of a new postwaT order." In the preface <Yf his >book, Hodza te1ls us that the Oentral-EuTopean federation should be composed of four Sl'O'Vainic and four non"Slovanic nations, which should £ind a new, great and sohd foundation for their own national lilfe, keeping in balance all possi!ble ra;cial and imperialistic aspirations in the broad territory, the consolidated system of whioh is to be the strongest contribution to the new arraingement of Europe. The federation proposed 1b y Hodza was supposed to rest on a customs union. Fina<n:ces, trade policies, foreign ·p olicy, defense, communioations were to be managed jointly. The p1'am also called for a Ministry of Federal Law 8Jlld a Ministry <Yf Trade Unions and Professional Associations. Altogether there were to be eight commQ!Il. ministries, forming the federal government, which would be headed by a chancellor appoiinted by the president af the federation. In the central goverrunent all the nations were to ·b e represented by ministers without 1portfolio. Ministers with pol'tfOllfo were to perform their functiooo in cooperation with the state secretaries representing all.I the federated nations. The president was to be elected first by the presidents of the national governments, then 1b y the congress of the federation for a period of one yeaT. The memlbers af congress were to be elected by a two-thirds majority of the national parliaments in the proportion of 23) F.r om the French text of the Treaty in the Stoc![,holm review L'AVENIR, Vol. 1, No. 2. SLOVAKIA one memlber for a million inhaib1tants. The ministers oif the federation, under the plan, could not be deputies of oongress. The solution ,p roposed iby Hod.fa would ha,v e a twofold advantage, wrote the "Voix des Peuples," the Swiss politicail review (Oct- 1944): "it would minimize the natio-nal antagonisms and would recreate the harmonius economic area, which !benefited Centrrul Europe before 1914. The sOilution, therefore, seems to be the wisest, because it is most advantageous for all the nations concerned." A positive stand to Hodfa's prnposal, on the assumption that SlO'Vlrukii:a iin the Europe confederation would figure as an ind~vidual member state, was truken by the main political o!I1gan in Slorva!kia, the "Slovfuk" (24), and in the Vatican diplomatic circles the interpreter of federalistic sqova,,k efforts was Ambassador Karol Sidor. At the beginniing af 1944, Dr. Ferdinand :Du11cansiky, university professoir and the first Fm·eign Minister of the Slovak Repulblic, published a technical study albout the problem of Centrail Euro;pe. The study ap:peaTed in the "Revue de droiit international, de sciences diplomatiques et politiques" (~fil annee, No. 1), putb lished in Gene,va. The status Which prevailed m Central Euro;pe up to 1938, led :Duvcansky to the log,i10al conclusion that a new Central Euro1p e must be orgaJnized on other fQ!Ulld:ations than those ()If 1'918 or those ruifteir that time; it must be organi:zed on the basis ()If coope:riation of the (Je,ntra!l-European niations and their equality. "We can imagine theoretically a cooperiati'On of the nations of Central Europe," wrote :DUTCam;ky, "either in a form of completely independent states, or in a form ()If close, mutual relation in a t.mrion of states. This cooperatiion would be directed by interna.tiona1 a:greement, or by a manner of federation in which every state would have •a special position defined by law." Campiete independence is, according .to :Dur1can:Sky, UJildou!btedly t!he most ad\.'amtageous. With regaro to the 1 24) Dr. Joseph Kirs:chlbaum, HODZ0V PLAN S'l'RED0-EUROPSKEJ F'EDERAOIE, article in tth e SLOVAK, Aug. 20, 1944. }6 SLOVAKIA ciromnsta:nce that the majority of the Central-European nations, as far as their number and the exitent of their territories, are small nations, this coU!ld mean, said Durcansky, certain dangers. Furthermore, tendencies to limit the sovereignty of small[ nations, endeavors to create laxge eoonomiJC units, the result of technical development and experience from previous wars that sma:ller nations could not defend their independence rb y being neutral - all these led to tlle creation of larger units. :Dutcansky continues: "From these motives there is talk aJbout more active cooperation which ought to guar-amtee lasting peace aind a greater prosperity- This cooperation cannot overstep the framework of a confederation the cooperation 'between independent states diirected by norms of international law. This solution gives guarantees of independence and freedom to the nations of CentralEurope, enaJbles a s01lurti:on of incidental disputes which could arise between the individual states of the confederation and, on the other hand, could defend Central IDurope against external attacks." WthaJt are the arguments 3/gain.st the federation of Central Europe? :Duircainsky points ~mt that ail such arguments rest on the psychologica:l situation in Central-Euroipe, the prejudices emanating from the past and the tendencies of certain nations to renew their former status. The development of war events, however, did not respect the federalistic tendencies of Central-European nations as much as it did during the first World War. Desp~¼ the P-01ish-OzechJSlovak Agreement, despite the positive stand of influential Anglo~Saxon circles and despite tlle general conviction (25) that the Central-European prgaLD!ization created in 191'8 was aib,solutely unsatisfact,:ory _, :t9-r,, ~h~ majority of Centra,l-European nations, as it also ·was for the rest of Europe, nevertheless at the end of 25) What the indivrldual Centra)-Europel).n na.tions thought Stojan Pribil!evil!, about federating Central Europe is told by: WORLD WITHOUT END, New York, 1939; Edmoll'd Demaltre in the review 1/A:VENIR; Gr. Gl\,fencu, PRElJIMlNAIRES DE LA GUERRE A L'EST; ~ - A. Mccartney; PROBLEMS OF THE DANUBE BASIN. SLOVAKIA 17 the war the very same states were renewed in their old forms, excepting maimed Poland and a smaller OzechoSlova:kia. The Altlantic Charter, the Charter of the United Nations, the natural rilght of every nation to its own state and the solemn prooLa.matioos of the waT years were qu'i.okly forgotten or e:,opediently a:bandoned. Furt:!hernnore, the dei1icate prolb'lem of the minorities began to lbe solved in a manner which was supported by the momenitary situation, in its co1I1Sequences, however, it ibroUJght new da:ngers for the Central-Ell.lropean area and ther~y for the whole of Europe. We are all witnesses of this today. The policy of the Soviet Union towaTd the n81tions of Central Euroipe and, therefore, feder81tiorral efforts did not die out even after World War II. m. THE PRESENT STRUGGLE OF THE SLOVAKS FOR A COMMONWEALTH OF CENTRAL-EUROPEAN NATIONS In 1945 Slova;kiia was occwpied by ,b oth the Russians and the Czechs, and the Communist-dOlminated regime installed there with the help of Moscow and Pr.ague reached to the very roots O!f the existence O!f the Slavalk nation. This irirefotaible fact has led the S1ov,a;k!s to fight uncompromisingly· from the very end of World War II :foT the liberation of Central Europe from alien hegemony rund for its federaJlirza:tion. The representatives O!f the Slovak nation are firmly convinced tha:t Central Europerun nations, if they do not waint to live under the hegemony of the one or the other otf their strong neig1hlbor,s, must unite in a larger · economic am.d stra:tegic unit. There i's no other solution. The entire politica1 and social development of Central EJurope from 1848 coofi:rnns this conclusfon. International policy, as well as the .p olfoy of individUJa1 1powers, is gu~ded by definilte coootants and lastinrg interests wihlch have Olll,tlived and shall out1we all changes o,f regimes. 'Dha:t is why today, just as in the past century, the CentraJl-IDuropeain nations must rookoo with the revival O!f German expansioo, 18 SLOVAKIA: which can change only its forms but not its aims, just as, on the other ham.d, Russi an JmperiaHsm haiS not changed and no regime will ever change it. The object of the expansionist endeavorrs of Russia and Gemniany is Central Europe, because of its geographical position and ethnic composition. These two powers have attaJdked each other for centuries for the control of the Centra~-Eumpeam nations. With the passage of centuries only the forms and pretenses of their imperiaJlism have changed. Pam.-Gerimanism and Pam-1Sllavism a1way:s followed and will follow the very sa:me pur,pose, and the only defense ,a grumst them is the unification of the Central-EJuropean nations on the basis of equality. ThaJt is the lesson of history. On the other hand, the experience of the ipast thirty years have proved that the system, which prevailed in Central and Eastern Europe s-ince 1918 and was again reestablished in 1945 by committing the very same mistakes, cotcld not giuai-antee Europe pea:ce and stalbNity, a:nd to the nations 'between Russia and Germany it could guarantee neither economic prosperity, nor security and freedom . ThUIS it hruppened that with the first blow of German imperiail~sm in 1938, as welil as a result of expansion of the Soviet Uni-on, the system succumbed, and with its downfall Ewrope and the wodd hruve boon thmst into dangerous crises, of whi:ch the first ended in war and the seoond threatoos with war. At the end of both waris, the nations of Central Europe were forced under regimes of terror, which were alien and hostile to the most fundamental cultur~d, po1i,tiical, economi:c and sociaiJ. traditions of all the CentraJl~Eurropeain natiions, who a.Te deeply devoted to the prindples of democr8Jcy and Christianity, the two concepts which are in prJndp1e at odds with both Nazism and materialistri1c OomJmunism. • 1 'I"housamds of Slov,ruk emigrants in Europe and elsewhere, am.d over a million Americruns of Slovak descent, have, therrefore, ,p roclaimed themselves since 194'5 for such a demooratic concepUon of a new Europe which would remove the o1d shortcomings of Europe, and especially of SLOVAKIA 19 Central Europe, and would rest on the principle of equality of au nations alild be united in a federative uni'on. The organiization of Central and Eastern Europe, as it has proved thusfar, could not fulfill its mission orf strength against imperialism which has threatened the pea:.ce of Europe for Centuries, but conversely, it even facilitated the victory orf these imperirulismsThe weakest part of this organization was CzechoSlovakia, a heterogenous amd polyglotic state, which gave an OipipOrlU'lle excuse to ,the · Third Reich for its expansion and, on the other hand, made cooperation impossible with other Central Euiropean nations, because the millions of inhrubitants of the minorities which were included a:gainst their will into the Czecho-Slovak Republic. Instead of strength against the "Drang nach Osten," the Czecho-Slovak Repwblic became in 191'8 the gateway for the German march into the Dam.Iibe Basin, a,nd in 1945 the bridge 01Ver which the Russian-Bolshevist expainsion penetrated into the very heart of Europe without any resistence. A new orga:nization of Central Europe is therefore, according to the v,i ews orf the representatives of the Slovak emigiration, rubsoiutely ne<:essary not only in the interest of CentraiJ.-Euroipean nations, but also, and in the very first ¢ace, in the interest oif the security orf Euroipe and the peace of the world. We rememib er that both world conflrugrations broke out in this a:rea. Until the extensive region between Germany and Russia is organized on a new basis, gua1ramteeing justice, equality and freedom to every nation, Europe cannot have secured its security and prosperity. Aggression of imperialism , tending to dominaite Central Euro-pe, and then the whole of Euro,pe, could again be facilitated, nay aggressors could even find opportune pretenses and allies, if any one of the Central-European nations were wronged and forced under the rule od' another. The poHticai and economic development from the end of World War I has made the nations of Central Europe conscious enough orf the fact that a more pernnanent SLOVAKIA !O and solid organization of this region demands that the r1ght to freedom and independence of every nation living there 'be recognired and respected. Being aiware of all this, the Slovak Lerugue of America, in the name of Americans of Slovak descent, as well as in the name of the Slovialk natioo, decl~re.d at its Congress in Oleve1and, Ohio, on Octdber 21, 1947, that "ibasicaliy it welcomes the idea of a federative union of the European nations." It was especially in agreement wiilth the thought of a fedei,aitive uni:on of the centra.1-IDuropean states, in which the nations of that part of Europe would find the prerequj.1s ities for peaceful coha/bitation, fruitful cooperation and effeicti.Jve defense of their individual and ool.lective interests. Of cou.rise, American Slovaks were for such an arrangement of Central Europe on the supposition that "the internal life of the indi,viduial member states amd their mu~ua.1 relationshi p ibe bui!l.t on the Christian principles of true democracy, mutual respect and solidarity," and if among the member states of this federation will be included "also Slovakia as an indrivid'l.Jlal , state, as an equiivalent state, as an equi,v alent and equal member." Slovak em~grants in Europe and elsewhere stand back of the same conceptions. They have so e~pressed themselves in numerous memoranda addressed to the Pe~e Conference, the United Nations, ind:ividua1l governments and to the represenitaltives of the various emigrant groups of the nations from behind the Iron Curtain. The Slovak nation never was am aggressor or imperi·a!list nation; it seeks nothing that does not rilghtfolly belong to it, and nothmg more than every naJtion, however large or small, has an inherent rig'hrt to .seek. The 'S lovaks are a deeply religious and democ-rati'c people, ruble and willing to cooperate with ·au nations of Europe who are determined to wipe out the pl,a gue oif Oommunism and fight for the freedom and independence of allil nati·ons. 1 It is, therefore, onl,y na,1:,ural that the representatiives of all the nations behintl the Iiron Curtain in emigration, among them aJlso Slo,va!k effii.gram.ts, are for the .remo,val SLOVAKIA 21 of the organizations and regimes of terror which call themsclves "1p eople's democracies." Just as the hitherto unhealthy arralillgement clid not satisfy the needs of the Central-European nations - .one in which practreally hailf the nations of Central Europe did not attain the valid!aition of the right of selrf-detevmination - just so· the system of totali1:arian ":people's democracies" does not satisfy and ,is not in aocord with the traditions of these nations. The ,p olitical and social chaniges, effected iby the 30year economic and socia!l development in t'his region of Europe, whether in regard to the spreaJd oif cidization among the broad masses, or in the social structure, chang~ ed the features <if Cenitral Europe to such an extent that in the future onily true demooracy, extended to the e{!onomic field as ,well, can b.e the system which woU!ld satisfy the · mentality, the spiritual foundiaition and the social needs of t'he natio!IllS of Central Europe. Ainy other system than the democratic, especially the totalitarian system of the " 1people's democracies," is opposed to the most basic mOTal and poiitioail traditi'ons of these countries and, therefore, could be instaJ11ed only ,b y force and maintained only br terror. The freedom of Europe, however, cannot be · Se{!Ured as long as one half of it is under a government of tert01r. On the other hand, the ipeaice of ' Etl!iope and , tbe world cannot be secured as long as Centra1 ·: Europe _i,'s not free and tmi.ted :in sUJCh a manner that '-'it ' could cfufend its own freedom and security .and thereby , also the seciirity of Eumpe Thi,s ios ipossible only if a United Staites of Central Euro,p e be:c~mes a reality in one foT-m or another, Hugh Seton-W:atson, in the int,vodUJCtion of his book "Eiastem Europe Between the Wars," stressed this point when he wrote: "IndividuaLEastern countries ·o.fifer ·interesting fields of study to the speda,list, but are · of smaJ.l importance in world politics. But the Eastern · European proiblem, the problem of the hundred millions,· is· one :of •the ma,jor problems of oor age. Each of the peoiples of ffiaJstern Europe must enjoy liiberty aind self-government if unrest is to be aivoided."  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovakia and Central European Federation Plans Description An account of the resource Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum Slovakia, Vol. 3, No. 1 (6), April 1953 pp. 1-21 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Kirschbaum, Jozef M., 1913-2001 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource April 1953 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/5740bcb2c8466cf7731faeb73a771caf.pdf 0861438e95b1cf0142c007040c57cb37 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 41 and East :mu.rope wi'hl .r equire all the wisdom, courage, and persist.eillCe we can commaind. Lt will mean further suffering and blood saic:riifice on the part of the peoples of that area, possilbly on OUT own part. But in the end right wm t.:r,iumiph over might. The signs ,t hat the tide is at last b,eginnin.g to turn in Riight's fawor a.re ruppearing on the horizon, and we will :liive to see the task to whlch we haive set ourselves accomplished. ,SlolV'alkia, too, shall lbe free! • • • SLOVA.KIA AND INTERNATIONAL INTERESTS IN 1938 Joseph Kirschbaum From the very beginning of Czecho-Slovakia, for twenty entire years, Czech policy and diplomacy succeeded in presenting the Slovak question as an internal problem, about which the outside world could say nothing without disturbing the sovereignty of the Czecho..Slovak State. Even professor Ernest Denis of the Sorbonne in Paris, who was quite partial to the Czech nation, wrote as early as 1917 that "the Slovak question is of European importance" (1), but for Czech politicians it was only an insignificant administrative problem. They refused to admit the existence of any Slovak problem. Thus it happened that Slovakia and Slovak politicians were not mentioned in international official documents until the fall of 1938. The storm, which broke loose over CzechoSlovakia, tore the cloak of Czech propaganda to shreds, and Slovakia, together with other problems of the Czecho-Slovak State, came to the forefront of European interests. This happened primarily through the neighbors of Czecho-Slovakia, each of whom wished to solve the Slovak question according to their own interests. Since these were not always in accord with the interests of the Slovaks, the representatives of the Slovak nation undertook everything possible to save Slovakia from the catastrophe into which the Czecho..Slovak Republic was led lby the policy of Prague. And so, almost simultaneously, we find documents which tell us, on the one hand, of the efforts to annex Slovakia to Hungary or �42 SLOVAKIA Poland, and, on the other hand, of the valiant struggle ef Slovak politicians, especially of Dr. Joseph Tiso, Karol Sidor, Dr. Ferdinand Durcansky and Dr. Vojtech Tuka, who fought for every inch of Slovak territory and !Slovak freedom. Four solutions of the Slovak question are dealt with in diplomatic documents of 1938; these were publish_ed by the British and American governments under the title "Documents on German Foreign Policy 1918-1945" (Vol. IV, Series D). The solutions considered were: 1. Independence of Slovakia; 2. autonomy of Slovakia within the framework of the Czecho-Slovak _RElpublic; 3. autonomous Slovakia orientated to Hungary; and, 4. autonomous Slovakia orientated to Poland (2). Magyar diplomacy did everything possible to gain Slovakia for itself. And s1nce, after Munich, Germany practically had a "free hand" in Central Europe, !Magyar demands were addressed to Berlin, either directly or through Rome. German diplomacy and the German General Staff, however, did not favor either the Magyar or the Polish solution. Iri 1938, Germany persistently and consistently held the position that Slovakia should remain within the framework of the Czecho-Slovak Republic ; Germany even in the least did not want an independent· .Slovakia. This is proved clearly and authoritatively by many documents, of which the most important are: a) The Memorandum bf ;the General Staff of the Wehrmacht of October 6, 1938, wherein we find this statenrent: "Consequently, it is in our military interest that Slovakia should not be separated from the Czecho-Slovak union, but should remain with Czecho-Slovakia under strong German influence" (3). b) The Memorandum for the Flihrer of October 7, 1938, prepared by the German Foreign Ministry, which tells about the changes that took place in Czecho-Slovakia after the Zilina Agreement, according to which the Czecho-'Slovak Republic took on a federative form. The !Memorandum stresses that this solution "even presents certain advantages compared with an independent Slovakia." It then continues that "from the point of view of (German) foreign policy, the �SLOVAKIA 43 solution of Slovakia united with Czechia is the easiest of achievement" ( 4). c) The note of Erich Kordt, an official of the Foreign Ministry, of October 8, 1938, which says that "with regard to :Slovakia, the Ftihrer thinks it opportune to support the Sillein resolutions (autonomy and orientation toward Prague)" (5). This struggle over the fate of Slovakia took place, of course, without the knowledge and participation of :Slovak political factors, 'behind the scenes of European diplomacy. It happened just as Andrew Hlinka would have expressed it: "De nobis sine nobis." We mention these facts so that the development that took place in Slovakia later might better be understood - that the Slovaks worked to attain independence already at the time that Germany, from Hitler through the Foreign Ministry and the General Staff of the Wehrmacht, wished to see Slovakia united with Prague. In this period we meet with the names of the Slovak representatives during the fight for the integrity of Slovakia, in the defense of Slovak territories in the south and north. And it may be interesting to note that the first official meeting of the Slovaks with German representatives was arranged by Minister Chvalkovsky of the Prague regime. In the negotiations about the fate of Bratislava, Nitra and Kosice, which the Magyars made a claim to with the aid of Italy, the Czech factors were so yielding that the Slovak autonomous government considered it its bounden puty not to rely on Prague, but to seek out every possible means to prevent those Slovak cities from falling into the hands of the Magyars. At , that time the Slovaks harbored no illusions about the fact that Germany really had a free hand in Europe and was determined to use it forcefully. Willy-nilly they had to accept the fact that only Berlin could possibly prevent the grab of Slovak territory and, in fact, a total invasion of Slovakia by the Magyars. Thus it was that on October 19, 1938, the first meeting of :Slovak political leaders took place with the Germans: Msgr. Dr. Joseph Tiso, president of the autonomous government of Slovakia, and Dr. F~rdinand :Durcansky, Minister of Justice, met with the · Foreign Minister of the Third Reich, Dr. Ribbentrop (6). ' 1 �44 SLOVAKIA According to the record of ·this meeting, Dr. Tiso told Ribbentrop that the Slovaks were a peace-loving nation and wanted to live independently. "The !Slovaks had followed," said Dr. Tiso, "the principle of nationality since 1918, when Hlinka went to Versailles, although this had been unsuccessful. !Slovakia was ethnologically, as well as in her language and literature, an independent territory. On June 5 the draft law had been introduced providing for autonomy for Slovakia under Prague, in which she had only foreign affairs, the army and finance in common with Czechia. On October 6 all Slovaks 1had united at Sillein and had taken power into their own hands." After this introduction, Dr. Tiso went on to the question of Komarno and Kosice and the efforts of the Magyars to use the statistics of 1910 to determine what cities of southern Slovakia should fall to the Magyars. Dr. Tiso stated that the Slovaks can prove that the statistics of 1910 were incorrect, nay, even falsified, to enhance the Magyar claims ; furthermore, if the Magyar demands were accepted, 300,000 more Slovaks would ·b e forced under Hungary- this in addition to the 300,000 already living there. Dr. Tiso and Dr. 1'.>urcansky, therefore, asked the German Reich to support their claims in the interest of the Slovak nation, but especially for economic and co mmunicationa:l reasons. Ribbentrop answered Dr. Tiso diplomatically. He said that "Germany had great understanding for the Slovak problems and felt the warmest sympathy for the Slovak people. Our attitude toward the Slovak problems was very simple: we would welcome the greatest possible measure of independence, which in the end was the prerequisite for peace in this part of Europe." But Ribbentrop immediately added: "If Slovakia placed great value on national necessities, she must also respect the national aspirations of the Hungarians." It was only after Dr. Tiso presented further arguments that Ribbentrop promised to instruct the German ambassador in Budapest, Erdmansdorf, to tell the Magyars that "they should renounce their claims to Pressburg, Nitra, Kaschau, Munkatsch and Ungvar, as these towns were vital �SLOVAKIA 45 for Slovakia. He further expressed the hope that the negotiations would ibe resumed in one or two days." That same day, October 19, 1938, Ribbentrop again re-ceived the Slovak representatives. He himself called them for an unofficial 'Visit, during which conversation took place not only about the southern territory of Slovakia, but involved the whole Slovak problem as well. The record of this meeting is so important for the understanding of ensuing -events in Slovakia, that we feel it should he quoted in its -entirety. Published as Document No. 73, the record is dated in Munich, October 19, 1938, and its text is as follows: "MEMORANDUM BY AN OFFlICIAL OF THE FOREIGN MINISTER'S .PERSONAL STAFF Munich, October 19, 1938 At about 7 P. M. the Reich Foreign Minister again received at his hotel Tiso, the Slovak Prime Minister, and ,M inister Durcansky. He told these gentlemen that he had invited them quite unofficially and privately in order to ask them what they thought of their relations with Prague. Whereas Tiso elaborated at length his aim of an autonomous Slovakia collaborating with an autonomous Carpatho-Ukraine under Prague, :Durcansky seemed to be striving rather for the complete independence of Slovakia, perhaps in union with Carpatho-Ukraine. Tiso thought that he would have to steer developments slowly and methodically. At Sillein he had not wished to make any sudden move. If Prague did not adhere to the agreements which had been made regarding complete autonomy, with the exception of a common foreign policy and common army and common State finances, complete separation would soon follow. As a matter of fact, the administrative side of finance had already been taken over, so that joint control remained only in the State finances. In the army, too, agreement had been reached in theory to form purely Slovak regiments, but this had not yet been put into practice. �46 SLOVAKIA In reply to a question by the Foreign Minister, Tiso said that Slovakia could maintain her independence and economy as long as she was helped militarily ·b y guarantees from the Great Powers. It was, of course, impossible for her to form a modern army for the defense of her frontiers. There were three possible orientations in the event of Slovakia's becoming independent. The first was orientation toward Czechia, which in the end was probably nearest to the Slovaks' hearts, as ·Prague had been politically weakened and as Slovakia, because of her large raw material resources, was also economically the equal of the Czech 'State. The second possibility was orientation toward Hungary, for which the Hungarians were making great efforts; and the third was orienta.t ion toward Poland. He could not foresee which of these tendencies was strongest in the Slovak people at present. If the Hungarians persisted in their stiff demands, he did not think that there would be much sympathy left among the Slovak people for throwing in their lot with the Magyars. In conclusion, the Minister told his visitors that he was naturally interested in the development of their country, and he asked them to apply directly to him if they ever · had any particular or economic Hewel." (7) problems. After this visit, excepting the visit of Dr. Ferdinand :Durcansky in the middle of November 1938, official Slovak factors did not have any contacts with representatives of the German Reich, neither according to documents, nor reality, until March 13, 1939. The visit of Dr. :Durcansky to Goering, according to the official record, but also according to the knowledge of the writer of these lines who accompanied Dr. :Durcansky to Berlin, was forced by two circumstances: 1. the Germans demanded the annexation of Devin to the German Reich, and, 2. the Czechs were endeavoring to prove that Slovak autonomy could not be upheld economically and so forced the Slovaks to. seek economic contacts with Germany directly. �SI.;OVAKIA 47 The talk with Goering was mainly about Devin; in this matter we were effectively aided by Ing. Karmasin, the representative of the Reich in Slovakia, who emphasized the point that "the castle of Theben on the rock at the confluence of the ,Morava and Danube was Slovakia's sole historic monument and that all Slovak history books would have to be burned if the castle were lost." Goering, however, also felt that politically Slovakia should remain united with Prague. According to the record, "the Field Marshall explained that at the moment the Slovak and the Ukrainian questions could ,b e dealt with only within the framework of the Czecho.,Slovak State" (8). Germany, therefore, did not allow the annexation of Slovakia to Hungary, nor an autonomous Slovakia orientated toward Poland and thus ena:bled !S lovakia tb escape the catastrophe which threatened it in 1938. · How did Prague appraise the situation in Slovakia? In the fall of 1938, according to the diplomatic report of the German Charge d'Affaires in Prague, Hencke, the situation was described as follows: "According to reports here" - says Mr. Hencke's telegram - · "independence movement in Slovakia is gaining ground steadily. Far-reaching autonomy is now demanded by political circles in Slovakia formerly loyal to Prague. A tendency is evident toward declaration of complete independence. "Hungarian Minister here stated that Budapest would regard voluntary union of :Slovakia, including CarpathoUkraine, with Hungary as the most practical solution of the Slovak question. "Polish Legation in Prague is more inclined to the idea of an independent Slovak State which would leave open the possibility of protectorate under Poland or Hungary" (9). References: 1. Ernest Denis, LES .SLOVAQUJDS, Ltbrairie Delagrave, Paris, 1917; 2. Memorandum for the Fiihrer, p. 46; 3. 1See p. 40; 4. .See ,p. 47; 5. .See p. 49; 6. Memorandum ,b y an of:ficial of the Foreign Minister's Personal Stailf, pp. 8·6-92; 7. See pp, 92-93; 8. Note 'by the Director of the Political Department, p. 142; 9. Telegram of Charge d'Affaires Hencke, p. 32. � SLOVAKIA 41 and East :mu.rope wi'hl .r equire all the wisdom, courage, and persist.eillCe we can commaind. Lt will mean further suffering and blood saic:riifice on the part of the peoples of that area, possilbly on OUT own part. But in the end right wm t.:r,iumiph over might. The signs ,t hat the tide is at last b,eginnin.g to turn in Riight's fawor a.re ruppearing on the horizon, and we will :liive to see the task to whlch we haive set ourselves accomplished. ,SlolV'alkia, too, shall lbe free! • • • SLOVA.KIA AND INTERNATIONAL INTERESTS IN 1938 Joseph Kirschbaum From the very beginning of Czecho-Slovakia, for twenty entire years, Czech policy and diplomacy succeeded in presenting the Slovak question as an internal problem, about which the outside world could say nothing without disturbing the sovereignty of the Czecho..Slovak State. Even professor Ernest Denis of the Sorbonne in Paris, who was quite partial to the Czech nation, wrote as early as 1917 that "the Slovak question is of European importance" (1), but for Czech politicians it was only an insignificant administrative problem. They refused to admit the existence of any Slovak problem. Thus it happened that Slovakia and Slovak politicians were not mentioned in international official documents until the fall of 1938. The storm, which broke loose over CzechoSlovakia, tore the cloak of Czech propaganda to shreds, and Slovakia, together with other problems of the Czecho-Slovak State, came to the forefront of European interests. This happened primarily through the neighbors of Czecho-Slovakia, each of whom wished to solve the Slovak question according to their own interests. Since these were not always in accord with the interests of the Slovaks, the representatives of the Slovak nation undertook everything possible to save Slovakia from the catastrophe into which the Czecho..Slovak Republic was led lby the policy of Prague. And so, almost simultaneously, we find documents which tell us, on the one hand, of the efforts to annex Slovakia to Hungary or �42 SLOVAKIA Poland, and, on the other hand, of the valiant struggle ef Slovak politicians, especially of Dr. Joseph Tiso, Karol Sidor, Dr. Ferdinand Durcansky and Dr. Vojtech Tuka, who fought for every inch of Slovak territory and !Slovak freedom. Four solutions of the Slovak question are dealt with in diplomatic documents of 1938; these were publish_ed by the British and American governments under the title "Documents on German Foreign Policy 1918-1945" (Vol. IV, Series D). The solutions considered were: 1. Independence of Slovakia; 2. autonomy of Slovakia within the framework of the Czecho-Slovak _RElpublic; 3. autonomous Slovakia orientated to Hungary; and, 4. autonomous Slovakia orientated to Poland (2). Magyar diplomacy did everything possible to gain Slovakia for itself. And s1nce, after Munich, Germany practically had a "free hand" in Central Europe, !Magyar demands were addressed to Berlin, either directly or through Rome. German diplomacy and the German General Staff, however, did not favor either the Magyar or the Polish solution. Iri 1938, Germany persistently and consistently held the position that Slovakia should remain within the framework of the Czecho-Slovak Republic ; Germany even in the least did not want an independent· .Slovakia. This is proved clearly and authoritatively by many documents, of which the most important are: a) The Memorandum bf ;the General Staff of the Wehrmacht of October 6, 1938, wherein we find this statenrent: "Consequently, it is in our military interest that Slovakia should not be separated from the Czecho-Slovak union, but should remain with Czecho-Slovakia under strong German influence" (3). b) The Memorandum for the Flihrer of October 7, 1938, prepared by the German Foreign Ministry, which tells about the changes that took place in Czecho-Slovakia after the Zilina Agreement, according to which the Czecho-'Slovak Republic took on a federative form. The !Memorandum stresses that this solution "even presents certain advantages compared with an independent Slovakia." It then continues that "from the point of view of (German) foreign policy, the �SLOVAKIA 43 solution of Slovakia united with Czechia is the easiest of achievement" ( 4). c) The note of Erich Kordt, an official of the Foreign Ministry, of October 8, 1938, which says that "with regard to :Slovakia, the Ftihrer thinks it opportune to support the Sillein resolutions (autonomy and orientation toward Prague)" (5). This struggle over the fate of Slovakia took place, of course, without the knowledge and participation of :Slovak political factors, 'behind the scenes of European diplomacy. It happened just as Andrew Hlinka would have expressed it: "De nobis sine nobis." We mention these facts so that the development that took place in Slovakia later might better be understood - that the Slovaks worked to attain independence already at the time that Germany, from Hitler through the Foreign Ministry and the General Staff of the Wehrmacht, wished to see Slovakia united with Prague. In this period we meet with the names of the Slovak representatives during the fight for the integrity of Slovakia, in the defense of Slovak territories in the south and north. And it may be interesting to note that the first official meeting of the Slovaks with German representatives was arranged by Minister Chvalkovsky of the Prague regime. In the negotiations about the fate of Bratislava, Nitra and Kosice, which the Magyars made a claim to with the aid of Italy, the Czech factors were so yielding that the Slovak autonomous government considered it its bounden puty not to rely on Prague, but to seek out every possible means to prevent those Slovak cities from falling into the hands of the Magyars. At , that time the Slovaks harbored no illusions about the fact that Germany really had a free hand in Europe and was determined to use it forcefully. Willy-nilly they had to accept the fact that only Berlin could possibly prevent the grab of Slovak territory and, in fact, a total invasion of Slovakia by the Magyars. Thus it was that on October 19, 1938, the first meeting of :Slovak political leaders took place with the Germans: Msgr. Dr. Joseph Tiso, president of the autonomous government of Slovakia, and Dr. F~rdinand :Durcansky, Minister of Justice, met with the · Foreign Minister of the Third Reich, Dr. Ribbentrop (6). ' 1 �44 SLOVAKIA According to the record of ·this meeting, Dr. Tiso told Ribbentrop that the Slovaks were a peace-loving nation and wanted to live independently. "The !Slovaks had followed," said Dr. Tiso, "the principle of nationality since 1918, when Hlinka went to Versailles, although this had been unsuccessful. !Slovakia was ethnologically, as well as in her language and literature, an independent territory. On June 5 the draft law had been introduced providing for autonomy for Slovakia under Prague, in which she had only foreign affairs, the army and finance in common with Czechia. On October 6 all Slovaks 1had united at Sillein and had taken power into their own hands." After this introduction, Dr. Tiso went on to the question of Komarno and Kosice and the efforts of the Magyars to use the statistics of 1910 to determine what cities of southern Slovakia should fall to the Magyars. Dr. Tiso stated that the Slovaks can prove that the statistics of 1910 were incorrect, nay, even falsified, to enhance the Magyar claims ; furthermore, if the Magyar demands were accepted, 300,000 more Slovaks would ·b e forced under Hungary- this in addition to the 300,000 already living there. Dr. Tiso and Dr. 1'.>urcansky, therefore, asked the German Reich to support their claims in the interest of the Slovak nation, but especially for economic and co mmunicationa:l reasons. Ribbentrop answered Dr. Tiso diplomatically. He said that "Germany had great understanding for the Slovak problems and felt the warmest sympathy for the Slovak people. Our attitude toward the Slovak problems was very simple: we would welcome the greatest possible measure of independence, which in the end was the prerequisite for peace in this part of Europe." But Ribbentrop immediately added: "If Slovakia placed great value on national necessities, she must also respect the national aspirations of the Hungarians." It was only after Dr. Tiso presented further arguments that Ribbentrop promised to instruct the German ambassador in Budapest, Erdmansdorf, to tell the Magyars that "they should renounce their claims to Pressburg, Nitra, Kaschau, Munkatsch and Ungvar, as these towns were vital �SLOVAKIA 45 for Slovakia. He further expressed the hope that the negotiations would ibe resumed in one or two days." That same day, October 19, 1938, Ribbentrop again re-ceived the Slovak representatives. He himself called them for an unofficial 'Visit, during which conversation took place not only about the southern territory of Slovakia, but involved the whole Slovak problem as well. The record of this meeting is so important for the understanding of ensuing -events in Slovakia, that we feel it should he quoted in its -entirety. Published as Document No. 73, the record is dated in Munich, October 19, 1938, and its text is as follows: "MEMORANDUM BY AN OFFlICIAL OF THE FOREIGN MINISTER'S .PERSONAL STAFF Munich, October 19, 1938 At about 7 P. M. the Reich Foreign Minister again received at his hotel Tiso, the Slovak Prime Minister, and ,M inister Durcansky. He told these gentlemen that he had invited them quite unofficially and privately in order to ask them what they thought of their relations with Prague. Whereas Tiso elaborated at length his aim of an autonomous Slovakia collaborating with an autonomous Carpatho-Ukraine under Prague, :Durcansky seemed to be striving rather for the complete independence of Slovakia, perhaps in union with Carpatho-Ukraine. Tiso thought that he would have to steer developments slowly and methodically. At Sillein he had not wished to make any sudden move. If Prague did not adhere to the agreements which had been made regarding complete autonomy, with the exception of a common foreign policy and common army and common State finances, complete separation would soon follow. As a matter of fact, the administrative side of finance had already been taken over, so that joint control remained only in the State finances. In the army, too, agreement had been reached in theory to form purely Slovak regiments, but this had not yet been put into practice. �46 SLOVAKIA In reply to a question by the Foreign Minister, Tiso said that Slovakia could maintain her independence and economy as long as she was helped militarily ·b y guarantees from the Great Powers. It was, of course, impossible for her to form a modern army for the defense of her frontiers. There were three possible orientations in the event of Slovakia's becoming independent. The first was orientation toward Czechia, which in the end was probably nearest to the Slovaks' hearts, as ·Prague had been politically weakened and as Slovakia, because of her large raw material resources, was also economically the equal of the Czech 'State. The second possibility was orientation toward Hungary, for which the Hungarians were making great efforts; and the third was orienta.t ion toward Poland. He could not foresee which of these tendencies was strongest in the Slovak people at present. If the Hungarians persisted in their stiff demands, he did not think that there would be much sympathy left among the Slovak people for throwing in their lot with the Magyars. In conclusion, the Minister told his visitors that he was naturally interested in the development of their country, and he asked them to apply directly to him if they ever · had any particular or economic Hewel." (7) problems. After this visit, excepting the visit of Dr. Ferdinand :Durcansky in the middle of November 1938, official Slovak factors did not have any contacts with representatives of the German Reich, neither according to documents, nor reality, until March 13, 1939. The visit of Dr. :Durcansky to Goering, according to the official record, but also according to the knowledge of the writer of these lines who accompanied Dr. :Durcansky to Berlin, was forced by two circumstances: 1. the Germans demanded the annexation of Devin to the German Reich, and, 2. the Czechs were endeavoring to prove that Slovak autonomy could not be upheld economically and so forced the Slovaks to. seek economic contacts with Germany directly. �SI.;OVAKIA 47 The talk with Goering was mainly about Devin; in this matter we were effectively aided by Ing. Karmasin, the representative of the Reich in Slovakia, who emphasized the point that "the castle of Theben on the rock at the confluence of the ,Morava and Danube was Slovakia's sole historic monument and that all Slovak history books would have to be burned if the castle were lost." Goering, however, also felt that politically Slovakia should remain united with Prague. According to the record, "the Field Marshall explained that at the moment the Slovak and the Ukrainian questions could ,b e dealt with only within the framework of the Czecho.,Slovak State" (8). Germany, therefore, did not allow the annexation of Slovakia to Hungary, nor an autonomous Slovakia orientated toward Poland and thus ena:bled !S lovakia tb escape the catastrophe which threatened it in 1938. · How did Prague appraise the situation in Slovakia? In the fall of 1938, according to the diplomatic report of the German Charge d'Affaires in Prague, Hencke, the situation was described as follows: "According to reports here" - says Mr. Hencke's telegram - · "independence movement in Slovakia is gaining ground steadily. Far-reaching autonomy is now demanded by political circles in Slovakia formerly loyal to Prague. A tendency is evident toward declaration of complete independence. "Hungarian Minister here stated that Budapest would regard voluntary union of :Slovakia, including CarpathoUkraine, with Hungary as the most practical solution of the Slovak question. "Polish Legation in Prague is more inclined to the idea of an independent Slovak State which would leave open the possibility of protectorate under Poland or Hungary" (9). References: 1. Ernest Denis, LES .SLOVAQUJDS, Ltbrairie Delagrave, Paris, 1917; 2. Memorandum for the Fiihrer, p. 46; 3. 1See p. 40; 4. .See ,p. 47; 5. .See p. 49; 6. Memorandum ,b y an of:ficial of the Foreign Minister's Personal Stailf, pp. 8·6-92; 7. See pp, 92-93; 8. Note 'by the Director of the Political Department, p. 142; 9. Telegram of Charge d'Affaires Hencke, p. 32. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1953, Vol. 3 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 6), April 1953.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 7), July 1953.</li> <li>Issue 3 (No. 8), September 1953.</li> <li>Issue 4 (No. 9), December 1953.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1953 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 41 and East :mu.rope wi'hl .r equire all the wisdom, courage, and persist.eillCe we can commaind. Lt will mean further suffering and blood saic:riifice on the part of the peoples of that area, possilbly on OUT own part. But in the end right wm t.:r,iumiph over might. The signs ,t hat the tide is at last b,eginnin.g to turn in Riight's fawor a.re ruppearing on the horizon, and we will :liive to see the task to whlch we haive set ourselves accomplished. ,SlolV'alkia, too, shall lbe free! • • • SLOVA.KIA AND INTERNATIONAL INTERESTS IN 1938 Joseph Kirschbaum From the very beginning of Czecho-Slovakia, for twenty entire years, Czech policy and diplomacy succeeded in presenting the Slovak question as an internal problem, about which the outside world could say nothing without disturbing the sovereignty of the Czecho..Slovak State. Even professor Ernest Denis of the Sorbonne in Paris, who was quite partial to the Czech nation, wrote as early as 1917 that "the Slovak question is of European importance" (1), but for Czech politicians it was only an insignificant administrative problem. They refused to admit the existence of any Slovak problem. Thus it happened that Slovakia and Slovak politicians were not mentioned in international official documents until the fall of 1938. The storm, which broke loose over CzechoSlovakia, tore the cloak of Czech propaganda to shreds, and Slovakia, together with other problems of the Czecho-Slovak State, came to the forefront of European interests. This happened primarily through the neighbors of Czecho-Slovakia, each of whom wished to solve the Slovak question according to their own interests. Since these were not always in accord with the interests of the Slovaks, the representatives of the Slovak nation undertook everything possible to save Slovakia from the catastrophe into which the Czecho..Slovak Republic was led lby the policy of Prague. And so, almost simultaneously, we find documents which tell us, on the one hand, of the efforts to annex Slovakia to Hungary or 42 SLOVAKIA Poland, and, on the other hand, of the valiant struggle ef Slovak politicians, especially of Dr. Joseph Tiso, Karol Sidor, Dr. Ferdinand Durcansky and Dr. Vojtech Tuka, who fought for every inch of Slovak territory and !Slovak freedom. Four solutions of the Slovak question are dealt with in diplomatic documents of 1938; these were publish_ed by the British and American governments under the title "Documents on German Foreign Policy 1918-1945" (Vol. IV, Series D). The solutions considered were: 1. Independence of Slovakia; 2. autonomy of Slovakia within the framework of the Czecho-Slovak _RElpublic; 3. autonomous Slovakia orientated to Hungary; and, 4. autonomous Slovakia orientated to Poland (2). Magyar diplomacy did everything possible to gain Slovakia for itself. And s1nce, after Munich, Germany practically had a "free hand" in Central Europe, !Magyar demands were addressed to Berlin, either directly or through Rome. German diplomacy and the German General Staff, however, did not favor either the Magyar or the Polish solution. Iri 1938, Germany persistently and consistently held the position that Slovakia should remain within the framework of the Czecho-Slovak Republic ; Germany even in the least did not want an independent· .Slovakia. This is proved clearly and authoritatively by many documents, of which the most important are: a) The Memorandum bf ;the General Staff of the Wehrmacht of October 6, 1938, wherein we find this statenrent: "Consequently, it is in our military interest that Slovakia should not be separated from the Czecho-Slovak union, but should remain with Czecho-Slovakia under strong German influence" (3). b) The Memorandum for the Flihrer of October 7, 1938, prepared by the German Foreign Ministry, which tells about the changes that took place in Czecho-Slovakia after the Zilina Agreement, according to which the Czecho-'Slovak Republic took on a federative form. The !Memorandum stresses that this solution "even presents certain advantages compared with an independent Slovakia." It then continues that "from the point of view of (German) foreign policy, the SLOVAKIA 43 solution of Slovakia united with Czechia is the easiest of achievement" ( 4). c) The note of Erich Kordt, an official of the Foreign Ministry, of October 8, 1938, which says that "with regard to :Slovakia, the Ftihrer thinks it opportune to support the Sillein resolutions (autonomy and orientation toward Prague)" (5). This struggle over the fate of Slovakia took place, of course, without the knowledge and participation of :Slovak political factors, 'behind the scenes of European diplomacy. It happened just as Andrew Hlinka would have expressed it: "De nobis sine nobis." We mention these facts so that the development that took place in Slovakia later might better be understood - that the Slovaks worked to attain independence already at the time that Germany, from Hitler through the Foreign Ministry and the General Staff of the Wehrmacht, wished to see Slovakia united with Prague. In this period we meet with the names of the Slovak representatives during the fight for the integrity of Slovakia, in the defense of Slovak territories in the south and north. And it may be interesting to note that the first official meeting of the Slovaks with German representatives was arranged by Minister Chvalkovsky of the Prague regime. In the negotiations about the fate of Bratislava, Nitra and Kosice, which the Magyars made a claim to with the aid of Italy, the Czech factors were so yielding that the Slovak autonomous government considered it its bounden puty not to rely on Prague, but to seek out every possible means to prevent those Slovak cities from falling into the hands of the Magyars. At , that time the Slovaks harbored no illusions about the fact that Germany really had a free hand in Europe and was determined to use it forcefully. Willy-nilly they had to accept the fact that only Berlin could possibly prevent the grab of Slovak territory and, in fact, a total invasion of Slovakia by the Magyars. Thus it was that on October 19, 1938, the first meeting of :Slovak political leaders took place with the Germans: Msgr. Dr. Joseph Tiso, president of the autonomous government of Slovakia, and Dr. F~rdinand :Durcansky, Minister of Justice, met with the · Foreign Minister of the Third Reich, Dr. Ribbentrop (6). ' 1 44 SLOVAKIA According to the record of ·this meeting, Dr. Tiso told Ribbentrop that the Slovaks were a peace-loving nation and wanted to live independently. "The !Slovaks had followed," said Dr. Tiso, "the principle of nationality since 1918, when Hlinka went to Versailles, although this had been unsuccessful. !Slovakia was ethnologically, as well as in her language and literature, an independent territory. On June 5 the draft law had been introduced providing for autonomy for Slovakia under Prague, in which she had only foreign affairs, the army and finance in common with Czechia. On October 6 all Slovaks 1had united at Sillein and had taken power into their own hands." After this introduction, Dr. Tiso went on to the question of Komarno and Kosice and the efforts of the Magyars to use the statistics of 1910 to determine what cities of southern Slovakia should fall to the Magyars. Dr. Tiso stated that the Slovaks can prove that the statistics of 1910 were incorrect, nay, even falsified, to enhance the Magyar claims ; furthermore, if the Magyar demands were accepted, 300,000 more Slovaks would ·b e forced under Hungary- this in addition to the 300,000 already living there. Dr. Tiso and Dr. 1'.>urcansky, therefore, asked the German Reich to support their claims in the interest of the Slovak nation, but especially for economic and co mmunicationa:l reasons. Ribbentrop answered Dr. Tiso diplomatically. He said that "Germany had great understanding for the Slovak problems and felt the warmest sympathy for the Slovak people. Our attitude toward the Slovak problems was very simple: we would welcome the greatest possible measure of independence, which in the end was the prerequisite for peace in this part of Europe." But Ribbentrop immediately added: "If Slovakia placed great value on national necessities, she must also respect the national aspirations of the Hungarians." It was only after Dr. Tiso presented further arguments that Ribbentrop promised to instruct the German ambassador in Budapest, Erdmansdorf, to tell the Magyars that "they should renounce their claims to Pressburg, Nitra, Kaschau, Munkatsch and Ungvar, as these towns were vital SLOVAKIA 45 for Slovakia. He further expressed the hope that the negotiations would ibe resumed in one or two days." That same day, October 19, 1938, Ribbentrop again re-ceived the Slovak representatives. He himself called them for an unofficial 'Visit, during which conversation took place not only about the southern territory of Slovakia, but involved the whole Slovak problem as well. The record of this meeting is so important for the understanding of ensuing -events in Slovakia, that we feel it should he quoted in its -entirety. Published as Document No. 73, the record is dated in Munich, October 19, 1938, and its text is as follows: "MEMORANDUM BY AN OFFlICIAL OF THE FOREIGN MINISTER'S .PERSONAL STAFF Munich, October 19, 1938 At about 7 P. M. the Reich Foreign Minister again received at his hotel Tiso, the Slovak Prime Minister, and ,M inister Durcansky. He told these gentlemen that he had invited them quite unofficially and privately in order to ask them what they thought of their relations with Prague. Whereas Tiso elaborated at length his aim of an autonomous Slovakia collaborating with an autonomous Carpatho-Ukraine under Prague, :Durcansky seemed to be striving rather for the complete independence of Slovakia, perhaps in union with Carpatho-Ukraine. Tiso thought that he would have to steer developments slowly and methodically. At Sillein he had not wished to make any sudden move. If Prague did not adhere to the agreements which had been made regarding complete autonomy, with the exception of a common foreign policy and common army and common State finances, complete separation would soon follow. As a matter of fact, the administrative side of finance had already been taken over, so that joint control remained only in the State finances. In the army, too, agreement had been reached in theory to form purely Slovak regiments, but this had not yet been put into practice. 46 SLOVAKIA In reply to a question by the Foreign Minister, Tiso said that Slovakia could maintain her independence and economy as long as she was helped militarily ·b y guarantees from the Great Powers. It was, of course, impossible for her to form a modern army for the defense of her frontiers. There were three possible orientations in the event of Slovakia's becoming independent. The first was orientation toward Czechia, which in the end was probably nearest to the Slovaks' hearts, as ·Prague had been politically weakened and as Slovakia, because of her large raw material resources, was also economically the equal of the Czech 'State. The second possibility was orientation toward Hungary, for which the Hungarians were making great efforts; and the third was orienta.t ion toward Poland. He could not foresee which of these tendencies was strongest in the Slovak people at present. If the Hungarians persisted in their stiff demands, he did not think that there would be much sympathy left among the Slovak people for throwing in their lot with the Magyars. In conclusion, the Minister told his visitors that he was naturally interested in the development of their country, and he asked them to apply directly to him if they ever · had any particular or economic Hewel." (7) problems. After this visit, excepting the visit of Dr. Ferdinand :Durcansky in the middle of November 1938, official Slovak factors did not have any contacts with representatives of the German Reich, neither according to documents, nor reality, until March 13, 1939. The visit of Dr. :Durcansky to Goering, according to the official record, but also according to the knowledge of the writer of these lines who accompanied Dr. :Durcansky to Berlin, was forced by two circumstances: 1. the Germans demanded the annexation of Devin to the German Reich, and, 2. the Czechs were endeavoring to prove that Slovak autonomy could not be upheld economically and so forced the Slovaks to. seek economic contacts with Germany directly. SI.;OVAKIA 47 The talk with Goering was mainly about Devin; in this matter we were effectively aided by Ing. Karmasin, the representative of the Reich in Slovakia, who emphasized the point that "the castle of Theben on the rock at the confluence of the ,Morava and Danube was Slovakia's sole historic monument and that all Slovak history books would have to be burned if the castle were lost." Goering, however, also felt that politically Slovakia should remain united with Prague. According to the record, "the Field Marshall explained that at the moment the Slovak and the Ukrainian questions could ,b e dealt with only within the framework of the Czecho.,Slovak State" (8). Germany, therefore, did not allow the annexation of Slovakia to Hungary, nor an autonomous Slovakia orientated toward Poland and thus ena:bled !S lovakia tb escape the catastrophe which threatened it in 1938. · How did Prague appraise the situation in Slovakia? In the fall of 1938, according to the diplomatic report of the German Charge d'Affaires in Prague, Hencke, the situation was described as follows: "According to reports here" - says Mr. Hencke's telegram - · "independence movement in Slovakia is gaining ground steadily. Far-reaching autonomy is now demanded by political circles in Slovakia formerly loyal to Prague. A tendency is evident toward declaration of complete independence. "Hungarian Minister here stated that Budapest would regard voluntary union of :Slovakia, including CarpathoUkraine, with Hungary as the most practical solution of the Slovak question. "Polish Legation in Prague is more inclined to the idea of an independent Slovak State which would leave open the possibility of protectorate under Poland or Hungary" (9). References: 1. Ernest Denis, LES .SLOVAQUJDS, Ltbrairie Delagrave, Paris, 1917; 2. Memorandum for the Fiihrer, p. 46; 3. 1See p. 40; 4. .See ,p. 47; 5. .See p. 49; 6. Memorandum ,b y an of:ficial of the Foreign Minister's Personal Stailf, pp. 8·6-92; 7. See pp, 92-93; 8. Note 'by the Director of the Political Department, p. 142; 9. Telegram of Charge d'Affaires Hencke, p. 32.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovakia and International Interests in 1938 Description An account of the resource Joseph Kirschbaum Slovakia, Vol. 3, No. 4 (9), December 1953 pp. 41-47 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Kirschbaum, Jozef M., 1913-2001 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource December 1953 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/705922a72e63667fe54f580c319c4fa4.pdf 58310ead3afe5d6530b02fc14e4aa1ea PDF Text Text 20 SLOVAKIA SLOVAKIA AND THE CHURCH The question of the position of Slovakia in the Roman Catholic Church was again erroneously explained recently. And once again by Czechs who apparently still feel that they should dominate the Slovaks in all things. In a recent issue (No. 2, 1959) of the Czech Catholic periodical "Novy '.Zivot" (New Life) - published in Rome - the question whether Archbishop Beran was a Czech or CzechoSlovak Primate was answered in this fashion: "The Prague Archbishop was therefore a Czech Metropolitan, but Primate of the Czech (Bohemian - ed.) kingdom. And this title is used on official documents to this day.. : .. When, therefore, the boundaries of the state were increased or decreased, the territory of the Primate also automatically increased or decreased. "But as long as the ICzecho..Slovak Repwblic is the legal heir of the Czech @3ohemian - ed.) kingdom, the Archbishop of Prague is the Primate of the entire state •a nd can be called the Primate of Czecho..Slovakia (or, if you will, the Czecho.JSlovak Primate), even though the Prague archbischops, after the estarblishment of the Czecho..Slovak tRepU!blic, never did call themselves in this fashion, but used only the old historic title; and the title tells us nothing else but that the Primate is (often because of the antiquity of the bis•h op's See) the first bishop in the state. The basis for this denotation i,s therefore territorial and not perhaps linguistic and the less so even political." "The truth will prevail," say the Czechs, and the Slovaks firmly believe that it will even in this case, the feelings and propaganda of the Czechs not withstanding! According to valid ecclesiastical law the status of dioceses or ecclesiastical provinces is decided exclusively and only by the Holy See, the highest ecclesiastical authority (Can. 251, par. 1). Consequently, only the Holy See grants or changes titles of persons who have jurisdiction or whatever authority, even if it be only honorary over these units. This is valid in every case and, hence, even in the case of Slovakia. When Saint Methodius was given jurisdiction over the Danubian Slovans (Slavic peoples), the Slovaks certainly belonged to that area, because the document of Pope Adrian II is even addressed to Svatopluk, who at that time �SLOVAKIA 21 ruled in Nitra, and to Kocef, Pribina's son, who managed Pannonia (Cf. Cod. dipl. et epist. regni Boh., t. 1, No. 12, pp. 7-9). Nitra had become a bishopric already in 880 A.D. (Registrum Johannis VII, epist, 257, Arch. Vatic.) on the basis of the decision of Pope John VIII. Prague only in 973, that is, ninety-three years later. The forefathers of the Slovaks, settled on both sides of the Morava river, formed the nucleus of the Great Moravian Empire. The fact that Nitra is the oldest bishopric of the Slovans north of the Danube is not altered at all by the unfavorable conditions that prevailed at that time (Wiching) or later which enabled the ignoring of its significance. At that time, therefore, Slovakia had its bishopric and belonged under the jurisdiction of Saint Methodius. After the fall of the Great Moravian Empire early in the tenth century, Slovakia eventually became a part of Hungary even as regards ecclesiastical affairs. The bishopric of Nitra was re-established about 1024 and always recalled the days of SS. Cyril and Methodius. The rest of the territory of Slovakia belonged under the ecclesiastical management of Ostrihom and Eger, even though, for example, the Spis province had its own provost from the end of the twelfth century. A great stride forward was the establishment of new bishoprics on the territory: the bishopric of Banska Bystrica, Spis Province, and Roznava in 1776; the diocese of Kosice in 1804; and the Greek Catholic diocese of Presov in 1816. Nitra, Banska Bystrica, and Roznava belonged under the jurisdiction of the Archbishop of Ostrihom, while the Spis and Kosice bishoprics were under the jurisdiction of the Archbishop of Eger as suffragan bishoprics. After the establishment of Czecho-Slovakia in 1918, the apostolic administratorship of Trnava was established temporarily. The new position of Slovakia within the Church was determined in 1937, when the Holy See issued the Apostolic Constitution "Ad ecclesiastici regiminis incrementum" (AAS, 1937, pp. 366-369). This Constitution freed the Slovak dioceses and apostolic administratorships from the jurisdiction of Ostrihom and Eger and placed �22 SLOVAKIA them directly under the jurisdiction of the Holy See. True it is, that even this position is considered temporary by the document, because it expressly states that the Apostolic See will establish a Metropolitan See as quickly as possible in Slovakia. Slovakia would then became an independent ecclesiastical province. The document, furthermore, expressly commands all concerned to abide by the decision of the Holy See and forbids any opposition to it or violation of it. Unfortunately, the world situation did not permit the establishment of an ecclesiastical province in Slovakia. Legally, then, according to Ohurch Law, the dioceses and apostolic administratorships of Slovakia are directly under the jurisdiction of the Holy See, that is, they are responsible to the Holy See dircetly and not to the Prague or Olomouc provinces. Since that is the case, we know then that the explanation given by the Czech periodical Novy Zivot is erroneous. According to present Church Law, the title of Primate is purely an honorary one. Excepting the Hungarian Primate, the bearers of this title have no jurisdiction because of it. In the past, however, Primates did have a definite right over Metropolitans and Bishops (Wernz-Vidal: Jus Canonicum, II, Nr. 517). Of course, only the Holy See has the right to grant or change this title - just as it has to grant or change any other title denoting such a high honor. Since we are concerned with a title that is more of a historical nature, its bearers use it in the same sense that it was granted, even though it is not in line with the present terminology of countries or their political division or affiliation (federation). So it is that in France the Archbishop of Lyons uses the title of "primas de Gaulles," and not the title of French Primate; the Archbishop of Salzburg uses the title "Primate of Germany" and not Primate of Austria and Germany. Similarly, then, even the Prague archbishops consistently used and still do use the title "Primate of the Bohemian Kingdom" or "Primate of the lands of the former Bohemian Kingdom." In the Czech case, there is no basis for changing this title arbitrarily by private individuals. �SLOVAKIA 23 The author of the explanation given in the Czech periodically Novy Zivot assumed that Slovakia was a part of the Bohemian Kingdom. History, however, tells us that Slovakia was not a part of that kingdom, and, therefore, had no jurisdictional connection with it. And when a new political state was formed, composed of the lands that once belonged to the Bohemian Kingdom and of Slovakia, the distinction was made, if we recall, between the so-called "historical lands" and Slovakia (as if Slovakia did not have a history of its own!) and, therefore, there was a difference between the heir to the historical lands of the Bohemian Crown and Slovakia, the land of the Slovaks. In short, what applied to the Bohemian Kingdom did not apply to Slovakia which was not a part of that kingdom. But even if anyone should think that Slovakia is also heir of the Czech State, let him bear in mind that the title of Primate is territorial. It is valid only in the territory that it was granted and not otherwise, unless the Holy See changes it with a new decision. This was adhered to even by the Archbishops of Prague. One might ,believe that, as a rule, there is only one Primate in any one state, but he would be mistaken. In Spain the title of Primate is enjoyed by two archbishops: the Archbishop of Toledo and the Archbishop of Tarragon. England and Scotland form one political state, but the Engli~h Primate is not the Primate of Scotland. When Ireland belonged to one political formation with England, the Primate of England was not the Primate of Ireland. There is, therefore, no objective argument in this regard to extend arbitrarily the title of Czech Primate over a new territory, to Slovakia. If we allow our thoughts to be the offspring of our desires, then there is no guarantee that they will be correct. It is only when our thoughts express an objective reality that they are truthful. Then even the deeds following from them can be just. Some time ago the Novy Zivot published an address of the Archbishop of London in which His Excellency on the basis of the erroneous information - referred to the Archbishop of Prague as the Primate of Czecho-Slo- �24 SLOVAKIA vakia. The editor of the Czech periodical had the opportunity to learn how the Slovaks in Rome felt about the matter. They held no ill will for the Archbishop of London, but they did for the Czechs associated with Novy Zivot, the editor of which certainly knows better. The Czechs apparently have learned little or nothing from the past. They keep parroting listlessly the slogan "truth will prevail" - a la Masaryk and Benes - while they spread false propaganda even about those who are supposed to be "closely related" to them. It is obvious that the Czech periodical "Novy Zivot" (New Life) is still following the old life which brought ruin to the Slovak and Czech nations. • • • INTERNATIONAL SOCIAL JUSTICE Rev. William A. Kaschmitter, M.N. Due to the scientific and technological revolutions of the past century, the world has become international in spite of itself and does not know what to do about this new situation. The number of international organizations created since 1860 to cope with specific international problems is simply phenomenal. The first global attempt made to grapple with all of these problems in general was made after World War I when the League of Nations was formally erected. The League failed but its failure did not kill the sense of need :for such an organization and after World War II another attempt was made in the creation of the United Nations Organization. Unfortunately, many people today fear that the United Nations Organization will go the way of the League unless it can "grow up" and mature to the point where it can command not only the respect but also the confidence of all nations, great and small. Justice - Not Merely Charity There are good-hearted people who think that charity alone will suffice to cure the ills of our world. It is true that love for God and neighbor are the two greatest commandments and that acording to St. Paul, Charity is the � 20 SLOVAKIA SLOVAKIA AND THE CHURCH The question of the position of Slovakia in the Roman Catholic Church was again erroneously explained recently. And once again by Czechs who apparently still feel that they should dominate the Slovaks in all things. In a recent issue (No. 2, 1959) of the Czech Catholic periodical "Novy '.Zivot" (New Life) - published in Rome - the question whether Archbishop Beran was a Czech or CzechoSlovak Primate was answered in this fashion: "The Prague Archbishop was therefore a Czech Metropolitan, but Primate of the Czech (Bohemian - ed.) kingdom. And this title is used on official documents to this day.. : .. When, therefore, the boundaries of the state were increased or decreased, the territory of the Primate also automatically increased or decreased. "But as long as the ICzecho..Slovak Repwblic is the legal heir of the Czech @3ohemian - ed.) kingdom, the Archbishop of Prague is the Primate of the entire state •a nd can be called the Primate of Czecho..Slovakia (or, if you will, the Czecho.JSlovak Primate), even though the Prague archbischops, after the estarblishment of the Czecho..Slovak tRepU!blic, never did call themselves in this fashion, but used only the old historic title; and the title tells us nothing else but that the Primate is (often because of the antiquity of the bis•h op's See) the first bishop in the state. The basis for this denotation i,s therefore territorial and not perhaps linguistic and the less so even political." "The truth will prevail," say the Czechs, and the Slovaks firmly believe that it will even in this case, the feelings and propaganda of the Czechs not withstanding! According to valid ecclesiastical law the status of dioceses or ecclesiastical provinces is decided exclusively and only by the Holy See, the highest ecclesiastical authority (Can. 251, par. 1). Consequently, only the Holy See grants or changes titles of persons who have jurisdiction or whatever authority, even if it be only honorary over these units. This is valid in every case and, hence, even in the case of Slovakia. When Saint Methodius was given jurisdiction over the Danubian Slovans (Slavic peoples), the Slovaks certainly belonged to that area, because the document of Pope Adrian II is even addressed to Svatopluk, who at that time �SLOVAKIA 21 ruled in Nitra, and to Kocef, Pribina's son, who managed Pannonia (Cf. Cod. dipl. et epist. regni Boh., t. 1, No. 12, pp. 7-9). Nitra had become a bishopric already in 880 A.D. (Registrum Johannis VII, epist, 257, Arch. Vatic.) on the basis of the decision of Pope John VIII. Prague only in 973, that is, ninety-three years later. The forefathers of the Slovaks, settled on both sides of the Morava river, formed the nucleus of the Great Moravian Empire. The fact that Nitra is the oldest bishopric of the Slovans north of the Danube is not altered at all by the unfavorable conditions that prevailed at that time (Wiching) or later which enabled the ignoring of its significance. At that time, therefore, Slovakia had its bishopric and belonged under the jurisdiction of Saint Methodius. After the fall of the Great Moravian Empire early in the tenth century, Slovakia eventually became a part of Hungary even as regards ecclesiastical affairs. The bishopric of Nitra was re-established about 1024 and always recalled the days of SS. Cyril and Methodius. The rest of the territory of Slovakia belonged under the ecclesiastical management of Ostrihom and Eger, even though, for example, the Spis province had its own provost from the end of the twelfth century. A great stride forward was the establishment of new bishoprics on the territory: the bishopric of Banska Bystrica, Spis Province, and Roznava in 1776; the diocese of Kosice in 1804; and the Greek Catholic diocese of Presov in 1816. Nitra, Banska Bystrica, and Roznava belonged under the jurisdiction of the Archbishop of Ostrihom, while the Spis and Kosice bishoprics were under the jurisdiction of the Archbishop of Eger as suffragan bishoprics. After the establishment of Czecho-Slovakia in 1918, the apostolic administratorship of Trnava was established temporarily. The new position of Slovakia within the Church was determined in 1937, when the Holy See issued the Apostolic Constitution "Ad ecclesiastici regiminis incrementum" (AAS, 1937, pp. 366-369). This Constitution freed the Slovak dioceses and apostolic administratorships from the jurisdiction of Ostrihom and Eger and placed �22 SLOVAKIA them directly under the jurisdiction of the Holy See. True it is, that even this position is considered temporary by the document, because it expressly states that the Apostolic See will establish a Metropolitan See as quickly as possible in Slovakia. Slovakia would then became an independent ecclesiastical province. The document, furthermore, expressly commands all concerned to abide by the decision of the Holy See and forbids any opposition to it or violation of it. Unfortunately, the world situation did not permit the establishment of an ecclesiastical province in Slovakia. Legally, then, according to Ohurch Law, the dioceses and apostolic administratorships of Slovakia are directly under the jurisdiction of the Holy See, that is, they are responsible to the Holy See dircetly and not to the Prague or Olomouc provinces. Since that is the case, we know then that the explanation given by the Czech periodical Novy Zivot is erroneous. According to present Church Law, the title of Primate is purely an honorary one. Excepting the Hungarian Primate, the bearers of this title have no jurisdiction because of it. In the past, however, Primates did have a definite right over Metropolitans and Bishops (Wernz-Vidal: Jus Canonicum, II, Nr. 517). Of course, only the Holy See has the right to grant or change this title - just as it has to grant or change any other title denoting such a high honor. Since we are concerned with a title that is more of a historical nature, its bearers use it in the same sense that it was granted, even though it is not in line with the present terminology of countries or their political division or affiliation (federation). So it is that in France the Archbishop of Lyons uses the title of "primas de Gaulles," and not the title of French Primate; the Archbishop of Salzburg uses the title "Primate of Germany" and not Primate of Austria and Germany. Similarly, then, even the Prague archbishops consistently used and still do use the title "Primate of the Bohemian Kingdom" or "Primate of the lands of the former Bohemian Kingdom." In the Czech case, there is no basis for changing this title arbitrarily by private individuals. �SLOVAKIA 23 The author of the explanation given in the Czech periodically Novy Zivot assumed that Slovakia was a part of the Bohemian Kingdom. History, however, tells us that Slovakia was not a part of that kingdom, and, therefore, had no jurisdictional connection with it. And when a new political state was formed, composed of the lands that once belonged to the Bohemian Kingdom and of Slovakia, the distinction was made, if we recall, between the so-called "historical lands" and Slovakia (as if Slovakia did not have a history of its own!) and, therefore, there was a difference between the heir to the historical lands of the Bohemian Crown and Slovakia, the land of the Slovaks. In short, what applied to the Bohemian Kingdom did not apply to Slovakia which was not a part of that kingdom. But even if anyone should think that Slovakia is also heir of the Czech State, let him bear in mind that the title of Primate is territorial. It is valid only in the territory that it was granted and not otherwise, unless the Holy See changes it with a new decision. This was adhered to even by the Archbishops of Prague. One might ,believe that, as a rule, there is only one Primate in any one state, but he would be mistaken. In Spain the title of Primate is enjoyed by two archbishops: the Archbishop of Toledo and the Archbishop of Tarragon. England and Scotland form one political state, but the Engli~h Primate is not the Primate of Scotland. When Ireland belonged to one political formation with England, the Primate of England was not the Primate of Ireland. There is, therefore, no objective argument in this regard to extend arbitrarily the title of Czech Primate over a new territory, to Slovakia. If we allow our thoughts to be the offspring of our desires, then there is no guarantee that they will be correct. It is only when our thoughts express an objective reality that they are truthful. Then even the deeds following from them can be just. Some time ago the Novy Zivot published an address of the Archbishop of London in which His Excellency on the basis of the erroneous information - referred to the Archbishop of Prague as the Primate of Czecho-Slo- �24 SLOVAKIA vakia. The editor of the Czech periodical had the opportunity to learn how the Slovaks in Rome felt about the matter. They held no ill will for the Archbishop of London, but they did for the Czechs associated with Novy Zivot, the editor of which certainly knows better. The Czechs apparently have learned little or nothing from the past. They keep parroting listlessly the slogan "truth will prevail" - a la Masaryk and Benes - while they spread false propaganda even about those who are supposed to be "closely related" to them. It is obvious that the Czech periodical "Novy Zivot" (New Life) is still following the old life which brought ruin to the Slovak and Czech nations. • • • INTERNATIONAL SOCIAL JUSTICE Rev. William A. Kaschmitter, M.N. Due to the scientific and technological revolutions of the past century, the world has become international in spite of itself and does not know what to do about this new situation. The number of international organizations created since 1860 to cope with specific international problems is simply phenomenal. The first global attempt made to grapple with all of these problems in general was made after World War I when the League of Nations was formally erected. The League failed but its failure did not kill the sense of need :for such an organization and after World War II another attempt was made in the creation of the United Nations Organization. Unfortunately, many people today fear that the United Nations Organization will go the way of the League unless it can "grow up" and mature to the point where it can command not only the respect but also the confidence of all nations, great and small. Justice - Not Merely Charity There are good-hearted people who think that charity alone will suffice to cure the ills of our world. It is true that love for God and neighbor are the two greatest commandments and that acording to St. Paul, Charity is the � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1959, Vol. 9 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 4 [sic] (No. 29), March 1959.</li> <li>Issue 5 [sic] (No. 30), June-December 1959.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1959 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 20 SLOVAKIA SLOVAKIA AND THE CHURCH The question of the position of Slovakia in the Roman Catholic Church was again erroneously explained recently. And once again by Czechs who apparently still feel that they should dominate the Slovaks in all things. In a recent issue (No. 2, 1959) of the Czech Catholic periodical "Novy '.Zivot" (New Life) - published in Rome - the question whether Archbishop Beran was a Czech or CzechoSlovak Primate was answered in this fashion: "The Prague Archbishop was therefore a Czech Metropolitan, but Primate of the Czech (Bohemian - ed.) kingdom. And this title is used on official documents to this day.. : .. When, therefore, the boundaries of the state were increased or decreased, the territory of the Primate also automatically increased or decreased. "But as long as the ICzecho..Slovak Repwblic is the legal heir of the Czech @3ohemian - ed.) kingdom, the Archbishop of Prague is the Primate of the entire state •a nd can be called the Primate of Czecho..Slovakia (or, if you will, the Czecho.JSlovak Primate), even though the Prague archbischops, after the estarblishment of the Czecho..Slovak tRepU!blic, never did call themselves in this fashion, but used only the old historic title; and the title tells us nothing else but that the Primate is (often because of the antiquity of the bis•h op's See) the first bishop in the state. The basis for this denotation i,s therefore territorial and not perhaps linguistic and the less so even political." "The truth will prevail," say the Czechs, and the Slovaks firmly believe that it will even in this case, the feelings and propaganda of the Czechs not withstanding! According to valid ecclesiastical law the status of dioceses or ecclesiastical provinces is decided exclusively and only by the Holy See, the highest ecclesiastical authority (Can. 251, par. 1). Consequently, only the Holy See grants or changes titles of persons who have jurisdiction or whatever authority, even if it be only honorary over these units. This is valid in every case and, hence, even in the case of Slovakia. When Saint Methodius was given jurisdiction over the Danubian Slovans (Slavic peoples), the Slovaks certainly belonged to that area, because the document of Pope Adrian II is even addressed to Svatopluk, who at that time SLOVAKIA 21 ruled in Nitra, and to Kocef, Pribina's son, who managed Pannonia (Cf. Cod. dipl. et epist. regni Boh., t. 1, No. 12, pp. 7-9). Nitra had become a bishopric already in 880 A.D. (Registrum Johannis VII, epist, 257, Arch. Vatic.) on the basis of the decision of Pope John VIII. Prague only in 973, that is, ninety-three years later. The forefathers of the Slovaks, settled on both sides of the Morava river, formed the nucleus of the Great Moravian Empire. The fact that Nitra is the oldest bishopric of the Slovans north of the Danube is not altered at all by the unfavorable conditions that prevailed at that time (Wiching) or later which enabled the ignoring of its significance. At that time, therefore, Slovakia had its bishopric and belonged under the jurisdiction of Saint Methodius. After the fall of the Great Moravian Empire early in the tenth century, Slovakia eventually became a part of Hungary even as regards ecclesiastical affairs. The bishopric of Nitra was re-established about 1024 and always recalled the days of SS. Cyril and Methodius. The rest of the territory of Slovakia belonged under the ecclesiastical management of Ostrihom and Eger, even though, for example, the Spis province had its own provost from the end of the twelfth century. A great stride forward was the establishment of new bishoprics on the territory: the bishopric of Banska Bystrica, Spis Province, and Roznava in 1776; the diocese of Kosice in 1804; and the Greek Catholic diocese of Presov in 1816. Nitra, Banska Bystrica, and Roznava belonged under the jurisdiction of the Archbishop of Ostrihom, while the Spis and Kosice bishoprics were under the jurisdiction of the Archbishop of Eger as suffragan bishoprics. After the establishment of Czecho-Slovakia in 1918, the apostolic administratorship of Trnava was established temporarily. The new position of Slovakia within the Church was determined in 1937, when the Holy See issued the Apostolic Constitution "Ad ecclesiastici regiminis incrementum" (AAS, 1937, pp. 366-369). This Constitution freed the Slovak dioceses and apostolic administratorships from the jurisdiction of Ostrihom and Eger and placed 22 SLOVAKIA them directly under the jurisdiction of the Holy See. True it is, that even this position is considered temporary by the document, because it expressly states that the Apostolic See will establish a Metropolitan See as quickly as possible in Slovakia. Slovakia would then became an independent ecclesiastical province. The document, furthermore, expressly commands all concerned to abide by the decision of the Holy See and forbids any opposition to it or violation of it. Unfortunately, the world situation did not permit the establishment of an ecclesiastical province in Slovakia. Legally, then, according to Ohurch Law, the dioceses and apostolic administratorships of Slovakia are directly under the jurisdiction of the Holy See, that is, they are responsible to the Holy See dircetly and not to the Prague or Olomouc provinces. Since that is the case, we know then that the explanation given by the Czech periodical Novy Zivot is erroneous. According to present Church Law, the title of Primate is purely an honorary one. Excepting the Hungarian Primate, the bearers of this title have no jurisdiction because of it. In the past, however, Primates did have a definite right over Metropolitans and Bishops (Wernz-Vidal: Jus Canonicum, II, Nr. 517). Of course, only the Holy See has the right to grant or change this title - just as it has to grant or change any other title denoting such a high honor. Since we are concerned with a title that is more of a historical nature, its bearers use it in the same sense that it was granted, even though it is not in line with the present terminology of countries or their political division or affiliation (federation). So it is that in France the Archbishop of Lyons uses the title of "primas de Gaulles," and not the title of French Primate; the Archbishop of Salzburg uses the title "Primate of Germany" and not Primate of Austria and Germany. Similarly, then, even the Prague archbishops consistently used and still do use the title "Primate of the Bohemian Kingdom" or "Primate of the lands of the former Bohemian Kingdom." In the Czech case, there is no basis for changing this title arbitrarily by private individuals. SLOVAKIA 23 The author of the explanation given in the Czech periodically Novy Zivot assumed that Slovakia was a part of the Bohemian Kingdom. History, however, tells us that Slovakia was not a part of that kingdom, and, therefore, had no jurisdictional connection with it. And when a new political state was formed, composed of the lands that once belonged to the Bohemian Kingdom and of Slovakia, the distinction was made, if we recall, between the so-called "historical lands" and Slovakia (as if Slovakia did not have a history of its own!) and, therefore, there was a difference between the heir to the historical lands of the Bohemian Crown and Slovakia, the land of the Slovaks. In short, what applied to the Bohemian Kingdom did not apply to Slovakia which was not a part of that kingdom. But even if anyone should think that Slovakia is also heir of the Czech State, let him bear in mind that the title of Primate is territorial. It is valid only in the territory that it was granted and not otherwise, unless the Holy See changes it with a new decision. This was adhered to even by the Archbishops of Prague. One might ,believe that, as a rule, there is only one Primate in any one state, but he would be mistaken. In Spain the title of Primate is enjoyed by two archbishops: the Archbishop of Toledo and the Archbishop of Tarragon. England and Scotland form one political state, but the Engli~h Primate is not the Primate of Scotland. When Ireland belonged to one political formation with England, the Primate of England was not the Primate of Ireland. There is, therefore, no objective argument in this regard to extend arbitrarily the title of Czech Primate over a new territory, to Slovakia. If we allow our thoughts to be the offspring of our desires, then there is no guarantee that they will be correct. It is only when our thoughts express an objective reality that they are truthful. Then even the deeds following from them can be just. Some time ago the Novy Zivot published an address of the Archbishop of London in which His Excellency on the basis of the erroneous information - referred to the Archbishop of Prague as the Primate of Czecho-Slo- 24 SLOVAKIA vakia. The editor of the Czech periodical had the opportunity to learn how the Slovaks in Rome felt about the matter. They held no ill will for the Archbishop of London, but they did for the Czechs associated with Novy Zivot, the editor of which certainly knows better. The Czechs apparently have learned little or nothing from the past. They keep parroting listlessly the slogan "truth will prevail" - a la Masaryk and Benes - while they spread false propaganda even about those who are supposed to be "closely related" to them. It is obvious that the Czech periodical "Novy Zivot" (New Life) is still following the old life which brought ruin to the Slovak and Czech nations. • • • INTERNATIONAL SOCIAL JUSTICE Rev. William A. Kaschmitter, M.N. Due to the scientific and technological revolutions of the past century, the world has become international in spite of itself and does not know what to do about this new situation. The number of international organizations created since 1860 to cope with specific international problems is simply phenomenal. The first global attempt made to grapple with all of these problems in general was made after World War I when the League of Nations was formally erected. The League failed but its failure did not kill the sense of need :for such an organization and after World War II another attempt was made in the creation of the United Nations Organization. Unfortunately, many people today fear that the United Nations Organization will go the way of the League unless it can "grow up" and mature to the point where it can command not only the respect but also the confidence of all nations, great and small. Justice - Not Merely Charity There are good-hearted people who think that charity alone will suffice to cure the ills of our world. It is true that love for God and neighbor are the two greatest commandments and that acording to St. Paul, Charity is the  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovakia and the Church Description An account of the resource Slovakia, Vol. 9, No. 5 (30), June-December 1959 pp. 20-24 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource June-December 1959 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/761361c5f6afeaf3ae1ee90f14ad507b.pdf 7512a9c9e50f4c3d9f0f6d1232487783 PDF Text Text 22 SLOVAK.IA SWVA'KIA AND THE WEST Dr. Andrew Dubina The western world k1I1Jorw,s Ia.,tt1e rubout Slo;Viakia. What has been puljjlislied has been ,preipa;red; by :f:hreig;n~rs or the propaganda rupparatu:s, of Pra gue, whic'h for olbwou!s reas,ons could not .present the tr.uth a/bout Slo;va1ki:a an:d the Slovaks. 'I1he strug,gle Olf the SiklfVak,s fo,r their national rights in Hungary wa;s ,p resented to the world by the Ma;gy,ars as a Panslavistic corrspiirrucy with Tsarist Russia. Since the Slovruks continued to. fight for national rights eiven in icentralistic O,zeclho~rnovrukiia, the Ozeclhs in the pay of Benes a;nd Prague exiplained that this fight wa.rs simply the :;i.ictirvity oif a few un:riuly, i!Iltolerant auttonomists and sepruratists, \VhO were saturnted with. Hungiairiianism and, the:rm._9r~, had to b,e sile1n:ced in the interest of "Czechoslovak" democracy. Finally, becruuse of the relationship of the Slovak Reipulblic wl1:h Germany durfog the Second World War, the same Benes Ozeclhs today smear all Slovak ,patriots, even those .who held insigni.!ficant State jolbs, as fascists. Now, the avera;ge Ameriican citizen, who has practicaMy no knowledge of the real 1problems. oif the central European nations, what does he think ~bout the Slorvruks. a;fte:r being exposed to suclh a flood of misinformation about them? What, can he .possilbly thinik aJbout a nation that is once '.lrubcled "pa.nsbavh;itilc," tlhen "a!Ilti-™'.a;g;yair" and · "anti.Czech," and fi'll!ahly a:s "Ge:rimanoplhi[e" and "against the al1.ies"? Surely, he wiH thinlk tha;t the :Slo;vaks as a friivolous and :iirrespons~ble nation in central :IDuro:pe. He is not awaire of th~ fact that these ~ithets aire used pur,posely to sy,m,plify the whole prolblem and, therefore, they must be taken in a manner warranted by the situation, that is as pro:paganda slogans .o f a certain phase o.f the struggle whiclh was gradua;lly wruged between the Czechs and the Magyars, or the Ge,:rimans and the Russia,n s, for domination 01Ver the Sfo;vaks during the past fifty years It wa:s oruy natural that in the second half of the nineteen th century, when Euroipe was uruconcerned about the SlovaJk prolblem, the Slo1Vaks looked towwd Russia, to the 1 �23 SLOVAKIA famous Russian writers, expooting at least inSlpiration, if not material help. But so did the Cze:chs and othex Slo.V'anic nations at that time. This, of course, fr:ritaJteld the Magyacrs. Not that they were really ' afraid of "Pans,lavti.~," but because.they feared the Slovak national idea, Sl01vak nationahsm, whiicih hindered them from suicces,sfU!lly cOIIIl.pleting the chanige-0iver of a nationailistic Hungary into a Magyar national state. Panskwism, t!herefore, was the bogey with whiclh the Magyars endeavored to justify themselves in the eyes of Eurorpe for their unjust treatment of Slovruk. patriots. When the Magyars "lost" the Silorvaks in 1918 with the creation of Oze:cho-Slorvakia, and the Czechs be,g an to rule over Slovakia, it did not truke the Pr,a gue gorve:rnment lotfg to lab.el the Slovruk s "Magyarones," because the Slovaks made claim to tlhe right of se[f-determiOOJtion and insisted that T. G. Masaryk's gorvernment validate the PittsblllI"gh Pact of May 30, 1918, which guaranteed the la.ind of the Slo¥a!ks · autonomy. In SloJVlalkia at that time, outside of a few i.n:diyidua:is, thexe were no pofitical forces tending toward Budapest. But that did not matter to the Czech poHtidans in .pe>vver, Tihey had to have some excuse for insitalling Benes's· "po:lirce" deimoomcy in SlovaJkia by :pas.s.ir11g a la;w f~r ~he ",prote:ction" of the Republic. As studenits we lea-med that tlhe city of -Sparta was not enclosed by wahls, but that it was, nevertheil ess, well protected by the harmony of its citizens. Well, what Sparta did could not be a;ccomrpiished by Benes's ~ooho~Slorvwkia, because it la·clked harmony among its citizens. The Gzech MaLffit wa;s not concerned aJbo.ut the weilfare of the Reipuiblic, but o,nly aJbout the realization of the aims of political Pancze'ehism. Czech politics, just lilke the "iBlac:k Hand" of greater Se11bia before Wo!I'ld WaT I, was. guided by the slogan: "Unity OT death!" Of course, tJhis policy only divided the .newly created state• into Czechs and non.Czechs; - into the governing and the gorverned. So that the state cquld be kept together fhmJy, Benes needed eX!C'~tionaI laws and vadous swbtle, outside "walls" to. support his i;tate. And these were his allianices, pacts, and agireements; they' weire 1 1 �24 SLOVAKIA SlJ!PPOsed to "guarantee" the Hite of the state from stem to stem., f:rom the East to. the West. While study;i,ng physics•, we learned of the existence of a laiw which states that to every- ruction there is an equal a:nd oppoo.ite rea;otion. lit seems that Benes forgot about this laiw, orr prolbably newer studied physd.lCS. The more pressure Prague exeit.ed on the Sloiva.k,s to make them forrget they were .Sl01V1aks, the more the Siova:~s became a.ware Olf the fa.ct that they were Slovaks, an individual ethnic entity, and the more tlhey resisted the attempt orf Czech Prague to make them one with the Oze.ch nation. Naitionai so.Iidariitly bloomed among the SlOIVaks. This did not eSIC3JPe the a;ttention of the outside world. When Slovruks voiced themsewes aJbout the matter in the foreirg n press (England, tJhe Unirted States allld Can.a da), Benes oonnilngly ~lained that such expressi'Ons were made, 'iby the "local opposition" of the People's Pa;rty. "Why opposition belongs to tlhe suJbstance of demooracy," Benes explained cynkaUy. FOil" him Slava!kia always wais only "an internal problem of the RepuJblic," that is a prO!bJem whilch the Czechs were detemnined to resolve at ·some time in the name of power preponderrance. The meaniD!g of true democracy was pei,verted by Beto fit his braJnd, that is "Ozechoslovaik" demooracy, which meant the complete sulbjugation a.ind, finali)I', the utter extinction of the Slov:ruk nation. Natura1ly it was opposed by aM trrue .Slovruks. If democracy is a "daily pletbi.Sictte" within the framework of a state, then the right of self-determination of .nations meruns a permanent and Ult1Silenooalble plebiscite of the nations on the, rood to world democracy. One can see the meaning of political development in the world not in the pr®ltection od: definite historical state :fornls or certain nulmg oligarehies, but only in tJhe endreaivor for a greater rreedom af nations and individuals. nes Today the Slov,aJks in the free world are working for the international :recognition of their right to self-determination. The nUJcleus, which can be ;pludkeld from thi,s genera:l prin'c iple by logical reas001iing, is tJhe cl-airm to one's olWJl. national government, to one's own state. That is the aim whilc h is the motive of activity of the Slovaks in exile in the free world. �SLOVAKIA 25 While Louis Stur and Stephen Marko DaXiner limited their demands for national rights to the most fundraimentall ones - the rj,gbJt to lirve, the right to one's oiwn territory, to their own national tongue, tlheir own naitionail culture, their own government o.ver theiir o·wn destiny, etc. - the present Slovruk generation, which is no longer burdened spi<ritually with any sort of '"Hungariianisan" or "Miagyaronism" or even by that complex oif political inferiority knorwn as "Czechosloivaiki;s m," deri<ves its ooncl'l.l!sions froon a:ll premises which weire foI1IX1ulated by previous generations and demands foothe Slova!k IIJaJbion, in the name of order and democracy in central ffiuroipe, the right to its own gowemment, to 1ts own state. But it does not do so in the name oif oveI'lly erudite and more or less polemical theories - sucih as is, for example, the legal conrtiniuity of the Slovak RepuJblic - but in the name of the princi1)les oif equality orf al•l natio!IlS, that is, in the name of the principle whicll not onil y UIIliversity professora, but every person in the wo:rild can :rea.di1y understamd, and the ,p rinciple whlch is so clearly exipressed in the American DeclaratiOIIl of Independence,. to wit : "We hold tlhese truths to be selrf-evident, that all men are created equa;l, that they are endowed ·b y their Creatoc with certain unalienruble Rj,g,hts, that among these are Life, Lilberty and the ipl.ll'suit of Happiness. That t.o secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed. That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People t.o alt.er or to abolish it, and institute new Government, laying its foundations on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness." Jn this paraigrrup'h is exipresserl the uruversal principle of world dem.01Cracy. These words are the goopel of the oppressed naJtions. They condemn whatever fonn oif interna.tionail feud:a1ism and stress the rigiht of oppressed nations t o fight foT theiir life and freedmn. The Slovaks, too, see in t his paragraph of the Ameri10an Declaration oif Independence t heir strongest argument for a place on the map oif Europe, �26 SLOVAKIA for the recognition of their right to national existence. The Slova!k nation demrunds nothing more: Of course, it may ibe said thaJt no western democracies deny that right to the Slowik people. They recogru:ze it and ,r espect it, we are told, 'but validating it is another question. The Slo:vruks, it seems, are not strOillg enough physically to force their just demands, so the western world pa:ys no heed to them. On the other hand, however, the greatest statesmen oif the West haJVe told us r eipeatedly that there r eally was no argument that could not be settled without the use of ·p hysical or amned force. The United Nations Organization aaso sulbscri!bes to this. So, might does not necessarily mean right, we are led to ·believe. But, then, what stands in the way of Slovruk freedom and i:ndependen:ce, the aipplication m the right of self-deter:mination in the caise of the Slov,aJk nation? Why then does the West recognize the . proponents of the old "Czechoslova:k" school, the followers of Benes, who still claim tfue rrght to determine the destiny of the Slovruk nation? It is high time that the democratic West relegated the "Czechoslo:va!k" pseudodemoc rats to the poHtical rubish hoop. The damage they have done in thirty years will not be repaired in the next hundred years, if the West persists in taking adJv,k e from them . • • • WHO SAID IT? "President Benes was always of the opinion, and in his latest statements ailwa;ys stressed, 1:lhrut OUT pam of alliance with So:viet Russia and our friendshiip with other S~av nations must not encrooch on OUT friendly and cordiail relations with other democratic states. This is the natuiral deske, shared iby an enormous majority of ()IUr people, and nothing .p revents UIS from keeping the comidence of the democratic states and strerugthening and deepening our friendship with our great western Allies. Moscow, · too, wan/ts tio ful[o;w this line of polircy. rt willl, h01Wever, be necessary for certain prej'l.l(Eces of the West with regard to the Soviet Union, which are stiU existing, to be swept away." - Premier Fierlinger o:f Czercho-,Slovakia, OW1I Bulletin, June 1, 1945. � 22 SLOVAK.IA SWVA'KIA AND THE WEST Dr. Andrew Dubina The western world k1I1Jorw,s Ia.,tt1e rubout Slo;Viakia. What has been puljjlislied has been ,preipa;red; by :f:hreig;n~rs or the propaganda rupparatu:s, of Pra gue, whic'h for olbwou!s reas,ons could not .present the tr.uth a/bout Slo;va1ki:a an:d the Slovaks. 'I1he strug,gle Olf the SiklfVak,s fo,r their national rights in Hungary wa;s ,p resented to the world by the Ma;gy,ars as a Panslavistic corrspiirrucy with Tsarist Russia. Since the Slovruks continued to. fight for national rights eiven in icentralistic O,zeclho~rnovrukiia, the Ozeclhs in the pay of Benes a;nd Prague exiplained that this fight wa.rs simply the :;i.ictirvity oif a few un:riuly, i!Iltolerant auttonomists and sepruratists, \VhO were saturnted with. Hungiairiianism and, the:rm._9r~, had to b,e sile1n:ced in the interest of "Czechoslovak" democracy. Finally, becruuse of the relationship of the Slovak Reipulblic wl1:h Germany durfog the Second World War, the same Benes Ozeclhs today smear all Slovak ,patriots, even those .who held insigni.!ficant State jolbs, as fascists. Now, the avera;ge Ameriican citizen, who has practicaMy no knowledge of the real 1problems. oif the central European nations, what does he think ~bout the Slorvruks. a;fte:r being exposed to suclh a flood of misinformation about them? What, can he .possilbly thinik aJbout a nation that is once '.lrubcled "pa.nsbavh;itilc," tlhen "a!Ilti-™'.a;g;yair" and · "anti.Czech," and fi'll!ahly a:s "Ge:rimanoplhi[e" and "against the al1.ies"? Surely, he wiH thinlk tha;t the :Slo;vaks as a friivolous and :iirrespons~ble nation in central :IDuro:pe. He is not awaire of th~ fact that these ~ithets aire used pur,posely to sy,m,plify the whole prolblem and, therefore, they must be taken in a manner warranted by the situation, that is as pro:paganda slogans .o f a certain phase o.f the struggle whiclh was gradua;lly wruged between the Czechs and the Magyars, or the Ge,:rimans and the Russia,n s, for domination 01Ver the Sfo;vaks during the past fifty years It wa:s oruy natural that in the second half of the nineteen th century, when Euroipe was uruconcerned about the SlovaJk prolblem, the Slo1Vaks looked towwd Russia, to the 1 �23 SLOVAKIA famous Russian writers, expooting at least inSlpiration, if not material help. But so did the Cze:chs and othex Slo.V'anic nations at that time. This, of course, fr:ritaJteld the Magyacrs. Not that they were really ' afraid of "Pans,lavti.~," but because.they feared the Slovak national idea, Sl01vak nationahsm, whiicih hindered them from suicces,sfU!lly cOIIIl.pleting the chanige-0iver of a nationailistic Hungary into a Magyar national state. Panskwism, t!herefore, was the bogey with whiclh the Magyars endeavored to justify themselves in the eyes of Eurorpe for their unjust treatment of Slovruk. patriots. When the Magyars "lost" the Silorvaks in 1918 with the creation of Oze:cho-Slorvakia, and the Czechs be,g an to rule over Slovakia, it did not truke the Pr,a gue gorve:rnment lotfg to lab.el the Slovruk s "Magyarones," because the Slovaks made claim to tlhe right of se[f-determiOOJtion and insisted that T. G. Masaryk's gorvernment validate the PittsblllI"gh Pact of May 30, 1918, which guaranteed the la.ind of the Slo¥a!ks · autonomy. In SloJVlalkia at that time, outside of a few i.n:diyidua:is, thexe were no pofitical forces tending toward Budapest. But that did not matter to the Czech poHtidans in .pe>vver, Tihey had to have some excuse for insitalling Benes's· "po:lirce" deimoomcy in SlovaJkia by :pas.s.ir11g a la;w f~r ~he ",prote:ction" of the Republic. As studenits we lea-med that tlhe city of -Sparta was not enclosed by wahls, but that it was, nevertheil ess, well protected by the harmony of its citizens. Well, what Sparta did could not be a;ccomrpiished by Benes's ~ooho~Slorvwkia, because it la·clked harmony among its citizens. The Gzech MaLffit wa;s not concerned aJbo.ut the weilfare of the Reipuiblic, but o,nly aJbout the realization of the aims of political Pancze'ehism. Czech politics, just lilke the "iBlac:k Hand" of greater Se11bia before Wo!I'ld WaT I, was. guided by the slogan: "Unity OT death!" Of course, tJhis policy only divided the .newly created state• into Czechs and non.Czechs; - into the governing and the gorverned. So that the state cquld be kept together fhmJy, Benes needed eX!C'~tionaI laws and vadous swbtle, outside "walls" to. support his i;tate. And these were his allianices, pacts, and agireements; they' weire 1 1 �24 SLOVAKIA SlJ!PPOsed to "guarantee" the Hite of the state from stem to stem., f:rom the East to. the West. While study;i,ng physics•, we learned of the existence of a laiw which states that to every- ruction there is an equal a:nd oppoo.ite rea;otion. lit seems that Benes forgot about this laiw, orr prolbably newer studied physd.lCS. The more pressure Prague exeit.ed on the Sloiva.k,s to make them forrget they were .Sl01V1aks, the more the Siova:~s became a.ware Olf the fa.ct that they were Slovaks, an individual ethnic entity, and the more tlhey resisted the attempt orf Czech Prague to make them one with the Oze.ch nation. Naitionai so.Iidariitly bloomed among the SlOIVaks. This did not eSIC3JPe the a;ttention of the outside world. When Slovruks voiced themsewes aJbout the matter in the foreirg n press (England, tJhe Unirted States allld Can.a da), Benes oonnilngly ~lained that such expressi'Ons were made, 'iby the "local opposition" of the People's Pa;rty. "Why opposition belongs to tlhe suJbstance of demooracy," Benes explained cynkaUy. FOil" him Slava!kia always wais only "an internal problem of the RepuJblic," that is a prO!bJem whilch the Czechs were detemnined to resolve at ·some time in the name of power preponderrance. The meaniD!g of true democracy was pei,verted by Beto fit his braJnd, that is "Ozechoslovaik" demooracy, which meant the complete sulbjugation a.ind, finali)I', the utter extinction of the Slov:ruk nation. Natura1ly it was opposed by aM trrue .Slovruks. If democracy is a "daily pletbi.Sictte" within the framework of a state, then the right of self-determination of .nations meruns a permanent and Ult1Silenooalble plebiscite of the nations on the, rood to world democracy. One can see the meaning of political development in the world not in the pr®ltection od: definite historical state :fornls or certain nulmg oligarehies, but only in tJhe endreaivor for a greater rreedom af nations and individuals. nes Today the Slov,aJks in the free world are working for the international :recognition of their right to self-determination. The nUJcleus, which can be ;pludkeld from thi,s genera:l prin'c iple by logical reas001iing, is tJhe cl-airm to one's olWJl. national government, to one's own state. That is the aim whilc h is the motive of activity of the Slovaks in exile in the free world. �SLOVAKIA 25 While Louis Stur and Stephen Marko DaXiner limited their demands for national rights to the most fundraimentall ones - the rj,gbJt to lirve, the right to one's oiwn territory, to their own national tongue, tlheir own naitionail culture, their own government o.ver theiir o·wn destiny, etc. - the present Slovruk generation, which is no longer burdened spi<ritually with any sort of '"Hungariianisan" or "Miagyaronism" or even by that complex oif political inferiority knorwn as "Czechosloivaiki;s m," deri<ves its ooncl'l.l!sions froon a:ll premises which weire foI1IX1ulated by previous generations and demands foothe Slova!k IIJaJbion, in the name of order and democracy in central ffiuroipe, the right to its own gowemment, to 1ts own state. But it does not do so in the name oif oveI'lly erudite and more or less polemical theories - sucih as is, for example, the legal conrtiniuity of the Slovak RepuJblic - but in the name of the princi1)les oif equality orf al•l natio!IlS, that is, in the name of the principle whicll not onil y UIIliversity professora, but every person in the wo:rild can :rea.di1y understamd, and the ,p rinciple whlch is so clearly exipressed in the American DeclaratiOIIl of Independence,. to wit : "We hold tlhese truths to be selrf-evident, that all men are created equa;l, that they are endowed ·b y their Creatoc with certain unalienruble Rj,g,hts, that among these are Life, Lilberty and the ipl.ll'suit of Happiness. That t.o secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed. That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People t.o alt.er or to abolish it, and institute new Government, laying its foundations on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness." Jn this paraigrrup'h is exipresserl the uruversal principle of world dem.01Cracy. These words are the goopel of the oppressed naJtions. They condemn whatever fonn oif interna.tionail feud:a1ism and stress the rigiht of oppressed nations t o fight foT theiir life and freedmn. The Slovaks, too, see in t his paragraph of the Ameri10an Declaration oif Independence t heir strongest argument for a place on the map oif Europe, �26 SLOVAKIA for the recognition of their right to national existence. The Slova!k nation demrunds nothing more: Of course, it may ibe said thaJt no western democracies deny that right to the Slowik people. They recogru:ze it and ,r espect it, we are told, 'but validating it is another question. The Slo:vruks, it seems, are not strOillg enough physically to force their just demands, so the western world pa:ys no heed to them. On the other hand, however, the greatest statesmen oif the West haJVe told us r eipeatedly that there r eally was no argument that could not be settled without the use of ·p hysical or amned force. The United Nations Organization aaso sulbscri!bes to this. So, might does not necessarily mean right, we are led to ·believe. But, then, what stands in the way of Slovruk freedom and i:ndependen:ce, the aipplication m the right of self-deter:mination in the caise of the Slov,aJk nation? Why then does the West recognize the . proponents of the old "Czechoslova:k" school, the followers of Benes, who still claim tfue rrght to determine the destiny of the Slovruk nation? It is high time that the democratic West relegated the "Czechoslo:va!k" pseudodemoc rats to the poHtical rubish hoop. The damage they have done in thirty years will not be repaired in the next hundred years, if the West persists in taking adJv,k e from them . • • • WHO SAID IT? "President Benes was always of the opinion, and in his latest statements ailwa;ys stressed, 1:lhrut OUT pam of alliance with So:viet Russia and our friendshiip with other S~av nations must not encrooch on OUT friendly and cordiail relations with other democratic states. This is the natuiral deske, shared iby an enormous majority of ()IUr people, and nothing .p revents UIS from keeping the comidence of the democratic states and strerugthening and deepening our friendship with our great western Allies. Moscow, · too, wan/ts tio ful[o;w this line of polircy. rt willl, h01Wever, be necessary for certain prej'l.l(Eces of the West with regard to the Soviet Union, which are stiU existing, to be swept away." - Premier Fierlinger o:f Czercho-,Slovakia, OW1I Bulletin, June 1, 1945. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1953, Vol. 3 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 6), April 1953.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 7), July 1953.</li> <li>Issue 3 (No. 8), September 1953.</li> <li>Issue 4 (No. 9), December 1953.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1953 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 22 SLOVAK.IA SWVA'KIA AND THE WEST Dr. Andrew Dubina The western world k1I1Jorw,s Ia.,tt1e rubout Slo;Viakia. What has been puljjlislied has been ,preipa;red; by :f:hreig;n~rs or the propaganda rupparatu:s, of Pra gue, whic'h for olbwou!s reas,ons could not .present the tr.uth a/bout Slo;va1ki:a an:d the Slovaks. 'I1he strug,gle Olf the SiklfVak,s fo,r their national rights in Hungary wa;s ,p resented to the world by the Ma;gy,ars as a Panslavistic corrspiirrucy with Tsarist Russia. Since the Slovruks continued to. fight for national rights eiven in icentralistic O,zeclho~rnovrukiia, the Ozeclhs in the pay of Benes a;nd Prague exiplained that this fight wa.rs simply the :;i.ictirvity oif a few un:riuly, i!Iltolerant auttonomists and sepruratists, \VhO were saturnted with. Hungiairiianism and, the:rm._9r~, had to b,e sile1n:ced in the interest of "Czechoslovak" democracy. Finally, becruuse of the relationship of the Slovak Reipulblic wl1:h Germany durfog the Second World War, the same Benes Ozeclhs today smear all Slovak ,patriots, even those .who held insigni.!ficant State jolbs, as fascists. Now, the avera;ge Ameriican citizen, who has practicaMy no knowledge of the real 1problems. oif the central European nations, what does he think ~bout the Slorvruks. a;fte:r being exposed to suclh a flood of misinformation about them? What, can he .possilbly thinik aJbout a nation that is once '.lrubcled "pa.nsbavh;itilc," tlhen "a!Ilti-™'.a;g;yair" and · "anti.Czech," and fi'll!ahly a:s "Ge:rimanoplhi[e" and "against the al1.ies"? Surely, he wiH thinlk tha;t the :Slo;vaks as a friivolous and :iirrespons~ble nation in central :IDuro:pe. He is not awaire of th~ fact that these ~ithets aire used pur,posely to sy,m,plify the whole prolblem and, therefore, they must be taken in a manner warranted by the situation, that is as pro:paganda slogans .o f a certain phase o.f the struggle whiclh was gradua;lly wruged between the Czechs and the Magyars, or the Ge,:rimans and the Russia,n s, for domination 01Ver the Sfo;vaks during the past fifty years It wa:s oruy natural that in the second half of the nineteen th century, when Euroipe was uruconcerned about the SlovaJk prolblem, the Slo1Vaks looked towwd Russia, to the 1 23 SLOVAKIA famous Russian writers, expooting at least inSlpiration, if not material help. But so did the Cze:chs and othex Slo.V'anic nations at that time. This, of course, fr:ritaJteld the Magyacrs. Not that they were really ' afraid of "Pans,lavti.~," but because.they feared the Slovak national idea, Sl01vak nationahsm, whiicih hindered them from suicces,sfU!lly cOIIIl.pleting the chanige-0iver of a nationailistic Hungary into a Magyar national state. Panskwism, t!herefore, was the bogey with whiclh the Magyars endeavored to justify themselves in the eyes of Eurorpe for their unjust treatment of Slovruk. patriots. When the Magyars "lost" the Silorvaks in 1918 with the creation of Oze:cho-Slorvakia, and the Czechs be,g an to rule over Slovakia, it did not truke the Pr,a gue gorve:rnment lotfg to lab.el the Slovruk s "Magyarones," because the Slovaks made claim to tlhe right of se[f-determiOOJtion and insisted that T. G. Masaryk's gorvernment validate the PittsblllI"gh Pact of May 30, 1918, which guaranteed the la.ind of the Slo¥a!ks · autonomy. In SloJVlalkia at that time, outside of a few i.n:diyidua:is, thexe were no pofitical forces tending toward Budapest. But that did not matter to the Czech poHtidans in .pe>vver, Tihey had to have some excuse for insitalling Benes's· "po:lirce" deimoomcy in SlovaJkia by :pas.s.ir11g a la;w f~r ~he ",prote:ction" of the Republic. As studenits we lea-med that tlhe city of -Sparta was not enclosed by wahls, but that it was, nevertheil ess, well protected by the harmony of its citizens. Well, what Sparta did could not be a;ccomrpiished by Benes's ~ooho~Slorvwkia, because it la·clked harmony among its citizens. The Gzech MaLffit wa;s not concerned aJbo.ut the weilfare of the Reipuiblic, but o,nly aJbout the realization of the aims of political Pancze'ehism. Czech politics, just lilke the "iBlac:k Hand" of greater Se11bia before Wo!I'ld WaT I, was. guided by the slogan: "Unity OT death!" Of course, tJhis policy only divided the .newly created state• into Czechs and non.Czechs; - into the governing and the gorverned. So that the state cquld be kept together fhmJy, Benes needed eX!C'~tionaI laws and vadous swbtle, outside "walls" to. support his i;tate. And these were his allianices, pacts, and agireements; they' weire 1 1 24 SLOVAKIA SlJ!PPOsed to "guarantee" the Hite of the state from stem to stem., f:rom the East to. the West. While study;i,ng physics•, we learned of the existence of a laiw which states that to every- ruction there is an equal a:nd oppoo.ite rea;otion. lit seems that Benes forgot about this laiw, orr prolbably newer studied physd.lCS. The more pressure Prague exeit.ed on the Sloiva.k,s to make them forrget they were .Sl01V1aks, the more the Siova:~s became a.ware Olf the fa.ct that they were Slovaks, an individual ethnic entity, and the more tlhey resisted the attempt orf Czech Prague to make them one with the Oze.ch nation. Naitionai so.Iidariitly bloomed among the SlOIVaks. This did not eSIC3JPe the a;ttention of the outside world. When Slovruks voiced themsewes aJbout the matter in the foreirg n press (England, tJhe Unirted States allld Can.a da), Benes oonnilngly ~lained that such expressi'Ons were made, 'iby the "local opposition" of the People's Pa;rty. "Why opposition belongs to tlhe suJbstance of demooracy," Benes explained cynkaUy. FOil" him Slava!kia always wais only "an internal problem of the RepuJblic," that is a prO!bJem whilch the Czechs were detemnined to resolve at ·some time in the name of power preponderrance. The meaniD!g of true democracy was pei,verted by Beto fit his braJnd, that is "Ozechoslovaik" demooracy, which meant the complete sulbjugation a.ind, finali)I', the utter extinction of the Slov:ruk nation. Natura1ly it was opposed by aM trrue .Slovruks. If democracy is a "daily pletbi.Sictte" within the framework of a state, then the right of self-determination of .nations meruns a permanent and Ult1Silenooalble plebiscite of the nations on the, rood to world democracy. One can see the meaning of political development in the world not in the pr®ltection od: definite historical state :fornls or certain nulmg oligarehies, but only in tJhe endreaivor for a greater rreedom af nations and individuals. nes Today the Slov,aJks in the free world are working for the international :recognition of their right to self-determination. The nUJcleus, which can be ;pludkeld from thi,s genera:l prin'c iple by logical reas001iing, is tJhe cl-airm to one's olWJl. national government, to one's own state. That is the aim whilc h is the motive of activity of the Slovaks in exile in the free world. SLOVAKIA 25 While Louis Stur and Stephen Marko DaXiner limited their demands for national rights to the most fundraimentall ones - the rj,gbJt to lirve, the right to one's oiwn territory, to their own national tongue, tlheir own naitionail culture, their own government o.ver theiir o·wn destiny, etc. - the present Slovruk generation, which is no longer burdened spi<ritually with any sort of '"Hungariianisan" or "Miagyaronism" or even by that complex oif political inferiority knorwn as "Czechosloivaiki;s m," deri<ves its ooncl'l.l!sions froon a:ll premises which weire foI1IX1ulated by previous generations and demands foothe Slova!k IIJaJbion, in the name of order and democracy in central ffiuroipe, the right to its own gowemment, to 1ts own state. But it does not do so in the name oif oveI'lly erudite and more or less polemical theories - sucih as is, for example, the legal conrtiniuity of the Slovak RepuJblic - but in the name of the princi1)les oif equality orf al•l natio!IlS, that is, in the name of the principle whicll not onil y UIIliversity professora, but every person in the wo:rild can :rea.di1y understamd, and the ,p rinciple whlch is so clearly exipressed in the American DeclaratiOIIl of Independence,. to wit : "We hold tlhese truths to be selrf-evident, that all men are created equa;l, that they are endowed ·b y their Creatoc with certain unalienruble Rj,g,hts, that among these are Life, Lilberty and the ipl.ll'suit of Happiness. That t.o secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed. That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People t.o alt.er or to abolish it, and institute new Government, laying its foundations on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness." Jn this paraigrrup'h is exipresserl the uruversal principle of world dem.01Cracy. These words are the goopel of the oppressed naJtions. They condemn whatever fonn oif interna.tionail feud:a1ism and stress the rigiht of oppressed nations t o fight foT theiir life and freedmn. The Slovaks, too, see in t his paragraph of the Ameri10an Declaration oif Independence t heir strongest argument for a place on the map oif Europe, 26 SLOVAKIA for the recognition of their right to national existence. The Slova!k nation demrunds nothing more: Of course, it may ibe said thaJt no western democracies deny that right to the Slowik people. They recogru:ze it and ,r espect it, we are told, 'but validating it is another question. The Slo:vruks, it seems, are not strOillg enough physically to force their just demands, so the western world pa:ys no heed to them. On the other hand, however, the greatest statesmen oif the West haJVe told us r eipeatedly that there r eally was no argument that could not be settled without the use of ·p hysical or amned force. The United Nations Organization aaso sulbscri!bes to this. So, might does not necessarily mean right, we are led to ·believe. But, then, what stands in the way of Slovruk freedom and i:ndependen:ce, the aipplication m the right of self-deter:mination in the caise of the Slov,aJk nation? Why then does the West recognize the . proponents of the old "Czechoslova:k" school, the followers of Benes, who still claim tfue rrght to determine the destiny of the Slovruk nation? It is high time that the democratic West relegated the "Czechoslo:va!k" pseudodemoc rats to the poHtical rubish hoop. The damage they have done in thirty years will not be repaired in the next hundred years, if the West persists in taking adJv,k e from them . • • • WHO SAID IT? "President Benes was always of the opinion, and in his latest statements ailwa;ys stressed, 1:lhrut OUT pam of alliance with So:viet Russia and our friendshiip with other S~av nations must not encrooch on OUT friendly and cordiail relations with other democratic states. This is the natuiral deske, shared iby an enormous majority of ()IUr people, and nothing .p revents UIS from keeping the comidence of the democratic states and strerugthening and deepening our friendship with our great western Allies. Moscow, · too, wan/ts tio ful[o;w this line of polircy. rt willl, h01Wever, be necessary for certain prej'l.l(Eces of the West with regard to the Soviet Union, which are stiU existing, to be swept away." - Premier Fierlinger o:f Czercho-,Slovakia, OW1I Bulletin, June 1, 1945.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovakia and the West Description An account of the resource Dr. Andrew Dubina Slovakia, Vol. 3, No. 4 (9), December 1953 pp. 22-26 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Dubina, Andrew Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource December 1953 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/305dce55d13e4aa1b6553450a99194e0.pdf 5b91ef527b37cd3d177c530223d24c5c PDF Text Text 180 SLOVAKIA Rusek, Stephanie 0., ''Milan Rastislav Stefanik." Slovakia, March, 1954, pp. 33-47. Kirschbaum, Joseph M., Slovakia in the 19th and 20th Centuries. Toronto: Slovak World Congress 1973. Mikus, Joseph A. , Slovakia: A Political History, 1918-1950. Milwaukee: The Marquette University Press, 1963. Oddo, G. L. , Slovakia and Its People . New York: Robert Speller and Sons, Publishers, 1960. Paufo, Joseph , Six ty Years of the Slovak League of America. Middletown, Pa.: Slovak League of Ame-r ica, 1967. Woytko, Sister Mary Gabrielle, Sl-o vakia's Road to Statehood. Michigan : John J . Lach, Publisher, 1957. Yurchak, P., The Slovaks. Scranton, Pa.: Obrana Press, Inc., 1946. III. SLOVAKIA BEFORE THE CZECHS John Bert a The Slovaks are a Slavic people who settled in the land between the Danube River and the Carpathian Mountains some 1500 years ago. The area had formerly been held by the Marcommani, a Celtic people, who fled the land after several disastrous wars with the armies of the Roman Empire. The Slovaks were hunters turned farmers. Their main enterprises were blacksmithing and potterymaking, while business transactions were done by bartering. They lived in simple mud and wooden huts, and lived in family groupings called clans, of which the oldest was its head. The Slovak gods were as numerous and varied as those of the Greeks and Romans. When a Slovak died, if cremated, the ashes were placed in urns and buried in a mound. If the body was to be buried, food, wine, weapons and jewelry were placed in the grave. The size of the burial site determined the importance of the dead person. The first attempt of the Slavonic peoples, living along the Danube, to unite into a viable force, came after the Avars, a nomadic Asian people, conquered part of their land. In 624, Samo, a Frankish merchant, united the people and led them to victory against the Avars. This victory encouraged them to face the Germanic Franks, who were �SLOVAKIA 181 also encroaching on their territory. In 631, the Franks, under Dagobert, were defeated in a three-day battle near Vogaste Castle. The Empire prospered now in peace. In 658, Samo died and his empire soon fell apart. For the next two hundred years the Slovaks were leaderless until in 830, Pribina, ruler of the Slovak city of Nitra, took charge, and created what was to become the Great Moravian Empire. He was a wise ruler. Though not a Christian himself, he allowed the Christians to proselytize in his land. In 836, Mojmir I drove Pribina from his throne . Pribina fled to the Germans from whom he received Pannonia to rule as his own until his death in 861. Mojmir enlarged Pribina's former domain, and tried to maintain friendly relations with the neighboring Germans . He was a Christian and allowed unhampered German missionary activity in his realm. He ruled until 846, when he in turn was unseated by the German king, Louis, and replaced by Rastislav. Rastislav maintained an uneasy truce with the Germans and Bulgarians. In 860, fearing German interference in Slovak affairs, Rastislav requested from Pope Nicholas I, priests with a knowledge of the Slavonic tongue to come among his people. The Pope had no such priests and Rastislav turned to the Byzantine Emperor, Michael III. Michael sent two priests, the brothers Cyril and Methodius. They arrived in 863, and began to convert the Great Moravian Empire to Christianity. They translated the :a:oly Scripture into the Slavonic tongue and formed an alphabet, now known as the Cyrillic alphabet. In 869, the German king, Louis, attacked the Empire. His armies devastated the land, but Rastislav managed to hold out at Devin, and kept the state's independence. That same year, Mojmir's nephew, Svatopluk of Nitra, overthrew Rastislav with German help. In 871, Svatopluk was taken prisoner by the Germans, and Slavomir united the Empire's forces . War soon followed. Svatopluk had managed to escape, and together with Slavomir, destroyed the German army at Devin. Svatopluk regained his throne, and began to enlarge his empire. The German clergy came into conflict with the �182 SLOVAKIA Slovak clergy over control of Church affairs. The Germans held a great amount of influence over Svatopluk, and the Slovaks were often per secuted in their own lands. It is said, that before his death in 894, Svatopluk had retired to a monastery, not revealing his identity until shortly before his death. Svatopluk's oldest son, Mojmir II, assumed his father's throne, while the younger son, Svatopluk II, received a p rincipality to rule, but under his elder brother's domination . In 895, with the secession of the Czech lands and Pannonia, Mojmir's domain shrank to that of Rastislav's. In 901, the Germans and Czechs invaded the Empire. After many fierce battles, Mojmir was forced to sue for peace, again losing territory to his enemies. In 902, the Magyars, an Asiatic people, invaded the Empire. Mojmir's forces suffered heavily. They had managed to rally their forces for a short while, but they could not stem the invading tide. In 906, Mojmir's resistance finally collapsed, and the Great Moravian Empire ceased to exist. The first Slovak state became a part of the Hungarian kingdom. From the tenth through the end of the thirteenth centuries, Slovakia formed an administrative unit known as Upper Hungary. During the Tartar invasions of the thirteenth century, Slovakia suffered as heavily as did the other eastern European peoples. In 1296, Duke Matus cak of Trencin, owing to the dynastic struggle then taking place in Hungary, used the occasion to organize almost the whole Slovakia under his personal rule. For approximately twenty-five years ( 12961321) cak ruled over what was in reality an independent Slovak state. cak formed his own domestic and foreign policies. He maintained his own army, laws, and minted his own currency. The Slovak peasantry suffered greatly at the hands of the great landowners. The Slovak nobility was non-existent. It had either been absorbed by the Magyars or decimated on the battlefield. Peasant revolts were common from the sixteenth century and thereafter, due to the institution of a Hungarian public law codified as the Tripartitum Opus Juris Consuetudinarii Regni Hungariae. It was drawn up �SLOVAKIA 183 by Stefan Verboczi, in 1514. It designated the roles in society the different classes would represent. The peasantry (servitus), became a large landless group, tied to the land, and owned by the local noble. The nobility (natio), were to be the only ones allowed citizenship. This document only served to perpetuate serfdom causing class struggles and the struggle for individual rights. It affected all peasants in Hungary-Croat, Serb, Slovak, Rumanian, and Magyar alike. In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, universities were established by various religious orders at Bratislava, Nitra, Trencfn, Kosice, zilina, and other Slovak cities. For many years Slovakia served as a refuge for German, Czech, and other nationalities' academicians, who found it necessary, for various reasons, to leave their native lands. During the Protestant Reformation, the Slovaks remained loyal to the Roman Catholic Church, while the Czech Hussites were able to make a considerable number of conversions. During the Hussite wars, the Czech armies under Jiskra made frequent strikes onto Slovak territory, -::ausing considerab e damage to lives and property. After Lhe Hussites were finally beaten, many of their number fled Bohemia to settle in Slovakia. There, they later came to exert a great amount of influence in Slovak and Czech affairs throughout the twentieth century. Hungary proved itself incapable of withstanding the Ottoman onslaught from the Balkans. In 1526, at the Battle of Mohacs, King Louis and his Magyar army were destroyed by the Ottomans. The Ottomans took control of most of Hungary, while leaving a rump Magyar kingdom. It was nothing but a thin strip of territory that divided the Ottoman Empire from the Austrian lands. Most of Slovakia came under Ottoman rule, but it was only temporary. The Hungarian crown was given to Charles V of Austria. It wa3 hoped that he would be able to free the Hungarian lands. After 160 years and two Ottoman attempts to capture Vienna, the Austrians went on the offensive. The Battle of Zenta (1697), found the Ottomans crushed by the Austrians and forced out of Hungary. By the Treaty of Karlowitz (1699) the Ottomans were forced to cede all of Hungary, Transylvania, Croatia, and Slovenia to Austria. Thus, Slo- �184 SLOVAKIA vakia was freed from Ottoman rule, but now found herself under Austrian domination. Though the Habsburgs were now the rulers of Slovakia, the Magyar nobility was able to maintain their power over the Slovaks and the other nationalities within Hungary. Many gifted Slovak children, found educational opportunities available to them, but had to become Magyarized if worldly success was to be achieved. A great number of Magyarized Slovaks found success in the political and clerical fields. However, a number of educated Slovaks, seeing the plight of their fellow Slovaks, made attempts to maintain and develop Slovak culture and nationalism. It was the Slovak Protestants who made the first attempts at developing a Slovak identity. The Catholic Church eventually took over this role and maintained this position of dominance until the end of World War II. Anton Bernolak (1762-1813) first codified the Slovak language. He also fashioned a Slovak dictionary and grammar book to be used in translating the works of other tongues into the Slovak tongue, and vice versa. Many young Slovaks who were able to, went to be educated in Bohemia, feeling that there they would at least be among their fellow Slavs. Many of the leading political writers in Bohemia in the 1830's, such as Kollar and ~afarik, turned out to be Slovaks. In their writings they stressed not Czech nationalism, but the Slavic background of both the Czechs and Slovaks in the Austrian Empire. Some young Slovaks however, turned to and accepted the Magyar nationalism over their own Slovak ancestry. Two of the best known Magyar nationalists were Lajos Kossuth and Gaj Petofi, a nationalist Magyar poet and vehement antiCroat, was half Serb and half Slovak. Lajos Kossuth led the Magyar revolution of 1848-1849. When defeated, Kossuth fled to Paris, London and New York, always looking for an opportunity to restore an independent Hungary. Kossuth had been born of poor Slovak nobility, and was sent to be reared in a Magyar home. It was the Magyar custom to take the most promising children of all the subject nationalities and try to raise them as fervent Magyar nationalists. In May 1848, the Declaration of Liptovsky Sv. Mikulas set forth a program which set the tone of Slovak political �SLOVAKIA 185 desires for the next ninety years. Under the leadership of ~udovit stur, the first real Slovak spokesman, the program called for a federative monarchy, a Diet formed by a national council, equality of all nationalities, opening of Slovak primary and secondary schools, a national university and polytechnical school, formation of a national guard with its own command, recognition of the Slovak tongue as the language of administration, universal suffrage, freedom of the press, full legal ownership of lands which peasants owned only by a precarious title, and the right to possess a flag as a symbol of the Slovak Fatherland. When in 1848 Kossuth attempted to set up an independent Hungary, free of Vienna's rule, the Slovak people also rose to revolt, against Budapest. The uprising, led by stur, Jozef Hurban a Michal Hod.fa, was not in support of Viennese centralism, but a hope of a federative monarchy following the war. When at Myjava, September 1848, stur proclaimed Slovak independence from Hungary, he kept in mind the federation proposed. at Liptovsky Sv. Mikulas. While the Slovak regiments were being raised and fielded against the Magyars, two petitions were given to Austrian authorities pledging Slovak support of the Monarchy, in return for recognition of Slovak political desires following the Magyar defea u. The first petition was presented to the Emperor, Franz-Jozef, by°Fr. Jozef Kozacek in March 1849. The Emperor had been visiting in Olomouc at the time. The second petition was presented. in April 1849, to the government in Vienna by stur, Hurban and Hod.fa. Actions were promised. by the Austrian authorities, but after the Austrian victory, more time was spent in placating the Magyars, who had attempted. to destroy the Empire, than to the Slovaks and other nationalities who tried to keep the Empire intact. In February 1861, Hurban presented. to the Viennese government a document which covered the principal demands the Slovaks had sought in 1849. More importance must be given to the Memorandum of the Slovak Nation. It was drawn up in June 1861, by Slovak political leaders in Turciansky Sv. Martin led by Stefan Marko Daxner. This document was presented. to the Hungarian Parliament in the hope of their recognizing the uniqueness of the Slovak region and allowing them autono- �186 SLO V AKIA mous control over its own administration, courts, schools and cultural institutions. The Slovaks realized the dangers of Magyar statism which continued to try and assimilate all non-Magyar nationalities. The Slovaks also felt that only the combined actions of all the Hungarian nationalities could overcome Magyar domination. Slovak political leaders were few and far between. The most promising leaders had been either Magyarized or forced into exile from the homeland. The few who remained found themselves facing great odds. In 1863, the Matica slovenska (Slovak Academy) was established. It afforded the Slovak people the opportunity to rediscover their national heritage. Newpapers, books, schools, cultural and political groups were formed to give new life to the cause of Slovak nationalism and helped to educate future Slovak political leaders. In 1864, the Hun arian Parliament passed the L aw of Nationalities. All the inhabitants of the Hungarian lands were to be considered citizens of Hungary. In this way, Hungary formed itself into one political unit. Also, the law specified that all citizens had equal rights, and could express their own nationalist feelings, but within the law, and within reason. The Hungarian government under Ferenc Deak did its best to enforce the law so that it would appear to Vienna that Budapest was quite capable of dealing with its own minority problems on its own, without resorting to force. Thus in 1867, Franz-Jozef, feeling that the only way to ease his fears of another Magyar revolution, granted the Ausgleich. This Ausgleich (compromise) put the Magyars on an even platform with the Germans. The realm was divided into the Austrian Empire and the Kingdom of Hungary. Franz-Jozef remained head-of-state. There was to be a common army and foreign policy. Hungary was responsible for the internal affairs of the lands of St. Stephen. Slovakia remained under Magyar domination. Beginning in 1871, the Magyars began their policy of Magyarization. At first the moves were subtle. Town council meetings could only be held in Magyar. Any dealings with the railroad service had to be in Magyar. By 1875 the Magyarization policies became more pronounced. The judi- �SL OVAKIA 187 ciary and administration fell to Magyarization. Church documents had to be in Magyar if they were to be considered legal. Eventually all non-Magyar schools were closed, both public and parochial alike. The Matica slovenska was forced to close its doors in 1874. In 1875, the last three Slovak Gymnasia ( high schools) were closed in Klas tor pod Znievom, Revuca and Turciansky Sv. Martin. Only Magyar schools were now to be found in Slovakia and the other non-Magyar areas. The local intelligentsia were advised, in their own best interests, to Magyarize if they wished to keep their position. Professional advancement depended on the amount of support one gave to the Magyar leadership. In all the political elections from 1865 to 1881, the Slovaks ran candidates for parliamentary office. Few, if any, were ever elected. When there were no Slovak representatives, the Croats, Serbs and Rumanians voiced the Slovak appeals inasmuch as the Slovaks and the others shared the same Magyar domination. After 1881, the Slovaks ran no candidates for political office. It was not until 1901 that the Slovaks again ran a list of candidates for parliamentary office. In August 1895, a Congress of Nationalities was held in Budapest, consisting of Slovaks, Serbs and Rumanians. It vigorously denounced the government's Magyarization policies. It demanded that as the Magyars represented less than half of Hungary's population, the other nationalities were entitled to their fair share of representation. ThP. Congress also demanded universal suffrage. Hlas, a monthly Slovak periodical, appeared in 1898. It was published by a group of Slovak Protestants, intellectuals and free-thinkers. They felt that the dangers of Magyarization were so great, that it constituted the necessity of Slovakia's fusion with the Czechs. In the First CzechoSlovak Republic, it would be these same Hlasists who would control the political power in Slovakia. It can be easily seen here that even as early as the 1890's, the Czechs were already planning for a union of the Czech lands and Slovakia. The Slovak Protestants were to be the main tools of Czech imperialism. In 1905, the Slovaks presented a list of t.hirteen parliamentary candidates. Only two were elected, Milan Hodza �188 SLOVAKIA and Ferko Skycak became disenchanted with the Hungarian People's Party, on whose list he was elected, and together with Fr. Andrej Hlinka, formed the Slovak People's Party. In the 1906 elections, the Slovak People's Party managed to elect six of eighteen candidates. In 1907, an incident occurred which united the Slovaks more than ever before to stand firm in the face of Magyar domination and intimidation. In his home village of cernova, Fr. Hlinka was to have consecrated the new church. As he had been called away to Moravia, the Magyar bishop of Spis chose a priest loyal to the regime to consecrate the new church. The Sunday the priest arrived, joined by the subprefect and a group of gendarmes, the populace of cernova attempted to block his way. The gendarmes were ordered to open fire on the people. Fourteen persons were killed and sixty wounded. Others were arrested on trumped up charges and imprisoned. No actions were taken on the gendarmes who were the real perpetrators of this crime. After the massacre of cernova, Hlinka became more determined than ever to obtain some form of independence for his people. By 1910, the Slovak position seemed to deteriorate. The Slovak population reached two million in that year's census. They were entitled by law, to forty representatives in the Hungarian Parliament. However, only three of fifty candidates were elected. Skycak had been reelected, but later resigned his seat. The pro_spects of at least an autonomous Slovak state seemed dim. Hlinka had by now joined forces with Hodza. Together, under the banner of the Slovak People's Party, they formed the first cohesive Slovak nationalist movement. Prior to this, there had been loose national groupings, but they had proved to be ineffective against the Magyars. At least now there was a single, unified movement to press for Slovak demands. In this new organization, Hodza was to develop the political programs of the movement, while Hlinka was to organize the support of the Slovak people. The Slovak political base was built on a coalition of Catholic solidarity, agrarian and workers' movements, and also a Czechophile element, composed mostly of the Hlasists, under T. G. Masaryk's indirect leadership. The loss of �SLOVAKIA 189 one of these elements could possibly bring down the whole Slovak nationalist movement. For without the support of the whole Slovak society, little could be accomplished, and the dreams of Slovak independence and freedom never realized. Between the years 1860 and 1914, 500,000 Slovaks left their ancestral homes to find hope and freedom in the New World. Here they would be able to express the nationalist sentiment which had so long been denied them by the Magyars. They did not forget their homeland. These American Slovaks were to form a base of political and economic support which was vital to Masaryk in order to establish a union of the Slovak and Czech lands following World War I. ( Third place - College) BIBLIOGRAPHY Capek, Tomas, The siovaks ,of Hungary. New York: F. H. Revell Co., 1906. Crankshaw, Edward, The FaU of the House of Hapsburg . New York: Viking Press, 1963. Jaszi, Oscar, Dissoiution of the Hapsburg Monarchy. The University of Chicago Press, 1929. Jelavich, Barbara, The Hapsburg Empire in European Affairs, 1814-1918. Chicago: Rand McNally and Co., 1969. Kirschbaum, Joseph, siovakia. New York: R. Speller and Sons, 1960. siovakia's Struggie for Independence. Canadian Slovak League, 1959. Lutzow, Count, The Hussite Wars. London: Dent, 1914. Mikus, Joseph, siovakia - A Poiiticai History, 1918-1950. Milwaukee: The Marquette University Press, 1963. Oddo, Gilbert, siovakia and Its Peopk New York: R. Speller and Sons, 1960. Palmer, Alan, A History of East-Centrai Europe since the Congress of Vienna. New York: The Macmillan Co., 1970. Seton-Watson, R. W., siovakia - Then and Now. London: G. Allen and Unwin, Ltd., 1931. Taylor, A. J. P., The Hapsburg Monarchy, 1809-1918. New York: Harper and Row, 1965. Thomson, S. Harrison, Czechosiovakia in European History. Princeton University Press, 1953. Yurchak, Peter, The siovaks. Scranton, Pa., 1957. Zinner, Paul E., Czechosiovakia. University of Notre Dame Press, 1956. � 180 SLOVAKIA Rusek, Stephanie 0., ''Milan Rastislav Stefanik." Slovakia, March, 1954, pp. 33-47. Kirschbaum, Joseph M., Slovakia in the 19th and 20th Centuries. Toronto: Slovak World Congress 1973. Mikus, Joseph A. , Slovakia: A Political History, 1918-1950. Milwaukee: The Marquette University Press, 1963. Oddo, G. L. , Slovakia and Its People . New York: Robert Speller and Sons, Publishers, 1960. Paufo, Joseph , Six ty Years of the Slovak League of America. Middletown, Pa.: Slovak League of Ame-r ica, 1967. Woytko, Sister Mary Gabrielle, Sl-o vakia's Road to Statehood. Michigan : John J . Lach, Publisher, 1957. Yurchak, P., The Slovaks. Scranton, Pa.: Obrana Press, Inc., 1946. III. SLOVAKIA BEFORE THE CZECHS John Bert a The Slovaks are a Slavic people who settled in the land between the Danube River and the Carpathian Mountains some 1500 years ago. The area had formerly been held by the Marcommani, a Celtic people, who fled the land after several disastrous wars with the armies of the Roman Empire. The Slovaks were hunters turned farmers. Their main enterprises were blacksmithing and potterymaking, while business transactions were done by bartering. They lived in simple mud and wooden huts, and lived in family groupings called clans, of which the oldest was its head. The Slovak gods were as numerous and varied as those of the Greeks and Romans. When a Slovak died, if cremated, the ashes were placed in urns and buried in a mound. If the body was to be buried, food, wine, weapons and jewelry were placed in the grave. The size of the burial site determined the importance of the dead person. The first attempt of the Slavonic peoples, living along the Danube, to unite into a viable force, came after the Avars, a nomadic Asian people, conquered part of their land. In 624, Samo, a Frankish merchant, united the people and led them to victory against the Avars. This victory encouraged them to face the Germanic Franks, who were �SLOVAKIA 181 also encroaching on their territory. In 631, the Franks, under Dagobert, were defeated in a three-day battle near Vogaste Castle. The Empire prospered now in peace. In 658, Samo died and his empire soon fell apart. For the next two hundred years the Slovaks were leaderless until in 830, Pribina, ruler of the Slovak city of Nitra, took charge, and created what was to become the Great Moravian Empire. He was a wise ruler. Though not a Christian himself, he allowed the Christians to proselytize in his land. In 836, Mojmir I drove Pribina from his throne . Pribina fled to the Germans from whom he received Pannonia to rule as his own until his death in 861. Mojmir enlarged Pribina's former domain, and tried to maintain friendly relations with the neighboring Germans . He was a Christian and allowed unhampered German missionary activity in his realm. He ruled until 846, when he in turn was unseated by the German king, Louis, and replaced by Rastislav. Rastislav maintained an uneasy truce with the Germans and Bulgarians. In 860, fearing German interference in Slovak affairs, Rastislav requested from Pope Nicholas I, priests with a knowledge of the Slavonic tongue to come among his people. The Pope had no such priests and Rastislav turned to the Byzantine Emperor, Michael III. Michael sent two priests, the brothers Cyril and Methodius. They arrived in 863, and began to convert the Great Moravian Empire to Christianity. They translated the :a:oly Scripture into the Slavonic tongue and formed an alphabet, now known as the Cyrillic alphabet. In 869, the German king, Louis, attacked the Empire. His armies devastated the land, but Rastislav managed to hold out at Devin, and kept the state's independence. That same year, Mojmir's nephew, Svatopluk of Nitra, overthrew Rastislav with German help. In 871, Svatopluk was taken prisoner by the Germans, and Slavomir united the Empire's forces . War soon followed. Svatopluk had managed to escape, and together with Slavomir, destroyed the German army at Devin. Svatopluk regained his throne, and began to enlarge his empire. The German clergy came into conflict with the �182 SLOVAKIA Slovak clergy over control of Church affairs. The Germans held a great amount of influence over Svatopluk, and the Slovaks were often per secuted in their own lands. It is said, that before his death in 894, Svatopluk had retired to a monastery, not revealing his identity until shortly before his death. Svatopluk's oldest son, Mojmir II, assumed his father's throne, while the younger son, Svatopluk II, received a p rincipality to rule, but under his elder brother's domination . In 895, with the secession of the Czech lands and Pannonia, Mojmir's domain shrank to that of Rastislav's. In 901, the Germans and Czechs invaded the Empire. After many fierce battles, Mojmir was forced to sue for peace, again losing territory to his enemies. In 902, the Magyars, an Asiatic people, invaded the Empire. Mojmir's forces suffered heavily. They had managed to rally their forces for a short while, but they could not stem the invading tide. In 906, Mojmir's resistance finally collapsed, and the Great Moravian Empire ceased to exist. The first Slovak state became a part of the Hungarian kingdom. From the tenth through the end of the thirteenth centuries, Slovakia formed an administrative unit known as Upper Hungary. During the Tartar invasions of the thirteenth century, Slovakia suffered as heavily as did the other eastern European peoples. In 1296, Duke Matus cak of Trencin, owing to the dynastic struggle then taking place in Hungary, used the occasion to organize almost the whole Slovakia under his personal rule. For approximately twenty-five years ( 12961321) cak ruled over what was in reality an independent Slovak state. cak formed his own domestic and foreign policies. He maintained his own army, laws, and minted his own currency. The Slovak peasantry suffered greatly at the hands of the great landowners. The Slovak nobility was non-existent. It had either been absorbed by the Magyars or decimated on the battlefield. Peasant revolts were common from the sixteenth century and thereafter, due to the institution of a Hungarian public law codified as the Tripartitum Opus Juris Consuetudinarii Regni Hungariae. It was drawn up �SLOVAKIA 183 by Stefan Verboczi, in 1514. It designated the roles in society the different classes would represent. The peasantry (servitus), became a large landless group, tied to the land, and owned by the local noble. The nobility (natio), were to be the only ones allowed citizenship. This document only served to perpetuate serfdom causing class struggles and the struggle for individual rights. It affected all peasants in Hungary-Croat, Serb, Slovak, Rumanian, and Magyar alike. In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, universities were established by various religious orders at Bratislava, Nitra, Trencfn, Kosice, zilina, and other Slovak cities. For many years Slovakia served as a refuge for German, Czech, and other nationalities' academicians, who found it necessary, for various reasons, to leave their native lands. During the Protestant Reformation, the Slovaks remained loyal to the Roman Catholic Church, while the Czech Hussites were able to make a considerable number of conversions. During the Hussite wars, the Czech armies under Jiskra made frequent strikes onto Slovak territory, -::ausing considerab e damage to lives and property. After Lhe Hussites were finally beaten, many of their number fled Bohemia to settle in Slovakia. There, they later came to exert a great amount of influence in Slovak and Czech affairs throughout the twentieth century. Hungary proved itself incapable of withstanding the Ottoman onslaught from the Balkans. In 1526, at the Battle of Mohacs, King Louis and his Magyar army were destroyed by the Ottomans. The Ottomans took control of most of Hungary, while leaving a rump Magyar kingdom. It was nothing but a thin strip of territory that divided the Ottoman Empire from the Austrian lands. Most of Slovakia came under Ottoman rule, but it was only temporary. The Hungarian crown was given to Charles V of Austria. It wa3 hoped that he would be able to free the Hungarian lands. After 160 years and two Ottoman attempts to capture Vienna, the Austrians went on the offensive. The Battle of Zenta (1697), found the Ottomans crushed by the Austrians and forced out of Hungary. By the Treaty of Karlowitz (1699) the Ottomans were forced to cede all of Hungary, Transylvania, Croatia, and Slovenia to Austria. Thus, Slo- �184 SLOVAKIA vakia was freed from Ottoman rule, but now found herself under Austrian domination. Though the Habsburgs were now the rulers of Slovakia, the Magyar nobility was able to maintain their power over the Slovaks and the other nationalities within Hungary. Many gifted Slovak children, found educational opportunities available to them, but had to become Magyarized if worldly success was to be achieved. A great number of Magyarized Slovaks found success in the political and clerical fields. However, a number of educated Slovaks, seeing the plight of their fellow Slovaks, made attempts to maintain and develop Slovak culture and nationalism. It was the Slovak Protestants who made the first attempts at developing a Slovak identity. The Catholic Church eventually took over this role and maintained this position of dominance until the end of World War II. Anton Bernolak (1762-1813) first codified the Slovak language. He also fashioned a Slovak dictionary and grammar book to be used in translating the works of other tongues into the Slovak tongue, and vice versa. Many young Slovaks who were able to, went to be educated in Bohemia, feeling that there they would at least be among their fellow Slavs. Many of the leading political writers in Bohemia in the 1830's, such as Kollar and ~afarik, turned out to be Slovaks. In their writings they stressed not Czech nationalism, but the Slavic background of both the Czechs and Slovaks in the Austrian Empire. Some young Slovaks however, turned to and accepted the Magyar nationalism over their own Slovak ancestry. Two of the best known Magyar nationalists were Lajos Kossuth and Gaj Petofi, a nationalist Magyar poet and vehement antiCroat, was half Serb and half Slovak. Lajos Kossuth led the Magyar revolution of 1848-1849. When defeated, Kossuth fled to Paris, London and New York, always looking for an opportunity to restore an independent Hungary. Kossuth had been born of poor Slovak nobility, and was sent to be reared in a Magyar home. It was the Magyar custom to take the most promising children of all the subject nationalities and try to raise them as fervent Magyar nationalists. In May 1848, the Declaration of Liptovsky Sv. Mikulas set forth a program which set the tone of Slovak political �SLOVAKIA 185 desires for the next ninety years. Under the leadership of ~udovit stur, the first real Slovak spokesman, the program called for a federative monarchy, a Diet formed by a national council, equality of all nationalities, opening of Slovak primary and secondary schools, a national university and polytechnical school, formation of a national guard with its own command, recognition of the Slovak tongue as the language of administration, universal suffrage, freedom of the press, full legal ownership of lands which peasants owned only by a precarious title, and the right to possess a flag as a symbol of the Slovak Fatherland. When in 1848 Kossuth attempted to set up an independent Hungary, free of Vienna's rule, the Slovak people also rose to revolt, against Budapest. The uprising, led by stur, Jozef Hurban a Michal Hod.fa, was not in support of Viennese centralism, but a hope of a federative monarchy following the war. When at Myjava, September 1848, stur proclaimed Slovak independence from Hungary, he kept in mind the federation proposed. at Liptovsky Sv. Mikulas. While the Slovak regiments were being raised and fielded against the Magyars, two petitions were given to Austrian authorities pledging Slovak support of the Monarchy, in return for recognition of Slovak political desires following the Magyar defea u. The first petition was presented to the Emperor, Franz-Jozef, by°Fr. Jozef Kozacek in March 1849. The Emperor had been visiting in Olomouc at the time. The second petition was presented. in April 1849, to the government in Vienna by stur, Hurban and Hod.fa. Actions were promised. by the Austrian authorities, but after the Austrian victory, more time was spent in placating the Magyars, who had attempted. to destroy the Empire, than to the Slovaks and other nationalities who tried to keep the Empire intact. In February 1861, Hurban presented. to the Viennese government a document which covered the principal demands the Slovaks had sought in 1849. More importance must be given to the Memorandum of the Slovak Nation. It was drawn up in June 1861, by Slovak political leaders in Turciansky Sv. Martin led by Stefan Marko Daxner. This document was presented. to the Hungarian Parliament in the hope of their recognizing the uniqueness of the Slovak region and allowing them autono- �186 SLO V AKIA mous control over its own administration, courts, schools and cultural institutions. The Slovaks realized the dangers of Magyar statism which continued to try and assimilate all non-Magyar nationalities. The Slovaks also felt that only the combined actions of all the Hungarian nationalities could overcome Magyar domination. Slovak political leaders were few and far between. The most promising leaders had been either Magyarized or forced into exile from the homeland. The few who remained found themselves facing great odds. In 1863, the Matica slovenska (Slovak Academy) was established. It afforded the Slovak people the opportunity to rediscover their national heritage. Newpapers, books, schools, cultural and political groups were formed to give new life to the cause of Slovak nationalism and helped to educate future Slovak political leaders. In 1864, the Hun arian Parliament passed the L aw of Nationalities. All the inhabitants of the Hungarian lands were to be considered citizens of Hungary. In this way, Hungary formed itself into one political unit. Also, the law specified that all citizens had equal rights, and could express their own nationalist feelings, but within the law, and within reason. The Hungarian government under Ferenc Deak did its best to enforce the law so that it would appear to Vienna that Budapest was quite capable of dealing with its own minority problems on its own, without resorting to force. Thus in 1867, Franz-Jozef, feeling that the only way to ease his fears of another Magyar revolution, granted the Ausgleich. This Ausgleich (compromise) put the Magyars on an even platform with the Germans. The realm was divided into the Austrian Empire and the Kingdom of Hungary. Franz-Jozef remained head-of-state. There was to be a common army and foreign policy. Hungary was responsible for the internal affairs of the lands of St. Stephen. Slovakia remained under Magyar domination. Beginning in 1871, the Magyars began their policy of Magyarization. At first the moves were subtle. Town council meetings could only be held in Magyar. Any dealings with the railroad service had to be in Magyar. By 1875 the Magyarization policies became more pronounced. The judi- �SL OVAKIA 187 ciary and administration fell to Magyarization. Church documents had to be in Magyar if they were to be considered legal. Eventually all non-Magyar schools were closed, both public and parochial alike. The Matica slovenska was forced to close its doors in 1874. In 1875, the last three Slovak Gymnasia ( high schools) were closed in Klas tor pod Znievom, Revuca and Turciansky Sv. Martin. Only Magyar schools were now to be found in Slovakia and the other non-Magyar areas. The local intelligentsia were advised, in their own best interests, to Magyarize if they wished to keep their position. Professional advancement depended on the amount of support one gave to the Magyar leadership. In all the political elections from 1865 to 1881, the Slovaks ran candidates for parliamentary office. Few, if any, were ever elected. When there were no Slovak representatives, the Croats, Serbs and Rumanians voiced the Slovak appeals inasmuch as the Slovaks and the others shared the same Magyar domination. After 1881, the Slovaks ran no candidates for political office. It was not until 1901 that the Slovaks again ran a list of candidates for parliamentary office. In August 1895, a Congress of Nationalities was held in Budapest, consisting of Slovaks, Serbs and Rumanians. It vigorously denounced the government's Magyarization policies. It demanded that as the Magyars represented less than half of Hungary's population, the other nationalities were entitled to their fair share of representation. ThP. Congress also demanded universal suffrage. Hlas, a monthly Slovak periodical, appeared in 1898. It was published by a group of Slovak Protestants, intellectuals and free-thinkers. They felt that the dangers of Magyarization were so great, that it constituted the necessity of Slovakia's fusion with the Czechs. In the First CzechoSlovak Republic, it would be these same Hlasists who would control the political power in Slovakia. It can be easily seen here that even as early as the 1890's, the Czechs were already planning for a union of the Czech lands and Slovakia. The Slovak Protestants were to be the main tools of Czech imperialism. In 1905, the Slovaks presented a list of t.hirteen parliamentary candidates. Only two were elected, Milan Hodza �188 SLOVAKIA and Ferko Skycak became disenchanted with the Hungarian People's Party, on whose list he was elected, and together with Fr. Andrej Hlinka, formed the Slovak People's Party. In the 1906 elections, the Slovak People's Party managed to elect six of eighteen candidates. In 1907, an incident occurred which united the Slovaks more than ever before to stand firm in the face of Magyar domination and intimidation. In his home village of cernova, Fr. Hlinka was to have consecrated the new church. As he had been called away to Moravia, the Magyar bishop of Spis chose a priest loyal to the regime to consecrate the new church. The Sunday the priest arrived, joined by the subprefect and a group of gendarmes, the populace of cernova attempted to block his way. The gendarmes were ordered to open fire on the people. Fourteen persons were killed and sixty wounded. Others were arrested on trumped up charges and imprisoned. No actions were taken on the gendarmes who were the real perpetrators of this crime. After the massacre of cernova, Hlinka became more determined than ever to obtain some form of independence for his people. By 1910, the Slovak position seemed to deteriorate. The Slovak population reached two million in that year's census. They were entitled by law, to forty representatives in the Hungarian Parliament. However, only three of fifty candidates were elected. Skycak had been reelected, but later resigned his seat. The pro_spects of at least an autonomous Slovak state seemed dim. Hlinka had by now joined forces with Hodza. Together, under the banner of the Slovak People's Party, they formed the first cohesive Slovak nationalist movement. Prior to this, there had been loose national groupings, but they had proved to be ineffective against the Magyars. At least now there was a single, unified movement to press for Slovak demands. In this new organization, Hodza was to develop the political programs of the movement, while Hlinka was to organize the support of the Slovak people. The Slovak political base was built on a coalition of Catholic solidarity, agrarian and workers' movements, and also a Czechophile element, composed mostly of the Hlasists, under T. G. Masaryk's indirect leadership. The loss of �SLOVAKIA 189 one of these elements could possibly bring down the whole Slovak nationalist movement. For without the support of the whole Slovak society, little could be accomplished, and the dreams of Slovak independence and freedom never realized. Between the years 1860 and 1914, 500,000 Slovaks left their ancestral homes to find hope and freedom in the New World. Here they would be able to express the nationalist sentiment which had so long been denied them by the Magyars. They did not forget their homeland. These American Slovaks were to form a base of political and economic support which was vital to Masaryk in order to establish a union of the Slovak and Czech lands following World War I. ( Third place - College) BIBLIOGRAPHY Capek, Tomas, The siovaks ,of Hungary. New York: F. H. Revell Co., 1906. Crankshaw, Edward, The FaU of the House of Hapsburg . New York: Viking Press, 1963. Jaszi, Oscar, Dissoiution of the Hapsburg Monarchy. The University of Chicago Press, 1929. Jelavich, Barbara, The Hapsburg Empire in European Affairs, 1814-1918. Chicago: Rand McNally and Co., 1969. Kirschbaum, Joseph, siovakia. New York: R. Speller and Sons, 1960. siovakia's Struggie for Independence. Canadian Slovak League, 1959. Lutzow, Count, The Hussite Wars. London: Dent, 1914. Mikus, Joseph, siovakia - A Poiiticai History, 1918-1950. Milwaukee: The Marquette University Press, 1963. Oddo, Gilbert, siovakia and Its Peopk New York: R. Speller and Sons, 1960. Palmer, Alan, A History of East-Centrai Europe since the Congress of Vienna. New York: The Macmillan Co., 1970. Seton-Watson, R. W., siovakia - Then and Now. London: G. Allen and Unwin, Ltd., 1931. Taylor, A. J. P., The Hapsburg Monarchy, 1809-1918. New York: Harper and Row, 1965. Thomson, S. Harrison, Czechosiovakia in European History. Princeton University Press, 1953. Yurchak, Peter, The siovaks. Scranton, Pa., 1957. Zinner, Paul E., Czechosiovakia. University of Notre Dame Press, 1956. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1975, Vol. 25 Description An account of the resource Vol. 25 (No. 48), 1975. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1975 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 180 SLOVAKIA Rusek, Stephanie 0., ''Milan Rastislav Stefanik." Slovakia, March, 1954, pp. 33-47. Kirschbaum, Joseph M., Slovakia in the 19th and 20th Centuries. Toronto: Slovak World Congress 1973. Mikus, Joseph A. , Slovakia: A Political History, 1918-1950. Milwaukee: The Marquette University Press, 1963. Oddo, G. L. , Slovakia and Its People . New York: Robert Speller and Sons, Publishers, 1960. Paufo, Joseph , Six ty Years of the Slovak League of America. Middletown, Pa.: Slovak League of Ame-r ica, 1967. Woytko, Sister Mary Gabrielle, Sl-o vakia's Road to Statehood. Michigan : John J . Lach, Publisher, 1957. Yurchak, P., The Slovaks. Scranton, Pa.: Obrana Press, Inc., 1946. III. SLOVAKIA BEFORE THE CZECHS John Bert a The Slovaks are a Slavic people who settled in the land between the Danube River and the Carpathian Mountains some 1500 years ago. The area had formerly been held by the Marcommani, a Celtic people, who fled the land after several disastrous wars with the armies of the Roman Empire. The Slovaks were hunters turned farmers. Their main enterprises were blacksmithing and potterymaking, while business transactions were done by bartering. They lived in simple mud and wooden huts, and lived in family groupings called clans, of which the oldest was its head. The Slovak gods were as numerous and varied as those of the Greeks and Romans. When a Slovak died, if cremated, the ashes were placed in urns and buried in a mound. If the body was to be buried, food, wine, weapons and jewelry were placed in the grave. The size of the burial site determined the importance of the dead person. The first attempt of the Slavonic peoples, living along the Danube, to unite into a viable force, came after the Avars, a nomadic Asian people, conquered part of their land. In 624, Samo, a Frankish merchant, united the people and led them to victory against the Avars. This victory encouraged them to face the Germanic Franks, who were SLOVAKIA 181 also encroaching on their territory. In 631, the Franks, under Dagobert, were defeated in a three-day battle near Vogaste Castle. The Empire prospered now in peace. In 658, Samo died and his empire soon fell apart. For the next two hundred years the Slovaks were leaderless until in 830, Pribina, ruler of the Slovak city of Nitra, took charge, and created what was to become the Great Moravian Empire. He was a wise ruler. Though not a Christian himself, he allowed the Christians to proselytize in his land. In 836, Mojmir I drove Pribina from his throne . Pribina fled to the Germans from whom he received Pannonia to rule as his own until his death in 861. Mojmir enlarged Pribina's former domain, and tried to maintain friendly relations with the neighboring Germans . He was a Christian and allowed unhampered German missionary activity in his realm. He ruled until 846, when he in turn was unseated by the German king, Louis, and replaced by Rastislav. Rastislav maintained an uneasy truce with the Germans and Bulgarians. In 860, fearing German interference in Slovak affairs, Rastislav requested from Pope Nicholas I, priests with a knowledge of the Slavonic tongue to come among his people. The Pope had no such priests and Rastislav turned to the Byzantine Emperor, Michael III. Michael sent two priests, the brothers Cyril and Methodius. They arrived in 863, and began to convert the Great Moravian Empire to Christianity. They translated the :a:oly Scripture into the Slavonic tongue and formed an alphabet, now known as the Cyrillic alphabet. In 869, the German king, Louis, attacked the Empire. His armies devastated the land, but Rastislav managed to hold out at Devin, and kept the state's independence. That same year, Mojmir's nephew, Svatopluk of Nitra, overthrew Rastislav with German help. In 871, Svatopluk was taken prisoner by the Germans, and Slavomir united the Empire's forces . War soon followed. Svatopluk had managed to escape, and together with Slavomir, destroyed the German army at Devin. Svatopluk regained his throne, and began to enlarge his empire. The German clergy came into conflict with the 182 SLOVAKIA Slovak clergy over control of Church affairs. The Germans held a great amount of influence over Svatopluk, and the Slovaks were often per secuted in their own lands. It is said, that before his death in 894, Svatopluk had retired to a monastery, not revealing his identity until shortly before his death. Svatopluk's oldest son, Mojmir II, assumed his father's throne, while the younger son, Svatopluk II, received a p rincipality to rule, but under his elder brother's domination . In 895, with the secession of the Czech lands and Pannonia, Mojmir's domain shrank to that of Rastislav's. In 901, the Germans and Czechs invaded the Empire. After many fierce battles, Mojmir was forced to sue for peace, again losing territory to his enemies. In 902, the Magyars, an Asiatic people, invaded the Empire. Mojmir's forces suffered heavily. They had managed to rally their forces for a short while, but they could not stem the invading tide. In 906, Mojmir's resistance finally collapsed, and the Great Moravian Empire ceased to exist. The first Slovak state became a part of the Hungarian kingdom. From the tenth through the end of the thirteenth centuries, Slovakia formed an administrative unit known as Upper Hungary. During the Tartar invasions of the thirteenth century, Slovakia suffered as heavily as did the other eastern European peoples. In 1296, Duke Matus cak of Trencin, owing to the dynastic struggle then taking place in Hungary, used the occasion to organize almost the whole Slovakia under his personal rule. For approximately twenty-five years ( 12961321) cak ruled over what was in reality an independent Slovak state. cak formed his own domestic and foreign policies. He maintained his own army, laws, and minted his own currency. The Slovak peasantry suffered greatly at the hands of the great landowners. The Slovak nobility was non-existent. It had either been absorbed by the Magyars or decimated on the battlefield. Peasant revolts were common from the sixteenth century and thereafter, due to the institution of a Hungarian public law codified as the Tripartitum Opus Juris Consuetudinarii Regni Hungariae. It was drawn up SLOVAKIA 183 by Stefan Verboczi, in 1514. It designated the roles in society the different classes would represent. The peasantry (servitus), became a large landless group, tied to the land, and owned by the local noble. The nobility (natio), were to be the only ones allowed citizenship. This document only served to perpetuate serfdom causing class struggles and the struggle for individual rights. It affected all peasants in Hungary-Croat, Serb, Slovak, Rumanian, and Magyar alike. In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, universities were established by various religious orders at Bratislava, Nitra, Trencfn, Kosice, zilina, and other Slovak cities. For many years Slovakia served as a refuge for German, Czech, and other nationalities' academicians, who found it necessary, for various reasons, to leave their native lands. During the Protestant Reformation, the Slovaks remained loyal to the Roman Catholic Church, while the Czech Hussites were able to make a considerable number of conversions. During the Hussite wars, the Czech armies under Jiskra made frequent strikes onto Slovak territory, -::ausing considerab e damage to lives and property. After Lhe Hussites were finally beaten, many of their number fled Bohemia to settle in Slovakia. There, they later came to exert a great amount of influence in Slovak and Czech affairs throughout the twentieth century. Hungary proved itself incapable of withstanding the Ottoman onslaught from the Balkans. In 1526, at the Battle of Mohacs, King Louis and his Magyar army were destroyed by the Ottomans. The Ottomans took control of most of Hungary, while leaving a rump Magyar kingdom. It was nothing but a thin strip of territory that divided the Ottoman Empire from the Austrian lands. Most of Slovakia came under Ottoman rule, but it was only temporary. The Hungarian crown was given to Charles V of Austria. It wa3 hoped that he would be able to free the Hungarian lands. After 160 years and two Ottoman attempts to capture Vienna, the Austrians went on the offensive. The Battle of Zenta (1697), found the Ottomans crushed by the Austrians and forced out of Hungary. By the Treaty of Karlowitz (1699) the Ottomans were forced to cede all of Hungary, Transylvania, Croatia, and Slovenia to Austria. Thus, Slo- 184 SLOVAKIA vakia was freed from Ottoman rule, but now found herself under Austrian domination. Though the Habsburgs were now the rulers of Slovakia, the Magyar nobility was able to maintain their power over the Slovaks and the other nationalities within Hungary. Many gifted Slovak children, found educational opportunities available to them, but had to become Magyarized if worldly success was to be achieved. A great number of Magyarized Slovaks found success in the political and clerical fields. However, a number of educated Slovaks, seeing the plight of their fellow Slovaks, made attempts to maintain and develop Slovak culture and nationalism. It was the Slovak Protestants who made the first attempts at developing a Slovak identity. The Catholic Church eventually took over this role and maintained this position of dominance until the end of World War II. Anton Bernolak (1762-1813) first codified the Slovak language. He also fashioned a Slovak dictionary and grammar book to be used in translating the works of other tongues into the Slovak tongue, and vice versa. Many young Slovaks who were able to, went to be educated in Bohemia, feeling that there they would at least be among their fellow Slavs. Many of the leading political writers in Bohemia in the 1830's, such as Kollar and ~afarik, turned out to be Slovaks. In their writings they stressed not Czech nationalism, but the Slavic background of both the Czechs and Slovaks in the Austrian Empire. Some young Slovaks however, turned to and accepted the Magyar nationalism over their own Slovak ancestry. Two of the best known Magyar nationalists were Lajos Kossuth and Gaj Petofi, a nationalist Magyar poet and vehement antiCroat, was half Serb and half Slovak. Lajos Kossuth led the Magyar revolution of 1848-1849. When defeated, Kossuth fled to Paris, London and New York, always looking for an opportunity to restore an independent Hungary. Kossuth had been born of poor Slovak nobility, and was sent to be reared in a Magyar home. It was the Magyar custom to take the most promising children of all the subject nationalities and try to raise them as fervent Magyar nationalists. In May 1848, the Declaration of Liptovsky Sv. Mikulas set forth a program which set the tone of Slovak political SLOVAKIA 185 desires for the next ninety years. Under the leadership of ~udovit stur, the first real Slovak spokesman, the program called for a federative monarchy, a Diet formed by a national council, equality of all nationalities, opening of Slovak primary and secondary schools, a national university and polytechnical school, formation of a national guard with its own command, recognition of the Slovak tongue as the language of administration, universal suffrage, freedom of the press, full legal ownership of lands which peasants owned only by a precarious title, and the right to possess a flag as a symbol of the Slovak Fatherland. When in 1848 Kossuth attempted to set up an independent Hungary, free of Vienna's rule, the Slovak people also rose to revolt, against Budapest. The uprising, led by stur, Jozef Hurban a Michal Hod.fa, was not in support of Viennese centralism, but a hope of a federative monarchy following the war. When at Myjava, September 1848, stur proclaimed Slovak independence from Hungary, he kept in mind the federation proposed. at Liptovsky Sv. Mikulas. While the Slovak regiments were being raised and fielded against the Magyars, two petitions were given to Austrian authorities pledging Slovak support of the Monarchy, in return for recognition of Slovak political desires following the Magyar defea u. The first petition was presented to the Emperor, Franz-Jozef, by°Fr. Jozef Kozacek in March 1849. The Emperor had been visiting in Olomouc at the time. The second petition was presented. in April 1849, to the government in Vienna by stur, Hurban and Hod.fa. Actions were promised. by the Austrian authorities, but after the Austrian victory, more time was spent in placating the Magyars, who had attempted. to destroy the Empire, than to the Slovaks and other nationalities who tried to keep the Empire intact. In February 1861, Hurban presented. to the Viennese government a document which covered the principal demands the Slovaks had sought in 1849. More importance must be given to the Memorandum of the Slovak Nation. It was drawn up in June 1861, by Slovak political leaders in Turciansky Sv. Martin led by Stefan Marko Daxner. This document was presented. to the Hungarian Parliament in the hope of their recognizing the uniqueness of the Slovak region and allowing them autono- 186 SLO V AKIA mous control over its own administration, courts, schools and cultural institutions. The Slovaks realized the dangers of Magyar statism which continued to try and assimilate all non-Magyar nationalities. The Slovaks also felt that only the combined actions of all the Hungarian nationalities could overcome Magyar domination. Slovak political leaders were few and far between. The most promising leaders had been either Magyarized or forced into exile from the homeland. The few who remained found themselves facing great odds. In 1863, the Matica slovenska (Slovak Academy) was established. It afforded the Slovak people the opportunity to rediscover their national heritage. Newpapers, books, schools, cultural and political groups were formed to give new life to the cause of Slovak nationalism and helped to educate future Slovak political leaders. In 1864, the Hun arian Parliament passed the L aw of Nationalities. All the inhabitants of the Hungarian lands were to be considered citizens of Hungary. In this way, Hungary formed itself into one political unit. Also, the law specified that all citizens had equal rights, and could express their own nationalist feelings, but within the law, and within reason. The Hungarian government under Ferenc Deak did its best to enforce the law so that it would appear to Vienna that Budapest was quite capable of dealing with its own minority problems on its own, without resorting to force. Thus in 1867, Franz-Jozef, feeling that the only way to ease his fears of another Magyar revolution, granted the Ausgleich. This Ausgleich (compromise) put the Magyars on an even platform with the Germans. The realm was divided into the Austrian Empire and the Kingdom of Hungary. Franz-Jozef remained head-of-state. There was to be a common army and foreign policy. Hungary was responsible for the internal affairs of the lands of St. Stephen. Slovakia remained under Magyar domination. Beginning in 1871, the Magyars began their policy of Magyarization. At first the moves were subtle. Town council meetings could only be held in Magyar. Any dealings with the railroad service had to be in Magyar. By 1875 the Magyarization policies became more pronounced. The judi- SL OVAKIA 187 ciary and administration fell to Magyarization. Church documents had to be in Magyar if they were to be considered legal. Eventually all non-Magyar schools were closed, both public and parochial alike. The Matica slovenska was forced to close its doors in 1874. In 1875, the last three Slovak Gymnasia ( high schools) were closed in Klas tor pod Znievom, Revuca and Turciansky Sv. Martin. Only Magyar schools were now to be found in Slovakia and the other non-Magyar areas. The local intelligentsia were advised, in their own best interests, to Magyarize if they wished to keep their position. Professional advancement depended on the amount of support one gave to the Magyar leadership. In all the political elections from 1865 to 1881, the Slovaks ran candidates for parliamentary office. Few, if any, were ever elected. When there were no Slovak representatives, the Croats, Serbs and Rumanians voiced the Slovak appeals inasmuch as the Slovaks and the others shared the same Magyar domination. After 1881, the Slovaks ran no candidates for political office. It was not until 1901 that the Slovaks again ran a list of candidates for parliamentary office. In August 1895, a Congress of Nationalities was held in Budapest, consisting of Slovaks, Serbs and Rumanians. It vigorously denounced the government's Magyarization policies. It demanded that as the Magyars represented less than half of Hungary's population, the other nationalities were entitled to their fair share of representation. ThP. Congress also demanded universal suffrage. Hlas, a monthly Slovak periodical, appeared in 1898. It was published by a group of Slovak Protestants, intellectuals and free-thinkers. They felt that the dangers of Magyarization were so great, that it constituted the necessity of Slovakia's fusion with the Czechs. In the First CzechoSlovak Republic, it would be these same Hlasists who would control the political power in Slovakia. It can be easily seen here that even as early as the 1890's, the Czechs were already planning for a union of the Czech lands and Slovakia. The Slovak Protestants were to be the main tools of Czech imperialism. In 1905, the Slovaks presented a list of t.hirteen parliamentary candidates. Only two were elected, Milan Hodza 188 SLOVAKIA and Ferko Skycak became disenchanted with the Hungarian People's Party, on whose list he was elected, and together with Fr. Andrej Hlinka, formed the Slovak People's Party. In the 1906 elections, the Slovak People's Party managed to elect six of eighteen candidates. In 1907, an incident occurred which united the Slovaks more than ever before to stand firm in the face of Magyar domination and intimidation. In his home village of cernova, Fr. Hlinka was to have consecrated the new church. As he had been called away to Moravia, the Magyar bishop of Spis chose a priest loyal to the regime to consecrate the new church. The Sunday the priest arrived, joined by the subprefect and a group of gendarmes, the populace of cernova attempted to block his way. The gendarmes were ordered to open fire on the people. Fourteen persons were killed and sixty wounded. Others were arrested on trumped up charges and imprisoned. No actions were taken on the gendarmes who were the real perpetrators of this crime. After the massacre of cernova, Hlinka became more determined than ever to obtain some form of independence for his people. By 1910, the Slovak position seemed to deteriorate. The Slovak population reached two million in that year's census. They were entitled by law, to forty representatives in the Hungarian Parliament. However, only three of fifty candidates were elected. Skycak had been reelected, but later resigned his seat. The pro_spects of at least an autonomous Slovak state seemed dim. Hlinka had by now joined forces with Hodza. Together, under the banner of the Slovak People's Party, they formed the first cohesive Slovak nationalist movement. Prior to this, there had been loose national groupings, but they had proved to be ineffective against the Magyars. At least now there was a single, unified movement to press for Slovak demands. In this new organization, Hodza was to develop the political programs of the movement, while Hlinka was to organize the support of the Slovak people. The Slovak political base was built on a coalition of Catholic solidarity, agrarian and workers' movements, and also a Czechophile element, composed mostly of the Hlasists, under T. G. Masaryk's indirect leadership. The loss of SLOVAKIA 189 one of these elements could possibly bring down the whole Slovak nationalist movement. For without the support of the whole Slovak society, little could be accomplished, and the dreams of Slovak independence and freedom never realized. Between the years 1860 and 1914, 500,000 Slovaks left their ancestral homes to find hope and freedom in the New World. Here they would be able to express the nationalist sentiment which had so long been denied them by the Magyars. They did not forget their homeland. These American Slovaks were to form a base of political and economic support which was vital to Masaryk in order to establish a union of the Slovak and Czech lands following World War I. ( Third place - College) BIBLIOGRAPHY Capek, Tomas, The siovaks ,of Hungary. New York: F. H. Revell Co., 1906. Crankshaw, Edward, The FaU of the House of Hapsburg . New York: Viking Press, 1963. Jaszi, Oscar, Dissoiution of the Hapsburg Monarchy. The University of Chicago Press, 1929. Jelavich, Barbara, The Hapsburg Empire in European Affairs, 1814-1918. Chicago: Rand McNally and Co., 1969. Kirschbaum, Joseph, siovakia. New York: R. Speller and Sons, 1960. siovakia's Struggie for Independence. Canadian Slovak League, 1959. Lutzow, Count, The Hussite Wars. London: Dent, 1914. Mikus, Joseph, siovakia - A Poiiticai History, 1918-1950. Milwaukee: The Marquette University Press, 1963. Oddo, Gilbert, siovakia and Its Peopk New York: R. Speller and Sons, 1960. Palmer, Alan, A History of East-Centrai Europe since the Congress of Vienna. New York: The Macmillan Co., 1970. Seton-Watson, R. W., siovakia - Then and Now. London: G. Allen and Unwin, Ltd., 1931. Taylor, A. J. P., The Hapsburg Monarchy, 1809-1918. New York: Harper and Row, 1965. Thomson, S. Harrison, Czechosiovakia in European History. Princeton University Press, 1953. Yurchak, Peter, The siovaks. Scranton, Pa., 1957. Zinner, Paul E., Czechosiovakia. University of Notre Dame Press, 1956.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovakia Before the Czechs Description An account of the resource John Berta Slovakia, Vol. 25 (No. 48), 1975 pp. 180-189 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Berta, John A. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1975 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/5cdb7dc5b3089c86bdf2fc64edf3c474.pdf b7cb540f4e2cb7bff8d9af15c5954ef3 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 19 SLOVAKIA IN FOREIGN LITERATURE Dr. Stefan Glejdura The struggle of the Slovaks for freedom and independence is not too well-known in the world at large, not even in the free western world. The true story of Slovakia has been either ignored, or distorted and falsified by its enemies and the misinformed, including the Czechs, who at the same time claim to be our "closest brethren!" Real friends have been few in the past and, for understandable reasons, their efforts to make known the truth about Slovakia and the Slovaks met with little success: T. G. Masaryk and Dr. Edward Benes, operating with the cliche "truth prevails" with utter disregard for the truth in regard to the Slovaks, had absolute control of the State propaganda apparatus. Masaryk and Benes had declared: there is no Slovak noa tion ( an invention of the Magyars !) and the Slovak language is but a dialect of the Czechs. Most of the Czechs went along with that, because it did not pay to challenge the statements of Masaryk and Benes. The truth about Slovakia went begging. But just like murder, truth will out. Since 1938-,after Benes capitulated to Hitler at, Munich without consulting parliament and had fled to London aftGr resigning · the presidency the world at large is gradually le•arning the truth about Slovakia and its people, and about the political monstrosity that the Czecho-Slovakia of Masaryk and Benes actually was. Today, any one, who deals seriously with the problems of Central Europe, automatically reflects the existence of Slovakia •a nd the Slovak nation as a geographic (1), historical (2), legal (3), political ( 4), sociological and economical factor (5), even in cases where only a single country of that area is under consideration, as for emmple, Poland (6). E. Birke studied the development of French continental politics in the nineteenth century, from the ancien regime to 1897. In his studies he deals with the French Drang nach Osten at the time when France sought to. gain the Slovanic nations as friends and allies against Germany. Though Paris �20 SLOVAKIA regarded the Russian Empire as one of its chief enemies at the beginning of the 18th century, at the end of that century-particularly after the Prussian-French war of 1870-71-its policy resulted in a military alliance between Russia and France. The consequences of that alliance are keenly felt by Europe to this day, especially in the central zone which, after the Second World War, was forced to come under the sphere of influence of the Russians, in fact, becoming a colony of the Soviet Union. Today the SovietRussian Drang nach Westen created the conditions for solid Franco-German friendship within the framework of the economical and politioal integration of Europe. Today we are concerned with the forces, which conditioned the policy of power-balance among the great powers in Central Europe, which was threatened on the one hand by Russia (the Polish argument) and, on the other, by Gennany (the "Czech argument-please, not Czechoslovak" or even "Czecho-Slovak" argument, because the Slovaks never did and still do not determine policy!) . Political goals, however, have evoked contemporaneously a lively interest of French circles to better understand the nations which were supposed to become a tool of their plans to dominate the continent. French writers devote more attention to the Slovanic nations, drawing in the first place from the works of S•a farik, the Slovak Slavist (7). Surowiecki, the Pole, Kollar and Safarik, the Slovaks, and -P alacky, the Czech, headed the movement for national revival among the westem Slovans in the first half of the 19th century. Because a part of their literary efforts were published in German, their concepts easily took hold in the .non-Slovanic part of Europe (8). Herder's idealization of the Slovianic spirit evoked a great response in French literature, which in the course of time placed more stress on the political and anti-German tendencies of the Slovanicnations. This was quite evident in the incident which took place in Paris in the spring of 1848, where the Pese Choral Society happened to be at the time. Cyprian Robert, a Slovanophile and writer, whom the Magyars erroneously had taken for "a professor of Slovak," invited the members of the group, on March 28, to join the Societe de l'emancipa-- �SLOVAKIA 21 tion des nationalites slaves. Immediately after this incident, the Magyars declared: "Furious, we tried to make it clear to them (the French) that the Magyar people were no appendage of the Slovak nation and differ from it like fire and water . . . " (9). Of special significance is this work of Birke, but probably even more so are the sources he used to present in the most objective form the development of French continental policy of that epoch, the substance of which weighed in a combination of logical and mutually opposing factors in the struggle for national existence in Central and Eastern Europe. Professor Wierer actualizes the Central European problem with a study of federalistic conceptions in the Danubian area from 1848 to 1960 in order to point out the causes which led to the dissolution of Central Europe, as well as the forces which could lead to new social and political structures for the general good of all nations concerned. He does not limit himself to drawing proper consequences from the past, but gives attention also to the newest federalistic plans of Central European origin. In this connection, our feeling is that he could have more thoroughly analyzed the ideological substance especially of those plans which aim to harmonize the demands of the right of self-determination with the inevitability of renouncing certain adv,antages that emanate from the principle of national and state independence for the benefit of a supranational organization, which would unite the individual states built up on the foundation of right and justice (10). In the conclusion, the author (Wierer) touches upon the United States, and in the German Federal Republic with the intent to present them as an example of possible application to Central Europe. The question of nationalism continues to remain alive as a factor of political life. In fact, nationalism can be regarded as the greatest moving force in the emancipational process of the Asi•a tic and African countries, though its explosiveness, avoked by the emotional side of human nature, is directed by the need of broader unification of nations on a regional, continental, or even a universal basis. Sloviak nationalism never did lend itself to the extrem- �22 SLOVAKIA' istic tendencies that characterize the :rmtionalism of neighboring nations, becaus~ alongside the emotional side it always contained also elements . of reason. These were able to hold _it within the limits of its own national existential possH)ilities, · the realization of which it ·conditioned with principles of Christian world~perspective. Such is the nature the federalistic forms of state organization in Switzerland, of the works of Safarik and Kollar from the beginning of the 19th century (11). A purely defensive phenomenon is never imperialistic. An objective researcher learns that Slovak nationalism was and still is democratic. :· - . -"Economy · and Society in Southeastern Europe'' is a volume -on which twenty-one - authors collaborated on the study of the economical and social proces·s in the Czech lands, in Slovakia, Hungary, Rumania, the countries of the southern Slovans, in Greece, Alban~a, Turkey and Poland bet w-een the two world wars, and especially from 1945 (12). Here we find paragraphs which deal independently with Slovakia or within the framework of the Czecho-Slovak Republic, or even the entire 1area (13). Of positive value are also works of a historical nature, such as the study of Pan-Slavism. We find references to Slovakia also in the work of Professor Markert of Tubingen (14). Especially the background of the Polish-Magyar intrigues at the expense of Siovakia in 1938-39 is described impartially, though we regret that even here Slovak independence means no more than "German protectorate" (15). The. Slovaks in the Past and Present Varsik deals with Slovak history, and his work (17) could be called a sociology of Slovak history, beginning with the fourth century B.C., that is from the Gauls through the German tribes, the advent of Slovak tribes, the organization and origin of Samo's State, and-the Great Moravian Empire, etc .. Garin-Michajlovskij defends Slovak independence (18), correctly .concluding that the rise of the Slovak St,ate was not an accident, but a historical inevitability in the development of Europe, resting on the will of the Slovaks expressed in harmony with the natural law. The existence of the �SLOVAKIA Slovak Republic was legal, he states categorically, and there can be no argument about it. The publication of V. Krajcovic, director of the Research Institute of the Slovak National Bank, deals with the economical life of the Slov,ak Republic (1939-1945). One of the burning questions of Slovak-Magyar relations is undoubtedly the problem of national minorities, a topic that has been heatedly discussed by Slovaks and nonSlovaks •a like, including the Magyars (20). After the Treaty of Trianon there were some 600,000 Magyars in Slovakia (according to the census of 1930-571,988 Magyars) and more than 200,000 Slovaks remained in Hungary (MragyarIand) . · With the Vienna Award (April 4, 1939), some 300,000 Slovaks were incorpor:ated into Hungary, so that in 1940 there were about 500,000 Slovaks there (21). After World War II, the reliations of the national minorities underw-e nt a substantial change in both countries. In 1958, the number of the Magyar minority in Slovakia was estimated at 393,390, while in the Czech lands the number was only 16,784; in other words, 10.2 per cent of the popul•a tion of Slovakia and only 0.2 per cent of the population of the Czech lands, that is, in the entire Czecho-Slovak Republic there were supposed to be 410,174 (3.1 per cent) Magyars (22)-200,000 less than in 1930. It appears that the nationality policy of Communist regimes in Central Europe is using the new forms of "majorization" which were initiated during Stalin's era. After the brutal expulsion of the Germans and the partial exchange of Slovak~ and Magyars, the Prague gover;ment, through the Communist Party of Czecho-:.Slov,akia, took new steps to realize "socialistic fraternal aid" for the Magyar minority in Slovakia. The first point of the new program makes the Magyars completely equal in all sectors of State life. The second point aims to sink the roots of the concept of proletarian internationalism and the feeling of "Czecho-Slovak patriotism" •a mong the Magyar worl~ing people. To be able to take on all the tasks, according to their ability, the Magyar workers are expected to · learn the State language, and so the study of Slovak is to be pushed in all Magyar schools (23). This means that the Magyar minority in Slovakia is to be Slovakicized. After that, or probably contemporane- �SLOVAKIA 24 ously with this process, they will arrive at the dialectical process of "socialistic togetherness" between Slovak and Czech in the direction of fraternizing the new language with Russian. Christian life in Slovakia is dealt with in two books of an informational character. The first (24) deals with the Christianization of the Slovaks by Sts. Cyril and Methoiius, who later had some influence on the Czechs. The story is presented quite accurately. The other by Schreiber, a native of Budapest, hardly deserves mention here, because of the many irresponsible and erroneous statements it contains, but then we do want people to know about it (25). The statement that Germany created the Slovak State and made a protectorate of it on March 15, 1939, or that Msgr. Joseph Tiso ,and the entire Slovak Hierarchy colla:borated to the very last day with the Nazis, is a verbal repetition of the malicious propaganda spread by chauvinistic Czechs, including Professor Heidler of Radio Free Europe. Such irresponsible statements may find a response with certain Christian circles with dubious intentions, but in no case with people who are seeking the truth (26). Furthermore, Schreiber's book harms the interests of the Central-European cause. The more so because in the biographical sketch on the back cover it is reported that Schreiber is one of those French reporters (a native of Budapest!) "who best knows the countries enjoying people's democracy" ! REFERENCES 1. E . Lend! : Der Donauraum Im geographischen GefUge Europas, Wien I, Der Donauraum 6. Jahrg., 3. Heft/1961, •P, 177-185. 2. E . Birke: Frankreich und Ostmitteleuropa im 19. Jahrhundert, KiiJn,Graz, 1960, Biihlau, XV-527 pp.; Das Nationalitatenproblem der Donaumonarchie in der Beurteilung der franzosischen sla• vophilen Publizistik 1840-1845, Bre slau, J,ahrblicher f. Kultur u . Geschichte der Slaven, N . F ., Bd. 10,1934. 3. R . Wierer : Der Foderalismus Im Donauraum, Graz- Koln, 19,60, Bohlau, 236 pp, 4. Hans Kohn: Historla del nacionalismo, Mexico-Buenos Aires, 1949, F'OE, 631 pp.-,this is a translation of the English original: The Idea of Nationalism, Macmillan, N ew York, 1944. The German edition: Die ldee des Natlonalismus, Ursprung u. Geschichte bis zur Franz. Revolution, Fran~furt/M., 1952, Fischer, 575 pp. 5. Vogel R . (publ.) : Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft SUdosteuropas, Gedenkschrift f. W. Glillich (first president of the Southeast �SLOVAKIA 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. JS. 19. 20. 21. .22. 25 European Society who knew Slovakia first-hand; died April 15, 1960). Mlinchen, 1961, Slidosteuropa-V~rlagsgesellschaft, Xl-600 pp. W. Markert (pub!.): Polen, Osteuropa-Handbuch, Namens der 1959, Arbeits.gemeinschaft f. Osteuropaforschung, Ktiln-Oraz, Btihlau, XXXffiI-'829 l)p. E. Birke, op . cit, pp. 39-48. Ibidem, pp. 51-53. I,b idem , p. 146; P. Boutelller: La Revolution Francaise de 1848 vue par les Hongrois, Paris, 1949, Colleotion Franco-Horugroise, I. Editee par l'Institut Francais en Hon,grie, BudapeSlt. Wierer, op. cit., pp. 12, 14-15, 19, 21, 27, 33, 35, 39, 50, 59, 64, 89, 116-117, 152-153, 157, 159, 179-182 ('!Iodza's Plan), 190-196 (19381945), 198-203 (Slovak plans) . Kohn, op. cit. pp., 462, 617; :r.. !§tur: Das XIX. Jahrhundert und der Madjarismus, Leipzig, 1843. Vogel, op. cit. Ibidem, p. 258, F. ·Rionneberger: Staatsverfassungstendenzen der SUdoststaaten seit 1945, pip. 217-277; W. Krallert: Die Verstadterung in SUdosteuropa und ihre sozialen und wirtschaftlichen Auswirkungen, ,pp. 27'8-295; J . Mat•!: Der Panslawismus als politische ldee in SUdosteuropa Im 19. und 20. Jahrhund e rt, pp. 296-320 (Safarik is called a Czech!); F. H. Riedl: Bestand und Lage des Deutschtums in SUdosteuropa, Blick Uber vier Jahrzehnte, pp. 414-446. Markert, op. cit., pp. 65-67, 168, 545, 1731, 263, 294, 307. ,J bidem, pp. 136, 1;68. Ibidem, p. 545, f.n.4. B. Varsfk: Die Slowaken und ihr volkischer Lebensraum In der Vergangenheit, Bratislava-Pressburg, Die Slowakische Rundschau, p. 32 (1940-1942?). J. Garin-ll\1ich.ajlovskij: El nacimiento de la Republica Eslovaca como necesidad hist6rica de la evoluci6n de Europa, Madrid, 1945, G. Saez, 53 pp. Dr. V. Krajcovic: La estructura de la economia eslovaca, Madrid, 194,5, G. Saez, 85 pp. 0. R. Liess: Fraternisierungsparolen im Donauraum, Wien, Oesterreichische Ost-Hefte, 3. Jahrg., Heft 6. Nov. 1961, pp. 463469; A. Bohmann: Tschechen und Slowaken in der CSR, Stutt.gart, Aussenpolitik, 10. Jahrg., Hetft 10. 0kt. 1959, Deutsche Varlagsanstalt, pp . 676-682; H. Raschhofer: Die nationale Frage in der Tschechoslowakei seit 1928, Wien, DER DON.AJURIAUiM, 7. Jahrg, 2-3. Hef,t/1962, pp. 82-87. Erorterungen, 151-194. R. Wierer: Die nationale Frage in der Tschechoslowakei seit 1918, p,p. 88-89; P. Tijan: Crisis del liberalismo en la Europa Central, Madrid, 1958, Editora Nacional, 431 pp.-,the sub-title of this book is El mito Masaryk (The Myth About Ma•saryk); La Tchecoslovaquie his• torique, politique, economique et culturelle, Bruxelles, s ,YNTHElS1E S, Revue Intern1cionale, n. 188/janvier 1962, 208 pp. ; R. Urban: Marx und Engels Uber die tschechische Frage, DER DON<AUIR&UiM, 7. Jahrg., 1. Hef't/1962, pp. 21-33. Liess, op. cit. p. 465, quotes from B. Varsik's: Die slowakischmagyarische Grenze in den letzten zwei Jahrhunderten, Schriften der Slow. Gelehr t en Ges., Bd. la, Bratislava, 1940, Universum . Liess, op. cit., p. 465 (according to Statisticka rocenka Republiky Ceskoslovenske 1959, p. 59). �26 SLOVAKIA Liess, op. cit., p. 466, quotes from Nepszabadsag (organ or the Magyar Soctal!st Workers Party, No. 163, July 1, 1961), but the original appeared in Uj sz6, Bratislava. 24. F. J. Montalban, S. J.: La Iglesia avanza, Manuia! de Historia de las Misiones, Pamplona, 1938, Secretariado de Misiones; ISegunda Parte: En la Edad Media, cap III. Mundo germanoslavo; par H . La conversion del mundo eslavo, pp. 197-198, 200-203. Sources used: Dvornik: Les slaves, Byzance et Rome, Paris, 1926; Descamps: H lstoire generale comparee des Missions, Lou vain, 1932; Hauck: Kirchengeschichte Deutschlands, 5 Bande, Leipzig, 1922. 25. 'l'h. Schreiber: Le Christianisme en Europe Orienta le, Paris, 1961, Spes, 222 pp., esp. pp. 16, 19, 25, 27, 37-41, 54, 134, 211. 26. Ibidem, p . 16. 23. MEMORANDUM On October 7, 1963, the Slovak League of America issued the following Memorandum addressed to Secretary of State Dean Rusk: On July 14, 1963 in Youngstown, 0., at the gymnastic meet of the Slovak Catholic Sokol-a member organization of our Slovak League of America, the Attorney General of the United States, the Hon. Robert F. Kennedy, declared as follows, among other things: "As a representative of the United States government the President has asked me to tell you that the United States will continue to support the just aspirations of all people in the world for independence and liberty-aspirations which the Slovaks share today with many other captive nations." We hail and welcome this assurance from our President and we request, Mr. Secretary of State, that you graciously recognize the fact that the Slovak League of America represents over 300,000 organized Americans of Slovak extraction and as such deems it its sacred duty to speak before the American Government in behalf of the Slovak nation which now lives under a Communist form of government and is unable to speak out for its rights and self-determination of its freedom and independence. We would be most pleased if our State Department would-in the spirit and according to the assurance of our Attorney General-show good will at least in the considera- � SLOVAKIA 19 SLOVAKIA IN FOREIGN LITERATURE Dr. Stefan Glejdura The struggle of the Slovaks for freedom and independence is not too well-known in the world at large, not even in the free western world. The true story of Slovakia has been either ignored, or distorted and falsified by its enemies and the misinformed, including the Czechs, who at the same time claim to be our "closest brethren!" Real friends have been few in the past and, for understandable reasons, their efforts to make known the truth about Slovakia and the Slovaks met with little success: T. G. Masaryk and Dr. Edward Benes, operating with the cliche "truth prevails" with utter disregard for the truth in regard to the Slovaks, had absolute control of the State propaganda apparatus. Masaryk and Benes had declared: there is no Slovak noa tion ( an invention of the Magyars !) and the Slovak language is but a dialect of the Czechs. Most of the Czechs went along with that, because it did not pay to challenge the statements of Masaryk and Benes. The truth about Slovakia went begging. But just like murder, truth will out. Since 1938-,after Benes capitulated to Hitler at, Munich without consulting parliament and had fled to London aftGr resigning · the presidency the world at large is gradually le•arning the truth about Slovakia and its people, and about the political monstrosity that the Czecho-Slovakia of Masaryk and Benes actually was. Today, any one, who deals seriously with the problems of Central Europe, automatically reflects the existence of Slovakia •a nd the Slovak nation as a geographic (1), historical (2), legal (3), political ( 4), sociological and economical factor (5), even in cases where only a single country of that area is under consideration, as for emmple, Poland (6). E. Birke studied the development of French continental politics in the nineteenth century, from the ancien regime to 1897. In his studies he deals with the French Drang nach Osten at the time when France sought to. gain the Slovanic nations as friends and allies against Germany. Though Paris �20 SLOVAKIA regarded the Russian Empire as one of its chief enemies at the beginning of the 18th century, at the end of that century-particularly after the Prussian-French war of 1870-71-its policy resulted in a military alliance between Russia and France. The consequences of that alliance are keenly felt by Europe to this day, especially in the central zone which, after the Second World War, was forced to come under the sphere of influence of the Russians, in fact, becoming a colony of the Soviet Union. Today the SovietRussian Drang nach Westen created the conditions for solid Franco-German friendship within the framework of the economical and politioal integration of Europe. Today we are concerned with the forces, which conditioned the policy of power-balance among the great powers in Central Europe, which was threatened on the one hand by Russia (the Polish argument) and, on the other, by Gennany (the "Czech argument-please, not Czechoslovak" or even "Czecho-Slovak" argument, because the Slovaks never did and still do not determine policy!) . Political goals, however, have evoked contemporaneously a lively interest of French circles to better understand the nations which were supposed to become a tool of their plans to dominate the continent. French writers devote more attention to the Slovanic nations, drawing in the first place from the works of S•a farik, the Slovak Slavist (7). Surowiecki, the Pole, Kollar and Safarik, the Slovaks, and -P alacky, the Czech, headed the movement for national revival among the westem Slovans in the first half of the 19th century. Because a part of their literary efforts were published in German, their concepts easily took hold in the .non-Slovanic part of Europe (8). Herder's idealization of the Slovianic spirit evoked a great response in French literature, which in the course of time placed more stress on the political and anti-German tendencies of the Slovanicnations. This was quite evident in the incident which took place in Paris in the spring of 1848, where the Pese Choral Society happened to be at the time. Cyprian Robert, a Slovanophile and writer, whom the Magyars erroneously had taken for "a professor of Slovak," invited the members of the group, on March 28, to join the Societe de l'emancipa-- �SLOVAKIA 21 tion des nationalites slaves. Immediately after this incident, the Magyars declared: "Furious, we tried to make it clear to them (the French) that the Magyar people were no appendage of the Slovak nation and differ from it like fire and water . . . " (9). Of special significance is this work of Birke, but probably even more so are the sources he used to present in the most objective form the development of French continental policy of that epoch, the substance of which weighed in a combination of logical and mutually opposing factors in the struggle for national existence in Central and Eastern Europe. Professor Wierer actualizes the Central European problem with a study of federalistic conceptions in the Danubian area from 1848 to 1960 in order to point out the causes which led to the dissolution of Central Europe, as well as the forces which could lead to new social and political structures for the general good of all nations concerned. He does not limit himself to drawing proper consequences from the past, but gives attention also to the newest federalistic plans of Central European origin. In this connection, our feeling is that he could have more thoroughly analyzed the ideological substance especially of those plans which aim to harmonize the demands of the right of self-determination with the inevitability of renouncing certain adv,antages that emanate from the principle of national and state independence for the benefit of a supranational organization, which would unite the individual states built up on the foundation of right and justice (10). In the conclusion, the author (Wierer) touches upon the United States, and in the German Federal Republic with the intent to present them as an example of possible application to Central Europe. The question of nationalism continues to remain alive as a factor of political life. In fact, nationalism can be regarded as the greatest moving force in the emancipational process of the Asi•a tic and African countries, though its explosiveness, avoked by the emotional side of human nature, is directed by the need of broader unification of nations on a regional, continental, or even a universal basis. Sloviak nationalism never did lend itself to the extrem- �22 SLOVAKIA' istic tendencies that characterize the :rmtionalism of neighboring nations, becaus~ alongside the emotional side it always contained also elements . of reason. These were able to hold _it within the limits of its own national existential possH)ilities, · the realization of which it ·conditioned with principles of Christian world~perspective. Such is the nature the federalistic forms of state organization in Switzerland, of the works of Safarik and Kollar from the beginning of the 19th century (11). A purely defensive phenomenon is never imperialistic. An objective researcher learns that Slovak nationalism was and still is democratic. :· - . -"Economy · and Society in Southeastern Europe'' is a volume -on which twenty-one - authors collaborated on the study of the economical and social proces·s in the Czech lands, in Slovakia, Hungary, Rumania, the countries of the southern Slovans, in Greece, Alban~a, Turkey and Poland bet w-een the two world wars, and especially from 1945 (12). Here we find paragraphs which deal independently with Slovakia or within the framework of the Czecho-Slovak Republic, or even the entire 1area (13). Of positive value are also works of a historical nature, such as the study of Pan-Slavism. We find references to Slovakia also in the work of Professor Markert of Tubingen (14). Especially the background of the Polish-Magyar intrigues at the expense of Siovakia in 1938-39 is described impartially, though we regret that even here Slovak independence means no more than "German protectorate" (15). The. Slovaks in the Past and Present Varsik deals with Slovak history, and his work (17) could be called a sociology of Slovak history, beginning with the fourth century B.C., that is from the Gauls through the German tribes, the advent of Slovak tribes, the organization and origin of Samo's State, and-the Great Moravian Empire, etc .. Garin-Michajlovskij defends Slovak independence (18), correctly .concluding that the rise of the Slovak St,ate was not an accident, but a historical inevitability in the development of Europe, resting on the will of the Slovaks expressed in harmony with the natural law. The existence of the �SLOVAKIA Slovak Republic was legal, he states categorically, and there can be no argument about it. The publication of V. Krajcovic, director of the Research Institute of the Slovak National Bank, deals with the economical life of the Slov,ak Republic (1939-1945). One of the burning questions of Slovak-Magyar relations is undoubtedly the problem of national minorities, a topic that has been heatedly discussed by Slovaks and nonSlovaks •a like, including the Magyars (20). After the Treaty of Trianon there were some 600,000 Magyars in Slovakia (according to the census of 1930-571,988 Magyars) and more than 200,000 Slovaks remained in Hungary (MragyarIand) . · With the Vienna Award (April 4, 1939), some 300,000 Slovaks were incorpor:ated into Hungary, so that in 1940 there were about 500,000 Slovaks there (21). After World War II, the reliations of the national minorities underw-e nt a substantial change in both countries. In 1958, the number of the Magyar minority in Slovakia was estimated at 393,390, while in the Czech lands the number was only 16,784; in other words, 10.2 per cent of the popul•a tion of Slovakia and only 0.2 per cent of the population of the Czech lands, that is, in the entire Czecho-Slovak Republic there were supposed to be 410,174 (3.1 per cent) Magyars (22)-200,000 less than in 1930. It appears that the nationality policy of Communist regimes in Central Europe is using the new forms of "majorization" which were initiated during Stalin's era. After the brutal expulsion of the Germans and the partial exchange of Slovak~ and Magyars, the Prague gover;ment, through the Communist Party of Czecho-:.Slov,akia, took new steps to realize "socialistic fraternal aid" for the Magyar minority in Slovakia. The first point of the new program makes the Magyars completely equal in all sectors of State life. The second point aims to sink the roots of the concept of proletarian internationalism and the feeling of "Czecho-Slovak patriotism" •a mong the Magyar worl~ing people. To be able to take on all the tasks, according to their ability, the Magyar workers are expected to · learn the State language, and so the study of Slovak is to be pushed in all Magyar schools (23). This means that the Magyar minority in Slovakia is to be Slovakicized. After that, or probably contemporane- �SLOVAKIA 24 ously with this process, they will arrive at the dialectical process of "socialistic togetherness" between Slovak and Czech in the direction of fraternizing the new language with Russian. Christian life in Slovakia is dealt with in two books of an informational character. The first (24) deals with the Christianization of the Slovaks by Sts. Cyril and Methoiius, who later had some influence on the Czechs. The story is presented quite accurately. The other by Schreiber, a native of Budapest, hardly deserves mention here, because of the many irresponsible and erroneous statements it contains, but then we do want people to know about it (25). The statement that Germany created the Slovak State and made a protectorate of it on March 15, 1939, or that Msgr. Joseph Tiso ,and the entire Slovak Hierarchy colla:borated to the very last day with the Nazis, is a verbal repetition of the malicious propaganda spread by chauvinistic Czechs, including Professor Heidler of Radio Free Europe. Such irresponsible statements may find a response with certain Christian circles with dubious intentions, but in no case with people who are seeking the truth (26). Furthermore, Schreiber's book harms the interests of the Central-European cause. The more so because in the biographical sketch on the back cover it is reported that Schreiber is one of those French reporters (a native of Budapest!) "who best knows the countries enjoying people's democracy" ! REFERENCES 1. E . Lend! : Der Donauraum Im geographischen GefUge Europas, Wien I, Der Donauraum 6. Jahrg., 3. Heft/1961, •P, 177-185. 2. E . Birke: Frankreich und Ostmitteleuropa im 19. Jahrhundert, KiiJn,Graz, 1960, Biihlau, XV-527 pp.; Das Nationalitatenproblem der Donaumonarchie in der Beurteilung der franzosischen sla• vophilen Publizistik 1840-1845, Bre slau, J,ahrblicher f. Kultur u . Geschichte der Slaven, N . F ., Bd. 10,1934. 3. R . Wierer : Der Foderalismus Im Donauraum, Graz- Koln, 19,60, Bohlau, 236 pp, 4. Hans Kohn: Historla del nacionalismo, Mexico-Buenos Aires, 1949, F'OE, 631 pp.-,this is a translation of the English original: The Idea of Nationalism, Macmillan, N ew York, 1944. The German edition: Die ldee des Natlonalismus, Ursprung u. Geschichte bis zur Franz. Revolution, Fran~furt/M., 1952, Fischer, 575 pp. 5. Vogel R . (publ.) : Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft SUdosteuropas, Gedenkschrift f. W. Glillich (first president of the Southeast �SLOVAKIA 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. JS. 19. 20. 21. .22. 25 European Society who knew Slovakia first-hand; died April 15, 1960). Mlinchen, 1961, Slidosteuropa-V~rlagsgesellschaft, Xl-600 pp. W. Markert (pub!.): Polen, Osteuropa-Handbuch, Namens der 1959, Arbeits.gemeinschaft f. Osteuropaforschung, Ktiln-Oraz, Btihlau, XXXffiI-'829 l)p. E. Birke, op . cit, pp. 39-48. Ibidem, pp. 51-53. I,b idem , p. 146; P. Boutelller: La Revolution Francaise de 1848 vue par les Hongrois, Paris, 1949, Colleotion Franco-Horugroise, I. Editee par l'Institut Francais en Hon,grie, BudapeSlt. Wierer, op. cit., pp. 12, 14-15, 19, 21, 27, 33, 35, 39, 50, 59, 64, 89, 116-117, 152-153, 157, 159, 179-182 ('!Iodza's Plan), 190-196 (19381945), 198-203 (Slovak plans) . Kohn, op. cit. pp., 462, 617; :r.. !§tur: Das XIX. Jahrhundert und der Madjarismus, Leipzig, 1843. Vogel, op. cit. Ibidem, p. 258, F. ·Rionneberger: Staatsverfassungstendenzen der SUdoststaaten seit 1945, pip. 217-277; W. Krallert: Die Verstadterung in SUdosteuropa und ihre sozialen und wirtschaftlichen Auswirkungen, ,pp. 27'8-295; J . Mat•!: Der Panslawismus als politische ldee in SUdosteuropa Im 19. und 20. Jahrhund e rt, pp. 296-320 (Safarik is called a Czech!); F. H. Riedl: Bestand und Lage des Deutschtums in SUdosteuropa, Blick Uber vier Jahrzehnte, pp. 414-446. Markert, op. cit., pp. 65-67, 168, 545, 1731, 263, 294, 307. ,J bidem, pp. 136, 1;68. Ibidem, p. 545, f.n.4. B. Varsfk: Die Slowaken und ihr volkischer Lebensraum In der Vergangenheit, Bratislava-Pressburg, Die Slowakische Rundschau, p. 32 (1940-1942?). J. Garin-ll\1ich.ajlovskij: El nacimiento de la Republica Eslovaca como necesidad hist6rica de la evoluci6n de Europa, Madrid, 1945, G. Saez, 53 pp. Dr. V. Krajcovic: La estructura de la economia eslovaca, Madrid, 194,5, G. Saez, 85 pp. 0. R. Liess: Fraternisierungsparolen im Donauraum, Wien, Oesterreichische Ost-Hefte, 3. Jahrg., Heft 6. Nov. 1961, pp. 463469; A. Bohmann: Tschechen und Slowaken in der CSR, Stutt.gart, Aussenpolitik, 10. Jahrg., Hetft 10. 0kt. 1959, Deutsche Varlagsanstalt, pp . 676-682; H. Raschhofer: Die nationale Frage in der Tschechoslowakei seit 1928, Wien, DER DON.AJURIAUiM, 7. Jahrg, 2-3. Hef,t/1962, pp. 82-87. Erorterungen, 151-194. R. Wierer: Die nationale Frage in der Tschechoslowakei seit 1918, p,p. 88-89; P. Tijan: Crisis del liberalismo en la Europa Central, Madrid, 1958, Editora Nacional, 431 pp.-,the sub-title of this book is El mito Masaryk (The Myth About Ma•saryk); La Tchecoslovaquie his• torique, politique, economique et culturelle, Bruxelles, s ,YNTHElS1E S, Revue Intern1cionale, n. 188/janvier 1962, 208 pp. ; R. Urban: Marx und Engels Uber die tschechische Frage, DER DON<AUIR&UiM, 7. Jahrg., 1. Hef't/1962, pp. 21-33. Liess, op. cit. p. 465, quotes from B. Varsik's: Die slowakischmagyarische Grenze in den letzten zwei Jahrhunderten, Schriften der Slow. Gelehr t en Ges., Bd. la, Bratislava, 1940, Universum . Liess, op. cit., p. 465 (according to Statisticka rocenka Republiky Ceskoslovenske 1959, p. 59). �26 SLOVAKIA Liess, op. cit., p. 466, quotes from Nepszabadsag (organ or the Magyar Soctal!st Workers Party, No. 163, July 1, 1961), but the original appeared in Uj sz6, Bratislava. 24. F. J. Montalban, S. J.: La Iglesia avanza, Manuia! de Historia de las Misiones, Pamplona, 1938, Secretariado de Misiones; ISegunda Parte: En la Edad Media, cap III. Mundo germanoslavo; par H . La conversion del mundo eslavo, pp. 197-198, 200-203. Sources used: Dvornik: Les slaves, Byzance et Rome, Paris, 1926; Descamps: H lstoire generale comparee des Missions, Lou vain, 1932; Hauck: Kirchengeschichte Deutschlands, 5 Bande, Leipzig, 1922. 25. 'l'h. Schreiber: Le Christianisme en Europe Orienta le, Paris, 1961, Spes, 222 pp., esp. pp. 16, 19, 25, 27, 37-41, 54, 134, 211. 26. Ibidem, p . 16. 23. MEMORANDUM On October 7, 1963, the Slovak League of America issued the following Memorandum addressed to Secretary of State Dean Rusk: On July 14, 1963 in Youngstown, 0., at the gymnastic meet of the Slovak Catholic Sokol-a member organization of our Slovak League of America, the Attorney General of the United States, the Hon. Robert F. Kennedy, declared as follows, among other things: "As a representative of the United States government the President has asked me to tell you that the United States will continue to support the just aspirations of all people in the world for independence and liberty-aspirations which the Slovaks share today with many other captive nations." We hail and welcome this assurance from our President and we request, Mr. Secretary of State, that you graciously recognize the fact that the Slovak League of America represents over 300,000 organized Americans of Slovak extraction and as such deems it its sacred duty to speak before the American Government in behalf of the Slovak nation which now lives under a Communist form of government and is unable to speak out for its rights and self-determination of its freedom and independence. We would be most pleased if our State Department would-in the spirit and according to the assurance of our Attorney General-show good will at least in the considera- � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1964, Vol. 14 Description An account of the resource Vol. 14 (No. 37), 1964. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1964 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 19 SLOVAKIA IN FOREIGN LITERATURE Dr. Stefan Glejdura The struggle of the Slovaks for freedom and independence is not too well-known in the world at large, not even in the free western world. The true story of Slovakia has been either ignored, or distorted and falsified by its enemies and the misinformed, including the Czechs, who at the same time claim to be our "closest brethren!" Real friends have been few in the past and, for understandable reasons, their efforts to make known the truth about Slovakia and the Slovaks met with little success: T. G. Masaryk and Dr. Edward Benes, operating with the cliche "truth prevails" with utter disregard for the truth in regard to the Slovaks, had absolute control of the State propaganda apparatus. Masaryk and Benes had declared: there is no Slovak noa tion ( an invention of the Magyars !) and the Slovak language is but a dialect of the Czechs. Most of the Czechs went along with that, because it did not pay to challenge the statements of Masaryk and Benes. The truth about Slovakia went begging. But just like murder, truth will out. Since 1938-,after Benes capitulated to Hitler at, Munich without consulting parliament and had fled to London aftGr resigning · the presidency the world at large is gradually le•arning the truth about Slovakia and its people, and about the political monstrosity that the Czecho-Slovakia of Masaryk and Benes actually was. Today, any one, who deals seriously with the problems of Central Europe, automatically reflects the existence of Slovakia •a nd the Slovak nation as a geographic (1), historical (2), legal (3), political ( 4), sociological and economical factor (5), even in cases where only a single country of that area is under consideration, as for emmple, Poland (6). E. Birke studied the development of French continental politics in the nineteenth century, from the ancien regime to 1897. In his studies he deals with the French Drang nach Osten at the time when France sought to. gain the Slovanic nations as friends and allies against Germany. Though Paris 20 SLOVAKIA regarded the Russian Empire as one of its chief enemies at the beginning of the 18th century, at the end of that century-particularly after the Prussian-French war of 1870-71-its policy resulted in a military alliance between Russia and France. The consequences of that alliance are keenly felt by Europe to this day, especially in the central zone which, after the Second World War, was forced to come under the sphere of influence of the Russians, in fact, becoming a colony of the Soviet Union. Today the SovietRussian Drang nach Westen created the conditions for solid Franco-German friendship within the framework of the economical and politioal integration of Europe. Today we are concerned with the forces, which conditioned the policy of power-balance among the great powers in Central Europe, which was threatened on the one hand by Russia (the Polish argument) and, on the other, by Gennany (the "Czech argument-please, not Czechoslovak" or even "Czecho-Slovak" argument, because the Slovaks never did and still do not determine policy!) . Political goals, however, have evoked contemporaneously a lively interest of French circles to better understand the nations which were supposed to become a tool of their plans to dominate the continent. French writers devote more attention to the Slovanic nations, drawing in the first place from the works of S•a farik, the Slovak Slavist (7). Surowiecki, the Pole, Kollar and Safarik, the Slovaks, and -P alacky, the Czech, headed the movement for national revival among the westem Slovans in the first half of the 19th century. Because a part of their literary efforts were published in German, their concepts easily took hold in the .non-Slovanic part of Europe (8). Herder's idealization of the Slovianic spirit evoked a great response in French literature, which in the course of time placed more stress on the political and anti-German tendencies of the Slovanicnations. This was quite evident in the incident which took place in Paris in the spring of 1848, where the Pese Choral Society happened to be at the time. Cyprian Robert, a Slovanophile and writer, whom the Magyars erroneously had taken for "a professor of Slovak," invited the members of the group, on March 28, to join the Societe de l'emancipa-- SLOVAKIA 21 tion des nationalites slaves. Immediately after this incident, the Magyars declared: "Furious, we tried to make it clear to them (the French) that the Magyar people were no appendage of the Slovak nation and differ from it like fire and water . . . " (9). Of special significance is this work of Birke, but probably even more so are the sources he used to present in the most objective form the development of French continental policy of that epoch, the substance of which weighed in a combination of logical and mutually opposing factors in the struggle for national existence in Central and Eastern Europe. Professor Wierer actualizes the Central European problem with a study of federalistic conceptions in the Danubian area from 1848 to 1960 in order to point out the causes which led to the dissolution of Central Europe, as well as the forces which could lead to new social and political structures for the general good of all nations concerned. He does not limit himself to drawing proper consequences from the past, but gives attention also to the newest federalistic plans of Central European origin. In this connection, our feeling is that he could have more thoroughly analyzed the ideological substance especially of those plans which aim to harmonize the demands of the right of self-determination with the inevitability of renouncing certain adv,antages that emanate from the principle of national and state independence for the benefit of a supranational organization, which would unite the individual states built up on the foundation of right and justice (10). In the conclusion, the author (Wierer) touches upon the United States, and in the German Federal Republic with the intent to present them as an example of possible application to Central Europe. The question of nationalism continues to remain alive as a factor of political life. In fact, nationalism can be regarded as the greatest moving force in the emancipational process of the Asi•a tic and African countries, though its explosiveness, avoked by the emotional side of human nature, is directed by the need of broader unification of nations on a regional, continental, or even a universal basis. Sloviak nationalism never did lend itself to the extrem- 22 SLOVAKIA' istic tendencies that characterize the :rmtionalism of neighboring nations, becaus~ alongside the emotional side it always contained also elements . of reason. These were able to hold _it within the limits of its own national existential possH)ilities, · the realization of which it ·conditioned with principles of Christian world~perspective. Such is the nature the federalistic forms of state organization in Switzerland, of the works of Safarik and Kollar from the beginning of the 19th century (11). A purely defensive phenomenon is never imperialistic. An objective researcher learns that Slovak nationalism was and still is democratic. :· - . -"Economy · and Society in Southeastern Europe'' is a volume -on which twenty-one - authors collaborated on the study of the economical and social proces·s in the Czech lands, in Slovakia, Hungary, Rumania, the countries of the southern Slovans, in Greece, Alban~a, Turkey and Poland bet w-een the two world wars, and especially from 1945 (12). Here we find paragraphs which deal independently with Slovakia or within the framework of the Czecho-Slovak Republic, or even the entire 1area (13). Of positive value are also works of a historical nature, such as the study of Pan-Slavism. We find references to Slovakia also in the work of Professor Markert of Tubingen (14). Especially the background of the Polish-Magyar intrigues at the expense of Siovakia in 1938-39 is described impartially, though we regret that even here Slovak independence means no more than "German protectorate" (15). The. Slovaks in the Past and Present Varsik deals with Slovak history, and his work (17) could be called a sociology of Slovak history, beginning with the fourth century B.C., that is from the Gauls through the German tribes, the advent of Slovak tribes, the organization and origin of Samo's State, and-the Great Moravian Empire, etc .. Garin-Michajlovskij defends Slovak independence (18), correctly .concluding that the rise of the Slovak St,ate was not an accident, but a historical inevitability in the development of Europe, resting on the will of the Slovaks expressed in harmony with the natural law. The existence of the SLOVAKIA Slovak Republic was legal, he states categorically, and there can be no argument about it. The publication of V. Krajcovic, director of the Research Institute of the Slovak National Bank, deals with the economical life of the Slov,ak Republic (1939-1945). One of the burning questions of Slovak-Magyar relations is undoubtedly the problem of national minorities, a topic that has been heatedly discussed by Slovaks and nonSlovaks •a like, including the Magyars (20). After the Treaty of Trianon there were some 600,000 Magyars in Slovakia (according to the census of 1930-571,988 Magyars) and more than 200,000 Slovaks remained in Hungary (MragyarIand) . · With the Vienna Award (April 4, 1939), some 300,000 Slovaks were incorpor:ated into Hungary, so that in 1940 there were about 500,000 Slovaks there (21). After World War II, the reliations of the national minorities underw-e nt a substantial change in both countries. In 1958, the number of the Magyar minority in Slovakia was estimated at 393,390, while in the Czech lands the number was only 16,784; in other words, 10.2 per cent of the popul•a tion of Slovakia and only 0.2 per cent of the population of the Czech lands, that is, in the entire Czecho-Slovak Republic there were supposed to be 410,174 (3.1 per cent) Magyars (22)-200,000 less than in 1930. It appears that the nationality policy of Communist regimes in Central Europe is using the new forms of "majorization" which were initiated during Stalin's era. After the brutal expulsion of the Germans and the partial exchange of Slovak~ and Magyars, the Prague gover;ment, through the Communist Party of Czecho-:.Slov,akia, took new steps to realize "socialistic fraternal aid" for the Magyar minority in Slovakia. The first point of the new program makes the Magyars completely equal in all sectors of State life. The second point aims to sink the roots of the concept of proletarian internationalism and the feeling of "Czecho-Slovak patriotism" •a mong the Magyar worl~ing people. To be able to take on all the tasks, according to their ability, the Magyar workers are expected to · learn the State language, and so the study of Slovak is to be pushed in all Magyar schools (23). This means that the Magyar minority in Slovakia is to be Slovakicized. After that, or probably contemporane- SLOVAKIA 24 ously with this process, they will arrive at the dialectical process of "socialistic togetherness" between Slovak and Czech in the direction of fraternizing the new language with Russian. Christian life in Slovakia is dealt with in two books of an informational character. The first (24) deals with the Christianization of the Slovaks by Sts. Cyril and Methoiius, who later had some influence on the Czechs. The story is presented quite accurately. The other by Schreiber, a native of Budapest, hardly deserves mention here, because of the many irresponsible and erroneous statements it contains, but then we do want people to know about it (25). The statement that Germany created the Slovak State and made a protectorate of it on March 15, 1939, or that Msgr. Joseph Tiso ,and the entire Slovak Hierarchy colla:borated to the very last day with the Nazis, is a verbal repetition of the malicious propaganda spread by chauvinistic Czechs, including Professor Heidler of Radio Free Europe. Such irresponsible statements may find a response with certain Christian circles with dubious intentions, but in no case with people who are seeking the truth (26). Furthermore, Schreiber's book harms the interests of the Central-European cause. The more so because in the biographical sketch on the back cover it is reported that Schreiber is one of those French reporters (a native of Budapest!) "who best knows the countries enjoying people's democracy" ! REFERENCES 1. E . Lend! : Der Donauraum Im geographischen GefUge Europas, Wien I, Der Donauraum 6. Jahrg., 3. Heft/1961, •P, 177-185. 2. E . Birke: Frankreich und Ostmitteleuropa im 19. Jahrhundert, KiiJn,Graz, 1960, Biihlau, XV-527 pp.; Das Nationalitatenproblem der Donaumonarchie in der Beurteilung der franzosischen sla• vophilen Publizistik 1840-1845, Bre slau, J,ahrblicher f. Kultur u . Geschichte der Slaven, N . F ., Bd. 10,1934. 3. R . Wierer : Der Foderalismus Im Donauraum, Graz- Koln, 19,60, Bohlau, 236 pp, 4. Hans Kohn: Historla del nacionalismo, Mexico-Buenos Aires, 1949, F'OE, 631 pp.-,this is a translation of the English original: The Idea of Nationalism, Macmillan, N ew York, 1944. The German edition: Die ldee des Natlonalismus, Ursprung u. Geschichte bis zur Franz. Revolution, Fran~furt/M., 1952, Fischer, 575 pp. 5. Vogel R . (publ.) : Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft SUdosteuropas, Gedenkschrift f. W. Glillich (first president of the Southeast SLOVAKIA 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. JS. 19. 20. 21. .22. 25 European Society who knew Slovakia first-hand; died April 15, 1960). Mlinchen, 1961, Slidosteuropa-V~rlagsgesellschaft, Xl-600 pp. W. Markert (pub!.): Polen, Osteuropa-Handbuch, Namens der 1959, Arbeits.gemeinschaft f. Osteuropaforschung, Ktiln-Oraz, Btihlau, XXXffiI-'829 l)p. E. Birke, op . cit, pp. 39-48. Ibidem, pp. 51-53. I,b idem , p. 146; P. Boutelller: La Revolution Francaise de 1848 vue par les Hongrois, Paris, 1949, Colleotion Franco-Horugroise, I. Editee par l'Institut Francais en Hon,grie, BudapeSlt. Wierer, op. cit., pp. 12, 14-15, 19, 21, 27, 33, 35, 39, 50, 59, 64, 89, 116-117, 152-153, 157, 159, 179-182 ('!Iodza's Plan), 190-196 (19381945), 198-203 (Slovak plans) . Kohn, op. cit. pp., 462, 617; :r.. !§tur: Das XIX. Jahrhundert und der Madjarismus, Leipzig, 1843. Vogel, op. cit. Ibidem, p. 258, F. ·Rionneberger: Staatsverfassungstendenzen der SUdoststaaten seit 1945, pip. 217-277; W. Krallert: Die Verstadterung in SUdosteuropa und ihre sozialen und wirtschaftlichen Auswirkungen, ,pp. 27'8-295; J . Mat•!: Der Panslawismus als politische ldee in SUdosteuropa Im 19. und 20. Jahrhund e rt, pp. 296-320 (Safarik is called a Czech!); F. H. Riedl: Bestand und Lage des Deutschtums in SUdosteuropa, Blick Uber vier Jahrzehnte, pp. 414-446. Markert, op. cit., pp. 65-67, 168, 545, 1731, 263, 294, 307. ,J bidem, pp. 136, 1;68. Ibidem, p. 545, f.n.4. B. Varsfk: Die Slowaken und ihr volkischer Lebensraum In der Vergangenheit, Bratislava-Pressburg, Die Slowakische Rundschau, p. 32 (1940-1942?). J. Garin-ll\1ich.ajlovskij: El nacimiento de la Republica Eslovaca como necesidad hist6rica de la evoluci6n de Europa, Madrid, 1945, G. Saez, 53 pp. Dr. V. Krajcovic: La estructura de la economia eslovaca, Madrid, 194,5, G. Saez, 85 pp. 0. R. Liess: Fraternisierungsparolen im Donauraum, Wien, Oesterreichische Ost-Hefte, 3. Jahrg., Heft 6. Nov. 1961, pp. 463469; A. Bohmann: Tschechen und Slowaken in der CSR, Stutt.gart, Aussenpolitik, 10. Jahrg., Hetft 10. 0kt. 1959, Deutsche Varlagsanstalt, pp . 676-682; H. Raschhofer: Die nationale Frage in der Tschechoslowakei seit 1928, Wien, DER DON.AJURIAUiM, 7. Jahrg, 2-3. Hef,t/1962, pp. 82-87. Erorterungen, 151-194. R. Wierer: Die nationale Frage in der Tschechoslowakei seit 1918, p,p. 88-89; P. Tijan: Crisis del liberalismo en la Europa Central, Madrid, 1958, Editora Nacional, 431 pp.-,the sub-title of this book is El mito Masaryk (The Myth About Ma•saryk); La Tchecoslovaquie his• torique, politique, economique et culturelle, Bruxelles, s ,YNTHElS1E S, Revue Intern1cionale, n. 188/janvier 1962, 208 pp. ; R. Urban: Marx und Engels Uber die tschechische Frage, DER DON<AUIR&UiM, 7. Jahrg., 1. Hef't/1962, pp. 21-33. Liess, op. cit. p. 465, quotes from B. Varsik's: Die slowakischmagyarische Grenze in den letzten zwei Jahrhunderten, Schriften der Slow. Gelehr t en Ges., Bd. la, Bratislava, 1940, Universum . Liess, op. cit., p. 465 (according to Statisticka rocenka Republiky Ceskoslovenske 1959, p. 59). 26 SLOVAKIA Liess, op. cit., p. 466, quotes from Nepszabadsag (organ or the Magyar Soctal!st Workers Party, No. 163, July 1, 1961), but the original appeared in Uj sz6, Bratislava. 24. F. J. Montalban, S. J.: La Iglesia avanza, Manuia! de Historia de las Misiones, Pamplona, 1938, Secretariado de Misiones; ISegunda Parte: En la Edad Media, cap III. Mundo germanoslavo; par H . La conversion del mundo eslavo, pp. 197-198, 200-203. Sources used: Dvornik: Les slaves, Byzance et Rome, Paris, 1926; Descamps: H lstoire generale comparee des Missions, Lou vain, 1932; Hauck: Kirchengeschichte Deutschlands, 5 Bande, Leipzig, 1922. 25. 'l'h. Schreiber: Le Christianisme en Europe Orienta le, Paris, 1961, Spes, 222 pp., esp. pp. 16, 19, 25, 27, 37-41, 54, 134, 211. 26. Ibidem, p . 16. 23. MEMORANDUM On October 7, 1963, the Slovak League of America issued the following Memorandum addressed to Secretary of State Dean Rusk: On July 14, 1963 in Youngstown, 0., at the gymnastic meet of the Slovak Catholic Sokol-a member organization of our Slovak League of America, the Attorney General of the United States, the Hon. Robert F. Kennedy, declared as follows, among other things: "As a representative of the United States government the President has asked me to tell you that the United States will continue to support the just aspirations of all people in the world for independence and liberty-aspirations which the Slovaks share today with many other captive nations." We hail and welcome this assurance from our President and we request, Mr. Secretary of State, that you graciously recognize the fact that the Slovak League of America represents over 300,000 organized Americans of Slovak extraction and as such deems it its sacred duty to speak before the American Government in behalf of the Slovak nation which now lives under a Communist form of government and is unable to speak out for its rights and self-determination of its freedom and independence. We would be most pleased if our State Department would-in the spirit and according to the assurance of our Attorney General-show good will at least in the considera-  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovakia in Foreign Literature Description An account of the resource Dr. Štefan Glejdura Slovakia, Vol. 14 (No. 37), 1964 pp. 19-26 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Glejdura, Štefan Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1964 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/5871d8288f1bb90993b597c326068fc3.pdf 05e693849668c0259d8504f0a255f049 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 55 SWVAKIA IN THE LIGHT OF THE NUREMBERG TRIALS Dr. Andrej Dubina In the documents, read during the Nurem~I'g trials 3lgainst the main ouliprits of Hitl.e r's regime, Slovakia was mentioned several times. The events concerning t!he ;proclamation of SlovaJk indeipendence and the political existence of the Slorvak Reipulblic were s'Ulbjected to the examination olf the representatives of the victorious powers. HO!W did Slorvrukia and her leading po[itical factors fare before the Nuremibe1,g tribunal? mto what kind of a light was the proclamation od: Slcwa.k indeipendence pla:ced, which the regime of the late Dr. Benes regarded as treason, as the cause of the breaJk-'Ulp of Czecho-Slovaikia and punished with the gaHows? In the interesting book that was pUiblished in London in 1946 .b y Peter de Meindelssohn, under the title "The Nuremberg Documents - Some Aspects of German War Policy 1939-1945," we can find a meritorious answer to these questions. That answer completely contraverts the ~ech accusations aJCCording to which leading Sloiva:k factors are Quislings and that the ,p olitics of the Illinlka Slovak People's Party caused the disi:ntegration of Ozechoc-Siorvaikia. On the •b asis of the Documents read before the Nurembe:r,g tribunal, it is crystal clear that Gemnany a:lready in 1936---1937 had wcmked out its "Directive for Unified Pre:paration for War of the Aimed Forces" by the Minister of War Blomiber,g, and that in Seiptemlber 1938 the iillVasion o;f Ozecho-Slovrukia begam to be enacted according to the plan "Case Green." In .t his plan Slovakia and her leading political fig1ures were not even cOilS!idered by the leading German circles, and the Germans did not figure on any heJip from Slovakia, nor did they need it. The ,planned invasion and occupation of Ozecho~ovaikia came to naught with the Munich Pact of the four Great Powers, by which a part of CzechoSiovakia was handed o.v er to the Germans with the consent of the Prague Gorvemment headed by Dr. Benes, and the �56 SLOVAKIA rest of Ozecho-Slovakia came under the direct economical and politi ca1 . deipeindence od: Ge·rmam.y. When Dr. Benes himself w,rote about this pact and its consequences m 1943, he said that it was for Czeicho-lSl:ovaJkia "a frutad blow." We do not meet with Sloivakia and her fa;ctors, especially with Dr . . Tiso, Sidor and Dr. :Durcansky, in the Nuremlberg Do·currnents until March 1939. What was left of Ozecho-iSlOiVaJkia at that time? 'Indeed, qze:cho~Sl()IV'akia was beset UJPOn not only by Germany but -also" the resit of her neighbors and had sucoum'bed to her "fatad_blow," that is, had died, factuany hrud ceased to exist as a state. Peter de Mendelssohn q,uotes the record orf Hitler's office alboot the visit of the president of the autonomous Government of Slovakia to Berlin; Tiso was caliled by Hitler after the Czech a:rmy putsch in Slovaikia (March 10). Aoco.rding to the Nuremberg Documents, quoted by Mendelssohn: "The Czechs" - Hitle1r told Dr. Tiso - "•w ere vioJaiting the Munich a1greement and were . behaving in a proivocath7P manner into:lerruble to Gernnan,y. At Munich, Germany had solved the .C zech question a:ccording to her Weiltanschauung but if "this solution leads to no results., we have decided albsoJutely to ,p ursue it to its conclusion, without consideratipn for his ideological principle." Hitler, however, was not a!Ltogether satisfied even with Silo!Valda. Mendelssohn says: "The attitude orf Slorvakia was also a disappointment to him. In the past year - the record states, - the Ftihrer had to face the difficult deicision whether or not to permit Hungary to occupy Sloivakia. He .had been under a wrong imipre,s sion as he had od' course beilieved that Slovakia wished to be annexed to Hungary. This errorr- was caused by the fact that Slorvaikia was fanther away f11om Germany and by the importance, of the more serious problems which then overshrudorwed this question. It was oinly in the crisis that the Fuhrer was dissuaded from this opinion. It was then that he fir.st heaird and noted that Slovakia wished to co:ndwct her own a;:flfai:rs. "Norw he had pemnitted Minister Tiso to come here in 1 �57 SLOVAKIA order to mruke his position clear in a very short time. Germany had no interests to the east of the Carpathian mountains. It was indifferent to hi:m what ha'Ppened there. The question was whether Slovakia wished to conduct her own affairs or not. He did not wish for anything f.rom Sloiv,a lda. But he wanted to secure final confirmation as to What Slovrukia really wanted. He d,i d not wish that reproaches should come from Hungary that he was preseT1Vinig something which did not wish to be preserved at all. He took a lilbera:l view of unrest and demonstrations in general, but in this connection, unrest was only an outward indication oif internal instability. He would not tolerate it and he had for that reason pernnitted Tiso to come in order to hear his dedsion. It was not a quesrtion of days but of hours. He had stated at the time that if Slovakia wished to rmruke herself independent, he would support this endeavor and even guarantee it. He wouild state by his own iword as lOil!g as Slovakia made it clear that she desired independence. If she hesitated or did not wish to dissolve her con,nection with Prague, he would leave the destiny of S l01vaJkia to the mercy of events for which he was no longer res,p onsible." Hitler then asked Ribbentrop - writes Mendelssohn whether he had anything to add to what he had said. Rib.bentrop repeated that the decision n:ust be made in a few hours and not in seiveral days. "He (Ri'bbentrorp) showed the Fuhrer a message he had just receirved which reported Hungarian troop m01vements on the Slovak frontieirs. The Flihrer read this report, mentioned it to Tiso and exipressed the horpe that Slavwkia wou!id sewn make her decision." 1 That is the end of t:he record concerning Tiso's visit to Beirlin. To properly appreciate the position that Slovakia and her leading political figures faced at the time, it is necessary to quote an additional document. It is the telegram of the Magywr Regent, Nicho[as Hort'hy, sent to Hitler March 3, 1939, which reads as fQ11lows: "Your EXJcellency - my sincere thanks. I can hardly tell you how happy I am because this Head Water Region - I dislike using big words - is of vital importance to the �58 SLOVAKIA life of Hungary. In spite oif the fact that our recnmts have OD!ly been serwing for five wooks, we are going into this affair with eager enthusiasrm. The dispositions ha,ve aJTeady been made. On Thursday, the 16th of this month, a frontier incident will talke pla;ce which win .b e followed by the big !blow on Saturday. I shall never fo11get this proof af friendship, and Your Excellency may rely on my unshak~ able g,r atitude at all times. Your devoted friend - Horthy. " Under the circumstances Slovakia had to choose whether she wanted to be occupied by Germany and Hungary, or whet'herr she wanted to proclaim her independence. Tertium non datur. Independence , after ailil, is the supreme goal oif every nation, and every nation oif the wcrld made, use of the first opportunity that presented itse:lrf to gain independence. Slovakia did not want to be occupied by Hungary or by Germany. What couJd Dr. Tiso and his, colleagues do under the circumstance s? Well, they did not act on their orvvn. They returned to Bratislava and informed the members of the autonomous government of Sl01Vakia rubout what had transpired. Hacha orderred the Slovalk Assembly to convene, and the duly elected representativ es of the SloiVa;k people decided the fate of Sl01Vaikia: they unanimouSily proclaimed the independence of Slovakia. Did the Slovaks do wrong accorrding to the Nuremberg Documents? Oe.rtamly not! In the light of these documents the leaders o,f Slovalk politi:caJ life were justified in doing just what they did. The DocUJmelllts di$prove completely the contentions of Czech propaganda and the so...called "People's Courts" of Dr. Ben€S's State. The Documents further state the stand of Karol Sidor against the methods used .b y the Ger,mans in those hect ic days. Nevertheless, the judiciary of Dr. Ben€S condemned and sentenced to death the main c,reators of the Sl-oivak RepuJblic. Dr. Joseph Tiso died on the gallows, Dr. :Duroansky was sentenced. to die on the gallows in aJbsentia, and Kar01l Sidor was senten~ed to 20 years at harrd lrubor in a!bsentia. Thousands iwon thousands oif othe,r s were jailed and exiled and their properties confiscatec. Slova:k political factors did not betray their nation, but �SLOVAKIA 59 protected it aigainst invasion, occupation and annexation, gas chambers and concentration camps. But for that Benes and his poli1Jcal regime denounced them as traitors. The Sl,ovaks were held responsible foT a situation which they thema situation into which they wetre sellVes had not created thrust alOIIlg with the Czech nation by the aniti-diemocratic, anit-Chri<Sltian, anti-Slovalk and imperialistic policies of the late but not lamented Dr. Edward Benes, the man who sold out the Slovaik and Ozech nations twice within a decade to tota'1itarian powers. • • • CASTLES OF SLOVAKIA BUDATIN The ruins of the Budatin Castle stand opposite 2ilina, just about where the Kysuca pours into the Vah. In its time it stood guard over the J ablunkov Pass and the old commercial highways. Slovak history tells us that the Slovaks, led by Joseph Hurban, fought two battles here during the rebellion of the 1848-1849: the first one September 11, 1848, and the second January 2, 1849. During the latter fight the archives of Budatin, which today undoubtedly could have shed some light on the foggy history of ancient Slovakia, were destroyed by fire. In 1922-23, the lower part of the castle was restored which was adorned with a typical Budatin tower. In the castle there are two spacious rooms, one on the ground floor and the other on the upper floor, which are adorned with numerous pictures, most of them portraits of former owners of the castle. In one of the side rooms is a portrait of Ludmila Lazansky, to whom the Slovaks even today refer to as "our good Ludmila." The people still recall that the mistresses of Budatin Castle treated the Slovaks rather decently and that one of them even had a bridge built across the Vah river at a time when there was no work and people were starving. The rooms of the castle tower are especially interesting, containing as they do many precious antiquities. The view of the river and the vicinity � SLOVAKIA 55 SWVAKIA IN THE LIGHT OF THE NUREMBERG TRIALS Dr. Andrej Dubina In the documents, read during the Nurem~I'g trials 3lgainst the main ouliprits of Hitl.e r's regime, Slovakia was mentioned several times. The events concerning t!he ;proclamation of SlovaJk indeipendence and the political existence of the Slorvak Reipulblic were s'Ulbjected to the examination olf the representatives of the victorious powers. HO!W did Slorvrukia and her leading po[itical factors fare before the Nuremibe1,g tribunal? mto what kind of a light was the proclamation od: Slcwa.k indeipendence pla:ced, which the regime of the late Dr. Benes regarded as treason, as the cause of the breaJk-'Ulp of Czecho-Slovaikia and punished with the gaHows? In the interesting book that was pUiblished in London in 1946 .b y Peter de Meindelssohn, under the title "The Nuremberg Documents - Some Aspects of German War Policy 1939-1945," we can find a meritorious answer to these questions. That answer completely contraverts the ~ech accusations aJCCording to which leading Sloiva:k factors are Quislings and that the ,p olitics of the Illinlka Slovak People's Party caused the disi:ntegration of Ozechoc-Siorvaikia. On the •b asis of the Documents read before the Nurembe:r,g tribunal, it is crystal clear that Gemnany a:lready in 1936---1937 had wcmked out its "Directive for Unified Pre:paration for War of the Aimed Forces" by the Minister of War Blomiber,g, and that in Seiptemlber 1938 the iillVasion o;f Ozecho-Slovrukia begam to be enacted according to the plan "Case Green." In .t his plan Slovakia and her leading political fig1ures were not even cOilS!idered by the leading German circles, and the Germans did not figure on any heJip from Slovakia, nor did they need it. The ,planned invasion and occupation of Ozecho~ovaikia came to naught with the Munich Pact of the four Great Powers, by which a part of CzechoSiovakia was handed o.v er to the Germans with the consent of the Prague Gorvemment headed by Dr. Benes, and the �56 SLOVAKIA rest of Ozecho-Slovakia came under the direct economical and politi ca1 . deipeindence od: Ge·rmam.y. When Dr. Benes himself w,rote about this pact and its consequences m 1943, he said that it was for Czeicho-lSl:ovaJkia "a frutad blow." We do not meet with Sloivakia and her fa;ctors, especially with Dr . . Tiso, Sidor and Dr. :Durcansky, in the Nuremlberg Do·currnents until March 1939. What was left of Ozecho-iSlOiVaJkia at that time? 'Indeed, qze:cho~Sl()IV'akia was beset UJPOn not only by Germany but -also" the resit of her neighbors and had sucoum'bed to her "fatad_blow," that is, had died, factuany hrud ceased to exist as a state. Peter de Mendelssohn q,uotes the record orf Hitler's office alboot the visit of the president of the autonomous Government of Slovakia to Berlin; Tiso was caliled by Hitler after the Czech a:rmy putsch in Slovaikia (March 10). Aoco.rding to the Nuremberg Documents, quoted by Mendelssohn: "The Czechs" - Hitle1r told Dr. Tiso - "•w ere vioJaiting the Munich a1greement and were . behaving in a proivocath7P manner into:lerruble to Gernnan,y. At Munich, Germany had solved the .C zech question a:ccording to her Weiltanschauung but if "this solution leads to no results., we have decided albsoJutely to ,p ursue it to its conclusion, without consideratipn for his ideological principle." Hitler, however, was not a!Ltogether satisfied even with Silo!Valda. Mendelssohn says: "The attitude orf Slorvakia was also a disappointment to him. In the past year - the record states, - the Ftihrer had to face the difficult deicision whether or not to permit Hungary to occupy Sloivakia. He .had been under a wrong imipre,s sion as he had od' course beilieved that Slovakia wished to be annexed to Hungary. This errorr- was caused by the fact that Slorvaikia was fanther away f11om Germany and by the importance, of the more serious problems which then overshrudorwed this question. It was oinly in the crisis that the Fuhrer was dissuaded from this opinion. It was then that he fir.st heaird and noted that Slovakia wished to co:ndwct her own a;:flfai:rs. "Norw he had pemnitted Minister Tiso to come here in 1 �57 SLOVAKIA order to mruke his position clear in a very short time. Germany had no interests to the east of the Carpathian mountains. It was indifferent to hi:m what ha'Ppened there. The question was whether Slovakia wished to conduct her own affairs or not. He did not wish for anything f.rom Sloiv,a lda. But he wanted to secure final confirmation as to What Slovrukia really wanted. He d,i d not wish that reproaches should come from Hungary that he was preseT1Vinig something which did not wish to be preserved at all. He took a lilbera:l view of unrest and demonstrations in general, but in this connection, unrest was only an outward indication oif internal instability. He would not tolerate it and he had for that reason pernnitted Tiso to come in order to hear his dedsion. It was not a quesrtion of days but of hours. He had stated at the time that if Slovakia wished to rmruke herself independent, he would support this endeavor and even guarantee it. He wouild state by his own iword as lOil!g as Slovakia made it clear that she desired independence. If she hesitated or did not wish to dissolve her con,nection with Prague, he would leave the destiny of S l01vaJkia to the mercy of events for which he was no longer res,p onsible." Hitler then asked Ribbentrop - writes Mendelssohn whether he had anything to add to what he had said. Rib.bentrop repeated that the decision n:ust be made in a few hours and not in seiveral days. "He (Ri'bbentrorp) showed the Fuhrer a message he had just receirved which reported Hungarian troop m01vements on the Slovak frontieirs. The Flihrer read this report, mentioned it to Tiso and exipressed the horpe that Slavwkia wou!id sewn make her decision." 1 That is the end of t:he record concerning Tiso's visit to Beirlin. To properly appreciate the position that Slovakia and her leading political figures faced at the time, it is necessary to quote an additional document. It is the telegram of the Magywr Regent, Nicho[as Hort'hy, sent to Hitler March 3, 1939, which reads as fQ11lows: "Your EXJcellency - my sincere thanks. I can hardly tell you how happy I am because this Head Water Region - I dislike using big words - is of vital importance to the �58 SLOVAKIA life of Hungary. In spite oif the fact that our recnmts have OD!ly been serwing for five wooks, we are going into this affair with eager enthusiasrm. The dispositions ha,ve aJTeady been made. On Thursday, the 16th of this month, a frontier incident will talke pla;ce which win .b e followed by the big !blow on Saturday. I shall never fo11get this proof af friendship, and Your Excellency may rely on my unshak~ able g,r atitude at all times. Your devoted friend - Horthy. " Under the circumstances Slovakia had to choose whether she wanted to be occupied by Germany and Hungary, or whet'herr she wanted to proclaim her independence. Tertium non datur. Independence , after ailil, is the supreme goal oif every nation, and every nation oif the wcrld made, use of the first opportunity that presented itse:lrf to gain independence. Slovakia did not want to be occupied by Hungary or by Germany. What couJd Dr. Tiso and his, colleagues do under the circumstance s? Well, they did not act on their orvvn. They returned to Bratislava and informed the members of the autonomous government of Sl01Vakia rubout what had transpired. Hacha orderred the Slovalk Assembly to convene, and the duly elected representativ es of the SloiVa;k people decided the fate of Sl01Vaikia: they unanimouSily proclaimed the independence of Slovakia. Did the Slovaks do wrong accorrding to the Nuremberg Documents? Oe.rtamly not! In the light of these documents the leaders o,f Slovalk politi:caJ life were justified in doing just what they did. The DocUJmelllts di$prove completely the contentions of Czech propaganda and the so...called "People's Courts" of Dr. Ben€S's State. The Documents further state the stand of Karol Sidor against the methods used .b y the Ger,mans in those hect ic days. Nevertheless, the judiciary of Dr. Ben€S condemned and sentenced to death the main c,reators of the Sl-oivak RepuJblic. Dr. Joseph Tiso died on the gallows, Dr. :Duroansky was sentenced. to die on the gallows in aJbsentia, and Kar01l Sidor was senten~ed to 20 years at harrd lrubor in a!bsentia. Thousands iwon thousands oif othe,r s were jailed and exiled and their properties confiscatec. Slova:k political factors did not betray their nation, but �SLOVAKIA 59 protected it aigainst invasion, occupation and annexation, gas chambers and concentration camps. But for that Benes and his poli1Jcal regime denounced them as traitors. The Sl,ovaks were held responsible foT a situation which they thema situation into which they wetre sellVes had not created thrust alOIIlg with the Czech nation by the aniti-diemocratic, anit-Chri<Sltian, anti-Slovalk and imperialistic policies of the late but not lamented Dr. Edward Benes, the man who sold out the Slovaik and Ozech nations twice within a decade to tota'1itarian powers. • • • CASTLES OF SLOVAKIA BUDATIN The ruins of the Budatin Castle stand opposite 2ilina, just about where the Kysuca pours into the Vah. In its time it stood guard over the J ablunkov Pass and the old commercial highways. Slovak history tells us that the Slovaks, led by Joseph Hurban, fought two battles here during the rebellion of the 1848-1849: the first one September 11, 1848, and the second January 2, 1849. During the latter fight the archives of Budatin, which today undoubtedly could have shed some light on the foggy history of ancient Slovakia, were destroyed by fire. In 1922-23, the lower part of the castle was restored which was adorned with a typical Budatin tower. In the castle there are two spacious rooms, one on the ground floor and the other on the upper floor, which are adorned with numerous pictures, most of them portraits of former owners of the castle. In one of the side rooms is a portrait of Ludmila Lazansky, to whom the Slovaks even today refer to as "our good Ludmila." The people still recall that the mistresses of Budatin Castle treated the Slovaks rather decently and that one of them even had a bridge built across the Vah river at a time when there was no work and people were starving. The rooms of the castle tower are especially interesting, containing as they do many precious antiquities. The view of the river and the vicinity � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1953, Vol. 3 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 6), April 1953.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 7), July 1953.</li> <li>Issue 3 (No. 8), September 1953.</li> <li>Issue 4 (No. 9), December 1953.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1953 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 55 SWVAKIA IN THE LIGHT OF THE NUREMBERG TRIALS Dr. Andrej Dubina In the documents, read during the Nurem~I'g trials 3lgainst the main ouliprits of Hitl.e r's regime, Slovakia was mentioned several times. The events concerning t!he ;proclamation of SlovaJk indeipendence and the political existence of the Slorvak Reipulblic were s'Ulbjected to the examination olf the representatives of the victorious powers. HO!W did Slorvrukia and her leading po[itical factors fare before the Nuremibe1,g tribunal? mto what kind of a light was the proclamation od: Slcwa.k indeipendence pla:ced, which the regime of the late Dr. Benes regarded as treason, as the cause of the breaJk-'Ulp of Czecho-Slovaikia and punished with the gaHows? In the interesting book that was pUiblished in London in 1946 .b y Peter de Meindelssohn, under the title "The Nuremberg Documents - Some Aspects of German War Policy 1939-1945," we can find a meritorious answer to these questions. That answer completely contraverts the ~ech accusations aJCCording to which leading Sloiva:k factors are Quislings and that the ,p olitics of the Illinlka Slovak People's Party caused the disi:ntegration of Ozechoc-Siorvaikia. On the •b asis of the Documents read before the Nurembe:r,g tribunal, it is crystal clear that Gemnany a:lready in 1936---1937 had wcmked out its "Directive for Unified Pre:paration for War of the Aimed Forces" by the Minister of War Blomiber,g, and that in Seiptemlber 1938 the iillVasion o;f Ozecho-Slovrukia begam to be enacted according to the plan "Case Green." In .t his plan Slovakia and her leading political fig1ures were not even cOilS!idered by the leading German circles, and the Germans did not figure on any heJip from Slovakia, nor did they need it. The ,planned invasion and occupation of Ozecho~ovaikia came to naught with the Munich Pact of the four Great Powers, by which a part of CzechoSiovakia was handed o.v er to the Germans with the consent of the Prague Gorvemment headed by Dr. Benes, and the 56 SLOVAKIA rest of Ozecho-Slovakia came under the direct economical and politi ca1 . deipeindence od: Ge·rmam.y. When Dr. Benes himself w,rote about this pact and its consequences m 1943, he said that it was for Czeicho-lSl:ovaJkia "a frutad blow." We do not meet with Sloivakia and her fa;ctors, especially with Dr . . Tiso, Sidor and Dr. :Durcansky, in the Nuremlberg Do·currnents until March 1939. What was left of Ozecho-iSlOiVaJkia at that time? 'Indeed, qze:cho~Sl()IV'akia was beset UJPOn not only by Germany but -also" the resit of her neighbors and had sucoum'bed to her "fatad_blow," that is, had died, factuany hrud ceased to exist as a state. Peter de Mendelssohn q,uotes the record orf Hitler's office alboot the visit of the president of the autonomous Government of Slovakia to Berlin; Tiso was caliled by Hitler after the Czech a:rmy putsch in Slovaikia (March 10). Aoco.rding to the Nuremberg Documents, quoted by Mendelssohn: "The Czechs" - Hitle1r told Dr. Tiso - "•w ere vioJaiting the Munich a1greement and were . behaving in a proivocath7P manner into:lerruble to Gernnan,y. At Munich, Germany had solved the .C zech question a:ccording to her Weiltanschauung but if "this solution leads to no results., we have decided albsoJutely to ,p ursue it to its conclusion, without consideratipn for his ideological principle." Hitler, however, was not a!Ltogether satisfied even with Silo!Valda. Mendelssohn says: "The attitude orf Slorvakia was also a disappointment to him. In the past year - the record states, - the Ftihrer had to face the difficult deicision whether or not to permit Hungary to occupy Sloivakia. He .had been under a wrong imipre,s sion as he had od' course beilieved that Slovakia wished to be annexed to Hungary. This errorr- was caused by the fact that Slorvaikia was fanther away f11om Germany and by the importance, of the more serious problems which then overshrudorwed this question. It was oinly in the crisis that the Fuhrer was dissuaded from this opinion. It was then that he fir.st heaird and noted that Slovakia wished to co:ndwct her own a;:flfai:rs. "Norw he had pemnitted Minister Tiso to come here in 1 57 SLOVAKIA order to mruke his position clear in a very short time. Germany had no interests to the east of the Carpathian mountains. It was indifferent to hi:m what ha'Ppened there. The question was whether Slovakia wished to conduct her own affairs or not. He did not wish for anything f.rom Sloiv,a lda. But he wanted to secure final confirmation as to What Slovrukia really wanted. He d,i d not wish that reproaches should come from Hungary that he was preseT1Vinig something which did not wish to be preserved at all. He took a lilbera:l view of unrest and demonstrations in general, but in this connection, unrest was only an outward indication oif internal instability. He would not tolerate it and he had for that reason pernnitted Tiso to come in order to hear his dedsion. It was not a quesrtion of days but of hours. He had stated at the time that if Slovakia wished to rmruke herself independent, he would support this endeavor and even guarantee it. He wouild state by his own iword as lOil!g as Slovakia made it clear that she desired independence. If she hesitated or did not wish to dissolve her con,nection with Prague, he would leave the destiny of S l01vaJkia to the mercy of events for which he was no longer res,p onsible." Hitler then asked Ribbentrop - writes Mendelssohn whether he had anything to add to what he had said. Rib.bentrop repeated that the decision n:ust be made in a few hours and not in seiveral days. "He (Ri'bbentrorp) showed the Fuhrer a message he had just receirved which reported Hungarian troop m01vements on the Slovak frontieirs. The Flihrer read this report, mentioned it to Tiso and exipressed the horpe that Slavwkia wou!id sewn make her decision." 1 That is the end of t:he record concerning Tiso's visit to Beirlin. To properly appreciate the position that Slovakia and her leading political figures faced at the time, it is necessary to quote an additional document. It is the telegram of the Magywr Regent, Nicho[as Hort'hy, sent to Hitler March 3, 1939, which reads as fQ11lows: "Your EXJcellency - my sincere thanks. I can hardly tell you how happy I am because this Head Water Region - I dislike using big words - is of vital importance to the 58 SLOVAKIA life of Hungary. In spite oif the fact that our recnmts have OD!ly been serwing for five wooks, we are going into this affair with eager enthusiasrm. The dispositions ha,ve aJTeady been made. On Thursday, the 16th of this month, a frontier incident will talke pla;ce which win .b e followed by the big !blow on Saturday. I shall never fo11get this proof af friendship, and Your Excellency may rely on my unshak~ able g,r atitude at all times. Your devoted friend - Horthy. " Under the circumstances Slovakia had to choose whether she wanted to be occupied by Germany and Hungary, or whet'herr she wanted to proclaim her independence. Tertium non datur. Independence , after ailil, is the supreme goal oif every nation, and every nation oif the wcrld made, use of the first opportunity that presented itse:lrf to gain independence. Slovakia did not want to be occupied by Hungary or by Germany. What couJd Dr. Tiso and his, colleagues do under the circumstance s? Well, they did not act on their orvvn. They returned to Bratislava and informed the members of the autonomous government of Sl01Vakia rubout what had transpired. Hacha orderred the Slovalk Assembly to convene, and the duly elected representativ es of the SloiVa;k people decided the fate of Sl01Vaikia: they unanimouSily proclaimed the independence of Slovakia. Did the Slovaks do wrong accorrding to the Nuremberg Documents? Oe.rtamly not! In the light of these documents the leaders o,f Slovalk politi:caJ life were justified in doing just what they did. The DocUJmelllts di$prove completely the contentions of Czech propaganda and the so...called "People's Courts" of Dr. Ben€S's State. The Documents further state the stand of Karol Sidor against the methods used .b y the Ger,mans in those hect ic days. Nevertheless, the judiciary of Dr. Ben€S condemned and sentenced to death the main c,reators of the Sl-oivak RepuJblic. Dr. Joseph Tiso died on the gallows, Dr. :Duroansky was sentenced. to die on the gallows in aJbsentia, and Kar01l Sidor was senten~ed to 20 years at harrd lrubor in a!bsentia. Thousands iwon thousands oif othe,r s were jailed and exiled and their properties confiscatec. Slova:k political factors did not betray their nation, but SLOVAKIA 59 protected it aigainst invasion, occupation and annexation, gas chambers and concentration camps. But for that Benes and his poli1Jcal regime denounced them as traitors. The Sl,ovaks were held responsible foT a situation which they thema situation into which they wetre sellVes had not created thrust alOIIlg with the Czech nation by the aniti-diemocratic, anit-Chri<Sltian, anti-Slovalk and imperialistic policies of the late but not lamented Dr. Edward Benes, the man who sold out the Slovaik and Ozech nations twice within a decade to tota'1itarian powers. • • • CASTLES OF SLOVAKIA BUDATIN The ruins of the Budatin Castle stand opposite 2ilina, just about where the Kysuca pours into the Vah. In its time it stood guard over the J ablunkov Pass and the old commercial highways. Slovak history tells us that the Slovaks, led by Joseph Hurban, fought two battles here during the rebellion of the 1848-1849: the first one September 11, 1848, and the second January 2, 1849. During the latter fight the archives of Budatin, which today undoubtedly could have shed some light on the foggy history of ancient Slovakia, were destroyed by fire. In 1922-23, the lower part of the castle was restored which was adorned with a typical Budatin tower. In the castle there are two spacious rooms, one on the ground floor and the other on the upper floor, which are adorned with numerous pictures, most of them portraits of former owners of the castle. In one of the side rooms is a portrait of Ludmila Lazansky, to whom the Slovaks even today refer to as "our good Ludmila." The people still recall that the mistresses of Budatin Castle treated the Slovaks rather decently and that one of them even had a bridge built across the Vah river at a time when there was no work and people were starving. The rooms of the castle tower are especially interesting, containing as they do many precious antiquities. The view of the river and the vicinity  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovakia in the Light of the Nuremberg Trials Description An account of the resource Dr. Andrej Dubina Slovakia, Vol. 3, No. 4 (9), December 1953 pp. 55-59 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Dubina, Andrew Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource December 1953 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/f386ca80d4e7dbf70894b8c15c69faad.pdf 96b612dbc0db79ba852efadef9c5bd9c PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 3 Slovakia in the Struggle for Liberalization and Federalization of Czecho-Slovakia J. M. Kirschbaum From the very beginning- of the restoration of CzechoSlovakia in 1945, Slovakia played, directly and indirectly, an important role in the internal policy of Czecho-Slovakia and in the fate of the Stalinist regime. Not ony was this role more important than is generally recognized, but it was also of primary significance in the imposition of the communist system and, since 1962, in its liberalization. Some western experts on Eastern Europe overlooked Slovakia's influence on the course of events in this "loyal" and "most faithful satellite" , as the post-War II CzechoSlovakia was called in the West. 1 From the communist take-over in 1948 to the liberalization and federalization process in 1967-68, they dealt extensively with the changes in Prague's internal and axternal policy, but their analysis of the elements of change involved was often biased, as Prof. S. Z. Pech recently pointed out: Although Western specialists in Eastern European history have usually regarded it as their task to make the West familiar with the entire panorama of the polyglot region, they have in practice often been selective in the favours they bestowed on each nation. They have incorporated in their work, in modified form, the outlook and the prejudices of the nations which they "adopted". To give the most conspicuous examples, they viewed Slovak history through Czech eyes and Ukrainian history through Polish (or Russian) eyes. In so doing, they have in fact created a second-class status for certain nations. The history of the Slovaks in the West has usually been presented from the point of view of "Czechoslovakism " and has appeared as hardly more than a postscript to C:&ech history.2 It is the purpose of this survey to record and to discuss the overlooked elements and to assess the role which Slovakia and her communist elite played, first in imposing the communist system and then in forcing the Stalinist regime of Antonin Novotny to loosen the iron grip, and finally to step down and to free the way for the liberaliza. tion of the regime and the federalization of the state. When Czecho-Slovakia was restored in 1945, an auto- �4 SLOVAKIA nomous status, with extensive powers for Slovak national organs-the Slovak National Council and the Board of Commissioners-was ensured for Slovakia. In the so-called "Kosice programme" it was stated that "the Slovaks should be the masters in their Slovak land just as the Czechs in their Czech homeland" and that the government "will regard the Slovak National Council not only as the rightful representative of the individual Slovak nation, but also as bearer of sovereign right on Slovak territory". 3 Under the constitution of 1948, the National Council as well as the Board of Commissioners was given the powers of an autonomous government, so that Slovakia enjoyed "a special position in a system which was neither federal nor autonomous, but presented a peculiar form of 'dualism'."4 Rejected by a 70 per cent majority of the popular vote in the elections of 1946, the Slovak Communists changed, however, their attitude towards the political status of Slovakia. The defeat angered and surprised the Communist leadership and led them to abandon not only original idea of an independent Slovak Republic 5 or a Slovak Soviet Republic 6 , but also the autonomous status of Slovakia ,vithin a federated Czecho-Slovakia. After the coup d'etat of 1948, the Communists eliminated not only the Slovak Democratic representatives from the National Council and all public offices, but Slovakia lost systematically what was left of her original autono mous status, which underwent several changes by the socalled Prague Agreements. And if the population, especially the Catholic majority, suffered between 1945-48 for not siding with the Communis ts, in the new situation they had to experience persecution not only for political reasons, but also for religious affiliation and non-proletarian background7 or resistance to socialization and collectivization. The "people's democracy" and all that it implied: " socialist patriotism", looking at the Soviet Union as the "patria" of Slovak Communists, "socialist realism" 8 , and the "party spirit", was introduced in Slovakia as in the rest of East Europe in an effort to transform Slovaks into a new type of "socialist" men, who "would be loyal to the existing regime, and obedient to its commands, and faithful also to the Soviet Union and world communism". 9 Life was supposed to be "directed in the spirit of Marxism-Leninism" �SLOVAKIA 5 and the "scientific world outlook" and historical materialism were to replace religion and nationalism. From 1948 on, this transformation was forced upon Slovaks through brute force by the Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia which left to the Communist Party of Slovakia practically no influence in the Slovak affairs. The Communist Party of Czechoslovakia "after 1947 subordinated the Slovaks to increasingly centralist rule from Prague, and trod underfoot the nationalist feelings even of Slovak Communists". 10 Those who tried to defend " the gains of the Slovak uprising" or were suspected of such intentions, were, in 1950, removed from public life as "bourgeois nationalists", incarcerated (Husak, Novomesky, Okali, Rasla, etc .) or hanged (Clementis, zingor) and replaced by obedient persons of non-Slovak origin (Siroky, Bacilek) in the Party as well as in the government.11 At the same time in spite of the provisions of the Constitution of May 9, 1948, the legislative and executive powers of the Slovak National Council and of the Board of Commissioners were drastically reduced and both institutions became subordinated to the Prague government. The Board of Commissioners had first to "abide by the directives and instructions of the Cabinet" and later, in 1960, was completely abolished. The Slovak National Council could still legislate, but the Council's laws had to b e signed by the Prime Minister, who could summon, adjourn and even dissolve the Council. Since in the National Assembly and in the Prague government the Slovaks were in minority, there was nothing, not even a theoretical possibility to protect Slovakia against the rule of Prague, because the Constitution "failed to provide for any guarantee that would protect the Slovak minority against the Czech majority ... As more than three-fifths of Czechoslovak legislators came from the Czech provinces, anything could be done with the status of Slovakia, even if all the Slovak reprezentatives opposed it".12 Within a few years Czecho-Slovakia had become "a highly centralized state, and Slovak home rule reduced almost to nil. In the post-1956 climate, some gestures were made to broaden the authority of the Slovak bodies. Increasing emphasis was laid, however, on the necessity �6 SLOVAKIA of integrating Slovakia within a unified economy, and even the bare forms of Slovak autonomy were still the object of suspicion by the regime. The Constitution adopted in 1960 further weakened the position of Slovakia". 13 It was, however, the general political atmosphere, the brutality of the police, the concentration and forced labour camps, the persecution for "deviation" or religious beliefs, which characterized this period, called alternatively "period of dogmatism" , period of the "cult of personality" or period of "deformation" and "Stalinism". 14 Denouced later by L. Novomesky as "monstrous and horrible", this period "wiped out trust, confidence, understanding, yes even loyalty in the life and consciousness of thousands and thousands of people". 15 Slovak national feelings and pride were hurt in this period also by Prague's economic and cultural policy16 and by a transfer of some 400 to 500 thousand Slovaks to the Czech provinces from which the Sudeten Germans had been expelled and where the Slovaks became denationalized, being deprived of Slovak Schools and organizations. While the Hungarian minority in Slovakia, also numbering some 500,000 had schools of all categories, cultural organizations, newspapers and representation in the administration of the state, the Slovak minority in the Czech part of the country was destined for fast denationalization. The economic measures of N ovotny's government hurt Slovaks even more. Slovakia was industrialized mostly by old machinery, transferred from the Sudeten German areas, or large factories lacking raw materials in Slovakia, to serve rather Soviet and Czech, than Slovak needs. From 1960 on, industry was unable to compete or to meet required levels of production. As a result, Slovakia suffered by the lowering of standards, and Slovaks were hurt by the admonitions and reproaches of Prague, particularly after Novotny's regime had curtailed the power of the Slovak administrative organs and had concentrated the administration of Slovakia in Prague and in Czech hands . Thus the years after the coup d'etat present a story of drastic changes in forms and institutions as well as in their practical working. The actual situation was in flagrant contradiction with the promises of the Slovak Communist Party of the autonomous status proposed for �SLOVAKIA 7 Slovakia. It is also a story of the mutual mistrust between the Czechs and Slovaks and the resulting clashes of which the outside world learned very little. In their subservience to Moscow and in their desire to imitate, if not surpass, Stalin's methods and general policy, the Communist leaders in Prague went further than any other satellite. "The system of terror was no less severe than in Albania, Hungary and Bulgaria, and in some respects went even further than these classic practitioners of this art". " Even during the critical months of 1956, Czechoslovakia had remained a model of Stalinist orthodoxy and exhibited none of the "fever" which had infected other satellites, notably the closest neighbours north and south. From the Communist point of view, Czechoslovakia was a most faithful associate of the Soviet Union, showing no evidence of dangerous dissatisfaction or domestic instability, and giving her full support to the Moscow Gospel as interpreted by Krushchev" . "In fact in the year which followed the XXII Congress in October 1961, Czechoslovakia, unlike some of its neighbours, was hardly influenced at all by the new spirit of Moscow, and showed no signs of relaxing its strongly Stalinist course. Paradoxically, this country, almost unique in its devotion and subservience to Moscow, was increasingly out of step with Krushchev's polic)' of de-Stalinization. "Orthodoxy" seemed to envolve into " heterodoxy" . "17 With regard to Slovakia the Prague Government used their power "to sweep away from the history of Slovak culture an entire past", according to Novomesky, and brought "a terrible curse on the life of the country." 18 This treatment of Slovakia could not, of course, influence the Slovaks for Czecho-Slovakia or Communism. On the contrary, even "the slight concessions of 1956-1958 were bound to leave the Slovaks unimpressed and could in no way detract from Slovak bitterness toward the treatment to which they had been exposed ever since the KSc (Communist Party of Czechoslovakia) leaders abandoned their calculative support of Slovak autonomism in 1946."19 This did not remain unnoticed by the Government and its press which deplored the "lack of confidence and the suspicion of fear" between the Czechs and the Slovaks, but laid blame on "the neglect of Leninist principles," 28 and on Slovak "bourgeois nationalistic tendencies". These tendencies according to complaints made by the Slovak Party's First Secretary, Karel Bacilek, at the session of the Central Committee in January 1958, have penetrated �8 SLOVAKIA "various fields of our cultural, political and scientific life; sports; the state apparatus; economic organs; and so on". 21 Slovaks could not be gained for the regime even by retrospective attacks on "Czecho-Slovakism", the concept that the Slovaks and the Czechs were ethnically, linguistically and culturally one nation, which had alienated the Slovaks to Masaryk's republic, and which Vaclav Kopecky, speaking on behalf of the KSC's Czech hierarchy, called in 1958 "an imperialist conception of national oppression of the Slovaks " 22 Since the Slovaks felt even more oppressed, more humiliated and exploited under the Communist regime than by the "bourgeois" regimes of 1918-1938, !5uch proclamations could not change the feelings of Slovaks and their attitude towards Prague. From 1948, and for a great part of Slovak population from 1946, Prague hurt even the pride of the Slovak Communists too deeply to be able to heal the wounds by condemning "Czechoslovakism" of the pre-War years. There was no comparison with the treatment which Slovaks received from Prague between the Wars and from the Communist rule after 1946. And Slovak nationalism, 23 which is a force rarely understood or interpreted properly by Western Scholars, was stronger after the War than at any time before, because the leftist elements also wanted Slovakia governed by Slovaks.24 Already before the Second World War nationalism was a force among Slovaks "directed against any authority residing outside Slovakia". 25 The period of the Slovak republic (1939-1945) and the uprising of 1944 undoubtedly st.renghtened the aversion against any foreign domination of Slovakia. All the restrictions of the powers of Slovak national organs, the trials of the leaders of the uprising as "bourgeois nationalists" and harsh economic centralization by the Prague Communist regime could not but create strong feeling of oppressinn and compromised relations between the Czechs and Slovaks. By 1958 the relations between the Czechs and Slovaks deteriorated to such a degree that even according to E. Taborsky a close collaborator of Dr. E. Benes, " while such declaration as above might have flattered the Slovaks in 1945, they fell on deaf ears in 1958. Nor could the communist leaders derive much comfort from the "improvement" in the Slovak class �SLOVAKIA 9 structure resulting from the communist industrialization and collectivization drive. By building up Slovakia's backwoods areas, the regime has unwittingly prodded the Slovaks' pride and self-confidence, and thus helped to underpin the same Slovak nationalism it has been trying so hard to blot out. Having acquired the know-how and the ability to run the system themselves, the Slovaks Communists and non-communists alike-resent being ordered around by their elder Czech brethren." 26 This rule of party dictatorship and police terror is normally divided into two periods: in a period of strict Stalinist form of rule which in Czecho-Slovakia lasted until 1956 and a period of slow detachment from the Stalinist system, during which a lip service was paid to de-Stalinization, and lasted until 1963. There are many explanations as to why there was a lack of de-Stalinization in Czecho-Slovakia after the XXth and especially after the XXII Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and Krushchev's denunciation of Stalin and his rule. The Czech and Slovak press dealt from 1963 extensively with this problem and so did some foreign scholars. 27 There is, however, no unanimous explanation, as there is no unanimity in the designation of this period or in definitions of this particular labels, of which the label of "cult of personality" was used more generally than the others. 28 But there is no doubt that the first to attack the social and political aspects of this period and to call for changes were the Slovak Communist intellectuals. "Slovaks inspired by their memorable uprising of 1944 have taken the lead in the process of modernization of the regime, while the Czechs have, until recently, been more cautious or more lethargic." 29 '' The attacks and criticism of Slovak intellectuals were directed mainly against Antonin Novotny who succeeded Klement Gottwald as Secretary General of the Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia in 1953, and Antonin Zapotocky as President of the Republic in 1957. For ten years his iron grip on the Party and on the State did not allow to modify the totalitarian Stalinist features of the regime, and during his rule by "brute force" were liquidated or imprisoned Slovak Communist leaders, accused of " bourgeois nationalism" and tried in 1954. According to Communist sources, 30 the period of the cult of personality ended in 1953, but due to Novotny's repressive methods, use of police terror, and his brutal struggle against Slovak bourgeois nationalism, the cult of personality in the view �SLOVAKIA of Slovak intellectuals existed from 1949 to 1962.31 Only in the spring of 1963 serious efforts at de-Stalinization marked the political life in Czecho-Slovakia. Western specialists in Eastern Europe offered several answers to the question why the Stalinist regime survived for so many years, but their views do not seem to give a satisfactory explanation. The purge of the potential leader, Clementis, and the bogey of Slovak nationalism which hounded the Czech leadership of the Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia, as it did the democratic leaders before the second World War, are only partial explanations. The brutal Soviet repression of the Hungarian revolution and the fear of Germany, which is greater among Czech than in any other nation of Central Europe, may be other explanations, but on the whole, these reasons cannot explain why a country with old democratic traditions, with western culture, with a previously high standard of living, praised in the whole world, did not follow the example of Poland and Hungary, except in smallscale disturbances of workers in Pilsen in 1953, the demonstration of Slovak students, which also spread to Prague, 32 and the writers' protest of 1956.33 Nor the fact that the West did not help the East European countries, including Czecho-Slovakia, by a more moderate course in East-West relations can be even less responsible for the Czech obstinacy to de-Stalinize. It was doubtful then-and today it is certain-that any co-operation in Europe between West and East going beyond what has been done, would have "strengthened the ability of the East European states to follow a more independent course".34 The explanation that the Czech communist leaders "had long and open experience in politics prior to the accession to power and perhaps this fact accounts for their unity and their ability to survive"35 and continue to hold the Stalinist grip on the country, is also only partially satisfactory. In the Slansky's purge of 1952 were eliminated the representatives of a rigid Stalinism and not the revisionists, and as a result the new leaders could start a new course after Stalin's death, but they were apparently afraid to de-Stalinize without incriminating themselves. We can find the answer to the question of Stalinism �SLOVAKIA 11 in Czecho-Slovakia in the interplay of all these phenomena, but mainly in the fact, that "the completeness of Stalinist terror had brought about a situation where there was no one capable of giving leadership of a new anti-Stalinist course after 1956"36 and in the "realism" and in the "Good Soldier Schweik's" mentality of the Czech ruling majority of the population. Except for the small scale disturbances of workers in Pilsen, who were irked by the economic difficulties rather than by political oppression, and the students' demonstration in Bratislava and Prague, there was no sign of dissatifaction or open opposition among the Czech intellectuals or large masses.37 A a result the leaders of the Czechoslovak Communist Party were in no mood to depart from the Stalinist position, and the Soviet repression of the Hungarian revolution rather strengthened their belief that it was not necessary to modify their regime. The Czech and Slovak communist leaders "associated themselves with the Soviet verbal onslaught on Stalin, hoping, no doubt, that they might avoid necessity of taking genuine steps to modify their own Stalinism", 38 even later at the time of the clash between Moscow and Bucharest in 1961. The leaders of the Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia remained equally unnerved by the Sino-Soviet conflict and the idea of polycentricism. They saw in polycentricism a danger to internationalism of the Communist movement and considered the Communist Party of the Soviet Union as the "only center".39 Slovakia in the Struggle of de-Stalinization40 It is important to indicate at the outset, that after the execution of Clementis and the purges of 1954,41 the Communist leaders in Slovakia were handpicked by Prague, that they were neither intellectuals, nor theoreticians, and that some of them, like Siroky and Bacilek were even lacking in Slovak background. They were the hard-line " apparatchiks" of the Gottwald school and as such, unable to take a new course or to take part in the de-Stalinization process. Furthermore, "unlike their Czech comrades, the Slovaks have had no right to determine the fundamental lines of Party policy and, tactics, not even for Slovakia, or to adopt Party programs". 42 After the "Stalinist democratic centralism" was imposed upon Slovakia in 1948, decentral- �12 SLOVAKIA ization was replaced by the "centralizing tendencies, justified officially as being necessary for the successful construction of socialism. This centralization continued throughout the whole Stalinist era and was carried over into post-Stalin days. 43 "The statutory inferiority of the Slovak Party organs was amply corroborated by actual developments". 44 In addition, the Communists were very weak in membership in Slovakia in comparison with Bohemia-Moravia. Of the 2,311,966 members and candidates of the KSc in 1949 only 236,432 were from Slovakia, i.e. slightly over 10 percent, although more than one-quarter of Czecho-Slovakia's population lived in that area. Also, the Party's appeal to the youth was far less effective in Slovakia than in the rest of the country. While the over-all percentages of Party members below twenty-five years of age in 1949 was 14.5, the corresponding figure for Slovakia was only 9.7.45 Notwithstanding all these factors, it was in Slovakia where the open struggle for de-Stalinization began in April 1963,46 The interplay of political, psychological and economic reasons had made the Slovak communist intellectuals, mostly journalists and writers, bitter and they started to assail the Stalinist regime of Antonin Novotny on all three fronts: political, ideological and economic. The Slovaks were also irked by the fact that the resolutions of the XII Congress of the Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia, held in December 1962 spoke of the rehabilitation of the Communists who were sentenced between 1949-1953 , and disregarded the purges of Slovak "bourgeois nationalists", tried in 1954. The first outburst of open opposition took place at the Congress of Slovak Wr iters, held on April 21-22 in Bratislava, and a month later at the Congress of Slovak Journalists, also in Bratis1 ava, on May 27-28. While at the Congress of Slovak Writers, Karol Rosenbaum spoke of "inhuman methods" during the period of the "personality cult" and about forces sufficiently strong to prevent a return of the terror of that period,47 at the Congress of Slovak Journalists, M. Hysko, professor at the Slovak school of journalism, led the attack against the slowness of de-Stalinization by Novotny's government. Despite Novotny's warnings and personal attacks on Hysko and R. LIBRARY �SLOVAKIA 13 Kalisky a month later, these two Congresses unleashed forces which put the life Jf the country on the tracks of de-Stalinization and liberalization. There had been mounting dissatisfaction in Slovakia since the Congress of Slovak Writers in 1956 among the writers and journalists, who remained, after the imprisonment of the political leaders accused of "bourgeois nationalism", the only spokesmen for the Slovak people. In 1963 the spark for the open criticism of Novotny's regime and insistence on reforms was given by the return from jail of the "bourgeois nationalists". Their accounts 48 of brutality shook the conscience of Slovak writers and journalists, and they were shaken more than anyone else because some of them had contributed to the consideration of Husak and Novomesky, while others had praised the regime and its iron grip and were mute about brutality and persecution of innocent people in all walks of life. As Hysko said at the Congress of Slovak journalists, they also were partly guilty because they presented the innocent comrades as " criminals". 49 They now wanted to repair the damage done and from L. Mflacko, who became well-known abroad, to M. Hysko, V. Mihalik, V. Minac, Kalisky and others, the intellectuals denounced the Stalinist regime and its brutality and asked for reforms. 50 The Congress of Slovak Writers and the Congress of Slovak Journalists became more than mere meetings to discuss literary and cultural problems. As we see it now and as it was considered by many in 1963, it was the beginning of a serious effort to change the ruling system, to clear the atmosphere of the suffocating fear of oppression and to correct injustices and crime of the period of the cult of personality. Slovak writers and journalists played again the role of the "conscience of the nation" which the Stalinist terror not only silenced for many years but had found in some writers eager collaborators. 51 The editorials in Kulturny zivot before th6 Congress were entitled "Literature in the struggle for truth", 52 and the participants proved that they meant to have it thus. After the Congresses furthermore, they asked for "a clean table" and stated that "everything is not in order". 53 Slovak writers spoke in the same fighting spirit against the terror and for a "cult of truth" instead of a cult of 1 �14 SLOVAKIA personality also at the Congress of the Union of Czechoslovak Writers, held in Prague on May 22-24 of the same year. The words fear, falsification of facts, abuse of confidence were repeated time and again. Noteworthy were especially the outspoken speeches by the poets Vojtech Mihalik and Laco Novomesky, the dramatist Peter Karvas and the courageous writer V. Minac,54 the essayist M. Chorvat, Zora Jesenska and others. The Congress "revealed that the mood of discontent was not confined to Slovak writers only, but included their Czech colleagues. Almost without exception, the participants were critical in the extreme, not only of the worst evils prevailing in the cult period, but also of their continuance right down to the present. Speaker after speaker gave vent to the general public outrage at the horrors of the cult and the failure of the party to eliminate them since 1956, and spoke in individual ethical terms which had little to do with partymindedness. Truth and freedom were words frequently invoked". 55 The poet V. Mihalik spoke again about the duty of writers to be the "conscience of the nation" and bitterly critized the period of the cult of personality. 56 L. Mnacko, whose series "Belated Reports", well known for their exposure of the terror and injustices, began to appear in Kulturny zivot, spoke of the "mousetrap" and the "unrosy economic, political and moral situation of the country". 57 L. Novomesky whose contribution to the discussion was published under the heading "With comrade reason" and the contributions by Zora Jesenska and P. Karvas ("About one source of dogmatism") 58 completed the picture of dissatifaction with the past and present, insisting on the necessity of change and reforms. These congresses, as we now see launched CzechoSlovakia upon a new course, with consequences impredictable at that time. If until the early 1960's the Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia could have served as a laboratory speciment of die hard dogmatism and appeared practically untouched by the winds of change stirring in the international Communist movement59 after these meetings it was not true any longer. The leaders of the Communist Party realized it and made some further steps in the direction of de-Stalinization �SLOVAKIA 15 but without serious efforts to change the nature of their totalitarian system. Novotny only reluctantly admitted that the cult of personality harmed the country and had such disastrous effects as claimed by the critics. He tried to put the blame on the purged Stalinist R. Shinsky or argued that many changes had already been made to conform with the resolutions of the XII Congress of the Party. In an angry speech in Slovak town of Kosice, on June 12, 1963, he rejected the accusations contained in the speeches of M. Hysko and Roman Kalisky, and categorically proclaimed that the Communist Party would not allow the Slovak newspaper Pravda to become "a tribune of attacks against the leadership of the Party". 60 Slovak Communist intellectuals, however, were not frightened by Novotny's threats and warnings. Throughout 1963 Novotny was subjected to vocal criticism for his failure to break the hold of Stalinism on national life, to rehabilitate publicly those who had suffered most in the era of repression, and to punish those who had borne the main burden of responsibility in that era. Most vehemently did the Slovak writers call for greater freedom in their national life, and for the erasing of the charges of "bourgeois nationalism" on which the purge of leading Slovak personalities had been based. They continued, especially in the organ of the Union of Slovak Writers, Kulturny zivot, to insist on the necessity of reforms and asked for a fair deal for Slovakia. In August they obtained full rehabilitation61 of the Slovak "bourgeois nationalists" whom the XII Congress of the Party in November 1962 had bypassed. In September, they scored another success in the removal of V. siroky62 from the Government as well as from his position in the Party and in the National Assembly. These concessions did not satisfy, however, the awakened conscience of Slovak Communist intellectuals63 and during the months to come they assailed the regime mercilessly, especially in Kulturny zivot. Novotny retaliated by forcing to resign in June 1964 the editor in chief of Kulturny zivot, Paul stevcek, and Roman Kalisky, member of the editorial board, who had fearlessly attacked �16 SLOVAKIA a year before the economic policy of N ovotny's regime in Slovakia. Instead of frightening the intellectuals, these measures added new fuel to the fire of their dissatisfaction. Slovak writers, journalists and economists began to point out the deformations of "socialist legality and morality" and the acts of discrimination against Slovaks in all field of public life. They asked for the revision of the Constitution of July 1960, which formally abolished the limited autonomy of Slovakia granted to Slovaks between 1945 and 1948. Furthermore, they asked for economic reforms, 64 for the re definition of certain principles of socialist ideology,65 for a new cultural policy66 and for the revaluation of the role of the Slovak uprising,67 which was ridiculed and degraded by Novotny's regime and some Czech writers during the imprisonment of the leaders of the uprising-Husak, Novomesky, Okali and others. The regime yielded in some fields, especially in cultural policy and new Minister, C. Cisar, allowed a degree of liberalization and restored some autonomy to universities. The economists could also quite freely discuss their plans from August to November, 1963, and their criticism and proposals were published,68 Novotny's position and Moscow's support for his regime seemed for some time to be in jeopardy. The struggle was, however, far from won. Novotny was re-elected not only as President of the Republic but, at the XIIIth Party Congress of 1966, also as First Secretary. And he was not only unable but also unwilling to proceed with basic reforms or to quiet down the antagonism between the Slovaks and Czechs which had erupted in 1963 and increased in intensity in the Slovak press and in Party meetings with every year. In fact , Novotny fought against the unrest in the minds of Slovaks, and was reluctant to grant any significant concessions. Some Czechs realized, however, that the problem existed and should be solved.69 Under fire by Slovaks, among whom the rehabilitated G. Husak and the Soviet educated Alexander Dubcek gained more and more influence, by the "revisionists" and "pragmatists", all of whom tried to humanize and reform the Party and government, Novotny tried at last to give a new image to Czecho-Slova- �SLOVAKIA 17 kia at home and especially in Western Europe. More personal freedom, including a limited religious freedom, was granted and some economic reforms were introduced. "Most important, the Communist Party, having largely abandoned its dogmatic positions, was no longer the allseeing, all-powerful, unquestioned authority that it once had been. " 70 Furthermore, the writers and journalists were soon joined in their opposition and outspoken criticism of the regime not only by the youth, which increasingly posed a serious problem to the government, but also by the workers and other segments of the population. People were no longer afraid to criticize and opposition was growing. Novotny and his Party apparatus tried to control the winds of change, but it was a hopeless struggle. William Siroky was replaced by the Moscow educated Jozef Lenart, former Secretary General of the Slovak Communist Party, who was not involved in the purges as were Bast'ovansky and Bacflek. 71 Novotny could not control these developments. Too many people suddenly realized that both a change of course and of people in leading functions was inevitable. The struggle for liberalization and federalization By 1967 the internal situation in the country and in the Party had matured to the point that it was possible to remove Novotny from his omnipotent position of First Secretary of the Party and on March 22, 1968 also from ,the Presidency of the country. The masterful co-operation of the factions which had called for reforms on both the Slovak and Czech side, resulted in the "impossible" becoming a fact, and Alexander Dubcek, at the age of 47, assumed the office of the First Secretary and launched the country upon the course of liberalization which surprised the whole world. While intellectuals in the Czech provinces centered their attention mostly on economic and ideological problems (the contribution by E . Lobl or E . Goldstticker, both from Slovakia, should not, however, be underestimated) , in Slovakia political leaders and intellectuals were deeply involved in the problem of humanization of the system �18 SLOVAKIA and the restoration to Slovakia of at least a part of the autonomy which she had enjoyed before 1948. With the political rehabilitation of the "bourgeois nationalists" and the amnesty granted to the military leaders of the 1944 uprising, the status of Slovakia and the "gains of the uprising" were once again the goals to be achieved. 72 Early in 1968 Slovak communist intellectuals were for a while involved in a discussion as to whether priority should be given to liberalization or to federalization, 73 but the controversy ended with the consensus that one does not exclude the other and that both aims should be pursued. A certain reluctance on the side of the Czechs towards federalization,74 nevertheless, led the Slovaks to put stress on the federalization. There also were still alive reminiscences on the "First Czechoslovak republic" when Slovakia suffered discrimination and exploitation inspite of the fact that the Prague governments were known as "the only true democracy in Central Europe between the Wars" . Furthermore, the manner in which all the agreements and declarations guaranteeing an autonomous status for Slovakia after 1945 were forgotten and disregarded, forced the Slovak leaders to put the emphasis on the necessity of constitutional reforms. In fact , Slovaks submitted a plan for a federalization of the Republic in 1963,75 and Alexander Dubcek, after assuming the leadership of the Party and starting the liberalization process, put the Slovak demands for an equal status with the Czechs high on the agenda of his reforms.76 Federalization was in the eyes of Slovak communist leaders, who were attacking Novotny's regime since 1956, and without reserve since 1963, an essential part of the demo cratization process which, on the other hand, was the prerequisite for liberalization. Only by the transformation of the political structure of the state could Slovaks achieve a position of full equality and control of further development of the situation in the right direction. The impression, created in the West by reports from Prague or by some Western analysts of the developments of the situations in Czecho-Slovakia, that the movement for giving communism "a human face" was an expression of the Czech "hussite traditions" and therefore a Czech and not a Slovak affair, is devoid of any serious foundation. �SLOVAKIA 19 Alexander Dubcek, the young Slovak leader of the liberalization movement who spent his formative years in the Soviet Union, hardly knew anything about the "hussite traditions" when he made his first major speech on February 1st, 1968 in which he promised "the development of socialist democracy" in the Party and the state. Nor did Edward Goldstticker, born and educated in Slovakia, who became elected the chairman of the Czechoslovak Writers Union and insisted that a way must be found how to reconcile individual freedom with the communist system, have any connection in his background with the "hussite traditions". 77 A group of Czech intellectuals, especially the youth of Prague, became undoubtedly more vociferous than Slovaks when the movement was launched. 78 It looked at times as if they had desired to make up for years of servile obedience to Novotny's regime. Czechs also were more provocative in their behaviour when the Soviet Union and her satellites condemned the movement after a meeting in Warsaw and as a result they contributed or gave more pretexts than the Slovaks to the final Soviet step which killed the liberalization movement. Objectively, both Slovaks and Czechs desired the changes. Slovaks more than Czechs because they suffered more-communists and non-communists alike-under the Novotny's regime. Slovaks therefore started the opposition and Slovakia gave to the struggle for the "human face of communism" not only the leader, Alexander Dubcek, but also it became the place of two historic conferences: on July 1st at cierna nad Tisou and on August 3rd, in Bratislava. 79 The liberalization process was largely publicized in the West. A survey of the Czech and Slovak press and of statements of the leaders of the movement would indicate, however, that the aims and goals of the liberalization were often magnified and misinterpreted by some Western analysts. To what extent such behaviour of the West contributed to the final decision of Moscow to go with the tanks against the wind of freedom, is of course a matter of conjecture. Skilling correctly assessed the aims of this "interrupted revolution": �20 SLOVAKIA In some respects, the reforms planned in Prague were more modest than analogous efforts in other communist countries. There was not. at least at the outset, a rejection of Soviet domination, as in the case of Yugoslavia, and other later revolts against Moscow ; nor were major changes in foreign orientation envisaged, as in the case of Rumania and others. There was to be no sharp break in relations with the communist camp, and no defection from Comecon or the Warsaw Pact. Nor was there an immediate and spontaneous rejection of collectivization, as in Hungary and Poland, or a radical reconstruction of the economy, such as followed the initial break by Yugoslavia.so It was only in the political realm that "the changes envisaged, and in part introduced were more drastic and more rapid than anything attempted elsewhere, and aimed at nothing less than a "socialist democracy".81 The leaders of the movement firmly indicated that it was the Communist party which should remain in power and rule, if possible, alone. Some intellectuals speculated about a representation of other parties or groups,82 but the leaders in power did not intend to introduce democracy on the basis of a multi-party system. They spoke and wrote about "socialist democracy" with freedom of expression,83 abolition of terror, abolition of censorship and more independence for state organs on the politburo. They also wanted more freedom of discussion in the Parliament, but without any opposition parties, it was particularly freedom only for the communist members of the Parliament, because the number of deputies of the National Front parties is negligible. All these reforms were basically contained in the Action Program of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, approved by the Central Committee on April 5, 1968. The Program confirmed the charges that have taken place since January 1968 and-what the population accepted with great acclaim-it promised legal and political guarantees of the personal and political rights of all citizens. There also was a promis of rehabilitation of those innocently jailed and persecuted and a pledge of constitutional guarantees of freedom of assembly and association. 84 Still more significant than the official statement and programs were the views of writers freely expressed in journals like Kulturny zivot or Nove slovo which, after it had been banned when Husak was condemned as bourgeois nationalist, began to appear again. The writers asked for �SLOVAKIA 21 much more than the political leaders promised, and in hundreds of articles or answers to the question "what could be done to accelerate the process of democratization"85 they created an atmosphere that gave to the population the feeling of freedom and of big hopes for the future. At the same time they irritated, however, Moscow and her satellites. After the treatening letter from Warsaw not only Moscow but also the other communist countries reacted with increasing pressure. Dubcek, supported by the majority of the population, resisted the pressure and it seemed that after the Conference at cierna nad Tisou on July 14, and especially after the meeting of the representatives of all 5 communist countries in Bratislava on August 3rd, the differences were settled and the danger of an intervention avoided. Czechs and Slovaks were still engaged in a free discussion of the necessity of reforms86 and planned the congresses of both the Czechoslovak and Slovak Communist Parties, when during the night of August 20, the country was brutally invaded by the forces of the Warsaw Pact and the liberalization and democratization process was dramatically brought to an end.87 The planned reforms, the atmosphere of freedom, the abolition of censorship and terror, even if the Communist party was to remain in power, was unacceptable for Moscow. All this represented dangerous ideological innovations and seemed to be too contagious to be tolerated by the leaders of the Kremlin and the autocratic rulers in Warsaw, Budapest and East Germany. As it later appeared from Moscow's explanation of the invasion, Hitler's "Lebensraum doctrine" was replaced by Brezhnev's doctrine of the right of the Soviet Union to intervene in the socialist countries and to impose the Soviet system and social order on the lands within the Soviet zone of influence. While the liberalization process was aborted by the invasion, the federalization process was not basically affected. For some time it seemed that Moscow could convince G. Husak, who became leader of the Slovak Communist Party, to accept another solution: an "independent" Slovak Socialist Republic or a Slovak Soviet Republic within the Union of the Soviet Socialist Republics. This �22 SLOVAKIA solution of the 50 years old dispute over the relations between the Slovaks and Czechs was considered even in the West as highly probable, because both a Soviet socialist republic and an independent Slovak State were the aim of the Slovak uprising of 1944, in its original stage.BB The reaction to the invasion was, however, of such intensity and the feelings against Moscow were so strong, that neither Husak nor anybody else was ready to lead the Slovaks out of Czecho-Slovakia at this time. Husak accepted the function of the head of a commission in charge of preparing the transformation of Czecho-Slovakia into a confederation of two republics, the Czech and the Slovak Socialist Republic and he used all his perseverance and ability to this end. The constitutional law, transforming the centralist state ruled by the Czechs, was adopted by the Assembly on October 27, 1968, as Law No. 143. It was signed and solemnly proclaimed on October 30, at the Bratislava Castle in Slovakia, with the provision that it will take effect on January 1st, 1969. At the signing ceremonies the President of the Republic, Ludvik Svoboda, termed federalization a progressive and historic act that would improme the social order and welfare of both Czechs and Slovaks. Alexander Dubcek, the First Secretary of the Czechoslovak Communist Party, and G. Husak, the Secretary of the Slovak Communist Party, spoke of federalization as strengthening the unity of the state and creating a basis for better future relations between the Czechs and Slovaks. Slovaks, especially Slovak youth of Bratislava, cheered outside the Bratislava Castle when the law was signed, even though its contents were not known in detail and the reminiscences of a similar law adopted in 1938 and its subsequent violation by Prague 6 months later, were not forgotten by the Slovak people. The fear of a possible inclusion of Slovakia into the Soviet Union, if Slovakia completely separated from the Czechs, compels apparently even many of those Slovaks who do not believe that the Czechs would honor the new agreements, to accept federalization as a solution to the Slovak problem in the present international situation. The constitutional law signed in Bratislava, establishes �SLOVAKIA 23 the basic federal structure, leaving specific prov1s10ns about the rights and responsibilities of the federal organs to another law which was passed by the National Assembly in November. Basically, the constitutional changes solve the problem of the existence of two nations-the Czech and the Slovak-by setting up a federal National Assembly consisting of an Assembly of the People, elected on the basis of proportional representation, and an Assembly of Nations, in which Czechs and Slovaks will have equal representation. In this respect the Soviet constitution seemed to be the model while in other respects the federal structure of Czecho-Slovakia is similar to the structure of European and American constitutions. Law No. 143 reserves to the federal domain responsibilities for foreign policy, defense and curency and the areas of culture and education are reserved to the domain of the member-states to the Czech Socialist Republic and the Slovak Socialist Republic. Both republics have equal status according to this Law and the sovereignty of both "national states" should be respected. However, this "sovereignty" is limited by the articles 7 to 28 of the Law to such an extent, that we can hardly compare the new Czecho-Slovakia with Switzerland or the Canadian Federation. Even less can the federal structure of Czecho-Slovakia be compared with Austria-Hungary after the Ausgleich of 1867, which historically and politically is the closest example. However, one of the interesting features of this constitutional reform is the provision of Law No. 143 about the "right of self-determination" which gives the Slovaks the right to secession. The political autonomy which the "Law on the Federation" provides for Slovakia is, on the other hand, limited by the fact that the Communist Party was not reorganized to reflect the federal structure of the State. As a result the political power remains concentrated in, and the most important decisions will be taken in Prague by bodies composed of a majority of Czech members. Since many Czechs accepted only reluctantly the federalization of the Republic, difficulties and dissensions are to be expected. For the second time in three decades the Slovak struggle for national rig·hts within a federalized Czecho-Slovakia was fought in the middle of an international crisis: in 1938 in the Munich crisis and in 1968 under the Soviet occupa- �24 SLOVAKIA tion. It remains to be seen whether Prague learned the lesson this time or whether there will be an aftermath as in 1939. Slovaks in the free world accepted the federalization with distrust and misgivings and did not ease to advocate the right of the Slovak people for an independent, democratic Slovak Republic. 89 Dr. Joseph M. Kirschbaum is former university professor and author of several books and studies on Slovakia in English and other languages. 1) See H. G. Skilling, Communism National and International (Toronto, 1964), pp. 86-95, and William E. Griffith, Communism in Europe ( Cambridge, Mass., 1966), II, pp. 257-65. 2) S. Z. Pech, "New Avenues in Eastern European History", Canadian Slavonic Papers, X, 1 ( 1968), 14-15. See also W. F . Griffith, "Myth and Reality in Czechoslovak History", Eastern European History, II, 3, 84. 3) See Wm. Diamond, Czechoslovakia Between East And West (London, 1947), p. 50 and Stefan Glejdura, Los Grandes Problemas Del Este Europeo: Eslovaquia (Madrid, 1968) , pp. 29-32. Slovak communists were supported in obtaining this especially by Gottwald, who proclaimed the agreement to the " Magna Charta of the Slovak Nation". See Griffith, Communism in Europe, pp. 183-93. 4 ) See Skilling, " The Czechoslovak Constitutional System: The Soviet Impact," Political Science Quarterly, LXVII, 2 (1952); Griffith , Communism in Europe, pp. 135 ff., and K. Glaser, Czecho-Slovakia: A Critical History ( Caldwell, Id., 1960), pp. 87-139. 5) G. Husak, one of the main leaders, declared at the beginning of the uprising: "It must be said openly that our people would welcome with enthusiasm the removal of frontiers and customs between us and the other Slav nations, especially between Slovaks and Russians," Nove Slovo, September 24, 1944. See also S. Falt'an, Historicky casopis, 4 (1966), 589. L. Novomesky, who was sent during the uprising from Slovakia to London, did not "conceal his doubts as to whether it was wise for Slovakia to remain within the small Czechoslovakia when it could join the great Soviet Union," J. Korbel, The Communist Subversion of Czechoslovakia, 1938-1948 (Princeton, 1959 ), p. 72. See also Griffith, Communism in Europe, pp. 179-85 and Joseph A. Mikus, Slovakia: A Political History 19181930 (Milwaukee, Wis., 1963) pp. 185-90. 6) Jozef Jablonicky, "Slovenske narodne povstanie - nova faza v rieseni vzt'ahov medzi cechmi a Slovakmi" (Slovak National Uprising: A New Phase in the Solution of the Relations between the Czechs and Slovaks) , Historicky casopis, XII, 3 (1964), 236. See also J . Korbel, The Communist Subversion, pp. 32, 68-72, and S. Falt'an, Historicky casopis, XII, 140, 2, 161-84. 7) For details on the religious situation in Slovakia after 1945 see �SLOVAKIA 8) 9) 10 ) 11 ) 12) 25 T. G. Zubek, The Church of Silence in Slovakia (Whiting, Indiana, 1956); Stefan Nahalka, La Slovacchia d'Oggi (Rome, 1957); Joseph Pauco, Christian Slovakia (Valparaiso, Ind. , 1959) ; J . A. Mikus, op. cit. p. 164-185 and P. Hnilica, S. J., "The Church under Totalitarian Rule" in Collier and Glaser (ed.), Elements of Change in Eastern Europe, (Chicago, 1968), pp. 136-149. See Kirschbaum, "Slovak Literature under the Soviet Impact", Slavic and East European Studies, Vol. 1, no. 1, and Imrich Kruzliak, Kulturne Slovensko v rokoch 1945-1966 (Culture in Slovakia in the years 1945-66), (Munich, 1967). Skilling, The Governments of Communist East Europe, op. cit., p. 202, and "People's Democracy, The Proletarian Dictatorship and the Czechoslovak Path to Socialism", The American Slavic and East European Review, X, 2 (April 1951) , 100-16. Skilling, Commimism national . .. , op. cit. , p. 88. The Communist Party of Slovakia was founded in May 1939 as an illegal party and was. recognized as an independent party by the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, as well as by the leaders of the Czech Communist Party in Moscow. It maintained its independence until 1948. For more details see Z. Elias and J. Netik "Czechoslovakia" in W. E. Griffith Communism in Europe, (Cambridge, Mass., 1966) 2. volume pp. 174-186 and Bohuslav Graca "Komunisticka strana Slovenska" (The Communist Party of Slovakia), Nova Mysl, No. 5, May 1961. Even in the party the Slovaks were poorly represented at the center, with their chief spokesman the Prime Minister, Siroky, and the Slovak party chief, Bacilek, both only partly Slovak in origin. Pavol David was the only undisputed Slovak in the party command. Skilling, Communism National, op. cit. p. 94 ; See also Griffith, op. cit. pp. 210-215 and Miku~, op. cit., pp. 291-302. Taborsky, op cit. p. 336 and H. G. Skilling, "The Czechoslovak Constitution of 1960 and the transition to Communism", Journal of Politics, XXIV, 1, 1962, pp. 156-59. See also Edward Kucera, K nekterym otazkam autonomie a postaveni Slovenska v ramci ceskoslovenske Republiky (About Some Questions of Autonomy 13) 14) 15) 16) and the Position of Slovakia within the Framework of the Czechoslovak Republic) , (Prague, 1954). Jan Moura! Slovenske narodni organy (Slovak National Organs), (Prague, 1958) and Collection of Laws of the Slov ak National Council, (Bratislava, 1954) . Skilling, The Governments of Commimist East E urope, op. cit. p. 156 and Taborsky op. cit. pp. 338-240, and Griffith, op. cit. p. 235 and off. Several Slovak Communist intellectuals made attempts at definitions of this period. See Kulturny Zivot, April 27, 1963-Proceedings of the Congress of the Slovak Writers. After the execution of V. Clementis, Slovaks were withdrawn from practically all diplomatic posts abroad (out of 97 ambassadors only 5 were Slovaks) and writers, who served as cultural attaches were �26 17 ) 18) 19) 20) 21) 22) 23 ) 24 ) 25 ) 26) 27 ) SLOVAKIA hit particularly hard. On Clementis see Griffith, op. cit. , p. 176 and Mikus, op. cit. , pp. 292-298. Skilling, Communism National . .. , op. cit. pp. 88, 85, 84 resp. and Glejdura , loc. cit. Novomesky, quoted by Skilling, ibid. p. 117. Taborsky, op cit. p. 344, See also Skilling, Communism national ... op. cit. pp. 94-96. Pravda, May 1st, 1956. Pravda, January 10 and 11, 1958, quoted in Taborsky, op. cit. p. 344. See Pavel Berka's article in c".:eskoslovensky prehled, vol. 5 ( 1958) , p. 27 and Taborsky, op. cit. p. 345. On Slovak Nationalism see B. S. Bue, Slovak Nationalism (Middletown, Pa .), 1960, R. A. Kann, The Multinational Empire (Rutgers University Press) , 1950, J. A. Mikus, La Slovaquie, individualite politique de l'Europ e centrale ( Centre de documentation internationale, Paris ) 1958, L . Gogolak, Beitriige zur Geschichte des Slowakischen Volkes (Munich) 196~ and E. Denis, La Question d'Autriche - Les Slovaques (Paris) , 1917. As Skilling writes, Western scholars "have failed to see that subjection of Slovaks to centralized Czech Communist rule has not dimmed the feeling of Slovak nationalism, even among Communists, and could produce a brave response. " See "Czechoslovakia", in A. Bromke (ed.) , The Communist states at the crossroads, (Praeger, New York, 1965) , p. 103. See Z. Elias and J . Netik in Griffith, Communism in Europe, op. cit. p. 162. Taborsky, op. cit. pp. 345-6. See also Skilling, Communism national . .. , op. cit. pp. 112-130. Among Canadian scholars it is especially Prof. H. Gordon Skilling who published several well documented studies on this period. In the United States S. D. Kertesz, Philip E . Mosley, William E Griffith and K. Glaser and D. S. Collier as editors or contributors to symposia brought the problems to the attention of Western readers. On the Slovak side the weekly Kulturny Zivot became the main tribune. The articles by M. Hysko, 0 . Pavlik, E. Lobl, L . Mnacko, G. Husak, F. Falt'an, L. Novomesky, V. Mihalik and others analyzed the period of the cult of personality. On the Czech side the periodical Nova Mys/., Litenirni Noviny and Literarni Listy offer a number of interesting articles by Czech intellectuals on this subject. 28 ) See articles in Kulturny Ziv ot by Ondrej Pavlik (April 27, and August 10, 1963 ) and by V. Mihalik and V. Pet'ko (May 25 and April 20 respectively, and an article by J . Fojtik in Rude Pravo (March 29, 1963) . 29 ) Philip E. Mosley, " Eastern Europe in World Power Politics", D. S. Collier and K. Glaser, (ed. ), Elem ents of Change in Eastern Europe, Chicago, 1966, pp. 61-62. '') As wrote prof. Mosley in 1965. 30 ) Usneseni a do kum enty ust fe dniho v yboru komunisticke strany Ceskoslovenska, Vol. II, (Prague, 1962), pp. 5-57. English excerpts of �SLOVAKIA 31) 32) 33) 34) 35 ) 36) 37) 38) 39) 40 ) 41 ) 42 ) 43) 44) 45 ) 27 this speech can be found in A. Dallin, Diversity in International Communism (Columbia U. P. New York) , 1963, pp. 298-313. See M . Hysko's speech at the Congress of Slovak journalists, published in Pravda, June 13, 1963. The first open student manifestation against the regime in 1956 occurred in Slovakia's capital, Bratislava, during a student's festival, In a pocession through Bratislava's streets, Slovak university students carried a coffing with the following inscription: "Here lay buried democratic liberties". As the official radio Bratislava admitted , "this soon became a stirring and well-liked slogan." See Duchacek, Zoe. cit. p. 105. Duchacek, ibid., p. 103. H. G. Skilling " Eastern Europe and the West" in A. Bromke (ed.). The Communist States and the West, (A. Praeger. 1967) , p. 53. Duchacek, op. cit. p. 98, see also pp. 112-118. Skilling, Communism national . .. , op. cit. p. 90. According to Elias and Netik: "The predominant mood among the masses was one of indolence, striving for the satisfaction of crass material desires, general mistrust, and a decline of civic morale. Pilfering in industrial and agricultural enterprises, negligence in consumer services, a sorry state of disrepair in buildings, roads, machinery, and the like, although constantly deplored in the press, came to be accepted as a matter of course. The slogan "He who does not steal from the state steals from his family" was entirely symptomatic to the popular mood of the period, in spite of the fact that the supply of food and consumer goods had improved sufficiently to satisfy most normal needs of the population. loc. cit. p. 275. Skilling, Communism national . .. , op. cit. p. 194. See Rude Premo, November 24 and December 12, 1961. This survey concerns itself mainly with Slovakia and its role in the de-Stalinization process and, therefore, we will put the emphasis, without underestimating the Czech element, on the part which Slovakia and Slovaks played in this period. The Slovak Communist leaders, G. Husak, L. Novomesky, D. Okali and others, were actually imprisoned already in 1951-1952 and only their trials took place in 1954. For an interesting survey of the purges of Slovak "bourgeois nationalists" see " O nezakonnych procesoch a rehabilitacii od roku 1948" (About the illegal processes and rehabilitation since 1948). Vyber, June 1968 and Mikus, op. cit. pp. 291-302. Taborsky, op cit. p. 66. See Hromada. Prehl'ad ceskoslovenskych statnych organov (A survey of Czechoslovak State Organs), (Bratislava, 1955) , p. 26, K. Glaser, op. cit. pp. 154-178, Z. Elias and J. Netik in W. E . Griffith, op. cit. p. 197 and ff, and Mikus, op. cit. pp. 227-302. J . Netik and J. Franko Communism and Slovakia (Evaluation Report of RF E Research Unit, November 17, 1960) . Taborsky, op. cit. p. 214. See also Mikus, op. cit. pp. 226-224. Rude Pravo, Ma y 27, 1950. See also his article in Pravda, June 16, �28 46) 47) 48) 49) 50) 51) 52) 53) 54) 55) SLOVAKIA 1963 in which he charged that the personality cult "deformed life and violated our socialist humanism". This has been admitted also by some Czech writers in the West. "The wave of outspoken criticism clearly originated in Slovakia; but it was carried on, though in somewhat muted tones, at the Prague Writers' Third Congress on May 22-24, which heard a number of frank and courageous statements, particularly from the younger "literati". Z. Elias and J . Netik in Griffith, op. cit. p. 262. See Kulturny Zivot, April 27 and May 4, 1963. G. Husak recently published his account in Nove Slovo, June 1968, but it was known right after his release from jail. L. Holdos published his account in Smena, March 23, 1968, and both these " memoirs" describe the most revolting brutalities to which human beings were ever subject. E. Lobl published his experiences in a book Svedectvo o procese (Testimony about the Process) Bratislava, 1968. For excerpts in English see The Telegram (Toronto) July 18-19, 1968. Pravda, Bratislava, June 3, 1963. With Husak working behind the scenes, they also became later the "brain trust" of Alexander Dubcek, who was educated in the Soviet Union as an apparatchik, but retained an understanding for the human desire for freedom. See F . Vnuk, Sedemncisf neitrodnych rokov ( Seventeen Barren Years), (An outline of Slovak Literature) in 1945-62, Middletown, Pa., 1965, and I. Kruzliak, Kulturne Slovensko v rokoch 1945-1966 ( Culture in Slovakia in the years 1945-1966), Munich 1967. Kulturny Zivot, Vol. XVIII, No. 17, 1963, articles by P. Karvas, A. Plavka, L. Mnacko, M. Chorvath and others. K. Rosenbaum, ibidem, No. 18 and J. Bzoch, No. 20. Some writers had the courage to say even before the Congresses that "the cult of personality, closely knit with dogmatism, limited and hampered creative scientific work" and that "from the field of social sciences mostly suffered historiography of the recent period". Samo Falt'an, "Hist6ria a dnesok" (History and the Present), Kulturny Zivot, Vol. XVIII, No. 12, 1963. At the Congress of Slovak Jounalists Hysko also said that " the socialist journalist should respect directions only if they are not in conflict with the fundamental principles of socialist morality". Pravda, June 13, 1963. The significance of Hysko's speech lies in the fact that he brought into the open many Slovak grievances, in particular the treatment of Slovaks at the hands of the Czech leadership. Minac created a storm of protests also in 1968 by accusing the policy of Dr Benes as an attempt "near genocide" of the Slovak people. See Vyber, July 5, 1968, pp.9-11. Skilling, Communism national, op. cit. pp. 114116. For the text of speeches and resolutions see Kulturny zivot, Vol. XVIII, No. 21, 22 (resolutions) and 23. See also K. Greiner "Wurzeln der liberalisierung Tendenzen in der Tschecho-Slowakei" . In Entwicklungen im Kommunismits (Verband der Freien Presse), Munich, 1967, pp. 123-131. �SLOVAKIA 56) 57) 58) 59) 29 Kulturny Zivot, Vol. XVIII, No. 21. Ibidem , No. 22. Ibidem. Z. Elias and J. Netik in Wm. E. Griffith, Communism in Eiirope , op. cit. p. 157. 60) Pravda, (B ratislava) , June 13, 1963. For fuller discussion see Skilling Commiinism national ... , op. cit. pp. 122-124. 61 ) See Riide Prcivo, August 22, 1963. On the purges of Slovak " Bourgeois nationalists" see E. Fris, Plamen, no. 8, August 1964, Z. Elias and J . Netik in Griffith, op. cit. pp. 210-215 and Mikus, op. cit. pp. 291-302. 62) See Pravda , (Bratislava ), September 23 , 1963. On Siroky and his role in Slovak politics see Mikus, op. cit. p. 298. 63) See H. Kuhn, "Czechoslovakia", in D. Vollier and K. Glaser (ed.) op. cit. pp. 161-164, and K. Greiner, Zoe. cit. pp. 117--148. 64) In the respect the economist Eugen Lobl who was imprisoned with R. Slansky, led the struggle in Kulturny Zivot, H . Koctuch in Slovenske pohl'ady: see also R. Selucky in Kiilturny Zivot, (August 10, 1963, September 28, 1963, November 2, 1963) , and Hospodcirske Noviny, ( November 8 and 15, 1963), for the Czech views. 65) Several intellectuals were dealing with the ideological deformation : 0. Pavlik, M. Kusy, J . Uher, G. Husak, L. Mnacko, K. Rosenbaum , M. Hamada, and others, not only in Kiilturny Zivot, but also in Pravda (Bratislava) , PLamen, and Smena (Bratislava) . 66) The sharpest attacks on Prague's cultural policy towards Slovakia were written by the poet V. Mihalik. See Kulturny Zivot, No. 49, 1965 and No. 8, 1966. 67) Against the misrepresentation and misinterpretation of Slovak history and of the role the Slovaks played during the War see the writings of Slovak intellec tua l,: in Historicky casopis (Historical Review ) as well as Kulturny Zivot. Among the best articles were those written by S. Falt'an, K. Luptak, J . Fabian, E. Fris. See also G. Husak, Svedectvo o slovenskom ncirodnom povstani (Testimony about the Slovak National Uprising), (Bratislava, 1964). 68) See E. Lobl, "O dogmatizme v ekonomickom mysleni" ( About Dogmatism in Economic Thinking), Kulturny Zivot, Sept. 28, No.39, and Oct. 12, No. 41, 1963. Ota Sik, " Akoby nemal vyzerat' antidogmatizmus" (What anti-dogmatism should not be like ), Kiilturny Zivot, No. 44, Nov. 2, 1963, and the proposals of the economists for the perfection and planned direction of the National Economy, Rude Prcivo, Oct. 17, 1964. 69) "The Slovak poblem does exist in our country- wrote in 1964 K. Bartoska-of a complexity and urgency that we failed to realize and did not want to admit. It turns out that the economic equalization of the Czech lands and of Slovakia is not the exhaustive solution of the Slovak complex question". Plamen, No. 5, 1964. 70 ) Elias and Netik, in Griffith, op. cit. p. 275. 71 ) For fuller discussion of the years following the Congress of Writers, see Z. Elias and Netik in Griffith, op. cit. pp. 260-277. 72 ) On Bacilek and his role in the persecution of Slovak "bourgeois �30 73) 74) 75) 76) 77) 78 ) SLOVAKIA nationalists" see Taborsky, op. cit. p. 344, Griffith, op. cit. p. 176 and Mikus, op. cit. pp. 291-302. See Kulturny Zivot, May-July, 1968, and Jacques Marcelle, Le Deuxieme Coup de Prague (Les Editions Vie Ouvriere, Bruxelles, 1968), pp. 183-189. "The sense of urgency which the Slovaks felt about federalism was not matched in the Czech lands" , writes Skilling, "and there was dissatisfaction in Slovakia with the slow pace of planning. There was, however, considerable difference of opinion about the distribution of authority under the proposed federal constitution, with some Slovaks arguing for a very narrow range of federal authority, including only foreign affairs, defense, and finance, and others, mainly Czechs, seeking a much stronger central authority. Even more productive of controversy was the Slovak demand for Parity of representation in the central organs, both executive and legislative, a demand which most Czechs, in spite of their readiness to adopt provisions protecting vital Slovak interests against outvoting by the Czech majority, were unwilling to accept." See Skilling, 'Czecho-Slovakia's Interrupted Revolution" , Canadian Slavonic Papers, vol. X, 4, 1968, p. 419. The historian Milos Gosiorovsky is credited with the iniciative, but Novotny refused to discuss his proposal and ordered sanctions against him. See Vyber, July 19, 1968, pp. 7-8. According to Pravda (Bratislava), February 2, 1968, he said in his first major policy statement on February 1st, 1968: "The Czechs and the Slovaks are nations both equal and able to create their own states. It is our role to strengthen and, in practice, safeguard our people's belief that the Republic open to Czechs and Slovaks additional prospects ... " On the role of Slovakia see G. Husak, "Prinos k januarovym zmenam" (Slovak contribution to the post-January changes), Vyber, December 6, 1968. In this respect namely the so-called "Two Thousand Words" manifesto deserves mention. It provoked an angry reaction in Moscow and in Warsaw at the meeting of the communist parties, on July 15, at which five communist parties sent a threatening letter to Prague. The manifesto was published by Litercirni Listy on June 27, 1968 and was conceived by the communist writer Ludvik Vaculik. 79 ) For a survey of events and documentary articles see Pierre Desgraupes and Pierre Dumayet (ed.), Prague - l'ete des tanks, "L'Histoire a la Une", (Paris, 1968) , the monthly East Europe , January-September, 1968, and Jacques Marcelle, Le Deuxieme coup de Prague, (Editions Vie Ouvriere, Bruxelles, 1968). 80 ) Skilling, Joe cit. p. 4Q9. 81) Skilling, ibid. p. 410. 82 ) See M . Lakatos, " Some Problems of Socialist Democracy ... " Prcivn y Obzor, 3, (1968). According to J. Bob they wanted "cultural, humanistic, democratic" Socialism. See Kulturny Zivot, May 24, 1968. �SLOVAKIA 31 83) Openly anti-communist views were of course not allowed. Only the past policies of the Communist Party could be freely criticised. 84 ) Rehabilitation was embodied in a law passed in June, but it referred only to those who were tried between October 1948 and July 1965. It left out thousands of victims condemned for political reasons between 1945-1948 when anti-communists were systematically eliminated from public life, jailed or executed. See Mikus, op. cit. pp. 167-68. According to Skilling the Action Programme "was a relatively moderated programme, acceptable to the conservative and moderate reformers, but not satisfying the more radical ones". Loe. cit. p. 426. 85 ) See an answer by five Slovak writers in Kulturny Zivot, June 21 , 1968. See also G. Husak "Dejinna prilezitost'" (A Historical occasion) , Pravda (Bratislava, May 9, 1968). 86) On the reaction of Slovak intellectuals to the invasion see L. Mnacko, "Die siebente Nacht - Erkenntnis und Anklage eines.Kommunisten" (The Seventh Night - Confession and Accusation of a Communist), (Verlag Fritz Molden, Wien, Miinchen, Ziirich), October 1968, and Slovak journals of September-December. On the international implications see Adam Bromke "Czechoslovakia and the World: 1968", Canadian Slavonic Papers, X, 4, pp. 581-591. On the reaction of the Government and of the Communist Parties, see Dokumenty o okupacii CSR (Documents on the occupation of Czecho-Slovakia), Bratislava 1968. 87 ) Among the contributions to the discussion on democratization and federalization worth of mentioning are: H. Koctuch "Federacia? Konfederacia? ", Kulturny Zivot, March 22, 1968, and "Buduce moznosti a mozna buducnost"', Nove slovo, June 13, 1968; Julius Strinka "Federalizacia a demokratizacia", Kulturny zivot, April 5, 1968; Prof. K. Plank, "Niekol'ko uvah o federalizacii nasho statu" , Sloboda, June 28, 1968; Dr. M. Gaspar, "Aspekty federalizacie CSR", Sloboda, June 14, 1968; and "Federalizacia - Demokracia", Vyber, July 19, 1968. 88) See Historicky casopis (Historical Review), Vol. XII, 3, 1964, and Nove slovo, September 24, 1944, as well as part one of this survey. 89) See articles and comment on this subject in Slovak v Amerike (U.S.A.), Kanadsky Slovak (Canada), cernakov Odkaz (Germany) , Slovensky stit (Australia) etc. A8 AmeTic·arn,, me111ber 8 of the Nlon.1k l,eague of America fi1'Jnl,v bel ie ,·e that the Slon.tk nation, jnst as all nahomi, has a11 i11here11t. and God-given right to freedom and i11clepencle11cc. r['hey are dedicated to the cause of the A rn eri ra n way of life, Slornk freec1om and world peace and ,ne detm·mined to oppose the plague of Comnnrnisrn and all othi-ir totahtaTian political systernR. � SLOVAKIA 3 Slovakia in the Struggle for Liberalization and Federalization of Czecho-Slovakia J. M. Kirschbaum From the very beginning- of the restoration of CzechoSlovakia in 1945, Slovakia played, directly and indirectly, an important role in the internal policy of Czecho-Slovakia and in the fate of the Stalinist regime. Not ony was this role more important than is generally recognized, but it was also of primary significance in the imposition of the communist system and, since 1962, in its liberalization. Some western experts on Eastern Europe overlooked Slovakia's influence on the course of events in this "loyal" and "most faithful satellite" , as the post-War II CzechoSlovakia was called in the West. 1 From the communist take-over in 1948 to the liberalization and federalization process in 1967-68, they dealt extensively with the changes in Prague's internal and axternal policy, but their analysis of the elements of change involved was often biased, as Prof. S. Z. Pech recently pointed out: Although Western specialists in Eastern European history have usually regarded it as their task to make the West familiar with the entire panorama of the polyglot region, they have in practice often been selective in the favours they bestowed on each nation. They have incorporated in their work, in modified form, the outlook and the prejudices of the nations which they "adopted". To give the most conspicuous examples, they viewed Slovak history through Czech eyes and Ukrainian history through Polish (or Russian) eyes. In so doing, they have in fact created a second-class status for certain nations. The history of the Slovaks in the West has usually been presented from the point of view of "Czechoslovakism " and has appeared as hardly more than a postscript to C:&ech history.2 It is the purpose of this survey to record and to discuss the overlooked elements and to assess the role which Slovakia and her communist elite played, first in imposing the communist system and then in forcing the Stalinist regime of Antonin Novotny to loosen the iron grip, and finally to step down and to free the way for the liberaliza. tion of the regime and the federalization of the state. When Czecho-Slovakia was restored in 1945, an auto- �4 SLOVAKIA nomous status, with extensive powers for Slovak national organs-the Slovak National Council and the Board of Commissioners-was ensured for Slovakia. In the so-called "Kosice programme" it was stated that "the Slovaks should be the masters in their Slovak land just as the Czechs in their Czech homeland" and that the government "will regard the Slovak National Council not only as the rightful representative of the individual Slovak nation, but also as bearer of sovereign right on Slovak territory". 3 Under the constitution of 1948, the National Council as well as the Board of Commissioners was given the powers of an autonomous government, so that Slovakia enjoyed "a special position in a system which was neither federal nor autonomous, but presented a peculiar form of 'dualism'."4 Rejected by a 70 per cent majority of the popular vote in the elections of 1946, the Slovak Communists changed, however, their attitude towards the political status of Slovakia. The defeat angered and surprised the Communist leadership and led them to abandon not only original idea of an independent Slovak Republic 5 or a Slovak Soviet Republic 6 , but also the autonomous status of Slovakia ,vithin a federated Czecho-Slovakia. After the coup d'etat of 1948, the Communists eliminated not only the Slovak Democratic representatives from the National Council and all public offices, but Slovakia lost systematically what was left of her original autono mous status, which underwent several changes by the socalled Prague Agreements. And if the population, especially the Catholic majority, suffered between 1945-48 for not siding with the Communis ts, in the new situation they had to experience persecution not only for political reasons, but also for religious affiliation and non-proletarian background7 or resistance to socialization and collectivization. The "people's democracy" and all that it implied: " socialist patriotism", looking at the Soviet Union as the "patria" of Slovak Communists, "socialist realism" 8 , and the "party spirit", was introduced in Slovakia as in the rest of East Europe in an effort to transform Slovaks into a new type of "socialist" men, who "would be loyal to the existing regime, and obedient to its commands, and faithful also to the Soviet Union and world communism". 9 Life was supposed to be "directed in the spirit of Marxism-Leninism" �SLOVAKIA 5 and the "scientific world outlook" and historical materialism were to replace religion and nationalism. From 1948 on, this transformation was forced upon Slovaks through brute force by the Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia which left to the Communist Party of Slovakia practically no influence in the Slovak affairs. The Communist Party of Czechoslovakia "after 1947 subordinated the Slovaks to increasingly centralist rule from Prague, and trod underfoot the nationalist feelings even of Slovak Communists". 10 Those who tried to defend " the gains of the Slovak uprising" or were suspected of such intentions, were, in 1950, removed from public life as "bourgeois nationalists", incarcerated (Husak, Novomesky, Okali, Rasla, etc .) or hanged (Clementis, zingor) and replaced by obedient persons of non-Slovak origin (Siroky, Bacilek) in the Party as well as in the government.11 At the same time in spite of the provisions of the Constitution of May 9, 1948, the legislative and executive powers of the Slovak National Council and of the Board of Commissioners were drastically reduced and both institutions became subordinated to the Prague government. The Board of Commissioners had first to "abide by the directives and instructions of the Cabinet" and later, in 1960, was completely abolished. The Slovak National Council could still legislate, but the Council's laws had to b e signed by the Prime Minister, who could summon, adjourn and even dissolve the Council. Since in the National Assembly and in the Prague government the Slovaks were in minority, there was nothing, not even a theoretical possibility to protect Slovakia against the rule of Prague, because the Constitution "failed to provide for any guarantee that would protect the Slovak minority against the Czech majority ... As more than three-fifths of Czechoslovak legislators came from the Czech provinces, anything could be done with the status of Slovakia, even if all the Slovak reprezentatives opposed it".12 Within a few years Czecho-Slovakia had become "a highly centralized state, and Slovak home rule reduced almost to nil. In the post-1956 climate, some gestures were made to broaden the authority of the Slovak bodies. Increasing emphasis was laid, however, on the necessity �6 SLOVAKIA of integrating Slovakia within a unified economy, and even the bare forms of Slovak autonomy were still the object of suspicion by the regime. The Constitution adopted in 1960 further weakened the position of Slovakia". 13 It was, however, the general political atmosphere, the brutality of the police, the concentration and forced labour camps, the persecution for "deviation" or religious beliefs, which characterized this period, called alternatively "period of dogmatism" , period of the "cult of personality" or period of "deformation" and "Stalinism". 14 Denouced later by L. Novomesky as "monstrous and horrible", this period "wiped out trust, confidence, understanding, yes even loyalty in the life and consciousness of thousands and thousands of people". 15 Slovak national feelings and pride were hurt in this period also by Prague's economic and cultural policy16 and by a transfer of some 400 to 500 thousand Slovaks to the Czech provinces from which the Sudeten Germans had been expelled and where the Slovaks became denationalized, being deprived of Slovak Schools and organizations. While the Hungarian minority in Slovakia, also numbering some 500,000 had schools of all categories, cultural organizations, newspapers and representation in the administration of the state, the Slovak minority in the Czech part of the country was destined for fast denationalization. The economic measures of N ovotny's government hurt Slovaks even more. Slovakia was industrialized mostly by old machinery, transferred from the Sudeten German areas, or large factories lacking raw materials in Slovakia, to serve rather Soviet and Czech, than Slovak needs. From 1960 on, industry was unable to compete or to meet required levels of production. As a result, Slovakia suffered by the lowering of standards, and Slovaks were hurt by the admonitions and reproaches of Prague, particularly after Novotny's regime had curtailed the power of the Slovak administrative organs and had concentrated the administration of Slovakia in Prague and in Czech hands . Thus the years after the coup d'etat present a story of drastic changes in forms and institutions as well as in their practical working. The actual situation was in flagrant contradiction with the promises of the Slovak Communist Party of the autonomous status proposed for �SLOVAKIA 7 Slovakia. It is also a story of the mutual mistrust between the Czechs and Slovaks and the resulting clashes of which the outside world learned very little. In their subservience to Moscow and in their desire to imitate, if not surpass, Stalin's methods and general policy, the Communist leaders in Prague went further than any other satellite. "The system of terror was no less severe than in Albania, Hungary and Bulgaria, and in some respects went even further than these classic practitioners of this art". " Even during the critical months of 1956, Czechoslovakia had remained a model of Stalinist orthodoxy and exhibited none of the "fever" which had infected other satellites, notably the closest neighbours north and south. From the Communist point of view, Czechoslovakia was a most faithful associate of the Soviet Union, showing no evidence of dangerous dissatisfaction or domestic instability, and giving her full support to the Moscow Gospel as interpreted by Krushchev" . "In fact in the year which followed the XXII Congress in October 1961, Czechoslovakia, unlike some of its neighbours, was hardly influenced at all by the new spirit of Moscow, and showed no signs of relaxing its strongly Stalinist course. Paradoxically, this country, almost unique in its devotion and subservience to Moscow, was increasingly out of step with Krushchev's polic)' of de-Stalinization. "Orthodoxy" seemed to envolve into " heterodoxy" . "17 With regard to Slovakia the Prague Government used their power "to sweep away from the history of Slovak culture an entire past", according to Novomesky, and brought "a terrible curse on the life of the country." 18 This treatment of Slovakia could not, of course, influence the Slovaks for Czecho-Slovakia or Communism. On the contrary, even "the slight concessions of 1956-1958 were bound to leave the Slovaks unimpressed and could in no way detract from Slovak bitterness toward the treatment to which they had been exposed ever since the KSc (Communist Party of Czechoslovakia) leaders abandoned their calculative support of Slovak autonomism in 1946."19 This did not remain unnoticed by the Government and its press which deplored the "lack of confidence and the suspicion of fear" between the Czechs and the Slovaks, but laid blame on "the neglect of Leninist principles," 28 and on Slovak "bourgeois nationalistic tendencies". These tendencies according to complaints made by the Slovak Party's First Secretary, Karel Bacilek, at the session of the Central Committee in January 1958, have penetrated �8 SLOVAKIA "various fields of our cultural, political and scientific life; sports; the state apparatus; economic organs; and so on". 21 Slovaks could not be gained for the regime even by retrospective attacks on "Czecho-Slovakism", the concept that the Slovaks and the Czechs were ethnically, linguistically and culturally one nation, which had alienated the Slovaks to Masaryk's republic, and which Vaclav Kopecky, speaking on behalf of the KSC's Czech hierarchy, called in 1958 "an imperialist conception of national oppression of the Slovaks " 22 Since the Slovaks felt even more oppressed, more humiliated and exploited under the Communist regime than by the "bourgeois" regimes of 1918-1938, !5uch proclamations could not change the feelings of Slovaks and their attitude towards Prague. From 1948, and for a great part of Slovak population from 1946, Prague hurt even the pride of the Slovak Communists too deeply to be able to heal the wounds by condemning "Czechoslovakism" of the pre-War years. There was no comparison with the treatment which Slovaks received from Prague between the Wars and from the Communist rule after 1946. And Slovak nationalism, 23 which is a force rarely understood or interpreted properly by Western Scholars, was stronger after the War than at any time before, because the leftist elements also wanted Slovakia governed by Slovaks.24 Already before the Second World War nationalism was a force among Slovaks "directed against any authority residing outside Slovakia". 25 The period of the Slovak republic (1939-1945) and the uprising of 1944 undoubtedly st.renghtened the aversion against any foreign domination of Slovakia. All the restrictions of the powers of Slovak national organs, the trials of the leaders of the uprising as "bourgeois nationalists" and harsh economic centralization by the Prague Communist regime could not but create strong feeling of oppressinn and compromised relations between the Czechs and Slovaks. By 1958 the relations between the Czechs and Slovaks deteriorated to such a degree that even according to E. Taborsky a close collaborator of Dr. E. Benes, " while such declaration as above might have flattered the Slovaks in 1945, they fell on deaf ears in 1958. Nor could the communist leaders derive much comfort from the "improvement" in the Slovak class �SLOVAKIA 9 structure resulting from the communist industrialization and collectivization drive. By building up Slovakia's backwoods areas, the regime has unwittingly prodded the Slovaks' pride and self-confidence, and thus helped to underpin the same Slovak nationalism it has been trying so hard to blot out. Having acquired the know-how and the ability to run the system themselves, the Slovaks Communists and non-communists alike-resent being ordered around by their elder Czech brethren." 26 This rule of party dictatorship and police terror is normally divided into two periods: in a period of strict Stalinist form of rule which in Czecho-Slovakia lasted until 1956 and a period of slow detachment from the Stalinist system, during which a lip service was paid to de-Stalinization, and lasted until 1963. There are many explanations as to why there was a lack of de-Stalinization in Czecho-Slovakia after the XXth and especially after the XXII Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and Krushchev's denunciation of Stalin and his rule. The Czech and Slovak press dealt from 1963 extensively with this problem and so did some foreign scholars. 27 There is, however, no unanimous explanation, as there is no unanimity in the designation of this period or in definitions of this particular labels, of which the label of "cult of personality" was used more generally than the others. 28 But there is no doubt that the first to attack the social and political aspects of this period and to call for changes were the Slovak Communist intellectuals. "Slovaks inspired by their memorable uprising of 1944 have taken the lead in the process of modernization of the regime, while the Czechs have, until recently, been more cautious or more lethargic." 29 '' The attacks and criticism of Slovak intellectuals were directed mainly against Antonin Novotny who succeeded Klement Gottwald as Secretary General of the Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia in 1953, and Antonin Zapotocky as President of the Republic in 1957. For ten years his iron grip on the Party and on the State did not allow to modify the totalitarian Stalinist features of the regime, and during his rule by "brute force" were liquidated or imprisoned Slovak Communist leaders, accused of " bourgeois nationalism" and tried in 1954. According to Communist sources, 30 the period of the cult of personality ended in 1953, but due to Novotny's repressive methods, use of police terror, and his brutal struggle against Slovak bourgeois nationalism, the cult of personality in the view �SLOVAKIA of Slovak intellectuals existed from 1949 to 1962.31 Only in the spring of 1963 serious efforts at de-Stalinization marked the political life in Czecho-Slovakia. Western specialists in Eastern Europe offered several answers to the question why the Stalinist regime survived for so many years, but their views do not seem to give a satisfactory explanation. The purge of the potential leader, Clementis, and the bogey of Slovak nationalism which hounded the Czech leadership of the Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia, as it did the democratic leaders before the second World War, are only partial explanations. The brutal Soviet repression of the Hungarian revolution and the fear of Germany, which is greater among Czech than in any other nation of Central Europe, may be other explanations, but on the whole, these reasons cannot explain why a country with old democratic traditions, with western culture, with a previously high standard of living, praised in the whole world, did not follow the example of Poland and Hungary, except in smallscale disturbances of workers in Pilsen in 1953, the demonstration of Slovak students, which also spread to Prague, 32 and the writers' protest of 1956.33 Nor the fact that the West did not help the East European countries, including Czecho-Slovakia, by a more moderate course in East-West relations can be even less responsible for the Czech obstinacy to de-Stalinize. It was doubtful then-and today it is certain-that any co-operation in Europe between West and East going beyond what has been done, would have "strengthened the ability of the East European states to follow a more independent course".34 The explanation that the Czech communist leaders "had long and open experience in politics prior to the accession to power and perhaps this fact accounts for their unity and their ability to survive"35 and continue to hold the Stalinist grip on the country, is also only partially satisfactory. In the Slansky's purge of 1952 were eliminated the representatives of a rigid Stalinism and not the revisionists, and as a result the new leaders could start a new course after Stalin's death, but they were apparently afraid to de-Stalinize without incriminating themselves. We can find the answer to the question of Stalinism �SLOVAKIA 11 in Czecho-Slovakia in the interplay of all these phenomena, but mainly in the fact, that "the completeness of Stalinist terror had brought about a situation where there was no one capable of giving leadership of a new anti-Stalinist course after 1956"36 and in the "realism" and in the "Good Soldier Schweik's" mentality of the Czech ruling majority of the population. Except for the small scale disturbances of workers in Pilsen, who were irked by the economic difficulties rather than by political oppression, and the students' demonstration in Bratislava and Prague, there was no sign of dissatifaction or open opposition among the Czech intellectuals or large masses.37 A a result the leaders of the Czechoslovak Communist Party were in no mood to depart from the Stalinist position, and the Soviet repression of the Hungarian revolution rather strengthened their belief that it was not necessary to modify their regime. The Czech and Slovak communist leaders "associated themselves with the Soviet verbal onslaught on Stalin, hoping, no doubt, that they might avoid necessity of taking genuine steps to modify their own Stalinism", 38 even later at the time of the clash between Moscow and Bucharest in 1961. The leaders of the Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia remained equally unnerved by the Sino-Soviet conflict and the idea of polycentricism. They saw in polycentricism a danger to internationalism of the Communist movement and considered the Communist Party of the Soviet Union as the "only center".39 Slovakia in the Struggle of de-Stalinization40 It is important to indicate at the outset, that after the execution of Clementis and the purges of 1954,41 the Communist leaders in Slovakia were handpicked by Prague, that they were neither intellectuals, nor theoreticians, and that some of them, like Siroky and Bacilek were even lacking in Slovak background. They were the hard-line " apparatchiks" of the Gottwald school and as such, unable to take a new course or to take part in the de-Stalinization process. Furthermore, "unlike their Czech comrades, the Slovaks have had no right to determine the fundamental lines of Party policy and, tactics, not even for Slovakia, or to adopt Party programs". 42 After the "Stalinist democratic centralism" was imposed upon Slovakia in 1948, decentral- �12 SLOVAKIA ization was replaced by the "centralizing tendencies, justified officially as being necessary for the successful construction of socialism. This centralization continued throughout the whole Stalinist era and was carried over into post-Stalin days. 43 "The statutory inferiority of the Slovak Party organs was amply corroborated by actual developments". 44 In addition, the Communists were very weak in membership in Slovakia in comparison with Bohemia-Moravia. Of the 2,311,966 members and candidates of the KSc in 1949 only 236,432 were from Slovakia, i.e. slightly over 10 percent, although more than one-quarter of Czecho-Slovakia's population lived in that area. Also, the Party's appeal to the youth was far less effective in Slovakia than in the rest of the country. While the over-all percentages of Party members below twenty-five years of age in 1949 was 14.5, the corresponding figure for Slovakia was only 9.7.45 Notwithstanding all these factors, it was in Slovakia where the open struggle for de-Stalinization began in April 1963,46 The interplay of political, psychological and economic reasons had made the Slovak communist intellectuals, mostly journalists and writers, bitter and they started to assail the Stalinist regime of Antonin Novotny on all three fronts: political, ideological and economic. The Slovaks were also irked by the fact that the resolutions of the XII Congress of the Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia, held in December 1962 spoke of the rehabilitation of the Communists who were sentenced between 1949-1953 , and disregarded the purges of Slovak "bourgeois nationalists", tried in 1954. The first outburst of open opposition took place at the Congress of Slovak Wr iters, held on April 21-22 in Bratislava, and a month later at the Congress of Slovak Journalists, also in Bratis1 ava, on May 27-28. While at the Congress of Slovak Writers, Karol Rosenbaum spoke of "inhuman methods" during the period of the "personality cult" and about forces sufficiently strong to prevent a return of the terror of that period,47 at the Congress of Slovak Journalists, M. Hysko, professor at the Slovak school of journalism, led the attack against the slowness of de-Stalinization by Novotny's government. Despite Novotny's warnings and personal attacks on Hysko and R. LIBRARY �SLOVAKIA 13 Kalisky a month later, these two Congresses unleashed forces which put the life Jf the country on the tracks of de-Stalinization and liberalization. There had been mounting dissatisfaction in Slovakia since the Congress of Slovak Writers in 1956 among the writers and journalists, who remained, after the imprisonment of the political leaders accused of "bourgeois nationalism", the only spokesmen for the Slovak people. In 1963 the spark for the open criticism of Novotny's regime and insistence on reforms was given by the return from jail of the "bourgeois nationalists". Their accounts 48 of brutality shook the conscience of Slovak writers and journalists, and they were shaken more than anyone else because some of them had contributed to the consideration of Husak and Novomesky, while others had praised the regime and its iron grip and were mute about brutality and persecution of innocent people in all walks of life. As Hysko said at the Congress of Slovak journalists, they also were partly guilty because they presented the innocent comrades as " criminals". 49 They now wanted to repair the damage done and from L. Mflacko, who became well-known abroad, to M. Hysko, V. Mihalik, V. Minac, Kalisky and others, the intellectuals denounced the Stalinist regime and its brutality and asked for reforms. 50 The Congress of Slovak Writers and the Congress of Slovak Journalists became more than mere meetings to discuss literary and cultural problems. As we see it now and as it was considered by many in 1963, it was the beginning of a serious effort to change the ruling system, to clear the atmosphere of the suffocating fear of oppression and to correct injustices and crime of the period of the cult of personality. Slovak writers and journalists played again the role of the "conscience of the nation" which the Stalinist terror not only silenced for many years but had found in some writers eager collaborators. 51 The editorials in Kulturny zivot before th6 Congress were entitled "Literature in the struggle for truth", 52 and the participants proved that they meant to have it thus. After the Congresses furthermore, they asked for "a clean table" and stated that "everything is not in order". 53 Slovak writers spoke in the same fighting spirit against the terror and for a "cult of truth" instead of a cult of 1 �14 SLOVAKIA personality also at the Congress of the Union of Czechoslovak Writers, held in Prague on May 22-24 of the same year. The words fear, falsification of facts, abuse of confidence were repeated time and again. Noteworthy were especially the outspoken speeches by the poets Vojtech Mihalik and Laco Novomesky, the dramatist Peter Karvas and the courageous writer V. Minac,54 the essayist M. Chorvat, Zora Jesenska and others. The Congress "revealed that the mood of discontent was not confined to Slovak writers only, but included their Czech colleagues. Almost without exception, the participants were critical in the extreme, not only of the worst evils prevailing in the cult period, but also of their continuance right down to the present. Speaker after speaker gave vent to the general public outrage at the horrors of the cult and the failure of the party to eliminate them since 1956, and spoke in individual ethical terms which had little to do with partymindedness. Truth and freedom were words frequently invoked". 55 The poet V. Mihalik spoke again about the duty of writers to be the "conscience of the nation" and bitterly critized the period of the cult of personality. 56 L. Mnacko, whose series "Belated Reports", well known for their exposure of the terror and injustices, began to appear in Kulturny zivot, spoke of the "mousetrap" and the "unrosy economic, political and moral situation of the country". 57 L. Novomesky whose contribution to the discussion was published under the heading "With comrade reason" and the contributions by Zora Jesenska and P. Karvas ("About one source of dogmatism") 58 completed the picture of dissatifaction with the past and present, insisting on the necessity of change and reforms. These congresses, as we now see launched CzechoSlovakia upon a new course, with consequences impredictable at that time. If until the early 1960's the Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia could have served as a laboratory speciment of die hard dogmatism and appeared practically untouched by the winds of change stirring in the international Communist movement59 after these meetings it was not true any longer. The leaders of the Communist Party realized it and made some further steps in the direction of de-Stalinization �SLOVAKIA 15 but without serious efforts to change the nature of their totalitarian system. Novotny only reluctantly admitted that the cult of personality harmed the country and had such disastrous effects as claimed by the critics. He tried to put the blame on the purged Stalinist R. Shinsky or argued that many changes had already been made to conform with the resolutions of the XII Congress of the Party. In an angry speech in Slovak town of Kosice, on June 12, 1963, he rejected the accusations contained in the speeches of M. Hysko and Roman Kalisky, and categorically proclaimed that the Communist Party would not allow the Slovak newspaper Pravda to become "a tribune of attacks against the leadership of the Party". 60 Slovak Communist intellectuals, however, were not frightened by Novotny's threats and warnings. Throughout 1963 Novotny was subjected to vocal criticism for his failure to break the hold of Stalinism on national life, to rehabilitate publicly those who had suffered most in the era of repression, and to punish those who had borne the main burden of responsibility in that era. Most vehemently did the Slovak writers call for greater freedom in their national life, and for the erasing of the charges of "bourgeois nationalism" on which the purge of leading Slovak personalities had been based. They continued, especially in the organ of the Union of Slovak Writers, Kulturny zivot, to insist on the necessity of reforms and asked for a fair deal for Slovakia. In August they obtained full rehabilitation61 of the Slovak "bourgeois nationalists" whom the XII Congress of the Party in November 1962 had bypassed. In September, they scored another success in the removal of V. siroky62 from the Government as well as from his position in the Party and in the National Assembly. These concessions did not satisfy, however, the awakened conscience of Slovak Communist intellectuals63 and during the months to come they assailed the regime mercilessly, especially in Kulturny zivot. Novotny retaliated by forcing to resign in June 1964 the editor in chief of Kulturny zivot, Paul stevcek, and Roman Kalisky, member of the editorial board, who had fearlessly attacked �16 SLOVAKIA a year before the economic policy of N ovotny's regime in Slovakia. Instead of frightening the intellectuals, these measures added new fuel to the fire of their dissatisfaction. Slovak writers, journalists and economists began to point out the deformations of "socialist legality and morality" and the acts of discrimination against Slovaks in all field of public life. They asked for the revision of the Constitution of July 1960, which formally abolished the limited autonomy of Slovakia granted to Slovaks between 1945 and 1948. Furthermore, they asked for economic reforms, 64 for the re definition of certain principles of socialist ideology,65 for a new cultural policy66 and for the revaluation of the role of the Slovak uprising,67 which was ridiculed and degraded by Novotny's regime and some Czech writers during the imprisonment of the leaders of the uprising-Husak, Novomesky, Okali and others. The regime yielded in some fields, especially in cultural policy and new Minister, C. Cisar, allowed a degree of liberalization and restored some autonomy to universities. The economists could also quite freely discuss their plans from August to November, 1963, and their criticism and proposals were published,68 Novotny's position and Moscow's support for his regime seemed for some time to be in jeopardy. The struggle was, however, far from won. Novotny was re-elected not only as President of the Republic but, at the XIIIth Party Congress of 1966, also as First Secretary. And he was not only unable but also unwilling to proceed with basic reforms or to quiet down the antagonism between the Slovaks and Czechs which had erupted in 1963 and increased in intensity in the Slovak press and in Party meetings with every year. In fact , Novotny fought against the unrest in the minds of Slovaks, and was reluctant to grant any significant concessions. Some Czechs realized, however, that the problem existed and should be solved.69 Under fire by Slovaks, among whom the rehabilitated G. Husak and the Soviet educated Alexander Dubcek gained more and more influence, by the "revisionists" and "pragmatists", all of whom tried to humanize and reform the Party and government, Novotny tried at last to give a new image to Czecho-Slova- �SLOVAKIA 17 kia at home and especially in Western Europe. More personal freedom, including a limited religious freedom, was granted and some economic reforms were introduced. "Most important, the Communist Party, having largely abandoned its dogmatic positions, was no longer the allseeing, all-powerful, unquestioned authority that it once had been. " 70 Furthermore, the writers and journalists were soon joined in their opposition and outspoken criticism of the regime not only by the youth, which increasingly posed a serious problem to the government, but also by the workers and other segments of the population. People were no longer afraid to criticize and opposition was growing. Novotny and his Party apparatus tried to control the winds of change, but it was a hopeless struggle. William Siroky was replaced by the Moscow educated Jozef Lenart, former Secretary General of the Slovak Communist Party, who was not involved in the purges as were Bast'ovansky and Bacflek. 71 Novotny could not control these developments. Too many people suddenly realized that both a change of course and of people in leading functions was inevitable. The struggle for liberalization and federalization By 1967 the internal situation in the country and in the Party had matured to the point that it was possible to remove Novotny from his omnipotent position of First Secretary of the Party and on March 22, 1968 also from ,the Presidency of the country. The masterful co-operation of the factions which had called for reforms on both the Slovak and Czech side, resulted in the "impossible" becoming a fact, and Alexander Dubcek, at the age of 47, assumed the office of the First Secretary and launched the country upon the course of liberalization which surprised the whole world. While intellectuals in the Czech provinces centered their attention mostly on economic and ideological problems (the contribution by E . Lobl or E . Goldstticker, both from Slovakia, should not, however, be underestimated) , in Slovakia political leaders and intellectuals were deeply involved in the problem of humanization of the system �18 SLOVAKIA and the restoration to Slovakia of at least a part of the autonomy which she had enjoyed before 1948. With the political rehabilitation of the "bourgeois nationalists" and the amnesty granted to the military leaders of the 1944 uprising, the status of Slovakia and the "gains of the uprising" were once again the goals to be achieved. 72 Early in 1968 Slovak communist intellectuals were for a while involved in a discussion as to whether priority should be given to liberalization or to federalization, 73 but the controversy ended with the consensus that one does not exclude the other and that both aims should be pursued. A certain reluctance on the side of the Czechs towards federalization,74 nevertheless, led the Slovaks to put stress on the federalization. There also were still alive reminiscences on the "First Czechoslovak republic" when Slovakia suffered discrimination and exploitation inspite of the fact that the Prague governments were known as "the only true democracy in Central Europe between the Wars" . Furthermore, the manner in which all the agreements and declarations guaranteeing an autonomous status for Slovakia after 1945 were forgotten and disregarded, forced the Slovak leaders to put the emphasis on the necessity of constitutional reforms. In fact , Slovaks submitted a plan for a federalization of the Republic in 1963,75 and Alexander Dubcek, after assuming the leadership of the Party and starting the liberalization process, put the Slovak demands for an equal status with the Czechs high on the agenda of his reforms.76 Federalization was in the eyes of Slovak communist leaders, who were attacking Novotny's regime since 1956, and without reserve since 1963, an essential part of the demo cratization process which, on the other hand, was the prerequisite for liberalization. Only by the transformation of the political structure of the state could Slovaks achieve a position of full equality and control of further development of the situation in the right direction. The impression, created in the West by reports from Prague or by some Western analysts of the developments of the situations in Czecho-Slovakia, that the movement for giving communism "a human face" was an expression of the Czech "hussite traditions" and therefore a Czech and not a Slovak affair, is devoid of any serious foundation. �SLOVAKIA 19 Alexander Dubcek, the young Slovak leader of the liberalization movement who spent his formative years in the Soviet Union, hardly knew anything about the "hussite traditions" when he made his first major speech on February 1st, 1968 in which he promised "the development of socialist democracy" in the Party and the state. Nor did Edward Goldstticker, born and educated in Slovakia, who became elected the chairman of the Czechoslovak Writers Union and insisted that a way must be found how to reconcile individual freedom with the communist system, have any connection in his background with the "hussite traditions". 77 A group of Czech intellectuals, especially the youth of Prague, became undoubtedly more vociferous than Slovaks when the movement was launched. 78 It looked at times as if they had desired to make up for years of servile obedience to Novotny's regime. Czechs also were more provocative in their behaviour when the Soviet Union and her satellites condemned the movement after a meeting in Warsaw and as a result they contributed or gave more pretexts than the Slovaks to the final Soviet step which killed the liberalization movement. Objectively, both Slovaks and Czechs desired the changes. Slovaks more than Czechs because they suffered more-communists and non-communists alike-under the Novotny's regime. Slovaks therefore started the opposition and Slovakia gave to the struggle for the "human face of communism" not only the leader, Alexander Dubcek, but also it became the place of two historic conferences: on July 1st at cierna nad Tisou and on August 3rd, in Bratislava. 79 The liberalization process was largely publicized in the West. A survey of the Czech and Slovak press and of statements of the leaders of the movement would indicate, however, that the aims and goals of the liberalization were often magnified and misinterpreted by some Western analysts. To what extent such behaviour of the West contributed to the final decision of Moscow to go with the tanks against the wind of freedom, is of course a matter of conjecture. Skilling correctly assessed the aims of this "interrupted revolution": �20 SLOVAKIA In some respects, the reforms planned in Prague were more modest than analogous efforts in other communist countries. There was not. at least at the outset, a rejection of Soviet domination, as in the case of Yugoslavia, and other later revolts against Moscow ; nor were major changes in foreign orientation envisaged, as in the case of Rumania and others. There was to be no sharp break in relations with the communist camp, and no defection from Comecon or the Warsaw Pact. Nor was there an immediate and spontaneous rejection of collectivization, as in Hungary and Poland, or a radical reconstruction of the economy, such as followed the initial break by Yugoslavia.so It was only in the political realm that "the changes envisaged, and in part introduced were more drastic and more rapid than anything attempted elsewhere, and aimed at nothing less than a "socialist democracy".81 The leaders of the movement firmly indicated that it was the Communist party which should remain in power and rule, if possible, alone. Some intellectuals speculated about a representation of other parties or groups,82 but the leaders in power did not intend to introduce democracy on the basis of a multi-party system. They spoke and wrote about "socialist democracy" with freedom of expression,83 abolition of terror, abolition of censorship and more independence for state organs on the politburo. They also wanted more freedom of discussion in the Parliament, but without any opposition parties, it was particularly freedom only for the communist members of the Parliament, because the number of deputies of the National Front parties is negligible. All these reforms were basically contained in the Action Program of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, approved by the Central Committee on April 5, 1968. The Program confirmed the charges that have taken place since January 1968 and-what the population accepted with great acclaim-it promised legal and political guarantees of the personal and political rights of all citizens. There also was a promis of rehabilitation of those innocently jailed and persecuted and a pledge of constitutional guarantees of freedom of assembly and association. 84 Still more significant than the official statement and programs were the views of writers freely expressed in journals like Kulturny zivot or Nove slovo which, after it had been banned when Husak was condemned as bourgeois nationalist, began to appear again. The writers asked for �SLOVAKIA 21 much more than the political leaders promised, and in hundreds of articles or answers to the question "what could be done to accelerate the process of democratization"85 they created an atmosphere that gave to the population the feeling of freedom and of big hopes for the future. At the same time they irritated, however, Moscow and her satellites. After the treatening letter from Warsaw not only Moscow but also the other communist countries reacted with increasing pressure. Dubcek, supported by the majority of the population, resisted the pressure and it seemed that after the Conference at cierna nad Tisou on July 14, and especially after the meeting of the representatives of all 5 communist countries in Bratislava on August 3rd, the differences were settled and the danger of an intervention avoided. Czechs and Slovaks were still engaged in a free discussion of the necessity of reforms86 and planned the congresses of both the Czechoslovak and Slovak Communist Parties, when during the night of August 20, the country was brutally invaded by the forces of the Warsaw Pact and the liberalization and democratization process was dramatically brought to an end.87 The planned reforms, the atmosphere of freedom, the abolition of censorship and terror, even if the Communist party was to remain in power, was unacceptable for Moscow. All this represented dangerous ideological innovations and seemed to be too contagious to be tolerated by the leaders of the Kremlin and the autocratic rulers in Warsaw, Budapest and East Germany. As it later appeared from Moscow's explanation of the invasion, Hitler's "Lebensraum doctrine" was replaced by Brezhnev's doctrine of the right of the Soviet Union to intervene in the socialist countries and to impose the Soviet system and social order on the lands within the Soviet zone of influence. While the liberalization process was aborted by the invasion, the federalization process was not basically affected. For some time it seemed that Moscow could convince G. Husak, who became leader of the Slovak Communist Party, to accept another solution: an "independent" Slovak Socialist Republic or a Slovak Soviet Republic within the Union of the Soviet Socialist Republics. This �22 SLOVAKIA solution of the 50 years old dispute over the relations between the Slovaks and Czechs was considered even in the West as highly probable, because both a Soviet socialist republic and an independent Slovak State were the aim of the Slovak uprising of 1944, in its original stage.BB The reaction to the invasion was, however, of such intensity and the feelings against Moscow were so strong, that neither Husak nor anybody else was ready to lead the Slovaks out of Czecho-Slovakia at this time. Husak accepted the function of the head of a commission in charge of preparing the transformation of Czecho-Slovakia into a confederation of two republics, the Czech and the Slovak Socialist Republic and he used all his perseverance and ability to this end. The constitutional law, transforming the centralist state ruled by the Czechs, was adopted by the Assembly on October 27, 1968, as Law No. 143. It was signed and solemnly proclaimed on October 30, at the Bratislava Castle in Slovakia, with the provision that it will take effect on January 1st, 1969. At the signing ceremonies the President of the Republic, Ludvik Svoboda, termed federalization a progressive and historic act that would improme the social order and welfare of both Czechs and Slovaks. Alexander Dubcek, the First Secretary of the Czechoslovak Communist Party, and G. Husak, the Secretary of the Slovak Communist Party, spoke of federalization as strengthening the unity of the state and creating a basis for better future relations between the Czechs and Slovaks. Slovaks, especially Slovak youth of Bratislava, cheered outside the Bratislava Castle when the law was signed, even though its contents were not known in detail and the reminiscences of a similar law adopted in 1938 and its subsequent violation by Prague 6 months later, were not forgotten by the Slovak people. The fear of a possible inclusion of Slovakia into the Soviet Union, if Slovakia completely separated from the Czechs, compels apparently even many of those Slovaks who do not believe that the Czechs would honor the new agreements, to accept federalization as a solution to the Slovak problem in the present international situation. The constitutional law signed in Bratislava, establishes �SLOVAKIA 23 the basic federal structure, leaving specific prov1s10ns about the rights and responsibilities of the federal organs to another law which was passed by the National Assembly in November. Basically, the constitutional changes solve the problem of the existence of two nations-the Czech and the Slovak-by setting up a federal National Assembly consisting of an Assembly of the People, elected on the basis of proportional representation, and an Assembly of Nations, in which Czechs and Slovaks will have equal representation. In this respect the Soviet constitution seemed to be the model while in other respects the federal structure of Czecho-Slovakia is similar to the structure of European and American constitutions. Law No. 143 reserves to the federal domain responsibilities for foreign policy, defense and curency and the areas of culture and education are reserved to the domain of the member-states to the Czech Socialist Republic and the Slovak Socialist Republic. Both republics have equal status according to this Law and the sovereignty of both "national states" should be respected. However, this "sovereignty" is limited by the articles 7 to 28 of the Law to such an extent, that we can hardly compare the new Czecho-Slovakia with Switzerland or the Canadian Federation. Even less can the federal structure of Czecho-Slovakia be compared with Austria-Hungary after the Ausgleich of 1867, which historically and politically is the closest example. However, one of the interesting features of this constitutional reform is the provision of Law No. 143 about the "right of self-determination" which gives the Slovaks the right to secession. The political autonomy which the "Law on the Federation" provides for Slovakia is, on the other hand, limited by the fact that the Communist Party was not reorganized to reflect the federal structure of the State. As a result the political power remains concentrated in, and the most important decisions will be taken in Prague by bodies composed of a majority of Czech members. Since many Czechs accepted only reluctantly the federalization of the Republic, difficulties and dissensions are to be expected. For the second time in three decades the Slovak struggle for national rig·hts within a federalized Czecho-Slovakia was fought in the middle of an international crisis: in 1938 in the Munich crisis and in 1968 under the Soviet occupa- �24 SLOVAKIA tion. It remains to be seen whether Prague learned the lesson this time or whether there will be an aftermath as in 1939. Slovaks in the free world accepted the federalization with distrust and misgivings and did not ease to advocate the right of the Slovak people for an independent, democratic Slovak Republic. 89 Dr. Joseph M. Kirschbaum is former university professor and author of several books and studies on Slovakia in English and other languages. 1) See H. G. Skilling, Communism National and International (Toronto, 1964), pp. 86-95, and William E. Griffith, Communism in Europe ( Cambridge, Mass., 1966), II, pp. 257-65. 2) S. Z. Pech, "New Avenues in Eastern European History", Canadian Slavonic Papers, X, 1 ( 1968), 14-15. See also W. F . Griffith, "Myth and Reality in Czechoslovak History", Eastern European History, II, 3, 84. 3) See Wm. Diamond, Czechoslovakia Between East And West (London, 1947), p. 50 and Stefan Glejdura, Los Grandes Problemas Del Este Europeo: Eslovaquia (Madrid, 1968) , pp. 29-32. Slovak communists were supported in obtaining this especially by Gottwald, who proclaimed the agreement to the " Magna Charta of the Slovak Nation". See Griffith, Communism in Europe, pp. 183-93. 4 ) See Skilling, " The Czechoslovak Constitutional System: The Soviet Impact," Political Science Quarterly, LXVII, 2 (1952); Griffith , Communism in Europe, pp. 135 ff., and K. Glaser, Czecho-Slovakia: A Critical History ( Caldwell, Id., 1960), pp. 87-139. 5) G. Husak, one of the main leaders, declared at the beginning of the uprising: "It must be said openly that our people would welcome with enthusiasm the removal of frontiers and customs between us and the other Slav nations, especially between Slovaks and Russians," Nove Slovo, September 24, 1944. See also S. Falt'an, Historicky casopis, 4 (1966), 589. L. Novomesky, who was sent during the uprising from Slovakia to London, did not "conceal his doubts as to whether it was wise for Slovakia to remain within the small Czechoslovakia when it could join the great Soviet Union," J. Korbel, The Communist Subversion of Czechoslovakia, 1938-1948 (Princeton, 1959 ), p. 72. See also Griffith, Communism in Europe, pp. 179-85 and Joseph A. Mikus, Slovakia: A Political History 19181930 (Milwaukee, Wis., 1963) pp. 185-90. 6) Jozef Jablonicky, "Slovenske narodne povstanie - nova faza v rieseni vzt'ahov medzi cechmi a Slovakmi" (Slovak National Uprising: A New Phase in the Solution of the Relations between the Czechs and Slovaks) , Historicky casopis, XII, 3 (1964), 236. See also J . Korbel, The Communist Subversion, pp. 32, 68-72, and S. Falt'an, Historicky casopis, XII, 140, 2, 161-84. 7) For details on the religious situation in Slovakia after 1945 see �SLOVAKIA 8) 9) 10 ) 11 ) 12) 25 T. G. Zubek, The Church of Silence in Slovakia (Whiting, Indiana, 1956); Stefan Nahalka, La Slovacchia d'Oggi (Rome, 1957); Joseph Pauco, Christian Slovakia (Valparaiso, Ind. , 1959) ; J . A. Mikus, op. cit. p. 164-185 and P. Hnilica, S. J., "The Church under Totalitarian Rule" in Collier and Glaser (ed.), Elements of Change in Eastern Europe, (Chicago, 1968), pp. 136-149. See Kirschbaum, "Slovak Literature under the Soviet Impact", Slavic and East European Studies, Vol. 1, no. 1, and Imrich Kruzliak, Kulturne Slovensko v rokoch 1945-1966 (Culture in Slovakia in the years 1945-66), (Munich, 1967). Skilling, The Governments of Communist East Europe, op. cit., p. 202, and "People's Democracy, The Proletarian Dictatorship and the Czechoslovak Path to Socialism", The American Slavic and East European Review, X, 2 (April 1951) , 100-16. Skilling, Commimism national . .. , op. cit. , p. 88. The Communist Party of Slovakia was founded in May 1939 as an illegal party and was. recognized as an independent party by the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, as well as by the leaders of the Czech Communist Party in Moscow. It maintained its independence until 1948. For more details see Z. Elias and J. Netik "Czechoslovakia" in W. E. Griffith Communism in Europe, (Cambridge, Mass., 1966) 2. volume pp. 174-186 and Bohuslav Graca "Komunisticka strana Slovenska" (The Communist Party of Slovakia), Nova Mysl, No. 5, May 1961. Even in the party the Slovaks were poorly represented at the center, with their chief spokesman the Prime Minister, Siroky, and the Slovak party chief, Bacilek, both only partly Slovak in origin. Pavol David was the only undisputed Slovak in the party command. Skilling, Communism National, op. cit. p. 94 ; See also Griffith, op. cit. pp. 210-215 and Miku~, op. cit., pp. 291-302. Taborsky, op cit. p. 336 and H. G. Skilling, "The Czechoslovak Constitution of 1960 and the transition to Communism", Journal of Politics, XXIV, 1, 1962, pp. 156-59. See also Edward Kucera, K nekterym otazkam autonomie a postaveni Slovenska v ramci ceskoslovenske Republiky (About Some Questions of Autonomy 13) 14) 15) 16) and the Position of Slovakia within the Framework of the Czechoslovak Republic) , (Prague, 1954). Jan Moura! Slovenske narodni organy (Slovak National Organs), (Prague, 1958) and Collection of Laws of the Slov ak National Council, (Bratislava, 1954) . Skilling, The Governments of Commimist East E urope, op. cit. p. 156 and Taborsky op. cit. pp. 338-240, and Griffith, op. cit. p. 235 and off. Several Slovak Communist intellectuals made attempts at definitions of this period. See Kulturny Zivot, April 27, 1963-Proceedings of the Congress of the Slovak Writers. After the execution of V. Clementis, Slovaks were withdrawn from practically all diplomatic posts abroad (out of 97 ambassadors only 5 were Slovaks) and writers, who served as cultural attaches were �26 17 ) 18) 19) 20) 21) 22) 23 ) 24 ) 25 ) 26) 27 ) SLOVAKIA hit particularly hard. On Clementis see Griffith, op. cit. , p. 176 and Mikus, op. cit. , pp. 292-298. Skilling, Communism National . .. , op. cit. pp. 88, 85, 84 resp. and Glejdura , loc. cit. Novomesky, quoted by Skilling, ibid. p. 117. Taborsky, op cit. p. 344, See also Skilling, Communism national ... op. cit. pp. 94-96. Pravda, May 1st, 1956. Pravda, January 10 and 11, 1958, quoted in Taborsky, op. cit. p. 344. See Pavel Berka's article in c".:eskoslovensky prehled, vol. 5 ( 1958) , p. 27 and Taborsky, op. cit. p. 345. On Slovak Nationalism see B. S. Bue, Slovak Nationalism (Middletown, Pa .), 1960, R. A. Kann, The Multinational Empire (Rutgers University Press) , 1950, J. A. Mikus, La Slovaquie, individualite politique de l'Europ e centrale ( Centre de documentation internationale, Paris ) 1958, L . Gogolak, Beitriige zur Geschichte des Slowakischen Volkes (Munich) 196~ and E. Denis, La Question d'Autriche - Les Slovaques (Paris) , 1917. As Skilling writes, Western scholars "have failed to see that subjection of Slovaks to centralized Czech Communist rule has not dimmed the feeling of Slovak nationalism, even among Communists, and could produce a brave response. " See "Czechoslovakia", in A. Bromke (ed.) , The Communist states at the crossroads, (Praeger, New York, 1965) , p. 103. See Z. Elias and J . Netik in Griffith, Communism in Europe, op. cit. p. 162. Taborsky, op. cit. pp. 345-6. See also Skilling, Communism national . .. , op. cit. pp. 112-130. Among Canadian scholars it is especially Prof. H. Gordon Skilling who published several well documented studies on this period. In the United States S. D. Kertesz, Philip E . Mosley, William E Griffith and K. Glaser and D. S. Collier as editors or contributors to symposia brought the problems to the attention of Western readers. On the Slovak side the weekly Kulturny Zivot became the main tribune. The articles by M. Hysko, 0 . Pavlik, E. Lobl, L . Mnacko, G. Husak, F. Falt'an, L. Novomesky, V. Mihalik and others analyzed the period of the cult of personality. On the Czech side the periodical Nova Mys/., Litenirni Noviny and Literarni Listy offer a number of interesting articles by Czech intellectuals on this subject. 28 ) See articles in Kulturny Ziv ot by Ondrej Pavlik (April 27, and August 10, 1963 ) and by V. Mihalik and V. Pet'ko (May 25 and April 20 respectively, and an article by J . Fojtik in Rude Pravo (March 29, 1963) . 29 ) Philip E. Mosley, " Eastern Europe in World Power Politics", D. S. Collier and K. Glaser, (ed. ), Elem ents of Change in Eastern Europe, Chicago, 1966, pp. 61-62. '') As wrote prof. Mosley in 1965. 30 ) Usneseni a do kum enty ust fe dniho v yboru komunisticke strany Ceskoslovenska, Vol. II, (Prague, 1962), pp. 5-57. English excerpts of �SLOVAKIA 31) 32) 33) 34) 35 ) 36) 37) 38) 39) 40 ) 41 ) 42 ) 43) 44) 45 ) 27 this speech can be found in A. Dallin, Diversity in International Communism (Columbia U. P. New York) , 1963, pp. 298-313. See M . Hysko's speech at the Congress of Slovak journalists, published in Pravda, June 13, 1963. The first open student manifestation against the regime in 1956 occurred in Slovakia's capital, Bratislava, during a student's festival, In a pocession through Bratislava's streets, Slovak university students carried a coffing with the following inscription: "Here lay buried democratic liberties". As the official radio Bratislava admitted , "this soon became a stirring and well-liked slogan." See Duchacek, Zoe. cit. p. 105. Duchacek, ibid., p. 103. H. G. Skilling " Eastern Europe and the West" in A. Bromke (ed.). The Communist States and the West, (A. Praeger. 1967) , p. 53. Duchacek, op. cit. p. 98, see also pp. 112-118. Skilling, Communism national . .. , op. cit. p. 90. According to Elias and Netik: "The predominant mood among the masses was one of indolence, striving for the satisfaction of crass material desires, general mistrust, and a decline of civic morale. Pilfering in industrial and agricultural enterprises, negligence in consumer services, a sorry state of disrepair in buildings, roads, machinery, and the like, although constantly deplored in the press, came to be accepted as a matter of course. The slogan "He who does not steal from the state steals from his family" was entirely symptomatic to the popular mood of the period, in spite of the fact that the supply of food and consumer goods had improved sufficiently to satisfy most normal needs of the population. loc. cit. p. 275. Skilling, Communism national . .. , op. cit. p. 194. See Rude Premo, November 24 and December 12, 1961. This survey concerns itself mainly with Slovakia and its role in the de-Stalinization process and, therefore, we will put the emphasis, without underestimating the Czech element, on the part which Slovakia and Slovaks played in this period. The Slovak Communist leaders, G. Husak, L. Novomesky, D. Okali and others, were actually imprisoned already in 1951-1952 and only their trials took place in 1954. For an interesting survey of the purges of Slovak "bourgeois nationalists" see " O nezakonnych procesoch a rehabilitacii od roku 1948" (About the illegal processes and rehabilitation since 1948). Vyber, June 1968 and Mikus, op. cit. pp. 291-302. Taborsky, op cit. p. 66. See Hromada. Prehl'ad ceskoslovenskych statnych organov (A survey of Czechoslovak State Organs), (Bratislava, 1955) , p. 26, K. Glaser, op. cit. pp. 154-178, Z. Elias and J. Netik in W. E . Griffith, op. cit. p. 197 and ff, and Mikus, op. cit. pp. 227-302. J . Netik and J. Franko Communism and Slovakia (Evaluation Report of RF E Research Unit, November 17, 1960) . Taborsky, op. cit. p. 214. See also Mikus, op. cit. pp. 226-224. Rude Pravo, Ma y 27, 1950. See also his article in Pravda, June 16, �28 46) 47) 48) 49) 50) 51) 52) 53) 54) 55) SLOVAKIA 1963 in which he charged that the personality cult "deformed life and violated our socialist humanism". This has been admitted also by some Czech writers in the West. "The wave of outspoken criticism clearly originated in Slovakia; but it was carried on, though in somewhat muted tones, at the Prague Writers' Third Congress on May 22-24, which heard a number of frank and courageous statements, particularly from the younger "literati". Z. Elias and J . Netik in Griffith, op. cit. p. 262. See Kulturny Zivot, April 27 and May 4, 1963. G. Husak recently published his account in Nove Slovo, June 1968, but it was known right after his release from jail. L. Holdos published his account in Smena, March 23, 1968, and both these " memoirs" describe the most revolting brutalities to which human beings were ever subject. E. Lobl published his experiences in a book Svedectvo o procese (Testimony about the Process) Bratislava, 1968. For excerpts in English see The Telegram (Toronto) July 18-19, 1968. Pravda, Bratislava, June 3, 1963. With Husak working behind the scenes, they also became later the "brain trust" of Alexander Dubcek, who was educated in the Soviet Union as an apparatchik, but retained an understanding for the human desire for freedom. See F . Vnuk, Sedemncisf neitrodnych rokov ( Seventeen Barren Years), (An outline of Slovak Literature) in 1945-62, Middletown, Pa., 1965, and I. Kruzliak, Kulturne Slovensko v rokoch 1945-1966 ( Culture in Slovakia in the years 1945-1966), Munich 1967. Kulturny Zivot, Vol. XVIII, No. 17, 1963, articles by P. Karvas, A. Plavka, L. Mnacko, M. Chorvath and others. K. Rosenbaum, ibidem, No. 18 and J. Bzoch, No. 20. Some writers had the courage to say even before the Congresses that "the cult of personality, closely knit with dogmatism, limited and hampered creative scientific work" and that "from the field of social sciences mostly suffered historiography of the recent period". Samo Falt'an, "Hist6ria a dnesok" (History and the Present), Kulturny Zivot, Vol. XVIII, No. 12, 1963. At the Congress of Slovak Jounalists Hysko also said that " the socialist journalist should respect directions only if they are not in conflict with the fundamental principles of socialist morality". Pravda, June 13, 1963. The significance of Hysko's speech lies in the fact that he brought into the open many Slovak grievances, in particular the treatment of Slovaks at the hands of the Czech leadership. Minac created a storm of protests also in 1968 by accusing the policy of Dr Benes as an attempt "near genocide" of the Slovak people. See Vyber, July 5, 1968, pp.9-11. Skilling, Communism national, op. cit. pp. 114116. For the text of speeches and resolutions see Kulturny zivot, Vol. XVIII, No. 21, 22 (resolutions) and 23. See also K. Greiner "Wurzeln der liberalisierung Tendenzen in der Tschecho-Slowakei" . In Entwicklungen im Kommunismits (Verband der Freien Presse), Munich, 1967, pp. 123-131. �SLOVAKIA 56) 57) 58) 59) 29 Kulturny Zivot, Vol. XVIII, No. 21. Ibidem , No. 22. Ibidem. Z. Elias and J. Netik in Wm. E. Griffith, Communism in Eiirope , op. cit. p. 157. 60) Pravda, (B ratislava) , June 13, 1963. For fuller discussion see Skilling Commiinism national ... , op. cit. pp. 122-124. 61 ) See Riide Prcivo, August 22, 1963. On the purges of Slovak " Bourgeois nationalists" see E. Fris, Plamen, no. 8, August 1964, Z. Elias and J . Netik in Griffith, op. cit. pp. 210-215 and Mikus, op. cit. pp. 291-302. 62) See Pravda , (Bratislava ), September 23 , 1963. On Siroky and his role in Slovak politics see Mikus, op. cit. p. 298. 63) See H. Kuhn, "Czechoslovakia", in D. Vollier and K. Glaser (ed.) op. cit. pp. 161-164, and K. Greiner, Zoe. cit. pp. 117--148. 64) In the respect the economist Eugen Lobl who was imprisoned with R. Slansky, led the struggle in Kulturny Zivot, H . Koctuch in Slovenske pohl'ady: see also R. Selucky in Kiilturny Zivot, (August 10, 1963, September 28, 1963, November 2, 1963) , and Hospodcirske Noviny, ( November 8 and 15, 1963), for the Czech views. 65) Several intellectuals were dealing with the ideological deformation : 0. Pavlik, M. Kusy, J . Uher, G. Husak, L. Mnacko, K. Rosenbaum , M. Hamada, and others, not only in Kiilturny Zivot, but also in Pravda (Bratislava) , PLamen, and Smena (Bratislava) . 66) The sharpest attacks on Prague's cultural policy towards Slovakia were written by the poet V. Mihalik. See Kulturny Zivot, No. 49, 1965 and No. 8, 1966. 67) Against the misrepresentation and misinterpretation of Slovak history and of the role the Slovaks played during the War see the writings of Slovak intellec tua l,: in Historicky casopis (Historical Review ) as well as Kulturny Zivot. Among the best articles were those written by S. Falt'an, K. Luptak, J . Fabian, E. Fris. See also G. Husak, Svedectvo o slovenskom ncirodnom povstani (Testimony about the Slovak National Uprising), (Bratislava, 1964). 68) See E. Lobl, "O dogmatizme v ekonomickom mysleni" ( About Dogmatism in Economic Thinking), Kulturny Zivot, Sept. 28, No.39, and Oct. 12, No. 41, 1963. Ota Sik, " Akoby nemal vyzerat' antidogmatizmus" (What anti-dogmatism should not be like ), Kiilturny Zivot, No. 44, Nov. 2, 1963, and the proposals of the economists for the perfection and planned direction of the National Economy, Rude Prcivo, Oct. 17, 1964. 69) "The Slovak poblem does exist in our country- wrote in 1964 K. Bartoska-of a complexity and urgency that we failed to realize and did not want to admit. It turns out that the economic equalization of the Czech lands and of Slovakia is not the exhaustive solution of the Slovak complex question". Plamen, No. 5, 1964. 70 ) Elias and Netik, in Griffith, op. cit. p. 275. 71 ) For fuller discussion of the years following the Congress of Writers, see Z. Elias and Netik in Griffith, op. cit. pp. 260-277. 72 ) On Bacilek and his role in the persecution of Slovak "bourgeois �30 73) 74) 75) 76) 77) 78 ) SLOVAKIA nationalists" see Taborsky, op. cit. p. 344, Griffith, op. cit. p. 176 and Mikus, op. cit. pp. 291-302. See Kulturny Zivot, May-July, 1968, and Jacques Marcelle, Le Deuxieme Coup de Prague (Les Editions Vie Ouvriere, Bruxelles, 1968), pp. 183-189. "The sense of urgency which the Slovaks felt about federalism was not matched in the Czech lands" , writes Skilling, "and there was dissatisfaction in Slovakia with the slow pace of planning. There was, however, considerable difference of opinion about the distribution of authority under the proposed federal constitution, with some Slovaks arguing for a very narrow range of federal authority, including only foreign affairs, defense, and finance, and others, mainly Czechs, seeking a much stronger central authority. Even more productive of controversy was the Slovak demand for Parity of representation in the central organs, both executive and legislative, a demand which most Czechs, in spite of their readiness to adopt provisions protecting vital Slovak interests against outvoting by the Czech majority, were unwilling to accept." See Skilling, 'Czecho-Slovakia's Interrupted Revolution" , Canadian Slavonic Papers, vol. X, 4, 1968, p. 419. The historian Milos Gosiorovsky is credited with the iniciative, but Novotny refused to discuss his proposal and ordered sanctions against him. See Vyber, July 19, 1968, pp. 7-8. According to Pravda (Bratislava), February 2, 1968, he said in his first major policy statement on February 1st, 1968: "The Czechs and the Slovaks are nations both equal and able to create their own states. It is our role to strengthen and, in practice, safeguard our people's belief that the Republic open to Czechs and Slovaks additional prospects ... " On the role of Slovakia see G. Husak, "Prinos k januarovym zmenam" (Slovak contribution to the post-January changes), Vyber, December 6, 1968. In this respect namely the so-called "Two Thousand Words" manifesto deserves mention. It provoked an angry reaction in Moscow and in Warsaw at the meeting of the communist parties, on July 15, at which five communist parties sent a threatening letter to Prague. The manifesto was published by Litercirni Listy on June 27, 1968 and was conceived by the communist writer Ludvik Vaculik. 79 ) For a survey of events and documentary articles see Pierre Desgraupes and Pierre Dumayet (ed.), Prague - l'ete des tanks, "L'Histoire a la Une", (Paris, 1968) , the monthly East Europe , January-September, 1968, and Jacques Marcelle, Le Deuxieme coup de Prague, (Editions Vie Ouvriere, Bruxelles, 1968). 80 ) Skilling, Joe cit. p. 4Q9. 81) Skilling, ibid. p. 410. 82 ) See M . Lakatos, " Some Problems of Socialist Democracy ... " Prcivn y Obzor, 3, (1968). According to J. Bob they wanted "cultural, humanistic, democratic" Socialism. See Kulturny Zivot, May 24, 1968. �SLOVAKIA 31 83) Openly anti-communist views were of course not allowed. Only the past policies of the Communist Party could be freely criticised. 84 ) Rehabilitation was embodied in a law passed in June, but it referred only to those who were tried between October 1948 and July 1965. It left out thousands of victims condemned for political reasons between 1945-1948 when anti-communists were systematically eliminated from public life, jailed or executed. See Mikus, op. cit. pp. 167-68. According to Skilling the Action Programme "was a relatively moderated programme, acceptable to the conservative and moderate reformers, but not satisfying the more radical ones". Loe. cit. p. 426. 85 ) See an answer by five Slovak writers in Kulturny Zivot, June 21 , 1968. See also G. Husak "Dejinna prilezitost'" (A Historical occasion) , Pravda (Bratislava, May 9, 1968). 86) On the reaction of Slovak intellectuals to the invasion see L. Mnacko, "Die siebente Nacht - Erkenntnis und Anklage eines.Kommunisten" (The Seventh Night - Confession and Accusation of a Communist), (Verlag Fritz Molden, Wien, Miinchen, Ziirich), October 1968, and Slovak journals of September-December. On the international implications see Adam Bromke "Czechoslovakia and the World: 1968", Canadian Slavonic Papers, X, 4, pp. 581-591. On the reaction of the Government and of the Communist Parties, see Dokumenty o okupacii CSR (Documents on the occupation of Czecho-Slovakia), Bratislava 1968. 87 ) Among the contributions to the discussion on democratization and federalization worth of mentioning are: H. Koctuch "Federacia? Konfederacia? ", Kulturny Zivot, March 22, 1968, and "Buduce moznosti a mozna buducnost"', Nove slovo, June 13, 1968; Julius Strinka "Federalizacia a demokratizacia", Kulturny zivot, April 5, 1968; Prof. K. Plank, "Niekol'ko uvah o federalizacii nasho statu" , Sloboda, June 28, 1968; Dr. M. Gaspar, "Aspekty federalizacie CSR", Sloboda, June 14, 1968; and "Federalizacia - Demokracia", Vyber, July 19, 1968. 88) See Historicky casopis (Historical Review), Vol. XII, 3, 1964, and Nove slovo, September 24, 1944, as well as part one of this survey. 89) See articles and comment on this subject in Slovak v Amerike (U.S.A.), Kanadsky Slovak (Canada), cernakov Odkaz (Germany) , Slovensky stit (Australia) etc. A8 AmeTic·arn,, me111ber 8 of the Nlon.1k l,eague of America fi1'Jnl,v bel ie ,·e that the Slon.tk nation, jnst as all nahomi, has a11 i11here11t. and God-given right to freedom and i11clepencle11cc. r['hey are dedicated to the cause of the A rn eri ra n way of life, Slornk freec1om and world peace and ,ne detm·mined to oppose the plague of Comnnrnisrn and all othi-ir totahtaTian political systernR. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1969, Vol. 19 Description An account of the resource Vol. 19 (No. 42), 1969. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1969 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 3 Slovakia in the Struggle for Liberalization and Federalization of Czecho-Slovakia J. M. Kirschbaum From the very beginning- of the restoration of CzechoSlovakia in 1945, Slovakia played, directly and indirectly, an important role in the internal policy of Czecho-Slovakia and in the fate of the Stalinist regime. Not ony was this role more important than is generally recognized, but it was also of primary significance in the imposition of the communist system and, since 1962, in its liberalization. Some western experts on Eastern Europe overlooked Slovakia's influence on the course of events in this "loyal" and "most faithful satellite" , as the post-War II CzechoSlovakia was called in the West. 1 From the communist take-over in 1948 to the liberalization and federalization process in 1967-68, they dealt extensively with the changes in Prague's internal and axternal policy, but their analysis of the elements of change involved was often biased, as Prof. S. Z. Pech recently pointed out: Although Western specialists in Eastern European history have usually regarded it as their task to make the West familiar with the entire panorama of the polyglot region, they have in practice often been selective in the favours they bestowed on each nation. They have incorporated in their work, in modified form, the outlook and the prejudices of the nations which they "adopted". To give the most conspicuous examples, they viewed Slovak history through Czech eyes and Ukrainian history through Polish (or Russian) eyes. In so doing, they have in fact created a second-class status for certain nations. The history of the Slovaks in the West has usually been presented from the point of view of "Czechoslovakism " and has appeared as hardly more than a postscript to C:&ech history.2 It is the purpose of this survey to record and to discuss the overlooked elements and to assess the role which Slovakia and her communist elite played, first in imposing the communist system and then in forcing the Stalinist regime of Antonin Novotny to loosen the iron grip, and finally to step down and to free the way for the liberaliza. tion of the regime and the federalization of the state. When Czecho-Slovakia was restored in 1945, an auto- 4 SLOVAKIA nomous status, with extensive powers for Slovak national organs-the Slovak National Council and the Board of Commissioners-was ensured for Slovakia. In the so-called "Kosice programme" it was stated that "the Slovaks should be the masters in their Slovak land just as the Czechs in their Czech homeland" and that the government "will regard the Slovak National Council not only as the rightful representative of the individual Slovak nation, but also as bearer of sovereign right on Slovak territory". 3 Under the constitution of 1948, the National Council as well as the Board of Commissioners was given the powers of an autonomous government, so that Slovakia enjoyed "a special position in a system which was neither federal nor autonomous, but presented a peculiar form of 'dualism'."4 Rejected by a 70 per cent majority of the popular vote in the elections of 1946, the Slovak Communists changed, however, their attitude towards the political status of Slovakia. The defeat angered and surprised the Communist leadership and led them to abandon not only original idea of an independent Slovak Republic 5 or a Slovak Soviet Republic 6 , but also the autonomous status of Slovakia ,vithin a federated Czecho-Slovakia. After the coup d'etat of 1948, the Communists eliminated not only the Slovak Democratic representatives from the National Council and all public offices, but Slovakia lost systematically what was left of her original autono mous status, which underwent several changes by the socalled Prague Agreements. And if the population, especially the Catholic majority, suffered between 1945-48 for not siding with the Communis ts, in the new situation they had to experience persecution not only for political reasons, but also for religious affiliation and non-proletarian background7 or resistance to socialization and collectivization. The "people's democracy" and all that it implied: " socialist patriotism", looking at the Soviet Union as the "patria" of Slovak Communists, "socialist realism" 8 , and the "party spirit", was introduced in Slovakia as in the rest of East Europe in an effort to transform Slovaks into a new type of "socialist" men, who "would be loyal to the existing regime, and obedient to its commands, and faithful also to the Soviet Union and world communism". 9 Life was supposed to be "directed in the spirit of Marxism-Leninism" SLOVAKIA 5 and the "scientific world outlook" and historical materialism were to replace religion and nationalism. From 1948 on, this transformation was forced upon Slovaks through brute force by the Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia which left to the Communist Party of Slovakia practically no influence in the Slovak affairs. The Communist Party of Czechoslovakia "after 1947 subordinated the Slovaks to increasingly centralist rule from Prague, and trod underfoot the nationalist feelings even of Slovak Communists". 10 Those who tried to defend " the gains of the Slovak uprising" or were suspected of such intentions, were, in 1950, removed from public life as "bourgeois nationalists", incarcerated (Husak, Novomesky, Okali, Rasla, etc .) or hanged (Clementis, zingor) and replaced by obedient persons of non-Slovak origin (Siroky, Bacilek) in the Party as well as in the government.11 At the same time in spite of the provisions of the Constitution of May 9, 1948, the legislative and executive powers of the Slovak National Council and of the Board of Commissioners were drastically reduced and both institutions became subordinated to the Prague government. The Board of Commissioners had first to "abide by the directives and instructions of the Cabinet" and later, in 1960, was completely abolished. The Slovak National Council could still legislate, but the Council's laws had to b e signed by the Prime Minister, who could summon, adjourn and even dissolve the Council. Since in the National Assembly and in the Prague government the Slovaks were in minority, there was nothing, not even a theoretical possibility to protect Slovakia against the rule of Prague, because the Constitution "failed to provide for any guarantee that would protect the Slovak minority against the Czech majority ... As more than three-fifths of Czechoslovak legislators came from the Czech provinces, anything could be done with the status of Slovakia, even if all the Slovak reprezentatives opposed it".12 Within a few years Czecho-Slovakia had become "a highly centralized state, and Slovak home rule reduced almost to nil. In the post-1956 climate, some gestures were made to broaden the authority of the Slovak bodies. Increasing emphasis was laid, however, on the necessity 6 SLOVAKIA of integrating Slovakia within a unified economy, and even the bare forms of Slovak autonomy were still the object of suspicion by the regime. The Constitution adopted in 1960 further weakened the position of Slovakia". 13 It was, however, the general political atmosphere, the brutality of the police, the concentration and forced labour camps, the persecution for "deviation" or religious beliefs, which characterized this period, called alternatively "period of dogmatism" , period of the "cult of personality" or period of "deformation" and "Stalinism". 14 Denouced later by L. Novomesky as "monstrous and horrible", this period "wiped out trust, confidence, understanding, yes even loyalty in the life and consciousness of thousands and thousands of people". 15 Slovak national feelings and pride were hurt in this period also by Prague's economic and cultural policy16 and by a transfer of some 400 to 500 thousand Slovaks to the Czech provinces from which the Sudeten Germans had been expelled and where the Slovaks became denationalized, being deprived of Slovak Schools and organizations. While the Hungarian minority in Slovakia, also numbering some 500,000 had schools of all categories, cultural organizations, newspapers and representation in the administration of the state, the Slovak minority in the Czech part of the country was destined for fast denationalization. The economic measures of N ovotny's government hurt Slovaks even more. Slovakia was industrialized mostly by old machinery, transferred from the Sudeten German areas, or large factories lacking raw materials in Slovakia, to serve rather Soviet and Czech, than Slovak needs. From 1960 on, industry was unable to compete or to meet required levels of production. As a result, Slovakia suffered by the lowering of standards, and Slovaks were hurt by the admonitions and reproaches of Prague, particularly after Novotny's regime had curtailed the power of the Slovak administrative organs and had concentrated the administration of Slovakia in Prague and in Czech hands . Thus the years after the coup d'etat present a story of drastic changes in forms and institutions as well as in their practical working. The actual situation was in flagrant contradiction with the promises of the Slovak Communist Party of the autonomous status proposed for SLOVAKIA 7 Slovakia. It is also a story of the mutual mistrust between the Czechs and Slovaks and the resulting clashes of which the outside world learned very little. In their subservience to Moscow and in their desire to imitate, if not surpass, Stalin's methods and general policy, the Communist leaders in Prague went further than any other satellite. "The system of terror was no less severe than in Albania, Hungary and Bulgaria, and in some respects went even further than these classic practitioners of this art". " Even during the critical months of 1956, Czechoslovakia had remained a model of Stalinist orthodoxy and exhibited none of the "fever" which had infected other satellites, notably the closest neighbours north and south. From the Communist point of view, Czechoslovakia was a most faithful associate of the Soviet Union, showing no evidence of dangerous dissatisfaction or domestic instability, and giving her full support to the Moscow Gospel as interpreted by Krushchev" . "In fact in the year which followed the XXII Congress in October 1961, Czechoslovakia, unlike some of its neighbours, was hardly influenced at all by the new spirit of Moscow, and showed no signs of relaxing its strongly Stalinist course. Paradoxically, this country, almost unique in its devotion and subservience to Moscow, was increasingly out of step with Krushchev's polic)' of de-Stalinization. "Orthodoxy" seemed to envolve into " heterodoxy" . "17 With regard to Slovakia the Prague Government used their power "to sweep away from the history of Slovak culture an entire past", according to Novomesky, and brought "a terrible curse on the life of the country." 18 This treatment of Slovakia could not, of course, influence the Slovaks for Czecho-Slovakia or Communism. On the contrary, even "the slight concessions of 1956-1958 were bound to leave the Slovaks unimpressed and could in no way detract from Slovak bitterness toward the treatment to which they had been exposed ever since the KSc (Communist Party of Czechoslovakia) leaders abandoned their calculative support of Slovak autonomism in 1946."19 This did not remain unnoticed by the Government and its press which deplored the "lack of confidence and the suspicion of fear" between the Czechs and the Slovaks, but laid blame on "the neglect of Leninist principles," 28 and on Slovak "bourgeois nationalistic tendencies". These tendencies according to complaints made by the Slovak Party's First Secretary, Karel Bacilek, at the session of the Central Committee in January 1958, have penetrated 8 SLOVAKIA "various fields of our cultural, political and scientific life; sports; the state apparatus; economic organs; and so on". 21 Slovaks could not be gained for the regime even by retrospective attacks on "Czecho-Slovakism", the concept that the Slovaks and the Czechs were ethnically, linguistically and culturally one nation, which had alienated the Slovaks to Masaryk's republic, and which Vaclav Kopecky, speaking on behalf of the KSC's Czech hierarchy, called in 1958 "an imperialist conception of national oppression of the Slovaks " 22 Since the Slovaks felt even more oppressed, more humiliated and exploited under the Communist regime than by the "bourgeois" regimes of 1918-1938, !5uch proclamations could not change the feelings of Slovaks and their attitude towards Prague. From 1948, and for a great part of Slovak population from 1946, Prague hurt even the pride of the Slovak Communists too deeply to be able to heal the wounds by condemning "Czechoslovakism" of the pre-War years. There was no comparison with the treatment which Slovaks received from Prague between the Wars and from the Communist rule after 1946. And Slovak nationalism, 23 which is a force rarely understood or interpreted properly by Western Scholars, was stronger after the War than at any time before, because the leftist elements also wanted Slovakia governed by Slovaks.24 Already before the Second World War nationalism was a force among Slovaks "directed against any authority residing outside Slovakia". 25 The period of the Slovak republic (1939-1945) and the uprising of 1944 undoubtedly st.renghtened the aversion against any foreign domination of Slovakia. All the restrictions of the powers of Slovak national organs, the trials of the leaders of the uprising as "bourgeois nationalists" and harsh economic centralization by the Prague Communist regime could not but create strong feeling of oppressinn and compromised relations between the Czechs and Slovaks. By 1958 the relations between the Czechs and Slovaks deteriorated to such a degree that even according to E. Taborsky a close collaborator of Dr. E. Benes, " while such declaration as above might have flattered the Slovaks in 1945, they fell on deaf ears in 1958. Nor could the communist leaders derive much comfort from the "improvement" in the Slovak class SLOVAKIA 9 structure resulting from the communist industrialization and collectivization drive. By building up Slovakia's backwoods areas, the regime has unwittingly prodded the Slovaks' pride and self-confidence, and thus helped to underpin the same Slovak nationalism it has been trying so hard to blot out. Having acquired the know-how and the ability to run the system themselves, the Slovaks Communists and non-communists alike-resent being ordered around by their elder Czech brethren." 26 This rule of party dictatorship and police terror is normally divided into two periods: in a period of strict Stalinist form of rule which in Czecho-Slovakia lasted until 1956 and a period of slow detachment from the Stalinist system, during which a lip service was paid to de-Stalinization, and lasted until 1963. There are many explanations as to why there was a lack of de-Stalinization in Czecho-Slovakia after the XXth and especially after the XXII Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and Krushchev's denunciation of Stalin and his rule. The Czech and Slovak press dealt from 1963 extensively with this problem and so did some foreign scholars. 27 There is, however, no unanimous explanation, as there is no unanimity in the designation of this period or in definitions of this particular labels, of which the label of "cult of personality" was used more generally than the others. 28 But there is no doubt that the first to attack the social and political aspects of this period and to call for changes were the Slovak Communist intellectuals. "Slovaks inspired by their memorable uprising of 1944 have taken the lead in the process of modernization of the regime, while the Czechs have, until recently, been more cautious or more lethargic." 29 '' The attacks and criticism of Slovak intellectuals were directed mainly against Antonin Novotny who succeeded Klement Gottwald as Secretary General of the Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia in 1953, and Antonin Zapotocky as President of the Republic in 1957. For ten years his iron grip on the Party and on the State did not allow to modify the totalitarian Stalinist features of the regime, and during his rule by "brute force" were liquidated or imprisoned Slovak Communist leaders, accused of " bourgeois nationalism" and tried in 1954. According to Communist sources, 30 the period of the cult of personality ended in 1953, but due to Novotny's repressive methods, use of police terror, and his brutal struggle against Slovak bourgeois nationalism, the cult of personality in the view SLOVAKIA of Slovak intellectuals existed from 1949 to 1962.31 Only in the spring of 1963 serious efforts at de-Stalinization marked the political life in Czecho-Slovakia. Western specialists in Eastern Europe offered several answers to the question why the Stalinist regime survived for so many years, but their views do not seem to give a satisfactory explanation. The purge of the potential leader, Clementis, and the bogey of Slovak nationalism which hounded the Czech leadership of the Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia, as it did the democratic leaders before the second World War, are only partial explanations. The brutal Soviet repression of the Hungarian revolution and the fear of Germany, which is greater among Czech than in any other nation of Central Europe, may be other explanations, but on the whole, these reasons cannot explain why a country with old democratic traditions, with western culture, with a previously high standard of living, praised in the whole world, did not follow the example of Poland and Hungary, except in smallscale disturbances of workers in Pilsen in 1953, the demonstration of Slovak students, which also spread to Prague, 32 and the writers' protest of 1956.33 Nor the fact that the West did not help the East European countries, including Czecho-Slovakia, by a more moderate course in East-West relations can be even less responsible for the Czech obstinacy to de-Stalinize. It was doubtful then-and today it is certain-that any co-operation in Europe between West and East going beyond what has been done, would have "strengthened the ability of the East European states to follow a more independent course".34 The explanation that the Czech communist leaders "had long and open experience in politics prior to the accession to power and perhaps this fact accounts for their unity and their ability to survive"35 and continue to hold the Stalinist grip on the country, is also only partially satisfactory. In the Slansky's purge of 1952 were eliminated the representatives of a rigid Stalinism and not the revisionists, and as a result the new leaders could start a new course after Stalin's death, but they were apparently afraid to de-Stalinize without incriminating themselves. We can find the answer to the question of Stalinism SLOVAKIA 11 in Czecho-Slovakia in the interplay of all these phenomena, but mainly in the fact, that "the completeness of Stalinist terror had brought about a situation where there was no one capable of giving leadership of a new anti-Stalinist course after 1956"36 and in the "realism" and in the "Good Soldier Schweik's" mentality of the Czech ruling majority of the population. Except for the small scale disturbances of workers in Pilsen, who were irked by the economic difficulties rather than by political oppression, and the students' demonstration in Bratislava and Prague, there was no sign of dissatifaction or open opposition among the Czech intellectuals or large masses.37 A a result the leaders of the Czechoslovak Communist Party were in no mood to depart from the Stalinist position, and the Soviet repression of the Hungarian revolution rather strengthened their belief that it was not necessary to modify their regime. The Czech and Slovak communist leaders "associated themselves with the Soviet verbal onslaught on Stalin, hoping, no doubt, that they might avoid necessity of taking genuine steps to modify their own Stalinism", 38 even later at the time of the clash between Moscow and Bucharest in 1961. The leaders of the Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia remained equally unnerved by the Sino-Soviet conflict and the idea of polycentricism. They saw in polycentricism a danger to internationalism of the Communist movement and considered the Communist Party of the Soviet Union as the "only center".39 Slovakia in the Struggle of de-Stalinization40 It is important to indicate at the outset, that after the execution of Clementis and the purges of 1954,41 the Communist leaders in Slovakia were handpicked by Prague, that they were neither intellectuals, nor theoreticians, and that some of them, like Siroky and Bacilek were even lacking in Slovak background. They were the hard-line " apparatchiks" of the Gottwald school and as such, unable to take a new course or to take part in the de-Stalinization process. Furthermore, "unlike their Czech comrades, the Slovaks have had no right to determine the fundamental lines of Party policy and, tactics, not even for Slovakia, or to adopt Party programs". 42 After the "Stalinist democratic centralism" was imposed upon Slovakia in 1948, decentral- 12 SLOVAKIA ization was replaced by the "centralizing tendencies, justified officially as being necessary for the successful construction of socialism. This centralization continued throughout the whole Stalinist era and was carried over into post-Stalin days. 43 "The statutory inferiority of the Slovak Party organs was amply corroborated by actual developments". 44 In addition, the Communists were very weak in membership in Slovakia in comparison with Bohemia-Moravia. Of the 2,311,966 members and candidates of the KSc in 1949 only 236,432 were from Slovakia, i.e. slightly over 10 percent, although more than one-quarter of Czecho-Slovakia's population lived in that area. Also, the Party's appeal to the youth was far less effective in Slovakia than in the rest of the country. While the over-all percentages of Party members below twenty-five years of age in 1949 was 14.5, the corresponding figure for Slovakia was only 9.7.45 Notwithstanding all these factors, it was in Slovakia where the open struggle for de-Stalinization began in April 1963,46 The interplay of political, psychological and economic reasons had made the Slovak communist intellectuals, mostly journalists and writers, bitter and they started to assail the Stalinist regime of Antonin Novotny on all three fronts: political, ideological and economic. The Slovaks were also irked by the fact that the resolutions of the XII Congress of the Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia, held in December 1962 spoke of the rehabilitation of the Communists who were sentenced between 1949-1953 , and disregarded the purges of Slovak "bourgeois nationalists", tried in 1954. The first outburst of open opposition took place at the Congress of Slovak Wr iters, held on April 21-22 in Bratislava, and a month later at the Congress of Slovak Journalists, also in Bratis1 ava, on May 27-28. While at the Congress of Slovak Writers, Karol Rosenbaum spoke of "inhuman methods" during the period of the "personality cult" and about forces sufficiently strong to prevent a return of the terror of that period,47 at the Congress of Slovak Journalists, M. Hysko, professor at the Slovak school of journalism, led the attack against the slowness of de-Stalinization by Novotny's government. Despite Novotny's warnings and personal attacks on Hysko and R. LIBRARY SLOVAKIA 13 Kalisky a month later, these two Congresses unleashed forces which put the life Jf the country on the tracks of de-Stalinization and liberalization. There had been mounting dissatisfaction in Slovakia since the Congress of Slovak Writers in 1956 among the writers and journalists, who remained, after the imprisonment of the political leaders accused of "bourgeois nationalism", the only spokesmen for the Slovak people. In 1963 the spark for the open criticism of Novotny's regime and insistence on reforms was given by the return from jail of the "bourgeois nationalists". Their accounts 48 of brutality shook the conscience of Slovak writers and journalists, and they were shaken more than anyone else because some of them had contributed to the consideration of Husak and Novomesky, while others had praised the regime and its iron grip and were mute about brutality and persecution of innocent people in all walks of life. As Hysko said at the Congress of Slovak journalists, they also were partly guilty because they presented the innocent comrades as " criminals". 49 They now wanted to repair the damage done and from L. Mflacko, who became well-known abroad, to M. Hysko, V. Mihalik, V. Minac, Kalisky and others, the intellectuals denounced the Stalinist regime and its brutality and asked for reforms. 50 The Congress of Slovak Writers and the Congress of Slovak Journalists became more than mere meetings to discuss literary and cultural problems. As we see it now and as it was considered by many in 1963, it was the beginning of a serious effort to change the ruling system, to clear the atmosphere of the suffocating fear of oppression and to correct injustices and crime of the period of the cult of personality. Slovak writers and journalists played again the role of the "conscience of the nation" which the Stalinist terror not only silenced for many years but had found in some writers eager collaborators. 51 The editorials in Kulturny zivot before th6 Congress were entitled "Literature in the struggle for truth", 52 and the participants proved that they meant to have it thus. After the Congresses furthermore, they asked for "a clean table" and stated that "everything is not in order". 53 Slovak writers spoke in the same fighting spirit against the terror and for a "cult of truth" instead of a cult of 1 14 SLOVAKIA personality also at the Congress of the Union of Czechoslovak Writers, held in Prague on May 22-24 of the same year. The words fear, falsification of facts, abuse of confidence were repeated time and again. Noteworthy were especially the outspoken speeches by the poets Vojtech Mihalik and Laco Novomesky, the dramatist Peter Karvas and the courageous writer V. Minac,54 the essayist M. Chorvat, Zora Jesenska and others. The Congress "revealed that the mood of discontent was not confined to Slovak writers only, but included their Czech colleagues. Almost without exception, the participants were critical in the extreme, not only of the worst evils prevailing in the cult period, but also of their continuance right down to the present. Speaker after speaker gave vent to the general public outrage at the horrors of the cult and the failure of the party to eliminate them since 1956, and spoke in individual ethical terms which had little to do with partymindedness. Truth and freedom were words frequently invoked". 55 The poet V. Mihalik spoke again about the duty of writers to be the "conscience of the nation" and bitterly critized the period of the cult of personality. 56 L. Mnacko, whose series "Belated Reports", well known for their exposure of the terror and injustices, began to appear in Kulturny zivot, spoke of the "mousetrap" and the "unrosy economic, political and moral situation of the country". 57 L. Novomesky whose contribution to the discussion was published under the heading "With comrade reason" and the contributions by Zora Jesenska and P. Karvas ("About one source of dogmatism") 58 completed the picture of dissatifaction with the past and present, insisting on the necessity of change and reforms. These congresses, as we now see launched CzechoSlovakia upon a new course, with consequences impredictable at that time. If until the early 1960's the Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia could have served as a laboratory speciment of die hard dogmatism and appeared practically untouched by the winds of change stirring in the international Communist movement59 after these meetings it was not true any longer. The leaders of the Communist Party realized it and made some further steps in the direction of de-Stalinization SLOVAKIA 15 but without serious efforts to change the nature of their totalitarian system. Novotny only reluctantly admitted that the cult of personality harmed the country and had such disastrous effects as claimed by the critics. He tried to put the blame on the purged Stalinist R. Shinsky or argued that many changes had already been made to conform with the resolutions of the XII Congress of the Party. In an angry speech in Slovak town of Kosice, on June 12, 1963, he rejected the accusations contained in the speeches of M. Hysko and Roman Kalisky, and categorically proclaimed that the Communist Party would not allow the Slovak newspaper Pravda to become "a tribune of attacks against the leadership of the Party". 60 Slovak Communist intellectuals, however, were not frightened by Novotny's threats and warnings. Throughout 1963 Novotny was subjected to vocal criticism for his failure to break the hold of Stalinism on national life, to rehabilitate publicly those who had suffered most in the era of repression, and to punish those who had borne the main burden of responsibility in that era. Most vehemently did the Slovak writers call for greater freedom in their national life, and for the erasing of the charges of "bourgeois nationalism" on which the purge of leading Slovak personalities had been based. They continued, especially in the organ of the Union of Slovak Writers, Kulturny zivot, to insist on the necessity of reforms and asked for a fair deal for Slovakia. In August they obtained full rehabilitation61 of the Slovak "bourgeois nationalists" whom the XII Congress of the Party in November 1962 had bypassed. In September, they scored another success in the removal of V. siroky62 from the Government as well as from his position in the Party and in the National Assembly. These concessions did not satisfy, however, the awakened conscience of Slovak Communist intellectuals63 and during the months to come they assailed the regime mercilessly, especially in Kulturny zivot. Novotny retaliated by forcing to resign in June 1964 the editor in chief of Kulturny zivot, Paul stevcek, and Roman Kalisky, member of the editorial board, who had fearlessly attacked 16 SLOVAKIA a year before the economic policy of N ovotny's regime in Slovakia. Instead of frightening the intellectuals, these measures added new fuel to the fire of their dissatisfaction. Slovak writers, journalists and economists began to point out the deformations of "socialist legality and morality" and the acts of discrimination against Slovaks in all field of public life. They asked for the revision of the Constitution of July 1960, which formally abolished the limited autonomy of Slovakia granted to Slovaks between 1945 and 1948. Furthermore, they asked for economic reforms, 64 for the re definition of certain principles of socialist ideology,65 for a new cultural policy66 and for the revaluation of the role of the Slovak uprising,67 which was ridiculed and degraded by Novotny's regime and some Czech writers during the imprisonment of the leaders of the uprising-Husak, Novomesky, Okali and others. The regime yielded in some fields, especially in cultural policy and new Minister, C. Cisar, allowed a degree of liberalization and restored some autonomy to universities. The economists could also quite freely discuss their plans from August to November, 1963, and their criticism and proposals were published,68 Novotny's position and Moscow's support for his regime seemed for some time to be in jeopardy. The struggle was, however, far from won. Novotny was re-elected not only as President of the Republic but, at the XIIIth Party Congress of 1966, also as First Secretary. And he was not only unable but also unwilling to proceed with basic reforms or to quiet down the antagonism between the Slovaks and Czechs which had erupted in 1963 and increased in intensity in the Slovak press and in Party meetings with every year. In fact , Novotny fought against the unrest in the minds of Slovaks, and was reluctant to grant any significant concessions. Some Czechs realized, however, that the problem existed and should be solved.69 Under fire by Slovaks, among whom the rehabilitated G. Husak and the Soviet educated Alexander Dubcek gained more and more influence, by the "revisionists" and "pragmatists", all of whom tried to humanize and reform the Party and government, Novotny tried at last to give a new image to Czecho-Slova- SLOVAKIA 17 kia at home and especially in Western Europe. More personal freedom, including a limited religious freedom, was granted and some economic reforms were introduced. "Most important, the Communist Party, having largely abandoned its dogmatic positions, was no longer the allseeing, all-powerful, unquestioned authority that it once had been. " 70 Furthermore, the writers and journalists were soon joined in their opposition and outspoken criticism of the regime not only by the youth, which increasingly posed a serious problem to the government, but also by the workers and other segments of the population. People were no longer afraid to criticize and opposition was growing. Novotny and his Party apparatus tried to control the winds of change, but it was a hopeless struggle. William Siroky was replaced by the Moscow educated Jozef Lenart, former Secretary General of the Slovak Communist Party, who was not involved in the purges as were Bast'ovansky and Bacflek. 71 Novotny could not control these developments. Too many people suddenly realized that both a change of course and of people in leading functions was inevitable. The struggle for liberalization and federalization By 1967 the internal situation in the country and in the Party had matured to the point that it was possible to remove Novotny from his omnipotent position of First Secretary of the Party and on March 22, 1968 also from ,the Presidency of the country. The masterful co-operation of the factions which had called for reforms on both the Slovak and Czech side, resulted in the "impossible" becoming a fact, and Alexander Dubcek, at the age of 47, assumed the office of the First Secretary and launched the country upon the course of liberalization which surprised the whole world. While intellectuals in the Czech provinces centered their attention mostly on economic and ideological problems (the contribution by E . Lobl or E . Goldstticker, both from Slovakia, should not, however, be underestimated) , in Slovakia political leaders and intellectuals were deeply involved in the problem of humanization of the system 18 SLOVAKIA and the restoration to Slovakia of at least a part of the autonomy which she had enjoyed before 1948. With the political rehabilitation of the "bourgeois nationalists" and the amnesty granted to the military leaders of the 1944 uprising, the status of Slovakia and the "gains of the uprising" were once again the goals to be achieved. 72 Early in 1968 Slovak communist intellectuals were for a while involved in a discussion as to whether priority should be given to liberalization or to federalization, 73 but the controversy ended with the consensus that one does not exclude the other and that both aims should be pursued. A certain reluctance on the side of the Czechs towards federalization,74 nevertheless, led the Slovaks to put stress on the federalization. There also were still alive reminiscences on the "First Czechoslovak republic" when Slovakia suffered discrimination and exploitation inspite of the fact that the Prague governments were known as "the only true democracy in Central Europe between the Wars" . Furthermore, the manner in which all the agreements and declarations guaranteeing an autonomous status for Slovakia after 1945 were forgotten and disregarded, forced the Slovak leaders to put the emphasis on the necessity of constitutional reforms. In fact , Slovaks submitted a plan for a federalization of the Republic in 1963,75 and Alexander Dubcek, after assuming the leadership of the Party and starting the liberalization process, put the Slovak demands for an equal status with the Czechs high on the agenda of his reforms.76 Federalization was in the eyes of Slovak communist leaders, who were attacking Novotny's regime since 1956, and without reserve since 1963, an essential part of the demo cratization process which, on the other hand, was the prerequisite for liberalization. Only by the transformation of the political structure of the state could Slovaks achieve a position of full equality and control of further development of the situation in the right direction. The impression, created in the West by reports from Prague or by some Western analysts of the developments of the situations in Czecho-Slovakia, that the movement for giving communism "a human face" was an expression of the Czech "hussite traditions" and therefore a Czech and not a Slovak affair, is devoid of any serious foundation. SLOVAKIA 19 Alexander Dubcek, the young Slovak leader of the liberalization movement who spent his formative years in the Soviet Union, hardly knew anything about the "hussite traditions" when he made his first major speech on February 1st, 1968 in which he promised "the development of socialist democracy" in the Party and the state. Nor did Edward Goldstticker, born and educated in Slovakia, who became elected the chairman of the Czechoslovak Writers Union and insisted that a way must be found how to reconcile individual freedom with the communist system, have any connection in his background with the "hussite traditions". 77 A group of Czech intellectuals, especially the youth of Prague, became undoubtedly more vociferous than Slovaks when the movement was launched. 78 It looked at times as if they had desired to make up for years of servile obedience to Novotny's regime. Czechs also were more provocative in their behaviour when the Soviet Union and her satellites condemned the movement after a meeting in Warsaw and as a result they contributed or gave more pretexts than the Slovaks to the final Soviet step which killed the liberalization movement. Objectively, both Slovaks and Czechs desired the changes. Slovaks more than Czechs because they suffered more-communists and non-communists alike-under the Novotny's regime. Slovaks therefore started the opposition and Slovakia gave to the struggle for the "human face of communism" not only the leader, Alexander Dubcek, but also it became the place of two historic conferences: on July 1st at cierna nad Tisou and on August 3rd, in Bratislava. 79 The liberalization process was largely publicized in the West. A survey of the Czech and Slovak press and of statements of the leaders of the movement would indicate, however, that the aims and goals of the liberalization were often magnified and misinterpreted by some Western analysts. To what extent such behaviour of the West contributed to the final decision of Moscow to go with the tanks against the wind of freedom, is of course a matter of conjecture. Skilling correctly assessed the aims of this "interrupted revolution": 20 SLOVAKIA In some respects, the reforms planned in Prague were more modest than analogous efforts in other communist countries. There was not. at least at the outset, a rejection of Soviet domination, as in the case of Yugoslavia, and other later revolts against Moscow ; nor were major changes in foreign orientation envisaged, as in the case of Rumania and others. There was to be no sharp break in relations with the communist camp, and no defection from Comecon or the Warsaw Pact. Nor was there an immediate and spontaneous rejection of collectivization, as in Hungary and Poland, or a radical reconstruction of the economy, such as followed the initial break by Yugoslavia.so It was only in the political realm that "the changes envisaged, and in part introduced were more drastic and more rapid than anything attempted elsewhere, and aimed at nothing less than a "socialist democracy".81 The leaders of the movement firmly indicated that it was the Communist party which should remain in power and rule, if possible, alone. Some intellectuals speculated about a representation of other parties or groups,82 but the leaders in power did not intend to introduce democracy on the basis of a multi-party system. They spoke and wrote about "socialist democracy" with freedom of expression,83 abolition of terror, abolition of censorship and more independence for state organs on the politburo. They also wanted more freedom of discussion in the Parliament, but without any opposition parties, it was particularly freedom only for the communist members of the Parliament, because the number of deputies of the National Front parties is negligible. All these reforms were basically contained in the Action Program of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, approved by the Central Committee on April 5, 1968. The Program confirmed the charges that have taken place since January 1968 and-what the population accepted with great acclaim-it promised legal and political guarantees of the personal and political rights of all citizens. There also was a promis of rehabilitation of those innocently jailed and persecuted and a pledge of constitutional guarantees of freedom of assembly and association. 84 Still more significant than the official statement and programs were the views of writers freely expressed in journals like Kulturny zivot or Nove slovo which, after it had been banned when Husak was condemned as bourgeois nationalist, began to appear again. The writers asked for SLOVAKIA 21 much more than the political leaders promised, and in hundreds of articles or answers to the question "what could be done to accelerate the process of democratization"85 they created an atmosphere that gave to the population the feeling of freedom and of big hopes for the future. At the same time they irritated, however, Moscow and her satellites. After the treatening letter from Warsaw not only Moscow but also the other communist countries reacted with increasing pressure. Dubcek, supported by the majority of the population, resisted the pressure and it seemed that after the Conference at cierna nad Tisou on July 14, and especially after the meeting of the representatives of all 5 communist countries in Bratislava on August 3rd, the differences were settled and the danger of an intervention avoided. Czechs and Slovaks were still engaged in a free discussion of the necessity of reforms86 and planned the congresses of both the Czechoslovak and Slovak Communist Parties, when during the night of August 20, the country was brutally invaded by the forces of the Warsaw Pact and the liberalization and democratization process was dramatically brought to an end.87 The planned reforms, the atmosphere of freedom, the abolition of censorship and terror, even if the Communist party was to remain in power, was unacceptable for Moscow. All this represented dangerous ideological innovations and seemed to be too contagious to be tolerated by the leaders of the Kremlin and the autocratic rulers in Warsaw, Budapest and East Germany. As it later appeared from Moscow's explanation of the invasion, Hitler's "Lebensraum doctrine" was replaced by Brezhnev's doctrine of the right of the Soviet Union to intervene in the socialist countries and to impose the Soviet system and social order on the lands within the Soviet zone of influence. While the liberalization process was aborted by the invasion, the federalization process was not basically affected. For some time it seemed that Moscow could convince G. Husak, who became leader of the Slovak Communist Party, to accept another solution: an "independent" Slovak Socialist Republic or a Slovak Soviet Republic within the Union of the Soviet Socialist Republics. This 22 SLOVAKIA solution of the 50 years old dispute over the relations between the Slovaks and Czechs was considered even in the West as highly probable, because both a Soviet socialist republic and an independent Slovak State were the aim of the Slovak uprising of 1944, in its original stage.BB The reaction to the invasion was, however, of such intensity and the feelings against Moscow were so strong, that neither Husak nor anybody else was ready to lead the Slovaks out of Czecho-Slovakia at this time. Husak accepted the function of the head of a commission in charge of preparing the transformation of Czecho-Slovakia into a confederation of two republics, the Czech and the Slovak Socialist Republic and he used all his perseverance and ability to this end. The constitutional law, transforming the centralist state ruled by the Czechs, was adopted by the Assembly on October 27, 1968, as Law No. 143. It was signed and solemnly proclaimed on October 30, at the Bratislava Castle in Slovakia, with the provision that it will take effect on January 1st, 1969. At the signing ceremonies the President of the Republic, Ludvik Svoboda, termed federalization a progressive and historic act that would improme the social order and welfare of both Czechs and Slovaks. Alexander Dubcek, the First Secretary of the Czechoslovak Communist Party, and G. Husak, the Secretary of the Slovak Communist Party, spoke of federalization as strengthening the unity of the state and creating a basis for better future relations between the Czechs and Slovaks. Slovaks, especially Slovak youth of Bratislava, cheered outside the Bratislava Castle when the law was signed, even though its contents were not known in detail and the reminiscences of a similar law adopted in 1938 and its subsequent violation by Prague 6 months later, were not forgotten by the Slovak people. The fear of a possible inclusion of Slovakia into the Soviet Union, if Slovakia completely separated from the Czechs, compels apparently even many of those Slovaks who do not believe that the Czechs would honor the new agreements, to accept federalization as a solution to the Slovak problem in the present international situation. The constitutional law signed in Bratislava, establishes SLOVAKIA 23 the basic federal structure, leaving specific prov1s10ns about the rights and responsibilities of the federal organs to another law which was passed by the National Assembly in November. Basically, the constitutional changes solve the problem of the existence of two nations-the Czech and the Slovak-by setting up a federal National Assembly consisting of an Assembly of the People, elected on the basis of proportional representation, and an Assembly of Nations, in which Czechs and Slovaks will have equal representation. In this respect the Soviet constitution seemed to be the model while in other respects the federal structure of Czecho-Slovakia is similar to the structure of European and American constitutions. Law No. 143 reserves to the federal domain responsibilities for foreign policy, defense and curency and the areas of culture and education are reserved to the domain of the member-states to the Czech Socialist Republic and the Slovak Socialist Republic. Both republics have equal status according to this Law and the sovereignty of both "national states" should be respected. However, this "sovereignty" is limited by the articles 7 to 28 of the Law to such an extent, that we can hardly compare the new Czecho-Slovakia with Switzerland or the Canadian Federation. Even less can the federal structure of Czecho-Slovakia be compared with Austria-Hungary after the Ausgleich of 1867, which historically and politically is the closest example. However, one of the interesting features of this constitutional reform is the provision of Law No. 143 about the "right of self-determination" which gives the Slovaks the right to secession. The political autonomy which the "Law on the Federation" provides for Slovakia is, on the other hand, limited by the fact that the Communist Party was not reorganized to reflect the federal structure of the State. As a result the political power remains concentrated in, and the most important decisions will be taken in Prague by bodies composed of a majority of Czech members. Since many Czechs accepted only reluctantly the federalization of the Republic, difficulties and dissensions are to be expected. For the second time in three decades the Slovak struggle for national rig·hts within a federalized Czecho-Slovakia was fought in the middle of an international crisis: in 1938 in the Munich crisis and in 1968 under the Soviet occupa- 24 SLOVAKIA tion. It remains to be seen whether Prague learned the lesson this time or whether there will be an aftermath as in 1939. Slovaks in the free world accepted the federalization with distrust and misgivings and did not ease to advocate the right of the Slovak people for an independent, democratic Slovak Republic. 89 Dr. Joseph M. Kirschbaum is former university professor and author of several books and studies on Slovakia in English and other languages. 1) See H. G. Skilling, Communism National and International (Toronto, 1964), pp. 86-95, and William E. Griffith, Communism in Europe ( Cambridge, Mass., 1966), II, pp. 257-65. 2) S. Z. Pech, "New Avenues in Eastern European History", Canadian Slavonic Papers, X, 1 ( 1968), 14-15. See also W. F . Griffith, "Myth and Reality in Czechoslovak History", Eastern European History, II, 3, 84. 3) See Wm. Diamond, Czechoslovakia Between East And West (London, 1947), p. 50 and Stefan Glejdura, Los Grandes Problemas Del Este Europeo: Eslovaquia (Madrid, 1968) , pp. 29-32. Slovak communists were supported in obtaining this especially by Gottwald, who proclaimed the agreement to the " Magna Charta of the Slovak Nation". See Griffith, Communism in Europe, pp. 183-93. 4 ) See Skilling, " The Czechoslovak Constitutional System: The Soviet Impact," Political Science Quarterly, LXVII, 2 (1952); Griffith , Communism in Europe, pp. 135 ff., and K. Glaser, Czecho-Slovakia: A Critical History ( Caldwell, Id., 1960), pp. 87-139. 5) G. Husak, one of the main leaders, declared at the beginning of the uprising: "It must be said openly that our people would welcome with enthusiasm the removal of frontiers and customs between us and the other Slav nations, especially between Slovaks and Russians," Nove Slovo, September 24, 1944. See also S. Falt'an, Historicky casopis, 4 (1966), 589. L. Novomesky, who was sent during the uprising from Slovakia to London, did not "conceal his doubts as to whether it was wise for Slovakia to remain within the small Czechoslovakia when it could join the great Soviet Union," J. Korbel, The Communist Subversion of Czechoslovakia, 1938-1948 (Princeton, 1959 ), p. 72. See also Griffith, Communism in Europe, pp. 179-85 and Joseph A. Mikus, Slovakia: A Political History 19181930 (Milwaukee, Wis., 1963) pp. 185-90. 6) Jozef Jablonicky, "Slovenske narodne povstanie - nova faza v rieseni vzt'ahov medzi cechmi a Slovakmi" (Slovak National Uprising: A New Phase in the Solution of the Relations between the Czechs and Slovaks) , Historicky casopis, XII, 3 (1964), 236. See also J . Korbel, The Communist Subversion, pp. 32, 68-72, and S. Falt'an, Historicky casopis, XII, 140, 2, 161-84. 7) For details on the religious situation in Slovakia after 1945 see SLOVAKIA 8) 9) 10 ) 11 ) 12) 25 T. G. Zubek, The Church of Silence in Slovakia (Whiting, Indiana, 1956); Stefan Nahalka, La Slovacchia d'Oggi (Rome, 1957); Joseph Pauco, Christian Slovakia (Valparaiso, Ind. , 1959) ; J . A. Mikus, op. cit. p. 164-185 and P. Hnilica, S. J., "The Church under Totalitarian Rule" in Collier and Glaser (ed.), Elements of Change in Eastern Europe, (Chicago, 1968), pp. 136-149. See Kirschbaum, "Slovak Literature under the Soviet Impact", Slavic and East European Studies, Vol. 1, no. 1, and Imrich Kruzliak, Kulturne Slovensko v rokoch 1945-1966 (Culture in Slovakia in the years 1945-66), (Munich, 1967). Skilling, The Governments of Communist East Europe, op. cit., p. 202, and "People's Democracy, The Proletarian Dictatorship and the Czechoslovak Path to Socialism", The American Slavic and East European Review, X, 2 (April 1951) , 100-16. Skilling, Commimism national . .. , op. cit. , p. 88. The Communist Party of Slovakia was founded in May 1939 as an illegal party and was. recognized as an independent party by the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, as well as by the leaders of the Czech Communist Party in Moscow. It maintained its independence until 1948. For more details see Z. Elias and J. Netik "Czechoslovakia" in W. E. Griffith Communism in Europe, (Cambridge, Mass., 1966) 2. volume pp. 174-186 and Bohuslav Graca "Komunisticka strana Slovenska" (The Communist Party of Slovakia), Nova Mysl, No. 5, May 1961. Even in the party the Slovaks were poorly represented at the center, with their chief spokesman the Prime Minister, Siroky, and the Slovak party chief, Bacilek, both only partly Slovak in origin. Pavol David was the only undisputed Slovak in the party command. Skilling, Communism National, op. cit. p. 94 ; See also Griffith, op. cit. pp. 210-215 and Miku~, op. cit., pp. 291-302. Taborsky, op cit. p. 336 and H. G. Skilling, "The Czechoslovak Constitution of 1960 and the transition to Communism", Journal of Politics, XXIV, 1, 1962, pp. 156-59. See also Edward Kucera, K nekterym otazkam autonomie a postaveni Slovenska v ramci ceskoslovenske Republiky (About Some Questions of Autonomy 13) 14) 15) 16) and the Position of Slovakia within the Framework of the Czechoslovak Republic) , (Prague, 1954). Jan Moura! Slovenske narodni organy (Slovak National Organs), (Prague, 1958) and Collection of Laws of the Slov ak National Council, (Bratislava, 1954) . Skilling, The Governments of Commimist East E urope, op. cit. p. 156 and Taborsky op. cit. pp. 338-240, and Griffith, op. cit. p. 235 and off. Several Slovak Communist intellectuals made attempts at definitions of this period. See Kulturny Zivot, April 27, 1963-Proceedings of the Congress of the Slovak Writers. After the execution of V. Clementis, Slovaks were withdrawn from practically all diplomatic posts abroad (out of 97 ambassadors only 5 were Slovaks) and writers, who served as cultural attaches were 26 17 ) 18) 19) 20) 21) 22) 23 ) 24 ) 25 ) 26) 27 ) SLOVAKIA hit particularly hard. On Clementis see Griffith, op. cit. , p. 176 and Mikus, op. cit. , pp. 292-298. Skilling, Communism National . .. , op. cit. pp. 88, 85, 84 resp. and Glejdura , loc. cit. Novomesky, quoted by Skilling, ibid. p. 117. Taborsky, op cit. p. 344, See also Skilling, Communism national ... op. cit. pp. 94-96. Pravda, May 1st, 1956. Pravda, January 10 and 11, 1958, quoted in Taborsky, op. cit. p. 344. See Pavel Berka's article in c".:eskoslovensky prehled, vol. 5 ( 1958) , p. 27 and Taborsky, op. cit. p. 345. On Slovak Nationalism see B. S. Bue, Slovak Nationalism (Middletown, Pa .), 1960, R. A. Kann, The Multinational Empire (Rutgers University Press) , 1950, J. A. Mikus, La Slovaquie, individualite politique de l'Europ e centrale ( Centre de documentation internationale, Paris ) 1958, L . Gogolak, Beitriige zur Geschichte des Slowakischen Volkes (Munich) 196~ and E. Denis, La Question d'Autriche - Les Slovaques (Paris) , 1917. As Skilling writes, Western scholars "have failed to see that subjection of Slovaks to centralized Czech Communist rule has not dimmed the feeling of Slovak nationalism, even among Communists, and could produce a brave response. " See "Czechoslovakia", in A. Bromke (ed.) , The Communist states at the crossroads, (Praeger, New York, 1965) , p. 103. See Z. Elias and J . Netik in Griffith, Communism in Europe, op. cit. p. 162. Taborsky, op. cit. pp. 345-6. See also Skilling, Communism national . .. , op. cit. pp. 112-130. Among Canadian scholars it is especially Prof. H. Gordon Skilling who published several well documented studies on this period. In the United States S. D. Kertesz, Philip E . Mosley, William E Griffith and K. Glaser and D. S. Collier as editors or contributors to symposia brought the problems to the attention of Western readers. On the Slovak side the weekly Kulturny Zivot became the main tribune. The articles by M. Hysko, 0 . Pavlik, E. Lobl, L . Mnacko, G. Husak, F. Falt'an, L. Novomesky, V. Mihalik and others analyzed the period of the cult of personality. On the Czech side the periodical Nova Mys/., Litenirni Noviny and Literarni Listy offer a number of interesting articles by Czech intellectuals on this subject. 28 ) See articles in Kulturny Ziv ot by Ondrej Pavlik (April 27, and August 10, 1963 ) and by V. Mihalik and V. Pet'ko (May 25 and April 20 respectively, and an article by J . Fojtik in Rude Pravo (March 29, 1963) . 29 ) Philip E. Mosley, " Eastern Europe in World Power Politics", D. S. Collier and K. Glaser, (ed. ), Elem ents of Change in Eastern Europe, Chicago, 1966, pp. 61-62. '') As wrote prof. Mosley in 1965. 30 ) Usneseni a do kum enty ust fe dniho v yboru komunisticke strany Ceskoslovenska, Vol. II, (Prague, 1962), pp. 5-57. English excerpts of SLOVAKIA 31) 32) 33) 34) 35 ) 36) 37) 38) 39) 40 ) 41 ) 42 ) 43) 44) 45 ) 27 this speech can be found in A. Dallin, Diversity in International Communism (Columbia U. P. New York) , 1963, pp. 298-313. See M . Hysko's speech at the Congress of Slovak journalists, published in Pravda, June 13, 1963. The first open student manifestation against the regime in 1956 occurred in Slovakia's capital, Bratislava, during a student's festival, In a pocession through Bratislava's streets, Slovak university students carried a coffing with the following inscription: "Here lay buried democratic liberties". As the official radio Bratislava admitted , "this soon became a stirring and well-liked slogan." See Duchacek, Zoe. cit. p. 105. Duchacek, ibid., p. 103. H. G. Skilling " Eastern Europe and the West" in A. Bromke (ed.). The Communist States and the West, (A. Praeger. 1967) , p. 53. Duchacek, op. cit. p. 98, see also pp. 112-118. Skilling, Communism national . .. , op. cit. p. 90. According to Elias and Netik: "The predominant mood among the masses was one of indolence, striving for the satisfaction of crass material desires, general mistrust, and a decline of civic morale. Pilfering in industrial and agricultural enterprises, negligence in consumer services, a sorry state of disrepair in buildings, roads, machinery, and the like, although constantly deplored in the press, came to be accepted as a matter of course. The slogan "He who does not steal from the state steals from his family" was entirely symptomatic to the popular mood of the period, in spite of the fact that the supply of food and consumer goods had improved sufficiently to satisfy most normal needs of the population. loc. cit. p. 275. Skilling, Communism national . .. , op. cit. p. 194. See Rude Premo, November 24 and December 12, 1961. This survey concerns itself mainly with Slovakia and its role in the de-Stalinization process and, therefore, we will put the emphasis, without underestimating the Czech element, on the part which Slovakia and Slovaks played in this period. The Slovak Communist leaders, G. Husak, L. Novomesky, D. Okali and others, were actually imprisoned already in 1951-1952 and only their trials took place in 1954. For an interesting survey of the purges of Slovak "bourgeois nationalists" see " O nezakonnych procesoch a rehabilitacii od roku 1948" (About the illegal processes and rehabilitation since 1948). Vyber, June 1968 and Mikus, op. cit. pp. 291-302. Taborsky, op cit. p. 66. See Hromada. Prehl'ad ceskoslovenskych statnych organov (A survey of Czechoslovak State Organs), (Bratislava, 1955) , p. 26, K. Glaser, op. cit. pp. 154-178, Z. Elias and J. Netik in W. E . Griffith, op. cit. p. 197 and ff, and Mikus, op. cit. pp. 227-302. J . Netik and J. Franko Communism and Slovakia (Evaluation Report of RF E Research Unit, November 17, 1960) . Taborsky, op. cit. p. 214. See also Mikus, op. cit. pp. 226-224. Rude Pravo, Ma y 27, 1950. See also his article in Pravda, June 16, 28 46) 47) 48) 49) 50) 51) 52) 53) 54) 55) SLOVAKIA 1963 in which he charged that the personality cult "deformed life and violated our socialist humanism". This has been admitted also by some Czech writers in the West. "The wave of outspoken criticism clearly originated in Slovakia; but it was carried on, though in somewhat muted tones, at the Prague Writers' Third Congress on May 22-24, which heard a number of frank and courageous statements, particularly from the younger "literati". Z. Elias and J . Netik in Griffith, op. cit. p. 262. See Kulturny Zivot, April 27 and May 4, 1963. G. Husak recently published his account in Nove Slovo, June 1968, but it was known right after his release from jail. L. Holdos published his account in Smena, March 23, 1968, and both these " memoirs" describe the most revolting brutalities to which human beings were ever subject. E. Lobl published his experiences in a book Svedectvo o procese (Testimony about the Process) Bratislava, 1968. For excerpts in English see The Telegram (Toronto) July 18-19, 1968. Pravda, Bratislava, June 3, 1963. With Husak working behind the scenes, they also became later the "brain trust" of Alexander Dubcek, who was educated in the Soviet Union as an apparatchik, but retained an understanding for the human desire for freedom. See F . Vnuk, Sedemncisf neitrodnych rokov ( Seventeen Barren Years), (An outline of Slovak Literature) in 1945-62, Middletown, Pa., 1965, and I. Kruzliak, Kulturne Slovensko v rokoch 1945-1966 ( Culture in Slovakia in the years 1945-1966), Munich 1967. Kulturny Zivot, Vol. XVIII, No. 17, 1963, articles by P. Karvas, A. Plavka, L. Mnacko, M. Chorvath and others. K. Rosenbaum, ibidem, No. 18 and J. Bzoch, No. 20. Some writers had the courage to say even before the Congresses that "the cult of personality, closely knit with dogmatism, limited and hampered creative scientific work" and that "from the field of social sciences mostly suffered historiography of the recent period". Samo Falt'an, "Hist6ria a dnesok" (History and the Present), Kulturny Zivot, Vol. XVIII, No. 12, 1963. At the Congress of Slovak Jounalists Hysko also said that " the socialist journalist should respect directions only if they are not in conflict with the fundamental principles of socialist morality". Pravda, June 13, 1963. The significance of Hysko's speech lies in the fact that he brought into the open many Slovak grievances, in particular the treatment of Slovaks at the hands of the Czech leadership. Minac created a storm of protests also in 1968 by accusing the policy of Dr Benes as an attempt "near genocide" of the Slovak people. See Vyber, July 5, 1968, pp.9-11. Skilling, Communism national, op. cit. pp. 114116. For the text of speeches and resolutions see Kulturny zivot, Vol. XVIII, No. 21, 22 (resolutions) and 23. See also K. Greiner "Wurzeln der liberalisierung Tendenzen in der Tschecho-Slowakei" . In Entwicklungen im Kommunismits (Verband der Freien Presse), Munich, 1967, pp. 123-131. SLOVAKIA 56) 57) 58) 59) 29 Kulturny Zivot, Vol. XVIII, No. 21. Ibidem , No. 22. Ibidem. Z. Elias and J. Netik in Wm. E. Griffith, Communism in Eiirope , op. cit. p. 157. 60) Pravda, (B ratislava) , June 13, 1963. For fuller discussion see Skilling Commiinism national ... , op. cit. pp. 122-124. 61 ) See Riide Prcivo, August 22, 1963. On the purges of Slovak " Bourgeois nationalists" see E. Fris, Plamen, no. 8, August 1964, Z. Elias and J . Netik in Griffith, op. cit. pp. 210-215 and Mikus, op. cit. pp. 291-302. 62) See Pravda , (Bratislava ), September 23 , 1963. On Siroky and his role in Slovak politics see Mikus, op. cit. p. 298. 63) See H. Kuhn, "Czechoslovakia", in D. Vollier and K. Glaser (ed.) op. cit. pp. 161-164, and K. Greiner, Zoe. cit. pp. 117--148. 64) In the respect the economist Eugen Lobl who was imprisoned with R. Slansky, led the struggle in Kulturny Zivot, H . Koctuch in Slovenske pohl'ady: see also R. Selucky in Kiilturny Zivot, (August 10, 1963, September 28, 1963, November 2, 1963) , and Hospodcirske Noviny, ( November 8 and 15, 1963), for the Czech views. 65) Several intellectuals were dealing with the ideological deformation : 0. Pavlik, M. Kusy, J . Uher, G. Husak, L. Mnacko, K. Rosenbaum , M. Hamada, and others, not only in Kiilturny Zivot, but also in Pravda (Bratislava) , PLamen, and Smena (Bratislava) . 66) The sharpest attacks on Prague's cultural policy towards Slovakia were written by the poet V. Mihalik. See Kulturny Zivot, No. 49, 1965 and No. 8, 1966. 67) Against the misrepresentation and misinterpretation of Slovak history and of the role the Slovaks played during the War see the writings of Slovak intellec tua l,: in Historicky casopis (Historical Review ) as well as Kulturny Zivot. Among the best articles were those written by S. Falt'an, K. Luptak, J . Fabian, E. Fris. See also G. Husak, Svedectvo o slovenskom ncirodnom povstani (Testimony about the Slovak National Uprising), (Bratislava, 1964). 68) See E. Lobl, "O dogmatizme v ekonomickom mysleni" ( About Dogmatism in Economic Thinking), Kulturny Zivot, Sept. 28, No.39, and Oct. 12, No. 41, 1963. Ota Sik, " Akoby nemal vyzerat' antidogmatizmus" (What anti-dogmatism should not be like ), Kiilturny Zivot, No. 44, Nov. 2, 1963, and the proposals of the economists for the perfection and planned direction of the National Economy, Rude Prcivo, Oct. 17, 1964. 69) "The Slovak poblem does exist in our country- wrote in 1964 K. Bartoska-of a complexity and urgency that we failed to realize and did not want to admit. It turns out that the economic equalization of the Czech lands and of Slovakia is not the exhaustive solution of the Slovak complex question". Plamen, No. 5, 1964. 70 ) Elias and Netik, in Griffith, op. cit. p. 275. 71 ) For fuller discussion of the years following the Congress of Writers, see Z. Elias and Netik in Griffith, op. cit. pp. 260-277. 72 ) On Bacilek and his role in the persecution of Slovak "bourgeois 30 73) 74) 75) 76) 77) 78 ) SLOVAKIA nationalists" see Taborsky, op. cit. p. 344, Griffith, op. cit. p. 176 and Mikus, op. cit. pp. 291-302. See Kulturny Zivot, May-July, 1968, and Jacques Marcelle, Le Deuxieme Coup de Prague (Les Editions Vie Ouvriere, Bruxelles, 1968), pp. 183-189. "The sense of urgency which the Slovaks felt about federalism was not matched in the Czech lands" , writes Skilling, "and there was dissatisfaction in Slovakia with the slow pace of planning. There was, however, considerable difference of opinion about the distribution of authority under the proposed federal constitution, with some Slovaks arguing for a very narrow range of federal authority, including only foreign affairs, defense, and finance, and others, mainly Czechs, seeking a much stronger central authority. Even more productive of controversy was the Slovak demand for Parity of representation in the central organs, both executive and legislative, a demand which most Czechs, in spite of their readiness to adopt provisions protecting vital Slovak interests against outvoting by the Czech majority, were unwilling to accept." See Skilling, 'Czecho-Slovakia's Interrupted Revolution" , Canadian Slavonic Papers, vol. X, 4, 1968, p. 419. The historian Milos Gosiorovsky is credited with the iniciative, but Novotny refused to discuss his proposal and ordered sanctions against him. See Vyber, July 19, 1968, pp. 7-8. According to Pravda (Bratislava), February 2, 1968, he said in his first major policy statement on February 1st, 1968: "The Czechs and the Slovaks are nations both equal and able to create their own states. It is our role to strengthen and, in practice, safeguard our people's belief that the Republic open to Czechs and Slovaks additional prospects ... " On the role of Slovakia see G. Husak, "Prinos k januarovym zmenam" (Slovak contribution to the post-January changes), Vyber, December 6, 1968. In this respect namely the so-called "Two Thousand Words" manifesto deserves mention. It provoked an angry reaction in Moscow and in Warsaw at the meeting of the communist parties, on July 15, at which five communist parties sent a threatening letter to Prague. The manifesto was published by Litercirni Listy on June 27, 1968 and was conceived by the communist writer Ludvik Vaculik. 79 ) For a survey of events and documentary articles see Pierre Desgraupes and Pierre Dumayet (ed.), Prague - l'ete des tanks, "L'Histoire a la Une", (Paris, 1968) , the monthly East Europe , January-September, 1968, and Jacques Marcelle, Le Deuxieme coup de Prague, (Editions Vie Ouvriere, Bruxelles, 1968). 80 ) Skilling, Joe cit. p. 4Q9. 81) Skilling, ibid. p. 410. 82 ) See M . Lakatos, " Some Problems of Socialist Democracy ... " Prcivn y Obzor, 3, (1968). According to J. Bob they wanted "cultural, humanistic, democratic" Socialism. See Kulturny Zivot, May 24, 1968. SLOVAKIA 31 83) Openly anti-communist views were of course not allowed. Only the past policies of the Communist Party could be freely criticised. 84 ) Rehabilitation was embodied in a law passed in June, but it referred only to those who were tried between October 1948 and July 1965. It left out thousands of victims condemned for political reasons between 1945-1948 when anti-communists were systematically eliminated from public life, jailed or executed. See Mikus, op. cit. pp. 167-68. According to Skilling the Action Programme "was a relatively moderated programme, acceptable to the conservative and moderate reformers, but not satisfying the more radical ones". Loe. cit. p. 426. 85 ) See an answer by five Slovak writers in Kulturny Zivot, June 21 , 1968. See also G. Husak "Dejinna prilezitost'" (A Historical occasion) , Pravda (Bratislava, May 9, 1968). 86) On the reaction of Slovak intellectuals to the invasion see L. Mnacko, "Die siebente Nacht - Erkenntnis und Anklage eines.Kommunisten" (The Seventh Night - Confession and Accusation of a Communist), (Verlag Fritz Molden, Wien, Miinchen, Ziirich), October 1968, and Slovak journals of September-December. On the international implications see Adam Bromke "Czechoslovakia and the World: 1968", Canadian Slavonic Papers, X, 4, pp. 581-591. On the reaction of the Government and of the Communist Parties, see Dokumenty o okupacii CSR (Documents on the occupation of Czecho-Slovakia), Bratislava 1968. 87 ) Among the contributions to the discussion on democratization and federalization worth of mentioning are: H. Koctuch "Federacia? Konfederacia? ", Kulturny Zivot, March 22, 1968, and "Buduce moznosti a mozna buducnost"', Nove slovo, June 13, 1968; Julius Strinka "Federalizacia a demokratizacia", Kulturny zivot, April 5, 1968; Prof. K. Plank, "Niekol'ko uvah o federalizacii nasho statu" , Sloboda, June 28, 1968; Dr. M. Gaspar, "Aspekty federalizacie CSR", Sloboda, June 14, 1968; and "Federalizacia - Demokracia", Vyber, July 19, 1968. 88) See Historicky casopis (Historical Review), Vol. XII, 3, 1964, and Nove slovo, September 24, 1944, as well as part one of this survey. 89) See articles and comment on this subject in Slovak v Amerike (U.S.A.), Kanadsky Slovak (Canada), cernakov Odkaz (Germany) , Slovensky stit (Australia) etc. A8 AmeTic·arn,, me111ber 8 of the Nlon.1k l,eague of America fi1'Jnl,v bel ie ,·e that the Slon.tk nation, jnst as all nahomi, has a11 i11here11t. and God-given right to freedom and i11clepencle11cc. r['hey are dedicated to the cause of the A rn eri ra n way of life, Slornk freec1om and world peace and ,ne detm·mined to oppose the plague of Comnnrnisrn and all othi-ir totahtaTian political systernR.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovakia in the Struggle for Liberalization and Federalization of Czecho-Slovakia Description An account of the resource J.M. Kirschbaum Slovakia, Vol. 19 (No. 42), 1969 pp. 3-31 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Kirschbaum, Jozef M., 1913-2001 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1969 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/029d603d9d512ac10874f3e99299fe7b.pdf d7f1309ae0047674f22aeaaea36de48b PDF Text Text 106 SLOVAKIA Slovakia on My Map MARGARET MATUS It' s been three years since they buried my grandfather. He died just after Christmas when I was seventeen. I can still picture the grief in his eyes the day they buried my grandmother, just three short weeks before his own death. I remember him sitting heavy and limp in his wheel chair next to her casket, staring at no one in particular, while pictures were taken of Grandma to send to her relatives in CzechoSlovakia. Somehow it seemed a disgusting thing to do - taking pictures of a dead person . But it caused me to think back to a picture that some distant cousin had sent from the old country. It was a woman, one hundred and one years old, so they said. She was stretched out in a narrow coffin with people lined up all around her. The picture fascinated me, not because the old woman was dead, but rather because those people, living so far away, were related to me . It caused me to wonder what it would be like to live in their country and speak in my grandparents' native tongue. My interest, however, didn't fully develop until my sophomore year of high school, when I was assigned to research my ethnic background. At the time I didn't even know where exactly CzechoSlovakia was on the map. None of the history courses I'd ever taken mentioned much about it. I could only find one book in the school library that had anything at all about Slovaks, other than a sentence or two. It was a paragraph of mostly derogatory remarks. It talked about' our bad temper and our weak will for booze - something to the effect that our idea of a good time was to see how many empty beer kegs we could leave rolling on the floor. I found it hard to believe that a history resource book could be so opinionated and it angered me. I flatly refused to tell the class about what I had found. Instead, I tried to rely on what little information I could dig up from my own family background. It wasn't easy. Even though both of my parents are Slovak, they were only able to answer a few of the many questions I raised about our family heritage. I couldn't speak to my father's parents about it. They had long since passed away. And, while my mother's parents were still alive, I never bothered much to question them about their history. I'm not sure exactly why . Maybe it was because they never encouraged my interest, or maybe I was just too impatient to struggle with their broken English. Besides, they always had a habit of slipping into Slovak, and I was never around them long enough to understand any of it . I remember once, when I was very young, I asked my mother to teach me Slovak. Unfortunately, she could only speak a few words of it �SLOVAKIA 107 herself, even though she was quite. capable of understanding it when it was spoken to her. She taught me a few things, like how to say my name and how to count to ten, but that was about the extent of it. Being close to the youngest in her family, my mother didn't have as much exposure to the Slovak tradition as her brothers and sister had. I guess you could say that by the time she was born, the family had become more Americanized. But she told me as much as she could about the life and conventiQns of my grandparents. They came to America shortly after World War I. My grandmother, Anna Goffa, was officially born in the United States but was taken back to Europe soon after her birth. She was still an infant when her mother died and her father returned to America, leaving her behind with relatives. Joseph Svac had known Anna as an infant, and it was said that once, while he was rocking her to sleep, he claimed he would one day marry her. As a child, Anna lived the life of an orphan, being pushed from one relative to another. She went to school for a short time only, never reaching the fourth grade. When the war broke out she was sent to work in fields where soldiers were buried, throwing lime on the ground to hasten the decay. She was eighteen when her father finally sent for her to join him in America. Joseph had embarked for the U.S. a few years earlier and he was working as a lumberjack in Colorado. When he heard of Anna's arrival in Pittsburgh, he joined her and they were married shortly afterwards at Holy Trinity Church in McKeesport, Pennsylvania, with a celebration that lasted three days. Eventually, they settled down in Clairton, Pennsylvania, where Joseph got a job as a mill worker. The Svac family came from a background that was rich in superstition. Many of their beliefs centered around the "evil eye." Anna claimed that her first-horn's death was caused by this curse. She said that on the day her newborn baby was baptized, a woman, presumably possessing the "evil eye," cast a spell on the baby by staring at her. At that very moment the baby began to cry and continued to do so for several hours. She died a day or so later. Anna's only son, Mike, was also supposedly cursed by the "evil eye" when he was five years old. He slipped into a convulsive-like state, and a neighborhood midwife had to perform some sort of ritulll to rid him of it. Altogether, Joseph and Anna Svac had eight children. Two of them died as infants. My mother was their seventh-born, which supposedly meant that her life would be blessed with good fortune. She was also a ''veiled'' child, signifying that she had the potential to develop certain psychic capabilities. ("Veiled" was a term used to describe a baby born with a film of skin over its face.) They christened her Margaret V. Svac. The "V" was meant to �108 SLOVAKIA stand for Wilma, but my grandmother's heavy accent caused some misunderstanding and Margaret' s middle name was recorded as Vilma instead. Many of her family ' s customs had faded out when my mother was young so that she could recall only a few with any clarity. She told me about the host-like bread that they had every Christmas Eve, and how it was imprinted with holy pictures and eaten with honey on it . She also mentioned the blessing of Easter baskets and managed to recall a few of my grandparents' superstitions. According to one of them, in order to have good luck all year, a dark haired man must be the first to enter the home on New Year's Eve. She said that my grandfather believed that it was bad luck to leave a room through a different doorway than that through which one entered. By the time my mother married, there was very little to pass on to her children in the way of tradition other than a few vague memories, most of which were fragmented and, more than likely, inaccurate. My father's family couldn't provide any more cultural information than that of my mother ' s. As a matter of fact, his family was even more Americanized than hers. He didn't even have any considerable exposure to the Slovak language . It wasn't spoken in his home because, I suspect, my grandparents philosophized that "when you ' re in America, you only need to speak English.'' My grandfather, Jan Matus, came to the United States shortly before the onset of World War I. Slovakia, then under Magyar control, was plagued by a serious economic depression - driving over 750,000 Slovaks to the U.S . in search of work and better living conditions . Jan, who was seventeen years old at the time, left his family of nineteen in hopes of finding a good paying job as a tool and die maker in America. My great-grandfather, Jan Sr. , had wanted to come to the U.S. for many years. But the thought of either uprooting or abandoning his large family kept him from leaving his home in Spisska Nova Ves, where he worked as supervisor to an ore mine. Jan Jr., though, had no intention of following his father's line of work, and so he embarked for America in 1910. Once he arrived here, my grandfather found out that life wouldn't be quite as easy as he had thought it would be. He ended up writing home for money to live on until he could establish himself. Eventually, he settled down in Pittsburgh after marrying Anna Kovalcik, who was American-born and, therefore, somewhat less ethnic-oriented than himself. Together, they raised seven children, each named according to the saint's day on which he or she was born an idea which Jan's eldest son, Sylvester, resented. Jan had four other sons, one of which was named John, after himself. John was to become my father. Early in 1943, Anna Kovalcik Matus died of cancer, leaving my grandfather to raise seven children on his own. My father was twelve �SLOVAKIA 109 years old at the time and very quickly learned to be independent. He lived at home until his marriage to my mother in 1955. I was nine years old when my grandfather passed away, and the only trace of him that I can remember, other than what can be seen in the family photograph album, is the foreign accent he had. Most of his relatives are still living in Eastern Europe. I have a great aunt who writes to thE¥I1 from time to time. However, her letters are written in Hungarian. She can no longer remember very much of her native language. I visited her a few times, when I was much younger, and I remember once finding a book of Slovak proverbs that had been lying next to her reading chair. I spent an entire day copying them over very carefully - first in Slovak, and then in English translation. I had two favorites out of all those sayings. One was, "If you have the horse, don't worry about the saddle,'' and the other, ''If there were no 'ifs' we'd all be in heaven." After that day, whenever I wrote to a friend, I'd make sure to add one of the Slovak proverbs, written in Slovak, to the bottom of the letter. I thought it looked impressive, almost as though I actually knew the language. None ofmy friends, that I can recall, were Slovak, and it made me feel rather unique that I was of a descent almost totally mysterious to them - the only problem being that it was just about as mysterious to me, also. I realize now that very few Slavic Americans felt the way that I had back then. Most of them tried to become as "American" as possible. Some even went as far as changing their surnames to cover up their heritage. I've only recently come to realize that this was due primarily to various forms of discrimination suffered by the Slavic Americans. Even though my parents' families let quite a few Slovak traditions slip away from them, they were never ashamed of their ancestry and never covered up the fact they were of Slavic origin. Of course, no one in my family ever tried to push for anything more than a modest middle class life. If they had, they might have felt the same oppression that so many other Slavic Americans faced. It reminds me of a teacher I once had, who asked me to name one famous American of Slovak descent. I couldn't think of any at all - at least none that would have ever openly admitted to being Slovak. The incident embarrassed me, but it had no effect whatsoever on the pride I had for my own heritage. Those Slovaks who emigrated to this country were a very humble and pious people, and I admire them very much. They were hard workers and, more than anything else, they were deeply religious. My elder relatives still adorn their homes with an abundance of sacred statues and pictures. Many of them spend a great deal of time in Church. And, of what little customs they do remember, almost all have strong religious connotations. Since the death of my grandfather, three years ago, my interest in my own heritage has grown considerably, and I'm beginning to learn �110 SLOVAKIA the language and the culture. And, I'm glad to see that ethnic awareness is developing, not only in my community, but in others as well. For Slavic Americans are rapidly losing a wealth of cultural knowledge that cannot be preserved unless desire is generated now. (Reprinted with permission from Growing Up Slavic in America, published by EMPAC, Box 48, Bayville, New York 10109.) (Margaret Matus, a junior at the University of Pittsburgh, is currently working on a self-designed major in Eastern European Studies. She is an active member in the Slavic-American Citizens Educational Society and is President of the University Slovak-Czech Club, in addition to being affiliated with various other University organizations.) � 106 SLOVAKIA Slovakia on My Map MARGARET MATUS It' s been three years since they buried my grandfather. He died just after Christmas when I was seventeen. I can still picture the grief in his eyes the day they buried my grandmother, just three short weeks before his own death. I remember him sitting heavy and limp in his wheel chair next to her casket, staring at no one in particular, while pictures were taken of Grandma to send to her relatives in CzechoSlovakia. Somehow it seemed a disgusting thing to do - taking pictures of a dead person . But it caused me to think back to a picture that some distant cousin had sent from the old country. It was a woman, one hundred and one years old, so they said. She was stretched out in a narrow coffin with people lined up all around her. The picture fascinated me, not because the old woman was dead, but rather because those people, living so far away, were related to me . It caused me to wonder what it would be like to live in their country and speak in my grandparents' native tongue. My interest, however, didn't fully develop until my sophomore year of high school, when I was assigned to research my ethnic background. At the time I didn't even know where exactly CzechoSlovakia was on the map. None of the history courses I'd ever taken mentioned much about it. I could only find one book in the school library that had anything at all about Slovaks, other than a sentence or two. It was a paragraph of mostly derogatory remarks. It talked about' our bad temper and our weak will for booze - something to the effect that our idea of a good time was to see how many empty beer kegs we could leave rolling on the floor. I found it hard to believe that a history resource book could be so opinionated and it angered me. I flatly refused to tell the class about what I had found. Instead, I tried to rely on what little information I could dig up from my own family background. It wasn't easy. Even though both of my parents are Slovak, they were only able to answer a few of the many questions I raised about our family heritage. I couldn't speak to my father's parents about it. They had long since passed away. And, while my mother's parents were still alive, I never bothered much to question them about their history. I'm not sure exactly why . Maybe it was because they never encouraged my interest, or maybe I was just too impatient to struggle with their broken English. Besides, they always had a habit of slipping into Slovak, and I was never around them long enough to understand any of it . I remember once, when I was very young, I asked my mother to teach me Slovak. Unfortunately, she could only speak a few words of it �SLOVAKIA 107 herself, even though she was quite. capable of understanding it when it was spoken to her. She taught me a few things, like how to say my name and how to count to ten, but that was about the extent of it. Being close to the youngest in her family, my mother didn't have as much exposure to the Slovak tradition as her brothers and sister had. I guess you could say that by the time she was born, the family had become more Americanized. But she told me as much as she could about the life and conventiQns of my grandparents. They came to America shortly after World War I. My grandmother, Anna Goffa, was officially born in the United States but was taken back to Europe soon after her birth. She was still an infant when her mother died and her father returned to America, leaving her behind with relatives. Joseph Svac had known Anna as an infant, and it was said that once, while he was rocking her to sleep, he claimed he would one day marry her. As a child, Anna lived the life of an orphan, being pushed from one relative to another. She went to school for a short time only, never reaching the fourth grade. When the war broke out she was sent to work in fields where soldiers were buried, throwing lime on the ground to hasten the decay. She was eighteen when her father finally sent for her to join him in America. Joseph had embarked for the U.S. a few years earlier and he was working as a lumberjack in Colorado. When he heard of Anna's arrival in Pittsburgh, he joined her and they were married shortly afterwards at Holy Trinity Church in McKeesport, Pennsylvania, with a celebration that lasted three days. Eventually, they settled down in Clairton, Pennsylvania, where Joseph got a job as a mill worker. The Svac family came from a background that was rich in superstition. Many of their beliefs centered around the "evil eye." Anna claimed that her first-horn's death was caused by this curse. She said that on the day her newborn baby was baptized, a woman, presumably possessing the "evil eye," cast a spell on the baby by staring at her. At that very moment the baby began to cry and continued to do so for several hours. She died a day or so later. Anna's only son, Mike, was also supposedly cursed by the "evil eye" when he was five years old. He slipped into a convulsive-like state, and a neighborhood midwife had to perform some sort of ritulll to rid him of it. Altogether, Joseph and Anna Svac had eight children. Two of them died as infants. My mother was their seventh-born, which supposedly meant that her life would be blessed with good fortune. She was also a ''veiled'' child, signifying that she had the potential to develop certain psychic capabilities. ("Veiled" was a term used to describe a baby born with a film of skin over its face.) They christened her Margaret V. Svac. The "V" was meant to �108 SLOVAKIA stand for Wilma, but my grandmother's heavy accent caused some misunderstanding and Margaret' s middle name was recorded as Vilma instead. Many of her family ' s customs had faded out when my mother was young so that she could recall only a few with any clarity. She told me about the host-like bread that they had every Christmas Eve, and how it was imprinted with holy pictures and eaten with honey on it . She also mentioned the blessing of Easter baskets and managed to recall a few of my grandparents' superstitions. According to one of them, in order to have good luck all year, a dark haired man must be the first to enter the home on New Year's Eve. She said that my grandfather believed that it was bad luck to leave a room through a different doorway than that through which one entered. By the time my mother married, there was very little to pass on to her children in the way of tradition other than a few vague memories, most of which were fragmented and, more than likely, inaccurate. My father's family couldn't provide any more cultural information than that of my mother ' s. As a matter of fact, his family was even more Americanized than hers. He didn't even have any considerable exposure to the Slovak language . It wasn't spoken in his home because, I suspect, my grandparents philosophized that "when you ' re in America, you only need to speak English.'' My grandfather, Jan Matus, came to the United States shortly before the onset of World War I. Slovakia, then under Magyar control, was plagued by a serious economic depression - driving over 750,000 Slovaks to the U.S . in search of work and better living conditions . Jan, who was seventeen years old at the time, left his family of nineteen in hopes of finding a good paying job as a tool and die maker in America. My great-grandfather, Jan Sr. , had wanted to come to the U.S. for many years. But the thought of either uprooting or abandoning his large family kept him from leaving his home in Spisska Nova Ves, where he worked as supervisor to an ore mine. Jan Jr., though, had no intention of following his father's line of work, and so he embarked for America in 1910. Once he arrived here, my grandfather found out that life wouldn't be quite as easy as he had thought it would be. He ended up writing home for money to live on until he could establish himself. Eventually, he settled down in Pittsburgh after marrying Anna Kovalcik, who was American-born and, therefore, somewhat less ethnic-oriented than himself. Together, they raised seven children, each named according to the saint's day on which he or she was born an idea which Jan's eldest son, Sylvester, resented. Jan had four other sons, one of which was named John, after himself. John was to become my father. Early in 1943, Anna Kovalcik Matus died of cancer, leaving my grandfather to raise seven children on his own. My father was twelve �SLOVAKIA 109 years old at the time and very quickly learned to be independent. He lived at home until his marriage to my mother in 1955. I was nine years old when my grandfather passed away, and the only trace of him that I can remember, other than what can be seen in the family photograph album, is the foreign accent he had. Most of his relatives are still living in Eastern Europe. I have a great aunt who writes to thE¥I1 from time to time. However, her letters are written in Hungarian. She can no longer remember very much of her native language. I visited her a few times, when I was much younger, and I remember once finding a book of Slovak proverbs that had been lying next to her reading chair. I spent an entire day copying them over very carefully - first in Slovak, and then in English translation. I had two favorites out of all those sayings. One was, "If you have the horse, don't worry about the saddle,'' and the other, ''If there were no 'ifs' we'd all be in heaven." After that day, whenever I wrote to a friend, I'd make sure to add one of the Slovak proverbs, written in Slovak, to the bottom of the letter. I thought it looked impressive, almost as though I actually knew the language. None ofmy friends, that I can recall, were Slovak, and it made me feel rather unique that I was of a descent almost totally mysterious to them - the only problem being that it was just about as mysterious to me, also. I realize now that very few Slavic Americans felt the way that I had back then. Most of them tried to become as "American" as possible. Some even went as far as changing their surnames to cover up their heritage. I've only recently come to realize that this was due primarily to various forms of discrimination suffered by the Slavic Americans. Even though my parents' families let quite a few Slovak traditions slip away from them, they were never ashamed of their ancestry and never covered up the fact they were of Slavic origin. Of course, no one in my family ever tried to push for anything more than a modest middle class life. If they had, they might have felt the same oppression that so many other Slavic Americans faced. It reminds me of a teacher I once had, who asked me to name one famous American of Slovak descent. I couldn't think of any at all - at least none that would have ever openly admitted to being Slovak. The incident embarrassed me, but it had no effect whatsoever on the pride I had for my own heritage. Those Slovaks who emigrated to this country were a very humble and pious people, and I admire them very much. They were hard workers and, more than anything else, they were deeply religious. My elder relatives still adorn their homes with an abundance of sacred statues and pictures. Many of them spend a great deal of time in Church. And, of what little customs they do remember, almost all have strong religious connotations. Since the death of my grandfather, three years ago, my interest in my own heritage has grown considerably, and I'm beginning to learn �110 SLOVAKIA the language and the culture. And, I'm glad to see that ethnic awareness is developing, not only in my community, but in others as well. For Slavic Americans are rapidly losing a wealth of cultural knowledge that cannot be preserved unless desire is generated now. (Reprinted with permission from Growing Up Slavic in America, published by EMPAC, Box 48, Bayville, New York 10109.) (Margaret Matus, a junior at the University of Pittsburgh, is currently working on a self-designed major in Eastern European Studies. She is an active member in the Slavic-American Citizens Educational Society and is President of the University Slovak-Czech Club, in addition to being affiliated with various other University organizations.) � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1976, Vol. 26 Description An account of the resource Vol. 26 (No. 49), 1976. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1976 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 106 SLOVAKIA Slovakia on My Map MARGARET MATUS It' s been three years since they buried my grandfather. He died just after Christmas when I was seventeen. I can still picture the grief in his eyes the day they buried my grandmother, just three short weeks before his own death. I remember him sitting heavy and limp in his wheel chair next to her casket, staring at no one in particular, while pictures were taken of Grandma to send to her relatives in CzechoSlovakia. Somehow it seemed a disgusting thing to do - taking pictures of a dead person . But it caused me to think back to a picture that some distant cousin had sent from the old country. It was a woman, one hundred and one years old, so they said. She was stretched out in a narrow coffin with people lined up all around her. The picture fascinated me, not because the old woman was dead, but rather because those people, living so far away, were related to me . It caused me to wonder what it would be like to live in their country and speak in my grandparents' native tongue. My interest, however, didn't fully develop until my sophomore year of high school, when I was assigned to research my ethnic background. At the time I didn't even know where exactly CzechoSlovakia was on the map. None of the history courses I'd ever taken mentioned much about it. I could only find one book in the school library that had anything at all about Slovaks, other than a sentence or two. It was a paragraph of mostly derogatory remarks. It talked about' our bad temper and our weak will for booze - something to the effect that our idea of a good time was to see how many empty beer kegs we could leave rolling on the floor. I found it hard to believe that a history resource book could be so opinionated and it angered me. I flatly refused to tell the class about what I had found. Instead, I tried to rely on what little information I could dig up from my own family background. It wasn't easy. Even though both of my parents are Slovak, they were only able to answer a few of the many questions I raised about our family heritage. I couldn't speak to my father's parents about it. They had long since passed away. And, while my mother's parents were still alive, I never bothered much to question them about their history. I'm not sure exactly why . Maybe it was because they never encouraged my interest, or maybe I was just too impatient to struggle with their broken English. Besides, they always had a habit of slipping into Slovak, and I was never around them long enough to understand any of it . I remember once, when I was very young, I asked my mother to teach me Slovak. Unfortunately, she could only speak a few words of it SLOVAKIA 107 herself, even though she was quite. capable of understanding it when it was spoken to her. She taught me a few things, like how to say my name and how to count to ten, but that was about the extent of it. Being close to the youngest in her family, my mother didn't have as much exposure to the Slovak tradition as her brothers and sister had. I guess you could say that by the time she was born, the family had become more Americanized. But she told me as much as she could about the life and conventiQns of my grandparents. They came to America shortly after World War I. My grandmother, Anna Goffa, was officially born in the United States but was taken back to Europe soon after her birth. She was still an infant when her mother died and her father returned to America, leaving her behind with relatives. Joseph Svac had known Anna as an infant, and it was said that once, while he was rocking her to sleep, he claimed he would one day marry her. As a child, Anna lived the life of an orphan, being pushed from one relative to another. She went to school for a short time only, never reaching the fourth grade. When the war broke out she was sent to work in fields where soldiers were buried, throwing lime on the ground to hasten the decay. She was eighteen when her father finally sent for her to join him in America. Joseph had embarked for the U.S. a few years earlier and he was working as a lumberjack in Colorado. When he heard of Anna's arrival in Pittsburgh, he joined her and they were married shortly afterwards at Holy Trinity Church in McKeesport, Pennsylvania, with a celebration that lasted three days. Eventually, they settled down in Clairton, Pennsylvania, where Joseph got a job as a mill worker. The Svac family came from a background that was rich in superstition. Many of their beliefs centered around the "evil eye." Anna claimed that her first-horn's death was caused by this curse. She said that on the day her newborn baby was baptized, a woman, presumably possessing the "evil eye," cast a spell on the baby by staring at her. At that very moment the baby began to cry and continued to do so for several hours. She died a day or so later. Anna's only son, Mike, was also supposedly cursed by the "evil eye" when he was five years old. He slipped into a convulsive-like state, and a neighborhood midwife had to perform some sort of ritulll to rid him of it. Altogether, Joseph and Anna Svac had eight children. Two of them died as infants. My mother was their seventh-born, which supposedly meant that her life would be blessed with good fortune. She was also a ''veiled'' child, signifying that she had the potential to develop certain psychic capabilities. ("Veiled" was a term used to describe a baby born with a film of skin over its face.) They christened her Margaret V. Svac. The "V" was meant to 108 SLOVAKIA stand for Wilma, but my grandmother's heavy accent caused some misunderstanding and Margaret' s middle name was recorded as Vilma instead. Many of her family ' s customs had faded out when my mother was young so that she could recall only a few with any clarity. She told me about the host-like bread that they had every Christmas Eve, and how it was imprinted with holy pictures and eaten with honey on it . She also mentioned the blessing of Easter baskets and managed to recall a few of my grandparents' superstitions. According to one of them, in order to have good luck all year, a dark haired man must be the first to enter the home on New Year's Eve. She said that my grandfather believed that it was bad luck to leave a room through a different doorway than that through which one entered. By the time my mother married, there was very little to pass on to her children in the way of tradition other than a few vague memories, most of which were fragmented and, more than likely, inaccurate. My father's family couldn't provide any more cultural information than that of my mother ' s. As a matter of fact, his family was even more Americanized than hers. He didn't even have any considerable exposure to the Slovak language . It wasn't spoken in his home because, I suspect, my grandparents philosophized that "when you ' re in America, you only need to speak English.'' My grandfather, Jan Matus, came to the United States shortly before the onset of World War I. Slovakia, then under Magyar control, was plagued by a serious economic depression - driving over 750,000 Slovaks to the U.S . in search of work and better living conditions . Jan, who was seventeen years old at the time, left his family of nineteen in hopes of finding a good paying job as a tool and die maker in America. My great-grandfather, Jan Sr. , had wanted to come to the U.S. for many years. But the thought of either uprooting or abandoning his large family kept him from leaving his home in Spisska Nova Ves, where he worked as supervisor to an ore mine. Jan Jr., though, had no intention of following his father's line of work, and so he embarked for America in 1910. Once he arrived here, my grandfather found out that life wouldn't be quite as easy as he had thought it would be. He ended up writing home for money to live on until he could establish himself. Eventually, he settled down in Pittsburgh after marrying Anna Kovalcik, who was American-born and, therefore, somewhat less ethnic-oriented than himself. Together, they raised seven children, each named according to the saint's day on which he or she was born an idea which Jan's eldest son, Sylvester, resented. Jan had four other sons, one of which was named John, after himself. John was to become my father. Early in 1943, Anna Kovalcik Matus died of cancer, leaving my grandfather to raise seven children on his own. My father was twelve SLOVAKIA 109 years old at the time and very quickly learned to be independent. He lived at home until his marriage to my mother in 1955. I was nine years old when my grandfather passed away, and the only trace of him that I can remember, other than what can be seen in the family photograph album, is the foreign accent he had. Most of his relatives are still living in Eastern Europe. I have a great aunt who writes to thE¥I1 from time to time. However, her letters are written in Hungarian. She can no longer remember very much of her native language. I visited her a few times, when I was much younger, and I remember once finding a book of Slovak proverbs that had been lying next to her reading chair. I spent an entire day copying them over very carefully - first in Slovak, and then in English translation. I had two favorites out of all those sayings. One was, "If you have the horse, don't worry about the saddle,'' and the other, ''If there were no 'ifs' we'd all be in heaven." After that day, whenever I wrote to a friend, I'd make sure to add one of the Slovak proverbs, written in Slovak, to the bottom of the letter. I thought it looked impressive, almost as though I actually knew the language. None ofmy friends, that I can recall, were Slovak, and it made me feel rather unique that I was of a descent almost totally mysterious to them - the only problem being that it was just about as mysterious to me, also. I realize now that very few Slavic Americans felt the way that I had back then. Most of them tried to become as "American" as possible. Some even went as far as changing their surnames to cover up their heritage. I've only recently come to realize that this was due primarily to various forms of discrimination suffered by the Slavic Americans. Even though my parents' families let quite a few Slovak traditions slip away from them, they were never ashamed of their ancestry and never covered up the fact they were of Slavic origin. Of course, no one in my family ever tried to push for anything more than a modest middle class life. If they had, they might have felt the same oppression that so many other Slavic Americans faced. It reminds me of a teacher I once had, who asked me to name one famous American of Slovak descent. I couldn't think of any at all - at least none that would have ever openly admitted to being Slovak. The incident embarrassed me, but it had no effect whatsoever on the pride I had for my own heritage. Those Slovaks who emigrated to this country were a very humble and pious people, and I admire them very much. They were hard workers and, more than anything else, they were deeply religious. My elder relatives still adorn their homes with an abundance of sacred statues and pictures. Many of them spend a great deal of time in Church. And, of what little customs they do remember, almost all have strong religious connotations. Since the death of my grandfather, three years ago, my interest in my own heritage has grown considerably, and I'm beginning to learn 110 SLOVAKIA the language and the culture. And, I'm glad to see that ethnic awareness is developing, not only in my community, but in others as well. For Slavic Americans are rapidly losing a wealth of cultural knowledge that cannot be preserved unless desire is generated now. (Reprinted with permission from Growing Up Slavic in America, published by EMPAC, Box 48, Bayville, New York 10109.) (Margaret Matus, a junior at the University of Pittsburgh, is currently working on a self-designed major in Eastern European Studies. She is an active member in the Slavic-American Citizens Educational Society and is President of the University Slovak-Czech Club, in addition to being affiliated with various other University organizations.)  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovakia on My Map Description An account of the resource Margaret Matus Slovakia, Vol. 26 (No. 49), 1976 pp. 106-110 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Matus, Margaret Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1976 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/5179b2412e512cdaa1ac666128e66c6f.pdf e623b1edf714b7b51719573ff1cdc264 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA Published by the Slovak League of America VOL. IX JUNE-DECEMBER, 1959 NO. 5 (30) SLOVAKIA UNDER COMMUNISM Joseph Pauco In the past two years hundreds of American Slovaks visited Slovakia. They were not molested or harmed in any way; and no one was arrested or detained by the police that we know of. It is obvious that Prague wants visitors from America, because that means American DOLLARS. \Only two Slovak clergymen were allowed to visit Slovakia, though many more applied for visas but were refused them. The Czech Reds do not want Slovak Catholic priests from America to visit Slovakia. And most wellknown Slovak personalities in America, too, are persona no grata. They want to know too much about the plight of the Church in Slovakia, the condition of the Bishops and the cler• gy and the schools. I have talked with dozens of Americans of Slovak origin who have visited Slovakia. This report is based on these conversations. After World War n, a certain Slovak came to America to his father. '!'his year he was allowed to visit Slovakia. He had let his brothers and other relatives know that he was coming. So they waited for him at the station. And they waited and waited in the crowd for some time. H e did not recognize them, and they did not recognize him. "We had not seen each other for thirteen years," he related. "My brother and brother-in-law have changed beyond recognition." "My brother," he continued, "is younger than I, but today he looks older than our father. He has aged terribly; h e is wrinkled and gray. He is not the same man I said goodbye to in Slovakia thirteen years ago." What did he go through? They confiscated his property, as well as that of the other relatives. A nephew, a priest, is languishing somewhere in a concentration camp, while his two sisters members of a religious order are forced to work in the fields. The family is large and there is no money, or any way of earning it, that is, enough of it to k eep going. The spiritual and material property of these people is indescribable. No wonder the man aged prematurely! "During my stay in Slovakia," continued my fr i e n d, "not a single smile ever lit up the faces of my relatives. We all cried when my brother r elated what terrible things had transpired since the end of the war. And they all cry even when they eat a nd s leep." He met with his friends in the village. When h e lef-t them thirteen years ago, they were well off. Today they have nothing. All �2 SLOVAKIA must work in the kholkhoses. 1 ly." When this did not work out All are aging prematurely; all : very well, the 1Reds began to use are beggars today. "They walk I pressure. First on the wealthier In rags," said my friend, "like farmers, whom they labeled parasites, ~lood-sucker, and_ politithe gypsies used to long ago." d . cal unrel!ables. After their holdd f It .. so epresse m ings were diminished "by law," I never e all my life," he continued. "These the Reds began to work on the people have virtually lost all faith small farmers. They gave them in themselves. In their great fear a "choice": either to give up and sorrow th ey care for no th ing; their own farms and work on the nothing interests them. They pray kholkhoses, or to lose everything constantly, and it is prayer that and work the same amount ot k eeps them from despairing. I acreage somewhere else. In the certainly would not want to live end the en ti re community is in Slovakia today," concluded my changed. The farmers have nofriend. thing left but a garden which Farmers in Slovakia are losing cannot sustain the family. People their land. 'I'he Czech Communist get paid for working in the kholState is confiscating it system- khoses. Not in money, but in atically. The S tat e now owns "units." A unit is worth 6 crowns most of the farmers and their (86 cents) and three kilograms farms. The farmers, sooner or (6.6 lbs.) of grain. But to earn later, are forced to join the khol- this unit, the kholkhose slave khose system or they lose every- must, for example, cultivate cuthing. In the end they do lose cumbers or tobacco six hour!!. everythtng. Here is the story as The value of the "unit" is figured told by an American with a bro- otherwise for different jobs. ther in Slovakia, who "voluntariKholkhose guards are also paid ly" joined the collective farm in units. Daily they get one and system. a half units, that is, 9 crowns My brother owned 12 hectares ($1.28) and 4.50 kilograms (9.90 of land (29.64 acres). He was ob- lbs.) of grain. But the guard not liged to give the government an- cnly watches and supervises, but nually 2,640 lbs. of beef, 1,000 also must work. lbs. of pork, 8,360 lbs. of grain, A farmer's cow is worth 110 350 eggs, and 2,500 liters of milk. units to the State, that is, he If the season was dry and crops must pay with his work 666 were poor, or the animals gob crowns ($95.14) and give 330 kisick and died, the farmer was lograms (726 lbs. of grain. This lost. He had no mo n e y with means that a farmer must buy which to buy grain, meat, eggs, his own cow annually or else or milk. And even if he had lose It. In the summer the cows money, he could not buy any- have a common pasture; in the thing, because the other farmers, winter they are fed from the too, had to surrender their pro- kholkhoses. A milker has to take ducts. What could he do but sur- care of 16 cows. He milks the render his land to the State? cows by hand three times daily. 'I'o get the farmers to join the Everything is systematized. Each kholkhose system, the Reds pro- person works in his own departmised just about everything to ment only. With a whip over his h ave the farmers join "voluntarl- head at all times. People must I �SLOVAKIA 3 work Sundays, too, so that the I are now administe red by orthoReds can show that they comple- : dox clergyme n from Russia and tely control the "reaction ary pea- : Bohemia the Slovak Greek Cathsants," who have always been olics (Byzantin e Rite) attend faithful to God and to their Roman Catholic churches even if nation. 'I'oday practicall y every- I they have to walk ~iles to get thing is owned by the State - . to one. The Catholics are bebusiness, industry, bakeries, bu- ' coming thus more united in suftcher shops, drugstore s, farms, fering and in their opposition to and even the doctors. Everythin g the Reds. When I asked recent visitors is owned by all the people. "Everything is ours, but only to look to Slovakia how fares it with the at," is what the people say in schools there, I was told that the teachers must sign a statemen t Slovakia. that they have r enounced the * * * I asked several Am erican Slo- Catholic Faith or else they lose vaks who had visited Slovakia their positions. "The future ot 1 recently, how the Church fared I Communi sm," the Reds keep on in Slovakia and how the priests j bellowing , "depends on th e trainwere treated. I was told that ing of our youth." And God and many priests still are in jail and ! religion must be eradicated from that those who are not are under the h ear ts and minds of all strict police control. The Czech youngster s no matter what the Red secret police and their a- cost, according to the Reds. 'I'he Slovaks feel that they have gents shadow every cle~gyman . 1 then ~sked about the priests who been .forsaken by all except God. had signed the governme nt proturn constantly for . A c- To Him they . . regar d t o "C a th o11c gram m th at anot~er w~r pvaymg help, refused had who tion," and those soon breaks . • . . out. Yes, m their t o sign 1•t . Th e num b er o f th ose to the o- 1great afflict10n they are beggmg led ed lo alt who bewar, another allow to . . g · God Y Y g P R d f I th t th th vernment program was negligible . s e e a ee ey About half of the latter have c~use never let up unless they are will . t . th d tt d 1 0 n. beat up. The Slovaks are now eir ~ c a 1rea Y regre e Those who refused to sign have hardened and determine d to fight. th to live a hell on ear . The They tried to help the Magyars Communi sts spread malicious ru• 1956, but mors about them to turn their when they revolted inthem with Red Prague stopped parishion ers against them. Where its armies. If America or the remain churches that happens the West had come to the aid of the empty and then the Reds chase Magyars at that time, the Slothe priests to the labor camps, vaks over there say that they, saying that they have nothing to the Poles, Ukrainian s, Rumanian s, do in the parish. Of course, Sun- and the other behind the Iron days mean nothing to the Reds. Curtain would also have ma.de a People must devote Sundays to bid for freedom - and the situaput time in the "work brigades." tion today in central and eastern This means that people cannot Europe would be different that go to church - and in turn "the it is. They still ask why America. priest has nothing to do!" This and the West did not help. And in time will have telling effects. if they did not help in 1956, what Since the Greek Catholic churches are the chances of help from I �4 SLOVAKIA America and the West the next · clothes from America? They were time some nation makes a bid getting quite a bit of help from to burst from its Red chains? American relatives at first, but Who has the heart to tell them · since "Care" was proscribed and that America and the West have the government has taken over decided on a policy of "peace- everything, little is coming in, ful coexistence"? Of course, not because of exorbitant taxes or Radio Free Europe or the Voice ' customs d!!ty. A headkerchief of America - but the Reds will, j (babuska) from America for e>..and they did tell them: "Don't ample, is taxed 50 crowns ($7.15), expect any help from the Ameri- and other articles of wear as can imperiali~ts. Comrade Nikita ! high as 200 crowns per kilogram! Khruschchev 1s the only one now that can help. Stick by him!" A Slovak lady, who had visited I Slovakia recently, told of her sur* '~ * prise when she b o ugh t some How about the cost of living meat at a butcher shop and some in Slovakia? Terribly high._ Break- buns at a bakery. The clerk fast a very small piece ot would not wrap the merchandise. butter, a little jam, two pieces When she asked for wrapping of bread and a cup of coffee - paper, she was told to bring her come to 12 crowns (7 crowns own next time or wrap her stuff one dollar). Lunch pork and in an apron. sauerkraut, bread, and a small beer - adds up to 17.50 crowns. How about buying an auto in A kilogram (2.2 lbs.) of tomatoes Slovakia? Well, they are offered - 12 crowns; 3 lbs. of bread for sale, but not for everybody 8 crowns - a liter of vodka or anybody. The prices are ex80 crowns; a liter of rum 96 orbitant, but then it's not so easy crowns; a kilogram of sugar to get one even if one has the 10.20; poor quality sausage - 25 cash. A reguest form for an auto crowns per kilogram; better qua- must first be filled out and sent lity - 80 crowns; women's dress to the proper authorities. It may mater i a 1 400 crowns (per take up to three years to get an dress) and to sew same another answer. ~ut that does not mean 300 crowns; men's suits - 1,200 1 that one 1s ready to get the auto. crowns; work shoes 200, and 'I'he reply usually tells the apdress shoes - 380 crowns. There , plicant what further steps he are cheaper shoes, but they last . must take. only about 2-3 weeks of conti- j It's the same thing, my informnuous wear'. the better shoes ant tells me, with building one's last about six months. h ome. F' · • 1rs t h e mus t ge t perm1sThus a person must work two sion to build; then he waits till weeks to buy poor clothes. Facto- I he gets an approval for the nery workers are a bit better off. ! cessary material. He may ask for But even an expert or techni- ' a certain kin~ of material and cian does not make more than get another kmd. 1,400 crowns per month. A tractor man gets 1,200 crowns per "Y~~ know ,"_ my informer told month. A commander of the Na- · me, m Slovakia they have plenty tional Security is no better off. II of everything poverty, fear, jails, drudgery except money How about getting food and and fabricated materials. Many I I I I = -1 I i I I �SLOVAKIA times I could not even buy matches in a Slovak village. .And when I walked into a store and asked what they had to sell, one 'comrade' replied sourly: 'Don't ask what we have, but what we don't have!'" 5 low shadowing me for several days. When I entered the home of my aunt, the man slipped out of sight. The next morning he reappeared again. On this occasion he approached me and said: * * * "Pardon me, but I think you Visitors to Slovakia are gene- are looking for the home of your friend 's mother, not - the friend rally surprised at the excessive that lives in the same town in drinking of the ordinary folks. America that you do? Well, his " I visited five communities," a mother lives over there." friend of mine told me after returning from Slovakia, " but the "Surprised? Of course, I was," drinking problem is the same in continued Janko. "I had told no all of them, and, I suppose, in all one that I was going to visit my of Slovakia." The Slovaks drink friend 's mother, because he had not because they are well off, asked me not to, since he was but because they are suffering a public official. But the shadow extreme hardships. It seems that evidently knew whom I would the people there are trying to probably visit in that particular drink their hapless lot away. village! When I visited some re"But the stuH they are drinking," latives and friends in another added my friend, "is t e r r i b I e town, I was shadowed again." stuff, poison that most people themselves make clandestinely. Another American visitor viPerhaps it is worse than the worst moonshine ever made in sited the pastor of the parish to America." The clergy are doing which his relatives belong. "How their best to convince the people are you, Father?" he asked. "Oh, not to drink, but to little avail. I'm getting along fine, thank you. :',,lore than on e priest told me So fine, in fact, that things could that the situation is worsening hardly be better. And briefly, let me tell you how fine: with the years. "Last Sunday I gave a sermon Shadowing visitors is common and then celebrated Holy -Mass. in Slovakia. I learned from sev- .As 1 left the church, a welleral friends who recently visited known Communist olll!icial apSlovakia that the secret police proached me and asked me to of any district know who is com- repeat the sermon I gave since ing from where into the area. he did not have time to attend My friend, let's call him Janko church, because, he said, he want(John), recently visited his re- ed to be edified. latives, and he had quite a few of them. ".As I left the home of "Yes, he did want to learn one of my relatives for the home something. He wanted to hear of another," said Janko, "I be- from my own lips what I had came a w a r e of the fact that ' said so that he could check this somebody was following me. Well, with the report that would be the first time it did not bother brought to him by his own stoome. But I noticed the same fel- \ ges 1 " concluded the priest. I � SLOVAKIA Published by the Slovak League of America VOL. IX JUNE-DECEMBER, 1959 NO. 5 (30) SLOVAKIA UNDER COMMUNISM Joseph Pauco In the past two years hundreds of American Slovaks visited Slovakia. They were not molested or harmed in any way; and no one was arrested or detained by the police that we know of. It is obvious that Prague wants visitors from America, because that means American DOLLARS. \Only two Slovak clergymen were allowed to visit Slovakia, though many more applied for visas but were refused them. The Czech Reds do not want Slovak Catholic priests from America to visit Slovakia. And most wellknown Slovak personalities in America, too, are persona no grata. They want to know too much about the plight of the Church in Slovakia, the condition of the Bishops and the cler• gy and the schools. I have talked with dozens of Americans of Slovak origin who have visited Slovakia. This report is based on these conversations. After World War n, a certain Slovak came to America to his father. '!'his year he was allowed to visit Slovakia. He had let his brothers and other relatives know that he was coming. So they waited for him at the station. And they waited and waited in the crowd for some time. H e did not recognize them, and they did not recognize him. "We had not seen each other for thirteen years," he related. "My brother and brother-in-law have changed beyond recognition." "My brother," he continued, "is younger than I, but today he looks older than our father. He has aged terribly; h e is wrinkled and gray. He is not the same man I said goodbye to in Slovakia thirteen years ago." What did he go through? They confiscated his property, as well as that of the other relatives. A nephew, a priest, is languishing somewhere in a concentration camp, while his two sisters members of a religious order are forced to work in the fields. The family is large and there is no money, or any way of earning it, that is, enough of it to k eep going. The spiritual and material property of these people is indescribable. No wonder the man aged prematurely! "During my stay in Slovakia," continued my fr i e n d, "not a single smile ever lit up the faces of my relatives. We all cried when my brother r elated what terrible things had transpired since the end of the war. And they all cry even when they eat a nd s leep." He met with his friends in the village. When h e lef-t them thirteen years ago, they were well off. Today they have nothing. All �2 SLOVAKIA must work in the kholkhoses. 1 ly." When this did not work out All are aging prematurely; all : very well, the 1Reds began to use are beggars today. "They walk I pressure. First on the wealthier In rags," said my friend, "like farmers, whom they labeled parasites, ~lood-sucker, and_ politithe gypsies used to long ago." d . cal unrel!ables. After their holdd f It .. so epresse m ings were diminished "by law," I never e all my life," he continued. "These the Reds began to work on the people have virtually lost all faith small farmers. They gave them in themselves. In their great fear a "choice": either to give up and sorrow th ey care for no th ing; their own farms and work on the nothing interests them. They pray kholkhoses, or to lose everything constantly, and it is prayer that and work the same amount ot k eeps them from despairing. I acreage somewhere else. In the certainly would not want to live end the en ti re community is in Slovakia today," concluded my changed. The farmers have nofriend. thing left but a garden which Farmers in Slovakia are losing cannot sustain the family. People their land. 'I'he Czech Communist get paid for working in the kholState is confiscating it system- khoses. Not in money, but in atically. The S tat e now owns "units." A unit is worth 6 crowns most of the farmers and their (86 cents) and three kilograms farms. The farmers, sooner or (6.6 lbs.) of grain. But to earn later, are forced to join the khol- this unit, the kholkhose slave khose system or they lose every- must, for example, cultivate cuthing. In the end they do lose cumbers or tobacco six hour!!. everythtng. Here is the story as The value of the "unit" is figured told by an American with a bro- otherwise for different jobs. ther in Slovakia, who "voluntariKholkhose guards are also paid ly" joined the collective farm in units. Daily they get one and system. a half units, that is, 9 crowns My brother owned 12 hectares ($1.28) and 4.50 kilograms (9.90 of land (29.64 acres). He was ob- lbs.) of grain. But the guard not liged to give the government an- cnly watches and supervises, but nually 2,640 lbs. of beef, 1,000 also must work. lbs. of pork, 8,360 lbs. of grain, A farmer's cow is worth 110 350 eggs, and 2,500 liters of milk. units to the State, that is, he If the season was dry and crops must pay with his work 666 were poor, or the animals gob crowns ($95.14) and give 330 kisick and died, the farmer was lograms (726 lbs. of grain. This lost. He had no mo n e y with means that a farmer must buy which to buy grain, meat, eggs, his own cow annually or else or milk. And even if he had lose It. In the summer the cows money, he could not buy any- have a common pasture; in the thing, because the other farmers, winter they are fed from the too, had to surrender their pro- kholkhoses. A milker has to take ducts. What could he do but sur- care of 16 cows. He milks the render his land to the State? cows by hand three times daily. 'I'o get the farmers to join the Everything is systematized. Each kholkhose system, the Reds pro- person works in his own departmised just about everything to ment only. With a whip over his h ave the farmers join "voluntarl- head at all times. People must I �SLOVAKIA 3 work Sundays, too, so that the I are now administe red by orthoReds can show that they comple- : dox clergyme n from Russia and tely control the "reaction ary pea- : Bohemia the Slovak Greek Cathsants," who have always been olics (Byzantin e Rite) attend faithful to God and to their Roman Catholic churches even if nation. 'I'oday practicall y every- I they have to walk ~iles to get thing is owned by the State - . to one. The Catholics are bebusiness, industry, bakeries, bu- ' coming thus more united in suftcher shops, drugstore s, farms, fering and in their opposition to and even the doctors. Everythin g the Reds. When I asked recent visitors is owned by all the people. "Everything is ours, but only to look to Slovakia how fares it with the at," is what the people say in schools there, I was told that the teachers must sign a statemen t Slovakia. that they have r enounced the * * * I asked several Am erican Slo- Catholic Faith or else they lose vaks who had visited Slovakia their positions. "The future ot 1 recently, how the Church fared I Communi sm," the Reds keep on in Slovakia and how the priests j bellowing , "depends on th e trainwere treated. I was told that ing of our youth." And God and many priests still are in jail and ! religion must be eradicated from that those who are not are under the h ear ts and minds of all strict police control. The Czech youngster s no matter what the Red secret police and their a- cost, according to the Reds. 'I'he Slovaks feel that they have gents shadow every cle~gyman . 1 then ~sked about the priests who been .forsaken by all except God. had signed the governme nt proturn constantly for . A c- To Him they . . regar d t o "C a th o11c gram m th at anot~er w~r pvaymg help, refused had who tion," and those soon breaks . • . . out. Yes, m their t o sign 1•t . Th e num b er o f th ose to the o- 1great afflict10n they are beggmg led ed lo alt who bewar, another allow to . . g · God Y Y g P R d f I th t th th vernment program was negligible . s e e a ee ey About half of the latter have c~use never let up unless they are will . t . th d tt d 1 0 n. beat up. The Slovaks are now eir ~ c a 1rea Y regre e Those who refused to sign have hardened and determine d to fight. th to live a hell on ear . The They tried to help the Magyars Communi sts spread malicious ru• 1956, but mors about them to turn their when they revolted inthem with Red Prague stopped parishion ers against them. Where its armies. If America or the remain churches that happens the West had come to the aid of the empty and then the Reds chase Magyars at that time, the Slothe priests to the labor camps, vaks over there say that they, saying that they have nothing to the Poles, Ukrainian s, Rumanian s, do in the parish. Of course, Sun- and the other behind the Iron days mean nothing to the Reds. Curtain would also have ma.de a People must devote Sundays to bid for freedom - and the situaput time in the "work brigades." tion today in central and eastern This means that people cannot Europe would be different that go to church - and in turn "the it is. They still ask why America. priest has nothing to do!" This and the West did not help. And in time will have telling effects. if they did not help in 1956, what Since the Greek Catholic churches are the chances of help from I �4 SLOVAKIA America and the West the next · clothes from America? They were time some nation makes a bid getting quite a bit of help from to burst from its Red chains? American relatives at first, but Who has the heart to tell them · since "Care" was proscribed and that America and the West have the government has taken over decided on a policy of "peace- everything, little is coming in, ful coexistence"? Of course, not because of exorbitant taxes or Radio Free Europe or the Voice ' customs d!!ty. A headkerchief of America - but the Reds will, j (babuska) from America for e>..and they did tell them: "Don't ample, is taxed 50 crowns ($7.15), expect any help from the Ameri- and other articles of wear as can imperiali~ts. Comrade Nikita ! high as 200 crowns per kilogram! Khruschchev 1s the only one now that can help. Stick by him!" A Slovak lady, who had visited I Slovakia recently, told of her sur* '~ * prise when she b o ugh t some How about the cost of living meat at a butcher shop and some in Slovakia? Terribly high._ Break- buns at a bakery. The clerk fast a very small piece ot would not wrap the merchandise. butter, a little jam, two pieces When she asked for wrapping of bread and a cup of coffee - paper, she was told to bring her come to 12 crowns (7 crowns own next time or wrap her stuff one dollar). Lunch pork and in an apron. sauerkraut, bread, and a small beer - adds up to 17.50 crowns. How about buying an auto in A kilogram (2.2 lbs.) of tomatoes Slovakia? Well, they are offered - 12 crowns; 3 lbs. of bread for sale, but not for everybody 8 crowns - a liter of vodka or anybody. The prices are ex80 crowns; a liter of rum 96 orbitant, but then it's not so easy crowns; a kilogram of sugar to get one even if one has the 10.20; poor quality sausage - 25 cash. A reguest form for an auto crowns per kilogram; better qua- must first be filled out and sent lity - 80 crowns; women's dress to the proper authorities. It may mater i a 1 400 crowns (per take up to three years to get an dress) and to sew same another answer. ~ut that does not mean 300 crowns; men's suits - 1,200 1 that one 1s ready to get the auto. crowns; work shoes 200, and 'I'he reply usually tells the apdress shoes - 380 crowns. There , plicant what further steps he are cheaper shoes, but they last . must take. only about 2-3 weeks of conti- j It's the same thing, my informnuous wear'. the better shoes ant tells me, with building one's last about six months. h ome. F' · • 1rs t h e mus t ge t perm1sThus a person must work two sion to build; then he waits till weeks to buy poor clothes. Facto- I he gets an approval for the nery workers are a bit better off. ! cessary material. He may ask for But even an expert or techni- ' a certain kin~ of material and cian does not make more than get another kmd. 1,400 crowns per month. A tractor man gets 1,200 crowns per "Y~~ know ,"_ my informer told month. A commander of the Na- · me, m Slovakia they have plenty tional Security is no better off. II of everything poverty, fear, jails, drudgery except money How about getting food and and fabricated materials. Many I I I I = -1 I i I I �SLOVAKIA times I could not even buy matches in a Slovak village. .And when I walked into a store and asked what they had to sell, one 'comrade' replied sourly: 'Don't ask what we have, but what we don't have!'" 5 low shadowing me for several days. When I entered the home of my aunt, the man slipped out of sight. The next morning he reappeared again. On this occasion he approached me and said: * * * "Pardon me, but I think you Visitors to Slovakia are gene- are looking for the home of your friend 's mother, not - the friend rally surprised at the excessive that lives in the same town in drinking of the ordinary folks. America that you do? Well, his " I visited five communities," a mother lives over there." friend of mine told me after returning from Slovakia, " but the "Surprised? Of course, I was," drinking problem is the same in continued Janko. "I had told no all of them, and, I suppose, in all one that I was going to visit my of Slovakia." The Slovaks drink friend 's mother, because he had not because they are well off, asked me not to, since he was but because they are suffering a public official. But the shadow extreme hardships. It seems that evidently knew whom I would the people there are trying to probably visit in that particular drink their hapless lot away. village! When I visited some re"But the stuH they are drinking," latives and friends in another added my friend, "is t e r r i b I e town, I was shadowed again." stuff, poison that most people themselves make clandestinely. Another American visitor viPerhaps it is worse than the worst moonshine ever made in sited the pastor of the parish to America." The clergy are doing which his relatives belong. "How their best to convince the people are you, Father?" he asked. "Oh, not to drink, but to little avail. I'm getting along fine, thank you. :',,lore than on e priest told me So fine, in fact, that things could that the situation is worsening hardly be better. And briefly, let me tell you how fine: with the years. "Last Sunday I gave a sermon Shadowing visitors is common and then celebrated Holy -Mass. in Slovakia. I learned from sev- .As 1 left the church, a welleral friends who recently visited known Communist olll!icial apSlovakia that the secret police proached me and asked me to of any district know who is com- repeat the sermon I gave since ing from where into the area. he did not have time to attend My friend, let's call him Janko church, because, he said, he want(John), recently visited his re- ed to be edified. latives, and he had quite a few of them. ".As I left the home of "Yes, he did want to learn one of my relatives for the home something. He wanted to hear of another," said Janko, "I be- from my own lips what I had came a w a r e of the fact that ' said so that he could check this somebody was following me. Well, with the report that would be the first time it did not bother brought to him by his own stoome. But I noticed the same fel- \ ges 1 " concluded the priest. I � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1959, Vol. 9 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 4 [sic] (No. 29), March 1959.</li> <li>Issue 5 [sic] (No. 30), June-December 1959.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1959 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA Published by the Slovak League of America VOL. IX JUNE-DECEMBER, 1959 NO. 5 (30) SLOVAKIA UNDER COMMUNISM Joseph Pauco In the past two years hundreds of American Slovaks visited Slovakia. They were not molested or harmed in any way; and no one was arrested or detained by the police that we know of. It is obvious that Prague wants visitors from America, because that means American DOLLARS. \Only two Slovak clergymen were allowed to visit Slovakia, though many more applied for visas but were refused them. The Czech Reds do not want Slovak Catholic priests from America to visit Slovakia. And most wellknown Slovak personalities in America, too, are persona no grata. They want to know too much about the plight of the Church in Slovakia, the condition of the Bishops and the cler• gy and the schools. I have talked with dozens of Americans of Slovak origin who have visited Slovakia. This report is based on these conversations. After World War n, a certain Slovak came to America to his father. '!'his year he was allowed to visit Slovakia. He had let his brothers and other relatives know that he was coming. So they waited for him at the station. And they waited and waited in the crowd for some time. H e did not recognize them, and they did not recognize him. "We had not seen each other for thirteen years," he related. "My brother and brother-in-law have changed beyond recognition." "My brother," he continued, "is younger than I, but today he looks older than our father. He has aged terribly; h e is wrinkled and gray. He is not the same man I said goodbye to in Slovakia thirteen years ago." What did he go through? They confiscated his property, as well as that of the other relatives. A nephew, a priest, is languishing somewhere in a concentration camp, while his two sisters members of a religious order are forced to work in the fields. The family is large and there is no money, or any way of earning it, that is, enough of it to k eep going. The spiritual and material property of these people is indescribable. No wonder the man aged prematurely! "During my stay in Slovakia," continued my fr i e n d, "not a single smile ever lit up the faces of my relatives. We all cried when my brother r elated what terrible things had transpired since the end of the war. And they all cry even when they eat a nd s leep." He met with his friends in the village. When h e lef-t them thirteen years ago, they were well off. Today they have nothing. All 2 SLOVAKIA must work in the kholkhoses. 1 ly." When this did not work out All are aging prematurely; all : very well, the 1Reds began to use are beggars today. "They walk I pressure. First on the wealthier In rags," said my friend, "like farmers, whom they labeled parasites, ~lood-sucker, and_ politithe gypsies used to long ago." d . cal unrel!ables. After their holdd f It .. so epresse m ings were diminished "by law," I never e all my life," he continued. "These the Reds began to work on the people have virtually lost all faith small farmers. They gave them in themselves. In their great fear a "choice": either to give up and sorrow th ey care for no th ing; their own farms and work on the nothing interests them. They pray kholkhoses, or to lose everything constantly, and it is prayer that and work the same amount ot k eeps them from despairing. I acreage somewhere else. In the certainly would not want to live end the en ti re community is in Slovakia today," concluded my changed. The farmers have nofriend. thing left but a garden which Farmers in Slovakia are losing cannot sustain the family. People their land. 'I'he Czech Communist get paid for working in the kholState is confiscating it system- khoses. Not in money, but in atically. The S tat e now owns "units." A unit is worth 6 crowns most of the farmers and their (86 cents) and three kilograms farms. The farmers, sooner or (6.6 lbs.) of grain. But to earn later, are forced to join the khol- this unit, the kholkhose slave khose system or they lose every- must, for example, cultivate cuthing. In the end they do lose cumbers or tobacco six hour!!. everythtng. Here is the story as The value of the "unit" is figured told by an American with a bro- otherwise for different jobs. ther in Slovakia, who "voluntariKholkhose guards are also paid ly" joined the collective farm in units. Daily they get one and system. a half units, that is, 9 crowns My brother owned 12 hectares ($1.28) and 4.50 kilograms (9.90 of land (29.64 acres). He was ob- lbs.) of grain. But the guard not liged to give the government an- cnly watches and supervises, but nually 2,640 lbs. of beef, 1,000 also must work. lbs. of pork, 8,360 lbs. of grain, A farmer's cow is worth 110 350 eggs, and 2,500 liters of milk. units to the State, that is, he If the season was dry and crops must pay with his work 666 were poor, or the animals gob crowns ($95.14) and give 330 kisick and died, the farmer was lograms (726 lbs. of grain. This lost. He had no mo n e y with means that a farmer must buy which to buy grain, meat, eggs, his own cow annually or else or milk. And even if he had lose It. In the summer the cows money, he could not buy any- have a common pasture; in the thing, because the other farmers, winter they are fed from the too, had to surrender their pro- kholkhoses. A milker has to take ducts. What could he do but sur- care of 16 cows. He milks the render his land to the State? cows by hand three times daily. 'I'o get the farmers to join the Everything is systematized. Each kholkhose system, the Reds pro- person works in his own departmised just about everything to ment only. With a whip over his h ave the farmers join "voluntarl- head at all times. People must I SLOVAKIA 3 work Sundays, too, so that the I are now administe red by orthoReds can show that they comple- : dox clergyme n from Russia and tely control the "reaction ary pea- : Bohemia the Slovak Greek Cathsants," who have always been olics (Byzantin e Rite) attend faithful to God and to their Roman Catholic churches even if nation. 'I'oday practicall y every- I they have to walk ~iles to get thing is owned by the State - . to one. The Catholics are bebusiness, industry, bakeries, bu- ' coming thus more united in suftcher shops, drugstore s, farms, fering and in their opposition to and even the doctors. Everythin g the Reds. When I asked recent visitors is owned by all the people. "Everything is ours, but only to look to Slovakia how fares it with the at," is what the people say in schools there, I was told that the teachers must sign a statemen t Slovakia. that they have r enounced the * * * I asked several Am erican Slo- Catholic Faith or else they lose vaks who had visited Slovakia their positions. "The future ot 1 recently, how the Church fared I Communi sm," the Reds keep on in Slovakia and how the priests j bellowing , "depends on th e trainwere treated. I was told that ing of our youth." And God and many priests still are in jail and ! religion must be eradicated from that those who are not are under the h ear ts and minds of all strict police control. The Czech youngster s no matter what the Red secret police and their a- cost, according to the Reds. 'I'he Slovaks feel that they have gents shadow every cle~gyman . 1 then ~sked about the priests who been .forsaken by all except God. had signed the governme nt proturn constantly for . A c- To Him they . . regar d t o "C a th o11c gram m th at anot~er w~r pvaymg help, refused had who tion," and those soon breaks . • . . out. Yes, m their t o sign 1•t . Th e num b er o f th ose to the o- 1great afflict10n they are beggmg led ed lo alt who bewar, another allow to . . g · God Y Y g P R d f I th t th th vernment program was negligible . s e e a ee ey About half of the latter have c~use never let up unless they are will . t . th d tt d 1 0 n. beat up. The Slovaks are now eir ~ c a 1rea Y regre e Those who refused to sign have hardened and determine d to fight. th to live a hell on ear . The They tried to help the Magyars Communi sts spread malicious ru• 1956, but mors about them to turn their when they revolted inthem with Red Prague stopped parishion ers against them. Where its armies. If America or the remain churches that happens the West had come to the aid of the empty and then the Reds chase Magyars at that time, the Slothe priests to the labor camps, vaks over there say that they, saying that they have nothing to the Poles, Ukrainian s, Rumanian s, do in the parish. Of course, Sun- and the other behind the Iron days mean nothing to the Reds. Curtain would also have ma.de a People must devote Sundays to bid for freedom - and the situaput time in the "work brigades." tion today in central and eastern This means that people cannot Europe would be different that go to church - and in turn "the it is. They still ask why America. priest has nothing to do!" This and the West did not help. And in time will have telling effects. if they did not help in 1956, what Since the Greek Catholic churches are the chances of help from I 4 SLOVAKIA America and the West the next · clothes from America? They were time some nation makes a bid getting quite a bit of help from to burst from its Red chains? American relatives at first, but Who has the heart to tell them · since "Care" was proscribed and that America and the West have the government has taken over decided on a policy of "peace- everything, little is coming in, ful coexistence"? Of course, not because of exorbitant taxes or Radio Free Europe or the Voice ' customs d!!ty. A headkerchief of America - but the Reds will, j (babuska) from America for e>..and they did tell them: "Don't ample, is taxed 50 crowns ($7.15), expect any help from the Ameri- and other articles of wear as can imperiali~ts. Comrade Nikita ! high as 200 crowns per kilogram! Khruschchev 1s the only one now that can help. Stick by him!" A Slovak lady, who had visited I Slovakia recently, told of her sur* '~ * prise when she b o ugh t some How about the cost of living meat at a butcher shop and some in Slovakia? Terribly high._ Break- buns at a bakery. The clerk fast a very small piece ot would not wrap the merchandise. butter, a little jam, two pieces When she asked for wrapping of bread and a cup of coffee - paper, she was told to bring her come to 12 crowns (7 crowns own next time or wrap her stuff one dollar). Lunch pork and in an apron. sauerkraut, bread, and a small beer - adds up to 17.50 crowns. How about buying an auto in A kilogram (2.2 lbs.) of tomatoes Slovakia? Well, they are offered - 12 crowns; 3 lbs. of bread for sale, but not for everybody 8 crowns - a liter of vodka or anybody. The prices are ex80 crowns; a liter of rum 96 orbitant, but then it's not so easy crowns; a kilogram of sugar to get one even if one has the 10.20; poor quality sausage - 25 cash. A reguest form for an auto crowns per kilogram; better qua- must first be filled out and sent lity - 80 crowns; women's dress to the proper authorities. It may mater i a 1 400 crowns (per take up to three years to get an dress) and to sew same another answer. ~ut that does not mean 300 crowns; men's suits - 1,200 1 that one 1s ready to get the auto. crowns; work shoes 200, and 'I'he reply usually tells the apdress shoes - 380 crowns. There , plicant what further steps he are cheaper shoes, but they last . must take. only about 2-3 weeks of conti- j It's the same thing, my informnuous wear'. the better shoes ant tells me, with building one's last about six months. h ome. F' · • 1rs t h e mus t ge t perm1sThus a person must work two sion to build; then he waits till weeks to buy poor clothes. Facto- I he gets an approval for the nery workers are a bit better off. ! cessary material. He may ask for But even an expert or techni- ' a certain kin~ of material and cian does not make more than get another kmd. 1,400 crowns per month. A tractor man gets 1,200 crowns per "Y~~ know ,"_ my informer told month. A commander of the Na- · me, m Slovakia they have plenty tional Security is no better off. II of everything poverty, fear, jails, drudgery except money How about getting food and and fabricated materials. Many I I I I = -1 I i I I SLOVAKIA times I could not even buy matches in a Slovak village. .And when I walked into a store and asked what they had to sell, one 'comrade' replied sourly: 'Don't ask what we have, but what we don't have!'" 5 low shadowing me for several days. When I entered the home of my aunt, the man slipped out of sight. The next morning he reappeared again. On this occasion he approached me and said: * * * "Pardon me, but I think you Visitors to Slovakia are gene- are looking for the home of your friend 's mother, not - the friend rally surprised at the excessive that lives in the same town in drinking of the ordinary folks. America that you do? Well, his " I visited five communities," a mother lives over there." friend of mine told me after returning from Slovakia, " but the "Surprised? Of course, I was," drinking problem is the same in continued Janko. "I had told no all of them, and, I suppose, in all one that I was going to visit my of Slovakia." The Slovaks drink friend 's mother, because he had not because they are well off, asked me not to, since he was but because they are suffering a public official. But the shadow extreme hardships. It seems that evidently knew whom I would the people there are trying to probably visit in that particular drink their hapless lot away. village! When I visited some re"But the stuH they are drinking," latives and friends in another added my friend, "is t e r r i b I e town, I was shadowed again." stuff, poison that most people themselves make clandestinely. Another American visitor viPerhaps it is worse than the worst moonshine ever made in sited the pastor of the parish to America." The clergy are doing which his relatives belong. "How their best to convince the people are you, Father?" he asked. "Oh, not to drink, but to little avail. I'm getting along fine, thank you. :',,lore than on e priest told me So fine, in fact, that things could that the situation is worsening hardly be better. And briefly, let me tell you how fine: with the years. "Last Sunday I gave a sermon Shadowing visitors is common and then celebrated Holy -Mass. in Slovakia. I learned from sev- .As 1 left the church, a welleral friends who recently visited known Communist olll!icial apSlovakia that the secret police proached me and asked me to of any district know who is com- repeat the sermon I gave since ing from where into the area. he did not have time to attend My friend, let's call him Janko church, because, he said, he want(John), recently visited his re- ed to be edified. latives, and he had quite a few of them. ".As I left the home of "Yes, he did want to learn one of my relatives for the home something. He wanted to hear of another," said Janko, "I be- from my own lips what I had came a w a r e of the fact that ' said so that he could check this somebody was following me. Well, with the report that would be the first time it did not bother brought to him by his own stoome. But I noticed the same fel- \ ges 1 " concluded the priest. I  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovakia Under Communism Description An account of the resource Joseph Paučo Slovakia, Vol. 9, No. 5 (30), June-December 1959 pp. 1-5 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Paučo, Jozef, 1914-1975 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource June-December 1959 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/45ef396945055687fcc826bbb6a33738.pdf d482228ad3a96993a77c403e5a7721dd PDF Text Text 62 SLOVAKIA SLOVAKIA UNDER COMMUNISM By Joseph Pauco Some Americans of Slovak ancestory who visit Slovakia keep in touch with me and keep me up to date as to what is or has recently transpired in our ancestoral homeland. From this I can faithfully present the following report about oppressed Slovakia under Czech Communism. The Scarcity of News Everyone who receives mail from Slovakia complains of the scarcity of news. In fact very little news is ever mentioned in personal letters. The only news we get and learn from the writer of any letter is that he is still living or that such and such are alive or that so and so of the family is dead. No one writing to America dare mention anything detrimental or in opposition to the regime. Most of our information about what is transpiring in Slovakia comes from the visitors. Last year's visitors to Slovakia disclosed the fact that a Slovak there, sending mail out of the country, must personally present every letter unsealed at the postal window and identify himself - for obvious reasons. One of our friends brought this message from his kin: Tell our relatives in America that they should not expect any details in our letters - because we may only praise our present regime. Whilst visiting there my friend learned of the cruel fate that happened to a young man whose father surprised him with an automobile from America. As soon as the communist authorities heard that he received the automobile they laid him off. When he inquired as to the reason for this, he was told that he has a wealthy American father who brought him a car; therefore let the father provide a living for him! A communist customs official directed a Slovak American lady to inform every one in America "not to bring or send clothes from America. We need American dollars �SLOVAKIA 63 with which to buy better things than those that you bring or send to us." Other visitor to Slovakia affirmed that: "The duty on new articles sent from the USA to Slovakia is several times higher than the value of the article. Hence the Slovak people there often beg and advise Americans not to send new clothing, shoes, etc." Communist Persecution of Slovak Peasants One of our countrymen who returned from Slovakia reports: "I was in Slovakia and I didn't recognize my own hometown. Much is changed. Since 1945 standards of living dropped and the people been living through nothing but woeful poverty, adversity and persecution. "Your Slovak-American press reports that everything is being communized," they told to my friend; "but you probably do not know that every farmer is resisting this as long as he possibly can. Not one wants to give up what he has; not one of them freely volunteers to be communized. "First the communist regime decreed that every farmer must turn over to the State a specific portion of the crop - so much grain, potatoes, sugar beets, vegetables, fruit, eggs, milk and other produce. If the farmer was unable the government got after him and asked him 'Will you sign?' If he declined to sign, he was taken a few days later to the police headquarters. "At the headquarters he was always investigated and intimidated - about his field, about his family, his work, where and who his kin is, where each member of the family works, with what girl does his son keep company, where his relatives live. "Whether he has any relatives in the United States of America, whether they write and send packages or money to him; and other similar questions. After all these always comes the persistent question: 'Will you sign?' If he declines again, the policeman grab his arms, twist them, stick a pen into his fingers and force him to sign. Some of the farmers are held at the police seven-ten days, �64 SLOVAKIA and tortured two or three times a day - to get them to give up their farms. "Those who were more determined would hold out longer, but even they would eventually yield. Indeed all those, whom I saw and whom I talked, the average American might be tempted to consider stupid or mental for they certainly talk peculiarly scared and nervous like, obviously because of the terror and beatings to which they were subjected. "Hence, they finally resign themselves to the hopeless fate and role to which the State subjects them. They thus in practice become utter slaves of the State. In enforcing the commune upon them, the State would dismiss the farmer's son or daughter from office work under the pretext that peasant and his family is sabotaging the commune. "My sister complained bitterly about this miserable situation. Her husband was persecuted and terrorized, her son was kicked out of the factory, and our priest-uncle was spirited away to the concentration camp. And last summer the state police came and ransacked her house and recorded all that she had in it. Every little item they checked and recorded - clothing, furniture, all her goods, stationary, toiletries, rags. Nothing is private to the communists." Slovaks Are Fleeing Into the Mountains Another visitor to Slovakia records: "As regards recruiting into the commune, this is done both by propaganda and terrorizing. In my hometown this was done even whilst I was there. Sixty communists poured out of a bus every morning to intimidate the farmers who resisted giving up their fields to the State. "My cousin was detained last spring by the regional national committee for investigation. He was beaten and locked up in a dark basement for two days. "My brother-in-law, who is on pension and who refused to turn over his property to the communist regime. had his pension taken away for good. "At the time of my visit to my hometown it was like �SLOVAKIA 65 doomsday. I wanted to visit with some of my friends with whom I used to chum around in my youth and who were still living, but they were afraid to talk to me. About twenty of the male friends fled before the police into the mountains. "Many of the other farmers of the country were likewise fleeing into the hills. "I am a rough coal miner. I never wept; but what I saw in my native town moved me to tears and I cried with many of the men there. They weep both out of just anger and out of bitter despair; for they are helpless and powerless to prevent their own plots of land from going to waste or to the communist regime. "I visited Slovakia when Khrushchev was preparing to visit America. Everyone who spoke of his visit, frowned on it, and prayed for the American leaders. "I'd love to visit again my native town in Slovakia; but not under communism, because my heart would break over the plight of my fellow countrymen." Whom Does Communism Permit to Attend the University Other Slovak American who visited Slovakia learned that: "I visited my native city - Kosice. My relatives have children whom they would like to send to the University. Out of five of them only one was able to send his son to a University. When I questioned them how such discrimination is possible, they answered: "'We are deeply worried when our children finish the required schooling. Besides, it is not easy to get permission to send one's child to a University; for 75 percent of the students must be of the so-called "proletariat families" - that is, of the already communized families. "'The growth of purely Slovak intelligentsia is thus restricted, indeed decreased.' "Another sad situation in Slovakia is this: "People live, so to speak, from hand to mouth. That is, they do not put away anything into the bank - either because they do not have anything to put in or because they do not trust communist banks or communist money. �66 SLOVAKIA "My cousin lives with her husband and children in a State home. It is a large home to house several families of workers - the privileged class which does not pay rent. The State leaves them in the apartments free of rent, because it does not wish to stir up scandal against those who are its privileged favorites. Hence, if these do not contribute to the support of the State, how can the State function - unless it discriminates against and takes from the majority of the Slovak populace? "It is obvious that the State does this deliberately both so that there would be no savings and so that all would live in State owned houses and apartments, where it is the easier for the State to check and control each family. Here and there, of course, a family will attempt to build its own home - but this is done under tremendous hardships. Nevertheless, though it is difficult to secure labor, unemployment is on the rise among the Slovak people - another reason why bitterness is increasing against communists." Slovak Youth lndoctrinat.ed and Educat.ed Against God The Communists in Slovakia concern themselves to turn Slovak youth against God and religion and to bring it up without religion is quite evident. Every visitor mentions this. We have first hand evidence of this policy even from the Communist daily "Praca"; for instance, under the date of December 6, 1959, under the heading "Circle of Young Atheists" we read: "In the schools of Slovakia Slovak youth is being organized and trained against God and the Church." The article mentions such an organized group or circle in a school on Dubova Street in Bratislava. The previous year the circle had 15 members; last year it had 73 members. Each circle, as then organized, the article claimed, was made up of eleventh graders. "What do these 'circles' do?" The article asks and answers this thus: "This year we read and discuss Lunacarsky's book 'Why It Is Impossible To Believe In God'" (Communists spell God with a small initial letter.) In Prague a so-called new "Broadcast University" �SLOVAKIA 67 was founded. The Chicago Daily News carried this short news-item on one of this "university's" lectures: CZE,CH RADIO ANAIL YZES Bl·BLE Bonn, Germany, Jan. 9 (1960) - Lectures in Czecho-Slovakia's "Radio University" have been at some pains recently to analyze sections of the Bible. The Bible, these Communist speakers argued, contains a good deal of brutality and immorality. As one example they cited the killing of the priests of Baal. The program was in reply to a listener who had written to defend Christianity, and to argue that the world would be a better place if everyone followed Christian principles. Religion, the lecturers said, had not been able to eliminate wars or to prevent fascism. Most of the good in religious ideas, the lecturers added, was of non-religious origin. This then is the way Czech Communists indoctrinate and poison the minds of the young and the faithful. Communist Destruction of Slovak Churches A visiting countryman reports: "In my native village, a few days prior to my arrival, the communist authorities closed the church and with my own eyes I saw posted on it the communists' official sign: 'STATE PROPERTY.' "My kinsfolks disclosed to me that their pastor was forced to preach most cautiously. He was unable to preach what he wished or as his heart and conscience dictated to him. Upon learning of this the faithful would crowd evenings after work into the church for prolonged periods of prayer - without their shepherd. So the civil authorities closed the church. "The parishioners then began to meet to pray at the outdoor on the outskirts of the village; but this was not for long, for not many days later heavily armed militia swooped down upon them and dispersed them. Terrorized people cried and defended themselves bare-handed as best they could. "From precedent Slovak citizenry now knows that communist authorities will turn any church into a granary or theatre or some propaganda house - as the communists did elsewhere and in Russia. "Terrorized peasants everywhere told me that: "'Everyone who is in the employment of the State �68 SLOVAKIA teachers, police, soldiers and the like - must renounce their faith and church. Students attending the University must likewise do so. Anyone who refuses to conform, looses his rights, his place and position. "I spoke with my cousin-priest who was held in prison for a very long time and who is now forced to work in a factory, and he revealed nervously how the Church situation is there: 'Worse,' he told me fearfully, 'than you or your American press realizes and reports; for only he who lived through it all can correctly tell of it. For instance, no priest can be sure in the evening when he retires that in the morning when he gets up he will be able to enter his own church again. He may have been dragged out of bed at night and spirited away to prison.' "Others again will tell you that the most tragic thing is that the seminaries were all closed down; only the State directed one in Bratislava is allowed to be opened, and it permits only a ridiculously small token number of seminarians. "It is public knowledge that the professors in this seminary are favorably disposed to the communist regime ; and even though they should not be, the seven or eight seminarians that are annually ordained are entirely too few for the 4 million inhabitants of Slovakia. More priests die annually in one diocese than that. Old priests are rapidly dying off - as they must; and there are none, or proportionately very few, to replace them. Such a situation is disastrous to the Church. In a generation or two there will scarcily be enough priests in the country to supply a town let alone the whole country. In the course of a few years Slovakia will be progressively without priests and churches. And not only for this reason. The State is trying to bring up an irreligious and churchless population. Tremendous pressure, for instance, is exerted upon the youth, especially in the Universities, to have nothing to do with religion. Students are mostly drawn from trusty communist circles or families ; and if one or the other of these is noticed to cling more to the Sacred Scriptures than to Karl Marx, he is immediately expelled. Communism wants only a communist intelligentsia. In key positions this in- �SLOVAKIA 69 telligentsia can control the world, the thoughts of men and have its own 'communist religion'." The Church Is the Greatest Opponent of Communism Though the press in Slovakia is completely controlled and carefully censored by the communists in order the more overtly and effectively to undermine religion and popularize communism, readers nevertheless can readily notice what and how this propaganda is doing and working against the Church and religion. No matter how careful the communist press is it cannot help but here and there expose and betray itself and its objectives. For example, the daily "PRACA" of November 3, 1959 treats of the "United Efforts of the Vatican." Among other things it writes: "Serfdom, feudalism and bourgeoisism - and bureaucracy - on the one side and the church on the other side needed each other in order to control the new, progressive and rapidly developing power of the revolutionary mass of serfs, non-farmers and workers, particularly after the laboring class proposed and obtained such a powerful ideological arsenal as is Marxism and such wonderful organizers as communism and its party are ... Religion and the Church remain practically the last and only ideological defenses and the only hope of the dying old world. . . Rapidly rising peaceful powers of the earth press the enemy to rely more and more on the ideological arsenal of religion and religion's organization. The defenders of darkness are seriously interested in the leadership of reli,gion. "The Vatican, as the supreme head and center of darkness and ideological warfare against progress, is preparing for total mobilization. For instance, the Vatican is preparing an ecumenical council, so that in the ensuing discussions with the 'separated brethren' the matter of political and ideological cooperation and mutual objectives against communism will be considered and achieved. "And if it should come to the union of Christians, this would be only so that the Vatican can the more successfully serve the disintegrating imperialistic colonial system and fight for the salvation of capitalism and strengthen the reactionary positions of the Church." �70 SLOVAKIA So the communist press alleges. This, however, is merely one instance of how the communistic press works. Those who accept such "revelations" of the communist press as a genuine contribution to the peace and concord of coexistence, must, in view of all this, be either deceived or stupid or mentally sick. The Chasm Between the Slovaks and Czechs I met another visitor from Slovakia and he expressed his impressions this way: "My brother works in an office there and he explained how things stand with him and what life is like in CzechoSlovakia. "'Everybody,' he said, 'is living in fear - scared; because in every office there sits a security agent, who records or notes for the police everything what he observes. "He is a common individual who works in the office like all of us; but he has this special personal assignment. Hence, wherever it is possible, Slovak officials, whether in the office or in the factory, sabotage the work. Sometimes Slovaks even go on strike; but Czechs have never gone on a strike. . "Czechs merely inquire of the Slovaks: 'What's happening in Slovakia?' - as if to say, they wish the Slovaks would begin a revolution in Slovakia. Then the Czech will sit back, observe and take credit for being a good and reliable citizens and deserving of better consideration, better positions and better treatment - in any kind of governmen, even foreign. "It's the same with listening to radio broadcasts. Most Slovaks listen to foreign broadcasts, watch Austrian TV programs, and the like. But not so the Czechs. They, allegedly, dislike Austrians and Germans. "Czechs would like the world to believe that Slovaks like to fraternalize with them (with Czechs); but this is untrue and absurd. S 1 o v a k s detest fraternalizing with Czechs - for obvious reasons. The true Slovak, because of the Czech persecution and exploitation of Slovakia and because of the common tendency amongst the Czechs to toy around sympathetically with communism and irreli- �SLOVAKIA 71 gion, is very wary of the Czech. If there was any fraternalizing between the Czech and Slovak before the First World War, there is none since the Czech attempt to Czechjze Slovakia after the formation of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. Slovaks are convinced that it is impossible to coexist let alone live with the Czechs in one State. "I experienced this myself in Praha. Czech youth wholly does not comprehend the Slovak or the Slovak attitude. Prague youths, when I addressed them, persistently asked me, 'What are you, a Polak?' And my brother, who lives in Slovakia, would try to comfort me and say: 'Don't be amazed at this. They do not care to understand the Slovak tongue, muchless the Slovak and his democratic views. They behold him with disdain and contempt.' "Let me mention what I learned of what happened in 1956 when the Hungarians revolted. The Slovak people were hoping for a general war to break out, with America rushing to aid free Hungary, but nothing like this happened. "The Czechs, instead, sent a whole armed division against the revolting Hungarians. By chance I met in New York City a Hungarian who fought in that revolt and he told me that the revolting Hungarians got aid only from two places - from Spain and from Slovakia. The Slovaks somehow or another spirited away to them 500 loaded machine guns, a great quantity of hand grenades and ammuniti9n and a lot of bandages, and the Spaniards sent over a planeload of bazookas." I asked my Slovak informant how the Slovaks in Slovakia viewed the liquidation of the Hungarian revolt and he answered me : "They were tremendously disappointed - and they are so even at present. Nevertheless they still hope that America will help liberate all of them. And, if America does not help them, they certainly will despair." A Message To American Statesmen A friend of mine brought this message from Slovakia: "Tell all American Slovaks to work tirelessly for a free Slovakia. Let them rest assured that we are praying for them. And we also pray that God might enlighten the �72 SLOVAKIA minds of your American statesmen so that they might not be naive and might not betray the nations behind the Iron Curtain, not even our Slovak nation, because we await our rescue and liberation from America, her President and Government. Indeed, there has been already enough suffering, misery, real and judicial murders. There is no greater punishment for us than this communist hell. The sooner America realizes this, the better for her." Need anything be added to the above? Americans of Slovak descent, joined together in the Slovak League of America, are expending every effort in this direction to liberate the Slovaks at home and secure for them the independence they have fought for so many hundreds of years. The adamant anti-communist stand of the League is well known. The Slovak League of America, an American institution, believes that it is in the highest interest of the security and welfare of the United States, that the Government of the United States fully recognize and respect the inherent right of the Slovak nation to freedom and independence. Conclusion This then is the situation in Slovakia today. In reporting this I presented only some incidents and facts. In these our own United States of America, many people are not aware of what is happening behind the Iron Curtain. In my opinion, the things that are happening in Slovakia, in Poland, in Lithuania, in Rumania, in Yugoslavia and other communist controlled countries, indeed in Russia and China themselves, is not only a concern of these people and nations but also of every other country that does not wish to succumb to communism. America is no exception. Indeed America is and will be most responsible and reprehensible, I believe, in the eyes of world historians - and of the world in years to come - if communism spreads. Only America can prevent or limit its spread and contain and isolate it. I personally do not think that to isolate it is to solve the problem of communism; on the contrary, world communism has assumed such proportions that it cannot be isolated anymore. Communism overtook China. It is influencing other �SLOVAKIA 73 Asiatic people and it is penetrating into Africa. Some Americans rejoice that shaking hands with Khrushchev is solving the problem; but to do so is a stab in the back of those who suffer under communism. To solve it, America and the whole world must not run away with the form of government established for us by our American founders . Freedom is the right of our 181 million American people; but this is also the right of every people. The threats of Kremlin ought not make Americans wince and submit to the dictates of Khrushchev as to how a Paris conference must end or whether our president should or should not go to Tokyo. Because after such a dictate will encourage Khrushchev to continue further. The aim of communism even now in 1960 is the proletariat's world rule. Khrushchev said this summer, "I'd love to see the red banner flying over the whole world in my lifetime." • • • WHO SAID IT? The Czechs . . . . are inclined to be both socialistic in politics and agnostic in religion. The Slovaks on the other ·hand ... as conservative peasantry are for the most part loyal and pious Roman Catholics. It is perhaps not surprising therefore that friction developed between them." - (F. Lee Benm;: Europe Since 1914, New Y:ork, 193:11; p. 556). • • • "The population question is further complicated by the ant'agonism of the Czechs and Slovaks themselves. The Czechs, who outnumber the Slovaks almost two to one ... are more inclined toward political liberalism and religious scepticism .... The Slovaks are among the most pious and conservative of peasant folks . .." - (Walter C. Langsam: The World Since 1914, New York, 1953; p. 453). • • • "Some of the .radica,ls and the nationalists in parliament demanded an absolute sep·a ration of church and state, and in January 1920, as part of the so-called 'Away From Rome' movement, there was established a Czechoslovak National Church which proclaimed its independence of the papacy and abolished the requirement of celibacy for the clergy. This church, however, gained almost no Slovak adherents and fewer than a million Czech members." - (Walter C. Langsam : The World since 1914, New York, '1•953; p. 45'1). � 62 SLOVAKIA SLOVAKIA UNDER COMMUNISM By Joseph Pauco Some Americans of Slovak ancestory who visit Slovakia keep in touch with me and keep me up to date as to what is or has recently transpired in our ancestoral homeland. From this I can faithfully present the following report about oppressed Slovakia under Czech Communism. The Scarcity of News Everyone who receives mail from Slovakia complains of the scarcity of news. In fact very little news is ever mentioned in personal letters. The only news we get and learn from the writer of any letter is that he is still living or that such and such are alive or that so and so of the family is dead. No one writing to America dare mention anything detrimental or in opposition to the regime. Most of our information about what is transpiring in Slovakia comes from the visitors. Last year's visitors to Slovakia disclosed the fact that a Slovak there, sending mail out of the country, must personally present every letter unsealed at the postal window and identify himself - for obvious reasons. One of our friends brought this message from his kin: Tell our relatives in America that they should not expect any details in our letters - because we may only praise our present regime. Whilst visiting there my friend learned of the cruel fate that happened to a young man whose father surprised him with an automobile from America. As soon as the communist authorities heard that he received the automobile they laid him off. When he inquired as to the reason for this, he was told that he has a wealthy American father who brought him a car; therefore let the father provide a living for him! A communist customs official directed a Slovak American lady to inform every one in America "not to bring or send clothes from America. We need American dollars �SLOVAKIA 63 with which to buy better things than those that you bring or send to us." Other visitor to Slovakia affirmed that: "The duty on new articles sent from the USA to Slovakia is several times higher than the value of the article. Hence the Slovak people there often beg and advise Americans not to send new clothing, shoes, etc." Communist Persecution of Slovak Peasants One of our countrymen who returned from Slovakia reports: "I was in Slovakia and I didn't recognize my own hometown. Much is changed. Since 1945 standards of living dropped and the people been living through nothing but woeful poverty, adversity and persecution. "Your Slovak-American press reports that everything is being communized," they told to my friend; "but you probably do not know that every farmer is resisting this as long as he possibly can. Not one wants to give up what he has; not one of them freely volunteers to be communized. "First the communist regime decreed that every farmer must turn over to the State a specific portion of the crop - so much grain, potatoes, sugar beets, vegetables, fruit, eggs, milk and other produce. If the farmer was unable the government got after him and asked him 'Will you sign?' If he declined to sign, he was taken a few days later to the police headquarters. "At the headquarters he was always investigated and intimidated - about his field, about his family, his work, where and who his kin is, where each member of the family works, with what girl does his son keep company, where his relatives live. "Whether he has any relatives in the United States of America, whether they write and send packages or money to him; and other similar questions. After all these always comes the persistent question: 'Will you sign?' If he declines again, the policeman grab his arms, twist them, stick a pen into his fingers and force him to sign. Some of the farmers are held at the police seven-ten days, �64 SLOVAKIA and tortured two or three times a day - to get them to give up their farms. "Those who were more determined would hold out longer, but even they would eventually yield. Indeed all those, whom I saw and whom I talked, the average American might be tempted to consider stupid or mental for they certainly talk peculiarly scared and nervous like, obviously because of the terror and beatings to which they were subjected. "Hence, they finally resign themselves to the hopeless fate and role to which the State subjects them. They thus in practice become utter slaves of the State. In enforcing the commune upon them, the State would dismiss the farmer's son or daughter from office work under the pretext that peasant and his family is sabotaging the commune. "My sister complained bitterly about this miserable situation. Her husband was persecuted and terrorized, her son was kicked out of the factory, and our priest-uncle was spirited away to the concentration camp. And last summer the state police came and ransacked her house and recorded all that she had in it. Every little item they checked and recorded - clothing, furniture, all her goods, stationary, toiletries, rags. Nothing is private to the communists." Slovaks Are Fleeing Into the Mountains Another visitor to Slovakia records: "As regards recruiting into the commune, this is done both by propaganda and terrorizing. In my hometown this was done even whilst I was there. Sixty communists poured out of a bus every morning to intimidate the farmers who resisted giving up their fields to the State. "My cousin was detained last spring by the regional national committee for investigation. He was beaten and locked up in a dark basement for two days. "My brother-in-law, who is on pension and who refused to turn over his property to the communist regime. had his pension taken away for good. "At the time of my visit to my hometown it was like �SLOVAKIA 65 doomsday. I wanted to visit with some of my friends with whom I used to chum around in my youth and who were still living, but they were afraid to talk to me. About twenty of the male friends fled before the police into the mountains. "Many of the other farmers of the country were likewise fleeing into the hills. "I am a rough coal miner. I never wept; but what I saw in my native town moved me to tears and I cried with many of the men there. They weep both out of just anger and out of bitter despair; for they are helpless and powerless to prevent their own plots of land from going to waste or to the communist regime. "I visited Slovakia when Khrushchev was preparing to visit America. Everyone who spoke of his visit, frowned on it, and prayed for the American leaders. "I'd love to visit again my native town in Slovakia; but not under communism, because my heart would break over the plight of my fellow countrymen." Whom Does Communism Permit to Attend the University Other Slovak American who visited Slovakia learned that: "I visited my native city - Kosice. My relatives have children whom they would like to send to the University. Out of five of them only one was able to send his son to a University. When I questioned them how such discrimination is possible, they answered: "'We are deeply worried when our children finish the required schooling. Besides, it is not easy to get permission to send one's child to a University; for 75 percent of the students must be of the so-called "proletariat families" - that is, of the already communized families. "'The growth of purely Slovak intelligentsia is thus restricted, indeed decreased.' "Another sad situation in Slovakia is this: "People live, so to speak, from hand to mouth. That is, they do not put away anything into the bank - either because they do not have anything to put in or because they do not trust communist banks or communist money. �66 SLOVAKIA "My cousin lives with her husband and children in a State home. It is a large home to house several families of workers - the privileged class which does not pay rent. The State leaves them in the apartments free of rent, because it does not wish to stir up scandal against those who are its privileged favorites. Hence, if these do not contribute to the support of the State, how can the State function - unless it discriminates against and takes from the majority of the Slovak populace? "It is obvious that the State does this deliberately both so that there would be no savings and so that all would live in State owned houses and apartments, where it is the easier for the State to check and control each family. Here and there, of course, a family will attempt to build its own home - but this is done under tremendous hardships. Nevertheless, though it is difficult to secure labor, unemployment is on the rise among the Slovak people - another reason why bitterness is increasing against communists." Slovak Youth lndoctrinat.ed and Educat.ed Against God The Communists in Slovakia concern themselves to turn Slovak youth against God and religion and to bring it up without religion is quite evident. Every visitor mentions this. We have first hand evidence of this policy even from the Communist daily "Praca"; for instance, under the date of December 6, 1959, under the heading "Circle of Young Atheists" we read: "In the schools of Slovakia Slovak youth is being organized and trained against God and the Church." The article mentions such an organized group or circle in a school on Dubova Street in Bratislava. The previous year the circle had 15 members; last year it had 73 members. Each circle, as then organized, the article claimed, was made up of eleventh graders. "What do these 'circles' do?" The article asks and answers this thus: "This year we read and discuss Lunacarsky's book 'Why It Is Impossible To Believe In God'" (Communists spell God with a small initial letter.) In Prague a so-called new "Broadcast University" �SLOVAKIA 67 was founded. The Chicago Daily News carried this short news-item on one of this "university's" lectures: CZE,CH RADIO ANAIL YZES Bl·BLE Bonn, Germany, Jan. 9 (1960) - Lectures in Czecho-Slovakia's "Radio University" have been at some pains recently to analyze sections of the Bible. The Bible, these Communist speakers argued, contains a good deal of brutality and immorality. As one example they cited the killing of the priests of Baal. The program was in reply to a listener who had written to defend Christianity, and to argue that the world would be a better place if everyone followed Christian principles. Religion, the lecturers said, had not been able to eliminate wars or to prevent fascism. Most of the good in religious ideas, the lecturers added, was of non-religious origin. This then is the way Czech Communists indoctrinate and poison the minds of the young and the faithful. Communist Destruction of Slovak Churches A visiting countryman reports: "In my native village, a few days prior to my arrival, the communist authorities closed the church and with my own eyes I saw posted on it the communists' official sign: 'STATE PROPERTY.' "My kinsfolks disclosed to me that their pastor was forced to preach most cautiously. He was unable to preach what he wished or as his heart and conscience dictated to him. Upon learning of this the faithful would crowd evenings after work into the church for prolonged periods of prayer - without their shepherd. So the civil authorities closed the church. "The parishioners then began to meet to pray at the outdoor on the outskirts of the village; but this was not for long, for not many days later heavily armed militia swooped down upon them and dispersed them. Terrorized people cried and defended themselves bare-handed as best they could. "From precedent Slovak citizenry now knows that communist authorities will turn any church into a granary or theatre or some propaganda house - as the communists did elsewhere and in Russia. "Terrorized peasants everywhere told me that: "'Everyone who is in the employment of the State �68 SLOVAKIA teachers, police, soldiers and the like - must renounce their faith and church. Students attending the University must likewise do so. Anyone who refuses to conform, looses his rights, his place and position. "I spoke with my cousin-priest who was held in prison for a very long time and who is now forced to work in a factory, and he revealed nervously how the Church situation is there: 'Worse,' he told me fearfully, 'than you or your American press realizes and reports; for only he who lived through it all can correctly tell of it. For instance, no priest can be sure in the evening when he retires that in the morning when he gets up he will be able to enter his own church again. He may have been dragged out of bed at night and spirited away to prison.' "Others again will tell you that the most tragic thing is that the seminaries were all closed down; only the State directed one in Bratislava is allowed to be opened, and it permits only a ridiculously small token number of seminarians. "It is public knowledge that the professors in this seminary are favorably disposed to the communist regime ; and even though they should not be, the seven or eight seminarians that are annually ordained are entirely too few for the 4 million inhabitants of Slovakia. More priests die annually in one diocese than that. Old priests are rapidly dying off - as they must; and there are none, or proportionately very few, to replace them. Such a situation is disastrous to the Church. In a generation or two there will scarcily be enough priests in the country to supply a town let alone the whole country. In the course of a few years Slovakia will be progressively without priests and churches. And not only for this reason. The State is trying to bring up an irreligious and churchless population. Tremendous pressure, for instance, is exerted upon the youth, especially in the Universities, to have nothing to do with religion. Students are mostly drawn from trusty communist circles or families ; and if one or the other of these is noticed to cling more to the Sacred Scriptures than to Karl Marx, he is immediately expelled. Communism wants only a communist intelligentsia. In key positions this in- �SLOVAKIA 69 telligentsia can control the world, the thoughts of men and have its own 'communist religion'." The Church Is the Greatest Opponent of Communism Though the press in Slovakia is completely controlled and carefully censored by the communists in order the more overtly and effectively to undermine religion and popularize communism, readers nevertheless can readily notice what and how this propaganda is doing and working against the Church and religion. No matter how careful the communist press is it cannot help but here and there expose and betray itself and its objectives. For example, the daily "PRACA" of November 3, 1959 treats of the "United Efforts of the Vatican." Among other things it writes: "Serfdom, feudalism and bourgeoisism - and bureaucracy - on the one side and the church on the other side needed each other in order to control the new, progressive and rapidly developing power of the revolutionary mass of serfs, non-farmers and workers, particularly after the laboring class proposed and obtained such a powerful ideological arsenal as is Marxism and such wonderful organizers as communism and its party are ... Religion and the Church remain practically the last and only ideological defenses and the only hope of the dying old world. . . Rapidly rising peaceful powers of the earth press the enemy to rely more and more on the ideological arsenal of religion and religion's organization. The defenders of darkness are seriously interested in the leadership of reli,gion. "The Vatican, as the supreme head and center of darkness and ideological warfare against progress, is preparing for total mobilization. For instance, the Vatican is preparing an ecumenical council, so that in the ensuing discussions with the 'separated brethren' the matter of political and ideological cooperation and mutual objectives against communism will be considered and achieved. "And if it should come to the union of Christians, this would be only so that the Vatican can the more successfully serve the disintegrating imperialistic colonial system and fight for the salvation of capitalism and strengthen the reactionary positions of the Church." �70 SLOVAKIA So the communist press alleges. This, however, is merely one instance of how the communistic press works. Those who accept such "revelations" of the communist press as a genuine contribution to the peace and concord of coexistence, must, in view of all this, be either deceived or stupid or mentally sick. The Chasm Between the Slovaks and Czechs I met another visitor from Slovakia and he expressed his impressions this way: "My brother works in an office there and he explained how things stand with him and what life is like in CzechoSlovakia. "'Everybody,' he said, 'is living in fear - scared; because in every office there sits a security agent, who records or notes for the police everything what he observes. "He is a common individual who works in the office like all of us; but he has this special personal assignment. Hence, wherever it is possible, Slovak officials, whether in the office or in the factory, sabotage the work. Sometimes Slovaks even go on strike; but Czechs have never gone on a strike. . "Czechs merely inquire of the Slovaks: 'What's happening in Slovakia?' - as if to say, they wish the Slovaks would begin a revolution in Slovakia. Then the Czech will sit back, observe and take credit for being a good and reliable citizens and deserving of better consideration, better positions and better treatment - in any kind of governmen, even foreign. "It's the same with listening to radio broadcasts. Most Slovaks listen to foreign broadcasts, watch Austrian TV programs, and the like. But not so the Czechs. They, allegedly, dislike Austrians and Germans. "Czechs would like the world to believe that Slovaks like to fraternalize with them (with Czechs); but this is untrue and absurd. S 1 o v a k s detest fraternalizing with Czechs - for obvious reasons. The true Slovak, because of the Czech persecution and exploitation of Slovakia and because of the common tendency amongst the Czechs to toy around sympathetically with communism and irreli- �SLOVAKIA 71 gion, is very wary of the Czech. If there was any fraternalizing between the Czech and Slovak before the First World War, there is none since the Czech attempt to Czechjze Slovakia after the formation of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. Slovaks are convinced that it is impossible to coexist let alone live with the Czechs in one State. "I experienced this myself in Praha. Czech youth wholly does not comprehend the Slovak or the Slovak attitude. Prague youths, when I addressed them, persistently asked me, 'What are you, a Polak?' And my brother, who lives in Slovakia, would try to comfort me and say: 'Don't be amazed at this. They do not care to understand the Slovak tongue, muchless the Slovak and his democratic views. They behold him with disdain and contempt.' "Let me mention what I learned of what happened in 1956 when the Hungarians revolted. The Slovak people were hoping for a general war to break out, with America rushing to aid free Hungary, but nothing like this happened. "The Czechs, instead, sent a whole armed division against the revolting Hungarians. By chance I met in New York City a Hungarian who fought in that revolt and he told me that the revolting Hungarians got aid only from two places - from Spain and from Slovakia. The Slovaks somehow or another spirited away to them 500 loaded machine guns, a great quantity of hand grenades and ammuniti9n and a lot of bandages, and the Spaniards sent over a planeload of bazookas." I asked my Slovak informant how the Slovaks in Slovakia viewed the liquidation of the Hungarian revolt and he answered me : "They were tremendously disappointed - and they are so even at present. Nevertheless they still hope that America will help liberate all of them. And, if America does not help them, they certainly will despair." A Message To American Statesmen A friend of mine brought this message from Slovakia: "Tell all American Slovaks to work tirelessly for a free Slovakia. Let them rest assured that we are praying for them. And we also pray that God might enlighten the �72 SLOVAKIA minds of your American statesmen so that they might not be naive and might not betray the nations behind the Iron Curtain, not even our Slovak nation, because we await our rescue and liberation from America, her President and Government. Indeed, there has been already enough suffering, misery, real and judicial murders. There is no greater punishment for us than this communist hell. The sooner America realizes this, the better for her." Need anything be added to the above? Americans of Slovak descent, joined together in the Slovak League of America, are expending every effort in this direction to liberate the Slovaks at home and secure for them the independence they have fought for so many hundreds of years. The adamant anti-communist stand of the League is well known. The Slovak League of America, an American institution, believes that it is in the highest interest of the security and welfare of the United States, that the Government of the United States fully recognize and respect the inherent right of the Slovak nation to freedom and independence. Conclusion This then is the situation in Slovakia today. In reporting this I presented only some incidents and facts. In these our own United States of America, many people are not aware of what is happening behind the Iron Curtain. In my opinion, the things that are happening in Slovakia, in Poland, in Lithuania, in Rumania, in Yugoslavia and other communist controlled countries, indeed in Russia and China themselves, is not only a concern of these people and nations but also of every other country that does not wish to succumb to communism. America is no exception. Indeed America is and will be most responsible and reprehensible, I believe, in the eyes of world historians - and of the world in years to come - if communism spreads. Only America can prevent or limit its spread and contain and isolate it. I personally do not think that to isolate it is to solve the problem of communism; on the contrary, world communism has assumed such proportions that it cannot be isolated anymore. Communism overtook China. It is influencing other �SLOVAKIA 73 Asiatic people and it is penetrating into Africa. Some Americans rejoice that shaking hands with Khrushchev is solving the problem; but to do so is a stab in the back of those who suffer under communism. To solve it, America and the whole world must not run away with the form of government established for us by our American founders . Freedom is the right of our 181 million American people; but this is also the right of every people. The threats of Kremlin ought not make Americans wince and submit to the dictates of Khrushchev as to how a Paris conference must end or whether our president should or should not go to Tokyo. Because after such a dictate will encourage Khrushchev to continue further. The aim of communism even now in 1960 is the proletariat's world rule. Khrushchev said this summer, "I'd love to see the red banner flying over the whole world in my lifetime." • • • WHO SAID IT? The Czechs . . . . are inclined to be both socialistic in politics and agnostic in religion. The Slovaks on the other ·hand ... as conservative peasantry are for the most part loyal and pious Roman Catholics. It is perhaps not surprising therefore that friction developed between them." - (F. Lee Benm;: Europe Since 1914, New Y:ork, 193:11; p. 556). • • • "The population question is further complicated by the ant'agonism of the Czechs and Slovaks themselves. The Czechs, who outnumber the Slovaks almost two to one ... are more inclined toward political liberalism and religious scepticism .... The Slovaks are among the most pious and conservative of peasant folks . .." - (Walter C. Langsam: The World Since 1914, New York, 1953; p. 453). • • • "Some of the .radica,ls and the nationalists in parliament demanded an absolute sep·a ration of church and state, and in January 1920, as part of the so-called 'Away From Rome' movement, there was established a Czechoslovak National Church which proclaimed its independence of the papacy and abolished the requirement of celibacy for the clergy. This church, however, gained almost no Slovak adherents and fewer than a million Czech members." - (Walter C. Langsam : The World since 1914, New York, '1•953; p. 45'1). � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1960, Vol. 10 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 6 [sic] (No. 31), March-June 1960.</li> <li>Issue 7 [sic] (No. 32), September-December 1960.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1960 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 62 SLOVAKIA SLOVAKIA UNDER COMMUNISM By Joseph Pauco Some Americans of Slovak ancestory who visit Slovakia keep in touch with me and keep me up to date as to what is or has recently transpired in our ancestoral homeland. From this I can faithfully present the following report about oppressed Slovakia under Czech Communism. The Scarcity of News Everyone who receives mail from Slovakia complains of the scarcity of news. In fact very little news is ever mentioned in personal letters. The only news we get and learn from the writer of any letter is that he is still living or that such and such are alive or that so and so of the family is dead. No one writing to America dare mention anything detrimental or in opposition to the regime. Most of our information about what is transpiring in Slovakia comes from the visitors. Last year's visitors to Slovakia disclosed the fact that a Slovak there, sending mail out of the country, must personally present every letter unsealed at the postal window and identify himself - for obvious reasons. One of our friends brought this message from his kin: Tell our relatives in America that they should not expect any details in our letters - because we may only praise our present regime. Whilst visiting there my friend learned of the cruel fate that happened to a young man whose father surprised him with an automobile from America. As soon as the communist authorities heard that he received the automobile they laid him off. When he inquired as to the reason for this, he was told that he has a wealthy American father who brought him a car; therefore let the father provide a living for him! A communist customs official directed a Slovak American lady to inform every one in America "not to bring or send clothes from America. We need American dollars SLOVAKIA 63 with which to buy better things than those that you bring or send to us." Other visitor to Slovakia affirmed that: "The duty on new articles sent from the USA to Slovakia is several times higher than the value of the article. Hence the Slovak people there often beg and advise Americans not to send new clothing, shoes, etc." Communist Persecution of Slovak Peasants One of our countrymen who returned from Slovakia reports: "I was in Slovakia and I didn't recognize my own hometown. Much is changed. Since 1945 standards of living dropped and the people been living through nothing but woeful poverty, adversity and persecution. "Your Slovak-American press reports that everything is being communized," they told to my friend; "but you probably do not know that every farmer is resisting this as long as he possibly can. Not one wants to give up what he has; not one of them freely volunteers to be communized. "First the communist regime decreed that every farmer must turn over to the State a specific portion of the crop - so much grain, potatoes, sugar beets, vegetables, fruit, eggs, milk and other produce. If the farmer was unable the government got after him and asked him 'Will you sign?' If he declined to sign, he was taken a few days later to the police headquarters. "At the headquarters he was always investigated and intimidated - about his field, about his family, his work, where and who his kin is, where each member of the family works, with what girl does his son keep company, where his relatives live. "Whether he has any relatives in the United States of America, whether they write and send packages or money to him; and other similar questions. After all these always comes the persistent question: 'Will you sign?' If he declines again, the policeman grab his arms, twist them, stick a pen into his fingers and force him to sign. Some of the farmers are held at the police seven-ten days, 64 SLOVAKIA and tortured two or three times a day - to get them to give up their farms. "Those who were more determined would hold out longer, but even they would eventually yield. Indeed all those, whom I saw and whom I talked, the average American might be tempted to consider stupid or mental for they certainly talk peculiarly scared and nervous like, obviously because of the terror and beatings to which they were subjected. "Hence, they finally resign themselves to the hopeless fate and role to which the State subjects them. They thus in practice become utter slaves of the State. In enforcing the commune upon them, the State would dismiss the farmer's son or daughter from office work under the pretext that peasant and his family is sabotaging the commune. "My sister complained bitterly about this miserable situation. Her husband was persecuted and terrorized, her son was kicked out of the factory, and our priest-uncle was spirited away to the concentration camp. And last summer the state police came and ransacked her house and recorded all that she had in it. Every little item they checked and recorded - clothing, furniture, all her goods, stationary, toiletries, rags. Nothing is private to the communists." Slovaks Are Fleeing Into the Mountains Another visitor to Slovakia records: "As regards recruiting into the commune, this is done both by propaganda and terrorizing. In my hometown this was done even whilst I was there. Sixty communists poured out of a bus every morning to intimidate the farmers who resisted giving up their fields to the State. "My cousin was detained last spring by the regional national committee for investigation. He was beaten and locked up in a dark basement for two days. "My brother-in-law, who is on pension and who refused to turn over his property to the communist regime. had his pension taken away for good. "At the time of my visit to my hometown it was like SLOVAKIA 65 doomsday. I wanted to visit with some of my friends with whom I used to chum around in my youth and who were still living, but they were afraid to talk to me. About twenty of the male friends fled before the police into the mountains. "Many of the other farmers of the country were likewise fleeing into the hills. "I am a rough coal miner. I never wept; but what I saw in my native town moved me to tears and I cried with many of the men there. They weep both out of just anger and out of bitter despair; for they are helpless and powerless to prevent their own plots of land from going to waste or to the communist regime. "I visited Slovakia when Khrushchev was preparing to visit America. Everyone who spoke of his visit, frowned on it, and prayed for the American leaders. "I'd love to visit again my native town in Slovakia; but not under communism, because my heart would break over the plight of my fellow countrymen." Whom Does Communism Permit to Attend the University Other Slovak American who visited Slovakia learned that: "I visited my native city - Kosice. My relatives have children whom they would like to send to the University. Out of five of them only one was able to send his son to a University. When I questioned them how such discrimination is possible, they answered: "'We are deeply worried when our children finish the required schooling. Besides, it is not easy to get permission to send one's child to a University; for 75 percent of the students must be of the so-called "proletariat families" - that is, of the already communized families. "'The growth of purely Slovak intelligentsia is thus restricted, indeed decreased.' "Another sad situation in Slovakia is this: "People live, so to speak, from hand to mouth. That is, they do not put away anything into the bank - either because they do not have anything to put in or because they do not trust communist banks or communist money. 66 SLOVAKIA "My cousin lives with her husband and children in a State home. It is a large home to house several families of workers - the privileged class which does not pay rent. The State leaves them in the apartments free of rent, because it does not wish to stir up scandal against those who are its privileged favorites. Hence, if these do not contribute to the support of the State, how can the State function - unless it discriminates against and takes from the majority of the Slovak populace? "It is obvious that the State does this deliberately both so that there would be no savings and so that all would live in State owned houses and apartments, where it is the easier for the State to check and control each family. Here and there, of course, a family will attempt to build its own home - but this is done under tremendous hardships. Nevertheless, though it is difficult to secure labor, unemployment is on the rise among the Slovak people - another reason why bitterness is increasing against communists." Slovak Youth lndoctrinat.ed and Educat.ed Against God The Communists in Slovakia concern themselves to turn Slovak youth against God and religion and to bring it up without religion is quite evident. Every visitor mentions this. We have first hand evidence of this policy even from the Communist daily "Praca"; for instance, under the date of December 6, 1959, under the heading "Circle of Young Atheists" we read: "In the schools of Slovakia Slovak youth is being organized and trained against God and the Church." The article mentions such an organized group or circle in a school on Dubova Street in Bratislava. The previous year the circle had 15 members; last year it had 73 members. Each circle, as then organized, the article claimed, was made up of eleventh graders. "What do these 'circles' do?" The article asks and answers this thus: "This year we read and discuss Lunacarsky's book 'Why It Is Impossible To Believe In God'" (Communists spell God with a small initial letter.) In Prague a so-called new "Broadcast University" SLOVAKIA 67 was founded. The Chicago Daily News carried this short news-item on one of this "university's" lectures: CZE,CH RADIO ANAIL YZES Bl·BLE Bonn, Germany, Jan. 9 (1960) - Lectures in Czecho-Slovakia's "Radio University" have been at some pains recently to analyze sections of the Bible. The Bible, these Communist speakers argued, contains a good deal of brutality and immorality. As one example they cited the killing of the priests of Baal. The program was in reply to a listener who had written to defend Christianity, and to argue that the world would be a better place if everyone followed Christian principles. Religion, the lecturers said, had not been able to eliminate wars or to prevent fascism. Most of the good in religious ideas, the lecturers added, was of non-religious origin. This then is the way Czech Communists indoctrinate and poison the minds of the young and the faithful. Communist Destruction of Slovak Churches A visiting countryman reports: "In my native village, a few days prior to my arrival, the communist authorities closed the church and with my own eyes I saw posted on it the communists' official sign: 'STATE PROPERTY.' "My kinsfolks disclosed to me that their pastor was forced to preach most cautiously. He was unable to preach what he wished or as his heart and conscience dictated to him. Upon learning of this the faithful would crowd evenings after work into the church for prolonged periods of prayer - without their shepherd. So the civil authorities closed the church. "The parishioners then began to meet to pray at the outdoor on the outskirts of the village; but this was not for long, for not many days later heavily armed militia swooped down upon them and dispersed them. Terrorized people cried and defended themselves bare-handed as best they could. "From precedent Slovak citizenry now knows that communist authorities will turn any church into a granary or theatre or some propaganda house - as the communists did elsewhere and in Russia. "Terrorized peasants everywhere told me that: "'Everyone who is in the employment of the State 68 SLOVAKIA teachers, police, soldiers and the like - must renounce their faith and church. Students attending the University must likewise do so. Anyone who refuses to conform, looses his rights, his place and position. "I spoke with my cousin-priest who was held in prison for a very long time and who is now forced to work in a factory, and he revealed nervously how the Church situation is there: 'Worse,' he told me fearfully, 'than you or your American press realizes and reports; for only he who lived through it all can correctly tell of it. For instance, no priest can be sure in the evening when he retires that in the morning when he gets up he will be able to enter his own church again. He may have been dragged out of bed at night and spirited away to prison.' "Others again will tell you that the most tragic thing is that the seminaries were all closed down; only the State directed one in Bratislava is allowed to be opened, and it permits only a ridiculously small token number of seminarians. "It is public knowledge that the professors in this seminary are favorably disposed to the communist regime ; and even though they should not be, the seven or eight seminarians that are annually ordained are entirely too few for the 4 million inhabitants of Slovakia. More priests die annually in one diocese than that. Old priests are rapidly dying off - as they must; and there are none, or proportionately very few, to replace them. Such a situation is disastrous to the Church. In a generation or two there will scarcily be enough priests in the country to supply a town let alone the whole country. In the course of a few years Slovakia will be progressively without priests and churches. And not only for this reason. The State is trying to bring up an irreligious and churchless population. Tremendous pressure, for instance, is exerted upon the youth, especially in the Universities, to have nothing to do with religion. Students are mostly drawn from trusty communist circles or families ; and if one or the other of these is noticed to cling more to the Sacred Scriptures than to Karl Marx, he is immediately expelled. Communism wants only a communist intelligentsia. In key positions this in- SLOVAKIA 69 telligentsia can control the world, the thoughts of men and have its own 'communist religion'." The Church Is the Greatest Opponent of Communism Though the press in Slovakia is completely controlled and carefully censored by the communists in order the more overtly and effectively to undermine religion and popularize communism, readers nevertheless can readily notice what and how this propaganda is doing and working against the Church and religion. No matter how careful the communist press is it cannot help but here and there expose and betray itself and its objectives. For example, the daily "PRACA" of November 3, 1959 treats of the "United Efforts of the Vatican." Among other things it writes: "Serfdom, feudalism and bourgeoisism - and bureaucracy - on the one side and the church on the other side needed each other in order to control the new, progressive and rapidly developing power of the revolutionary mass of serfs, non-farmers and workers, particularly after the laboring class proposed and obtained such a powerful ideological arsenal as is Marxism and such wonderful organizers as communism and its party are ... Religion and the Church remain practically the last and only ideological defenses and the only hope of the dying old world. . . Rapidly rising peaceful powers of the earth press the enemy to rely more and more on the ideological arsenal of religion and religion's organization. The defenders of darkness are seriously interested in the leadership of reli,gion. "The Vatican, as the supreme head and center of darkness and ideological warfare against progress, is preparing for total mobilization. For instance, the Vatican is preparing an ecumenical council, so that in the ensuing discussions with the 'separated brethren' the matter of political and ideological cooperation and mutual objectives against communism will be considered and achieved. "And if it should come to the union of Christians, this would be only so that the Vatican can the more successfully serve the disintegrating imperialistic colonial system and fight for the salvation of capitalism and strengthen the reactionary positions of the Church." 70 SLOVAKIA So the communist press alleges. This, however, is merely one instance of how the communistic press works. Those who accept such "revelations" of the communist press as a genuine contribution to the peace and concord of coexistence, must, in view of all this, be either deceived or stupid or mentally sick. The Chasm Between the Slovaks and Czechs I met another visitor from Slovakia and he expressed his impressions this way: "My brother works in an office there and he explained how things stand with him and what life is like in CzechoSlovakia. "'Everybody,' he said, 'is living in fear - scared; because in every office there sits a security agent, who records or notes for the police everything what he observes. "He is a common individual who works in the office like all of us; but he has this special personal assignment. Hence, wherever it is possible, Slovak officials, whether in the office or in the factory, sabotage the work. Sometimes Slovaks even go on strike; but Czechs have never gone on a strike. . "Czechs merely inquire of the Slovaks: 'What's happening in Slovakia?' - as if to say, they wish the Slovaks would begin a revolution in Slovakia. Then the Czech will sit back, observe and take credit for being a good and reliable citizens and deserving of better consideration, better positions and better treatment - in any kind of governmen, even foreign. "It's the same with listening to radio broadcasts. Most Slovaks listen to foreign broadcasts, watch Austrian TV programs, and the like. But not so the Czechs. They, allegedly, dislike Austrians and Germans. "Czechs would like the world to believe that Slovaks like to fraternalize with them (with Czechs); but this is untrue and absurd. S 1 o v a k s detest fraternalizing with Czechs - for obvious reasons. The true Slovak, because of the Czech persecution and exploitation of Slovakia and because of the common tendency amongst the Czechs to toy around sympathetically with communism and irreli- SLOVAKIA 71 gion, is very wary of the Czech. If there was any fraternalizing between the Czech and Slovak before the First World War, there is none since the Czech attempt to Czechjze Slovakia after the formation of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. Slovaks are convinced that it is impossible to coexist let alone live with the Czechs in one State. "I experienced this myself in Praha. Czech youth wholly does not comprehend the Slovak or the Slovak attitude. Prague youths, when I addressed them, persistently asked me, 'What are you, a Polak?' And my brother, who lives in Slovakia, would try to comfort me and say: 'Don't be amazed at this. They do not care to understand the Slovak tongue, muchless the Slovak and his democratic views. They behold him with disdain and contempt.' "Let me mention what I learned of what happened in 1956 when the Hungarians revolted. The Slovak people were hoping for a general war to break out, with America rushing to aid free Hungary, but nothing like this happened. "The Czechs, instead, sent a whole armed division against the revolting Hungarians. By chance I met in New York City a Hungarian who fought in that revolt and he told me that the revolting Hungarians got aid only from two places - from Spain and from Slovakia. The Slovaks somehow or another spirited away to them 500 loaded machine guns, a great quantity of hand grenades and ammuniti9n and a lot of bandages, and the Spaniards sent over a planeload of bazookas." I asked my Slovak informant how the Slovaks in Slovakia viewed the liquidation of the Hungarian revolt and he answered me : "They were tremendously disappointed - and they are so even at present. Nevertheless they still hope that America will help liberate all of them. And, if America does not help them, they certainly will despair." A Message To American Statesmen A friend of mine brought this message from Slovakia: "Tell all American Slovaks to work tirelessly for a free Slovakia. Let them rest assured that we are praying for them. And we also pray that God might enlighten the 72 SLOVAKIA minds of your American statesmen so that they might not be naive and might not betray the nations behind the Iron Curtain, not even our Slovak nation, because we await our rescue and liberation from America, her President and Government. Indeed, there has been already enough suffering, misery, real and judicial murders. There is no greater punishment for us than this communist hell. The sooner America realizes this, the better for her." Need anything be added to the above? Americans of Slovak descent, joined together in the Slovak League of America, are expending every effort in this direction to liberate the Slovaks at home and secure for them the independence they have fought for so many hundreds of years. The adamant anti-communist stand of the League is well known. The Slovak League of America, an American institution, believes that it is in the highest interest of the security and welfare of the United States, that the Government of the United States fully recognize and respect the inherent right of the Slovak nation to freedom and independence. Conclusion This then is the situation in Slovakia today. In reporting this I presented only some incidents and facts. In these our own United States of America, many people are not aware of what is happening behind the Iron Curtain. In my opinion, the things that are happening in Slovakia, in Poland, in Lithuania, in Rumania, in Yugoslavia and other communist controlled countries, indeed in Russia and China themselves, is not only a concern of these people and nations but also of every other country that does not wish to succumb to communism. America is no exception. Indeed America is and will be most responsible and reprehensible, I believe, in the eyes of world historians - and of the world in years to come - if communism spreads. Only America can prevent or limit its spread and contain and isolate it. I personally do not think that to isolate it is to solve the problem of communism; on the contrary, world communism has assumed such proportions that it cannot be isolated anymore. Communism overtook China. It is influencing other SLOVAKIA 73 Asiatic people and it is penetrating into Africa. Some Americans rejoice that shaking hands with Khrushchev is solving the problem; but to do so is a stab in the back of those who suffer under communism. To solve it, America and the whole world must not run away with the form of government established for us by our American founders . Freedom is the right of our 181 million American people; but this is also the right of every people. The threats of Kremlin ought not make Americans wince and submit to the dictates of Khrushchev as to how a Paris conference must end or whether our president should or should not go to Tokyo. Because after such a dictate will encourage Khrushchev to continue further. The aim of communism even now in 1960 is the proletariat's world rule. Khrushchev said this summer, "I'd love to see the red banner flying over the whole world in my lifetime." • • • WHO SAID IT? The Czechs . . . . are inclined to be both socialistic in politics and agnostic in religion. The Slovaks on the other ·hand ... as conservative peasantry are for the most part loyal and pious Roman Catholics. It is perhaps not surprising therefore that friction developed between them." - (F. Lee Benm;: Europe Since 1914, New Y:ork, 193:11; p. 556). • • • "The population question is further complicated by the ant'agonism of the Czechs and Slovaks themselves. The Czechs, who outnumber the Slovaks almost two to one ... are more inclined toward political liberalism and religious scepticism .... The Slovaks are among the most pious and conservative of peasant folks . .." - (Walter C. Langsam: The World Since 1914, New York, 1953; p. 453). • • • "Some of the .radica,ls and the nationalists in parliament demanded an absolute sep·a ration of church and state, and in January 1920, as part of the so-called 'Away From Rome' movement, there was established a Czechoslovak National Church which proclaimed its independence of the papacy and abolished the requirement of celibacy for the clergy. This church, however, gained almost no Slovak adherents and fewer than a million Czech members." - (Walter C. Langsam : The World since 1914, New York, '1•953; p. 45'1).  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovakia Under Communism Description An account of the resource Joseph Paučo Slovakia, Vol. 10, No. 6 (31), March-June 1960 pp. 62-73 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Paučo, Jozef, 1914-1975 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource March-June 1960 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/e023c3484c4b5dd82617765ba4f434bc.pdf b570148a0978c0eba0cbabb3cac8a3d1 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 13 SLOVAK.IA UNDER COMMUNISM By Joseph Pauco During the past three months I met several Americams of Slovak descent who had visiited Slovakia. All were Amevican citizens. Since none played any active role in politics, they had no difficulty in obtainling visas from Red Prague. "They know I am not a politician," said my friend , "but they also know that I am bringing American dollars to P,r ague and Brati'slava, so the Reds do not hesitate to place their signa:ture to my viisa. But my spivitua;l director, t he pastor of my parish, could not get a visa, even though he, too, does no politioing. Being a priest apparently is reason enough not to allow him entry on Slovak soil, which today is washed by streams of innocent blood of martyrs fighting for the freedom of Slovakia. Communism Destroying All Hope One of the visitors told me this: "My brother-fa-law is a teacher. I talked with him for two hours; •but, except for his deploring the communist regime, I learned nothing new from him. He did, however, stress that there are very few active teachers from the old school, that is, those who taught during the Slovak Republic (1939-1945), and that the communist regime carefully supervises even the new school or generation of teachers, brought up and trained by the communists themselves, makes them renounce their religious convictions, and prohibits them even to mention religion except to ridicule, vilify, and condemn it. "This, of course, shocked me. My brother-in-law, alt hough 15 years younger, looked muoh older .than I. Indeed, he was unable to believe that there could be such a difference. "Communism," he would say, "brings no good to anyone; and when one does not approve of it, even though one does not actively oppose it, it destroys one s·p iritually and this in its turn reacts physically and one's body succumbs and slowly deteriorates. "Lt is even worse among the Slovak intellectuals, who �14 SLOVAKIA are desperate and have given up all hope. And this isn' t only among those who are years in prison or who, instead of having their regular office or teaching position, are working in the uranium mines, but also among those who still are at large, undetected. Despair is stalking them everywhere because they cannot tell when they also will be ,s eized and shipped to unlmown regions. "In a word, today in Slovakia, as perhaps in other communist countries, people are losing all hope. My brother-in-law specifically reiterated: "What can we now await, when for 15 years there was no undoing, no overturning and no possibility for such an undoing or overturning? Those of us who have been hoping for this transformation are aging and cannot live long enough to see any reversal or change-over so long as the West continues ,to ignore or to pay little attention to us . "And our ,c hildren and grandchildren? I'm dreadfully afraid most of them will be thoroughly brainwashed and trained in godless marxist ideology. And th~s will be disastrous for our nation and for all of central Europe." Take Us To America "Take us to Amer.ica !" is the pleading cry of a young man, bidding rfarewell to his American uncle, who was returning to America after visiting Slovakia. "Immediately, but immediately I'd leave with you even though I'd have to live on dry bread and water in your trunk the whole trip half-unconscious!" Those words express ,p ractically everything the communized and oppressed Slovaks feel. They long above all to escape and shake off the slavery of communism; and the only way to do this now is, it seems to them, to come to America. Even -though some Slovaks lost all hope and feel that the USA will come to terms with the Soviet Union, nevertheless the vast majority of them is still of the opinion that America will not abandon the nations behind the Iron Curtain and that it, therefore, will not abandon Slovaki,a either. "It is most unfortunate," remarked a Slovak native to our visitor in Slovakia, "that the USA did not act more energetically in 1956 when the Hungarians rebelled against communism. We were ready to rise up also. So would have the Poles, the Rumanians, the Croatians, �SLOVAKIA 15 and Slovenfans, and the whole of Central Europe would have been on the maroh to freedom." Even the communists at the time were apprehensive that the time had come for a change and were preparing for it. For instance, t:hey treated their prisoners wi th a:. healthy respect. The Slovaks often mention their relatives in America anld relay to them, as our informant tells us, that "If the American Slovaks do no-t help us out of communism's diabolical clui:ches, we have lived and struggled in vain. It is useless to continue to live as we do. Tell our Slovak Americans that never did a people so need assistance as we need it now. Tell them to knock daily at the White House in Washington and under the leadersh,ip of the Slovak League of America to rise up •:ogether in behalf of our Slovak Nation and its independent State. We want to be free and independent of communism, Czech imperialism, and every outside pressure." Slovaks in Slovakia have confidence in Amerka even though communist propaganda tells them that hunger and poverty prevail in Amer.ica, that children are barefooted and one third of its people unemployed. Slovaks, knowing that, like every country, America a:lso has its· economic problems, smile at this propaganda. But they also know, as they told v1sitovs from the USA, .that nowhere in the world are people as well off and free as in. America. Godless Communist Schools In Slovakia religion is still taught as an unprescr.i-bed subject; but only where the parents demand it. The communist press and administration are viciously opposed to religious instruction and training in any school. We read in a rather comprehensive article in the Bratisfava "Praca," dated September 28, 1960, and titled "Does Religion Belong In A Socialist School?": " ... religion, for i ts unscientific · character which emanates wholly from fantastic supersitions and not from real facts , is harmful. One of its basic principles is: Not to undermine or rebel against the gods created by a profit and exploiting system and not to destroy them and their plundering system if an eternal and blissful hereafter is to be successfully attained. It is difficult to visualize in-. �16 SLOVAKIA spired builders of a communistic future, builders belabored and burdened with such falise and silly concepts and ideals. Hence the socialistic school is and must basically and solely imbue and train the young from the scientific base - the materialistic Marxist world-wide view, the cor,r ectness of which not only does science confirm but also more often even practice. Therefore, in CzechoSlovak schools religion, even as an elective, is really never taught." "Praca" then further anailyzes the reasons of the communist regime as to why religion must not be taught. It alleges that "even our constitution ... guarantees freeeven though dom of worship and religious service truly only if this is not contrary to (communist) law." Who, however makes the laws in Slova:kia? The communists. And if they do not care to have religion taught or promulgated, then they pass such laws which will not permit religion to be .taught. "Praca" continues: "No religion, no religious concept is permitted in the educational program or its text books ; it is neither named nor alluded to, and the person who might dare teach it is not considered a teacher or a member of .t he teaching staff. And hence it is not a part of the course of education." Communists are convinced that "from the pedagogical viewpoint it is not only improper and incorrect but also confusing and unhealthy for a child to be placed into periods of conflict and contradiction between religion and science ; for instance, between the theories of divine creation and the scientific origin of the world." " ... there is no room for useless obstructions and burdening of young minds into lethargic religious imaginings which have no concrete value to a child.... "In a socialist state, religion, a:s an outlived form of socia'l science, loses the nm1bur.ing soil humus for its existence and inevitably dies. This is very obvious even in our schools where the number of children registered for religious instructions is constantly decreasing, and even this year is substantially lower than la,st year. This dying out of religion, however, must not be lerft to elementals. �SLOVAKIA 17 We feel that with purposeful work, after a definite time, interest ,i n the teaching of religion in Slovakia will decrease to such an extent, for example, as it hras in Mostecko and Karlovarski, where practically no religion is taug.ht." Rather it appears that the reason for this demise is its own inherent invia,b ility and destructive uselessness; and hence in the course of time t he designed purposeful training and education that youth will get ,in the socia1ist state will deminish and eliminate the ,i nterest in religion and its upbringing ait least to the tiny degree thaJt it is alveady eliminated for instance in Mostec or .in Karlovar where practica:l'ly no religion is given. Then the hours or periods for religious instruction will become wholly useless in all of our schools and religion and religious instructions wiU have outlived usefulness." "Praca" is organizing heckling units to instigate and incite opposition against the teaching of religion. Thus on October 10th of this year, it published a rep'l y to its article. The letter is significant for two things: (1) communism has already trained atheists in Slov,a kia; and (2) resistance against communism's a.ibolishment of ·r eligious education in schools continues. We quote the letter literaHy: "Everything which you write is true. We also are atheists and give priority to science over the tales of the clergy. But we see that difficulties do arise in the families when they must decide whether the child is to study religion. One of our fel'low-workers, for instance, did not register his daughter for religious instruction, and now he has great misunderstandings with his wife. In our own families we, too, have little children - and we expect complications when the children become of school age and bring their applications to register for religious instruction. How can quarrels in the families be avoided? We think that religion should not be taug,ht at all in our schools. - Rudolf Skolkay and Ludovit Vaverika, Hlohovec." 1 Communists Destroyed Hundreds of Thousands of Books An a,cquaintance, who spent two months in Slovakia, tells us how the communist authorities had confiscated and destroyed all the religious and cultural books they found in �16 SLOVAKIA the Matica Slovenska (Slovak Insti:tute), the Spolok Sv. Vojteoha (St. Adalbert's Society) and other publishing houses, and which tihe communist reg.ime regarded as not acceptable from the Marxist-Leninist viewpoint. Our acquaintance ascertained that one iday trucks pulled up to the publishing houses with the police, who ordered the confiscation of all books they had on prepared lists. Seven truckloads were taken from St. Adalbert's Society a:lone. At the head of the list were the religious books prayerbooks, catechisms, lives of the saints, entire volumes of religious periodicals, and everything with an imprimatur in it. Then they took all the books published during the existence Olf the Republic of Slovia:kia, the authors of which are either in exile or in prison. "When we learned this," sa:id the acquaintance, "we were shocked .... we just couldn't believe it. People had hoped that the communist regime would not go to this extreme and that somehow or other the books would still be saved at least in the stockrooms of the publishers since bookstores and book-sellers were not allowed to buy or sell them. Instead, however, the books - hundreds of thousands of good books - were destroyed." The books were ground up to a pulp to make new paper which is to serve the communist press. Paper that once carried the Word of God, religious thoughts and literature, is now being used against God, religion, democracy and humanity. Communism destroys everything that stands in its way. Tension Between Slovak and Czech Writers . We know an American whose relative in Slovakia is a wri:ter. Returning from Slovakia, this man told us of some of the problems of writers. The communists, he related, hesitated for a long time to permit a new edition of the novel, "Tri Gastanove Kone" (Three Chestnut Horses) which Margita Figuli wrote and published long before the communists came into control. The reason for this was nolt that the author or the novel was political or anti-communistic. Not at all; for it is a novel with many love affairs. Nor was the author on any �SLOVAKIA 19 political index. She had never been in politics, and if she ever was incHned or orienta,ted to any political view it was towards Prague, the Czech viewpoint. Nevertheless she had .to wait a full six years till the communist regime of Prague permitted her to put out a new edition of her novel. The reason for this delay? The vinain of the novel, the tyrant, the torturer of women and horses, is a man na:med Zapotocny. 'Dhe Czech communists feared that the readers would confuse this name with the name of the communist president of Czecho-Slovakia whose name was Zapotocky. So the party waited until Za.potocky di'ed and then aMowed a new edition af Figuli's novel. The consent of the Slovak .communists was not enough. The Slovak communists had first to consult and get the approval of .bhe Czech communists. This, however, is how things go in Slovakia in all things- politics, economics, literary works, justice, in a word, in everything, the Red Czechs of Prag,ue must first be consulted and their approval or decision must first be obtained, or else My friend mentioned other problems that Slovak }VI'iters have. For instance, there is a tremendous amount of tension and antagonism between .the Czech and Slovak writers. For the communist party is trying to fuse or merge the two groups of writers - the Czech and the Slov,ak into one, the Czecho-Slovak writers, as the Academy of Science previously attempted. The Slovak writers, whether communist or not, adamantly refuse to give up their Slovak aHiance and submit to the Czech or Czech-Slovak Alliance. They told WiHiam Siroky, who pressured them: "A united alliance can be achieved only through the medium of our lorn up communist idenitification cards!" Low Wages and High Prices Another Slovak American who visited Slovakia, related how much Slovaks can earn anid how much they pay for the things they need. Today most of the Slovaks have to work in groups or collectives. In the .rural areas - and Slovakia is predominantly agricultural - to work they must belong to single farm collectives or · "kokhozes". The farmers' fields or �20 SLOVAKIA farms were .taken away and nationalized; now they must work on them for the state. The collective worker however, does not make more than seven crowns ($1.00) a day. Sometimes only six crowns, depending on the way his unit of work is estimated. A woman, working in a poultry-house 14 hours a day, gets almost 10 crowns. Likewise a dairy-maid, but she must milk by hand 18 cows twice daily. A construction worker receives only 6.50 crowns a day. Stoneworkers are better off; they get 1,000 crowns a month. But let us see how this compa,,res with the price of things. The American visitor expla,ineld it this way: If only one person works in the collective, two people cannot live on his income. Simply because: A kilogram (2.2 l'b s.) of the blackest bread costs 8 crowns; a better bread 10 crowns; and a half-white bread costs 12 crowns. It is obvious that a laborer cannot make enough a day to buy a kilogram of good bread. And if he wants to buy a little cheese-cake, or a little poppy-seed roll or jelly-bun (roll), which in America would cost about 40 cents, in Slovakia he won•rt be able to obtain it for less than 6 crowns. Hence a construction worker labors almost all day for a ro'll or good bun which won't be enough to go with one cup of coffee. Wi,th meat it's the same business. Beef and pork cost 48 crowns a kilogram. Women stand in front of butcher shops in lines blocks long from 5 in the morning sometimes until noon; but the last ones usually get no meat at all. For a kilogram of meat a collective worker must work seven days. Average oloth or material fior men's clothing costs 750 crowns. A well paid worker then must toil 3 weeks just for the material for a suit of clothes. In Slovakia common summer-shoes or sa,,ndals cost 500 crowns a pair; and a well paid worker must work a good 15 days for a pair of these shoes. A commune worker has to work over two months to be able to buy a good pair of sanidals. My friend also visited the Czech lands, where his relatives from Slovakia work in Bohemia and Moravia. From �SLOVAKIA 21 them he learned of the dis<!rimination and inequality in the wages paid in the Czech lands as compared w.ith those in Slovakia. It is unbelievingly shocking inequa:lity, injustice and discrimination. Every worker in the Czech lands receives dowble the amount he would receive for the same work in Slovakia. This inequality and discrimination gives rise to serious misunderstandings . The Czechs have not learned the lessons of history; little has changed since the days of T. G. Masaryk and Benes : the Slovaks are still regarded as servants of the Czechs, to be exploited solely for Czech interests. 'NIE SLOVA.KS by Peter P. Yurchak, should be in every pwblk library, in every college and university, in the home of every American of Slovak descent. Get your copy NOW. Paper bound copy-· $2.00; in cloth $3.00. SLOVAKl,A: the women of Rejdova, Gerner Province, once wore this type of headdress. � SLOVAKIA 13 SLOVAK.IA UNDER COMMUNISM By Joseph Pauco During the past three months I met several Americams of Slovak descent who had visiited Slovakia. All were Amevican citizens. Since none played any active role in politics, they had no difficulty in obtainling visas from Red Prague. "They know I am not a politician," said my friend , "but they also know that I am bringing American dollars to P,r ague and Brati'slava, so the Reds do not hesitate to place their signa:ture to my viisa. But my spivitua;l director, t he pastor of my parish, could not get a visa, even though he, too, does no politioing. Being a priest apparently is reason enough not to allow him entry on Slovak soil, which today is washed by streams of innocent blood of martyrs fighting for the freedom of Slovakia. Communism Destroying All Hope One of the visitors told me this: "My brother-fa-law is a teacher. I talked with him for two hours; •but, except for his deploring the communist regime, I learned nothing new from him. He did, however, stress that there are very few active teachers from the old school, that is, those who taught during the Slovak Republic (1939-1945), and that the communist regime carefully supervises even the new school or generation of teachers, brought up and trained by the communists themselves, makes them renounce their religious convictions, and prohibits them even to mention religion except to ridicule, vilify, and condemn it. "This, of course, shocked me. My brother-in-law, alt hough 15 years younger, looked muoh older .than I. Indeed, he was unable to believe that there could be such a difference. "Communism," he would say, "brings no good to anyone; and when one does not approve of it, even though one does not actively oppose it, it destroys one s·p iritually and this in its turn reacts physically and one's body succumbs and slowly deteriorates. "Lt is even worse among the Slovak intellectuals, who �14 SLOVAKIA are desperate and have given up all hope. And this isn' t only among those who are years in prison or who, instead of having their regular office or teaching position, are working in the uranium mines, but also among those who still are at large, undetected. Despair is stalking them everywhere because they cannot tell when they also will be ,s eized and shipped to unlmown regions. "In a word, today in Slovakia, as perhaps in other communist countries, people are losing all hope. My brother-in-law specifically reiterated: "What can we now await, when for 15 years there was no undoing, no overturning and no possibility for such an undoing or overturning? Those of us who have been hoping for this transformation are aging and cannot live long enough to see any reversal or change-over so long as the West continues ,to ignore or to pay little attention to us . "And our ,c hildren and grandchildren? I'm dreadfully afraid most of them will be thoroughly brainwashed and trained in godless marxist ideology. And th~s will be disastrous for our nation and for all of central Europe." Take Us To America "Take us to Amer.ica !" is the pleading cry of a young man, bidding rfarewell to his American uncle, who was returning to America after visiting Slovakia. "Immediately, but immediately I'd leave with you even though I'd have to live on dry bread and water in your trunk the whole trip half-unconscious!" Those words express ,p ractically everything the communized and oppressed Slovaks feel. They long above all to escape and shake off the slavery of communism; and the only way to do this now is, it seems to them, to come to America. Even -though some Slovaks lost all hope and feel that the USA will come to terms with the Soviet Union, nevertheless the vast majority of them is still of the opinion that America will not abandon the nations behind the Iron Curtain and that it, therefore, will not abandon Slovaki,a either. "It is most unfortunate," remarked a Slovak native to our visitor in Slovakia, "that the USA did not act more energetically in 1956 when the Hungarians rebelled against communism. We were ready to rise up also. So would have the Poles, the Rumanians, the Croatians, �SLOVAKIA 15 and Slovenfans, and the whole of Central Europe would have been on the maroh to freedom." Even the communists at the time were apprehensive that the time had come for a change and were preparing for it. For instance, t:hey treated their prisoners wi th a:. healthy respect. The Slovaks often mention their relatives in America anld relay to them, as our informant tells us, that "If the American Slovaks do no-t help us out of communism's diabolical clui:ches, we have lived and struggled in vain. It is useless to continue to live as we do. Tell our Slovak Americans that never did a people so need assistance as we need it now. Tell them to knock daily at the White House in Washington and under the leadersh,ip of the Slovak League of America to rise up •:ogether in behalf of our Slovak Nation and its independent State. We want to be free and independent of communism, Czech imperialism, and every outside pressure." Slovaks in Slovakia have confidence in Amerka even though communist propaganda tells them that hunger and poverty prevail in Amer.ica, that children are barefooted and one third of its people unemployed. Slovaks, knowing that, like every country, America a:lso has its· economic problems, smile at this propaganda. But they also know, as they told v1sitovs from the USA, .that nowhere in the world are people as well off and free as in. America. Godless Communist Schools In Slovakia religion is still taught as an unprescr.i-bed subject; but only where the parents demand it. The communist press and administration are viciously opposed to religious instruction and training in any school. We read in a rather comprehensive article in the Bratisfava "Praca," dated September 28, 1960, and titled "Does Religion Belong In A Socialist School?": " ... religion, for i ts unscientific · character which emanates wholly from fantastic supersitions and not from real facts , is harmful. One of its basic principles is: Not to undermine or rebel against the gods created by a profit and exploiting system and not to destroy them and their plundering system if an eternal and blissful hereafter is to be successfully attained. It is difficult to visualize in-. �16 SLOVAKIA spired builders of a communistic future, builders belabored and burdened with such falise and silly concepts and ideals. Hence the socialistic school is and must basically and solely imbue and train the young from the scientific base - the materialistic Marxist world-wide view, the cor,r ectness of which not only does science confirm but also more often even practice. Therefore, in CzechoSlovak schools religion, even as an elective, is really never taught." "Praca" then further anailyzes the reasons of the communist regime as to why religion must not be taught. It alleges that "even our constitution ... guarantees freeeven though dom of worship and religious service truly only if this is not contrary to (communist) law." Who, however makes the laws in Slova:kia? The communists. And if they do not care to have religion taught or promulgated, then they pass such laws which will not permit religion to be .taught. "Praca" continues: "No religion, no religious concept is permitted in the educational program or its text books ; it is neither named nor alluded to, and the person who might dare teach it is not considered a teacher or a member of .t he teaching staff. And hence it is not a part of the course of education." Communists are convinced that "from the pedagogical viewpoint it is not only improper and incorrect but also confusing and unhealthy for a child to be placed into periods of conflict and contradiction between religion and science ; for instance, between the theories of divine creation and the scientific origin of the world." " ... there is no room for useless obstructions and burdening of young minds into lethargic religious imaginings which have no concrete value to a child.... "In a socialist state, religion, a:s an outlived form of socia'l science, loses the nm1bur.ing soil humus for its existence and inevitably dies. This is very obvious even in our schools where the number of children registered for religious instructions is constantly decreasing, and even this year is substantially lower than la,st year. This dying out of religion, however, must not be lerft to elementals. �SLOVAKIA 17 We feel that with purposeful work, after a definite time, interest ,i n the teaching of religion in Slovakia will decrease to such an extent, for example, as it hras in Mostecko and Karlovarski, where practically no religion is taug.ht." Rather it appears that the reason for this demise is its own inherent invia,b ility and destructive uselessness; and hence in the course of time t he designed purposeful training and education that youth will get ,in the socia1ist state will deminish and eliminate the ,i nterest in religion and its upbringing ait least to the tiny degree thaJt it is alveady eliminated for instance in Mostec or .in Karlovar where practica:l'ly no religion is given. Then the hours or periods for religious instruction will become wholly useless in all of our schools and religion and religious instructions wiU have outlived usefulness." "Praca" is organizing heckling units to instigate and incite opposition against the teaching of religion. Thus on October 10th of this year, it published a rep'l y to its article. The letter is significant for two things: (1) communism has already trained atheists in Slov,a kia; and (2) resistance against communism's a.ibolishment of ·r eligious education in schools continues. We quote the letter literaHy: "Everything which you write is true. We also are atheists and give priority to science over the tales of the clergy. But we see that difficulties do arise in the families when they must decide whether the child is to study religion. One of our fel'low-workers, for instance, did not register his daughter for religious instruction, and now he has great misunderstandings with his wife. In our own families we, too, have little children - and we expect complications when the children become of school age and bring their applications to register for religious instruction. How can quarrels in the families be avoided? We think that religion should not be taug,ht at all in our schools. - Rudolf Skolkay and Ludovit Vaverika, Hlohovec." 1 Communists Destroyed Hundreds of Thousands of Books An a,cquaintance, who spent two months in Slovakia, tells us how the communist authorities had confiscated and destroyed all the religious and cultural books they found in �16 SLOVAKIA the Matica Slovenska (Slovak Insti:tute), the Spolok Sv. Vojteoha (St. Adalbert's Society) and other publishing houses, and which tihe communist reg.ime regarded as not acceptable from the Marxist-Leninist viewpoint. Our acquaintance ascertained that one iday trucks pulled up to the publishing houses with the police, who ordered the confiscation of all books they had on prepared lists. Seven truckloads were taken from St. Adalbert's Society a:lone. At the head of the list were the religious books prayerbooks, catechisms, lives of the saints, entire volumes of religious periodicals, and everything with an imprimatur in it. Then they took all the books published during the existence Olf the Republic of Slovia:kia, the authors of which are either in exile or in prison. "When we learned this," sa:id the acquaintance, "we were shocked .... we just couldn't believe it. People had hoped that the communist regime would not go to this extreme and that somehow or other the books would still be saved at least in the stockrooms of the publishers since bookstores and book-sellers were not allowed to buy or sell them. Instead, however, the books - hundreds of thousands of good books - were destroyed." The books were ground up to a pulp to make new paper which is to serve the communist press. Paper that once carried the Word of God, religious thoughts and literature, is now being used against God, religion, democracy and humanity. Communism destroys everything that stands in its way. Tension Between Slovak and Czech Writers . We know an American whose relative in Slovakia is a wri:ter. Returning from Slovakia, this man told us of some of the problems of writers. The communists, he related, hesitated for a long time to permit a new edition of the novel, "Tri Gastanove Kone" (Three Chestnut Horses) which Margita Figuli wrote and published long before the communists came into control. The reason for this was nolt that the author or the novel was political or anti-communistic. Not at all; for it is a novel with many love affairs. Nor was the author on any �SLOVAKIA 19 political index. She had never been in politics, and if she ever was incHned or orienta,ted to any political view it was towards Prague, the Czech viewpoint. Nevertheless she had .to wait a full six years till the communist regime of Prague permitted her to put out a new edition of her novel. The reason for this delay? The vinain of the novel, the tyrant, the torturer of women and horses, is a man na:med Zapotocny. 'Dhe Czech communists feared that the readers would confuse this name with the name of the communist president of Czecho-Slovakia whose name was Zapotocky. So the party waited until Za.potocky di'ed and then aMowed a new edition af Figuli's novel. The consent of the Slovak .communists was not enough. The Slovak communists had first to consult and get the approval of .bhe Czech communists. This, however, is how things go in Slovakia in all things- politics, economics, literary works, justice, in a word, in everything, the Red Czechs of Prag,ue must first be consulted and their approval or decision must first be obtained, or else My friend mentioned other problems that Slovak }VI'iters have. For instance, there is a tremendous amount of tension and antagonism between .the Czech and Slovak writers. For the communist party is trying to fuse or merge the two groups of writers - the Czech and the Slov,ak into one, the Czecho-Slovak writers, as the Academy of Science previously attempted. The Slovak writers, whether communist or not, adamantly refuse to give up their Slovak aHiance and submit to the Czech or Czech-Slovak Alliance. They told WiHiam Siroky, who pressured them: "A united alliance can be achieved only through the medium of our lorn up communist idenitification cards!" Low Wages and High Prices Another Slovak American who visited Slovakia, related how much Slovaks can earn anid how much they pay for the things they need. Today most of the Slovaks have to work in groups or collectives. In the .rural areas - and Slovakia is predominantly agricultural - to work they must belong to single farm collectives or · "kokhozes". The farmers' fields or �20 SLOVAKIA farms were .taken away and nationalized; now they must work on them for the state. The collective worker however, does not make more than seven crowns ($1.00) a day. Sometimes only six crowns, depending on the way his unit of work is estimated. A woman, working in a poultry-house 14 hours a day, gets almost 10 crowns. Likewise a dairy-maid, but she must milk by hand 18 cows twice daily. A construction worker receives only 6.50 crowns a day. Stoneworkers are better off; they get 1,000 crowns a month. But let us see how this compa,,res with the price of things. The American visitor expla,ineld it this way: If only one person works in the collective, two people cannot live on his income. Simply because: A kilogram (2.2 l'b s.) of the blackest bread costs 8 crowns; a better bread 10 crowns; and a half-white bread costs 12 crowns. It is obvious that a laborer cannot make enough a day to buy a kilogram of good bread. And if he wants to buy a little cheese-cake, or a little poppy-seed roll or jelly-bun (roll), which in America would cost about 40 cents, in Slovakia he won•rt be able to obtain it for less than 6 crowns. Hence a construction worker labors almost all day for a ro'll or good bun which won't be enough to go with one cup of coffee. Wi,th meat it's the same business. Beef and pork cost 48 crowns a kilogram. Women stand in front of butcher shops in lines blocks long from 5 in the morning sometimes until noon; but the last ones usually get no meat at all. For a kilogram of meat a collective worker must work seven days. Average oloth or material fior men's clothing costs 750 crowns. A well paid worker then must toil 3 weeks just for the material for a suit of clothes. In Slovakia common summer-shoes or sa,,ndals cost 500 crowns a pair; and a well paid worker must work a good 15 days for a pair of these shoes. A commune worker has to work over two months to be able to buy a good pair of sanidals. My friend also visited the Czech lands, where his relatives from Slovakia work in Bohemia and Moravia. From �SLOVAKIA 21 them he learned of the dis<!rimination and inequality in the wages paid in the Czech lands as compared w.ith those in Slovakia. It is unbelievingly shocking inequa:lity, injustice and discrimination. Every worker in the Czech lands receives dowble the amount he would receive for the same work in Slovakia. This inequality and discrimination gives rise to serious misunderstandings . The Czechs have not learned the lessons of history; little has changed since the days of T. G. Masaryk and Benes : the Slovaks are still regarded as servants of the Czechs, to be exploited solely for Czech interests. 'NIE SLOVA.KS by Peter P. Yurchak, should be in every pwblk library, in every college and university, in the home of every American of Slovak descent. Get your copy NOW. Paper bound copy-· $2.00; in cloth $3.00. SLOVAKl,A: the women of Rejdova, Gerner Province, once wore this type of headdress. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1961, Vol. 11 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 33), March-June 1961.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 34), September-December June 1961.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1961 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 13 SLOVAK.IA UNDER COMMUNISM By Joseph Pauco During the past three months I met several Americams of Slovak descent who had visiited Slovakia. All were Amevican citizens. Since none played any active role in politics, they had no difficulty in obtainling visas from Red Prague. "They know I am not a politician," said my friend , "but they also know that I am bringing American dollars to P,r ague and Brati'slava, so the Reds do not hesitate to place their signa:ture to my viisa. But my spivitua;l director, t he pastor of my parish, could not get a visa, even though he, too, does no politioing. Being a priest apparently is reason enough not to allow him entry on Slovak soil, which today is washed by streams of innocent blood of martyrs fighting for the freedom of Slovakia. Communism Destroying All Hope One of the visitors told me this: "My brother-fa-law is a teacher. I talked with him for two hours; •but, except for his deploring the communist regime, I learned nothing new from him. He did, however, stress that there are very few active teachers from the old school, that is, those who taught during the Slovak Republic (1939-1945), and that the communist regime carefully supervises even the new school or generation of teachers, brought up and trained by the communists themselves, makes them renounce their religious convictions, and prohibits them even to mention religion except to ridicule, vilify, and condemn it. "This, of course, shocked me. My brother-in-law, alt hough 15 years younger, looked muoh older .than I. Indeed, he was unable to believe that there could be such a difference. "Communism," he would say, "brings no good to anyone; and when one does not approve of it, even though one does not actively oppose it, it destroys one s·p iritually and this in its turn reacts physically and one's body succumbs and slowly deteriorates. "Lt is even worse among the Slovak intellectuals, who 14 SLOVAKIA are desperate and have given up all hope. And this isn' t only among those who are years in prison or who, instead of having their regular office or teaching position, are working in the uranium mines, but also among those who still are at large, undetected. Despair is stalking them everywhere because they cannot tell when they also will be ,s eized and shipped to unlmown regions. "In a word, today in Slovakia, as perhaps in other communist countries, people are losing all hope. My brother-in-law specifically reiterated: "What can we now await, when for 15 years there was no undoing, no overturning and no possibility for such an undoing or overturning? Those of us who have been hoping for this transformation are aging and cannot live long enough to see any reversal or change-over so long as the West continues ,to ignore or to pay little attention to us . "And our ,c hildren and grandchildren? I'm dreadfully afraid most of them will be thoroughly brainwashed and trained in godless marxist ideology. And th~s will be disastrous for our nation and for all of central Europe." Take Us To America "Take us to Amer.ica !" is the pleading cry of a young man, bidding rfarewell to his American uncle, who was returning to America after visiting Slovakia. "Immediately, but immediately I'd leave with you even though I'd have to live on dry bread and water in your trunk the whole trip half-unconscious!" Those words express ,p ractically everything the communized and oppressed Slovaks feel. They long above all to escape and shake off the slavery of communism; and the only way to do this now is, it seems to them, to come to America. Even -though some Slovaks lost all hope and feel that the USA will come to terms with the Soviet Union, nevertheless the vast majority of them is still of the opinion that America will not abandon the nations behind the Iron Curtain and that it, therefore, will not abandon Slovaki,a either. "It is most unfortunate," remarked a Slovak native to our visitor in Slovakia, "that the USA did not act more energetically in 1956 when the Hungarians rebelled against communism. We were ready to rise up also. So would have the Poles, the Rumanians, the Croatians, SLOVAKIA 15 and Slovenfans, and the whole of Central Europe would have been on the maroh to freedom." Even the communists at the time were apprehensive that the time had come for a change and were preparing for it. For instance, t:hey treated their prisoners wi th a:. healthy respect. The Slovaks often mention their relatives in America anld relay to them, as our informant tells us, that "If the American Slovaks do no-t help us out of communism's diabolical clui:ches, we have lived and struggled in vain. It is useless to continue to live as we do. Tell our Slovak Americans that never did a people so need assistance as we need it now. Tell them to knock daily at the White House in Washington and under the leadersh,ip of the Slovak League of America to rise up •:ogether in behalf of our Slovak Nation and its independent State. We want to be free and independent of communism, Czech imperialism, and every outside pressure." Slovaks in Slovakia have confidence in Amerka even though communist propaganda tells them that hunger and poverty prevail in Amer.ica, that children are barefooted and one third of its people unemployed. Slovaks, knowing that, like every country, America a:lso has its· economic problems, smile at this propaganda. But they also know, as they told v1sitovs from the USA, .that nowhere in the world are people as well off and free as in. America. Godless Communist Schools In Slovakia religion is still taught as an unprescr.i-bed subject; but only where the parents demand it. The communist press and administration are viciously opposed to religious instruction and training in any school. We read in a rather comprehensive article in the Bratisfava "Praca," dated September 28, 1960, and titled "Does Religion Belong In A Socialist School?": " ... religion, for i ts unscientific · character which emanates wholly from fantastic supersitions and not from real facts , is harmful. One of its basic principles is: Not to undermine or rebel against the gods created by a profit and exploiting system and not to destroy them and their plundering system if an eternal and blissful hereafter is to be successfully attained. It is difficult to visualize in-. 16 SLOVAKIA spired builders of a communistic future, builders belabored and burdened with such falise and silly concepts and ideals. Hence the socialistic school is and must basically and solely imbue and train the young from the scientific base - the materialistic Marxist world-wide view, the cor,r ectness of which not only does science confirm but also more often even practice. Therefore, in CzechoSlovak schools religion, even as an elective, is really never taught." "Praca" then further anailyzes the reasons of the communist regime as to why religion must not be taught. It alleges that "even our constitution ... guarantees freeeven though dom of worship and religious service truly only if this is not contrary to (communist) law." Who, however makes the laws in Slova:kia? The communists. And if they do not care to have religion taught or promulgated, then they pass such laws which will not permit religion to be .taught. "Praca" continues: "No religion, no religious concept is permitted in the educational program or its text books ; it is neither named nor alluded to, and the person who might dare teach it is not considered a teacher or a member of .t he teaching staff. And hence it is not a part of the course of education." Communists are convinced that "from the pedagogical viewpoint it is not only improper and incorrect but also confusing and unhealthy for a child to be placed into periods of conflict and contradiction between religion and science ; for instance, between the theories of divine creation and the scientific origin of the world." " ... there is no room for useless obstructions and burdening of young minds into lethargic religious imaginings which have no concrete value to a child.... "In a socialist state, religion, a:s an outlived form of socia'l science, loses the nm1bur.ing soil humus for its existence and inevitably dies. This is very obvious even in our schools where the number of children registered for religious instructions is constantly decreasing, and even this year is substantially lower than la,st year. This dying out of religion, however, must not be lerft to elementals. SLOVAKIA 17 We feel that with purposeful work, after a definite time, interest ,i n the teaching of religion in Slovakia will decrease to such an extent, for example, as it hras in Mostecko and Karlovarski, where practically no religion is taug.ht." Rather it appears that the reason for this demise is its own inherent invia,b ility and destructive uselessness; and hence in the course of time t he designed purposeful training and education that youth will get ,in the socia1ist state will deminish and eliminate the ,i nterest in religion and its upbringing ait least to the tiny degree thaJt it is alveady eliminated for instance in Mostec or .in Karlovar where practica:l'ly no religion is given. Then the hours or periods for religious instruction will become wholly useless in all of our schools and religion and religious instructions wiU have outlived usefulness." "Praca" is organizing heckling units to instigate and incite opposition against the teaching of religion. Thus on October 10th of this year, it published a rep'l y to its article. The letter is significant for two things: (1) communism has already trained atheists in Slov,a kia; and (2) resistance against communism's a.ibolishment of ·r eligious education in schools continues. We quote the letter literaHy: "Everything which you write is true. We also are atheists and give priority to science over the tales of the clergy. But we see that difficulties do arise in the families when they must decide whether the child is to study religion. One of our fel'low-workers, for instance, did not register his daughter for religious instruction, and now he has great misunderstandings with his wife. In our own families we, too, have little children - and we expect complications when the children become of school age and bring their applications to register for religious instruction. How can quarrels in the families be avoided? We think that religion should not be taug,ht at all in our schools. - Rudolf Skolkay and Ludovit Vaverika, Hlohovec." 1 Communists Destroyed Hundreds of Thousands of Books An a,cquaintance, who spent two months in Slovakia, tells us how the communist authorities had confiscated and destroyed all the religious and cultural books they found in 16 SLOVAKIA the Matica Slovenska (Slovak Insti:tute), the Spolok Sv. Vojteoha (St. Adalbert's Society) and other publishing houses, and which tihe communist reg.ime regarded as not acceptable from the Marxist-Leninist viewpoint. Our acquaintance ascertained that one iday trucks pulled up to the publishing houses with the police, who ordered the confiscation of all books they had on prepared lists. Seven truckloads were taken from St. Adalbert's Society a:lone. At the head of the list were the religious books prayerbooks, catechisms, lives of the saints, entire volumes of religious periodicals, and everything with an imprimatur in it. Then they took all the books published during the existence Olf the Republic of Slovia:kia, the authors of which are either in exile or in prison. "When we learned this," sa:id the acquaintance, "we were shocked .... we just couldn't believe it. People had hoped that the communist regime would not go to this extreme and that somehow or other the books would still be saved at least in the stockrooms of the publishers since bookstores and book-sellers were not allowed to buy or sell them. Instead, however, the books - hundreds of thousands of good books - were destroyed." The books were ground up to a pulp to make new paper which is to serve the communist press. Paper that once carried the Word of God, religious thoughts and literature, is now being used against God, religion, democracy and humanity. Communism destroys everything that stands in its way. Tension Between Slovak and Czech Writers . We know an American whose relative in Slovakia is a wri:ter. Returning from Slovakia, this man told us of some of the problems of writers. The communists, he related, hesitated for a long time to permit a new edition of the novel, "Tri Gastanove Kone" (Three Chestnut Horses) which Margita Figuli wrote and published long before the communists came into control. The reason for this was nolt that the author or the novel was political or anti-communistic. Not at all; for it is a novel with many love affairs. Nor was the author on any SLOVAKIA 19 political index. She had never been in politics, and if she ever was incHned or orienta,ted to any political view it was towards Prague, the Czech viewpoint. Nevertheless she had .to wait a full six years till the communist regime of Prague permitted her to put out a new edition of her novel. The reason for this delay? The vinain of the novel, the tyrant, the torturer of women and horses, is a man na:med Zapotocny. 'Dhe Czech communists feared that the readers would confuse this name with the name of the communist president of Czecho-Slovakia whose name was Zapotocky. So the party waited until Za.potocky di'ed and then aMowed a new edition af Figuli's novel. The consent of the Slovak .communists was not enough. The Slovak communists had first to consult and get the approval of .bhe Czech communists. This, however, is how things go in Slovakia in all things- politics, economics, literary works, justice, in a word, in everything, the Red Czechs of Prag,ue must first be consulted and their approval or decision must first be obtained, or else My friend mentioned other problems that Slovak }VI'iters have. For instance, there is a tremendous amount of tension and antagonism between .the Czech and Slovak writers. For the communist party is trying to fuse or merge the two groups of writers - the Czech and the Slov,ak into one, the Czecho-Slovak writers, as the Academy of Science previously attempted. The Slovak writers, whether communist or not, adamantly refuse to give up their Slovak aHiance and submit to the Czech or Czech-Slovak Alliance. They told WiHiam Siroky, who pressured them: "A united alliance can be achieved only through the medium of our lorn up communist idenitification cards!" Low Wages and High Prices Another Slovak American who visited Slovakia, related how much Slovaks can earn anid how much they pay for the things they need. Today most of the Slovaks have to work in groups or collectives. In the .rural areas - and Slovakia is predominantly agricultural - to work they must belong to single farm collectives or · "kokhozes". The farmers' fields or 20 SLOVAKIA farms were .taken away and nationalized; now they must work on them for the state. The collective worker however, does not make more than seven crowns ($1.00) a day. Sometimes only six crowns, depending on the way his unit of work is estimated. A woman, working in a poultry-house 14 hours a day, gets almost 10 crowns. Likewise a dairy-maid, but she must milk by hand 18 cows twice daily. A construction worker receives only 6.50 crowns a day. Stoneworkers are better off; they get 1,000 crowns a month. But let us see how this compa,,res with the price of things. The American visitor expla,ineld it this way: If only one person works in the collective, two people cannot live on his income. Simply because: A kilogram (2.2 l'b s.) of the blackest bread costs 8 crowns; a better bread 10 crowns; and a half-white bread costs 12 crowns. It is obvious that a laborer cannot make enough a day to buy a kilogram of good bread. And if he wants to buy a little cheese-cake, or a little poppy-seed roll or jelly-bun (roll), which in America would cost about 40 cents, in Slovakia he won•rt be able to obtain it for less than 6 crowns. Hence a construction worker labors almost all day for a ro'll or good bun which won't be enough to go with one cup of coffee. Wi,th meat it's the same business. Beef and pork cost 48 crowns a kilogram. Women stand in front of butcher shops in lines blocks long from 5 in the morning sometimes until noon; but the last ones usually get no meat at all. For a kilogram of meat a collective worker must work seven days. Average oloth or material fior men's clothing costs 750 crowns. A well paid worker then must toil 3 weeks just for the material for a suit of clothes. In Slovakia common summer-shoes or sa,,ndals cost 500 crowns a pair; and a well paid worker must work a good 15 days for a pair of these shoes. A commune worker has to work over two months to be able to buy a good pair of sanidals. My friend also visited the Czech lands, where his relatives from Slovakia work in Bohemia and Moravia. From SLOVAKIA 21 them he learned of the dis<!rimination and inequality in the wages paid in the Czech lands as compared w.ith those in Slovakia. It is unbelievingly shocking inequa:lity, injustice and discrimination. Every worker in the Czech lands receives dowble the amount he would receive for the same work in Slovakia. This inequality and discrimination gives rise to serious misunderstandings . The Czechs have not learned the lessons of history; little has changed since the days of T. G. Masaryk and Benes : the Slovaks are still regarded as servants of the Czechs, to be exploited solely for Czech interests. 'NIE SLOVA.KS by Peter P. Yurchak, should be in every pwblk library, in every college and university, in the home of every American of Slovak descent. Get your copy NOW. Paper bound copy-· $2.00; in cloth $3.00. SLOVAKl,A: the women of Rejdova, Gerner Province, once wore this type of headdress.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovakia Under Communism Description An account of the resource Joseph Paučo Slovakia, Vol. 11, No. 1 (33), March-June 1961 pp. 13-21 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Paučo, Jozef, 1914-1975 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource March-June 1961 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/2a4b581b83da8681797032244a9d905a.pdf f600a8bd1e0dd9816cacfb5228783e47 PDF Text Text 136 SLOVAKIA Slovakia, the Land of Beauty Helena T. Gaydos Slovakia is surrounded by the Danube River on the South, the Carpathian Mountains on the North and West as natural frontiel'ls. The eastern frontier is marked by the north bank of the Tisa River, which becomes the Laborec. In the east, Slovakia borders upon the Soviet Union, in the south upon Hungary, in the north upon Poland, and in the Southwestern corner upon Austria. The area of Slovakia amounts to something around 19,000 square miles. There are approximately four and one half million people living in Slovakia. CLIMATE AND RAINFALL Slovakia is situated in the temperate zone. Because of its Central European position, maritime and continental climate mixes in the country. Owing to the great differences in altitudes above sea level, the average annual temperatures range from 25 to 50 degrees, and the average annual percipitation is from 2 to 8 inches. It rains primarily in spring and summer which is advantageous for agriculture. RIVERS AND LAKES Slovakia is a landlocked country and its rivers are important because they offer outlets to the Black and Baltic Seas. The western rivers, the Vah which is Slovakia's most important river, the Hron and the Nitra empty into the Danube, and thus indirectly flow into Black Sea. The eastern lowlands are drained by the Homad, Ondava and Laborec Rivers which empty into the Tisa and are indirect tributaries of the Black Sea. Slovakia is a country with a sufficient quantity of waterways, lakes and artificial water reservoirs; it excells, however, with its extremely numerous therapeutic mineral waters. �SLOVAKIA 137 TRANSPORTATION AND COMMUNICATION Along the river valleys, between the mountain ridges run the main ways of communication of the country: the railway lines and the roads. In ancient days, the course of these streams determined the course of the road along which people migrated and commerce and culture £,lowed. Today we still find Slovakia at the junction of these roads which cross the Carpathian Mountains from the North and the South. Historically, two roads have been especially significant in deciding the fate of Slovakia, one along the Danube connecting the countries of western Europe with the eastern world. Near the Carpatho-Alpian gate <this road crossed a second important highway, which started from the coast of the Adriatic Sea, crossed the Danube, proceeded to the north against the current at the Morava River, and went as far north as the Baltic Coast.* AGRICULTURE The uplands, pastures and meadows support sheep grazing and cattle breeding. Wool, meat, and cheese are the major products. The fertile soils and mild climate of the lowlands produce wheat, barley, sugar beets, corn, clover, tobacco, green vegetables, paprika, melons, sunflowers, peckling herbs, vineyards and orchards including almond trees. The main industries are connected with agriculture, food processing, wine making, and agricultural machinery. FORESTS AND WCX)DWORK INDUSTRIES Forests cover 34 % of Slovakia, making it one of the most forested countries in Europe. The Upper Vah is noted for lumbering (spruce, pine, and birch), and woodwork industries are found at Ruzomberok, Liptovsky Svaty Mikulas. MINERALS AND RESOURCES The Rudohorie (Slovak Ore Mountains), located in the south-central Slovakia, play an important part in economy of the country. The Rudohorie are a source of high-grade iron ore, antimony ore, mercury, copper, magnesite, limestone, semi-precious stones-agates, amethysts and milky opals. Offshoots have gold, silver, and lead. Legnite deposits are worked at Handlova. * Ghlbert L. Oddo, Ph.D., Slovakia and Its People (New York : Robert Speller & Sons, 1960), p. 2. �138 SLOVAKIA CITIES Bratislava, with population of 290,000, the capital of Slovakia, is the natural trading center where railway and river traffic meet. It is also a manufacturing center which includes cable production, petroleum refining, chemicals, machinery, cloth, and leather goods. Bratislava has a colorful history. It was once the capital of Hungary and is famous for being the scene of the Treaty of Pressburg (1805) between Napoleon and Emperor Francis II of Austria. Kosice, with a population of 106,000, is the steel center of eastern Slovakia and its largest city. The city of ziar is important with its immense aluminum plant. Other important cities are Banska Bystrica, a mining town, Nitra, Trnava, and Trencin. Komarno is the second port on the Danube. TRADE AND ECONOMY Throughout the country the factories are turning out everything from television sets and textiles, from refrigererators and lumber to electric motors and pharmaceuticals. Foreign trade has been chiefly with the communist states; agriculture is completely collectivized; and the economy is socialized with practically no private enterprise. In its plans for the future economy, the greatest asset Slovakia has is the beauty of the country. Slovakia is a country of mountains and forests which makes it a natural tourist attraction. Edward J. Linehan in the National Geographic writes about travelling "to primeval Slovakian mountains of breathtaking beauty," which statement reinforces my view of Slovakia as a Garden of Eden. In the summer and fall the mountains excell in beauty and color. Slovakia is often referred to as an "Oasis of Silence." SKIING The High Tatras referred to as "Alps in miniature" are capped by the 8,711-foot Gerlach Peak is a skier's paradise. The 1970 world cross-country and jumping ski championships were held here. The Low Tatras and the Fatra Mountains also offer excellent ski resorts. The Little Carpathians are famous for its wines, the most famous, of course, is Malokarpatske Zlato (Little �SLOVAKIA 139 Carpathian Gold), Slivovica, which is a fiery, colorless plum brandy, is probably the most popular drink in Slovakia. HUNTING AND FISHING To satisfy the hunter, the principal game in Slovakia are : stag, deer, fallow deer, moufflon, chomois, boar, fox, wolf, lynx, bear, hare, pheasant, partridge, grouse, blackcock, quail, wild-goose, wild-duck, bustard. For the fisherman the rivers offer trout, pike, bass, carp, eel, and salmon. CAVES The caves of Slovakia are among the country's greatest attractions. Each one is different in its underground magic . The important ones are: the Cave of Liberty, a drippingstone cave; the Ice Cave of Dobsina is one of the greatest and most beautiful ice caves in the world; the Belanska, the Harmanec, the Jasov, and the Driny are stalactite caves. The one that interests me the most is the Domica cave which was inhabited by Neolithic man and its special attraction is underground boating on the Styx river . SPAS AND MINERAL WATERS Slovakia is a country with an extraordinary richness in the most different thermal spas, climatic-health resorts, and natural mineral waters. It is the general practice of the spas to indicate its specialty as to the type of malady treated. For example: The Trencianske Teplice will cure motoric apparatus; the Sliac is for circulatory problems; the Bojnice and Dudince claim cures for motoric and nervous apparatus; and the Bardejov and Korytnica will take care of problems with the digestive canal. CUISINE Among the cuisine pirohy (potato dumplings) filled with sauerkraut are served with pork and bacon. The sweet dumplings are filled with lekvar (plum butter) or cottage cheese with melted butter or sour cream poured over them. Another specialty is Slovak paprikas made from pork, mutton, beef or veal, pig's heart, paprika and tomatoes. Smoked sausages are a favorite, and crusty dark rye bread is a standard with every meal. Throughout its long history of domination the Slovaks have managed to maintain their . own language, their �140 SLOVAKIA religion, and their national identification. Perhaps it is only in this ability to maintain their distinctive characteristics that the Slovaks will ever realize their independence. Even more than geographical position, and greedy neighbors, these distinctive Slovak characteristics-described as easy-going, honest, idealistic, deeply religious, imaginative, open-hearted, soft-hearted, emotional, and music-loving-will equip them for the task of building a strong and independent nation in the midst of hard and cruel world. Tourist Trade of Slovakia George A. P o d h d j s k y Countries like Switzerland and Austria, which are endowed with exquisite beauty in their natural setting, devote considerable attention in terms of economic activity to the development of a high level of tourist trade. A significant proportion of their Gross National Product comes from the tourist trade, internal and especially foreign. For that purpose these two countries have steered their economic activity in such a way as to support an unprecedented development of their respective tourist trade industries. Of the Communist countries, Yugoslavia was particularly successful in developing a very attractive program for tourist trade, especially from foreign countries. A similar·potential for developing tourist trade also exists in the Slovak economy. The natural beauty of Slovak Tatra Mountains and the adjacent valleys which spread over most of the country, doubled with the proverbial hospitality of the Slovak people, are a good basis for the development of tourist trade in this country. Apart from this, there is an old tradition of internal and foreign tourism developed through the centuries. It is the purpose of this paper to assess the present situation of the Slovak tourist trade and its potential for future development. I. The following figures may sum up the state of tourist trade of Czecho-Slovakia for the years 1960-1964. 1 � 136 SLOVAKIA Slovakia, the Land of Beauty Helena T. Gaydos Slovakia is surrounded by the Danube River on the South, the Carpathian Mountains on the North and West as natural frontiel'ls. The eastern frontier is marked by the north bank of the Tisa River, which becomes the Laborec. In the east, Slovakia borders upon the Soviet Union, in the south upon Hungary, in the north upon Poland, and in the Southwestern corner upon Austria. The area of Slovakia amounts to something around 19,000 square miles. There are approximately four and one half million people living in Slovakia. CLIMATE AND RAINFALL Slovakia is situated in the temperate zone. Because of its Central European position, maritime and continental climate mixes in the country. Owing to the great differences in altitudes above sea level, the average annual temperatures range from 25 to 50 degrees, and the average annual percipitation is from 2 to 8 inches. It rains primarily in spring and summer which is advantageous for agriculture. RIVERS AND LAKES Slovakia is a landlocked country and its rivers are important because they offer outlets to the Black and Baltic Seas. The western rivers, the Vah which is Slovakia's most important river, the Hron and the Nitra empty into the Danube, and thus indirectly flow into Black Sea. The eastern lowlands are drained by the Homad, Ondava and Laborec Rivers which empty into the Tisa and are indirect tributaries of the Black Sea. Slovakia is a country with a sufficient quantity of waterways, lakes and artificial water reservoirs; it excells, however, with its extremely numerous therapeutic mineral waters. �SLOVAKIA 137 TRANSPORTATION AND COMMUNICATION Along the river valleys, between the mountain ridges run the main ways of communication of the country: the railway lines and the roads. In ancient days, the course of these streams determined the course of the road along which people migrated and commerce and culture £,lowed. Today we still find Slovakia at the junction of these roads which cross the Carpathian Mountains from the North and the South. Historically, two roads have been especially significant in deciding the fate of Slovakia, one along the Danube connecting the countries of western Europe with the eastern world. Near the Carpatho-Alpian gate <this road crossed a second important highway, which started from the coast of the Adriatic Sea, crossed the Danube, proceeded to the north against the current at the Morava River, and went as far north as the Baltic Coast.* AGRICULTURE The uplands, pastures and meadows support sheep grazing and cattle breeding. Wool, meat, and cheese are the major products. The fertile soils and mild climate of the lowlands produce wheat, barley, sugar beets, corn, clover, tobacco, green vegetables, paprika, melons, sunflowers, peckling herbs, vineyards and orchards including almond trees. The main industries are connected with agriculture, food processing, wine making, and agricultural machinery. FORESTS AND WCX)DWORK INDUSTRIES Forests cover 34 % of Slovakia, making it one of the most forested countries in Europe. The Upper Vah is noted for lumbering (spruce, pine, and birch), and woodwork industries are found at Ruzomberok, Liptovsky Svaty Mikulas. MINERALS AND RESOURCES The Rudohorie (Slovak Ore Mountains), located in the south-central Slovakia, play an important part in economy of the country. The Rudohorie are a source of high-grade iron ore, antimony ore, mercury, copper, magnesite, limestone, semi-precious stones-agates, amethysts and milky opals. Offshoots have gold, silver, and lead. Legnite deposits are worked at Handlova. * Ghlbert L. Oddo, Ph.D., Slovakia and Its People (New York : Robert Speller & Sons, 1960), p. 2. �138 SLOVAKIA CITIES Bratislava, with population of 290,000, the capital of Slovakia, is the natural trading center where railway and river traffic meet. It is also a manufacturing center which includes cable production, petroleum refining, chemicals, machinery, cloth, and leather goods. Bratislava has a colorful history. It was once the capital of Hungary and is famous for being the scene of the Treaty of Pressburg (1805) between Napoleon and Emperor Francis II of Austria. Kosice, with a population of 106,000, is the steel center of eastern Slovakia and its largest city. The city of ziar is important with its immense aluminum plant. Other important cities are Banska Bystrica, a mining town, Nitra, Trnava, and Trencin. Komarno is the second port on the Danube. TRADE AND ECONOMY Throughout the country the factories are turning out everything from television sets and textiles, from refrigererators and lumber to electric motors and pharmaceuticals. Foreign trade has been chiefly with the communist states; agriculture is completely collectivized; and the economy is socialized with practically no private enterprise. In its plans for the future economy, the greatest asset Slovakia has is the beauty of the country. Slovakia is a country of mountains and forests which makes it a natural tourist attraction. Edward J. Linehan in the National Geographic writes about travelling "to primeval Slovakian mountains of breathtaking beauty," which statement reinforces my view of Slovakia as a Garden of Eden. In the summer and fall the mountains excell in beauty and color. Slovakia is often referred to as an "Oasis of Silence." SKIING The High Tatras referred to as "Alps in miniature" are capped by the 8,711-foot Gerlach Peak is a skier's paradise. The 1970 world cross-country and jumping ski championships were held here. The Low Tatras and the Fatra Mountains also offer excellent ski resorts. The Little Carpathians are famous for its wines, the most famous, of course, is Malokarpatske Zlato (Little �SLOVAKIA 139 Carpathian Gold), Slivovica, which is a fiery, colorless plum brandy, is probably the most popular drink in Slovakia. HUNTING AND FISHING To satisfy the hunter, the principal game in Slovakia are : stag, deer, fallow deer, moufflon, chomois, boar, fox, wolf, lynx, bear, hare, pheasant, partridge, grouse, blackcock, quail, wild-goose, wild-duck, bustard. For the fisherman the rivers offer trout, pike, bass, carp, eel, and salmon. CAVES The caves of Slovakia are among the country's greatest attractions. Each one is different in its underground magic . The important ones are: the Cave of Liberty, a drippingstone cave; the Ice Cave of Dobsina is one of the greatest and most beautiful ice caves in the world; the Belanska, the Harmanec, the Jasov, and the Driny are stalactite caves. The one that interests me the most is the Domica cave which was inhabited by Neolithic man and its special attraction is underground boating on the Styx river . SPAS AND MINERAL WATERS Slovakia is a country with an extraordinary richness in the most different thermal spas, climatic-health resorts, and natural mineral waters. It is the general practice of the spas to indicate its specialty as to the type of malady treated. For example: The Trencianske Teplice will cure motoric apparatus; the Sliac is for circulatory problems; the Bojnice and Dudince claim cures for motoric and nervous apparatus; and the Bardejov and Korytnica will take care of problems with the digestive canal. CUISINE Among the cuisine pirohy (potato dumplings) filled with sauerkraut are served with pork and bacon. The sweet dumplings are filled with lekvar (plum butter) or cottage cheese with melted butter or sour cream poured over them. Another specialty is Slovak paprikas made from pork, mutton, beef or veal, pig's heart, paprika and tomatoes. Smoked sausages are a favorite, and crusty dark rye bread is a standard with every meal. Throughout its long history of domination the Slovaks have managed to maintain their . own language, their �140 SLOVAKIA religion, and their national identification. Perhaps it is only in this ability to maintain their distinctive characteristics that the Slovaks will ever realize their independence. Even more than geographical position, and greedy neighbors, these distinctive Slovak characteristics-described as easy-going, honest, idealistic, deeply religious, imaginative, open-hearted, soft-hearted, emotional, and music-loving-will equip them for the task of building a strong and independent nation in the midst of hard and cruel world. Tourist Trade of Slovakia George A. P o d h d j s k y Countries like Switzerland and Austria, which are endowed with exquisite beauty in their natural setting, devote considerable attention in terms of economic activity to the development of a high level of tourist trade. A significant proportion of their Gross National Product comes from the tourist trade, internal and especially foreign. For that purpose these two countries have steered their economic activity in such a way as to support an unprecedented development of their respective tourist trade industries. Of the Communist countries, Yugoslavia was particularly successful in developing a very attractive program for tourist trade, especially from foreign countries. A similar·potential for developing tourist trade also exists in the Slovak economy. The natural beauty of Slovak Tatra Mountains and the adjacent valleys which spread over most of the country, doubled with the proverbial hospitality of the Slovak people, are a good basis for the development of tourist trade in this country. Apart from this, there is an old tradition of internal and foreign tourism developed through the centuries. It is the purpose of this paper to assess the present situation of the Slovak tourist trade and its potential for future development. I. The following figures may sum up the state of tourist trade of Czecho-Slovakia for the years 1960-1964. 1 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1972, Vol. 22 Description An account of the resource Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1972 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 136 SLOVAKIA Slovakia, the Land of Beauty Helena T. Gaydos Slovakia is surrounded by the Danube River on the South, the Carpathian Mountains on the North and West as natural frontiel'ls. The eastern frontier is marked by the north bank of the Tisa River, which becomes the Laborec. In the east, Slovakia borders upon the Soviet Union, in the south upon Hungary, in the north upon Poland, and in the Southwestern corner upon Austria. The area of Slovakia amounts to something around 19,000 square miles. There are approximately four and one half million people living in Slovakia. CLIMATE AND RAINFALL Slovakia is situated in the temperate zone. Because of its Central European position, maritime and continental climate mixes in the country. Owing to the great differences in altitudes above sea level, the average annual temperatures range from 25 to 50 degrees, and the average annual percipitation is from 2 to 8 inches. It rains primarily in spring and summer which is advantageous for agriculture. RIVERS AND LAKES Slovakia is a landlocked country and its rivers are important because they offer outlets to the Black and Baltic Seas. The western rivers, the Vah which is Slovakia's most important river, the Hron and the Nitra empty into the Danube, and thus indirectly flow into Black Sea. The eastern lowlands are drained by the Homad, Ondava and Laborec Rivers which empty into the Tisa and are indirect tributaries of the Black Sea. Slovakia is a country with a sufficient quantity of waterways, lakes and artificial water reservoirs; it excells, however, with its extremely numerous therapeutic mineral waters. SLOVAKIA 137 TRANSPORTATION AND COMMUNICATION Along the river valleys, between the mountain ridges run the main ways of communication of the country: the railway lines and the roads. In ancient days, the course of these streams determined the course of the road along which people migrated and commerce and culture £,lowed. Today we still find Slovakia at the junction of these roads which cross the Carpathian Mountains from the North and the South. Historically, two roads have been especially significant in deciding the fate of Slovakia, one along the Danube connecting the countries of western Europe with the eastern world. Near the Carpatho-Alpian gate <this road crossed a second important highway, which started from the coast of the Adriatic Sea, crossed the Danube, proceeded to the north against the current at the Morava River, and went as far north as the Baltic Coast.* AGRICULTURE The uplands, pastures and meadows support sheep grazing and cattle breeding. Wool, meat, and cheese are the major products. The fertile soils and mild climate of the lowlands produce wheat, barley, sugar beets, corn, clover, tobacco, green vegetables, paprika, melons, sunflowers, peckling herbs, vineyards and orchards including almond trees. The main industries are connected with agriculture, food processing, wine making, and agricultural machinery. FORESTS AND WCX)DWORK INDUSTRIES Forests cover 34 % of Slovakia, making it one of the most forested countries in Europe. The Upper Vah is noted for lumbering (spruce, pine, and birch), and woodwork industries are found at Ruzomberok, Liptovsky Svaty Mikulas. MINERALS AND RESOURCES The Rudohorie (Slovak Ore Mountains), located in the south-central Slovakia, play an important part in economy of the country. The Rudohorie are a source of high-grade iron ore, antimony ore, mercury, copper, magnesite, limestone, semi-precious stones-agates, amethysts and milky opals. Offshoots have gold, silver, and lead. Legnite deposits are worked at Handlova. * Ghlbert L. Oddo, Ph.D., Slovakia and Its People (New York : Robert Speller & Sons, 1960), p. 2. 138 SLOVAKIA CITIES Bratislava, with population of 290,000, the capital of Slovakia, is the natural trading center where railway and river traffic meet. It is also a manufacturing center which includes cable production, petroleum refining, chemicals, machinery, cloth, and leather goods. Bratislava has a colorful history. It was once the capital of Hungary and is famous for being the scene of the Treaty of Pressburg (1805) between Napoleon and Emperor Francis II of Austria. Kosice, with a population of 106,000, is the steel center of eastern Slovakia and its largest city. The city of ziar is important with its immense aluminum plant. Other important cities are Banska Bystrica, a mining town, Nitra, Trnava, and Trencin. Komarno is the second port on the Danube. TRADE AND ECONOMY Throughout the country the factories are turning out everything from television sets and textiles, from refrigererators and lumber to electric motors and pharmaceuticals. Foreign trade has been chiefly with the communist states; agriculture is completely collectivized; and the economy is socialized with practically no private enterprise. In its plans for the future economy, the greatest asset Slovakia has is the beauty of the country. Slovakia is a country of mountains and forests which makes it a natural tourist attraction. Edward J. Linehan in the National Geographic writes about travelling "to primeval Slovakian mountains of breathtaking beauty," which statement reinforces my view of Slovakia as a Garden of Eden. In the summer and fall the mountains excell in beauty and color. Slovakia is often referred to as an "Oasis of Silence." SKIING The High Tatras referred to as "Alps in miniature" are capped by the 8,711-foot Gerlach Peak is a skier's paradise. The 1970 world cross-country and jumping ski championships were held here. The Low Tatras and the Fatra Mountains also offer excellent ski resorts. The Little Carpathians are famous for its wines, the most famous, of course, is Malokarpatske Zlato (Little SLOVAKIA 139 Carpathian Gold), Slivovica, which is a fiery, colorless plum brandy, is probably the most popular drink in Slovakia. HUNTING AND FISHING To satisfy the hunter, the principal game in Slovakia are : stag, deer, fallow deer, moufflon, chomois, boar, fox, wolf, lynx, bear, hare, pheasant, partridge, grouse, blackcock, quail, wild-goose, wild-duck, bustard. For the fisherman the rivers offer trout, pike, bass, carp, eel, and salmon. CAVES The caves of Slovakia are among the country's greatest attractions. Each one is different in its underground magic . The important ones are: the Cave of Liberty, a drippingstone cave; the Ice Cave of Dobsina is one of the greatest and most beautiful ice caves in the world; the Belanska, the Harmanec, the Jasov, and the Driny are stalactite caves. The one that interests me the most is the Domica cave which was inhabited by Neolithic man and its special attraction is underground boating on the Styx river . SPAS AND MINERAL WATERS Slovakia is a country with an extraordinary richness in the most different thermal spas, climatic-health resorts, and natural mineral waters. It is the general practice of the spas to indicate its specialty as to the type of malady treated. For example: The Trencianske Teplice will cure motoric apparatus; the Sliac is for circulatory problems; the Bojnice and Dudince claim cures for motoric and nervous apparatus; and the Bardejov and Korytnica will take care of problems with the digestive canal. CUISINE Among the cuisine pirohy (potato dumplings) filled with sauerkraut are served with pork and bacon. The sweet dumplings are filled with lekvar (plum butter) or cottage cheese with melted butter or sour cream poured over them. Another specialty is Slovak paprikas made from pork, mutton, beef or veal, pig's heart, paprika and tomatoes. Smoked sausages are a favorite, and crusty dark rye bread is a standard with every meal. Throughout its long history of domination the Slovaks have managed to maintain their . own language, their 140 SLOVAKIA religion, and their national identification. Perhaps it is only in this ability to maintain their distinctive characteristics that the Slovaks will ever realize their independence. Even more than geographical position, and greedy neighbors, these distinctive Slovak characteristics-described as easy-going, honest, idealistic, deeply religious, imaginative, open-hearted, soft-hearted, emotional, and music-loving-will equip them for the task of building a strong and independent nation in the midst of hard and cruel world. Tourist Trade of Slovakia George A. P o d h d j s k y Countries like Switzerland and Austria, which are endowed with exquisite beauty in their natural setting, devote considerable attention in terms of economic activity to the development of a high level of tourist trade. A significant proportion of their Gross National Product comes from the tourist trade, internal and especially foreign. For that purpose these two countries have steered their economic activity in such a way as to support an unprecedented development of their respective tourist trade industries. Of the Communist countries, Yugoslavia was particularly successful in developing a very attractive program for tourist trade, especially from foreign countries. A similar·potential for developing tourist trade also exists in the Slovak economy. The natural beauty of Slovak Tatra Mountains and the adjacent valleys which spread over most of the country, doubled with the proverbial hospitality of the Slovak people, are a good basis for the development of tourist trade in this country. Apart from this, there is an old tradition of internal and foreign tourism developed through the centuries. It is the purpose of this paper to assess the present situation of the Slovak tourist trade and its potential for future development. I. The following figures may sum up the state of tourist trade of Czecho-Slovakia for the years 1960-1964. 1  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovakia, the Land of Beauty Description An account of the resource Helena T. Gaydos Slovakia, Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972 pp. 136-140 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Gaydos, Helena T. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1972 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/68d96fd94c6a537f50454a0614b21e4a.pdf 7efb4f09b09f2369ded33cb58e1658f0 PDF Text Text 164 SLOVAKIA SLOVAKIA'S 2010 ELECTION AND ITS AFTERMATH 1 Kevin Deegan-Krause2 The academic publishing cycle is not known for being particularly quick, but it is usually fast enough to beat the electoral cycle in most countries and thereby allow articles considering the consequences of one election without immediately requiring consideration of the next one. Not so for Slovakia. The country's political change in the early 2010 's left no time for leisurely consideration and this article, which began its life as a review of Slovakia's 2010 election, must deal not only with the birth of Slovakia's 2010 government but also its early death in 2012. On 12 June 2010 citizens of Slovakia went to the polls for parliamentary elections for the seventh time since Communist Party rule ended in 1989. A plurality-more than one third-voted for the party of incumbent prime minister Robert Fico. However, Slovakia's system of proportional representation does not give any particular advantage to the largest party, and Fico again found it necessary to seek coalition partners to muster the 50%+ 1 of parliamentary votes necessary to form a government. Unfortunately for Fico, a decline in support for his past government partners and antagonistic relationships with all other parties made it impossible for him to muster the necessary 76 votes. Fico's opponents quickly arranged a majority coalition and on 8 July 2010, Iveta Radifova of the Slovak Democratic and 1 Large segments of this article were first published online at: http://themonkeycage.org/blog/20 I 0/07 / 13/20 IO slovak parliamentary elec/, http ://www.pozorblog.com/20 I 0/07 /20 I 0-slovak-parliamentary-elections-postelection-report/, http://www.pozorblog.com/2012/03/2012-parliamentary-electionsin-slovakia-the-building-blocs-of-success/ and as part of an interview in SME, http:/lwww.pozorblog.com/2012/03/slovakias-electoral-pol itics-an-i nterview-with-sme/. 2 1 am grateful to Sharon Fisher, Tim Haughton, Adrian Harmata, Carol Leff, Vladimir Krivy, Darina Malova, Marek Ryba!', Sharon Wolchik, the entire staff at the Institute for Public Affairs in Bratislava and many others who have helped me to understand Slovakia's politics over the past two decades. I am indebted to the Department of Political Science of Comenius University in Bratislava for logistical support and the J. William Fulbright Foreign Scholarship Board for the financial support that contributed to this article. �SLOVAKIA 165 Christian Union (SDKU) became the prime minister of a coalition government consisting of four parties with pro-market orientations and relatively moderate views on intra-ethnic cooperation between Slovaks and Hungarians. Radicova was not only a new face in the premiership but a new kind of face in a country with relatively weak representation of women in positions of power. Slovakia differs little from its neighbors in this regard: the Visegrad Four-a regional grouping consisting of Slovakia, the Czech Republic, Poland and Hungary-has had only one other female prime minister in the last twenty years (Poland's Hanna Suchocka in the early 1990 ' s) and although several of the other countries in the region have had female presidents (Latvia) or prime ministers (Lithuania, Bulgaria, Croatia ) women still remain the exception in post-communist European politics and the incoming 2010 government of the neighboring Czech Republic was criticized for having no women at all. 3 Even Radicova's success did not extend to others: her own government had only one other female cabinet minister, and Slovakia's new parliament actually had fewer female deputies than it did in its previous term. And like every other female prime minister in the region, Radicova did not serve a full term. After just fifteen months in power, intra-coalition conflict produced a vote of no confidence that forced early elections and led to Radicova' s departure from politics, at least for the moment. The emergence and collapse of Radicova's government point to patterns more fundamental than the career path of any particular political leader. Slovakia' s political competition functions in three distinct dimensions-one related to economic questions, another to national questions and a third to the functioning of political systems. Analysis tends to settle at one of three levels, all of which have some claim to the truth, provided that we understand the context, and how we understand Slovakia's recent political shifts depends heavily on what we are looking for. This article works outward from the simplest of these to the most complex, looking at how the underlying dynamics shaped election results in 20 l 0 and the post-election trajectory of Radicova' s govemmet. 3 Appeltova, Michaela, 2010, "Ve vlade neni ani jedna zena, proc?", 30 June, available online: http://padesatprocent.cz/cz/zpravodajstvi/ve-vlade-neni-ani-jedna-zenaproc, last accessed 24 May 2012 . �SLOVAKIA 166 The Three Dimensions of Slovakia's Party Competition. Dimension One: Right Coalition Wins, Left Coalition Loses. The most superficial (but not unimportant) level of analysis looks at coalitions and oppositions and involves a one-dimensional space. "Left" and "right" have not always been useful in understanding Slovakia' s political space, but they have become more relevant in recent years, especially since the "right" neo-liberal reforms of the Dzurinda government between 2002 and 2006 and Fico's "left" response in the four years that followed. Using the left-right dimensions as shorthand reveals the 2010 election as a handover of power from one side to the other with a swing of seven seats in Slovakia's 150 seat parliament from Fico ' s coalition to Radicova' s. (Fico ' s coalition dropped from 85 seats in 2006 to 71 in 2010, though Fico's party itself grew by twelve seats). For the purposes of governing, this made all the difference, shifting the parliamentary majority from Fico to Radicova. Figure 1. Changes in relative bloc size in Slovakia, one-dimension, 2006-2012. Dark grey includes left and Slovak-national ( Fico 2006-2010, 2012-present). Light grey includes right and Hungarian- national ( Radicova, 2010-2012) . Left ( 'Mth Slovak National) Right ('Mth Hungarian National) Government: 85 seats Cpposition : 65 seats Cpposition : 71 seats Government: 79 seats Government: 83 seats Cpposi ti on : 67 seats 2006 2010 2012 That majority did not last, however, and early elections in 2012 moved the respective positions of the two blocs almost precisely back to where they had been in 2006. Although observers viewed these election results as a disaster for the right, the latter actually emerged with a stronger position in parliament than it had held during the first Fico government. The difference, of course, was that in 2006 the Fico government' s 85 voters were split between Fico and two not-so-docile coalition partners, whereas in 2012 all 83 seats of �SLOVAKIA 167 the governing majority lay in the hands of Fico's own well-disciplined political party. 4 Dimension Two: Left and Right Parties Gain, Slovak and Hungarian National Parties Lose. Of course "left" and "right" are not usually sufficient for understanding political competition, and in addition to the left-right axis of competition that has recently dominated governments, Slovakia has a clear competitive axis related to national questions. The current dominant dimension includes and overshadows another one related to national issues. According to this two-dimensional framework, Fico's first government represented a coalition between "anti-market left" and "Slovak national" whereas the Radicova government (like the Dzurinda government that preceded Fico before 2006) is a coalition between "pro-market right" and "Hungarian national." Analysis of election results according to the four blocs defined by these two dimensions produces a rather different set of judgments. Although the total vote share of "right" parties of the incoming government increased by five percentage points from 2006 to 2010, the vote share of the "left" party in the outgoing govemrnent- Fico's "Direction-Social Democracy"(Smer-SD)-increased by even more. Corresponding to the gains by both left and right were major losses in the "Slovak national" bloc: the Slovak National Party under Jan Slota fell catastrophically from 12% to 5%, squeaking over the barrier for parliamentary representation by just two thousand votes out of two-and-a-half million cast; and Vladimir Meciar, once the sun and the moon of Slovakia' s politics, continued a remarkably long and gradual slide into obscurity, falling below the barrier and out of parliament altogether. (In the 2012 election Meciar completed the slide with a drop to less than 1%; he resigned from the leadership of his party in April 2012). 5 Like Jaroslav Kaczynski in Poland in 2007, Fico could justifiably claim that it was not he, but rather his partners who had lost the election (though Meciar publicly suggested that, 4 Marek Rybar and Kevin Deegan-Krause, 2009, "Party Democracy and Party Competitiveness in Slovakia: Is There A Trade-Off?," Paper presented at the ECPR Joint Session of workshops, Lisbon. 5SME, 2012, "Vladimir Meciar odchadza bez nastupcu", 27 April, available online: http://www.sme.sk/c/6356308/vladimir-meciar-odchadza-bez-nastupcu.htrnl, last accessed, 24 May 2012. �168 SLOVAKIA having undermined his partners to maximize his own party' s gain, Fico deserved his fate) . Figure 2: Olanges in relative bloc size in Slovakia, two-dimensions, 2006-2012 . Figure indicates lost seats in light grey and gained seats in dark grey. 2006 2010 Hungarian National 2012 Hu ngarian National 67 I ■·-~- ,>It ! i :,; ,83 ..,, Slovak National Slovak National l " Slovak National Fico did not significantly alter his strategy for the 2012 election but he avoided the same fate because of his party' s own increased support. By mid-2011 Smer 's poll numbers were strong enough to suggest that it could potentially win a majority of seats by itself. In that circumstance, Smer had no further need for coalition partners and had an additional incentive to push its former partners fall below the threshold and take a share of seats that would originally have gone to them. The encouraging numbers also permitted Smer to run a careful and measured campaign designed to avoid losing voters rather than gaining new ones. The party's success in this regard can be measured in its addition of twenty-one new parliamentary seats, though this must be understood in the broader context that, although Smer alone achieved 83 seats, this was several seats fewer than Smer had achieved in its coalition with Slovak national parties in 2006. Although Fico clearly won the election of 2012, the parties of the right together obtained more seats than they had in 2006, in large part thanks to the decline of the national parties. Dimension Three: Slovak National Voters Move Left, Anti-Corruption Voters Move Right (for now). One of the most striking aspects of these shifts in electoral support is the finding of two opinion polls conducted before the election that the exodus of voters from Slovak national parties was not distributed evenly to left and right. In fact, nearly all of it went to the left, �SLOVAKIA 169 mainly to Fico's Smer.6 This is not surprising since Fico played on national themes for some time before the election. For the electoral math to work out, however, this must mean that some of Fico's voters also went elsewhere, and the polls suggest that at least some of them went to the new party of the right, SaS (Freedom and Solidarity). These shifts among blocs are hard to explain even using the twodimensional array of economic and national competition. The answer requires a third dimension, one that arrays voters according to their willingness to tolerate corruption and search for established leaders to resolve these problems. This dimension is hard to identify because its players change sides: the anti-corruption party of one election may become the corrupt but experienced party of the next election. 7 Adding this dimension can help make sense of a voter's jump from Smer, which in 2002 and 2006 attracted a significant share of the anti-corruption electorate, to the Freedom and Solidarity which shared few programmatic positions with Smer, but did promote itself as the answer to the country's corruption problems and, as a new party was itself not (or at least not yet) corrupt. Corruption sensitivity may also explain much of the shift from the two Slovak national parties to the by-no-means-clean but still less corrupt Smer, a shift which is less surprising because Fico had already gone quite far in adopting Slovak national themes. It also conforms to polls showing that younger voters and new voters within the Hungarian electorate shifted from the more established of two Hungarian parties to its newcomer alternative, Most-Hid (Bridge). Slovakia's political shift in 2010 thus reflects not a fundamental shift from left and right but only a left-to-right shift in the votes of those most highly sensitive to corruption. Such a shift endures for only one election until the emergence of another new anti-corruption party in the next election cycle. Smer 's return to relatively clean status during a period out of government ended with the "Gorilla" scandal that linked his political opponents with improper party funding 6 Institute for Public Affairs. 2010. "SaS berie hlasy Smeru a SDKU, Most ziskava volicov SMK." Available online: http ://www.ivo.sk/6082/sk/aktuality/sas-berie-hlasy-smeru-a-sdku-most-ziskava-volicov-smk, last accessed 7 May 2012 . 7 Haughton, Tim , Novotna, Tereza and Deegan-Krause, Kevin (2011) "The 2010 Czech and Slovak Parliamentary Elections: Red Cards to the 'Winners," West European Politics, 34: 2, 394-402 �170 SLOVAKIA from large economic interests.8 Nor do shifts in the nationally-oriented Slovak voters reflect a fundamental decline in the strength of the Slovak national position p er se, but rather a shift of Slovak national voters from the smaller parties with stronger emphasis on national questions to Fico's larger and more diffuse but sufficiently national and less corrupt alternative. Figure 3a below graphically illustrates the conjectured shift of the most "corruption intolerant" voters of SNS and HZDS to Smer (the arrow pointing up and left) and the corruption-intolerant Smer to SaS (the arrow pointing straight right) . (Shifts also occurred within the "right" (from SDKU to SaS) and within the Hungarian national (from MKP-SMK to Most-Hid) but for simplicity's sake those are not shown here.) Figure 3. Hypothesized shifts in party bloc support during Slovakia's most recent two election cycles a. 2006-2010 Hungarian Nation,:; Pro State Left Pro Mlrket Right 8 SME, 20 12, "Cast' spisu Gorila potvrdil policajt, ktory infonnova l Pentu", 3 January, avai lable online at http ://www.sme.sk/c/6203225/cast-spisu-gorila-potvrdil-policajt-ktory-infonnovalpentu.html#ixzz I w9o jAJgG, last accessed 24 May 20 12. �SLOVAKIA b. 171 2010-2012 Hun garian National Pro-Sta t e Left Pro- Mlrket Right The shifts between 2010 and 2012 were smaller but also important. Surveys suggest that a few additional voters shifted from Slovak-national parties such as SNS and HZDS to Smer and that some supporters of the SDKU and its coalition partners shifted back to Smer, while within the coalition voters also shifted to the new Ordinary People and Independents (O1'.aNO). Figure 3b depicts these shifts in the form of twin arrows pointing to the left, with new and returning party voters . SaS avoided the "government death" that has affected every new party entering government since 1994-the Association of Workers of Slovakia (ZRS), the Party of Civic Understanding (SOP), and the Party of the New Citizen (ANO)-but it came very close to failing. Even though SaS did not have to serve a full term in government and dropped out of visible participation in government in order to run as anti-political outsiders in late 2011 , it returned to parliament in 2012 with half of its 20 l O strength, less than one percentage point above the 5% threshold This third dimension of politics in Slovakia is not the main one or even the secondary one. It is likely that fewer voters care about corruption than the major national and economic issues, but because the economic and national blocs are narrowly balanced, corruption has a major impact on the creation of parliamentary majorities and the formation of governments. �172 SLOVAKIA 2010: Three Dimensions, One Government, Four (and a half) Parties. The conditions under which the 2010 government gained its majority had a clear impact on its form and, ultimately, its inability to endure. The dynamics that ultimately sank the coalition mixed questions of economic left and right with questions of national consciousness and the legacy of new party formation. Those who had little contact with Slovakia during the late 2000's might be excused for experiencing the 2010 Radicova government with a bit of deja vu. The names of some of the parties changed slightly from the 2002 Dzurinda government, but the general array was almost identical. Most-Hid replaced the Party of the Hungarian Coalition in the Hungarian national slot, and one new pro-market anti-corruption party "Freedom and Solidarity" (SaS) replaced another (the now defunct Alliance of the ew Citizen). Ten of the fifteen cabinet posts remained in the hands of the same party that controlled them in 2002 (or its analog) and seven of the fifteen ministers who took office in 2010 had served in the 2002-2006 cabinet (in several cases heading the same respective ministries that they had managed earlier in the decade). The actual performance of the government is difficult to assess because it lasted such a short time. Hardly a year passed between the government's appointment and the beginning of the Euro bailout crisis that absorbed its entire attention and brought about its demise. During its brief tenure, the government's ability to make change was further limited not only by a narrow political margin, but by constant threats of fragmentation. Particularly notable in this regard were the frequent shifts of four deputies associated with the aforementioned obscure civic movement called "Ordinary People" (OC). 9 These four 9 In a piquant sign of the tactics played during election campaigns in Slovakia, the leader of a defunct but still-formall y-registered party successfully changed its appellation to Ordinary People (01..'.) just hours before the parliamentary caucus came to register the same name. The leaders of the caucus were thus turned away at the party registration desk and forced to find an alternative, registering several weeks later as Ordinary People and Independents (OEaNO). See Pravda, 20 11 , "Morie, ktory si zaregistroval stranu Obyfajni l'udia, navrat nechysta", I November, available online: h ://s ra . ravda.sk/moric-kto -si-zare istroval-stranu-ob ca·ni-ludia-navratnech sta-1 n-/sk do mace.as ?c=A 11110 I 200428 sk do mace 29#ixzz 1wCSKUTuJ, last accessed 24 May 2012. �SLOVAKIA 173 deputies managed unexpectedly to leap into parliament from positions at the very bottom of the SaS list (thanks to preference votes gained from prominent spots in the local commercial inserts that were the main business enterprise of O~'s leader, Igor Matovic). Therefore, they owed little loyalty to SaS and were able to stall key government initiatives through repeated threats of departure. In economic affairs, Radicova ' s government was relatively unified but had limited space for policy innovation. Its efforts were forestalled in part by past successes: the Dzurinda government managed to demonstrate significant coalition discipline during its 20022006 term and, though possessed of a slight parliamentary majority, it managed to pass major economic reforms in taxation, health care, education, the labor market and other aspects of the foreign investment climate. Furthermore, although the Fico government between 2006 and 2010 engaged in high-profile increases in pensions and family benefits and made changes to the labor law, the party actually did little to alter the fundamental framework of the Dzurinda government and presented few opportunities for Radicova's government to reclaim lost ground. On the axis of cultural and religious questions the coalition had little hope of agreement, as it included the parties at both extremes of the axis: SaS supported gay marriage and drug legalization while the KDH (Christian Democratic Movement) supported traditional Christian values and a stronger relationship with the Vatican. Fortunately for the coalition, however, this axis did not constitute one of the more salient lines of conflict in Slovakia's politics, and the coalition simply stayed clear of most cultural issues in order not to create a deeper intra-coalition rift. On national identity and foreign policy Radicova's government was not so lucky. On taking office in 2010, the parties that formed the new government shared a common pro-Western outlook and (relatively) accommodating views on ethnic co-existence and national identity, but they found it difficult to translate these positions into policy. On minority-rights issues the coalition ' s Hungarian and Slovak parties differed over what should constitute "appropriate" support for minority culture. Most-Hid sought to reverse the more restrictive language and citizenship policies of the 2006-2010 Fico government, but the Slovak parties of the coalition sought to avoid appearing weak in their dealings with the assertively nationalist gov- �174 SLOVAKIA ernment in neighboring Hungary or, by extension, the Hungarian population with Slovakia. On international integration issues, the coalition also failed to find consensus. In this case the dissenting coalition party was SaS, whose generally pro-Western approach conflicted with its neoliberalism on the question of Slovakia's obligation as part of the Eurozone. After numerous "negotiated solutions" and apparent agreements between SaS and the other coalition parties, the leaders of Radifova' s SDKU raised the stakes and hoped to force SaS into compliance by linking the Eurozone bailout to a vote of confidence in the government, but the SaS refused to budge. Smer, which nominally supported the bailout, refused to prolong Radifova's government by voting in its favor. Once Radifova' s government collapsed and new elections were underway, Smer joined with Radifova's party and several others in ensuring passage of the bailout. 2012: Three Dimensions, One Government, One Party. The Eurozone-related vote of no confidence led to early elections on 10 March 2012. As the sections above suggest, the relatively small shifts in public opinion produced a significant difference in government orientation and an even more significant difference in government composition. Slovakia has its first one-party majority government since 1989 and the outcomes bear close attention. On economic questions, Smer retains a moderately pro-redistribution position, but the 2012 Fico government has acknowledged that it faces budgetary constraints that will limit its potential largesse, and some top party officials have interests in international finance that may (as with Slovakia's adoption of the Euro in 2009) encourage a relatively conservative fiscal policy. Indeed the party's budget for 2013 included a combination of austerity measures and tax increases that won praise from Western investors. 10 On national questions Smer has previously expressed wariness toward Hungary and the Hungarian minority in Slovakia, but the 2012 Fico government has appointed a moderate, professional diplomat as foreign minister, and as with financial questions, some of Fico's closest supporters have 10 Cienski, Jan, 2012, "Fico: Austerity rules," Financial Times, 23 May, available online: http://blogs. ft.com/beyond-brics/2012/05/23/fico-austerity-rules/#axzz I w9zH5aGM, last accessed 24 May 201 2. �SLOVAKIA 175 more moderate positions than others. On corruption questions, Fico's party has a less-than pristine record, but the revelations of the recent "Gorilla" scandal about connections between large firms and party finance on Slovakia's right allowed Smer to appear relatively clean by comparison. Complete control of government may in this regard prove somewhat disadvantageous as Smer will become the main focus of corruption allegations. In each case, Fico ' s own party faces internal divisions along the same lines as the party system as a whole. It is obviously not as deeply riven as Radicova' s coalition, but the exact same lines of stress sometimes (in obscure and ambiguous ways) produce cracks in the party's veneer of unity. While intra-party competition within Smer is highly imperfect as a mechanism of accountability, it will play a critical role during the coming Fico government. Like Vladimir Meciar in 1992 and 1994, Fico is returning to Slovakia's top position after a brief interlude of government by a coalition of strange bedfellows. Each time Meciar returned in the early 1990' s he engaged in bolder use (and frequently misuse) of government authority in an attempt to regain and maintain control. Fico, by contrast, began his return to government not with radical change but with calls for cooperation, and his personnel appointments in many areas seemed to reflect a turn toward moderation. As tempting as it is to compare Fico with Meciar, the two are not alike. And even if their personalities did incline them toward the same efforts, their experiences and constraints are different. On the one hand, Fico's political position is currently so strong that he has no need to hurry into any thing. At the same time, Fico may also be more aware of the need for caution: unlike Meciar in 1994, Fico was removed from the prime ministership in 2010 by the voters, and he may be more aware than Meciar of voters' ability to express displeasure. Regardless of the reason, the inauspicious example of political development in neighboring Hungary make it particularly reassuring that (as of this writing) Fico has not used his political strength to alter Slovakia's democratic institutions to his own advantage. As the very nature of this article suggests, however, change can come quickly. ��DOCUMENTATION �� 164 SLOVAKIA SLOVAKIA'S 2010 ELECTION AND ITS AFTERMATH 1 Kevin Deegan-Krause2 The academic publishing cycle is not known for being particularly quick, but it is usually fast enough to beat the electoral cycle in most countries and thereby allow articles considering the consequences of one election without immediately requiring consideration of the next one. Not so for Slovakia. The country's political change in the early 2010 's left no time for leisurely consideration and this article, which began its life as a review of Slovakia's 2010 election, must deal not only with the birth of Slovakia's 2010 government but also its early death in 2012. On 12 June 2010 citizens of Slovakia went to the polls for parliamentary elections for the seventh time since Communist Party rule ended in 1989. A plurality-more than one third-voted for the party of incumbent prime minister Robert Fico. However, Slovakia's system of proportional representation does not give any particular advantage to the largest party, and Fico again found it necessary to seek coalition partners to muster the 50%+ 1 of parliamentary votes necessary to form a government. Unfortunately for Fico, a decline in support for his past government partners and antagonistic relationships with all other parties made it impossible for him to muster the necessary 76 votes. Fico's opponents quickly arranged a majority coalition and on 8 July 2010, Iveta Radifova of the Slovak Democratic and 1 Large segments of this article were first published online at: http://themonkeycage.org/blog/20 I 0/07 / 13/20 IO slovak parliamentary elec/, http ://www.pozorblog.com/20 I 0/07 /20 I 0-slovak-parliamentary-elections-postelection-report/, http://www.pozorblog.com/2012/03/2012-parliamentary-electionsin-slovakia-the-building-blocs-of-success/ and as part of an interview in SME, http:/lwww.pozorblog.com/2012/03/slovakias-electoral-pol itics-an-i nterview-with-sme/. 2 1 am grateful to Sharon Fisher, Tim Haughton, Adrian Harmata, Carol Leff, Vladimir Krivy, Darina Malova, Marek Ryba!', Sharon Wolchik, the entire staff at the Institute for Public Affairs in Bratislava and many others who have helped me to understand Slovakia's politics over the past two decades. I am indebted to the Department of Political Science of Comenius University in Bratislava for logistical support and the J. William Fulbright Foreign Scholarship Board for the financial support that contributed to this article. �SLOVAKIA 165 Christian Union (SDKU) became the prime minister of a coalition government consisting of four parties with pro-market orientations and relatively moderate views on intra-ethnic cooperation between Slovaks and Hungarians. Radicova was not only a new face in the premiership but a new kind of face in a country with relatively weak representation of women in positions of power. Slovakia differs little from its neighbors in this regard: the Visegrad Four-a regional grouping consisting of Slovakia, the Czech Republic, Poland and Hungary-has had only one other female prime minister in the last twenty years (Poland's Hanna Suchocka in the early 1990 ' s) and although several of the other countries in the region have had female presidents (Latvia) or prime ministers (Lithuania, Bulgaria, Croatia ) women still remain the exception in post-communist European politics and the incoming 2010 government of the neighboring Czech Republic was criticized for having no women at all. 3 Even Radicova's success did not extend to others: her own government had only one other female cabinet minister, and Slovakia's new parliament actually had fewer female deputies than it did in its previous term. And like every other female prime minister in the region, Radicova did not serve a full term. After just fifteen months in power, intra-coalition conflict produced a vote of no confidence that forced early elections and led to Radicova' s departure from politics, at least for the moment. The emergence and collapse of Radicova's government point to patterns more fundamental than the career path of any particular political leader. Slovakia' s political competition functions in three distinct dimensions-one related to economic questions, another to national questions and a third to the functioning of political systems. Analysis tends to settle at one of three levels, all of which have some claim to the truth, provided that we understand the context, and how we understand Slovakia's recent political shifts depends heavily on what we are looking for. This article works outward from the simplest of these to the most complex, looking at how the underlying dynamics shaped election results in 20 l 0 and the post-election trajectory of Radicova' s govemmet. 3 Appeltova, Michaela, 2010, "Ve vlade neni ani jedna zena, proc?", 30 June, available online: http://padesatprocent.cz/cz/zpravodajstvi/ve-vlade-neni-ani-jedna-zenaproc, last accessed 24 May 2012 . �SLOVAKIA 166 The Three Dimensions of Slovakia's Party Competition. Dimension One: Right Coalition Wins, Left Coalition Loses. The most superficial (but not unimportant) level of analysis looks at coalitions and oppositions and involves a one-dimensional space. "Left" and "right" have not always been useful in understanding Slovakia' s political space, but they have become more relevant in recent years, especially since the "right" neo-liberal reforms of the Dzurinda government between 2002 and 2006 and Fico's "left" response in the four years that followed. Using the left-right dimensions as shorthand reveals the 2010 election as a handover of power from one side to the other with a swing of seven seats in Slovakia's 150 seat parliament from Fico ' s coalition to Radicova' s. (Fico ' s coalition dropped from 85 seats in 2006 to 71 in 2010, though Fico's party itself grew by twelve seats). For the purposes of governing, this made all the difference, shifting the parliamentary majority from Fico to Radicova. Figure 1. Changes in relative bloc size in Slovakia, one-dimension, 2006-2012. Dark grey includes left and Slovak-national ( Fico 2006-2010, 2012-present). Light grey includes right and Hungarian- national ( Radicova, 2010-2012) . Left ( 'Mth Slovak National) Right ('Mth Hungarian National) Government: 85 seats Cpposition : 65 seats Cpposition : 71 seats Government: 79 seats Government: 83 seats Cpposi ti on : 67 seats 2006 2010 2012 That majority did not last, however, and early elections in 2012 moved the respective positions of the two blocs almost precisely back to where they had been in 2006. Although observers viewed these election results as a disaster for the right, the latter actually emerged with a stronger position in parliament than it had held during the first Fico government. The difference, of course, was that in 2006 the Fico government' s 85 voters were split between Fico and two not-so-docile coalition partners, whereas in 2012 all 83 seats of �SLOVAKIA 167 the governing majority lay in the hands of Fico's own well-disciplined political party. 4 Dimension Two: Left and Right Parties Gain, Slovak and Hungarian National Parties Lose. Of course "left" and "right" are not usually sufficient for understanding political competition, and in addition to the left-right axis of competition that has recently dominated governments, Slovakia has a clear competitive axis related to national questions. The current dominant dimension includes and overshadows another one related to national issues. According to this two-dimensional framework, Fico's first government represented a coalition between "anti-market left" and "Slovak national" whereas the Radicova government (like the Dzurinda government that preceded Fico before 2006) is a coalition between "pro-market right" and "Hungarian national." Analysis of election results according to the four blocs defined by these two dimensions produces a rather different set of judgments. Although the total vote share of "right" parties of the incoming government increased by five percentage points from 2006 to 2010, the vote share of the "left" party in the outgoing govemrnent- Fico's "Direction-Social Democracy"(Smer-SD)-increased by even more. Corresponding to the gains by both left and right were major losses in the "Slovak national" bloc: the Slovak National Party under Jan Slota fell catastrophically from 12% to 5%, squeaking over the barrier for parliamentary representation by just two thousand votes out of two-and-a-half million cast; and Vladimir Meciar, once the sun and the moon of Slovakia' s politics, continued a remarkably long and gradual slide into obscurity, falling below the barrier and out of parliament altogether. (In the 2012 election Meciar completed the slide with a drop to less than 1%; he resigned from the leadership of his party in April 2012). 5 Like Jaroslav Kaczynski in Poland in 2007, Fico could justifiably claim that it was not he, but rather his partners who had lost the election (though Meciar publicly suggested that, 4 Marek Rybar and Kevin Deegan-Krause, 2009, "Party Democracy and Party Competitiveness in Slovakia: Is There A Trade-Off?," Paper presented at the ECPR Joint Session of workshops, Lisbon. 5SME, 2012, "Vladimir Meciar odchadza bez nastupcu", 27 April, available online: http://www.sme.sk/c/6356308/vladimir-meciar-odchadza-bez-nastupcu.htrnl, last accessed, 24 May 2012. �168 SLOVAKIA having undermined his partners to maximize his own party' s gain, Fico deserved his fate) . Figure 2: Olanges in relative bloc size in Slovakia, two-dimensions, 2006-2012 . Figure indicates lost seats in light grey and gained seats in dark grey. 2006 2010 Hungarian National 2012 Hu ngarian National 67 I ■·-~- ,>It ! i :,; ,83 ..,, Slovak National Slovak National l " Slovak National Fico did not significantly alter his strategy for the 2012 election but he avoided the same fate because of his party' s own increased support. By mid-2011 Smer 's poll numbers were strong enough to suggest that it could potentially win a majority of seats by itself. In that circumstance, Smer had no further need for coalition partners and had an additional incentive to push its former partners fall below the threshold and take a share of seats that would originally have gone to them. The encouraging numbers also permitted Smer to run a careful and measured campaign designed to avoid losing voters rather than gaining new ones. The party's success in this regard can be measured in its addition of twenty-one new parliamentary seats, though this must be understood in the broader context that, although Smer alone achieved 83 seats, this was several seats fewer than Smer had achieved in its coalition with Slovak national parties in 2006. Although Fico clearly won the election of 2012, the parties of the right together obtained more seats than they had in 2006, in large part thanks to the decline of the national parties. Dimension Three: Slovak National Voters Move Left, Anti-Corruption Voters Move Right (for now). One of the most striking aspects of these shifts in electoral support is the finding of two opinion polls conducted before the election that the exodus of voters from Slovak national parties was not distributed evenly to left and right. In fact, nearly all of it went to the left, �SLOVAKIA 169 mainly to Fico's Smer.6 This is not surprising since Fico played on national themes for some time before the election. For the electoral math to work out, however, this must mean that some of Fico's voters also went elsewhere, and the polls suggest that at least some of them went to the new party of the right, SaS (Freedom and Solidarity). These shifts among blocs are hard to explain even using the twodimensional array of economic and national competition. The answer requires a third dimension, one that arrays voters according to their willingness to tolerate corruption and search for established leaders to resolve these problems. This dimension is hard to identify because its players change sides: the anti-corruption party of one election may become the corrupt but experienced party of the next election. 7 Adding this dimension can help make sense of a voter's jump from Smer, which in 2002 and 2006 attracted a significant share of the anti-corruption electorate, to the Freedom and Solidarity which shared few programmatic positions with Smer, but did promote itself as the answer to the country's corruption problems and, as a new party was itself not (or at least not yet) corrupt. Corruption sensitivity may also explain much of the shift from the two Slovak national parties to the by-no-means-clean but still less corrupt Smer, a shift which is less surprising because Fico had already gone quite far in adopting Slovak national themes. It also conforms to polls showing that younger voters and new voters within the Hungarian electorate shifted from the more established of two Hungarian parties to its newcomer alternative, Most-Hid (Bridge). Slovakia's political shift in 2010 thus reflects not a fundamental shift from left and right but only a left-to-right shift in the votes of those most highly sensitive to corruption. Such a shift endures for only one election until the emergence of another new anti-corruption party in the next election cycle. Smer 's return to relatively clean status during a period out of government ended with the "Gorilla" scandal that linked his political opponents with improper party funding 6 Institute for Public Affairs. 2010. "SaS berie hlasy Smeru a SDKU, Most ziskava volicov SMK." Available online: http ://www.ivo.sk/6082/sk/aktuality/sas-berie-hlasy-smeru-a-sdku-most-ziskava-volicov-smk, last accessed 7 May 2012 . 7 Haughton, Tim , Novotna, Tereza and Deegan-Krause, Kevin (2011) "The 2010 Czech and Slovak Parliamentary Elections: Red Cards to the 'Winners," West European Politics, 34: 2, 394-402 �170 SLOVAKIA from large economic interests.8 Nor do shifts in the nationally-oriented Slovak voters reflect a fundamental decline in the strength of the Slovak national position p er se, but rather a shift of Slovak national voters from the smaller parties with stronger emphasis on national questions to Fico's larger and more diffuse but sufficiently national and less corrupt alternative. Figure 3a below graphically illustrates the conjectured shift of the most "corruption intolerant" voters of SNS and HZDS to Smer (the arrow pointing up and left) and the corruption-intolerant Smer to SaS (the arrow pointing straight right) . (Shifts also occurred within the "right" (from SDKU to SaS) and within the Hungarian national (from MKP-SMK to Most-Hid) but for simplicity's sake those are not shown here.) Figure 3. Hypothesized shifts in party bloc support during Slovakia's most recent two election cycles a. 2006-2010 Hungarian Nation,:; Pro State Left Pro Mlrket Right 8 SME, 20 12, "Cast' spisu Gorila potvrdil policajt, ktory infonnova l Pentu", 3 January, avai lable online at http ://www.sme.sk/c/6203225/cast-spisu-gorila-potvrdil-policajt-ktory-infonnovalpentu.html#ixzz I w9o jAJgG, last accessed 24 May 20 12. �SLOVAKIA b. 171 2010-2012 Hun garian National Pro-Sta t e Left Pro- Mlrket Right The shifts between 2010 and 2012 were smaller but also important. Surveys suggest that a few additional voters shifted from Slovak-national parties such as SNS and HZDS to Smer and that some supporters of the SDKU and its coalition partners shifted back to Smer, while within the coalition voters also shifted to the new Ordinary People and Independents (O1'.aNO). Figure 3b depicts these shifts in the form of twin arrows pointing to the left, with new and returning party voters . SaS avoided the "government death" that has affected every new party entering government since 1994-the Association of Workers of Slovakia (ZRS), the Party of Civic Understanding (SOP), and the Party of the New Citizen (ANO)-but it came very close to failing. Even though SaS did not have to serve a full term in government and dropped out of visible participation in government in order to run as anti-political outsiders in late 2011 , it returned to parliament in 2012 with half of its 20 l O strength, less than one percentage point above the 5% threshold This third dimension of politics in Slovakia is not the main one or even the secondary one. It is likely that fewer voters care about corruption than the major national and economic issues, but because the economic and national blocs are narrowly balanced, corruption has a major impact on the creation of parliamentary majorities and the formation of governments. �172 SLOVAKIA 2010: Three Dimensions, One Government, Four (and a half) Parties. The conditions under which the 2010 government gained its majority had a clear impact on its form and, ultimately, its inability to endure. The dynamics that ultimately sank the coalition mixed questions of economic left and right with questions of national consciousness and the legacy of new party formation. Those who had little contact with Slovakia during the late 2000's might be excused for experiencing the 2010 Radicova government with a bit of deja vu. The names of some of the parties changed slightly from the 2002 Dzurinda government, but the general array was almost identical. Most-Hid replaced the Party of the Hungarian Coalition in the Hungarian national slot, and one new pro-market anti-corruption party "Freedom and Solidarity" (SaS) replaced another (the now defunct Alliance of the ew Citizen). Ten of the fifteen cabinet posts remained in the hands of the same party that controlled them in 2002 (or its analog) and seven of the fifteen ministers who took office in 2010 had served in the 2002-2006 cabinet (in several cases heading the same respective ministries that they had managed earlier in the decade). The actual performance of the government is difficult to assess because it lasted such a short time. Hardly a year passed between the government's appointment and the beginning of the Euro bailout crisis that absorbed its entire attention and brought about its demise. During its brief tenure, the government's ability to make change was further limited not only by a narrow political margin, but by constant threats of fragmentation. Particularly notable in this regard were the frequent shifts of four deputies associated with the aforementioned obscure civic movement called "Ordinary People" (OC). 9 These four 9 In a piquant sign of the tactics played during election campaigns in Slovakia, the leader of a defunct but still-formall y-registered party successfully changed its appellation to Ordinary People (01..'.) just hours before the parliamentary caucus came to register the same name. The leaders of the caucus were thus turned away at the party registration desk and forced to find an alternative, registering several weeks later as Ordinary People and Independents (OEaNO). See Pravda, 20 11 , "Morie, ktory si zaregistroval stranu Obyfajni l'udia, navrat nechysta", I November, available online: h ://s ra . ravda.sk/moric-kto -si-zare istroval-stranu-ob ca·ni-ludia-navratnech sta-1 n-/sk do mace.as ?c=A 11110 I 200428 sk do mace 29#ixzz 1wCSKUTuJ, last accessed 24 May 2012. �SLOVAKIA 173 deputies managed unexpectedly to leap into parliament from positions at the very bottom of the SaS list (thanks to preference votes gained from prominent spots in the local commercial inserts that were the main business enterprise of O~'s leader, Igor Matovic). Therefore, they owed little loyalty to SaS and were able to stall key government initiatives through repeated threats of departure. In economic affairs, Radicova ' s government was relatively unified but had limited space for policy innovation. Its efforts were forestalled in part by past successes: the Dzurinda government managed to demonstrate significant coalition discipline during its 20022006 term and, though possessed of a slight parliamentary majority, it managed to pass major economic reforms in taxation, health care, education, the labor market and other aspects of the foreign investment climate. Furthermore, although the Fico government between 2006 and 2010 engaged in high-profile increases in pensions and family benefits and made changes to the labor law, the party actually did little to alter the fundamental framework of the Dzurinda government and presented few opportunities for Radicova's government to reclaim lost ground. On the axis of cultural and religious questions the coalition had little hope of agreement, as it included the parties at both extremes of the axis: SaS supported gay marriage and drug legalization while the KDH (Christian Democratic Movement) supported traditional Christian values and a stronger relationship with the Vatican. Fortunately for the coalition, however, this axis did not constitute one of the more salient lines of conflict in Slovakia's politics, and the coalition simply stayed clear of most cultural issues in order not to create a deeper intra-coalition rift. On national identity and foreign policy Radicova's government was not so lucky. On taking office in 2010, the parties that formed the new government shared a common pro-Western outlook and (relatively) accommodating views on ethnic co-existence and national identity, but they found it difficult to translate these positions into policy. On minority-rights issues the coalition ' s Hungarian and Slovak parties differed over what should constitute "appropriate" support for minority culture. Most-Hid sought to reverse the more restrictive language and citizenship policies of the 2006-2010 Fico government, but the Slovak parties of the coalition sought to avoid appearing weak in their dealings with the assertively nationalist gov- �174 SLOVAKIA ernment in neighboring Hungary or, by extension, the Hungarian population with Slovakia. On international integration issues, the coalition also failed to find consensus. In this case the dissenting coalition party was SaS, whose generally pro-Western approach conflicted with its neoliberalism on the question of Slovakia's obligation as part of the Eurozone. After numerous "negotiated solutions" and apparent agreements between SaS and the other coalition parties, the leaders of Radifova' s SDKU raised the stakes and hoped to force SaS into compliance by linking the Eurozone bailout to a vote of confidence in the government, but the SaS refused to budge. Smer, which nominally supported the bailout, refused to prolong Radifova's government by voting in its favor. Once Radifova' s government collapsed and new elections were underway, Smer joined with Radifova's party and several others in ensuring passage of the bailout. 2012: Three Dimensions, One Government, One Party. The Eurozone-related vote of no confidence led to early elections on 10 March 2012. As the sections above suggest, the relatively small shifts in public opinion produced a significant difference in government orientation and an even more significant difference in government composition. Slovakia has its first one-party majority government since 1989 and the outcomes bear close attention. On economic questions, Smer retains a moderately pro-redistribution position, but the 2012 Fico government has acknowledged that it faces budgetary constraints that will limit its potential largesse, and some top party officials have interests in international finance that may (as with Slovakia's adoption of the Euro in 2009) encourage a relatively conservative fiscal policy. Indeed the party's budget for 2013 included a combination of austerity measures and tax increases that won praise from Western investors. 10 On national questions Smer has previously expressed wariness toward Hungary and the Hungarian minority in Slovakia, but the 2012 Fico government has appointed a moderate, professional diplomat as foreign minister, and as with financial questions, some of Fico's closest supporters have 10 Cienski, Jan, 2012, "Fico: Austerity rules," Financial Times, 23 May, available online: http://blogs. ft.com/beyond-brics/2012/05/23/fico-austerity-rules/#axzz I w9zH5aGM, last accessed 24 May 201 2. �SLOVAKIA 175 more moderate positions than others. On corruption questions, Fico's party has a less-than pristine record, but the revelations of the recent "Gorilla" scandal about connections between large firms and party finance on Slovakia's right allowed Smer to appear relatively clean by comparison. Complete control of government may in this regard prove somewhat disadvantageous as Smer will become the main focus of corruption allegations. In each case, Fico ' s own party faces internal divisions along the same lines as the party system as a whole. It is obviously not as deeply riven as Radicova' s coalition, but the exact same lines of stress sometimes (in obscure and ambiguous ways) produce cracks in the party's veneer of unity. While intra-party competition within Smer is highly imperfect as a mechanism of accountability, it will play a critical role during the coming Fico government. Like Vladimir Meciar in 1992 and 1994, Fico is returning to Slovakia's top position after a brief interlude of government by a coalition of strange bedfellows. Each time Meciar returned in the early 1990' s he engaged in bolder use (and frequently misuse) of government authority in an attempt to regain and maintain control. Fico, by contrast, began his return to government not with radical change but with calls for cooperation, and his personnel appointments in many areas seemed to reflect a turn toward moderation. As tempting as it is to compare Fico with Meciar, the two are not alike. And even if their personalities did incline them toward the same efforts, their experiences and constraints are different. On the one hand, Fico's political position is currently so strong that he has no need to hurry into any thing. At the same time, Fico may also be more aware of the need for caution: unlike Meciar in 1994, Fico was removed from the prime ministership in 2010 by the voters, and he may be more aware than Meciar of voters' ability to express displeasure. Regardless of the reason, the inauspicious example of political development in neighboring Hungary make it particularly reassuring that (as of this writing) Fico has not used his political strength to alter Slovakia's democratic institutions to his own advantage. As the very nature of this article suggests, however, change can come quickly. ��DOCUMENTATION �� Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2013, Vol. 41 Description An account of the resource Vol. 41 (No. 76-77), 2013. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2013 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 164 SLOVAKIA SLOVAKIA'S 2010 ELECTION AND ITS AFTERMATH 1 Kevin Deegan-Krause2 The academic publishing cycle is not known for being particularly quick, but it is usually fast enough to beat the electoral cycle in most countries and thereby allow articles considering the consequences of one election without immediately requiring consideration of the next one. Not so for Slovakia. The country's political change in the early 2010 's left no time for leisurely consideration and this article, which began its life as a review of Slovakia's 2010 election, must deal not only with the birth of Slovakia's 2010 government but also its early death in 2012. On 12 June 2010 citizens of Slovakia went to the polls for parliamentary elections for the seventh time since Communist Party rule ended in 1989. A plurality-more than one third-voted for the party of incumbent prime minister Robert Fico. However, Slovakia's system of proportional representation does not give any particular advantage to the largest party, and Fico again found it necessary to seek coalition partners to muster the 50%+ 1 of parliamentary votes necessary to form a government. Unfortunately for Fico, a decline in support for his past government partners and antagonistic relationships with all other parties made it impossible for him to muster the necessary 76 votes. Fico's opponents quickly arranged a majority coalition and on 8 July 2010, Iveta Radifova of the Slovak Democratic and 1 Large segments of this article were first published online at: http://themonkeycage.org/blog/20 I 0/07 / 13/20 IO slovak parliamentary elec/, http ://www.pozorblog.com/20 I 0/07 /20 I 0-slovak-parliamentary-elections-postelection-report/, http://www.pozorblog.com/2012/03/2012-parliamentary-electionsin-slovakia-the-building-blocs-of-success/ and as part of an interview in SME, http:/lwww.pozorblog.com/2012/03/slovakias-electoral-pol itics-an-i nterview-with-sme/. 2 1 am grateful to Sharon Fisher, Tim Haughton, Adrian Harmata, Carol Leff, Vladimir Krivy, Darina Malova, Marek Ryba!', Sharon Wolchik, the entire staff at the Institute for Public Affairs in Bratislava and many others who have helped me to understand Slovakia's politics over the past two decades. I am indebted to the Department of Political Science of Comenius University in Bratislava for logistical support and the J. William Fulbright Foreign Scholarship Board for the financial support that contributed to this article. SLOVAKIA 165 Christian Union (SDKU) became the prime minister of a coalition government consisting of four parties with pro-market orientations and relatively moderate views on intra-ethnic cooperation between Slovaks and Hungarians. Radicova was not only a new face in the premiership but a new kind of face in a country with relatively weak representation of women in positions of power. Slovakia differs little from its neighbors in this regard: the Visegrad Four-a regional grouping consisting of Slovakia, the Czech Republic, Poland and Hungary-has had only one other female prime minister in the last twenty years (Poland's Hanna Suchocka in the early 1990 ' s) and although several of the other countries in the region have had female presidents (Latvia) or prime ministers (Lithuania, Bulgaria, Croatia ) women still remain the exception in post-communist European politics and the incoming 2010 government of the neighboring Czech Republic was criticized for having no women at all. 3 Even Radicova's success did not extend to others: her own government had only one other female cabinet minister, and Slovakia's new parliament actually had fewer female deputies than it did in its previous term. And like every other female prime minister in the region, Radicova did not serve a full term. After just fifteen months in power, intra-coalition conflict produced a vote of no confidence that forced early elections and led to Radicova' s departure from politics, at least for the moment. The emergence and collapse of Radicova's government point to patterns more fundamental than the career path of any particular political leader. Slovakia' s political competition functions in three distinct dimensions-one related to economic questions, another to national questions and a third to the functioning of political systems. Analysis tends to settle at one of three levels, all of which have some claim to the truth, provided that we understand the context, and how we understand Slovakia's recent political shifts depends heavily on what we are looking for. This article works outward from the simplest of these to the most complex, looking at how the underlying dynamics shaped election results in 20 l 0 and the post-election trajectory of Radicova' s govemmet. 3 Appeltova, Michaela, 2010, "Ve vlade neni ani jedna zena, proc?", 30 June, available online: http://padesatprocent.cz/cz/zpravodajstvi/ve-vlade-neni-ani-jedna-zenaproc, last accessed 24 May 2012 . SLOVAKIA 166 The Three Dimensions of Slovakia's Party Competition. Dimension One: Right Coalition Wins, Left Coalition Loses. The most superficial (but not unimportant) level of analysis looks at coalitions and oppositions and involves a one-dimensional space. "Left" and "right" have not always been useful in understanding Slovakia' s political space, but they have become more relevant in recent years, especially since the "right" neo-liberal reforms of the Dzurinda government between 2002 and 2006 and Fico's "left" response in the four years that followed. Using the left-right dimensions as shorthand reveals the 2010 election as a handover of power from one side to the other with a swing of seven seats in Slovakia's 150 seat parliament from Fico ' s coalition to Radicova' s. (Fico ' s coalition dropped from 85 seats in 2006 to 71 in 2010, though Fico's party itself grew by twelve seats). For the purposes of governing, this made all the difference, shifting the parliamentary majority from Fico to Radicova. Figure 1. Changes in relative bloc size in Slovakia, one-dimension, 2006-2012. Dark grey includes left and Slovak-national ( Fico 2006-2010, 2012-present). Light grey includes right and Hungarian- national ( Radicova, 2010-2012) . Left ( 'Mth Slovak National) Right ('Mth Hungarian National) Government: 85 seats Cpposition : 65 seats Cpposition : 71 seats Government: 79 seats Government: 83 seats Cpposi ti on : 67 seats 2006 2010 2012 That majority did not last, however, and early elections in 2012 moved the respective positions of the two blocs almost precisely back to where they had been in 2006. Although observers viewed these election results as a disaster for the right, the latter actually emerged with a stronger position in parliament than it had held during the first Fico government. The difference, of course, was that in 2006 the Fico government' s 85 voters were split between Fico and two not-so-docile coalition partners, whereas in 2012 all 83 seats of SLOVAKIA 167 the governing majority lay in the hands of Fico's own well-disciplined political party. 4 Dimension Two: Left and Right Parties Gain, Slovak and Hungarian National Parties Lose. Of course "left" and "right" are not usually sufficient for understanding political competition, and in addition to the left-right axis of competition that has recently dominated governments, Slovakia has a clear competitive axis related to national questions. The current dominant dimension includes and overshadows another one related to national issues. According to this two-dimensional framework, Fico's first government represented a coalition between "anti-market left" and "Slovak national" whereas the Radicova government (like the Dzurinda government that preceded Fico before 2006) is a coalition between "pro-market right" and "Hungarian national." Analysis of election results according to the four blocs defined by these two dimensions produces a rather different set of judgments. Although the total vote share of "right" parties of the incoming government increased by five percentage points from 2006 to 2010, the vote share of the "left" party in the outgoing govemrnent- Fico's "Direction-Social Democracy"(Smer-SD)-increased by even more. Corresponding to the gains by both left and right were major losses in the "Slovak national" bloc: the Slovak National Party under Jan Slota fell catastrophically from 12% to 5%, squeaking over the barrier for parliamentary representation by just two thousand votes out of two-and-a-half million cast; and Vladimir Meciar, once the sun and the moon of Slovakia' s politics, continued a remarkably long and gradual slide into obscurity, falling below the barrier and out of parliament altogether. (In the 2012 election Meciar completed the slide with a drop to less than 1%; he resigned from the leadership of his party in April 2012). 5 Like Jaroslav Kaczynski in Poland in 2007, Fico could justifiably claim that it was not he, but rather his partners who had lost the election (though Meciar publicly suggested that, 4 Marek Rybar and Kevin Deegan-Krause, 2009, "Party Democracy and Party Competitiveness in Slovakia: Is There A Trade-Off?," Paper presented at the ECPR Joint Session of workshops, Lisbon. 5SME, 2012, "Vladimir Meciar odchadza bez nastupcu", 27 April, available online: http://www.sme.sk/c/6356308/vladimir-meciar-odchadza-bez-nastupcu.htrnl, last accessed, 24 May 2012. 168 SLOVAKIA having undermined his partners to maximize his own party' s gain, Fico deserved his fate) . Figure 2: Olanges in relative bloc size in Slovakia, two-dimensions, 2006-2012 . Figure indicates lost seats in light grey and gained seats in dark grey. 2006 2010 Hungarian National 2012 Hu ngarian National 67 I ■·-~- ,>It ! i :,; ,83 ..,, Slovak National Slovak National l " Slovak National Fico did not significantly alter his strategy for the 2012 election but he avoided the same fate because of his party' s own increased support. By mid-2011 Smer 's poll numbers were strong enough to suggest that it could potentially win a majority of seats by itself. In that circumstance, Smer had no further need for coalition partners and had an additional incentive to push its former partners fall below the threshold and take a share of seats that would originally have gone to them. The encouraging numbers also permitted Smer to run a careful and measured campaign designed to avoid losing voters rather than gaining new ones. The party's success in this regard can be measured in its addition of twenty-one new parliamentary seats, though this must be understood in the broader context that, although Smer alone achieved 83 seats, this was several seats fewer than Smer had achieved in its coalition with Slovak national parties in 2006. Although Fico clearly won the election of 2012, the parties of the right together obtained more seats than they had in 2006, in large part thanks to the decline of the national parties. Dimension Three: Slovak National Voters Move Left, Anti-Corruption Voters Move Right (for now). One of the most striking aspects of these shifts in electoral support is the finding of two opinion polls conducted before the election that the exodus of voters from Slovak national parties was not distributed evenly to left and right. In fact, nearly all of it went to the left, SLOVAKIA 169 mainly to Fico's Smer.6 This is not surprising since Fico played on national themes for some time before the election. For the electoral math to work out, however, this must mean that some of Fico's voters also went elsewhere, and the polls suggest that at least some of them went to the new party of the right, SaS (Freedom and Solidarity). These shifts among blocs are hard to explain even using the twodimensional array of economic and national competition. The answer requires a third dimension, one that arrays voters according to their willingness to tolerate corruption and search for established leaders to resolve these problems. This dimension is hard to identify because its players change sides: the anti-corruption party of one election may become the corrupt but experienced party of the next election. 7 Adding this dimension can help make sense of a voter's jump from Smer, which in 2002 and 2006 attracted a significant share of the anti-corruption electorate, to the Freedom and Solidarity which shared few programmatic positions with Smer, but did promote itself as the answer to the country's corruption problems and, as a new party was itself not (or at least not yet) corrupt. Corruption sensitivity may also explain much of the shift from the two Slovak national parties to the by-no-means-clean but still less corrupt Smer, a shift which is less surprising because Fico had already gone quite far in adopting Slovak national themes. It also conforms to polls showing that younger voters and new voters within the Hungarian electorate shifted from the more established of two Hungarian parties to its newcomer alternative, Most-Hid (Bridge). Slovakia's political shift in 2010 thus reflects not a fundamental shift from left and right but only a left-to-right shift in the votes of those most highly sensitive to corruption. Such a shift endures for only one election until the emergence of another new anti-corruption party in the next election cycle. Smer 's return to relatively clean status during a period out of government ended with the "Gorilla" scandal that linked his political opponents with improper party funding 6 Institute for Public Affairs. 2010. "SaS berie hlasy Smeru a SDKU, Most ziskava volicov SMK." Available online: http ://www.ivo.sk/6082/sk/aktuality/sas-berie-hlasy-smeru-a-sdku-most-ziskava-volicov-smk, last accessed 7 May 2012 . 7 Haughton, Tim , Novotna, Tereza and Deegan-Krause, Kevin (2011) "The 2010 Czech and Slovak Parliamentary Elections: Red Cards to the 'Winners," West European Politics, 34: 2, 394-402 170 SLOVAKIA from large economic interests.8 Nor do shifts in the nationally-oriented Slovak voters reflect a fundamental decline in the strength of the Slovak national position p er se, but rather a shift of Slovak national voters from the smaller parties with stronger emphasis on national questions to Fico's larger and more diffuse but sufficiently national and less corrupt alternative. Figure 3a below graphically illustrates the conjectured shift of the most "corruption intolerant" voters of SNS and HZDS to Smer (the arrow pointing up and left) and the corruption-intolerant Smer to SaS (the arrow pointing straight right) . (Shifts also occurred within the "right" (from SDKU to SaS) and within the Hungarian national (from MKP-SMK to Most-Hid) but for simplicity's sake those are not shown here.) Figure 3. Hypothesized shifts in party bloc support during Slovakia's most recent two election cycles a. 2006-2010 Hungarian Nation,:; Pro State Left Pro Mlrket Right 8 SME, 20 12, "Cast' spisu Gorila potvrdil policajt, ktory infonnova l Pentu", 3 January, avai lable online at http ://www.sme.sk/c/6203225/cast-spisu-gorila-potvrdil-policajt-ktory-infonnovalpentu.html#ixzz I w9o jAJgG, last accessed 24 May 20 12. SLOVAKIA b. 171 2010-2012 Hun garian National Pro-Sta t e Left Pro- Mlrket Right The shifts between 2010 and 2012 were smaller but also important. Surveys suggest that a few additional voters shifted from Slovak-national parties such as SNS and HZDS to Smer and that some supporters of the SDKU and its coalition partners shifted back to Smer, while within the coalition voters also shifted to the new Ordinary People and Independents (O1'.aNO). Figure 3b depicts these shifts in the form of twin arrows pointing to the left, with new and returning party voters . SaS avoided the "government death" that has affected every new party entering government since 1994-the Association of Workers of Slovakia (ZRS), the Party of Civic Understanding (SOP), and the Party of the New Citizen (ANO)-but it came very close to failing. Even though SaS did not have to serve a full term in government and dropped out of visible participation in government in order to run as anti-political outsiders in late 2011 , it returned to parliament in 2012 with half of its 20 l O strength, less than one percentage point above the 5% threshold This third dimension of politics in Slovakia is not the main one or even the secondary one. It is likely that fewer voters care about corruption than the major national and economic issues, but because the economic and national blocs are narrowly balanced, corruption has a major impact on the creation of parliamentary majorities and the formation of governments. 172 SLOVAKIA 2010: Three Dimensions, One Government, Four (and a half) Parties. The conditions under which the 2010 government gained its majority had a clear impact on its form and, ultimately, its inability to endure. The dynamics that ultimately sank the coalition mixed questions of economic left and right with questions of national consciousness and the legacy of new party formation. Those who had little contact with Slovakia during the late 2000's might be excused for experiencing the 2010 Radicova government with a bit of deja vu. The names of some of the parties changed slightly from the 2002 Dzurinda government, but the general array was almost identical. Most-Hid replaced the Party of the Hungarian Coalition in the Hungarian national slot, and one new pro-market anti-corruption party "Freedom and Solidarity" (SaS) replaced another (the now defunct Alliance of the ew Citizen). Ten of the fifteen cabinet posts remained in the hands of the same party that controlled them in 2002 (or its analog) and seven of the fifteen ministers who took office in 2010 had served in the 2002-2006 cabinet (in several cases heading the same respective ministries that they had managed earlier in the decade). The actual performance of the government is difficult to assess because it lasted such a short time. Hardly a year passed between the government's appointment and the beginning of the Euro bailout crisis that absorbed its entire attention and brought about its demise. During its brief tenure, the government's ability to make change was further limited not only by a narrow political margin, but by constant threats of fragmentation. Particularly notable in this regard were the frequent shifts of four deputies associated with the aforementioned obscure civic movement called "Ordinary People" (OC). 9 These four 9 In a piquant sign of the tactics played during election campaigns in Slovakia, the leader of a defunct but still-formall y-registered party successfully changed its appellation to Ordinary People (01..'.) just hours before the parliamentary caucus came to register the same name. The leaders of the caucus were thus turned away at the party registration desk and forced to find an alternative, registering several weeks later as Ordinary People and Independents (OEaNO). See Pravda, 20 11 , "Morie, ktory si zaregistroval stranu Obyfajni l'udia, navrat nechysta", I November, available online: h ://s ra . ravda.sk/moric-kto -si-zare istroval-stranu-ob ca·ni-ludia-navratnech sta-1 n-/sk do mace.as ?c=A 11110 I 200428 sk do mace 29#ixzz 1wCSKUTuJ, last accessed 24 May 2012. SLOVAKIA 173 deputies managed unexpectedly to leap into parliament from positions at the very bottom of the SaS list (thanks to preference votes gained from prominent spots in the local commercial inserts that were the main business enterprise of O~'s leader, Igor Matovic). Therefore, they owed little loyalty to SaS and were able to stall key government initiatives through repeated threats of departure. In economic affairs, Radicova ' s government was relatively unified but had limited space for policy innovation. Its efforts were forestalled in part by past successes: the Dzurinda government managed to demonstrate significant coalition discipline during its 20022006 term and, though possessed of a slight parliamentary majority, it managed to pass major economic reforms in taxation, health care, education, the labor market and other aspects of the foreign investment climate. Furthermore, although the Fico government between 2006 and 2010 engaged in high-profile increases in pensions and family benefits and made changes to the labor law, the party actually did little to alter the fundamental framework of the Dzurinda government and presented few opportunities for Radicova's government to reclaim lost ground. On the axis of cultural and religious questions the coalition had little hope of agreement, as it included the parties at both extremes of the axis: SaS supported gay marriage and drug legalization while the KDH (Christian Democratic Movement) supported traditional Christian values and a stronger relationship with the Vatican. Fortunately for the coalition, however, this axis did not constitute one of the more salient lines of conflict in Slovakia's politics, and the coalition simply stayed clear of most cultural issues in order not to create a deeper intra-coalition rift. On national identity and foreign policy Radicova's government was not so lucky. On taking office in 2010, the parties that formed the new government shared a common pro-Western outlook and (relatively) accommodating views on ethnic co-existence and national identity, but they found it difficult to translate these positions into policy. On minority-rights issues the coalition ' s Hungarian and Slovak parties differed over what should constitute "appropriate" support for minority culture. Most-Hid sought to reverse the more restrictive language and citizenship policies of the 2006-2010 Fico government, but the Slovak parties of the coalition sought to avoid appearing weak in their dealings with the assertively nationalist gov- 174 SLOVAKIA ernment in neighboring Hungary or, by extension, the Hungarian population with Slovakia. On international integration issues, the coalition also failed to find consensus. In this case the dissenting coalition party was SaS, whose generally pro-Western approach conflicted with its neoliberalism on the question of Slovakia's obligation as part of the Eurozone. After numerous "negotiated solutions" and apparent agreements between SaS and the other coalition parties, the leaders of Radifova' s SDKU raised the stakes and hoped to force SaS into compliance by linking the Eurozone bailout to a vote of confidence in the government, but the SaS refused to budge. Smer, which nominally supported the bailout, refused to prolong Radifova's government by voting in its favor. Once Radifova' s government collapsed and new elections were underway, Smer joined with Radifova's party and several others in ensuring passage of the bailout. 2012: Three Dimensions, One Government, One Party. The Eurozone-related vote of no confidence led to early elections on 10 March 2012. As the sections above suggest, the relatively small shifts in public opinion produced a significant difference in government orientation and an even more significant difference in government composition. Slovakia has its first one-party majority government since 1989 and the outcomes bear close attention. On economic questions, Smer retains a moderately pro-redistribution position, but the 2012 Fico government has acknowledged that it faces budgetary constraints that will limit its potential largesse, and some top party officials have interests in international finance that may (as with Slovakia's adoption of the Euro in 2009) encourage a relatively conservative fiscal policy. Indeed the party's budget for 2013 included a combination of austerity measures and tax increases that won praise from Western investors. 10 On national questions Smer has previously expressed wariness toward Hungary and the Hungarian minority in Slovakia, but the 2012 Fico government has appointed a moderate, professional diplomat as foreign minister, and as with financial questions, some of Fico's closest supporters have 10 Cienski, Jan, 2012, "Fico: Austerity rules," Financial Times, 23 May, available online: http://blogs. ft.com/beyond-brics/2012/05/23/fico-austerity-rules/#axzz I w9zH5aGM, last accessed 24 May 201 2. SLOVAKIA 175 more moderate positions than others. On corruption questions, Fico's party has a less-than pristine record, but the revelations of the recent "Gorilla" scandal about connections between large firms and party finance on Slovakia's right allowed Smer to appear relatively clean by comparison. Complete control of government may in this regard prove somewhat disadvantageous as Smer will become the main focus of corruption allegations. In each case, Fico ' s own party faces internal divisions along the same lines as the party system as a whole. It is obviously not as deeply riven as Radicova' s coalition, but the exact same lines of stress sometimes (in obscure and ambiguous ways) produce cracks in the party's veneer of unity. While intra-party competition within Smer is highly imperfect as a mechanism of accountability, it will play a critical role during the coming Fico government. Like Vladimir Meciar in 1992 and 1994, Fico is returning to Slovakia's top position after a brief interlude of government by a coalition of strange bedfellows. Each time Meciar returned in the early 1990' s he engaged in bolder use (and frequently misuse) of government authority in an attempt to regain and maintain control. Fico, by contrast, began his return to government not with radical change but with calls for cooperation, and his personnel appointments in many areas seemed to reflect a turn toward moderation. As tempting as it is to compare Fico with Meciar, the two are not alike. And even if their personalities did incline them toward the same efforts, their experiences and constraints are different. On the one hand, Fico's political position is currently so strong that he has no need to hurry into any thing. At the same time, Fico may also be more aware of the need for caution: unlike Meciar in 1994, Fico was removed from the prime ministership in 2010 by the voters, and he may be more aware than Meciar of voters' ability to express displeasure. Regardless of the reason, the inauspicious example of political development in neighboring Hungary make it particularly reassuring that (as of this writing) Fico has not used his political strength to alter Slovakia's democratic institutions to his own advantage. As the very nature of this article suggests, however, change can come quickly. DOCUMENTATION  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovakia's 2010 Election and Its Aftermath Description An account of the resource Kevin Deegan-Krause Slovakia, Vol. 41 (No. 76-77), 2013 pp. 164-175 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Deegan-Krause, Kevin Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2013 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/181a4f66019df58bee489bbf12571e20.pdf 3b6d4dd15c1e3e7264337d94b791a387 PDF Text Text 6 SLOVAKIA SLOVAKIA'S ACCESSION TO THE TRIPARTITE PACT Fnmcis Vnuk On September 27, 1940, at the New Chancellery in Berlin, the German-Italian-Japanese Tripartite Pact was signed. "The ceremony of signing" - noted Shirer "was carried through with typical Axis talent for the theatrical." (1) The German and satellite press greeted the occasion as an event of far-reaching importance, a "Magna Charta" of the New Order, which was going to bring about exactly what had been promised in the preamble to the Pact, namely, "world peace" . . . and "prosperity and welfare of the peoples" in Europe and Greater East Asia(2). After the ceremonial signing, Hitler entered the hall to honor the occasion by his presence. Then followed the adulatory speeches of Ribbentrop, Ciano, and Kurusu. In the course of his speech Ribbentrop stated: "The purpose of the Pact is, a:bove an things, to help restore peace to the world as quickly as possible. Therefore, any otherstate, which wishes to adhere to this bloc with the intention of contributing to the restoration of peaceful conditions, will be sincerely and gratefully made welcome and will participate in the economic and political reorganization" (3) In response to this rather blunt hint, the nations of Central Europe, tied to Germany by geopolitical conditions, duly applied for admittance. Hungary was the first in the field, the others following her more or less reluctantly. It was clear to the 'Slovaks and Rumanians that they could not afford to stand aside, even if they wished. They had to rank at least as high in Hitler's esteem as Hungary which still hrad unfulfilled territorial claims against them. And thus towards the end of November, 1940, Hungarian, Rumanian, and Slovak delegations in close succession went to Vienna or Berlin ( 4) to sign the Protocol of adherence to the Tripartitie Pact. Hungary did so on the 20th, Rumania on the 22nd, and Slovakia on the 24th of November, 1940(5). Slovakia's accession to the Tripartite Pact followed the proclamation of the "spiritual adherence" a few weeks �SLOVAKIA 7 previously. Though Ciano sneered at the event as "a useless bit of ersatz diplomacy" (6) , the Germans made it into a spectacular State visit which was arranged for Tuka and his entourage. State visits had a strange fascination for Turoa. Nothing appealed to him more than to be a centre of attention, surrounded by high officials, and facing the flashlights of official photographers and reporters. He did not -conceal his disappointment when the Germans advised him against his proposed visit to Rumania, or when the Italians asked him to postpone his offered visit of Italy till "after the war." The signing of the Protocol of Accession enabled him to taste the cherished moments of ceremonial courtesies and at the same time to demonstrate his devotion to Germany. Apart from these rather personal considerations, there were also quite a few important political, economic, and cultural problems to be discussed, new poUcies outlined, and achievements and failures reported. SIGNATURES The German preparations for Tuka's State visit were very detailed and thorough. Tuka was to be received with all the honors and courtesies due to the head of a friendly government. In the captured documents of the former German Foreign Ministry, there is a special file (7) dealing exclusively with various aspects of the visit and this is the principal source of all relevant information. The Slov,ak delegation(8), which consisted of Tuka, Murgas, Mracna, Radlinsky and Farkas, left Bratislava by auto on the afternoon of November 23, 1940. They crossed the bridge to Petrfalka and proceeded to Vienna where ,a special train was awaiting them. The reception there was very austere. There were no guards of honor to inspect, no speeches of welcome; just one representative of the Protocol to accompany them on their night journey to Berlin. '.Dhe train left West Bahnhof at 7:32 P. M. and took them through Linz, Passau, Regensburg, Hof, and Leipzig to the Anhalter Bahnhof, Berlin, where they arrived on Sunday morning at 10 :40 A. M. - just 20 minutes after the Rumanian delegation, its mission accomplished, left Berlin on its return journey (9). �8 SLOVAKIA At the Anhalter Bahnhof everything was pompous, well-organized, and impressive. Welcoming personalities were grouped in four parties. The first party, headed by the Slovak charge d'affaires, consisted of foreign diploma:ts ·and the heads of missions in Berlin. Specially invited German representatives of the Party and the Army were in the second, the members of the Slovak Legation in the third, and the personnel of the German Foreign Ministry in the fourth group. Tuka, as he alighted from his salon-car, was welcomed by Ribbentrop and Matthew Cernak, and introduced by them to the other members of the welcoming parties on the platform. Then followed the inspection of the Guard of Honor. Tuka, in the uniform of the Hlinka Guards and accompanied by Ribbentrop, was trying his unsoldierly best to make his gait and mien look soldier-like. From the station the procession of cars went to Schloss Bellevue which was going to be Tuka's residence during his two-day stay in Berlin. There he was welcomed by Meissner who acted as master of the house (Hausherr). At 11 :30 Tuka paid a visit to Ribbentrop at the latter's office, 73 Wilhelmstrasse, where they spent about an hour in discussion. The great moment came at 1:00 P. M. In the Grand Reception Hall of the New Chancellery stood a huge massive signature table. The representatives of the Press had already taken their places: the foreign correspondents at the window-side, the Germans at the door. At 12:58 P. M., the great door opened and an impressive procession entered. It was led by the Chief of the Diplomatic Protocol. He was followed by Tuka and Ribbentrop, the Japanese Ambassador, the Italian Ambassador and Charge d'Affaires, the Hungarian and Rumanian Ministers, State Secretary Weizsaecker, and State Under-Secretary Gaus. Ribbentrop sat at the center of the table, Tuka at his right and, next to him, the Italian Ambassador and the Rumanian Minister. At Ribbentrop's left were seated the Japanese Ambassador and the Hungarian Minister. Everything went without a hitch like a well-rehearsed drama. The Protocol of Accession (10) was signed amidst �SLOVAKIA 9 the flashes of light and rustle of reporter's notebooks, short speeches were solemnly read out and courteous applause resounded in the spacious hall. In the afternoon Ribbentrop gave a reception at the Hotel Adlon for the Slovak Delegation and the members of the Slovak Legation in Berlin. In the morning of the next day (Monday, November 25) Tuka took part in the wreath-laying ceremony at the Ehrenmahl (The War Memorial at the famous Unter den Linden). Another reception was given by Cernak in the afternoon at the Hotel Esplanade. At 5:30 P. M. Tuka had his great and memorable moment. He was taken to the Work Room of the New Chancellery where he was received by Hitler. That was the climax of Tuka's State visit. Shortly before 7 P. M., the Slovak Delegation was again on the Anhalter Bahnhof. With the German and foreign guests to bid them farewell, guards of honor to inspect, hands to shake or raise in Nazi salute, the parting ceremony was as imposing as the welcoming one. At 7:05 P. M., the special train with the Slovak Delegation left Berlin on its return journey to Vienna, where they arrived on November 26, at 10:54 A. M. The Slovak Parliament gave its approval to the Protocol of Accession to the Tripartite Pact on February 6, 1941(11). DISCUSSIONS The records of discussions between Ribbentrop and Tuka were not found. But it is possible to gauge their nature and content from numerous memoranda passed between Ribbentrop and his advisers shortly before Tuka's visit. Some of these memoranda are very sketchy, others go into great details. They deal with subjects which Tuka outlined to Consul-General Wuester (on November 11, 1940) as the topics he would like to discuss perisonally with Ribbentrop on the occasion of his State visit. And even if the discussions did not follow the proposed course exactly, they could not have departed far from it. These memoranda are thus of interest to every student of Slovak affairs. They certainly cast some light on the Slovak scene as it was set in November, 1940, and provide a �10 SLOVAKIA guileless cross-section of the Slovak political, economic, and cultural life. The problems were grouped under four headings and each division had further subsections. The same pattern will be followed in this study. The subject matter for discussion was to proceed along the following lines: A. Political Problems. 1. Internal Policy: Internally Slovakia was in the middle of a political crisis and Woermann and Killinger briefed Ribbentrop about its extent. They informed him that Tuka and Mach were working on the establishment of the Nazi system in Slovakia ("nazionalsozialistische Staatsfuehrung"), in the spirit of the Salzburg conversations. In this attempt they had to wage a struggle against the opposing forces centered around President Tiso. Tiso',s camp consisted of in Killinger's terminology - clericals, former :Durcansky hangers-on and four members of the government. Tuka demanded dismissal of these ministers, but Tiso ref used to comply with his request. Tuka then decided to fight it out with Tiso, and, according to Killinger, there were forces at work striving for a complete elimination of Tiso from the Slovak political life ( eine vollige Auschaltung Tisos aus dem politischen Leben"). In discussing this question with Tuka, Ribbentrop was advised to recommend that Tuka should apply his measures in such a way as not to affect the position of President Tiso. There was no objection to the eventual removal of the uncooperative ministers, but as far as Tiso was concerned, his removal would only deteriorate and not improve the internal situation in Slovakia. "Tiso" - runs Woermann's recommendation to Ribbentrop - "as Hlinka's successor and the co-founder of the Slovak State, is a very popular personality in Slovakia" ("eine durchhaus volkstuemliche Personlichkeit"), and, therefore, the elimination of the clerical influence should be carried out carefully and possibly by evolutionary means. The conversion of Slovakia into a Christian state according to Schusch- �SLOVAKIA 11 nigg's model ("Staendestatt'), as contemplated by Tiso and his friends, could be prevented even without the removal of Tiso. On the other hand Tuka should be commended for his fight for the Nazi reorientation of Slovakia. 2. Territorial demands: 'rhe second problem Tuka wanted to discuss was the territorial cession of the eastern part of the Protektorat to Slovakia (the region of Moravske Slovacko). In this respect several memoranda were passed to the German Foreign Ministry outlying the reason and justification of this demand. But the Germans were not happy about the proposition. Ribbentrop was advised to tell Tuka that the idea of the frontier rectification in favor of Slovakia could not be considered ("keine Folge gegeben werden koenne" ). 3. Slovak-Hungarian Relations: The Slovak-Hungarian relations were by far the most important point of the discussions. The Vienna Award by which Slovakia was forced to cede part of her territories to Hungary - was a source of constant Slovak grievances and was genuinely detested by all Slovaks, whether they were pro-Nazi, anti-Nazi, or just sitting on the fence. Tuka was convinced that the Salzburg conversations meant a step towards a more acceptable solution. At Salzburg (July 1940) Tiso wrenched from Ribbentrop a somewhat vague and non-committal promise that the question of the frontier rectification between Slovakia and Hungary though unsuitable for settlement at that time - cou~d be considered later ("dass in Augenblick nicht an die Regelung dieser Frage zu denken sei, dass vielleicht spaeter einmal der Augenblick kommen duerfe"). On the basis of this promise the Slovak Foreign Ministry forwarded to Berlin a number of Aide-Memoires, maps and statistical material and wanted them to be examined by the Auslandsinstitut in Stuttgart. Tuka was to ask Ribbentrop for the official German attitude towards these Slovak requests. It was proposed to tell Tuka that the moment for the settlement of the disputed boundary issue was still inap- �12 SLOVAKIA propriate ("Es waere unzeitmaessig diese slowakische Ansprueche jetzt geltent zu machen"). With regard to the examination of the Slovak documentary material by the Auslandsinstitut in Stutgart - since the Germans did not want the Hungarians to get wind that something was going on - it was suggested that this request should be declined. Tuka should be told that the German Foreign Ministry would examine the pertinent Slovak material, but it did not think it expedient to pass such things on to the Auslandsinstitut. 4. Ruthene Question: Then there was the question of the Ruthene minority. This group, about 50,000 strong, was subjected to intense communistic propaganda inciting it to demand the same privileges as those granted to the German ethnic group. The solution of this question required a precarious balance in counteracting the communist propaganda without arousing the suspicions of being hostile towards the USSR which at that time was being courted by the Germans into joining the Tripartite Pact. Tuka was to be told that the Slovak Government would have to try to win the sympathies of the Ruthenes even if it involved the offer of a guarantee of cultural autonomy. But the communist intrigues would have to be suppressed just the same ("Kommunistische Umtriebe unter ihnen waeren zu unterdruecken") . 5. Attitude towards the Croats: It was expected that Tuka, who had just learned about the German attitude towards the Croats, would make an offer to influence the Croats through Slovak propaganda. It was suggested that his declaration should be merely noted and any discussion of his proposal should be declined. B. Economic Problems: The economic topics for the discussions are of equal importance. In spite, or, perhaps because of the war, the Slovak economy was developing very favorably. The Ger- �SLOVAKIA 13 mans were taking 75 per cent of Slovak exports and, contrary to the general belief, were providing valuable expert and material assistance. Nevertheless, there were points of friction even in this sphere, especially with regard to the direction in which the development should proceed. The Germans pressed for projects like the improved facilities of the Bratislava Danube harbor, raising of the level of agricultural economy, erection of family houses for workers, etc., whereas the Slovaks were for industrial development, new factories, improved local communications, etc. At the time of Tuka's visit the Slovak grievances concerned the price increases, tourist trade, and employment of Czech skilled workers. 1. Price Question: The Slovak government was afraid that the price increases might create unwanted social reactions which, in turn, could be exploited by the communists. But the Germans maintained that, since rising prices were a general phenomenon in all Southeast Europe, and also in the Protektorat whose economy was closely bound with Slovakia's, it was desirable for them to go up in Slovakia as well. It was proposed to point out to Tuka that the price increases would, in the long run, increase Slovakia's national income through expansion in exports to Germany and through the wage transfer of the 80,000 Slovak laborers working there. The Germans would try to mitigate the effect of price increases by such measures, for example, as lowering the prices of goods imported from the Protektorat. Likewise - in spite of the recent increases in the price of coal - the export prices of German coal delivered to Slovakia were not increased, but were retained at the level fixed in April, 1940, and would stay there. 2. Tourist Trade: in the mater of the Slovak complaint concerning the rapid decrease in the tourist trade, it was to be stated that there was not much the Germans could do about it. It was, however, to be expected that after the war Slovakia would enjoy an unprecedented tourist activity. �14 SLOVAKIA 3. Employment of Czech Workers: For Tuka this represented another thorny problem. There were still many Czechs working in industrial establishments in Slovakia, mainly as skilled workers. Tuka pressed for their removal, since he saw in them a constant element of unrest ("Unruheherde"). The Germans promised to cooperate, saying that some Czechs had already been transferred. RilJbentrop, however, would have to advise Tuka that those Czechs working in the armament industry could be removed only when satisfactory replacements by skilled Slovak workers had been found. C. Resettlement Problems: 1. Czechs in Slovakia: Tuka strove to rid Slovakia of all Czechs (approximat ely 25,000 in number), as well as t o bring bac 1c to Slovakia all Slovaks living in the Protektorat. Since the negotiations ("Auseinandersetzungverhandlungen") with the Germans were ominously dragging on, Tuka wanted to ask Ribbentrop about the German view on the matter. Ribbentrop was advised to instruct Tuka that the proposal would be examined in due time, but, on the other hand, not to give any prospect for fulfillment of this wish ("Keine Aussicht auf Erfuellung des Wuensches za machen" ). 2. Slovaks in the German POW Camps: After the military collapse of France, several unfortunate Slovaks found themselves as POWs in German captivity. In most cases they were Slovak workers from Paris and from the Northern French coalfields who were mobilized into "Czecho-Slovak" army units to fight for the restoration of the defunct Czecho-Slovak Republic. The Slovak Foreign Ministry had been demanding their release since the end of the Franco-German hostilities, but the German authorities were not very quick in answering. Tuka was to be assured that their release was pending. 3. Slovaks in France: With equal commendable zeal the Slovak Government �SLOVAKIA 15 tried to obtain the release of all Slovaks in the French Army Service, in both occupied and unoccupied France, and pleaded for the repatriation of those who desired it. Tuka was to be told that the Germans looked upon the request with understanding and would give it their support. D. Cultural and Other Problems: In the cultural field there was complete satisfaction on both sides. The Slovak-German cultural relations were very friendly and prepartions for the signing of a Cultural Agreement ("Kultur-Abkomm en") were on the way. Similarly there were no complaints about the treatment of the German ethnic group in Slovakia. IV CONCLUSION Looking at the event after almost 20 years' interval, when one has the benefit of seeing what was back of the German mind, and when one knows all the answers to what were then the annoying questions of the day, it is only too easy to be critical, cynical, or even malicious. Was Tuka really the villain of the drama? Was he really responsible for all subsequent Slovak misfortunes? Was his signature on the Protocol the death-warrant of the Slovak State as some of his critics want us to believe? Or, was he just an innocent victim of circumstances from which there was no way out? Did he merely carry out the inevitable and inescapable steps to save the nation from a much worse disaster, as his admirers try to convince us? Unfortunately there is no straightforward answer to either of these views. Tuka's personality was of a far more complex nature than to be an object of a clear-cut judgment. It would be futile and out of place to argue about this. However, to make the picture as complete as possible, it seems only just to add the following notes by way of a postscript. It is undeniable now, as it was conclusive then, that. the Tripartite Pact was directed against the USA (12) ,, where, as it happened, lived almost a third of the Slovak �16 SLOVAKIA nation. And there is no doubt about Tuka's willingness to have Slovakia bound to Germany lock, stock, and barrel. But the personal ambition of a sick man was not the only why and wherefore behind Tuka's move. There were also political motives and these were by no means insignificant: to gain for Slovakia an honorable place in the New Europe - which at that time was not just a remote phantasy; to ward off the Hungarian danger - as menacing and ubiquitous as ever. It is not always realized that the fear of being swallowed by Hungary had a hand not only at the birth of the Slovak State, but was present in the background of practically every action of subsequent Slovak foreign policy. The political and military situation - at the time of Slovakia's accession to the Pact - strongly favored the German position. Germany was the undisputed master of Europe, and with the USSR she had a Treaty of NonAggression. The USA was keeping out of the war and was likely to stay out. For Hitler and his gang "the war was already won." This thought, however, was not shared by all. There were many who did concede (though they have less courage to admit it now) that the war might finish in a draw Such a situation would have curbed Hitler's ambitions for world domination, but it would leave the nations of Central Europe at his mercy. And it is better to be left at the mercy of a benign than an irate master. Then the question arises as to what would have happened if Tuka "per impossiblile" would have chosen to resist German prompting and decided not to join the bloc. The problem may be highly academic, but the answer to it is less so. In fact, an eloquent reply was provided about three months after Slovakia's accession to the Pact by the adherence of Bulgaria. To the Western way of thinking, Bulgaria was the best of the bad satellites of Hitler. She saved most of her Jewish population from extermination, she did not declare war on the USSR (though the USSR found it expedient to declare war on her). In the face of German pressure she yielded the bare minimum - and this included the accession to the Pact. It is hardly to be expected that Slovak opposition could have been more ef- �SLOVAKIA 17 fective. With no friends and no guarantees in the West, Slovakia could not behave the way Yugoslavia did. REFERENCES 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. W. Shirer: A Berlin Diary, Hamilton, London, 1941,. For the text of the Tripartite Pact see Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression, Vol. V, pp. 355-6, or Int. Affairs, 193946, Vol. III, OUP, 1954, pp. 81-82. C. A. Macartney: October Fifteenth, EdinJburgh Univ. Press, 1956, Vol. I, p. 439. The Hrungarians, went to Vienna, the Rumaniallls and Slovaks to Berlin. Other countries followed suit: Spain secretly in November 1940; Bulgaria on March 1, 1941; Yugoslavia on March 25, 194'1; Croatia, on June 115, 1941'. The USSR nearly joined the Pact, too (See Nazi-Soviet Relations, pp. 248--9, 258-9). Ciano's Diary 1939-43, Heinemann, London, 1947. Ent ry ·of November 20, 11)40: " ... I do not attach much importance to the adherence of these states (Hungary, Rumania and Slovakia) which are vassais of Germany, or almost so. In £act they weaken the Tripartite Agreement itseltf, and s,eem to be useless bits of ersatz diplomacy. " Auswartiges Amt, Buero St. Sekretaer, Besuch Tuka, 610/ 248742-818. 8. For the Delegation's "Who's Who" see Alppendix II. 9. "He (Antonescu) had bairely left Berlin . .. when Dr. Tuka, the Slovak Prime Minister, arrived to sign his counrtry's adhesion to the Pact. The document was ready and his signature was prompt" - Dipl. correspond,e nt of the London "Times". In fact, the s igning took place less than two and ·a halif hours after Tukas' arrival. 1-0. For the text of the Brotocol see Alppendix I. 11. Joseph Lettrich: History of Modern Slovakia, Atlantic Press, London, 1956, p. 167. 12. Ar.ticle 3 of the Pact runs: (The three Contracti!Ilg Parties) "further undertake to assist one another with all political, econemic and military means, if one of them is attacked by a Poweir at present not involved in the European war or in the Chiinese..Jarpanese conflict." This could have meant only the USA or the USSR. But Article 5 stated that the iterms of the Pact did not "in any way aifilieot the politica'l strutus which exists between each of the three Contraicting Parties and Soviet Russiia." APPENDIX I The Protocol of Slovakia's Accession to the Tripartite Pact The Governments of Germany, Italy and Japan, on the one hand, and the Government of Slovakia, on the other hand, represented by the signa,to:ries to the documenrt, declare as follows: 1. Slovakia joins the Tripartite Pact sig.n ed at Berlin on September 27, 1940. 2. As far as the joint technical commissions provided under Article 4 of the Tripartite Pact concern matters affecting Slovak �18 SLOVAKIA interests, Slovakia. will be represented ait the discussions of these committees. 3. The text o;f the Tr.iipartite Pact is atltached to the present Protocol, which is drawn up in the German, Italian, Japanese, and Slovak languages, each text to ha1Ve the validity of the original. The Protocol comes into effect on the da~ of signature . .AIPPENDIX II The Slovak Delegation - Who Was Who: Dr. Vojtech Tuka - Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign A1ff.airs. Born on July 4, 1880, at P.i-argy, Tuka was, before 1918, a Professor of Internationa,l Law at the then Hungarian University at Bratislava. After the first World Wa r he played a leading role in the Slovak autonomist movement of the Hlinka Party. Accused of treason by the Czech Brague, he wa•s involved in the notorious "Tuka Trial." On flimsy and rigged evid'ence he was found guiity of espiona•ge and p:l,,Oltting a,ga,inst the Repuiblic and sentenced to 15 years in ja11. After havi,ng been imprisoned at Pankrac in Prague for more than seven years, sick and nearly blind, he was pardoned by Presidental amnesty, and the remainder of his sentence he was to spend in custody at Plzen. Released in October, 1938, he pr-0mptly resumed his political activity. In the first Slovak independent goviermnent ~March 1J939) he became the deputy Prime Minister and laiter, after the retirement of Sidor. ,also the acting Minfater of Interior. On the election ·of Dr. Joseph Tiso as Presiident o:f Slovakia, Tuka became Brime Minister. Mter the Sal2Jburg Conference (July 1940) Tuka not only retained his post, but a'lso took over the Foreign Ministry. Tuka was executed by the Prague Government in Bratislava August 20, 1946. Slovak Minister in Berlin. A high school Matul Cernak teacher by profession, Cernak had a long record of continuous activity in the ranks of the Hlinka Party. In Septem,ber, 1<938, he was appointed a minister in the Czecho-Slovak Government. He immediately demanded autonomy for Slovakia. This not granted, he resigned in protest. In the first Sloviak autonomous governmenit he was given the post of the Ministry of Educaiti001 (October 11938) and in addition was entrusted with the lead,ership of the Youth Organization (Hlinka's Youth). Being openly for a complete secession, he was imprisoned by the Czechs (March 1939) and treated raither brutaUy. After the Declaration of Slovak Independence he was sent to Germany as the Slovak diplomatic representative. He was killed by a bomb sent through the mail in Munich, July 5, 1955. Karo• Murgal - Ohief of the Propaganda Bureau. A joumaHsit, Murga§ came into prominence in the hectic days of October 1938 Ma!l"Ch 1939. After the Salzburg Oond'eroo.ce· he was made the Chie!f of the Propaganda Bureau as the only suifable ohoice (h,e was the on1y person of irutelligence and aibility ready to toiw the German line). Ing. Jozef Mracna - Ohief of the Political Division of the Slovak Foreign Ministry. Mraona was born on February 21, 1900. He was a career diplomat of the Czooho..Slovak diplomatic service. At the time of the declaration of Slovak independence (March 1939) he was the Cze:cho..Slovak Consul in New York, but immediately offered his services to the Slovak State. Gifted, honest and exiperieru:ed, he was 1 �SLOVAKIA 19 the most caiplllble and authoritative personality in the Slovak Foreig111 Ministry, but later he became rather passive. He enjoyed Tuka's full confidence and in return was his loyal, but not uncritica'l, co-worker. ,or. Raduz Radlinsky - Chief of the Diplomatic Protocol at the Slovak Foreign Miinistry. Former employee of the Czecho-61ovak Foreign Ministry, where he held a minor position in the Protocol. On the basis of this activity he was entrusted with the position of Chief of the Diplomatic Protocol in Bratislava. '11he Germans constantly objected to his position. Lieutenant-Colonel ~tefan Tata.rko Military Aittache at the Slovak Legaition in Berlin. A professional soldier of some ability, Tatarko created practically out of nothing the Sfovak Military Secret Service. Later he was apointed military -atta:che to Berlin. Ait one time he was not trusted by the Germans because of his in:cautiously expressed d'oulbts about final German vietory. But he must have corrected himself, because later he was promoted to the Chief of Cabinet at the Slovak Ministry of defense. Jan Belnay - Commercial Atta:che at the Slovak Legation in Berlin. He was born on Oct-Ober 23, 1900. Mosit of his study-years (in Chemistry) were spent in Germany, the remainder in Prague. He worked at the Czecho-Slovak Economic Academy, a111d Ia1ter at the Czecho-Slovak EX1pOrt Institute. In MaTCh, 11939, he joined the staff of the Slovak Foreign Ministry and s·oon was appointed a commercial attaohe to Berlin. His professional eicperien:ce and fluent knowledge of German served him in good stead and in 1941 he was promoted to the position of Chief of the Diplomatic Protocol. Jan Farkal - Tuka's Adjutant . .A,s a comparnion in T~a's tribulations (he figured in the "Tuka Trial") Fark'as claimed also a share in Tuka's honors. He devoutly followed Tuka's footsteps and parroted his pronoun:cements aholllt the introduction of Nazism into Slovakia, but was not particularly giiited to make a higher grade. A,t one stage Tuka insisted on his appointment as a Minister of Finance, but was rebuff.ed. • • • WHO SAID IT? "Since, in the new situation, it was impossilble to coHa-borate oifficiaHy with the Soviet Union, we . . . d~d nothing which might prejudike or ipre.vent the removal of co-operation at the earliest posstble moment; I need 0I11ly recall how strongly our attitude contrasted with that of many others during the Soviet-Finnish War. Moreover, even in that period, there was no interruption of the personal contacts and exchange of information between ourse1ves rund important Soviet representatives in London, Paris, Washington and elsewhere." - Dr. Hubert Ripka, EAST AND WEST, London. 1944. � 6 SLOVAKIA SLOVAKIA'S ACCESSION TO THE TRIPARTITE PACT Fnmcis Vnuk On September 27, 1940, at the New Chancellery in Berlin, the German-Italian-Japanese Tripartite Pact was signed. "The ceremony of signing" - noted Shirer "was carried through with typical Axis talent for the theatrical." (1) The German and satellite press greeted the occasion as an event of far-reaching importance, a "Magna Charta" of the New Order, which was going to bring about exactly what had been promised in the preamble to the Pact, namely, "world peace" . . . and "prosperity and welfare of the peoples" in Europe and Greater East Asia(2). After the ceremonial signing, Hitler entered the hall to honor the occasion by his presence. Then followed the adulatory speeches of Ribbentrop, Ciano, and Kurusu. In the course of his speech Ribbentrop stated: "The purpose of the Pact is, a:bove an things, to help restore peace to the world as quickly as possible. Therefore, any otherstate, which wishes to adhere to this bloc with the intention of contributing to the restoration of peaceful conditions, will be sincerely and gratefully made welcome and will participate in the economic and political reorganization" (3) In response to this rather blunt hint, the nations of Central Europe, tied to Germany by geopolitical conditions, duly applied for admittance. Hungary was the first in the field, the others following her more or less reluctantly. It was clear to the 'Slovaks and Rumanians that they could not afford to stand aside, even if they wished. They had to rank at least as high in Hitler's esteem as Hungary which still hrad unfulfilled territorial claims against them. And thus towards the end of November, 1940, Hungarian, Rumanian, and Slovak delegations in close succession went to Vienna or Berlin ( 4) to sign the Protocol of adherence to the Tripartitie Pact. Hungary did so on the 20th, Rumania on the 22nd, and Slovakia on the 24th of November, 1940(5). Slovakia's accession to the Tripartite Pact followed the proclamation of the "spiritual adherence" a few weeks �SLOVAKIA 7 previously. Though Ciano sneered at the event as "a useless bit of ersatz diplomacy" (6) , the Germans made it into a spectacular State visit which was arranged for Tuka and his entourage. State visits had a strange fascination for Turoa. Nothing appealed to him more than to be a centre of attention, surrounded by high officials, and facing the flashlights of official photographers and reporters. He did not -conceal his disappointment when the Germans advised him against his proposed visit to Rumania, or when the Italians asked him to postpone his offered visit of Italy till "after the war." The signing of the Protocol of Accession enabled him to taste the cherished moments of ceremonial courtesies and at the same time to demonstrate his devotion to Germany. Apart from these rather personal considerations, there were also quite a few important political, economic, and cultural problems to be discussed, new poUcies outlined, and achievements and failures reported. SIGNATURES The German preparations for Tuka's State visit were very detailed and thorough. Tuka was to be received with all the honors and courtesies due to the head of a friendly government. In the captured documents of the former German Foreign Ministry, there is a special file (7) dealing exclusively with various aspects of the visit and this is the principal source of all relevant information. The Slov,ak delegation(8), which consisted of Tuka, Murgas, Mracna, Radlinsky and Farkas, left Bratislava by auto on the afternoon of November 23, 1940. They crossed the bridge to Petrfalka and proceeded to Vienna where ,a special train was awaiting them. The reception there was very austere. There were no guards of honor to inspect, no speeches of welcome; just one representative of the Protocol to accompany them on their night journey to Berlin. '.Dhe train left West Bahnhof at 7:32 P. M. and took them through Linz, Passau, Regensburg, Hof, and Leipzig to the Anhalter Bahnhof, Berlin, where they arrived on Sunday morning at 10 :40 A. M. - just 20 minutes after the Rumanian delegation, its mission accomplished, left Berlin on its return journey (9). �8 SLOVAKIA At the Anhalter Bahnhof everything was pompous, well-organized, and impressive. Welcoming personalities were grouped in four parties. The first party, headed by the Slovak charge d'affaires, consisted of foreign diploma:ts ·and the heads of missions in Berlin. Specially invited German representatives of the Party and the Army were in the second, the members of the Slovak Legation in the third, and the personnel of the German Foreign Ministry in the fourth group. Tuka, as he alighted from his salon-car, was welcomed by Ribbentrop and Matthew Cernak, and introduced by them to the other members of the welcoming parties on the platform. Then followed the inspection of the Guard of Honor. Tuka, in the uniform of the Hlinka Guards and accompanied by Ribbentrop, was trying his unsoldierly best to make his gait and mien look soldier-like. From the station the procession of cars went to Schloss Bellevue which was going to be Tuka's residence during his two-day stay in Berlin. There he was welcomed by Meissner who acted as master of the house (Hausherr). At 11 :30 Tuka paid a visit to Ribbentrop at the latter's office, 73 Wilhelmstrasse, where they spent about an hour in discussion. The great moment came at 1:00 P. M. In the Grand Reception Hall of the New Chancellery stood a huge massive signature table. The representatives of the Press had already taken their places: the foreign correspondents at the window-side, the Germans at the door. At 12:58 P. M., the great door opened and an impressive procession entered. It was led by the Chief of the Diplomatic Protocol. He was followed by Tuka and Ribbentrop, the Japanese Ambassador, the Italian Ambassador and Charge d'Affaires, the Hungarian and Rumanian Ministers, State Secretary Weizsaecker, and State Under-Secretary Gaus. Ribbentrop sat at the center of the table, Tuka at his right and, next to him, the Italian Ambassador and the Rumanian Minister. At Ribbentrop's left were seated the Japanese Ambassador and the Hungarian Minister. Everything went without a hitch like a well-rehearsed drama. The Protocol of Accession (10) was signed amidst �SLOVAKIA 9 the flashes of light and rustle of reporter's notebooks, short speeches were solemnly read out and courteous applause resounded in the spacious hall. In the afternoon Ribbentrop gave a reception at the Hotel Adlon for the Slovak Delegation and the members of the Slovak Legation in Berlin. In the morning of the next day (Monday, November 25) Tuka took part in the wreath-laying ceremony at the Ehrenmahl (The War Memorial at the famous Unter den Linden). Another reception was given by Cernak in the afternoon at the Hotel Esplanade. At 5:30 P. M. Tuka had his great and memorable moment. He was taken to the Work Room of the New Chancellery where he was received by Hitler. That was the climax of Tuka's State visit. Shortly before 7 P. M., the Slovak Delegation was again on the Anhalter Bahnhof. With the German and foreign guests to bid them farewell, guards of honor to inspect, hands to shake or raise in Nazi salute, the parting ceremony was as imposing as the welcoming one. At 7:05 P. M., the special train with the Slovak Delegation left Berlin on its return journey to Vienna, where they arrived on November 26, at 10:54 A. M. The Slovak Parliament gave its approval to the Protocol of Accession to the Tripartite Pact on February 6, 1941(11). DISCUSSIONS The records of discussions between Ribbentrop and Tuka were not found. But it is possible to gauge their nature and content from numerous memoranda passed between Ribbentrop and his advisers shortly before Tuka's visit. Some of these memoranda are very sketchy, others go into great details. They deal with subjects which Tuka outlined to Consul-General Wuester (on November 11, 1940) as the topics he would like to discuss perisonally with Ribbentrop on the occasion of his State visit. And even if the discussions did not follow the proposed course exactly, they could not have departed far from it. These memoranda are thus of interest to every student of Slovak affairs. They certainly cast some light on the Slovak scene as it was set in November, 1940, and provide a �10 SLOVAKIA guileless cross-section of the Slovak political, economic, and cultural life. The problems were grouped under four headings and each division had further subsections. The same pattern will be followed in this study. The subject matter for discussion was to proceed along the following lines: A. Political Problems. 1. Internal Policy: Internally Slovakia was in the middle of a political crisis and Woermann and Killinger briefed Ribbentrop about its extent. They informed him that Tuka and Mach were working on the establishment of the Nazi system in Slovakia ("nazionalsozialistische Staatsfuehrung"), in the spirit of the Salzburg conversations. In this attempt they had to wage a struggle against the opposing forces centered around President Tiso. Tiso',s camp consisted of in Killinger's terminology - clericals, former :Durcansky hangers-on and four members of the government. Tuka demanded dismissal of these ministers, but Tiso ref used to comply with his request. Tuka then decided to fight it out with Tiso, and, according to Killinger, there were forces at work striving for a complete elimination of Tiso from the Slovak political life ( eine vollige Auschaltung Tisos aus dem politischen Leben"). In discussing this question with Tuka, Ribbentrop was advised to recommend that Tuka should apply his measures in such a way as not to affect the position of President Tiso. There was no objection to the eventual removal of the uncooperative ministers, but as far as Tiso was concerned, his removal would only deteriorate and not improve the internal situation in Slovakia. "Tiso" - runs Woermann's recommendation to Ribbentrop - "as Hlinka's successor and the co-founder of the Slovak State, is a very popular personality in Slovakia" ("eine durchhaus volkstuemliche Personlichkeit"), and, therefore, the elimination of the clerical influence should be carried out carefully and possibly by evolutionary means. The conversion of Slovakia into a Christian state according to Schusch- �SLOVAKIA 11 nigg's model ("Staendestatt'), as contemplated by Tiso and his friends, could be prevented even without the removal of Tiso. On the other hand Tuka should be commended for his fight for the Nazi reorientation of Slovakia. 2. Territorial demands: 'rhe second problem Tuka wanted to discuss was the territorial cession of the eastern part of the Protektorat to Slovakia (the region of Moravske Slovacko). In this respect several memoranda were passed to the German Foreign Ministry outlying the reason and justification of this demand. But the Germans were not happy about the proposition. Ribbentrop was advised to tell Tuka that the idea of the frontier rectification in favor of Slovakia could not be considered ("keine Folge gegeben werden koenne" ). 3. Slovak-Hungarian Relations: The Slovak-Hungarian relations were by far the most important point of the discussions. The Vienna Award by which Slovakia was forced to cede part of her territories to Hungary - was a source of constant Slovak grievances and was genuinely detested by all Slovaks, whether they were pro-Nazi, anti-Nazi, or just sitting on the fence. Tuka was convinced that the Salzburg conversations meant a step towards a more acceptable solution. At Salzburg (July 1940) Tiso wrenched from Ribbentrop a somewhat vague and non-committal promise that the question of the frontier rectification between Slovakia and Hungary though unsuitable for settlement at that time - cou~d be considered later ("dass in Augenblick nicht an die Regelung dieser Frage zu denken sei, dass vielleicht spaeter einmal der Augenblick kommen duerfe"). On the basis of this promise the Slovak Foreign Ministry forwarded to Berlin a number of Aide-Memoires, maps and statistical material and wanted them to be examined by the Auslandsinstitut in Stuttgart. Tuka was to ask Ribbentrop for the official German attitude towards these Slovak requests. It was proposed to tell Tuka that the moment for the settlement of the disputed boundary issue was still inap- �12 SLOVAKIA propriate ("Es waere unzeitmaessig diese slowakische Ansprueche jetzt geltent zu machen"). With regard to the examination of the Slovak documentary material by the Auslandsinstitut in Stutgart - since the Germans did not want the Hungarians to get wind that something was going on - it was suggested that this request should be declined. Tuka should be told that the German Foreign Ministry would examine the pertinent Slovak material, but it did not think it expedient to pass such things on to the Auslandsinstitut. 4. Ruthene Question: Then there was the question of the Ruthene minority. This group, about 50,000 strong, was subjected to intense communistic propaganda inciting it to demand the same privileges as those granted to the German ethnic group. The solution of this question required a precarious balance in counteracting the communist propaganda without arousing the suspicions of being hostile towards the USSR which at that time was being courted by the Germans into joining the Tripartite Pact. Tuka was to be told that the Slovak Government would have to try to win the sympathies of the Ruthenes even if it involved the offer of a guarantee of cultural autonomy. But the communist intrigues would have to be suppressed just the same ("Kommunistische Umtriebe unter ihnen waeren zu unterdruecken") . 5. Attitude towards the Croats: It was expected that Tuka, who had just learned about the German attitude towards the Croats, would make an offer to influence the Croats through Slovak propaganda. It was suggested that his declaration should be merely noted and any discussion of his proposal should be declined. B. Economic Problems: The economic topics for the discussions are of equal importance. In spite, or, perhaps because of the war, the Slovak economy was developing very favorably. The Ger- �SLOVAKIA 13 mans were taking 75 per cent of Slovak exports and, contrary to the general belief, were providing valuable expert and material assistance. Nevertheless, there were points of friction even in this sphere, especially with regard to the direction in which the development should proceed. The Germans pressed for projects like the improved facilities of the Bratislava Danube harbor, raising of the level of agricultural economy, erection of family houses for workers, etc., whereas the Slovaks were for industrial development, new factories, improved local communications, etc. At the time of Tuka's visit the Slovak grievances concerned the price increases, tourist trade, and employment of Czech skilled workers. 1. Price Question: The Slovak government was afraid that the price increases might create unwanted social reactions which, in turn, could be exploited by the communists. But the Germans maintained that, since rising prices were a general phenomenon in all Southeast Europe, and also in the Protektorat whose economy was closely bound with Slovakia's, it was desirable for them to go up in Slovakia as well. It was proposed to point out to Tuka that the price increases would, in the long run, increase Slovakia's national income through expansion in exports to Germany and through the wage transfer of the 80,000 Slovak laborers working there. The Germans would try to mitigate the effect of price increases by such measures, for example, as lowering the prices of goods imported from the Protektorat. Likewise - in spite of the recent increases in the price of coal - the export prices of German coal delivered to Slovakia were not increased, but were retained at the level fixed in April, 1940, and would stay there. 2. Tourist Trade: in the mater of the Slovak complaint concerning the rapid decrease in the tourist trade, it was to be stated that there was not much the Germans could do about it. It was, however, to be expected that after the war Slovakia would enjoy an unprecedented tourist activity. �14 SLOVAKIA 3. Employment of Czech Workers: For Tuka this represented another thorny problem. There were still many Czechs working in industrial establishments in Slovakia, mainly as skilled workers. Tuka pressed for their removal, since he saw in them a constant element of unrest ("Unruheherde"). The Germans promised to cooperate, saying that some Czechs had already been transferred. RilJbentrop, however, would have to advise Tuka that those Czechs working in the armament industry could be removed only when satisfactory replacements by skilled Slovak workers had been found. C. Resettlement Problems: 1. Czechs in Slovakia: Tuka strove to rid Slovakia of all Czechs (approximat ely 25,000 in number), as well as t o bring bac 1c to Slovakia all Slovaks living in the Protektorat. Since the negotiations ("Auseinandersetzungverhandlungen") with the Germans were ominously dragging on, Tuka wanted to ask Ribbentrop about the German view on the matter. Ribbentrop was advised to instruct Tuka that the proposal would be examined in due time, but, on the other hand, not to give any prospect for fulfillment of this wish ("Keine Aussicht auf Erfuellung des Wuensches za machen" ). 2. Slovaks in the German POW Camps: After the military collapse of France, several unfortunate Slovaks found themselves as POWs in German captivity. In most cases they were Slovak workers from Paris and from the Northern French coalfields who were mobilized into "Czecho-Slovak" army units to fight for the restoration of the defunct Czecho-Slovak Republic. The Slovak Foreign Ministry had been demanding their release since the end of the Franco-German hostilities, but the German authorities were not very quick in answering. Tuka was to be assured that their release was pending. 3. Slovaks in France: With equal commendable zeal the Slovak Government �SLOVAKIA 15 tried to obtain the release of all Slovaks in the French Army Service, in both occupied and unoccupied France, and pleaded for the repatriation of those who desired it. Tuka was to be told that the Germans looked upon the request with understanding and would give it their support. D. Cultural and Other Problems: In the cultural field there was complete satisfaction on both sides. The Slovak-German cultural relations were very friendly and prepartions for the signing of a Cultural Agreement ("Kultur-Abkomm en") were on the way. Similarly there were no complaints about the treatment of the German ethnic group in Slovakia. IV CONCLUSION Looking at the event after almost 20 years' interval, when one has the benefit of seeing what was back of the German mind, and when one knows all the answers to what were then the annoying questions of the day, it is only too easy to be critical, cynical, or even malicious. Was Tuka really the villain of the drama? Was he really responsible for all subsequent Slovak misfortunes? Was his signature on the Protocol the death-warrant of the Slovak State as some of his critics want us to believe? Or, was he just an innocent victim of circumstances from which there was no way out? Did he merely carry out the inevitable and inescapable steps to save the nation from a much worse disaster, as his admirers try to convince us? Unfortunately there is no straightforward answer to either of these views. Tuka's personality was of a far more complex nature than to be an object of a clear-cut judgment. It would be futile and out of place to argue about this. However, to make the picture as complete as possible, it seems only just to add the following notes by way of a postscript. It is undeniable now, as it was conclusive then, that. the Tripartite Pact was directed against the USA (12) ,, where, as it happened, lived almost a third of the Slovak �16 SLOVAKIA nation. And there is no doubt about Tuka's willingness to have Slovakia bound to Germany lock, stock, and barrel. But the personal ambition of a sick man was not the only why and wherefore behind Tuka's move. There were also political motives and these were by no means insignificant: to gain for Slovakia an honorable place in the New Europe - which at that time was not just a remote phantasy; to ward off the Hungarian danger - as menacing and ubiquitous as ever. It is not always realized that the fear of being swallowed by Hungary had a hand not only at the birth of the Slovak State, but was present in the background of practically every action of subsequent Slovak foreign policy. The political and military situation - at the time of Slovakia's accession to the Pact - strongly favored the German position. Germany was the undisputed master of Europe, and with the USSR she had a Treaty of NonAggression. The USA was keeping out of the war and was likely to stay out. For Hitler and his gang "the war was already won." This thought, however, was not shared by all. There were many who did concede (though they have less courage to admit it now) that the war might finish in a draw Such a situation would have curbed Hitler's ambitions for world domination, but it would leave the nations of Central Europe at his mercy. And it is better to be left at the mercy of a benign than an irate master. Then the question arises as to what would have happened if Tuka "per impossiblile" would have chosen to resist German prompting and decided not to join the bloc. The problem may be highly academic, but the answer to it is less so. In fact, an eloquent reply was provided about three months after Slovakia's accession to the Pact by the adherence of Bulgaria. To the Western way of thinking, Bulgaria was the best of the bad satellites of Hitler. She saved most of her Jewish population from extermination, she did not declare war on the USSR (though the USSR found it expedient to declare war on her). In the face of German pressure she yielded the bare minimum - and this included the accession to the Pact. It is hardly to be expected that Slovak opposition could have been more ef- �SLOVAKIA 17 fective. With no friends and no guarantees in the West, Slovakia could not behave the way Yugoslavia did. REFERENCES 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. W. Shirer: A Berlin Diary, Hamilton, London, 1941,. For the text of the Tripartite Pact see Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression, Vol. V, pp. 355-6, or Int. Affairs, 193946, Vol. III, OUP, 1954, pp. 81-82. C. A. Macartney: October Fifteenth, EdinJburgh Univ. Press, 1956, Vol. I, p. 439. The Hrungarians, went to Vienna, the Rumaniallls and Slovaks to Berlin. Other countries followed suit: Spain secretly in November 1940; Bulgaria on March 1, 1941; Yugoslavia on March 25, 194'1; Croatia, on June 115, 1941'. The USSR nearly joined the Pact, too (See Nazi-Soviet Relations, pp. 248--9, 258-9). Ciano's Diary 1939-43, Heinemann, London, 1947. Ent ry ·of November 20, 11)40: " ... I do not attach much importance to the adherence of these states (Hungary, Rumania and Slovakia) which are vassais of Germany, or almost so. In £act they weaken the Tripartite Agreement itseltf, and s,eem to be useless bits of ersatz diplomacy. " Auswartiges Amt, Buero St. Sekretaer, Besuch Tuka, 610/ 248742-818. 8. For the Delegation's "Who's Who" see Alppendix II. 9. "He (Antonescu) had bairely left Berlin . .. when Dr. Tuka, the Slovak Prime Minister, arrived to sign his counrtry's adhesion to the Pact. The document was ready and his signature was prompt" - Dipl. correspond,e nt of the London "Times". In fact, the s igning took place less than two and ·a halif hours after Tukas' arrival. 1-0. For the text of the Brotocol see Alppendix I. 11. Joseph Lettrich: History of Modern Slovakia, Atlantic Press, London, 1956, p. 167. 12. Ar.ticle 3 of the Pact runs: (The three Contracti!Ilg Parties) "further undertake to assist one another with all political, econemic and military means, if one of them is attacked by a Poweir at present not involved in the European war or in the Chiinese..Jarpanese conflict." This could have meant only the USA or the USSR. But Article 5 stated that the iterms of the Pact did not "in any way aifilieot the politica'l strutus which exists between each of the three Contraicting Parties and Soviet Russiia." APPENDIX I The Protocol of Slovakia's Accession to the Tripartite Pact The Governments of Germany, Italy and Japan, on the one hand, and the Government of Slovakia, on the other hand, represented by the signa,to:ries to the documenrt, declare as follows: 1. Slovakia joins the Tripartite Pact sig.n ed at Berlin on September 27, 1940. 2. As far as the joint technical commissions provided under Article 4 of the Tripartite Pact concern matters affecting Slovak �18 SLOVAKIA interests, Slovakia. will be represented ait the discussions of these committees. 3. The text o;f the Tr.iipartite Pact is atltached to the present Protocol, which is drawn up in the German, Italian, Japanese, and Slovak languages, each text to ha1Ve the validity of the original. The Protocol comes into effect on the da~ of signature . .AIPPENDIX II The Slovak Delegation - Who Was Who: Dr. Vojtech Tuka - Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign A1ff.airs. Born on July 4, 1880, at P.i-argy, Tuka was, before 1918, a Professor of Internationa,l Law at the then Hungarian University at Bratislava. After the first World Wa r he played a leading role in the Slovak autonomist movement of the Hlinka Party. Accused of treason by the Czech Brague, he wa•s involved in the notorious "Tuka Trial." On flimsy and rigged evid'ence he was found guiity of espiona•ge and p:l,,Oltting a,ga,inst the Repuiblic and sentenced to 15 years in ja11. After havi,ng been imprisoned at Pankrac in Prague for more than seven years, sick and nearly blind, he was pardoned by Presidental amnesty, and the remainder of his sentence he was to spend in custody at Plzen. Released in October, 1938, he pr-0mptly resumed his political activity. In the first Slovak independent goviermnent ~March 1J939) he became the deputy Prime Minister and laiter, after the retirement of Sidor. ,also the acting Minfater of Interior. On the election ·of Dr. Joseph Tiso as Presiident o:f Slovakia, Tuka became Brime Minister. Mter the Sal2Jburg Conference (July 1940) Tuka not only retained his post, but a'lso took over the Foreign Ministry. Tuka was executed by the Prague Government in Bratislava August 20, 1946. Slovak Minister in Berlin. A high school Matul Cernak teacher by profession, Cernak had a long record of continuous activity in the ranks of the Hlinka Party. In Septem,ber, 1<938, he was appointed a minister in the Czecho-Slovak Government. He immediately demanded autonomy for Slovakia. This not granted, he resigned in protest. In the first Sloviak autonomous governmenit he was given the post of the Ministry of Educaiti001 (October 11938) and in addition was entrusted with the lead,ership of the Youth Organization (Hlinka's Youth). Being openly for a complete secession, he was imprisoned by the Czechs (March 1939) and treated raither brutaUy. After the Declaration of Slovak Independence he was sent to Germany as the Slovak diplomatic representative. He was killed by a bomb sent through the mail in Munich, July 5, 1955. Karo• Murgal - Ohief of the Propaganda Bureau. A joumaHsit, Murga§ came into prominence in the hectic days of October 1938 Ma!l"Ch 1939. After the Salzburg Oond'eroo.ce· he was made the Chie!f of the Propaganda Bureau as the only suifable ohoice (h,e was the on1y person of irutelligence and aibility ready to toiw the German line). Ing. Jozef Mracna - Ohief of the Political Division of the Slovak Foreign Ministry. Mraona was born on February 21, 1900. He was a career diplomat of the Czooho..Slovak diplomatic service. At the time of the declaration of Slovak independence (March 1939) he was the Cze:cho..Slovak Consul in New York, but immediately offered his services to the Slovak State. Gifted, honest and exiperieru:ed, he was 1 �SLOVAKIA 19 the most caiplllble and authoritative personality in the Slovak Foreig111 Ministry, but later he became rather passive. He enjoyed Tuka's full confidence and in return was his loyal, but not uncritica'l, co-worker. ,or. Raduz Radlinsky - Chief of the Diplomatic Protocol at the Slovak Foreign Miinistry. Former employee of the Czecho-61ovak Foreign Ministry, where he held a minor position in the Protocol. On the basis of this activity he was entrusted with the position of Chief of the Diplomatic Protocol in Bratislava. '11he Germans constantly objected to his position. Lieutenant-Colonel ~tefan Tata.rko Military Aittache at the Slovak Legaition in Berlin. A professional soldier of some ability, Tatarko created practically out of nothing the Sfovak Military Secret Service. Later he was apointed military -atta:che to Berlin. Ait one time he was not trusted by the Germans because of his in:cautiously expressed d'oulbts about final German vietory. But he must have corrected himself, because later he was promoted to the Chief of Cabinet at the Slovak Ministry of defense. Jan Belnay - Commercial Atta:che at the Slovak Legation in Berlin. He was born on Oct-Ober 23, 1900. Mosit of his study-years (in Chemistry) were spent in Germany, the remainder in Prague. He worked at the Czecho-Slovak Economic Academy, a111d Ia1ter at the Czecho-Slovak EX1pOrt Institute. In MaTCh, 11939, he joined the staff of the Slovak Foreign Ministry and s·oon was appointed a commercial attaohe to Berlin. His professional eicperien:ce and fluent knowledge of German served him in good stead and in 1941 he was promoted to the position of Chief of the Diplomatic Protocol. Jan Farkal - Tuka's Adjutant . .A,s a comparnion in T~a's tribulations (he figured in the "Tuka Trial") Fark'as claimed also a share in Tuka's honors. He devoutly followed Tuka's footsteps and parroted his pronoun:cements aholllt the introduction of Nazism into Slovakia, but was not particularly giiited to make a higher grade. A,t one stage Tuka insisted on his appointment as a Minister of Finance, but was rebuff.ed. • • • WHO SAID IT? "Since, in the new situation, it was impossilble to coHa-borate oifficiaHy with the Soviet Union, we . . . d~d nothing which might prejudike or ipre.vent the removal of co-operation at the earliest posstble moment; I need 0I11ly recall how strongly our attitude contrasted with that of many others during the Soviet-Finnish War. Moreover, even in that period, there was no interruption of the personal contacts and exchange of information between ourse1ves rund important Soviet representatives in London, Paris, Washington and elsewhere." - Dr. Hubert Ripka, EAST AND WEST, London. 1944. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1959, Vol. 9 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 4 [sic] (No. 29), March 1959.</li> <li>Issue 5 [sic] (No. 30), June-December 1959.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1959 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 6 SLOVAKIA SLOVAKIA'S ACCESSION TO THE TRIPARTITE PACT Fnmcis Vnuk On September 27, 1940, at the New Chancellery in Berlin, the German-Italian-Japanese Tripartite Pact was signed. "The ceremony of signing" - noted Shirer "was carried through with typical Axis talent for the theatrical." (1) The German and satellite press greeted the occasion as an event of far-reaching importance, a "Magna Charta" of the New Order, which was going to bring about exactly what had been promised in the preamble to the Pact, namely, "world peace" . . . and "prosperity and welfare of the peoples" in Europe and Greater East Asia(2). After the ceremonial signing, Hitler entered the hall to honor the occasion by his presence. Then followed the adulatory speeches of Ribbentrop, Ciano, and Kurusu. In the course of his speech Ribbentrop stated: "The purpose of the Pact is, a:bove an things, to help restore peace to the world as quickly as possible. Therefore, any otherstate, which wishes to adhere to this bloc with the intention of contributing to the restoration of peaceful conditions, will be sincerely and gratefully made welcome and will participate in the economic and political reorganization" (3) In response to this rather blunt hint, the nations of Central Europe, tied to Germany by geopolitical conditions, duly applied for admittance. Hungary was the first in the field, the others following her more or less reluctantly. It was clear to the 'Slovaks and Rumanians that they could not afford to stand aside, even if they wished. They had to rank at least as high in Hitler's esteem as Hungary which still hrad unfulfilled territorial claims against them. And thus towards the end of November, 1940, Hungarian, Rumanian, and Slovak delegations in close succession went to Vienna or Berlin ( 4) to sign the Protocol of adherence to the Tripartitie Pact. Hungary did so on the 20th, Rumania on the 22nd, and Slovakia on the 24th of November, 1940(5). Slovakia's accession to the Tripartite Pact followed the proclamation of the "spiritual adherence" a few weeks SLOVAKIA 7 previously. Though Ciano sneered at the event as "a useless bit of ersatz diplomacy" (6) , the Germans made it into a spectacular State visit which was arranged for Tuka and his entourage. State visits had a strange fascination for Turoa. Nothing appealed to him more than to be a centre of attention, surrounded by high officials, and facing the flashlights of official photographers and reporters. He did not -conceal his disappointment when the Germans advised him against his proposed visit to Rumania, or when the Italians asked him to postpone his offered visit of Italy till "after the war." The signing of the Protocol of Accession enabled him to taste the cherished moments of ceremonial courtesies and at the same time to demonstrate his devotion to Germany. Apart from these rather personal considerations, there were also quite a few important political, economic, and cultural problems to be discussed, new poUcies outlined, and achievements and failures reported. SIGNATURES The German preparations for Tuka's State visit were very detailed and thorough. Tuka was to be received with all the honors and courtesies due to the head of a friendly government. In the captured documents of the former German Foreign Ministry, there is a special file (7) dealing exclusively with various aspects of the visit and this is the principal source of all relevant information. The Slov,ak delegation(8), which consisted of Tuka, Murgas, Mracna, Radlinsky and Farkas, left Bratislava by auto on the afternoon of November 23, 1940. They crossed the bridge to Petrfalka and proceeded to Vienna where ,a special train was awaiting them. The reception there was very austere. There were no guards of honor to inspect, no speeches of welcome; just one representative of the Protocol to accompany them on their night journey to Berlin. '.Dhe train left West Bahnhof at 7:32 P. M. and took them through Linz, Passau, Regensburg, Hof, and Leipzig to the Anhalter Bahnhof, Berlin, where they arrived on Sunday morning at 10 :40 A. M. - just 20 minutes after the Rumanian delegation, its mission accomplished, left Berlin on its return journey (9). 8 SLOVAKIA At the Anhalter Bahnhof everything was pompous, well-organized, and impressive. Welcoming personalities were grouped in four parties. The first party, headed by the Slovak charge d'affaires, consisted of foreign diploma:ts ·and the heads of missions in Berlin. Specially invited German representatives of the Party and the Army were in the second, the members of the Slovak Legation in the third, and the personnel of the German Foreign Ministry in the fourth group. Tuka, as he alighted from his salon-car, was welcomed by Ribbentrop and Matthew Cernak, and introduced by them to the other members of the welcoming parties on the platform. Then followed the inspection of the Guard of Honor. Tuka, in the uniform of the Hlinka Guards and accompanied by Ribbentrop, was trying his unsoldierly best to make his gait and mien look soldier-like. From the station the procession of cars went to Schloss Bellevue which was going to be Tuka's residence during his two-day stay in Berlin. There he was welcomed by Meissner who acted as master of the house (Hausherr). At 11 :30 Tuka paid a visit to Ribbentrop at the latter's office, 73 Wilhelmstrasse, where they spent about an hour in discussion. The great moment came at 1:00 P. M. In the Grand Reception Hall of the New Chancellery stood a huge massive signature table. The representatives of the Press had already taken their places: the foreign correspondents at the window-side, the Germans at the door. At 12:58 P. M., the great door opened and an impressive procession entered. It was led by the Chief of the Diplomatic Protocol. He was followed by Tuka and Ribbentrop, the Japanese Ambassador, the Italian Ambassador and Charge d'Affaires, the Hungarian and Rumanian Ministers, State Secretary Weizsaecker, and State Under-Secretary Gaus. Ribbentrop sat at the center of the table, Tuka at his right and, next to him, the Italian Ambassador and the Rumanian Minister. At Ribbentrop's left were seated the Japanese Ambassador and the Hungarian Minister. Everything went without a hitch like a well-rehearsed drama. The Protocol of Accession (10) was signed amidst SLOVAKIA 9 the flashes of light and rustle of reporter's notebooks, short speeches were solemnly read out and courteous applause resounded in the spacious hall. In the afternoon Ribbentrop gave a reception at the Hotel Adlon for the Slovak Delegation and the members of the Slovak Legation in Berlin. In the morning of the next day (Monday, November 25) Tuka took part in the wreath-laying ceremony at the Ehrenmahl (The War Memorial at the famous Unter den Linden). Another reception was given by Cernak in the afternoon at the Hotel Esplanade. At 5:30 P. M. Tuka had his great and memorable moment. He was taken to the Work Room of the New Chancellery where he was received by Hitler. That was the climax of Tuka's State visit. Shortly before 7 P. M., the Slovak Delegation was again on the Anhalter Bahnhof. With the German and foreign guests to bid them farewell, guards of honor to inspect, hands to shake or raise in Nazi salute, the parting ceremony was as imposing as the welcoming one. At 7:05 P. M., the special train with the Slovak Delegation left Berlin on its return journey to Vienna, where they arrived on November 26, at 10:54 A. M. The Slovak Parliament gave its approval to the Protocol of Accession to the Tripartite Pact on February 6, 1941(11). DISCUSSIONS The records of discussions between Ribbentrop and Tuka were not found. But it is possible to gauge their nature and content from numerous memoranda passed between Ribbentrop and his advisers shortly before Tuka's visit. Some of these memoranda are very sketchy, others go into great details. They deal with subjects which Tuka outlined to Consul-General Wuester (on November 11, 1940) as the topics he would like to discuss perisonally with Ribbentrop on the occasion of his State visit. And even if the discussions did not follow the proposed course exactly, they could not have departed far from it. These memoranda are thus of interest to every student of Slovak affairs. They certainly cast some light on the Slovak scene as it was set in November, 1940, and provide a 10 SLOVAKIA guileless cross-section of the Slovak political, economic, and cultural life. The problems were grouped under four headings and each division had further subsections. The same pattern will be followed in this study. The subject matter for discussion was to proceed along the following lines: A. Political Problems. 1. Internal Policy: Internally Slovakia was in the middle of a political crisis and Woermann and Killinger briefed Ribbentrop about its extent. They informed him that Tuka and Mach were working on the establishment of the Nazi system in Slovakia ("nazionalsozialistische Staatsfuehrung"), in the spirit of the Salzburg conversations. In this attempt they had to wage a struggle against the opposing forces centered around President Tiso. Tiso',s camp consisted of in Killinger's terminology - clericals, former :Durcansky hangers-on and four members of the government. Tuka demanded dismissal of these ministers, but Tiso ref used to comply with his request. Tuka then decided to fight it out with Tiso, and, according to Killinger, there were forces at work striving for a complete elimination of Tiso from the Slovak political life ( eine vollige Auschaltung Tisos aus dem politischen Leben"). In discussing this question with Tuka, Ribbentrop was advised to recommend that Tuka should apply his measures in such a way as not to affect the position of President Tiso. There was no objection to the eventual removal of the uncooperative ministers, but as far as Tiso was concerned, his removal would only deteriorate and not improve the internal situation in Slovakia. "Tiso" - runs Woermann's recommendation to Ribbentrop - "as Hlinka's successor and the co-founder of the Slovak State, is a very popular personality in Slovakia" ("eine durchhaus volkstuemliche Personlichkeit"), and, therefore, the elimination of the clerical influence should be carried out carefully and possibly by evolutionary means. The conversion of Slovakia into a Christian state according to Schusch- SLOVAKIA 11 nigg's model ("Staendestatt'), as contemplated by Tiso and his friends, could be prevented even without the removal of Tiso. On the other hand Tuka should be commended for his fight for the Nazi reorientation of Slovakia. 2. Territorial demands: 'rhe second problem Tuka wanted to discuss was the territorial cession of the eastern part of the Protektorat to Slovakia (the region of Moravske Slovacko). In this respect several memoranda were passed to the German Foreign Ministry outlying the reason and justification of this demand. But the Germans were not happy about the proposition. Ribbentrop was advised to tell Tuka that the idea of the frontier rectification in favor of Slovakia could not be considered ("keine Folge gegeben werden koenne" ). 3. Slovak-Hungarian Relations: The Slovak-Hungarian relations were by far the most important point of the discussions. The Vienna Award by which Slovakia was forced to cede part of her territories to Hungary - was a source of constant Slovak grievances and was genuinely detested by all Slovaks, whether they were pro-Nazi, anti-Nazi, or just sitting on the fence. Tuka was convinced that the Salzburg conversations meant a step towards a more acceptable solution. At Salzburg (July 1940) Tiso wrenched from Ribbentrop a somewhat vague and non-committal promise that the question of the frontier rectification between Slovakia and Hungary though unsuitable for settlement at that time - cou~d be considered later ("dass in Augenblick nicht an die Regelung dieser Frage zu denken sei, dass vielleicht spaeter einmal der Augenblick kommen duerfe"). On the basis of this promise the Slovak Foreign Ministry forwarded to Berlin a number of Aide-Memoires, maps and statistical material and wanted them to be examined by the Auslandsinstitut in Stuttgart. Tuka was to ask Ribbentrop for the official German attitude towards these Slovak requests. It was proposed to tell Tuka that the moment for the settlement of the disputed boundary issue was still inap- 12 SLOVAKIA propriate ("Es waere unzeitmaessig diese slowakische Ansprueche jetzt geltent zu machen"). With regard to the examination of the Slovak documentary material by the Auslandsinstitut in Stutgart - since the Germans did not want the Hungarians to get wind that something was going on - it was suggested that this request should be declined. Tuka should be told that the German Foreign Ministry would examine the pertinent Slovak material, but it did not think it expedient to pass such things on to the Auslandsinstitut. 4. Ruthene Question: Then there was the question of the Ruthene minority. This group, about 50,000 strong, was subjected to intense communistic propaganda inciting it to demand the same privileges as those granted to the German ethnic group. The solution of this question required a precarious balance in counteracting the communist propaganda without arousing the suspicions of being hostile towards the USSR which at that time was being courted by the Germans into joining the Tripartite Pact. Tuka was to be told that the Slovak Government would have to try to win the sympathies of the Ruthenes even if it involved the offer of a guarantee of cultural autonomy. But the communist intrigues would have to be suppressed just the same ("Kommunistische Umtriebe unter ihnen waeren zu unterdruecken") . 5. Attitude towards the Croats: It was expected that Tuka, who had just learned about the German attitude towards the Croats, would make an offer to influence the Croats through Slovak propaganda. It was suggested that his declaration should be merely noted and any discussion of his proposal should be declined. B. Economic Problems: The economic topics for the discussions are of equal importance. In spite, or, perhaps because of the war, the Slovak economy was developing very favorably. The Ger- SLOVAKIA 13 mans were taking 75 per cent of Slovak exports and, contrary to the general belief, were providing valuable expert and material assistance. Nevertheless, there were points of friction even in this sphere, especially with regard to the direction in which the development should proceed. The Germans pressed for projects like the improved facilities of the Bratislava Danube harbor, raising of the level of agricultural economy, erection of family houses for workers, etc., whereas the Slovaks were for industrial development, new factories, improved local communications, etc. At the time of Tuka's visit the Slovak grievances concerned the price increases, tourist trade, and employment of Czech skilled workers. 1. Price Question: The Slovak government was afraid that the price increases might create unwanted social reactions which, in turn, could be exploited by the communists. But the Germans maintained that, since rising prices were a general phenomenon in all Southeast Europe, and also in the Protektorat whose economy was closely bound with Slovakia's, it was desirable for them to go up in Slovakia as well. It was proposed to point out to Tuka that the price increases would, in the long run, increase Slovakia's national income through expansion in exports to Germany and through the wage transfer of the 80,000 Slovak laborers working there. The Germans would try to mitigate the effect of price increases by such measures, for example, as lowering the prices of goods imported from the Protektorat. Likewise - in spite of the recent increases in the price of coal - the export prices of German coal delivered to Slovakia were not increased, but were retained at the level fixed in April, 1940, and would stay there. 2. Tourist Trade: in the mater of the Slovak complaint concerning the rapid decrease in the tourist trade, it was to be stated that there was not much the Germans could do about it. It was, however, to be expected that after the war Slovakia would enjoy an unprecedented tourist activity. 14 SLOVAKIA 3. Employment of Czech Workers: For Tuka this represented another thorny problem. There were still many Czechs working in industrial establishments in Slovakia, mainly as skilled workers. Tuka pressed for their removal, since he saw in them a constant element of unrest ("Unruheherde"). The Germans promised to cooperate, saying that some Czechs had already been transferred. RilJbentrop, however, would have to advise Tuka that those Czechs working in the armament industry could be removed only when satisfactory replacements by skilled Slovak workers had been found. C. Resettlement Problems: 1. Czechs in Slovakia: Tuka strove to rid Slovakia of all Czechs (approximat ely 25,000 in number), as well as t o bring bac 1c to Slovakia all Slovaks living in the Protektorat. Since the negotiations ("Auseinandersetzungverhandlungen") with the Germans were ominously dragging on, Tuka wanted to ask Ribbentrop about the German view on the matter. Ribbentrop was advised to instruct Tuka that the proposal would be examined in due time, but, on the other hand, not to give any prospect for fulfillment of this wish ("Keine Aussicht auf Erfuellung des Wuensches za machen" ). 2. Slovaks in the German POW Camps: After the military collapse of France, several unfortunate Slovaks found themselves as POWs in German captivity. In most cases they were Slovak workers from Paris and from the Northern French coalfields who were mobilized into "Czecho-Slovak" army units to fight for the restoration of the defunct Czecho-Slovak Republic. The Slovak Foreign Ministry had been demanding their release since the end of the Franco-German hostilities, but the German authorities were not very quick in answering. Tuka was to be assured that their release was pending. 3. Slovaks in France: With equal commendable zeal the Slovak Government SLOVAKIA 15 tried to obtain the release of all Slovaks in the French Army Service, in both occupied and unoccupied France, and pleaded for the repatriation of those who desired it. Tuka was to be told that the Germans looked upon the request with understanding and would give it their support. D. Cultural and Other Problems: In the cultural field there was complete satisfaction on both sides. The Slovak-German cultural relations were very friendly and prepartions for the signing of a Cultural Agreement ("Kultur-Abkomm en") were on the way. Similarly there were no complaints about the treatment of the German ethnic group in Slovakia. IV CONCLUSION Looking at the event after almost 20 years' interval, when one has the benefit of seeing what was back of the German mind, and when one knows all the answers to what were then the annoying questions of the day, it is only too easy to be critical, cynical, or even malicious. Was Tuka really the villain of the drama? Was he really responsible for all subsequent Slovak misfortunes? Was his signature on the Protocol the death-warrant of the Slovak State as some of his critics want us to believe? Or, was he just an innocent victim of circumstances from which there was no way out? Did he merely carry out the inevitable and inescapable steps to save the nation from a much worse disaster, as his admirers try to convince us? Unfortunately there is no straightforward answer to either of these views. Tuka's personality was of a far more complex nature than to be an object of a clear-cut judgment. It would be futile and out of place to argue about this. However, to make the picture as complete as possible, it seems only just to add the following notes by way of a postscript. It is undeniable now, as it was conclusive then, that. the Tripartite Pact was directed against the USA (12) ,, where, as it happened, lived almost a third of the Slovak 16 SLOVAKIA nation. And there is no doubt about Tuka's willingness to have Slovakia bound to Germany lock, stock, and barrel. But the personal ambition of a sick man was not the only why and wherefore behind Tuka's move. There were also political motives and these were by no means insignificant: to gain for Slovakia an honorable place in the New Europe - which at that time was not just a remote phantasy; to ward off the Hungarian danger - as menacing and ubiquitous as ever. It is not always realized that the fear of being swallowed by Hungary had a hand not only at the birth of the Slovak State, but was present in the background of practically every action of subsequent Slovak foreign policy. The political and military situation - at the time of Slovakia's accession to the Pact - strongly favored the German position. Germany was the undisputed master of Europe, and with the USSR she had a Treaty of NonAggression. The USA was keeping out of the war and was likely to stay out. For Hitler and his gang "the war was already won." This thought, however, was not shared by all. There were many who did concede (though they have less courage to admit it now) that the war might finish in a draw Such a situation would have curbed Hitler's ambitions for world domination, but it would leave the nations of Central Europe at his mercy. And it is better to be left at the mercy of a benign than an irate master. Then the question arises as to what would have happened if Tuka "per impossiblile" would have chosen to resist German prompting and decided not to join the bloc. The problem may be highly academic, but the answer to it is less so. In fact, an eloquent reply was provided about three months after Slovakia's accession to the Pact by the adherence of Bulgaria. To the Western way of thinking, Bulgaria was the best of the bad satellites of Hitler. She saved most of her Jewish population from extermination, she did not declare war on the USSR (though the USSR found it expedient to declare war on her). In the face of German pressure she yielded the bare minimum - and this included the accession to the Pact. It is hardly to be expected that Slovak opposition could have been more ef- SLOVAKIA 17 fective. With no friends and no guarantees in the West, Slovakia could not behave the way Yugoslavia did. REFERENCES 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. W. Shirer: A Berlin Diary, Hamilton, London, 1941,. For the text of the Tripartite Pact see Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression, Vol. V, pp. 355-6, or Int. Affairs, 193946, Vol. III, OUP, 1954, pp. 81-82. C. A. Macartney: October Fifteenth, EdinJburgh Univ. Press, 1956, Vol. I, p. 439. The Hrungarians, went to Vienna, the Rumaniallls and Slovaks to Berlin. Other countries followed suit: Spain secretly in November 1940; Bulgaria on March 1, 1941; Yugoslavia on March 25, 194'1; Croatia, on June 115, 1941'. The USSR nearly joined the Pact, too (See Nazi-Soviet Relations, pp. 248--9, 258-9). Ciano's Diary 1939-43, Heinemann, London, 1947. Ent ry ·of November 20, 11)40: " ... I do not attach much importance to the adherence of these states (Hungary, Rumania and Slovakia) which are vassais of Germany, or almost so. In £act they weaken the Tripartite Agreement itseltf, and s,eem to be useless bits of ersatz diplomacy. " Auswartiges Amt, Buero St. Sekretaer, Besuch Tuka, 610/ 248742-818. 8. For the Delegation's "Who's Who" see Alppendix II. 9. "He (Antonescu) had bairely left Berlin . .. when Dr. Tuka, the Slovak Prime Minister, arrived to sign his counrtry's adhesion to the Pact. The document was ready and his signature was prompt" - Dipl. correspond,e nt of the London "Times". In fact, the s igning took place less than two and ·a halif hours after Tukas' arrival. 1-0. For the text of the Brotocol see Alppendix I. 11. Joseph Lettrich: History of Modern Slovakia, Atlantic Press, London, 1956, p. 167. 12. Ar.ticle 3 of the Pact runs: (The three Contracti!Ilg Parties) "further undertake to assist one another with all political, econemic and military means, if one of them is attacked by a Poweir at present not involved in the European war or in the Chiinese..Jarpanese conflict." This could have meant only the USA or the USSR. But Article 5 stated that the iterms of the Pact did not "in any way aifilieot the politica'l strutus which exists between each of the three Contraicting Parties and Soviet Russiia." APPENDIX I The Protocol of Slovakia's Accession to the Tripartite Pact The Governments of Germany, Italy and Japan, on the one hand, and the Government of Slovakia, on the other hand, represented by the signa,to:ries to the documenrt, declare as follows: 1. Slovakia joins the Tripartite Pact sig.n ed at Berlin on September 27, 1940. 2. As far as the joint technical commissions provided under Article 4 of the Tripartite Pact concern matters affecting Slovak 18 SLOVAKIA interests, Slovakia. will be represented ait the discussions of these committees. 3. The text o;f the Tr.iipartite Pact is atltached to the present Protocol, which is drawn up in the German, Italian, Japanese, and Slovak languages, each text to ha1Ve the validity of the original. The Protocol comes into effect on the da~ of signature . .AIPPENDIX II The Slovak Delegation - Who Was Who: Dr. Vojtech Tuka - Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign A1ff.airs. Born on July 4, 1880, at P.i-argy, Tuka was, before 1918, a Professor of Internationa,l Law at the then Hungarian University at Bratislava. After the first World Wa r he played a leading role in the Slovak autonomist movement of the Hlinka Party. Accused of treason by the Czech Brague, he wa•s involved in the notorious "Tuka Trial." On flimsy and rigged evid'ence he was found guiity of espiona•ge and p:l,,Oltting a,ga,inst the Repuiblic and sentenced to 15 years in ja11. After havi,ng been imprisoned at Pankrac in Prague for more than seven years, sick and nearly blind, he was pardoned by Presidental amnesty, and the remainder of his sentence he was to spend in custody at Plzen. Released in October, 1938, he pr-0mptly resumed his political activity. In the first Slovak independent goviermnent ~March 1J939) he became the deputy Prime Minister and laiter, after the retirement of Sidor. ,also the acting Minfater of Interior. On the election ·of Dr. Joseph Tiso as Presiident o:f Slovakia, Tuka became Brime Minister. Mter the Sal2Jburg Conference (July 1940) Tuka not only retained his post, but a'lso took over the Foreign Ministry. Tuka was executed by the Prague Government in Bratislava August 20, 1946. Slovak Minister in Berlin. A high school Matul Cernak teacher by profession, Cernak had a long record of continuous activity in the ranks of the Hlinka Party. In Septem,ber, 1<938, he was appointed a minister in the Czecho-Slovak Government. He immediately demanded autonomy for Slovakia. This not granted, he resigned in protest. In the first Sloviak autonomous governmenit he was given the post of the Ministry of Educaiti001 (October 11938) and in addition was entrusted with the lead,ership of the Youth Organization (Hlinka's Youth). Being openly for a complete secession, he was imprisoned by the Czechs (March 1939) and treated raither brutaUy. After the Declaration of Slovak Independence he was sent to Germany as the Slovak diplomatic representative. He was killed by a bomb sent through the mail in Munich, July 5, 1955. Karo• Murgal - Ohief of the Propaganda Bureau. A joumaHsit, Murga§ came into prominence in the hectic days of October 1938 Ma!l"Ch 1939. After the Salzburg Oond'eroo.ce· he was made the Chie!f of the Propaganda Bureau as the only suifable ohoice (h,e was the on1y person of irutelligence and aibility ready to toiw the German line). Ing. Jozef Mracna - Ohief of the Political Division of the Slovak Foreign Ministry. Mraona was born on February 21, 1900. He was a career diplomat of the Czooho..Slovak diplomatic service. At the time of the declaration of Slovak independence (March 1939) he was the Cze:cho..Slovak Consul in New York, but immediately offered his services to the Slovak State. Gifted, honest and exiperieru:ed, he was 1 SLOVAKIA 19 the most caiplllble and authoritative personality in the Slovak Foreig111 Ministry, but later he became rather passive. He enjoyed Tuka's full confidence and in return was his loyal, but not uncritica'l, co-worker. ,or. Raduz Radlinsky - Chief of the Diplomatic Protocol at the Slovak Foreign Miinistry. Former employee of the Czecho-61ovak Foreign Ministry, where he held a minor position in the Protocol. On the basis of this activity he was entrusted with the position of Chief of the Diplomatic Protocol in Bratislava. '11he Germans constantly objected to his position. Lieutenant-Colonel ~tefan Tata.rko Military Aittache at the Slovak Legaition in Berlin. A professional soldier of some ability, Tatarko created practically out of nothing the Sfovak Military Secret Service. Later he was apointed military -atta:che to Berlin. Ait one time he was not trusted by the Germans because of his in:cautiously expressed d'oulbts about final German vietory. But he must have corrected himself, because later he was promoted to the Chief of Cabinet at the Slovak Ministry of defense. Jan Belnay - Commercial Atta:che at the Slovak Legation in Berlin. He was born on Oct-Ober 23, 1900. Mosit of his study-years (in Chemistry) were spent in Germany, the remainder in Prague. He worked at the Czecho-Slovak Economic Academy, a111d Ia1ter at the Czecho-Slovak EX1pOrt Institute. In MaTCh, 11939, he joined the staff of the Slovak Foreign Ministry and s·oon was appointed a commercial attaohe to Berlin. His professional eicperien:ce and fluent knowledge of German served him in good stead and in 1941 he was promoted to the position of Chief of the Diplomatic Protocol. Jan Farkal - Tuka's Adjutant . .A,s a comparnion in T~a's tribulations (he figured in the "Tuka Trial") Fark'as claimed also a share in Tuka's honors. He devoutly followed Tuka's footsteps and parroted his pronoun:cements aholllt the introduction of Nazism into Slovakia, but was not particularly giiited to make a higher grade. A,t one stage Tuka insisted on his appointment as a Minister of Finance, but was rebuff.ed. • • • WHO SAID IT? "Since, in the new situation, it was impossilble to coHa-borate oifficiaHy with the Soviet Union, we . . . d~d nothing which might prejudike or ipre.vent the removal of co-operation at the earliest posstble moment; I need 0I11ly recall how strongly our attitude contrasted with that of many others during the Soviet-Finnish War. Moreover, even in that period, there was no interruption of the personal contacts and exchange of information between ourse1ves rund important Soviet representatives in London, Paris, Washington and elsewhere." - Dr. Hubert Ripka, EAST AND WEST, London. 1944.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovakia's Accession to the Tripartite Pact Description An account of the resource Francis Vnuk Slovakia, Vol. 9, No. 5 (30), June-December 1959 pp. 6-19 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Vnuk, František, 1926- Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource June-December 1959 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/de7449d95c77a4ef87848308a2cdb2bf.pdf 16106590001f2d94cc051620375935a2 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 47 SLOVAKIA'S LIFELINE WITH mE WEST Dr. Ferdinand Durcansky Slovakia's political plight is more difficult than that of the other countries caught behind the iron curtain because Slovakia is ruled not only by Prague, but also by Moscow, thus suffering under a double yoke. The fight of the Slovak people against tyranny and oppression is a two-front fight. There is no doubt that there are communists in Slovakia, but their number and their possibilities are so limited that they cannot impose their rule on the Slovak population without the Czech Communists. It is no mere coincidence that the first secretary of the Communist Party in Slovakia, the most powerful man in the country, is the Czech Karel Bacilek. Key positions in the party and in the state apparatus are also held by Czechs. Even when it is considered expedient to place "comrades" from Slovakia in important positions in the party, state apparatus, or labor unions, these are very often persons of other than Slovak descent. To acquire a deeper insight into this strong adhesion of Prague to Moscow, it is important to realize that the two nations are not only related by Communist, but also by the Pan-Slavic aims. Prague's objectives in ruling Slovakia are supported by Moscow at every turn. Czecho-Slovakia, falsely presented to the West by Edward Benes and his collaborators as a dam against Muscovite pressure, has in reality been nothing more than a springboard between Soviet Russia and the West since 1945. As early as World War H, technical politicians-in-exile, with Benes at their head, determined to work most intimately with Moscow and the Communists, knowing quite well that the Slovaks and the Sudeten Germans would offer resistance to any future domination by Prague. Tangible evidence of this Prague-Moscow liaison is the Moscow-signed treaty between the two governments on December 12, 1943. The Kremlin even used this as a model for later treaties concluded in the building up of its satellite system in Central Europe. This act of Benes, long before Yalta agreements of February 11, 1945, shows that the Czechs were not a victim of Yalta policies 1 �48 SLOVAKIA but its precursors, paving the way for sure support of the Soviet Union in dominating Slovakia and the Sudetenland. Moscow strove during World War II to win over Slovak patriots for Communist collaboration by a ruse calling for Slovak independence. Responsible 'S lovak government officials refused this bait, whereupon the Kremlin sold out Slovakia to Prague. It would be false to speak of CzechoSlovakia as having been taken over by the Kremlin by force, for the majority of the Czech people - under Dr. Edward Benes - declared themselves in agreement with the satellite status of the "legal" introduction into the country of the Communist regime, not in February 1948 as is claimed, but back in 1945. This explains the closely knit relationship between the Czechs and the Soviets as well as the unique nationalistic aspect of the Communist Party in Czecho-Slovakia. To shed further and perhaps more piercing light - if such be needed - on the tight linkage between Prague and the Kremlin, it should be noted that in every controversy between the Kremlin despots and other Communists, Prague always supports Moscow against the others. It is significant that Benes's envoy to the United Nations, Dr. Jan Papanek, voted with the U.S. S. R. on practically all major issues. When misunderstanding and tensions arose, in 1948, between Moscow and Belgrade, the Prague Communist leaders had the main say in the resultant inflammatory campaign of the Soviets against Tito. During the crisis between Warsaw and Moscow in October, 1956, Prague lined up for Khrushchev against Gomulka. When on October 23, 1956, the Hungarian people revolted against Communist tyranny, Prague immediately opposed Imre Nagy in favor of the greatest possible military intervention by the Soviets in Hungary. Not only did Prague let the Soviet military units pass through Slovakia but did all it could to guarantee them unmolested transit in the face of popular indignation. Prague even intervened militarily itself along part of the frontier. When Soviets units imposed the Kadar government of the Hungarians, Prague tried from the first moment on to strengthen its position both politically and economically as far as possible. �SLOVAKIA 49 Vanguard of Soviet Imperialism When, after the 20th Party Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, under the motto of de-Stalinization, a certain easing up of dictatorship was introduced and partial reinstatement took place for some of the victims of Stalinist lawlessness and measures of violence not only in the Soviet Union but also in the satellit es the Communist clique in Prague refused to be influenced thereby and remained completely passive. The Slovak "Titoists", the only kind there are in present Czecho-1Slovakia, have thus far not been reinstated. On the contrary, as a symbol of Stalinist instransigency and loyalty to his methods, Stalin's illuminated statue shines out over Prague after dark. By the election of Antonin Novotny, first party secretary of the Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia, to the position of president of the republic, Moscow's most faithful servant has become the all-powerful viceroy of the Kremlin despots in the C-SR. The logical conclusion is that just as Moscow rulers could rely on 'Prague's Communist leaders in the past, so they shall rely upon them even in the future. Prague despots identify their own Czech interests not only with the Communist aims of Moscow but consider themselves a vanguard of Russian imperialism. Further evidence of Prague's loyalty to Moscow is seen continually in its indiscriminate abetting of all the latter's foreign political aims. It backs up more rigidly than any other satellite Moscow's anti-Adenauer campaign and endeavors to cement the position of the Soviet Zone government in the eastern half of Germany. In the United States, Prague's henchmen seek every opportunity to oppose the perpetuation of a status quo in Asia and Africa and favor the separation of those areas from the sphere of influence of the European powers. Prague has gone so far as to train Asiatics and Africans to become Communist agents and by shipments of arms has gone far to create the insecurity and unrest that prevail in the Near East, Africa, and Asia. Prague Communist rulers have mobilized the vast industrial potential and the capabilities of the people in lands within Czecho-Slovakia to aid Moscow's economic offensive �50 SLOVAKIA in Asia, Africa, and Latin America, and - disregarding the drop in the standard of living of their own population have pursued this aim indefatigably. By means of Communist-schooled advisers, labor unionists and experts, who are employed in installing of industrial plants in these lands, Prague creates seats of unrest in these areas and helps incorporate them into the Moscow sphere of influence. In short, Prague consistently and persistently aids and abets the world-power objectives of the Soviet Union. Ever since 1945 a policy of violence has been exercised against the Slovaks by the Prague government. In May, 1947, the then head of that government, Klement Gottwald, threatened Slovak patriots and asserted that it was a matter of duty to "persecute, ideologically and politically, and if need be administrative ly, the remaining People's Party separatists in Slovakia who are a source of dissent within Czecho-Slovakia." Shortly thereafter he spoke the words: "Today, in every respect, Slovakia is the weakest link in the Republic". Attempts have been made time and again to break the resistance of the Slovak population to Communism by resorting to deportations, acts of violence, concentration camps and a wide variety of oppressive measures customary within Communist countries. Since 1945 more than one-half million persons have been taken from Slovakia and scattered throughout the entire Sudet enland as workers in mines, factories, and agricultural associations, and about 250 thousand Czechs have been resettled into Slovakia as key figures in party and State administration, in agriculture, and the security apparatus, as well as Czech military units which represents pillars of the regime. It suffices to look at the map of Central Europe to see that Slovakia, by dint of her position between Hungary and Poland, on the one side, and the fact that she serves as link for the Bohemian lands and the Soviet Union, on the other side, - while bordering on the free world in the West through Austria - has a key position in the Danubian area. ,Slovak independence is not only in harmony with the wishes of the population, the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, the ideals of democracy and of human �S!,OVAKIA 51 progress, but the interests of the free world. It is to the advantage of freedom-loving people to support the Slovak people's fight for freedom. The independence of Slovakia means a weakening of Prague, a weakening of the Communist empire. Since World War IT, the free world, misled by false hopes, has expected the Kremlin rulers to be satisfied with the status quo and desist from any further ag,g ression. This has caused the powers that were victorious in that war to take a positive stand only with respect to th,~ proCommunist and pro-Soviet political trends from behind the Iron Curtain while turning a cold shoulder to the principal opponent of Communism and Russian imperialism. It is this policy of the western powers and not Soviet military victories - that explains Moscow's success. Because of this unfortunate policy, Moscow's lust for power has been whetted to such a degree that today Khrushchev regards as a matter of course the recognition by the free world of the status quo which the Soviets arrived at by violence and fraud - and in fact, he demands such recognition. The free world fails to see that by supporting the traditional but artificial structure known as "Czecho-Slovakia", it is acting in opposition to its own interests. As long as Prague can continue to throttle Slovakia, the lifeline that feeds the spirit of freedom among the Slovak people runs the grave danger of being cut off from the West forever. • • • WHO SAID IT? "On this, the twenty-,seventh anniversary of the founding Oif the Union of SOIV!iet Sociallist Repu.Jblios, may I express on 'behalJ.f of Sooretary Hull and myself sincere felicitations to you. We may aJl looik forward with full confidence to an eair.ly victory aver the Nazi barbarians and the establishment of an enduring and just peace built on the firm foun:datio1ns of coQPeration and mutual understanding which have been wrought so f.inn1ly in the cru.c1ble o:f war." Edward R. Stettiniius, Acting Secretary of Staite in crublegram sent to V. M. Molotov, Nov. 6, 1944. � SLOVAKIA 47 SLOVAKIA'S LIFELINE WITH mE WEST Dr. Ferdinand Durcansky Slovakia's political plight is more difficult than that of the other countries caught behind the iron curtain because Slovakia is ruled not only by Prague, but also by Moscow, thus suffering under a double yoke. The fight of the Slovak people against tyranny and oppression is a two-front fight. There is no doubt that there are communists in Slovakia, but their number and their possibilities are so limited that they cannot impose their rule on the Slovak population without the Czech Communists. It is no mere coincidence that the first secretary of the Communist Party in Slovakia, the most powerful man in the country, is the Czech Karel Bacilek. Key positions in the party and in the state apparatus are also held by Czechs. Even when it is considered expedient to place "comrades" from Slovakia in important positions in the party, state apparatus, or labor unions, these are very often persons of other than Slovak descent. To acquire a deeper insight into this strong adhesion of Prague to Moscow, it is important to realize that the two nations are not only related by Communist, but also by the Pan-Slavic aims. Prague's objectives in ruling Slovakia are supported by Moscow at every turn. Czecho-Slovakia, falsely presented to the West by Edward Benes and his collaborators as a dam against Muscovite pressure, has in reality been nothing more than a springboard between Soviet Russia and the West since 1945. As early as World War H, technical politicians-in-exile, with Benes at their head, determined to work most intimately with Moscow and the Communists, knowing quite well that the Slovaks and the Sudeten Germans would offer resistance to any future domination by Prague. Tangible evidence of this Prague-Moscow liaison is the Moscow-signed treaty between the two governments on December 12, 1943. The Kremlin even used this as a model for later treaties concluded in the building up of its satellite system in Central Europe. This act of Benes, long before Yalta agreements of February 11, 1945, shows that the Czechs were not a victim of Yalta policies 1 �48 SLOVAKIA but its precursors, paving the way for sure support of the Soviet Union in dominating Slovakia and the Sudetenland. Moscow strove during World War II to win over Slovak patriots for Communist collaboration by a ruse calling for Slovak independence. Responsible 'S lovak government officials refused this bait, whereupon the Kremlin sold out Slovakia to Prague. It would be false to speak of CzechoSlovakia as having been taken over by the Kremlin by force, for the majority of the Czech people - under Dr. Edward Benes - declared themselves in agreement with the satellite status of the "legal" introduction into the country of the Communist regime, not in February 1948 as is claimed, but back in 1945. This explains the closely knit relationship between the Czechs and the Soviets as well as the unique nationalistic aspect of the Communist Party in Czecho-Slovakia. To shed further and perhaps more piercing light - if such be needed - on the tight linkage between Prague and the Kremlin, it should be noted that in every controversy between the Kremlin despots and other Communists, Prague always supports Moscow against the others. It is significant that Benes's envoy to the United Nations, Dr. Jan Papanek, voted with the U.S. S. R. on practically all major issues. When misunderstanding and tensions arose, in 1948, between Moscow and Belgrade, the Prague Communist leaders had the main say in the resultant inflammatory campaign of the Soviets against Tito. During the crisis between Warsaw and Moscow in October, 1956, Prague lined up for Khrushchev against Gomulka. When on October 23, 1956, the Hungarian people revolted against Communist tyranny, Prague immediately opposed Imre Nagy in favor of the greatest possible military intervention by the Soviets in Hungary. Not only did Prague let the Soviet military units pass through Slovakia but did all it could to guarantee them unmolested transit in the face of popular indignation. Prague even intervened militarily itself along part of the frontier. When Soviets units imposed the Kadar government of the Hungarians, Prague tried from the first moment on to strengthen its position both politically and economically as far as possible. �SLOVAKIA 49 Vanguard of Soviet Imperialism When, after the 20th Party Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, under the motto of de-Stalinization, a certain easing up of dictatorship was introduced and partial reinstatement took place for some of the victims of Stalinist lawlessness and measures of violence not only in the Soviet Union but also in the satellit es the Communist clique in Prague refused to be influenced thereby and remained completely passive. The Slovak "Titoists", the only kind there are in present Czecho-1Slovakia, have thus far not been reinstated. On the contrary, as a symbol of Stalinist instransigency and loyalty to his methods, Stalin's illuminated statue shines out over Prague after dark. By the election of Antonin Novotny, first party secretary of the Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia, to the position of president of the republic, Moscow's most faithful servant has become the all-powerful viceroy of the Kremlin despots in the C-SR. The logical conclusion is that just as Moscow rulers could rely on 'Prague's Communist leaders in the past, so they shall rely upon them even in the future. Prague despots identify their own Czech interests not only with the Communist aims of Moscow but consider themselves a vanguard of Russian imperialism. Further evidence of Prague's loyalty to Moscow is seen continually in its indiscriminate abetting of all the latter's foreign political aims. It backs up more rigidly than any other satellite Moscow's anti-Adenauer campaign and endeavors to cement the position of the Soviet Zone government in the eastern half of Germany. In the United States, Prague's henchmen seek every opportunity to oppose the perpetuation of a status quo in Asia and Africa and favor the separation of those areas from the sphere of influence of the European powers. Prague has gone so far as to train Asiatics and Africans to become Communist agents and by shipments of arms has gone far to create the insecurity and unrest that prevail in the Near East, Africa, and Asia. Prague Communist rulers have mobilized the vast industrial potential and the capabilities of the people in lands within Czecho-Slovakia to aid Moscow's economic offensive �50 SLOVAKIA in Asia, Africa, and Latin America, and - disregarding the drop in the standard of living of their own population have pursued this aim indefatigably. By means of Communist-schooled advisers, labor unionists and experts, who are employed in installing of industrial plants in these lands, Prague creates seats of unrest in these areas and helps incorporate them into the Moscow sphere of influence. In short, Prague consistently and persistently aids and abets the world-power objectives of the Soviet Union. Ever since 1945 a policy of violence has been exercised against the Slovaks by the Prague government. In May, 1947, the then head of that government, Klement Gottwald, threatened Slovak patriots and asserted that it was a matter of duty to "persecute, ideologically and politically, and if need be administrative ly, the remaining People's Party separatists in Slovakia who are a source of dissent within Czecho-Slovakia." Shortly thereafter he spoke the words: "Today, in every respect, Slovakia is the weakest link in the Republic". Attempts have been made time and again to break the resistance of the Slovak population to Communism by resorting to deportations, acts of violence, concentration camps and a wide variety of oppressive measures customary within Communist countries. Since 1945 more than one-half million persons have been taken from Slovakia and scattered throughout the entire Sudet enland as workers in mines, factories, and agricultural associations, and about 250 thousand Czechs have been resettled into Slovakia as key figures in party and State administration, in agriculture, and the security apparatus, as well as Czech military units which represents pillars of the regime. It suffices to look at the map of Central Europe to see that Slovakia, by dint of her position between Hungary and Poland, on the one side, and the fact that she serves as link for the Bohemian lands and the Soviet Union, on the other side, - while bordering on the free world in the West through Austria - has a key position in the Danubian area. ,Slovak independence is not only in harmony with the wishes of the population, the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, the ideals of democracy and of human �S!,OVAKIA 51 progress, but the interests of the free world. It is to the advantage of freedom-loving people to support the Slovak people's fight for freedom. The independence of Slovakia means a weakening of Prague, a weakening of the Communist empire. Since World War IT, the free world, misled by false hopes, has expected the Kremlin rulers to be satisfied with the status quo and desist from any further ag,g ression. This has caused the powers that were victorious in that war to take a positive stand only with respect to th,~ proCommunist and pro-Soviet political trends from behind the Iron Curtain while turning a cold shoulder to the principal opponent of Communism and Russian imperialism. It is this policy of the western powers and not Soviet military victories - that explains Moscow's success. Because of this unfortunate policy, Moscow's lust for power has been whetted to such a degree that today Khrushchev regards as a matter of course the recognition by the free world of the status quo which the Soviets arrived at by violence and fraud - and in fact, he demands such recognition. The free world fails to see that by supporting the traditional but artificial structure known as "Czecho-Slovakia", it is acting in opposition to its own interests. As long as Prague can continue to throttle Slovakia, the lifeline that feeds the spirit of freedom among the Slovak people runs the grave danger of being cut off from the West forever. • • • WHO SAID IT? "On this, the twenty-,seventh anniversary of the founding Oif the Union of SOIV!iet Sociallist Repu.Jblios, may I express on 'behalJ.f of Sooretary Hull and myself sincere felicitations to you. We may aJl looik forward with full confidence to an eair.ly victory aver the Nazi barbarians and the establishment of an enduring and just peace built on the firm foun:datio1ns of coQPeration and mutual understanding which have been wrought so f.inn1ly in the cru.c1ble o:f war." Edward R. Stettiniius, Acting Secretary of Staite in crublegram sent to V. M. Molotov, Nov. 6, 1944. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1958, Vol. 8 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 26), March 1958.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 27), June 1958.</li> <li>Issue 3 (No. 28), December 1958.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1958 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 47 SLOVAKIA'S LIFELINE WITH mE WEST Dr. Ferdinand Durcansky Slovakia's political plight is more difficult than that of the other countries caught behind the iron curtain because Slovakia is ruled not only by Prague, but also by Moscow, thus suffering under a double yoke. The fight of the Slovak people against tyranny and oppression is a two-front fight. There is no doubt that there are communists in Slovakia, but their number and their possibilities are so limited that they cannot impose their rule on the Slovak population without the Czech Communists. It is no mere coincidence that the first secretary of the Communist Party in Slovakia, the most powerful man in the country, is the Czech Karel Bacilek. Key positions in the party and in the state apparatus are also held by Czechs. Even when it is considered expedient to place "comrades" from Slovakia in important positions in the party, state apparatus, or labor unions, these are very often persons of other than Slovak descent. To acquire a deeper insight into this strong adhesion of Prague to Moscow, it is important to realize that the two nations are not only related by Communist, but also by the Pan-Slavic aims. Prague's objectives in ruling Slovakia are supported by Moscow at every turn. Czecho-Slovakia, falsely presented to the West by Edward Benes and his collaborators as a dam against Muscovite pressure, has in reality been nothing more than a springboard between Soviet Russia and the West since 1945. As early as World War H, technical politicians-in-exile, with Benes at their head, determined to work most intimately with Moscow and the Communists, knowing quite well that the Slovaks and the Sudeten Germans would offer resistance to any future domination by Prague. Tangible evidence of this Prague-Moscow liaison is the Moscow-signed treaty between the two governments on December 12, 1943. The Kremlin even used this as a model for later treaties concluded in the building up of its satellite system in Central Europe. This act of Benes, long before Yalta agreements of February 11, 1945, shows that the Czechs were not a victim of Yalta policies 1 48 SLOVAKIA but its precursors, paving the way for sure support of the Soviet Union in dominating Slovakia and the Sudetenland. Moscow strove during World War II to win over Slovak patriots for Communist collaboration by a ruse calling for Slovak independence. Responsible 'S lovak government officials refused this bait, whereupon the Kremlin sold out Slovakia to Prague. It would be false to speak of CzechoSlovakia as having been taken over by the Kremlin by force, for the majority of the Czech people - under Dr. Edward Benes - declared themselves in agreement with the satellite status of the "legal" introduction into the country of the Communist regime, not in February 1948 as is claimed, but back in 1945. This explains the closely knit relationship between the Czechs and the Soviets as well as the unique nationalistic aspect of the Communist Party in Czecho-Slovakia. To shed further and perhaps more piercing light - if such be needed - on the tight linkage between Prague and the Kremlin, it should be noted that in every controversy between the Kremlin despots and other Communists, Prague always supports Moscow against the others. It is significant that Benes's envoy to the United Nations, Dr. Jan Papanek, voted with the U.S. S. R. on practically all major issues. When misunderstanding and tensions arose, in 1948, between Moscow and Belgrade, the Prague Communist leaders had the main say in the resultant inflammatory campaign of the Soviets against Tito. During the crisis between Warsaw and Moscow in October, 1956, Prague lined up for Khrushchev against Gomulka. When on October 23, 1956, the Hungarian people revolted against Communist tyranny, Prague immediately opposed Imre Nagy in favor of the greatest possible military intervention by the Soviets in Hungary. Not only did Prague let the Soviet military units pass through Slovakia but did all it could to guarantee them unmolested transit in the face of popular indignation. Prague even intervened militarily itself along part of the frontier. When Soviets units imposed the Kadar government of the Hungarians, Prague tried from the first moment on to strengthen its position both politically and economically as far as possible. SLOVAKIA 49 Vanguard of Soviet Imperialism When, after the 20th Party Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, under the motto of de-Stalinization, a certain easing up of dictatorship was introduced and partial reinstatement took place for some of the victims of Stalinist lawlessness and measures of violence not only in the Soviet Union but also in the satellit es the Communist clique in Prague refused to be influenced thereby and remained completely passive. The Slovak "Titoists", the only kind there are in present Czecho-1Slovakia, have thus far not been reinstated. On the contrary, as a symbol of Stalinist instransigency and loyalty to his methods, Stalin's illuminated statue shines out over Prague after dark. By the election of Antonin Novotny, first party secretary of the Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia, to the position of president of the republic, Moscow's most faithful servant has become the all-powerful viceroy of the Kremlin despots in the C-SR. The logical conclusion is that just as Moscow rulers could rely on 'Prague's Communist leaders in the past, so they shall rely upon them even in the future. Prague despots identify their own Czech interests not only with the Communist aims of Moscow but consider themselves a vanguard of Russian imperialism. Further evidence of Prague's loyalty to Moscow is seen continually in its indiscriminate abetting of all the latter's foreign political aims. It backs up more rigidly than any other satellite Moscow's anti-Adenauer campaign and endeavors to cement the position of the Soviet Zone government in the eastern half of Germany. In the United States, Prague's henchmen seek every opportunity to oppose the perpetuation of a status quo in Asia and Africa and favor the separation of those areas from the sphere of influence of the European powers. Prague has gone so far as to train Asiatics and Africans to become Communist agents and by shipments of arms has gone far to create the insecurity and unrest that prevail in the Near East, Africa, and Asia. Prague Communist rulers have mobilized the vast industrial potential and the capabilities of the people in lands within Czecho-Slovakia to aid Moscow's economic offensive 50 SLOVAKIA in Asia, Africa, and Latin America, and - disregarding the drop in the standard of living of their own population have pursued this aim indefatigably. By means of Communist-schooled advisers, labor unionists and experts, who are employed in installing of industrial plants in these lands, Prague creates seats of unrest in these areas and helps incorporate them into the Moscow sphere of influence. In short, Prague consistently and persistently aids and abets the world-power objectives of the Soviet Union. Ever since 1945 a policy of violence has been exercised against the Slovaks by the Prague government. In May, 1947, the then head of that government, Klement Gottwald, threatened Slovak patriots and asserted that it was a matter of duty to "persecute, ideologically and politically, and if need be administrative ly, the remaining People's Party separatists in Slovakia who are a source of dissent within Czecho-Slovakia." Shortly thereafter he spoke the words: "Today, in every respect, Slovakia is the weakest link in the Republic". Attempts have been made time and again to break the resistance of the Slovak population to Communism by resorting to deportations, acts of violence, concentration camps and a wide variety of oppressive measures customary within Communist countries. Since 1945 more than one-half million persons have been taken from Slovakia and scattered throughout the entire Sudet enland as workers in mines, factories, and agricultural associations, and about 250 thousand Czechs have been resettled into Slovakia as key figures in party and State administration, in agriculture, and the security apparatus, as well as Czech military units which represents pillars of the regime. It suffices to look at the map of Central Europe to see that Slovakia, by dint of her position between Hungary and Poland, on the one side, and the fact that she serves as link for the Bohemian lands and the Soviet Union, on the other side, - while bordering on the free world in the West through Austria - has a key position in the Danubian area. ,Slovak independence is not only in harmony with the wishes of the population, the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, the ideals of democracy and of human S!,OVAKIA 51 progress, but the interests of the free world. It is to the advantage of freedom-loving people to support the Slovak people's fight for freedom. The independence of Slovakia means a weakening of Prague, a weakening of the Communist empire. Since World War IT, the free world, misled by false hopes, has expected the Kremlin rulers to be satisfied with the status quo and desist from any further ag,g ression. This has caused the powers that were victorious in that war to take a positive stand only with respect to th,~ proCommunist and pro-Soviet political trends from behind the Iron Curtain while turning a cold shoulder to the principal opponent of Communism and Russian imperialism. It is this policy of the western powers and not Soviet military victories - that explains Moscow's success. Because of this unfortunate policy, Moscow's lust for power has been whetted to such a degree that today Khrushchev regards as a matter of course the recognition by the free world of the status quo which the Soviets arrived at by violence and fraud - and in fact, he demands such recognition. The free world fails to see that by supporting the traditional but artificial structure known as "Czecho-Slovakia", it is acting in opposition to its own interests. As long as Prague can continue to throttle Slovakia, the lifeline that feeds the spirit of freedom among the Slovak people runs the grave danger of being cut off from the West forever. • • • WHO SAID IT? "On this, the twenty-,seventh anniversary of the founding Oif the Union of SOIV!iet Sociallist Repu.Jblios, may I express on 'behalJ.f of Sooretary Hull and myself sincere felicitations to you. We may aJl looik forward with full confidence to an eair.ly victory aver the Nazi barbarians and the establishment of an enduring and just peace built on the firm foun:datio1ns of coQPeration and mutual understanding which have been wrought so f.inn1ly in the cru.c1ble o:f war." Edward R. Stettiniius, Acting Secretary of Staite in crublegram sent to V. M. Molotov, Nov. 6, 1944.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovakia's Lifeline with the West Description An account of the resource Dr. Ferdinand Ďurčanský Slovakia, Vol. 8, No. 3 (28), December 1958 pp. 47-51 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Ďurčanský, Ferdinand Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource December 1958 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/48db9010a51e0e44c7a014041b30abb2.pdf 66222c37f0096df9ae1815c9fccf02c0 PDF Text Text 31 SLOVAKIA would guarantee the existence oif a 0zeicho-Sloivakia in which they would rule. They 3Jre true foUowers oif Benes: If they are for a central Euroq>ean federation, it is only because of political exiped!iency, or, as Ripka himself so a'PtlY put it: "to gain the sympathies of the demo.craitic world for the CZECH caJuse." The Slovaks, on the other hand, are against any and all forms of Czecho-Slovakia - the federation they were forced into against their will. They are stricmgl,y for a '.Central :IDuropean federation in which Sloiva'kia would be an independent ethnic part, independent oif Bohemia and the 0zechs, and an equal among equals. 1 • • • SLOVAKIA'S RIGHT TO BE HEARD Ann Su Cardwell The Slovak nation has a fong and enrv'iaJble record in the :struggle for freedom and the rights O!f man. That struggle continiues, ,w ith the SlovaJks in this country carrying the'ir share of the rbul'den. How clifrfiicwlt they find it I know only too well it:rom actual experience. '!'here were years when getting the trutJh 1before the Amerilca,n reading 'PUIJ:>lic was next to impossi!ble, and those writers who did succeed oocasional,l y were the ,reciipients ,of letters ()If sha11p criticism and even inrveC:ti!ve. On th3Jt point, too, ·I speak out of experience. It is not necessa'I1)' for me to tell the Slova.tks that Americans in generall hawe ,known ail.I too little of SlovaJkia and its pface in Centra!l European lirfe and 'C!iviliization; and if irn Eastern European life, and dvilization, then in that of Western. Eu1:1oipe and America as well. ,F or despite geograiphical distances am.di differences in lamrgruarge and customs, the entire Western world - and hy that I mean all Europe and Amerrea - is bOIUDd together throughout histo!IY to agree that we do not st-Olp to realize. What haipnot hruppen to one ipeorple has its effect upon pens or the rest, though thait effect may be long in beoom:ing manifest. Surely that point does not need argument these days, does �32 SLOVAKIA when the world is 1ooin,g fo11dbly divided into two great camps. [ think ,ba.dk to the time when my own enlightenm ent on Eastern Europe lbegan. Of course even -as a schoolgirl I had a ,g eneral idea orf the location of Central and Eastern European ;p eoples, which naJturailly i.nc1'uded the .Slaivirc m11tions. That kr.nowledge was lburt slightly improved during my university -and ipost~wn:iversity years. Mter a:11 my <:hief impressions <:onitinued to lbe the inOOIIl/Prehensilble and unpronowncalb1e JwngUJa;ges and the extraordin ary ibeautilful peasant costumes. The faJct w~ that there was simply no ,r eason why I shouild lbe ipairtiicularly interested in those ,peoples. Then <!ame the First Wo rld War, and American readers quidkly became ea;ger students ,o f geog,r ~hy. We were soon on rvery lfarrniliar te11II1s with the iprinted names olf a lot of cities and towns aJUd loca;lities that left us icOIIlllP,letely dumb when we tried to rp:rionounice them, until we mastered the phonetic helip girven us in 'bhe daily paipers as the war progressed. But the sum of it aM wa:s that we ,b ecame vitally interested in what was hruppening in this hitherto uniknoWlll world. The vigorously conducted movement that resulted in the creation ,o f the new state of 0.zeoho,Slova!kia made us aware of the vitwty ,olf those two ,peoples. Thomas Masaryk 'beoome a name and a symbol •a round which ~tered an immense American enthusiasm . But all this was something in whd:ch I !persona:Hy had no part, and so I r~ll little else of that movement e:,oceipt the enthusiasm of icerlain groups, and the ·g reat pulblicity girven the or eation oif what ,w as ha.Ned as a new democracy. Little did I dream that l was to live neighbor to that new state for 17 years. I am more fortunate than most Ameri(!alls when it comes to getting a chance to iknoiw Europe of our time. In 1922 my husband, an eJOpert in 1persorunel training, was loaned by the Alrnerican YiMCA to helip the neiwliy organized YMCA's in Ozecho-Slova.k-ia and Poland get themsclves established . (I :s houid ~lain here that Ann Su Cardwell is my pen name. iMy rea!l name is Mrs. Paw Suiper.) My husband had /been over there but a short time when the �SLOVAKIA 33 Pales asked him to lbecome na,tioll!al director of their YMCA. He oocepted on wndition that I would -agree. I did, for a temn of two · yeara. I ha'Ve ,aJreadiy said we stayed seventeen, lea.ving at midnight of the day the Red Aranry crossed the Polish4Soiviet firontier, Septemlber 17, 1939. We were in Rumania, Hwnga,i,y, l3Jil.d France anotiher nine months before returning to Arrnerioa after the fa:U of fiance. We had lost a:11 we had 'in our Warsaw rupartment, and that was oonsideraJble. Yet we did not count the loos. We had never boon narrow in our outlook, for we had been privileged to iknow .A!meric"a ;fir.om coast to coast and had lived ten years in Honolulu. 'Burt IDurape ,was somethin,g else. It was the ;place Of Arrneri~n origins; and conscious of our ignorance we began di•ligentliy to acquaint 01.l!rselves with Em-ope. One of the !first coiuntri.es I wa:s to vis.it was OzechoSlovaJkia, as everyfbodry then said, but ,which I now refer to simply as IS'loivaikia. There was a conference in T,rencin, whieh mry hu.sband had to attend. My son and I went ,a iong. I irecaM the very attraotirve place where we stayed, the pleasant pe<>iple, the ,g ood food, the lorvely country, the lbeautid:ul things in the ,g ift shops, eSipeciaB.y the briUiant embroidery. I think eJVery woman at the colliference bought at least one blouse "to send 'home." A better introduction to a country than that ivisit afforded could 'hardly ibe asked. From Tren:cin we took the :train to Vienna, and that jowney aicross the southwest corner of iSlowrukia is memoraJble not only for its scenery but the, castle ruins. The names of the castles haive, of course, escaped me, though I was duly instnrcted as or be:fo:re we passed them, but the beaiuty of that scenery shall remain with me forever. Now after the introduction what d!id I learn aJbout Slovakia? ·F or one thing, that it is laiiger than severall well a,nd honoralbly lkm,own European states. Swi,merl,and, Belgi'llllll, Denmark, for insta.:nce. .Arul -w ho would ,propose that these ,n ations ,s houM 4ose their independence and identity? Slova,kia is not th'inl'Y :populated, either. · One cannot say precisely what the tpopulation figures are now, uncertain as we are of the extent o:f 'Moscow's deportation and exter1 �34 SLOVAKIA mination aictiivities, ,plus the importation of elements from the Soviet Union. !But we can still ,be sU1re that the Slovaik population has not 'been too seriously affected. But why was it that we on this side of the Atlantic knew so Jittle aJbout 1Slava1kia during the years preceeding World War I? That is easHy anS1Wered. It 'had been so completely incOI1J)OTated ·i nto Hungary that it did not maJke the i.!Illlpression l.J!POn us as it would have, had it beein a separate sbate. How much space did American histories giive Slovakia? A •parngraiph? But Switzerland - every American schoo~boy and schoolgiTl :knew something of that country's history, ,c,ouild call U!p clear images of pictured mountains and chalets, knew that for watches and clooks no ipeople •c ould compete with t!he. ·Swiss. Perhaips pu:bhcation'S ltke the _National Geograiphic Magruzine carried illrustrated articles on Slovakia, as it did ,and does on little known parts of the world as well. as on the known. But if so, they were for the entertainment of the curious and of arm-chair trruvellers, rather than for informative purposes, on the history and problems orf the Slova;ks. Unless Americans •c ame in ·contact with Slovaks who had emigrated lfnom their unfortunate homelaind to free Ameriica, they never heard olf how the Slova!ks had fought through the ,c enturies to 1pre·se11ve their freedoon or throw off the oppresso•r 's yolke when it had been laiid ,u pon them. We know noching otf the fier,ce Slovruk resistance to swarming Tatar hordes that came up over the "Blaelk Trail" to loot a,nd burn in Burope and ,retire with ca,p tives to be sold in the slawe mankets of tthe East. We knew little or nothing of Slovaik battles •w'ith invading Turks; nothing of the never...ceasing effort to hold their own against German domination amd ·aSiSimilation; and ivery little of the hopeless struggle to prevent .b eing swallowed up by Hungary. And how much more, may I aSik, do Ameri·cans !know of the underigrounrl struggJe itlhat is going on in SlovaJkia today against the tools orf Moscow? I know how difficult it is to. get tmstworthy news out of the lands behind the Iron Curtain, and then how difficult it is to get the press here to take it. But I hope the Slovaks �SLOVAKIA 35 never allow di,s coora:gement to get hold ol[ them. And as for Slo:va!k history, they now hruve an excellent vol,urrne in Mr. Yurehaik's "'.Dhe SlowaJks," to iput before their Americrun. friends and those who should be, their friends. I lose no chan'Ce to recommend it. Norw the magnificent thing about Slo1Vak history is that it is the story of a 1peo1p le that despite oppression, which in all. too many instances reduced the 1Sloivaks to what was little better than an runimal existence,, never lost the consciousness of tJheir nationality and the rights that nationality gave them. The Slovruk spirit !burned with a /bright unwruvering flame. How many Americans know the story of the prirvate schools that were estalblished when the SlovaJk language was not pernn1tted in the state schools? How boo1ks were written and printed, how collection;s of things ipreserving the Slo:vruk tradition, culture, and history were made; how the vairious dfa.iJ.ects were unified to become one recognized languruge? How denationaHzat ion was fought at every turn, and that the num!ber of Slovaks who ,su:ocumbed to magyarfaation for eoonomi1c or sociail reasons was very small compared with the numlber that stubbo,r nly paid the price for remaining 1Slovalks, keeping the SlovaJk farm of thei,r namee: and folllowing Slova:k c;ustoms? Resistantce to denationaliza tion woultl not a1wa,ys remain pass,iive. There were times when protest after protest was made, ruppead after ruppeal. But even when noble Hungarians valiantly espoused the Slovak Slide and sometimes won what seemed a victory, nothing ever came of it. The Slovaks were either scorned or ignored. Then sometimes conditions lbecaime intoleraJble and Slovruk leaders called for fo11ce. But what could ri-sin,gs of the oppressed do against ove:rwheJJining fo,r ee? Oppression of a people for century after century naturally leaids individuals among that people to despairing resignation. They for.get that if the blood of the martyrs is the seed Olf the churich, it is no less true that the blood of the ,p atriots is the seed of the free nation. That is as true America as it is of any other land. Lt is true of tSlovaJkia. m. �36 SLOVAKIA BecaUJSe of the martyrs and the. patriots, there never ceased to ,be a SlovaJlda ipopulated iby Slovaks. And so it came rubout as a wholly logical sequence that when World War I showed the fatal wealkness of the Austro-SiULtllg.arian ffimpire, the minorities within it, among them the SlovaJks, made their bid for freedom. But there is another higihly important factor that, while it has !been in existence for some time, now comes into the limelight. That is the Slovalk element in Ameriica. 1 mentioned earlier the .fact that Slov:alks had either to accept denationalization or leaive their homeland if they hoped fo,r advancement in. any field. There could be but one result in such a situation, namely, the potential leadership of a Slovakian movement for lilberation -was largely drained out of the country and aibso:lfued into the 'Citizenship of other countries. And leadershifp is a temi. that in this instance: alt any rate included eiconomic resources. Where and how that leadership airose I need not recite to the Slovalks who were O!f that ndble comp81Ily. Friends in Western Europe swelled the ranks. We should not forget that during all those years of oppressi,o n there had been a few voirces raised in an eiifort oo let the ,w orld know, in the hope thalt pressure oould be. brought to bear upon a professedly Om-istian. E)rrupiire to right the wrongs. That these revealers o(f the truth oo.e after another failed to stir the West does not talke fu,am theiir good will. The Slo:va/k,s were wise enough to underatand that it wais useless for a smrull Centrrul European oou,nt,r,y to attempt to maintain its independence. There was and it seemed there would always ibe a powerif1U[ amlbitious st.ate on either side. Little countries lying between them rwould always tempt them. Nothing except force sufficient . to irestmm. them would deter them from cooking Ulp one excuse oir ainother for moiving in and taikill!g ,p ossession. 'Dhe only way to get that ne:cessrury force was tJhroug,h union of smaller nations in some sort of federation. lt was but natural, therefore that when the Czechs, straining every effort through Czech leaders in America to gain Owch independence, proposed the Sl()IVaJks join them. �SLOVAKIA 37 There was agreement. A new creation, Ozecho~lovakia, a demooraoy with a;utonomy for eruch partner in the union was to be hera[ded to the world. 'l'he SlorvaJks were ,particular to require sipedfic ,provisions for Slo,vakiia's pos,ition in that union, as is penfootly clear through Ozech acceptance of the iPittsbtu,gh Aig,rooment. ,I n that the db.ligations assumed by eacll party are doowmented, as aire the prinicip'les accepted by each as the foundation upon which the new state would 1 rest. I well ,remem1ber the hig'h enthusiasm wiitll which Americans welcomed the birth of the new state. Oze.cho-Slovrulcia and demooracy see:m.ed toi be words interchangealble in meaning. Thomas Masa,'rylk was spoiken orf as one of the greatest statesmen orf the age, a "Grand Old Mam.," ea.reh of these three words oogi:rming with a caipital letter. Masary!k was a great main in those days and, I was told, that he was a SlO!Vak ,b y birth; but education lhaid -made him Czech in outlook, and that was to be most unfortunate in its eJffects. But at the time, Masaryk's star outshone a11 others in the Ozech0-1SlO!V'aJk slcy, and ilf •w e heard of the Pittsburgh Agreement it got all too little notice. 'r.he rest iis ;painful to recall. Instead orf a Ozecho..Slorvakia where Ozoohs an:d Slovaks, were "equals with equals, a state compairaJble in admirustratirve f.ree with free" oi,gain.izations to the Swiss cantons - the Ozech leaders utterlry disregarded the solemn compact with their Slovak brothers, inrvented reasons for disarvowing it, and emlbarked at the outset on a centralization !I)Ol'icy that put all authority in .Prague. And desipite vociferous and continual protests it ,was a ipolicy followed through to the end. It was a iba4d assumption of Czech suiperi-0rity. Yet we must 1be just and remember that not all Czechs approrved that poliey. There haid been Ozechs supporting, and very valiantly, the Slovruk side of the debate whille the Pittsburgh Algireement iwas under discussion. So alS-O there ,were 07.eehs who did not rupprove the Masaryfic&nes repudiation of that aigreement. But they could not inlfilruence the men launched on the ,r oad toward a Ozooh--controMed union. How easy it is for men to fall viictim to ,t he lust for power! Their judgment warped lby excessive American �SLOVAKIA 38 praise, Benes and his adherents believed that only the Ozechs had the vision and the competence to administer and guide the state fOT whose creation they toolk the credit. They flouted the ivery prindples of democracy on which the state had been estaJblished. They lbecaJme dbsessed with the idea of develo.ping a Ozecho-Sl01Vrukia in which there would ibe no hyphen ~d no crupital S, in which the Ozech would lbe dominant, and whose peqple ,woUJl.d lbe known as "CzeichosJava!ks." They were too blind to see that surc!h a project was foredoomed to faiJure; that a people who if or a thOIU'sand years had endured sub9ection and yet preserived their disitinrctirve cuiltuire, traditions, and toogue was not materirul ,f or amalgamation. But truth and justice were refused a heairing. By devious a:rigume:i:its those in the seats of ipower ,p rofessed to justify their couir~. All these years, even after his crupituil.ation ,t o the Germans, Benes was the ideal democrat in the eyes of many Americans. He waJS :referred to as "the aJblest diiplomat in Europe - the top EurOlpean statesman." The legend of his democra oy has clun,g to .h'im despite the record. But IDdwa11d Benes was not the 1p aragon he was held to 1be. He was not a great .statesman but a clever politician, with the cleverness too often in question. We in PoJ.and knew only too well that Czecho~Sloivakia was not the embodiment of democracy Americans naively swpposed it to be, amd iknew that Benes was not the democrat they ibelieved him to .be. But nothing we oouild say lhad .a ny effect. We were a,ccmsed of indulging in malice and jealousy betcause, as they in -their swperior intelligence asserted, we Hived in Poland, a co'Uiltry ruled by a dictator! Which showed how much they did NOT know. 1 Few .Americrun.s had ,been in either country; if they had, it was for a brief stay only. They made stopover !Visits in Praigiue and Warsruw fo,r a daiy or so while enroute to that most delig,hbfiul ( !) olf all taurist lands, the SoiViet Union f.rom w'hich honest ones came out somewhat less, lyrical than when they went in. In iPra·g ue they met Oze:chs, as a rule, saw the really siplendid Czech industries and arts, but saw and heard little of SlovaJks and Slcxvalkia. If they did it was �SLOVAKIA 39 as. '.'Cz~chosloivakia." The Ozechs, in American Olpinion, were E1qTope's ,p rize exh'ilbit. ls .it any wonder they got satisd'action out of the role O!I' that it infiluenced their own opinion of themselives? Wehl, "God doesn't rpay erv~ day, but He pays," a famous French woman is credited with hav:mg ,w ritten. And Benes and those with him who . framed and ex~ruted thek mistaiken policres have made the final accounting. Surrely no one can envy rthem their fasit years, when in oiverweening confiidenice in their own aibility they wallked inrt o the Soiviet traip, were deiprived of al!l ,p ower, and lingered on runtil death ifilter;vened. But the past is ,p ast. We cannot change its pattern. We review it oruy to 1earn its les,s on, that the same mistaik es may n01t lbe made again. For t!hinlking people it is farll oif guide posts to that fuitme which while we talk betomes the present. What of that future for Sloivrukia? The .~lovaJks are aH w~l a;ware of how mtroh it deipends upon them. SloivaJkia must olf course ibe free. Of that there is no question. But then what? · · You will ,prolbaJbly rugree that the position tiruken at the time the Slov,aiks thre,w in their lot with the Cze.chs was soU!Ild. Oze:chs and Slovaks are, ib1ood kin. They are neighbors, .destined to be neighlbors with nonmaJl commercial and other relations, unless another iron curtain des:coo.ds. There is good reason to hope that after these years otf serivitude to :Moscow the Czechs wil!l .better understand international and ibrotherly relationsh1ps and the spirit of cooperntion. One thing will he~p - t'hey haive not the ;remarkrub~e reputation in America that they onice had. They are less akin to the angcls and deiddedlly more mortal. A real Sio:vak state and a real Ozech state - eaJOh indiividual and independent - should ~ppear after the StaUn'ists are induced to. •r eturn to their own bor,ders. · Yet formation of these separate inmvidurul states is oruy a beginning. Thmwghout the ruges there has been a Gffl'ma,n .push to the east and a Russian to the west. In that is the care oif the prdblem the world stiN faces. It is the threat �40 SLOVAKIA that haiS ai1Jways hung lake the sword of Demooles a!bove the heads oif the peoples ibetween t!he Bail.tic, the Adriatic, and the Black seas. There is a solution to that prOlblem, but one which our Administration in Waslhington for some reason refuses to re!Cogni:ze. That is a regionrul federation in Centrrul and Eastern IDuirqpe. Iif the roughly 11'5,000,000 (POOI>le in that area were in a f~eration that gaJVe them a customs unii.on, a common currency, .s tandardized a'rnlled forces under some kind of a joint comma,nld, a common foreign policy, and whatever e:l:se in icammon or in cooperation they agreed upon while retaining cooniplete control of their initernrul aliai:rs, that federation would fu:rnn so ipowenfiul an dbsta.cile to aggression that no power would dare eJq)and in its direction. There is not spruce here to disouss the enomnous and varied adJvantages that wouil.d come to each of the countries entering into suoh a federation. Moscow has forcilb1y produced a regional union, but what a travesty it is! It is ,t o be hoped that when tJhe day of U'beration comes, the exiles from t)lese Jands WOI1king togetller ,w ith .Americans whose all!cestors came from those lands will ha;ve plains fur swch a regiomcl federation thoroughly discussed and prepared. Lt wou!ld be fol!ly to wait until after liberation to get r eady. I lknow how faithlfully and persistently the Slovaks hwve been fighting all these• re!Cent years that .Americans might iknow the trult'h rubout !Slovalkia. 1It is caJUSe for rejoici.n!g that t:Jhe representa:tiives oif the peoples behind the ITop Curtain are uniting in a common effort to fight communism. The Sllovaiks hruve good grounds for holding up their heads in this fight, for .they hruve Sloivalkia with them. They are not a front behind which stands a paltry few. From what country do we get news of more effective guerilla resastantce, o:r of a greater resistance on the part of the people to soviet~ati.Qn? The Sl01Vak:.s are making t hemselves a force to be redkoned with in mor e ways than one . I close on a note of ,confidence in the future. The struggle for the liberation and ,r ~tablishment of a free Central �SLOVAKIA 41 and East :mu.rope wi'hl .r equire all the wisdom, courage, and persist.eillCe we can commaind. Lt will mean further suffering and blood saic:riifice on the part of the peoples of that area, possilbly on OUT own part. But in the end right wm t.:r,iumiph over might. The signs ,t hat the tide is at last b,eginnin.g to turn in Riight's fawor a.re ruppearing on the horizon, and we will :liive to see the task to whlch we haive set ourselves accomplished. ,SlolV'alkia, too, shall lbe free! • • • SLOVA.KIA AND INTERNATIONAL INTERESTS IN 1938 Joseph Kirschbaum From the very beginning of Czecho-Slovakia, for twenty entire years, Czech policy and diplomacy succeeded in presenting the Slovak question as an internal problem, about which the outside world could say nothing without disturbing the sovereignty of the Czecho..Slovak State. Even professor Ernest Denis of the Sorbonne in Paris, who was quite partial to the Czech nation, wrote as early as 1917 that "the Slovak question is of European importance" (1), but for Czech politicians it was only an insignificant administrative problem. They refused to admit the existence of any Slovak problem. Thus it happened that Slovakia and Slovak politicians were not mentioned in international official documents until the fall of 1938. The storm, which broke loose over CzechoSlovakia, tore the cloak of Czech propaganda to shreds, and Slovakia, together with other problems of the Czecho-Slovak State, came to the forefront of European interests. This happened primarily through the neighbors of Czecho-Slovakia, each of whom wished to solve the Slovak question according to their own interests. Since these were not always in accord with the interests of the Slovaks, the representatives of the Slovak nation undertook everything possible to save Slovakia from the catastrophe into which the Czecho..Slovak Republic was led lby the policy of Prague. And so, almost simultaneously, we find documents which tell us, on the one hand, of the efforts to annex Slovakia to Hungary or � 31 SLOVAKIA would guarantee the existence oif a 0zeicho-Sloivakia in which they would rule. They 3Jre true foUowers oif Benes: If they are for a central Euroq>ean federation, it is only because of political exiped!iency, or, as Ripka himself so a'PtlY put it: "to gain the sympathies of the demo.craitic world for the CZECH caJuse." The Slovaks, on the other hand, are against any and all forms of Czecho-Slovakia - the federation they were forced into against their will. They are stricmgl,y for a '.Central :IDuropean federation in which Sloiva'kia would be an independent ethnic part, independent oif Bohemia and the 0zechs, and an equal among equals. 1 • • • SLOVAKIA'S RIGHT TO BE HEARD Ann Su Cardwell The Slovak nation has a fong and enrv'iaJble record in the :struggle for freedom and the rights O!f man. That struggle continiues, ,w ith the SlovaJks in this country carrying the'ir share of the rbul'den. How clifrfiicwlt they find it I know only too well it:rom actual experience. '!'here were years when getting the trutJh 1before the Amerilca,n reading 'PUIJ:>lic was next to impossi!ble, and those writers who did succeed oocasional,l y were the ,reciipients ,of letters ()If sha11p criticism and even inrveC:ti!ve. On th3Jt point, too, ·I speak out of experience. It is not necessa'I1)' for me to tell the Slova.tks that Americans in generall hawe ,known ail.I too little of SlovaJkia and its pface in Centra!l European lirfe and 'C!iviliization; and if irn Eastern European life, and dvilization, then in that of Western. Eu1:1oipe and America as well. ,F or despite geograiphical distances am.di differences in lamrgruarge and customs, the entire Western world - and hy that I mean all Europe and Amerrea - is bOIUDd together throughout histo!IY to agree that we do not st-Olp to realize. What haipnot hruppen to one ipeorple has its effect upon pens or the rest, though thait effect may be long in beoom:ing manifest. Surely that point does not need argument these days, does �32 SLOVAKIA when the world is 1ooin,g fo11dbly divided into two great camps. [ think ,ba.dk to the time when my own enlightenm ent on Eastern Europe lbegan. Of course even -as a schoolgirl I had a ,g eneral idea orf the location of Central and Eastern European ;p eoples, which naJturailly i.nc1'uded the .Slaivirc m11tions. That kr.nowledge was lburt slightly improved during my university -and ipost~wn:iversity years. Mter a:11 my <:hief impressions <:onitinued to lbe the inOOIIl/Prehensilble and unpronowncalb1e JwngUJa;ges and the extraordin ary ibeautilful peasant costumes. The faJct w~ that there was simply no ,r eason why I shouild lbe ipairtiicularly interested in those ,peoples. Then <!ame the First Wo rld War, and American readers quidkly became ea;ger students ,o f geog,r ~hy. We were soon on rvery lfarrniliar te11II1s with the iprinted names olf a lot of cities and towns aJUd loca;lities that left us icOIIlllP,letely dumb when we tried to rp:rionounice them, until we mastered the phonetic helip girven us in 'bhe daily paipers as the war progressed. But the sum of it aM wa:s that we ,b ecame vitally interested in what was hruppening in this hitherto uniknoWlll world. The vigorously conducted movement that resulted in the creation ,o f the new state of 0.zeoho,Slova!kia made us aware of the vitwty ,olf those two ,peoples. Thomas Masaryk 'beoome a name and a symbol •a round which ~tered an immense American enthusiasm . But all this was something in whd:ch I !persona:Hy had no part, and so I r~ll little else of that movement e:,oceipt the enthusiasm of icerlain groups, and the ·g reat pulblicity girven the or eation oif what ,w as ha.Ned as a new democracy. Little did I dream that l was to live neighbor to that new state for 17 years. I am more fortunate than most Ameri(!alls when it comes to getting a chance to iknoiw Europe of our time. In 1922 my husband, an eJOpert in 1persorunel training, was loaned by the Alrnerican YiMCA to helip the neiwliy organized YMCA's in Ozecho-Slova.k-ia and Poland get themsclves established . (I :s houid ~lain here that Ann Su Cardwell is my pen name. iMy rea!l name is Mrs. Paw Suiper.) My husband had /been over there but a short time when the �SLOVAKIA 33 Pales asked him to lbecome na,tioll!al director of their YMCA. He oocepted on wndition that I would -agree. I did, for a temn of two · yeara. I ha'Ve ,aJreadiy said we stayed seventeen, lea.ving at midnight of the day the Red Aranry crossed the Polish4Soiviet firontier, Septemlber 17, 1939. We were in Rumania, Hwnga,i,y, l3Jil.d France anotiher nine months before returning to Arrnerioa after the fa:U of fiance. We had lost a:11 we had 'in our Warsaw rupartment, and that was oonsideraJble. Yet we did not count the loos. We had never boon narrow in our outlook, for we had been privileged to iknow .A!meric"a ;fir.om coast to coast and had lived ten years in Honolulu. 'Burt IDurape ,was somethin,g else. It was the ;place Of Arrneri~n origins; and conscious of our ignorance we began di•ligentliy to acquaint 01.l!rselves with Em-ope. One of the !first coiuntri.es I wa:s to vis.it was OzechoSlovaJkia, as everyfbodry then said, but ,which I now refer to simply as IS'loivaikia. There was a conference in T,rencin, whieh mry hu.sband had to attend. My son and I went ,a iong. I irecaM the very attraotirve place where we stayed, the pleasant pe<>iple, the ,g ood food, the lorvely country, the lbeautid:ul things in the ,g ift shops, eSipeciaB.y the briUiant embroidery. I think eJVery woman at the colliference bought at least one blouse "to send 'home." A better introduction to a country than that ivisit afforded could 'hardly ibe asked. From Tren:cin we took the :train to Vienna, and that jowney aicross the southwest corner of iSlowrukia is memoraJble not only for its scenery but the, castle ruins. The names of the castles haive, of course, escaped me, though I was duly instnrcted as or be:fo:re we passed them, but the beaiuty of that scenery shall remain with me forever. Now after the introduction what d!id I learn aJbout Slovakia? ·F or one thing, that it is laiiger than severall well a,nd honoralbly lkm,own European states. Swi,merl,and, Belgi'llllll, Denmark, for insta.:nce. .Arul -w ho would ,propose that these ,n ations ,s houM 4ose their independence and identity? Slova,kia is not th'inl'Y :populated, either. · One cannot say precisely what the tpopulation figures are now, uncertain as we are of the extent o:f 'Moscow's deportation and exter1 �34 SLOVAKIA mination aictiivities, ,plus the importation of elements from the Soviet Union. !But we can still ,be sU1re that the Slovaik population has not 'been too seriously affected. But why was it that we on this side of the Atlantic knew so Jittle aJbout 1Slava1kia during the years preceeding World War I? That is easHy anS1Wered. It 'had been so completely incOI1J)OTated ·i nto Hungary that it did not maJke the i.!Illlpression l.J!POn us as it would have, had it beein a separate sbate. How much space did American histories giive Slovakia? A •parngraiph? But Switzerland - every American schoo~boy and schoolgiTl :knew something of that country's history, ,c,ouild call U!p clear images of pictured mountains and chalets, knew that for watches and clooks no ipeople •c ould compete with t!he. ·Swiss. Perhaips pu:bhcation'S ltke the _National Geograiphic Magruzine carried illrustrated articles on Slovakia, as it did ,and does on little known parts of the world as well. as on the known. But if so, they were for the entertainment of the curious and of arm-chair trruvellers, rather than for informative purposes, on the history and problems orf the Slova;ks. Unless Americans •c ame in ·contact with Slovaks who had emigrated lfnom their unfortunate homelaind to free Ameriica, they never heard olf how the Slova!ks had fought through the ,c enturies to 1pre·se11ve their freedoon or throw off the oppresso•r 's yolke when it had been laiid ,u pon them. We know noching otf the fier,ce Slovruk resistance to swarming Tatar hordes that came up over the "Blaelk Trail" to loot a,nd burn in Burope and ,retire with ca,p tives to be sold in the slawe mankets of tthe East. We knew little or nothing of Slovaik battles •w'ith invading Turks; nothing of the never...ceasing effort to hold their own against German domination amd ·aSiSimilation; and ivery little of the hopeless struggle to prevent .b eing swallowed up by Hungary. And how much more, may I aSik, do Ameri·cans !know of the underigrounrl struggJe itlhat is going on in SlovaJkia today against the tools orf Moscow? I know how difficult it is to. get tmstworthy news out of the lands behind the Iron Curtain, and then how difficult it is to get the press here to take it. But I hope the Slovaks �SLOVAKIA 35 never allow di,s coora:gement to get hold ol[ them. And as for Slo:va!k history, they now hruve an excellent vol,urrne in Mr. Yurehaik's "'.Dhe SlowaJks," to iput before their Americrun. friends and those who should be, their friends. I lose no chan'Ce to recommend it. Norw the magnificent thing about Slo1Vak history is that it is the story of a 1peo1p le that despite oppression, which in all. too many instances reduced the 1Sloivaks to what was little better than an runimal existence,, never lost the consciousness of tJheir nationality and the rights that nationality gave them. The Slovruk spirit !burned with a /bright unwruvering flame. How many Americans know the story of the prirvate schools that were estalblished when the SlovaJk language was not pernn1tted in the state schools? How boo1ks were written and printed, how collection;s of things ipreserving the Slo:vruk tradition, culture, and history were made; how the vairious dfa.iJ.ects were unified to become one recognized languruge? How denationaHzat ion was fought at every turn, and that the num!ber of Slovaks who ,su:ocumbed to magyarfaation for eoonomi1c or sociail reasons was very small compared with the numlber that stubbo,r nly paid the price for remaining 1Slovalks, keeping the SlovaJk farm of thei,r namee: and folllowing Slova:k c;ustoms? Resistantce to denationaliza tion woultl not a1wa,ys remain pass,iive. There were times when protest after protest was made, ruppead after ruppeal. But even when noble Hungarians valiantly espoused the Slovak Slide and sometimes won what seemed a victory, nothing ever came of it. The Slovaks were either scorned or ignored. Then sometimes conditions lbecaime intoleraJble and Slovruk leaders called for fo11ce. But what could ri-sin,gs of the oppressed do against ove:rwheJJining fo,r ee? Oppression of a people for century after century naturally leaids individuals among that people to despairing resignation. They for.get that if the blood of the martyrs is the seed Olf the churich, it is no less true that the blood of the ,p atriots is the seed of the free nation. That is as true America as it is of any other land. Lt is true of tSlovaJkia. m. �36 SLOVAKIA BecaUJSe of the martyrs and the. patriots, there never ceased to ,be a SlovaJlda ipopulated iby Slovaks. And so it came rubout as a wholly logical sequence that when World War I showed the fatal wealkness of the Austro-SiULtllg.arian ffimpire, the minorities within it, among them the SlovaJks, made their bid for freedom. But there is another higihly important factor that, while it has !been in existence for some time, now comes into the limelight. That is the Slovalk element in Ameriica. 1 mentioned earlier the .fact that Slov:alks had either to accept denationalization or leaive their homeland if they hoped fo,r advancement in. any field. There could be but one result in such a situation, namely, the potential leadership of a Slovakian movement for lilberation -was largely drained out of the country and aibso:lfued into the 'Citizenship of other countries. And leadershifp is a temi. that in this instance: alt any rate included eiconomic resources. Where and how that leadership airose I need not recite to the Slovalks who were O!f that ndble comp81Ily. Friends in Western Europe swelled the ranks. We should not forget that during all those years of oppressi,o n there had been a few voirces raised in an eiifort oo let the ,w orld know, in the hope thalt pressure oould be. brought to bear upon a professedly Om-istian. E)rrupiire to right the wrongs. That these revealers o(f the truth oo.e after another failed to stir the West does not talke fu,am theiir good will. The Slo:va/k,s were wise enough to underatand that it wais useless for a smrull Centrrul European oou,nt,r,y to attempt to maintain its independence. There was and it seemed there would always ibe a powerif1U[ amlbitious st.ate on either side. Little countries lying between them rwould always tempt them. Nothing except force sufficient . to irestmm. them would deter them from cooking Ulp one excuse oir ainother for moiving in and taikill!g ,p ossession. 'Dhe only way to get that ne:cessrury force was tJhroug,h union of smaller nations in some sort of federation. lt was but natural, therefore that when the Czechs, straining every effort through Czech leaders in America to gain Owch independence, proposed the Sl()IVaJks join them. �SLOVAKIA 37 There was agreement. A new creation, Ozecho~lovakia, a demooraoy with a;utonomy for eruch partner in the union was to be hera[ded to the world. 'l'he SlorvaJks were ,particular to require sipedfic ,provisions for Slo,vakiia's pos,ition in that union, as is penfootly clear through Ozech acceptance of the iPittsbtu,gh Aig,rooment. ,I n that the db.ligations assumed by eacll party are doowmented, as aire the prinicip'les accepted by each as the foundation upon which the new state would 1 rest. I well ,remem1ber the hig'h enthusiasm wiitll which Americans welcomed the birth of the new state. Oze.cho-Slovrulcia and demooracy see:m.ed toi be words interchangealble in meaning. Thomas Masa,'rylk was spoiken orf as one of the greatest statesmen orf the age, a "Grand Old Mam.," ea.reh of these three words oogi:rming with a caipital letter. Masary!k was a great main in those days and, I was told, that he was a SlO!Vak ,b y birth; but education lhaid -made him Czech in outlook, and that was to be most unfortunate in its eJffects. But at the time, Masaryk's star outshone a11 others in the Ozech0-1SlO!V'aJk slcy, and ilf •w e heard of the Pittsburgh Agreement it got all too little notice. 'r.he rest iis ;painful to recall. Instead orf a Ozecho..Slorvakia where Ozoohs an:d Slovaks, were "equals with equals, a state compairaJble in admirustratirve f.ree with free" oi,gain.izations to the Swiss cantons - the Ozech leaders utterlry disregarded the solemn compact with their Slovak brothers, inrvented reasons for disarvowing it, and emlbarked at the outset on a centralization !I)Ol'icy that put all authority in .Prague. And desipite vociferous and continual protests it ,was a ipolicy followed through to the end. It was a iba4d assumption of Czech suiperi-0rity. Yet we must 1be just and remember that not all Czechs approrved that poliey. There haid been Ozechs supporting, and very valiantly, the Slovruk side of the debate whille the Pittsburgh Algireement iwas under discussion. So alS-O there ,were 07.eehs who did not rupprove the Masaryfic&nes repudiation of that aigreement. But they could not inlfilruence the men launched on the ,r oad toward a Ozooh--controMed union. How easy it is for men to fall viictim to ,t he lust for power! Their judgment warped lby excessive American �SLOVAKIA 38 praise, Benes and his adherents believed that only the Ozechs had the vision and the competence to administer and guide the state fOT whose creation they toolk the credit. They flouted the ivery prindples of democracy on which the state had been estaJblished. They lbecaJme dbsessed with the idea of develo.ping a Ozecho-Sl01Vrukia in which there would ibe no hyphen ~d no crupital S, in which the Ozech would lbe dominant, and whose peqple ,woUJl.d lbe known as "CzeichosJava!ks." They were too blind to see that surc!h a project was foredoomed to faiJure; that a people who if or a thOIU'sand years had endured sub9ection and yet preserived their disitinrctirve cuiltuire, traditions, and toogue was not materirul ,f or amalgamation. But truth and justice were refused a heairing. By devious a:rigume:i:its those in the seats of ipower ,p rofessed to justify their couir~. All these years, even after his crupituil.ation ,t o the Germans, Benes was the ideal democrat in the eyes of many Americans. He waJS :referred to as "the aJblest diiplomat in Europe - the top EurOlpean statesman." The legend of his democra oy has clun,g to .h'im despite the record. But IDdwa11d Benes was not the 1p aragon he was held to 1be. He was not a great .statesman but a clever politician, with the cleverness too often in question. We in PoJ.and knew only too well that Czecho~Sloivakia was not the embodiment of democracy Americans naively swpposed it to be, amd iknew that Benes was not the democrat they ibelieved him to .be. But nothing we oouild say lhad .a ny effect. We were a,ccmsed of indulging in malice and jealousy betcause, as they in -their swperior intelligence asserted, we Hived in Poland, a co'Uiltry ruled by a dictator! Which showed how much they did NOT know. 1 Few .Americrun.s had ,been in either country; if they had, it was for a brief stay only. They made stopover !Visits in Praigiue and Warsruw fo,r a daiy or so while enroute to that most delig,hbfiul ( !) olf all taurist lands, the SoiViet Union f.rom w'hich honest ones came out somewhat less, lyrical than when they went in. In iPra·g ue they met Oze:chs, as a rule, saw the really siplendid Czech industries and arts, but saw and heard little of SlovaJks and Slcxvalkia. If they did it was �SLOVAKIA 39 as. '.'Cz~chosloivakia." The Ozechs, in American Olpinion, were E1qTope's ,p rize exh'ilbit. ls .it any wonder they got satisd'action out of the role O!I' that it infiluenced their own opinion of themselives? Wehl, "God doesn't rpay erv~ day, but He pays," a famous French woman is credited with hav:mg ,w ritten. And Benes and those with him who . framed and ex~ruted thek mistaiken policres have made the final accounting. Surrely no one can envy rthem their fasit years, when in oiverweening confiidenice in their own aibility they wallked inrt o the Soiviet traip, were deiprived of al!l ,p ower, and lingered on runtil death ifilter;vened. But the past is ,p ast. We cannot change its pattern. We review it oruy to 1earn its les,s on, that the same mistaik es may n01t lbe made again. For t!hinlking people it is farll oif guide posts to that fuitme which while we talk betomes the present. What of that future for Sloivrukia? The .~lovaJks are aH w~l a;ware of how mtroh it deipends upon them. SloivaJkia must olf course ibe free. Of that there is no question. But then what? · · You will ,prolbaJbly rugree that the position tiruken at the time the Slov,aiks thre,w in their lot with the Cze.chs was soU!Ild. Oze:chs and Slovaks are, ib1ood kin. They are neighbors, .destined to be neighlbors with nonmaJl commercial and other relations, unless another iron curtain des:coo.ds. There is good reason to hope that after these years otf serivitude to :Moscow the Czechs wil!l .better understand international and ibrotherly relationsh1ps and the spirit of cooperntion. One thing will he~p - t'hey haive not the ;remarkrub~e reputation in America that they onice had. They are less akin to the angcls and deiddedlly more mortal. A real Sio:vak state and a real Ozech state - eaJOh indiividual and independent - should ~ppear after the StaUn'ists are induced to. •r eturn to their own bor,ders. · Yet formation of these separate inmvidurul states is oruy a beginning. Thmwghout the ruges there has been a Gffl'ma,n .push to the east and a Russian to the west. In that is the care oif the prdblem the world stiN faces. It is the threat �40 SLOVAKIA that haiS ai1Jways hung lake the sword of Demooles a!bove the heads oif the peoples ibetween t!he Bail.tic, the Adriatic, and the Black seas. There is a solution to that prOlblem, but one which our Administration in Waslhington for some reason refuses to re!Cogni:ze. That is a regionrul federation in Centrrul and Eastern IDuirqpe. Iif the roughly 11'5,000,000 (POOI>le in that area were in a f~eration that gaJVe them a customs unii.on, a common currency, .s tandardized a'rnlled forces under some kind of a joint comma,nld, a common foreign policy, and whatever e:l:se in icammon or in cooperation they agreed upon while retaining cooniplete control of their initernrul aliai:rs, that federation would fu:rnn so ipowenfiul an dbsta.cile to aggression that no power would dare eJq)and in its direction. There is not spruce here to disouss the enomnous and varied adJvantages that wouil.d come to each of the countries entering into suoh a federation. Moscow has forcilb1y produced a regional union, but what a travesty it is! It is ,t o be hoped that when tJhe day of U'beration comes, the exiles from t)lese Jands WOI1king togetller ,w ith .Americans whose all!cestors came from those lands will ha;ve plains fur swch a regiomcl federation thoroughly discussed and prepared. Lt wou!ld be fol!ly to wait until after liberation to get r eady. I lknow how faithlfully and persistently the Slovaks hwve been fighting all these• re!Cent years that .Americans might iknow the trult'h rubout !Slovalkia. 1It is caJUSe for rejoici.n!g that t:Jhe representa:tiives oif the peoples behind the ITop Curtain are uniting in a common effort to fight communism. The Sllovaiks hruve good grounds for holding up their heads in this fight, for .they hruve Sloivalkia with them. They are not a front behind which stands a paltry few. From what country do we get news of more effective guerilla resastantce, o:r of a greater resistance on the part of the people to soviet~ati.Qn? The Sl01Vak:.s are making t hemselves a force to be redkoned with in mor e ways than one . I close on a note of ,confidence in the future. The struggle for the liberation and ,r ~tablishment of a free Central �SLOVAKIA 41 and East :mu.rope wi'hl .r equire all the wisdom, courage, and persist.eillCe we can commaind. Lt will mean further suffering and blood saic:riifice on the part of the peoples of that area, possilbly on OUT own part. But in the end right wm t.:r,iumiph over might. The signs ,t hat the tide is at last b,eginnin.g to turn in Riight's fawor a.re ruppearing on the horizon, and we will :liive to see the task to whlch we haive set ourselves accomplished. ,SlolV'alkia, too, shall lbe free! • • • SLOVA.KIA AND INTERNATIONAL INTERESTS IN 1938 Joseph Kirschbaum From the very beginning of Czecho-Slovakia, for twenty entire years, Czech policy and diplomacy succeeded in presenting the Slovak question as an internal problem, about which the outside world could say nothing without disturbing the sovereignty of the Czecho..Slovak State. Even professor Ernest Denis of the Sorbonne in Paris, who was quite partial to the Czech nation, wrote as early as 1917 that "the Slovak question is of European importance" (1), but for Czech politicians it was only an insignificant administrative problem. They refused to admit the existence of any Slovak problem. Thus it happened that Slovakia and Slovak politicians were not mentioned in international official documents until the fall of 1938. The storm, which broke loose over CzechoSlovakia, tore the cloak of Czech propaganda to shreds, and Slovakia, together with other problems of the Czecho-Slovak State, came to the forefront of European interests. This happened primarily through the neighbors of Czecho-Slovakia, each of whom wished to solve the Slovak question according to their own interests. Since these were not always in accord with the interests of the Slovaks, the representatives of the Slovak nation undertook everything possible to save Slovakia from the catastrophe into which the Czecho..Slovak Republic was led lby the policy of Prague. And so, almost simultaneously, we find documents which tell us, on the one hand, of the efforts to annex Slovakia to Hungary or � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1953, Vol. 3 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 6), April 1953.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 7), July 1953.</li> <li>Issue 3 (No. 8), September 1953.</li> <li>Issue 4 (No. 9), December 1953.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1953 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 31 SLOVAKIA would guarantee the existence oif a 0zeicho-Sloivakia in which they would rule. They 3Jre true foUowers oif Benes: If they are for a central Euroq>ean federation, it is only because of political exiped!iency, or, as Ripka himself so a'PtlY put it: "to gain the sympathies of the demo.craitic world for the CZECH caJuse." The Slovaks, on the other hand, are against any and all forms of Czecho-Slovakia - the federation they were forced into against their will. They are stricmgl,y for a '.Central :IDuropean federation in which Sloiva'kia would be an independent ethnic part, independent oif Bohemia and the 0zechs, and an equal among equals. 1 • • • SLOVAKIA'S RIGHT TO BE HEARD Ann Su Cardwell The Slovak nation has a fong and enrv'iaJble record in the :struggle for freedom and the rights O!f man. That struggle continiues, ,w ith the SlovaJks in this country carrying the'ir share of the rbul'den. How clifrfiicwlt they find it I know only too well it:rom actual experience. '!'here were years when getting the trutJh 1before the Amerilca,n reading 'PUIJ:>lic was next to impossi!ble, and those writers who did succeed oocasional,l y were the ,reciipients ,of letters ()If sha11p criticism and even inrveC:ti!ve. On th3Jt point, too, ·I speak out of experience. It is not necessa'I1)' for me to tell the Slova.tks that Americans in generall hawe ,known ail.I too little of SlovaJkia and its pface in Centra!l European lirfe and 'C!iviliization; and if irn Eastern European life, and dvilization, then in that of Western. Eu1:1oipe and America as well. ,F or despite geograiphical distances am.di differences in lamrgruarge and customs, the entire Western world - and hy that I mean all Europe and Amerrea - is bOIUDd together throughout histo!IY to agree that we do not st-Olp to realize. What haipnot hruppen to one ipeorple has its effect upon pens or the rest, though thait effect may be long in beoom:ing manifest. Surely that point does not need argument these days, does 32 SLOVAKIA when the world is 1ooin,g fo11dbly divided into two great camps. [ think ,ba.dk to the time when my own enlightenm ent on Eastern Europe lbegan. Of course even -as a schoolgirl I had a ,g eneral idea orf the location of Central and Eastern European ;p eoples, which naJturailly i.nc1'uded the .Slaivirc m11tions. That kr.nowledge was lburt slightly improved during my university -and ipost~wn:iversity years. Mter a:11 my <:hief impressions <:onitinued to lbe the inOOIIl/Prehensilble and unpronowncalb1e JwngUJa;ges and the extraordin ary ibeautilful peasant costumes. The faJct w~ that there was simply no ,r eason why I shouild lbe ipairtiicularly interested in those ,peoples. Then <!ame the First Wo rld War, and American readers quidkly became ea;ger students ,o f geog,r ~hy. We were soon on rvery lfarrniliar te11II1s with the iprinted names olf a lot of cities and towns aJUd loca;lities that left us icOIIlllP,letely dumb when we tried to rp:rionounice them, until we mastered the phonetic helip girven us in 'bhe daily paipers as the war progressed. But the sum of it aM wa:s that we ,b ecame vitally interested in what was hruppening in this hitherto uniknoWlll world. The vigorously conducted movement that resulted in the creation ,o f the new state of 0.zeoho,Slova!kia made us aware of the vitwty ,olf those two ,peoples. Thomas Masaryk 'beoome a name and a symbol •a round which ~tered an immense American enthusiasm . But all this was something in whd:ch I !persona:Hy had no part, and so I r~ll little else of that movement e:,oceipt the enthusiasm of icerlain groups, and the ·g reat pulblicity girven the or eation oif what ,w as ha.Ned as a new democracy. Little did I dream that l was to live neighbor to that new state for 17 years. I am more fortunate than most Ameri(!alls when it comes to getting a chance to iknoiw Europe of our time. In 1922 my husband, an eJOpert in 1persorunel training, was loaned by the Alrnerican YiMCA to helip the neiwliy organized YMCA's in Ozecho-Slova.k-ia and Poland get themsclves established . (I :s houid ~lain here that Ann Su Cardwell is my pen name. iMy rea!l name is Mrs. Paw Suiper.) My husband had /been over there but a short time when the SLOVAKIA 33 Pales asked him to lbecome na,tioll!al director of their YMCA. He oocepted on wndition that I would -agree. I did, for a temn of two · yeara. I ha'Ve ,aJreadiy said we stayed seventeen, lea.ving at midnight of the day the Red Aranry crossed the Polish4Soiviet firontier, Septemlber 17, 1939. We were in Rumania, Hwnga,i,y, l3Jil.d France anotiher nine months before returning to Arrnerioa after the fa:U of fiance. We had lost a:11 we had 'in our Warsaw rupartment, and that was oonsideraJble. Yet we did not count the loos. We had never boon narrow in our outlook, for we had been privileged to iknow .A!meric"a ;fir.om coast to coast and had lived ten years in Honolulu. 'Burt IDurape ,was somethin,g else. It was the ;place Of Arrneri~n origins; and conscious of our ignorance we began di•ligentliy to acquaint 01.l!rselves with Em-ope. One of the !first coiuntri.es I wa:s to vis.it was OzechoSlovaJkia, as everyfbodry then said, but ,which I now refer to simply as IS'loivaikia. There was a conference in T,rencin, whieh mry hu.sband had to attend. My son and I went ,a iong. I irecaM the very attraotirve place where we stayed, the pleasant pe<>iple, the ,g ood food, the lorvely country, the lbeautid:ul things in the ,g ift shops, eSipeciaB.y the briUiant embroidery. I think eJVery woman at the colliference bought at least one blouse "to send 'home." A better introduction to a country than that ivisit afforded could 'hardly ibe asked. From Tren:cin we took the :train to Vienna, and that jowney aicross the southwest corner of iSlowrukia is memoraJble not only for its scenery but the, castle ruins. The names of the castles haive, of course, escaped me, though I was duly instnrcted as or be:fo:re we passed them, but the beaiuty of that scenery shall remain with me forever. Now after the introduction what d!id I learn aJbout Slovakia? ·F or one thing, that it is laiiger than severall well a,nd honoralbly lkm,own European states. Swi,merl,and, Belgi'llllll, Denmark, for insta.:nce. .Arul -w ho would ,propose that these ,n ations ,s houM 4ose their independence and identity? Slova,kia is not th'inl'Y :populated, either. · One cannot say precisely what the tpopulation figures are now, uncertain as we are of the extent o:f 'Moscow's deportation and exter1 34 SLOVAKIA mination aictiivities, ,plus the importation of elements from the Soviet Union. !But we can still ,be sU1re that the Slovaik population has not 'been too seriously affected. But why was it that we on this side of the Atlantic knew so Jittle aJbout 1Slava1kia during the years preceeding World War I? That is easHy anS1Wered. It 'had been so completely incOI1J)OTated ·i nto Hungary that it did not maJke the i.!Illlpression l.J!POn us as it would have, had it beein a separate sbate. How much space did American histories giive Slovakia? A •parngraiph? But Switzerland - every American schoo~boy and schoolgiTl :knew something of that country's history, ,c,ouild call U!p clear images of pictured mountains and chalets, knew that for watches and clooks no ipeople •c ould compete with t!he. ·Swiss. Perhaips pu:bhcation'S ltke the _National Geograiphic Magruzine carried illrustrated articles on Slovakia, as it did ,and does on little known parts of the world as well. as on the known. But if so, they were for the entertainment of the curious and of arm-chair trruvellers, rather than for informative purposes, on the history and problems orf the Slova;ks. Unless Americans •c ame in ·contact with Slovaks who had emigrated lfnom their unfortunate homelaind to free Ameriica, they never heard olf how the Slova!ks had fought through the ,c enturies to 1pre·se11ve their freedoon or throw off the oppresso•r 's yolke when it had been laiid ,u pon them. We know noching otf the fier,ce Slovruk resistance to swarming Tatar hordes that came up over the "Blaelk Trail" to loot a,nd burn in Burope and ,retire with ca,p tives to be sold in the slawe mankets of tthe East. We knew little or nothing of Slovaik battles •w'ith invading Turks; nothing of the never...ceasing effort to hold their own against German domination amd ·aSiSimilation; and ivery little of the hopeless struggle to prevent .b eing swallowed up by Hungary. And how much more, may I aSik, do Ameri·cans !know of the underigrounrl struggJe itlhat is going on in SlovaJkia today against the tools orf Moscow? I know how difficult it is to. get tmstworthy news out of the lands behind the Iron Curtain, and then how difficult it is to get the press here to take it. But I hope the Slovaks SLOVAKIA 35 never allow di,s coora:gement to get hold ol[ them. And as for Slo:va!k history, they now hruve an excellent vol,urrne in Mr. Yurehaik's "'.Dhe SlowaJks," to iput before their Americrun. friends and those who should be, their friends. I lose no chan'Ce to recommend it. Norw the magnificent thing about Slo1Vak history is that it is the story of a 1peo1p le that despite oppression, which in all. too many instances reduced the 1Sloivaks to what was little better than an runimal existence,, never lost the consciousness of tJheir nationality and the rights that nationality gave them. The Slovruk spirit !burned with a /bright unwruvering flame. How many Americans know the story of the prirvate schools that were estalblished when the SlovaJk language was not pernn1tted in the state schools? How boo1ks were written and printed, how collection;s of things ipreserving the Slo:vruk tradition, culture, and history were made; how the vairious dfa.iJ.ects were unified to become one recognized languruge? How denationaHzat ion was fought at every turn, and that the num!ber of Slovaks who ,su:ocumbed to magyarfaation for eoonomi1c or sociail reasons was very small compared with the numlber that stubbo,r nly paid the price for remaining 1Slovalks, keeping the SlovaJk farm of thei,r namee: and folllowing Slova:k c;ustoms? Resistantce to denationaliza tion woultl not a1wa,ys remain pass,iive. There were times when protest after protest was made, ruppead after ruppeal. But even when noble Hungarians valiantly espoused the Slovak Slide and sometimes won what seemed a victory, nothing ever came of it. The Slovaks were either scorned or ignored. Then sometimes conditions lbecaime intoleraJble and Slovruk leaders called for fo11ce. But what could ri-sin,gs of the oppressed do against ove:rwheJJining fo,r ee? Oppression of a people for century after century naturally leaids individuals among that people to despairing resignation. They for.get that if the blood of the martyrs is the seed Olf the churich, it is no less true that the blood of the ,p atriots is the seed of the free nation. That is as true America as it is of any other land. Lt is true of tSlovaJkia. m. 36 SLOVAKIA BecaUJSe of the martyrs and the. patriots, there never ceased to ,be a SlovaJlda ipopulated iby Slovaks. And so it came rubout as a wholly logical sequence that when World War I showed the fatal wealkness of the Austro-SiULtllg.arian ffimpire, the minorities within it, among them the SlovaJks, made their bid for freedom. But there is another higihly important factor that, while it has !been in existence for some time, now comes into the limelight. That is the Slovalk element in Ameriica. 1 mentioned earlier the .fact that Slov:alks had either to accept denationalization or leaive their homeland if they hoped fo,r advancement in. any field. There could be but one result in such a situation, namely, the potential leadership of a Slovakian movement for lilberation -was largely drained out of the country and aibso:lfued into the 'Citizenship of other countries. And leadershifp is a temi. that in this instance: alt any rate included eiconomic resources. Where and how that leadership airose I need not recite to the Slovalks who were O!f that ndble comp81Ily. Friends in Western Europe swelled the ranks. We should not forget that during all those years of oppressi,o n there had been a few voirces raised in an eiifort oo let the ,w orld know, in the hope thalt pressure oould be. brought to bear upon a professedly Om-istian. E)rrupiire to right the wrongs. That these revealers o(f the truth oo.e after another failed to stir the West does not talke fu,am theiir good will. The Slo:va/k,s were wise enough to underatand that it wais useless for a smrull Centrrul European oou,nt,r,y to attempt to maintain its independence. There was and it seemed there would always ibe a powerif1U[ amlbitious st.ate on either side. Little countries lying between them rwould always tempt them. Nothing except force sufficient . to irestmm. them would deter them from cooking Ulp one excuse oir ainother for moiving in and taikill!g ,p ossession. 'Dhe only way to get that ne:cessrury force was tJhroug,h union of smaller nations in some sort of federation. lt was but natural, therefore that when the Czechs, straining every effort through Czech leaders in America to gain Owch independence, proposed the Sl()IVaJks join them. SLOVAKIA 37 There was agreement. A new creation, Ozecho~lovakia, a demooraoy with a;utonomy for eruch partner in the union was to be hera[ded to the world. 'l'he SlorvaJks were ,particular to require sipedfic ,provisions for Slo,vakiia's pos,ition in that union, as is penfootly clear through Ozech acceptance of the iPittsbtu,gh Aig,rooment. ,I n that the db.ligations assumed by eacll party are doowmented, as aire the prinicip'les accepted by each as the foundation upon which the new state would 1 rest. I well ,remem1ber the hig'h enthusiasm wiitll which Americans welcomed the birth of the new state. Oze.cho-Slovrulcia and demooracy see:m.ed toi be words interchangealble in meaning. Thomas Masa,'rylk was spoiken orf as one of the greatest statesmen orf the age, a "Grand Old Mam.," ea.reh of these three words oogi:rming with a caipital letter. Masary!k was a great main in those days and, I was told, that he was a SlO!Vak ,b y birth; but education lhaid -made him Czech in outlook, and that was to be most unfortunate in its eJffects. But at the time, Masaryk's star outshone a11 others in the Ozech0-1SlO!V'aJk slcy, and ilf •w e heard of the Pittsburgh Agreement it got all too little notice. 'r.he rest iis ;painful to recall. Instead orf a Ozecho..Slorvakia where Ozoohs an:d Slovaks, were "equals with equals, a state compairaJble in admirustratirve f.ree with free" oi,gain.izations to the Swiss cantons - the Ozech leaders utterlry disregarded the solemn compact with their Slovak brothers, inrvented reasons for disarvowing it, and emlbarked at the outset on a centralization !I)Ol'icy that put all authority in .Prague. And desipite vociferous and continual protests it ,was a ipolicy followed through to the end. It was a iba4d assumption of Czech suiperi-0rity. Yet we must 1be just and remember that not all Czechs approrved that poliey. There haid been Ozechs supporting, and very valiantly, the Slovruk side of the debate whille the Pittsburgh Algireement iwas under discussion. So alS-O there ,were 07.eehs who did not rupprove the Masaryfic&nes repudiation of that aigreement. But they could not inlfilruence the men launched on the ,r oad toward a Ozooh--controMed union. How easy it is for men to fall viictim to ,t he lust for power! Their judgment warped lby excessive American SLOVAKIA 38 praise, Benes and his adherents believed that only the Ozechs had the vision and the competence to administer and guide the state fOT whose creation they toolk the credit. They flouted the ivery prindples of democracy on which the state had been estaJblished. They lbecaJme dbsessed with the idea of develo.ping a Ozecho-Sl01Vrukia in which there would ibe no hyphen ~d no crupital S, in which the Ozech would lbe dominant, and whose peqple ,woUJl.d lbe known as "CzeichosJava!ks." They were too blind to see that surc!h a project was foredoomed to faiJure; that a people who if or a thOIU'sand years had endured sub9ection and yet preserived their disitinrctirve cuiltuire, traditions, and toogue was not materirul ,f or amalgamation. But truth and justice were refused a heairing. By devious a:rigume:i:its those in the seats of ipower ,p rofessed to justify their couir~. All these years, even after his crupituil.ation ,t o the Germans, Benes was the ideal democrat in the eyes of many Americans. He waJS :referred to as "the aJblest diiplomat in Europe - the top EurOlpean statesman." The legend of his democra oy has clun,g to .h'im despite the record. But IDdwa11d Benes was not the 1p aragon he was held to 1be. He was not a great .statesman but a clever politician, with the cleverness too often in question. We in PoJ.and knew only too well that Czecho~Sloivakia was not the embodiment of democracy Americans naively swpposed it to be, amd iknew that Benes was not the democrat they ibelieved him to .be. But nothing we oouild say lhad .a ny effect. We were a,ccmsed of indulging in malice and jealousy betcause, as they in -their swperior intelligence asserted, we Hived in Poland, a co'Uiltry ruled by a dictator! Which showed how much they did NOT know. 1 Few .Americrun.s had ,been in either country; if they had, it was for a brief stay only. They made stopover !Visits in Praigiue and Warsruw fo,r a daiy or so while enroute to that most delig,hbfiul ( !) olf all taurist lands, the SoiViet Union f.rom w'hich honest ones came out somewhat less, lyrical than when they went in. In iPra·g ue they met Oze:chs, as a rule, saw the really siplendid Czech industries and arts, but saw and heard little of SlovaJks and Slcxvalkia. If they did it was SLOVAKIA 39 as. '.'Cz~chosloivakia." The Ozechs, in American Olpinion, were E1qTope's ,p rize exh'ilbit. ls .it any wonder they got satisd'action out of the role O!I' that it infiluenced their own opinion of themselives? Wehl, "God doesn't rpay erv~ day, but He pays," a famous French woman is credited with hav:mg ,w ritten. And Benes and those with him who . framed and ex~ruted thek mistaiken policres have made the final accounting. Surrely no one can envy rthem their fasit years, when in oiverweening confiidenice in their own aibility they wallked inrt o the Soiviet traip, were deiprived of al!l ,p ower, and lingered on runtil death ifilter;vened. But the past is ,p ast. We cannot change its pattern. We review it oruy to 1earn its les,s on, that the same mistaik es may n01t lbe made again. For t!hinlking people it is farll oif guide posts to that fuitme which while we talk betomes the present. What of that future for Sloivrukia? The .~lovaJks are aH w~l a;ware of how mtroh it deipends upon them. SloivaJkia must olf course ibe free. Of that there is no question. But then what? · · You will ,prolbaJbly rugree that the position tiruken at the time the Slov,aiks thre,w in their lot with the Cze.chs was soU!Ild. Oze:chs and Slovaks are, ib1ood kin. They are neighbors, .destined to be neighlbors with nonmaJl commercial and other relations, unless another iron curtain des:coo.ds. There is good reason to hope that after these years otf serivitude to :Moscow the Czechs wil!l .better understand international and ibrotherly relationsh1ps and the spirit of cooperntion. One thing will he~p - t'hey haive not the ;remarkrub~e reputation in America that they onice had. They are less akin to the angcls and deiddedlly more mortal. A real Sio:vak state and a real Ozech state - eaJOh indiividual and independent - should ~ppear after the StaUn'ists are induced to. •r eturn to their own bor,ders. · Yet formation of these separate inmvidurul states is oruy a beginning. Thmwghout the ruges there has been a Gffl'ma,n .push to the east and a Russian to the west. In that is the care oif the prdblem the world stiN faces. It is the threat 40 SLOVAKIA that haiS ai1Jways hung lake the sword of Demooles a!bove the heads oif the peoples ibetween t!he Bail.tic, the Adriatic, and the Black seas. There is a solution to that prOlblem, but one which our Administration in Waslhington for some reason refuses to re!Cogni:ze. That is a regionrul federation in Centrrul and Eastern IDuirqpe. Iif the roughly 11'5,000,000 (POOI>le in that area were in a f~eration that gaJVe them a customs unii.on, a common currency, .s tandardized a'rnlled forces under some kind of a joint comma,nld, a common foreign policy, and whatever e:l:se in icammon or in cooperation they agreed upon while retaining cooniplete control of their initernrul aliai:rs, that federation would fu:rnn so ipowenfiul an dbsta.cile to aggression that no power would dare eJq)and in its direction. There is not spruce here to disouss the enomnous and varied adJvantages that wouil.d come to each of the countries entering into suoh a federation. Moscow has forcilb1y produced a regional union, but what a travesty it is! It is ,t o be hoped that when tJhe day of U'beration comes, the exiles from t)lese Jands WOI1king togetller ,w ith .Americans whose all!cestors came from those lands will ha;ve plains fur swch a regiomcl federation thoroughly discussed and prepared. Lt wou!ld be fol!ly to wait until after liberation to get r eady. I lknow how faithlfully and persistently the Slovaks hwve been fighting all these• re!Cent years that .Americans might iknow the trult'h rubout !Slovalkia. 1It is caJUSe for rejoici.n!g that t:Jhe representa:tiives oif the peoples behind the ITop Curtain are uniting in a common effort to fight communism. The Sllovaiks hruve good grounds for holding up their heads in this fight, for .they hruve Sloivalkia with them. They are not a front behind which stands a paltry few. From what country do we get news of more effective guerilla resastantce, o:r of a greater resistance on the part of the people to soviet~ati.Qn? The Sl01Vak:.s are making t hemselves a force to be redkoned with in mor e ways than one . I close on a note of ,confidence in the future. The struggle for the liberation and ,r ~tablishment of a free Central SLOVAKIA 41 and East :mu.rope wi'hl .r equire all the wisdom, courage, and persist.eillCe we can commaind. Lt will mean further suffering and blood saic:riifice on the part of the peoples of that area, possilbly on OUT own part. But in the end right wm t.:r,iumiph over might. The signs ,t hat the tide is at last b,eginnin.g to turn in Riight's fawor a.re ruppearing on the horizon, and we will :liive to see the task to whlch we haive set ourselves accomplished. ,SlolV'alkia, too, shall lbe free! • • • SLOVA.KIA AND INTERNATIONAL INTERESTS IN 1938 Joseph Kirschbaum From the very beginning of Czecho-Slovakia, for twenty entire years, Czech policy and diplomacy succeeded in presenting the Slovak question as an internal problem, about which the outside world could say nothing without disturbing the sovereignty of the Czecho..Slovak State. Even professor Ernest Denis of the Sorbonne in Paris, who was quite partial to the Czech nation, wrote as early as 1917 that "the Slovak question is of European importance" (1), but for Czech politicians it was only an insignificant administrative problem. They refused to admit the existence of any Slovak problem. Thus it happened that Slovakia and Slovak politicians were not mentioned in international official documents until the fall of 1938. The storm, which broke loose over CzechoSlovakia, tore the cloak of Czech propaganda to shreds, and Slovakia, together with other problems of the Czecho-Slovak State, came to the forefront of European interests. This happened primarily through the neighbors of Czecho-Slovakia, each of whom wished to solve the Slovak question according to their own interests. Since these were not always in accord with the interests of the Slovaks, the representatives of the Slovak nation undertook everything possible to save Slovakia from the catastrophe into which the Czecho..Slovak Republic was led lby the policy of Prague. And so, almost simultaneously, we find documents which tell us, on the one hand, of the efforts to annex Slovakia to Hungary or  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovakia's Right to Be Heard Description An account of the resource Ann Su Cardwell Slovakia, Vol. 3, No. 4 (9), December 1953 pp. 31-41 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Cardwell, Ann Su Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource December 1953 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/10aed17015a5abecf03124d945932fa2.pdf 13ba17b6c0a62ac1bcb8fadc80beabd4 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 63 Slovaks Abroad and Their Role in Slovakia's Struggle /or Freed om J. M. Ki rs ch b au m, Ph.D. National struggles for emancipation from foreign rule were fought in East Central Europe for more than a century on two fronts: at home, and by emigres abroad. During the first World War and again during the Second World War, leading Western Powers gave to various emigre groups formal recognition to become the official representatives of their native countries. In so doing, they helped to establish a tradition which, in time of political oppression, assigns to emigres the role of interpreters of the national aspirations of the people in their country of origin. Slovakia is one of the Central European countries in which this tradition has played an important role. At the end of the First World War, Slovakia was freed from Hungarian rule above all by the efforts of Slovaks who settled in the United States and by Slovak legionaries fighting on the side of the victorious powers. This gave American Slovaks and all Slovaks abroad not only recognition and a new sense of patriotism but also a consciousness of their mission to speak on behalf of the Slovak people when they are silenced. Political developments in Slovakia after the Second World War brought disappointment even to those who desired the restoration of Czecho-Slovakia and favored Soviet expansion in Central Europe. The introduction of a rigid centralism instead of the promised autonomy, the ruthless replacement of parliamentary democracy by the Stalinist system, political and religious persecution, economic discrimination and prohibition of contacts with Western countries, could not leave Slovaks abroad indifferent to the fate of the Slovak people. American Slovaks together with Slovaks in other Western countries, strengthened by thousands of political emigres as well as by those who were deceived in their attempts at co-operation with the Communists, resumed the role of interpreters of the �64 SLOVAKIA aspirations of the Slovak people for freedom, democracy and independence . In 1968 when the attempts to reform the political and economic system imposed on Slovakia by Moscow and Prague failed and "socialism with human face" was crushed under the tanks of the Warsaw Pact military forces, a new wave of Slovak emigrants found refuge in Western countries. This new situation prompted Slovaks abroad to rally their forces for intensified political and cultural activities within the framework of the Slovak World Congress, founded in the City of New York in June 1970. The aims and goals of the Congress were defined as follows: "Slovaks living throughout the entire world, many of whom were born in the United States and elsewhere, accept as a moral duty the necessity to unite in the struggle for the natural rights of the Slovak nation and for the complete freedom in the determinatio n of its destinies. We consider it our obligation to present to the world a true picture of the life and aspirations of the Slovak nation for a free and democratic way of life. Today we are more acutely aware of this duty in view of the fact that the regime which has been forced upon the Slovak nation is opposed to the national traditions of Slovakia and the country is occupied by the military forces of a foreign Great Power. Therefore, in view of the foregoing: We subscribe to the traditional values of Slovak history which have promoted the re-birth of our nation, its growth and its acceptance in western civilization among cultured nations; We contend that the Slovak question is an international problem and therefore we request that international justice be done Slovakia, justice that would be expressed in full democratic statehood; We take a positive attitude towards the process of integration in Europe and we demand that the Slovak nation be given the right to participate freely and directly in this process. �SLOVAKIA 65 We desire and hope that the situation in Central and Eastern Europe will change so that there will no longer be any obstacle towards establishing and maintaining cultural exchanges between the Slovaks at home and abroad which present conditions in Slovakia either make completely impossible, or allow only in a restricted sense." Among the main tasks of the Slovak World Congress are the activities aiming at acquainting the Western world with the history, culture and the present political situation in Slovakia. The Congress fulfills this task through the activities of its individual and constitutional members and their press. Some of the best known authors of books on Slovakia and political scientists and historians are leading figures of the Congress. The institutional members, mostly large Slovak organizations, help to fulfill this role in their press and, publishing activities, by memoranda and so on. Three publications by the Congress are destined to achieve the same aim. Before the Second General Meeting of the Congress in Toronto in 1971, the Slovak World Congress published its first publication: Slovakia - Historical and Cultural Background (Toronto, 1971). Two authors, Prof. J. A. Mikus and Prof. J. M. Kirschbaum, outlined in concise chapters the historical and cultural developments in Slovakia since the appearance of Slovaks in Central Europe in order to correct many misconceptions about the Slovak political and cultural history. The book gives, however, only basic information and, therefore, to fill the gap in presenting Slovakia to the West, the Congress organized a Conference on Slovakia, and the papers which were delivered at the Conference by more than 20 scholars were published in the volume: Slovakia in the 19th and 20th Centuries (Toronto, 1973).1 The aim of this book - as expressed in the Preface by S. B. Roman - is "to contribute to the search for historical truth about Slovaks and thereby to help better understanding and co-operation among the nations of Central Europe. It is our firm belief that peoples of that vital area can regain their political freedom and build their future only in close co-operation and only if each recognize the equal rights to independence that each has." 1) For evaluation of the book see Book reviews. �66 SLOVAKIA The book is divided into four parts which deal with Slovak national philosophy; Slovak politics in the 19th and 20th centuries; the relations of Slovakia with her neighbors, and with the attitude of Slovaks abroad towards Slovakia. All the authors, of whom four are of non-Slovak origin, examined in a scholarly manner Slovak political and cultural developments. The book presents at the same time "a confrontation of views on the Slovak past and present, as there are among the Slovak contributors two generations and two schools of thought," as the editor of the book stressed. The Slovak World Congress published also a German publication: Der Weltkongress der Slowaken - Seine Ziele und sein Program (Koln, 1973) 2 for informing political and cultural circles in Western Europe about the aims and goals of Slovaks abroad in their struggle for freedom and independence of Slovakia. In view of the fact that the fate of the peoples of Central Europe was decided in modern history by the Great Powers, it is by means of informing Western political and cultural circles about the national aspirations of the Slovak people that Slovaks abroad could help their native country to regain freedom and democracy. The above publications are destined to serve this aim, but they are hopefully only the beginning of a series of books by Slovak intellectuals in the democratic countries of the Western hemisphere. At the Third General Meeting of the Slovak World Congress, a survey of Slovaks active in various scientific fields, prepared by this writer, would indicate that at the present time there is a considerable number of scientists whose writings and activities have not yet been absorbed in this struggle for international recognition of political and cultural identity of the Slovak people. When this intellectual force will also be integrated into the activities for recognition of equal political and cultural rights of the Slovak people with other civilized nations, Slovaks abroad will remedy to a great degree the lack of communication between Slovakia and the Western countries, which has been caused by the policy of the regimes imposed on the Slovak people since 1945 by foreign powers. 2) For details see Book reviews. � SLOVAKIA 63 Slovaks Abroad and Their Role in Slovakia's Struggle /or Freed om J. M. Ki rs ch b au m, Ph.D. National struggles for emancipation from foreign rule were fought in East Central Europe for more than a century on two fronts: at home, and by emigres abroad. During the first World War and again during the Second World War, leading Western Powers gave to various emigre groups formal recognition to become the official representatives of their native countries. In so doing, they helped to establish a tradition which, in time of political oppression, assigns to emigres the role of interpreters of the national aspirations of the people in their country of origin. Slovakia is one of the Central European countries in which this tradition has played an important role. At the end of the First World War, Slovakia was freed from Hungarian rule above all by the efforts of Slovaks who settled in the United States and by Slovak legionaries fighting on the side of the victorious powers. This gave American Slovaks and all Slovaks abroad not only recognition and a new sense of patriotism but also a consciousness of their mission to speak on behalf of the Slovak people when they are silenced. Political developments in Slovakia after the Second World War brought disappointment even to those who desired the restoration of Czecho-Slovakia and favored Soviet expansion in Central Europe. The introduction of a rigid centralism instead of the promised autonomy, the ruthless replacement of parliamentary democracy by the Stalinist system, political and religious persecution, economic discrimination and prohibition of contacts with Western countries, could not leave Slovaks abroad indifferent to the fate of the Slovak people. American Slovaks together with Slovaks in other Western countries, strengthened by thousands of political emigres as well as by those who were deceived in their attempts at co-operation with the Communists, resumed the role of interpreters of the �64 SLOVAKIA aspirations of the Slovak people for freedom, democracy and independence . In 1968 when the attempts to reform the political and economic system imposed on Slovakia by Moscow and Prague failed and "socialism with human face" was crushed under the tanks of the Warsaw Pact military forces, a new wave of Slovak emigrants found refuge in Western countries. This new situation prompted Slovaks abroad to rally their forces for intensified political and cultural activities within the framework of the Slovak World Congress, founded in the City of New York in June 1970. The aims and goals of the Congress were defined as follows: "Slovaks living throughout the entire world, many of whom were born in the United States and elsewhere, accept as a moral duty the necessity to unite in the struggle for the natural rights of the Slovak nation and for the complete freedom in the determinatio n of its destinies. We consider it our obligation to present to the world a true picture of the life and aspirations of the Slovak nation for a free and democratic way of life. Today we are more acutely aware of this duty in view of the fact that the regime which has been forced upon the Slovak nation is opposed to the national traditions of Slovakia and the country is occupied by the military forces of a foreign Great Power. Therefore, in view of the foregoing: We subscribe to the traditional values of Slovak history which have promoted the re-birth of our nation, its growth and its acceptance in western civilization among cultured nations; We contend that the Slovak question is an international problem and therefore we request that international justice be done Slovakia, justice that would be expressed in full democratic statehood; We take a positive attitude towards the process of integration in Europe and we demand that the Slovak nation be given the right to participate freely and directly in this process. �SLOVAKIA 65 We desire and hope that the situation in Central and Eastern Europe will change so that there will no longer be any obstacle towards establishing and maintaining cultural exchanges between the Slovaks at home and abroad which present conditions in Slovakia either make completely impossible, or allow only in a restricted sense." Among the main tasks of the Slovak World Congress are the activities aiming at acquainting the Western world with the history, culture and the present political situation in Slovakia. The Congress fulfills this task through the activities of its individual and constitutional members and their press. Some of the best known authors of books on Slovakia and political scientists and historians are leading figures of the Congress. The institutional members, mostly large Slovak organizations, help to fulfill this role in their press and, publishing activities, by memoranda and so on. Three publications by the Congress are destined to achieve the same aim. Before the Second General Meeting of the Congress in Toronto in 1971, the Slovak World Congress published its first publication: Slovakia - Historical and Cultural Background (Toronto, 1971). Two authors, Prof. J. A. Mikus and Prof. J. M. Kirschbaum, outlined in concise chapters the historical and cultural developments in Slovakia since the appearance of Slovaks in Central Europe in order to correct many misconceptions about the Slovak political and cultural history. The book gives, however, only basic information and, therefore, to fill the gap in presenting Slovakia to the West, the Congress organized a Conference on Slovakia, and the papers which were delivered at the Conference by more than 20 scholars were published in the volume: Slovakia in the 19th and 20th Centuries (Toronto, 1973).1 The aim of this book - as expressed in the Preface by S. B. Roman - is "to contribute to the search for historical truth about Slovaks and thereby to help better understanding and co-operation among the nations of Central Europe. It is our firm belief that peoples of that vital area can regain their political freedom and build their future only in close co-operation and only if each recognize the equal rights to independence that each has." 1) For evaluation of the book see Book reviews. �66 SLOVAKIA The book is divided into four parts which deal with Slovak national philosophy; Slovak politics in the 19th and 20th centuries; the relations of Slovakia with her neighbors, and with the attitude of Slovaks abroad towards Slovakia. All the authors, of whom four are of non-Slovak origin, examined in a scholarly manner Slovak political and cultural developments. The book presents at the same time "a confrontation of views on the Slovak past and present, as there are among the Slovak contributors two generations and two schools of thought," as the editor of the book stressed. The Slovak World Congress published also a German publication: Der Weltkongress der Slowaken - Seine Ziele und sein Program (Koln, 1973) 2 for informing political and cultural circles in Western Europe about the aims and goals of Slovaks abroad in their struggle for freedom and independence of Slovakia. In view of the fact that the fate of the peoples of Central Europe was decided in modern history by the Great Powers, it is by means of informing Western political and cultural circles about the national aspirations of the Slovak people that Slovaks abroad could help their native country to regain freedom and democracy. The above publications are destined to serve this aim, but they are hopefully only the beginning of a series of books by Slovak intellectuals in the democratic countries of the Western hemisphere. At the Third General Meeting of the Slovak World Congress, a survey of Slovaks active in various scientific fields, prepared by this writer, would indicate that at the present time there is a considerable number of scientists whose writings and activities have not yet been absorbed in this struggle for international recognition of political and cultural identity of the Slovak people. When this intellectual force will also be integrated into the activities for recognition of equal political and cultural rights of the Slovak people with other civilized nations, Slovaks abroad will remedy to a great degree the lack of communication between Slovakia and the Western countries, which has been caused by the policy of the regimes imposed on the Slovak people since 1945 by foreign powers. 2) For details see Book reviews. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1974, Vol. 24 Description An account of the resource Vol. 24 (No. 47), 1974. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1974 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 63 Slovaks Abroad and Their Role in Slovakia's Struggle /or Freed om J. M. Ki rs ch b au m, Ph.D. National struggles for emancipation from foreign rule were fought in East Central Europe for more than a century on two fronts: at home, and by emigres abroad. During the first World War and again during the Second World War, leading Western Powers gave to various emigre groups formal recognition to become the official representatives of their native countries. In so doing, they helped to establish a tradition which, in time of political oppression, assigns to emigres the role of interpreters of the national aspirations of the people in their country of origin. Slovakia is one of the Central European countries in which this tradition has played an important role. At the end of the First World War, Slovakia was freed from Hungarian rule above all by the efforts of Slovaks who settled in the United States and by Slovak legionaries fighting on the side of the victorious powers. This gave American Slovaks and all Slovaks abroad not only recognition and a new sense of patriotism but also a consciousness of their mission to speak on behalf of the Slovak people when they are silenced. Political developments in Slovakia after the Second World War brought disappointment even to those who desired the restoration of Czecho-Slovakia and favored Soviet expansion in Central Europe. The introduction of a rigid centralism instead of the promised autonomy, the ruthless replacement of parliamentary democracy by the Stalinist system, political and religious persecution, economic discrimination and prohibition of contacts with Western countries, could not leave Slovaks abroad indifferent to the fate of the Slovak people. American Slovaks together with Slovaks in other Western countries, strengthened by thousands of political emigres as well as by those who were deceived in their attempts at co-operation with the Communists, resumed the role of interpreters of the 64 SLOVAKIA aspirations of the Slovak people for freedom, democracy and independence . In 1968 when the attempts to reform the political and economic system imposed on Slovakia by Moscow and Prague failed and "socialism with human face" was crushed under the tanks of the Warsaw Pact military forces, a new wave of Slovak emigrants found refuge in Western countries. This new situation prompted Slovaks abroad to rally their forces for intensified political and cultural activities within the framework of the Slovak World Congress, founded in the City of New York in June 1970. The aims and goals of the Congress were defined as follows: "Slovaks living throughout the entire world, many of whom were born in the United States and elsewhere, accept as a moral duty the necessity to unite in the struggle for the natural rights of the Slovak nation and for the complete freedom in the determinatio n of its destinies. We consider it our obligation to present to the world a true picture of the life and aspirations of the Slovak nation for a free and democratic way of life. Today we are more acutely aware of this duty in view of the fact that the regime which has been forced upon the Slovak nation is opposed to the national traditions of Slovakia and the country is occupied by the military forces of a foreign Great Power. Therefore, in view of the foregoing: We subscribe to the traditional values of Slovak history which have promoted the re-birth of our nation, its growth and its acceptance in western civilization among cultured nations; We contend that the Slovak question is an international problem and therefore we request that international justice be done Slovakia, justice that would be expressed in full democratic statehood; We take a positive attitude towards the process of integration in Europe and we demand that the Slovak nation be given the right to participate freely and directly in this process. SLOVAKIA 65 We desire and hope that the situation in Central and Eastern Europe will change so that there will no longer be any obstacle towards establishing and maintaining cultural exchanges between the Slovaks at home and abroad which present conditions in Slovakia either make completely impossible, or allow only in a restricted sense." Among the main tasks of the Slovak World Congress are the activities aiming at acquainting the Western world with the history, culture and the present political situation in Slovakia. The Congress fulfills this task through the activities of its individual and constitutional members and their press. Some of the best known authors of books on Slovakia and political scientists and historians are leading figures of the Congress. The institutional members, mostly large Slovak organizations, help to fulfill this role in their press and, publishing activities, by memoranda and so on. Three publications by the Congress are destined to achieve the same aim. Before the Second General Meeting of the Congress in Toronto in 1971, the Slovak World Congress published its first publication: Slovakia - Historical and Cultural Background (Toronto, 1971). Two authors, Prof. J. A. Mikus and Prof. J. M. Kirschbaum, outlined in concise chapters the historical and cultural developments in Slovakia since the appearance of Slovaks in Central Europe in order to correct many misconceptions about the Slovak political and cultural history. The book gives, however, only basic information and, therefore, to fill the gap in presenting Slovakia to the West, the Congress organized a Conference on Slovakia, and the papers which were delivered at the Conference by more than 20 scholars were published in the volume: Slovakia in the 19th and 20th Centuries (Toronto, 1973).1 The aim of this book - as expressed in the Preface by S. B. Roman - is "to contribute to the search for historical truth about Slovaks and thereby to help better understanding and co-operation among the nations of Central Europe. It is our firm belief that peoples of that vital area can regain their political freedom and build their future only in close co-operation and only if each recognize the equal rights to independence that each has." 1) For evaluation of the book see Book reviews. 66 SLOVAKIA The book is divided into four parts which deal with Slovak national philosophy; Slovak politics in the 19th and 20th centuries; the relations of Slovakia with her neighbors, and with the attitude of Slovaks abroad towards Slovakia. All the authors, of whom four are of non-Slovak origin, examined in a scholarly manner Slovak political and cultural developments. The book presents at the same time "a confrontation of views on the Slovak past and present, as there are among the Slovak contributors two generations and two schools of thought," as the editor of the book stressed. The Slovak World Congress published also a German publication: Der Weltkongress der Slowaken - Seine Ziele und sein Program (Koln, 1973) 2 for informing political and cultural circles in Western Europe about the aims and goals of Slovaks abroad in their struggle for freedom and independence of Slovakia. In view of the fact that the fate of the peoples of Central Europe was decided in modern history by the Great Powers, it is by means of informing Western political and cultural circles about the national aspirations of the Slovak people that Slovaks abroad could help their native country to regain freedom and democracy. The above publications are destined to serve this aim, but they are hopefully only the beginning of a series of books by Slovak intellectuals in the democratic countries of the Western hemisphere. At the Third General Meeting of the Slovak World Congress, a survey of Slovaks active in various scientific fields, prepared by this writer, would indicate that at the present time there is a considerable number of scientists whose writings and activities have not yet been absorbed in this struggle for international recognition of political and cultural identity of the Slovak people. When this intellectual force will also be integrated into the activities for recognition of equal political and cultural rights of the Slovak people with other civilized nations, Slovaks abroad will remedy to a great degree the lack of communication between Slovakia and the Western countries, which has been caused by the policy of the regimes imposed on the Slovak people since 1945 by foreign powers. 2) For details see Book reviews.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovaks Abroad and Their Role in Slovakia's Struggle for Freedom Description An account of the resource J. M. Kirschbaum, Ph.D. Slovakia, Vol. 24 (No. 47), 1974 pp. 63-66 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Kirschbaum, Jozef M., 1913-2001 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1974 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/cdb646f28f270daeb3b98aecbdfb6192.pdf 68e57641ece979f00b2be7451c23ff6f PDF Text Text 64 SLOVAKIA SLOVAKS HAVE ARRIVED! By Joseph C. Krajsa The famous hero of the Slovak people, Janosik, who with his band of mountain men fought oppression with the long-handled axe (val!aska), early irrl the 18th <:entury colored the dismal conditions of that period with daring acts for social liberation and still today portrays the spirit of the Slovak people's strength and fove for freedom. Janosik, who was symbolic of the spirit existing among a people who found themselves in a hopeless situation which resulted from a ruthless feudal system, gave hope to the people he loved when he expressed, "Truly it will come, and come must that great day of judgment when truth will be seated at the table of my people." ("No pride, bo prise musi ten vefky den sudu a za stol si sadne prnvda mojho l'udu!") Eve:n though truth does not prevail in the land of the Tatra mountains at this time, and even though as a nation the Slovak people knew independence only a few years, the last two decades have seen a stream of personal and nationality recognition in many corners of the world that acts as a balm for a people sorely tried throughout their long history. Here in America, it can be said about the Slovaks, WE HAVE ARRIVED! Time marked the classics of art, lite:riature, and music. Time marked the great moments of history and the heroes of the life story of the past. The Slovak nation had its contributions to civilization, its moments of history, its heros, its great men, and these have been preserved with time. And, time has filed a repertoire of the Slovak in America. Let us take a look at this repertory. Take our fraternal organizations for example - the National Slovak Society celebrated its 751:Jh anniversary; the First Catholic Slovak Union (Jednota) is in its 75th year in 1965; and the First Catholic Slova:k Ladies Union, the P enna. Slovak Catholic Union, the Slovak Catholic Sokol, and others are nearing milestones. �SLOVAKIA 65 Take our publications - the SLOVAK V AMERIKE, the oldest Slovak newspaper in America, celebrated its . 75th anniversary; 1:!he JEDNOTA, official orgian of the First Catholic Slovak Union, will be starting its 75th year; the OBRANA celebrated its 50th anniversary; and so it is with our other Slovak publications. A look at our Church dignita,ries shows Bishop Joseph A. Durik and Bishop Andrew G. Grutlm; a Slovak Bishop in Rome, Bishop Paul Hnilica; the first bishop in over 1,100 years for Slovaks of the Byzantine Rite, Bishop Michael Rusnak; Abbots Teodor Kojis and Stanislav F. Gmuca; five with the rank of Protonotary Aipostolic; a,bout fifty prelates; and over 1,000 Slovak priests. Several of our Slovak Catholic laity received Papa,l distinctions and many of them received Bishop's awards for outstanding service to the Churc<h. We have one abbey and seven friaries; nine motherhouses for our sisters; nine institutions of higher lea,r ning; an orphanage; four old a,ge h omes; hundreds of elementary schools; and about 300 Slovak Catholic parishes and over 100 Slovak P rotestant churches. We are familiar with the many accomplishments and projected aims of the Slova:k League of America on the political front - this cultural and civic organization of Americans of Slovak descent believes in the American principle of self-determination of all nations and primarily strives to maintain the political identity of the Slovaks; the Slovak Catholic Federation of America and its many deeds in the religious and social fields - its most recent contr ibution being the SS. Cyril and Methodius Institute in Rome which is destined to give a 'Second Spring for Slovakia'; and the recent establishment of the Anton Bernolak Cultuml Foundation - dedicated to preserve the Slovak culture and literature by the printed word. In the last two decades, over two thousand Slovak intellectuals left Slovakia to escaipe the Soviet armies and they arrived in their new surroundings around the world with earned degrees in varied fields of endeavor. In the free countries of the world, especially in the United States, among this wave of refugees from tyranny are some of the best known Slovak novelists, jour.nalists, poets, and writers. �6G SLOVAKIA '.Dhese writers presened their literary creativeness. and formed the Association of Slovak Writers and Artists and opened avenues to the greatest surge of literary efforts about the Slovaks in every language on several continents. More books have been published and distrirbuted about the Slovaks on this continent in the last ten years than in all the previous years put togetJher. As a result, several Departments of Education ·in our states have approved Slovak as a language course to be taught in their sohools; several colleges and universities have esbablished Slovak Chairs; and soon there will be released a modern language course SLOVAK LANGUAGE LABORATORY COURSE with correlated re0orded tapes. Perhaps the three significant contributions by American Slovruks rto date were the rtens of mil.lions of doHars solicited in the bond drives in World War I and World Wrar II; the SlovaJk Catholic Educational Institute (Slovenska Katolicka Matica Skolska) headed by a former editor of JEDNOTA, Joseph Husek, and Miohael Bosak, Sr., of Scranton, Pa., that helped to initiate Benedictine High School for boys in Cleveland, Ohio, and the St. Cyril Academy for girls in Danville, Pa.; and third, the Slovak Institute of SS. Cyril and Methodius in Rome, where young men aire being ,t rained to ibe priests so that one day they can serve in Slovakia. Tangible evidence of the bond drives were ships and planes that were named after leading Slovaks; Benedictine High School and St. Cyril Academy boast a record of scholarship, scientific achievement, and cultural and so-cial advancement that is the pride of all Slovaks; and in the Institute of Rome is a ,p reparatory seminary with the added ingredient - the study of Slovak history, tradition, language and culture, and, that great intang1ble: the apostolic heritage of the patrons, SS. CyrH and Methodius. Another moment in American-Slovak history will be on September 5, 1965, when the Chrupel of Our Mother of Sorrows, Patroness of Slovakia - a gift of the First Catholic Slov,ak Union - will be dedicated in the National Shrine of the Immaculate Conception, Washington, D. C. It is expected that 10,000 Slovaks will gather in our nation's capitol for this event. The Mass at the main altar �SLOVAKIA 67 will be said in Slovak and the sermon will be in Slovak. It is expected that President Lyndon B. Johnson will be the main speaker at the banquet that will follow the dedication. We all still remember President Franklin D. Roosevelt's message to the American Slova:ks. "'l'he country is mindful of the vast contribution the Slovia~s have made to the cause of 1urthering ,t he development and growth - moral, cultural and material. The stout hearted, clear minded, freedom-loving and determinded ,peo,ple of Slovakia, who sensitive of the wrongs and deprivations experienced in their own country at the hands of invading forces, turned to America seeking a new home, now compose with their children and grandchildren an asset in the lirfe, industry and culture of this great land that defies human power of appraisal. Evidence of Slovak devotion to the United States, Slov,ak enterprise, and Slovak influences, are to :be found in all :bhe States of the Union. To be able to avail myself of this opportunity of directly expressing my ea;rnest ~eetings to the Slovak people pleases me unexpressibly." Yes, time has shown that the Slovak has arrived and it is really just the dawn of things to come. Just look about you in your locale and you will find Slovak leaders in every walk of life. All this time we have strived to establish our . identity under seemingly great odds, but WE HAVE ARRIVED! "So stand tall, my generations, Stand there with the greatest pride; For we Slovak-Americans Have not a thing to hide. Our ancestors have done muoh To mold this our country. And just think They did it for you and me. So let's start today To •b ecome more like them. And let this -be our motto, Slovak osta:nem." � 64 SLOVAKIA SLOVAKS HAVE ARRIVED! By Joseph C. Krajsa The famous hero of the Slovak people, Janosik, who with his band of mountain men fought oppression with the long-handled axe (val!aska), early irrl the 18th <:entury colored the dismal conditions of that period with daring acts for social liberation and still today portrays the spirit of the Slovak people's strength and fove for freedom. Janosik, who was symbolic of the spirit existing among a people who found themselves in a hopeless situation which resulted from a ruthless feudal system, gave hope to the people he loved when he expressed, "Truly it will come, and come must that great day of judgment when truth will be seated at the table of my people." ("No pride, bo prise musi ten vefky den sudu a za stol si sadne prnvda mojho l'udu!") Eve:n though truth does not prevail in the land of the Tatra mountains at this time, and even though as a nation the Slovak people knew independence only a few years, the last two decades have seen a stream of personal and nationality recognition in many corners of the world that acts as a balm for a people sorely tried throughout their long history. Here in America, it can be said about the Slovaks, WE HAVE ARRIVED! Time marked the classics of art, lite:riature, and music. Time marked the great moments of history and the heroes of the life story of the past. The Slovak nation had its contributions to civilization, its moments of history, its heros, its great men, and these have been preserved with time. And, time has filed a repertoire of the Slovak in America. Let us take a look at this repertory. Take our fraternal organizations for example - the National Slovak Society celebrated its 751:Jh anniversary; the First Catholic Slovak Union (Jednota) is in its 75th year in 1965; and the First Catholic Slova:k Ladies Union, the P enna. Slovak Catholic Union, the Slovak Catholic Sokol, and others are nearing milestones. �SLOVAKIA 65 Take our publications - the SLOVAK V AMERIKE, the oldest Slovak newspaper in America, celebrated its . 75th anniversary; 1:!he JEDNOTA, official orgian of the First Catholic Slovak Union, will be starting its 75th year; the OBRANA celebrated its 50th anniversary; and so it is with our other Slovak publications. A look at our Church dignita,ries shows Bishop Joseph A. Durik and Bishop Andrew G. Grutlm; a Slovak Bishop in Rome, Bishop Paul Hnilica; the first bishop in over 1,100 years for Slovaks of the Byzantine Rite, Bishop Michael Rusnak; Abbots Teodor Kojis and Stanislav F. Gmuca; five with the rank of Protonotary Aipostolic; a,bout fifty prelates; and over 1,000 Slovak priests. Several of our Slovak Catholic laity received Papa,l distinctions and many of them received Bishop's awards for outstanding service to the Churc<h. We have one abbey and seven friaries; nine motherhouses for our sisters; nine institutions of higher lea,r ning; an orphanage; four old a,ge h omes; hundreds of elementary schools; and about 300 Slovak Catholic parishes and over 100 Slovak P rotestant churches. We are familiar with the many accomplishments and projected aims of the Slova:k League of America on the political front - this cultural and civic organization of Americans of Slovak descent believes in the American principle of self-determination of all nations and primarily strives to maintain the political identity of the Slovaks; the Slovak Catholic Federation of America and its many deeds in the religious and social fields - its most recent contr ibution being the SS. Cyril and Methodius Institute in Rome which is destined to give a 'Second Spring for Slovakia'; and the recent establishment of the Anton Bernolak Cultuml Foundation - dedicated to preserve the Slovak culture and literature by the printed word. In the last two decades, over two thousand Slovak intellectuals left Slovakia to escaipe the Soviet armies and they arrived in their new surroundings around the world with earned degrees in varied fields of endeavor. In the free countries of the world, especially in the United States, among this wave of refugees from tyranny are some of the best known Slovak novelists, jour.nalists, poets, and writers. �6G SLOVAKIA '.Dhese writers presened their literary creativeness. and formed the Association of Slovak Writers and Artists and opened avenues to the greatest surge of literary efforts about the Slovaks in every language on several continents. More books have been published and distrirbuted about the Slovaks on this continent in the last ten years than in all the previous years put togetJher. As a result, several Departments of Education ·in our states have approved Slovak as a language course to be taught in their sohools; several colleges and universities have esbablished Slovak Chairs; and soon there will be released a modern language course SLOVAK LANGUAGE LABORATORY COURSE with correlated re0orded tapes. Perhaps the three significant contributions by American Slovruks rto date were the rtens of mil.lions of doHars solicited in the bond drives in World War I and World Wrar II; the SlovaJk Catholic Educational Institute (Slovenska Katolicka Matica Skolska) headed by a former editor of JEDNOTA, Joseph Husek, and Miohael Bosak, Sr., of Scranton, Pa., that helped to initiate Benedictine High School for boys in Cleveland, Ohio, and the St. Cyril Academy for girls in Danville, Pa.; and third, the Slovak Institute of SS. Cyril and Methodius in Rome, where young men aire being ,t rained to ibe priests so that one day they can serve in Slovakia. Tangible evidence of the bond drives were ships and planes that were named after leading Slovaks; Benedictine High School and St. Cyril Academy boast a record of scholarship, scientific achievement, and cultural and so-cial advancement that is the pride of all Slovaks; and in the Institute of Rome is a ,p reparatory seminary with the added ingredient - the study of Slovak history, tradition, language and culture, and, that great intang1ble: the apostolic heritage of the patrons, SS. CyrH and Methodius. Another moment in American-Slovak history will be on September 5, 1965, when the Chrupel of Our Mother of Sorrows, Patroness of Slovakia - a gift of the First Catholic Slov,ak Union - will be dedicated in the National Shrine of the Immaculate Conception, Washington, D. C. It is expected that 10,000 Slovaks will gather in our nation's capitol for this event. The Mass at the main altar �SLOVAKIA 67 will be said in Slovak and the sermon will be in Slovak. It is expected that President Lyndon B. Johnson will be the main speaker at the banquet that will follow the dedication. We all still remember President Franklin D. Roosevelt's message to the American Slova:ks. "'l'he country is mindful of the vast contribution the Slovia~s have made to the cause of 1urthering ,t he development and growth - moral, cultural and material. The stout hearted, clear minded, freedom-loving and determinded ,peo,ple of Slovakia, who sensitive of the wrongs and deprivations experienced in their own country at the hands of invading forces, turned to America seeking a new home, now compose with their children and grandchildren an asset in the lirfe, industry and culture of this great land that defies human power of appraisal. Evidence of Slovak devotion to the United States, Slov,ak enterprise, and Slovak influences, are to :be found in all :bhe States of the Union. To be able to avail myself of this opportunity of directly expressing my ea;rnest ~eetings to the Slovak people pleases me unexpressibly." Yes, time has shown that the Slovak has arrived and it is really just the dawn of things to come. Just look about you in your locale and you will find Slovak leaders in every walk of life. All this time we have strived to establish our . identity under seemingly great odds, but WE HAVE ARRIVED! "So stand tall, my generations, Stand there with the greatest pride; For we Slovak-Americans Have not a thing to hide. Our ancestors have done muoh To mold this our country. And just think They did it for you and me. So let's start today To •b ecome more like them. And let this -be our motto, Slovak osta:nem." � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1965, Vol. 15 Description An account of the resource Vol. 15 (No. 38), 1965. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1965 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 64 SLOVAKIA SLOVAKS HAVE ARRIVED! By Joseph C. Krajsa The famous hero of the Slovak people, Janosik, who with his band of mountain men fought oppression with the long-handled axe (val!aska), early irrl the 18th <:entury colored the dismal conditions of that period with daring acts for social liberation and still today portrays the spirit of the Slovak people's strength and fove for freedom. Janosik, who was symbolic of the spirit existing among a people who found themselves in a hopeless situation which resulted from a ruthless feudal system, gave hope to the people he loved when he expressed, "Truly it will come, and come must that great day of judgment when truth will be seated at the table of my people." ("No pride, bo prise musi ten vefky den sudu a za stol si sadne prnvda mojho l'udu!") Eve:n though truth does not prevail in the land of the Tatra mountains at this time, and even though as a nation the Slovak people knew independence only a few years, the last two decades have seen a stream of personal and nationality recognition in many corners of the world that acts as a balm for a people sorely tried throughout their long history. Here in America, it can be said about the Slovaks, WE HAVE ARRIVED! Time marked the classics of art, lite:riature, and music. Time marked the great moments of history and the heroes of the life story of the past. The Slovak nation had its contributions to civilization, its moments of history, its heros, its great men, and these have been preserved with time. And, time has filed a repertoire of the Slovak in America. Let us take a look at this repertory. Take our fraternal organizations for example - the National Slovak Society celebrated its 751:Jh anniversary; the First Catholic Slovak Union (Jednota) is in its 75th year in 1965; and the First Catholic Slova:k Ladies Union, the P enna. Slovak Catholic Union, the Slovak Catholic Sokol, and others are nearing milestones. SLOVAKIA 65 Take our publications - the SLOVAK V AMERIKE, the oldest Slovak newspaper in America, celebrated its . 75th anniversary; 1:!he JEDNOTA, official orgian of the First Catholic Slovak Union, will be starting its 75th year; the OBRANA celebrated its 50th anniversary; and so it is with our other Slovak publications. A look at our Church dignita,ries shows Bishop Joseph A. Durik and Bishop Andrew G. Grutlm; a Slovak Bishop in Rome, Bishop Paul Hnilica; the first bishop in over 1,100 years for Slovaks of the Byzantine Rite, Bishop Michael Rusnak; Abbots Teodor Kojis and Stanislav F. Gmuca; five with the rank of Protonotary Aipostolic; a,bout fifty prelates; and over 1,000 Slovak priests. Several of our Slovak Catholic laity received Papa,l distinctions and many of them received Bishop's awards for outstanding service to the Churc<h. We have one abbey and seven friaries; nine motherhouses for our sisters; nine institutions of higher lea,r ning; an orphanage; four old a,ge h omes; hundreds of elementary schools; and about 300 Slovak Catholic parishes and over 100 Slovak P rotestant churches. We are familiar with the many accomplishments and projected aims of the Slova:k League of America on the political front - this cultural and civic organization of Americans of Slovak descent believes in the American principle of self-determination of all nations and primarily strives to maintain the political identity of the Slovaks; the Slovak Catholic Federation of America and its many deeds in the religious and social fields - its most recent contr ibution being the SS. Cyril and Methodius Institute in Rome which is destined to give a 'Second Spring for Slovakia'; and the recent establishment of the Anton Bernolak Cultuml Foundation - dedicated to preserve the Slovak culture and literature by the printed word. In the last two decades, over two thousand Slovak intellectuals left Slovakia to escaipe the Soviet armies and they arrived in their new surroundings around the world with earned degrees in varied fields of endeavor. In the free countries of the world, especially in the United States, among this wave of refugees from tyranny are some of the best known Slovak novelists, jour.nalists, poets, and writers. 6G SLOVAKIA '.Dhese writers presened their literary creativeness. and formed the Association of Slovak Writers and Artists and opened avenues to the greatest surge of literary efforts about the Slovaks in every language on several continents. More books have been published and distrirbuted about the Slovaks on this continent in the last ten years than in all the previous years put togetJher. As a result, several Departments of Education ·in our states have approved Slovak as a language course to be taught in their sohools; several colleges and universities have esbablished Slovak Chairs; and soon there will be released a modern language course SLOVAK LANGUAGE LABORATORY COURSE with correlated re0orded tapes. Perhaps the three significant contributions by American Slovruks rto date were the rtens of mil.lions of doHars solicited in the bond drives in World War I and World Wrar II; the SlovaJk Catholic Educational Institute (Slovenska Katolicka Matica Skolska) headed by a former editor of JEDNOTA, Joseph Husek, and Miohael Bosak, Sr., of Scranton, Pa., that helped to initiate Benedictine High School for boys in Cleveland, Ohio, and the St. Cyril Academy for girls in Danville, Pa.; and third, the Slovak Institute of SS. Cyril and Methodius in Rome, where young men aire being ,t rained to ibe priests so that one day they can serve in Slovakia. Tangible evidence of the bond drives were ships and planes that were named after leading Slovaks; Benedictine High School and St. Cyril Academy boast a record of scholarship, scientific achievement, and cultural and so-cial advancement that is the pride of all Slovaks; and in the Institute of Rome is a ,p reparatory seminary with the added ingredient - the study of Slovak history, tradition, language and culture, and, that great intang1ble: the apostolic heritage of the patrons, SS. CyrH and Methodius. Another moment in American-Slovak history will be on September 5, 1965, when the Chrupel of Our Mother of Sorrows, Patroness of Slovakia - a gift of the First Catholic Slov,ak Union - will be dedicated in the National Shrine of the Immaculate Conception, Washington, D. C. It is expected that 10,000 Slovaks will gather in our nation's capitol for this event. The Mass at the main altar SLOVAKIA 67 will be said in Slovak and the sermon will be in Slovak. It is expected that President Lyndon B. Johnson will be the main speaker at the banquet that will follow the dedication. We all still remember President Franklin D. Roosevelt's message to the American Slova:ks. "'l'he country is mindful of the vast contribution the Slovia~s have made to the cause of 1urthering ,t he development and growth - moral, cultural and material. The stout hearted, clear minded, freedom-loving and determinded ,peo,ple of Slovakia, who sensitive of the wrongs and deprivations experienced in their own country at the hands of invading forces, turned to America seeking a new home, now compose with their children and grandchildren an asset in the lirfe, industry and culture of this great land that defies human power of appraisal. Evidence of Slovak devotion to the United States, Slov,ak enterprise, and Slovak influences, are to :be found in all :bhe States of the Union. To be able to avail myself of this opportunity of directly expressing my ea;rnest ~eetings to the Slovak people pleases me unexpressibly." Yes, time has shown that the Slovak has arrived and it is really just the dawn of things to come. Just look about you in your locale and you will find Slovak leaders in every walk of life. All this time we have strived to establish our . identity under seemingly great odds, but WE HAVE ARRIVED! "So stand tall, my generations, Stand there with the greatest pride; For we Slovak-Americans Have not a thing to hide. Our ancestors have done muoh To mold this our country. And just think They did it for you and me. So let's start today To •b ecome more like them. And let this -be our motto, Slovak osta:nem."  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovaks Have Arrived! Description An account of the resource Joseph C. Krajsa Slovakia, Vol. 15 (No. 38), 1965 pp. 64-67 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Krajsa, Joseph C. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1965 LCNAF