11 50 763 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/b7e40668037125cd08284d687b4a5b03.pdf 7d2507fd213c03c36b5e9a765f5bd5c5 PDF Text Text SLO VA KIA Published by the Slovak League of America VOL. VIII DECEMBER, 1958 NO. 3 (28) WHY fflE CZECHS DID NOT FIGHT Dr. John A. Bafa Whatever has been written aibout this subject has practically aliways been fhwored, distorted with excuses, malevolence, derisfon, anger, shame, embitter.moot, and aippeasemen.t, a<Ccording to politi'Cal interest and viewpoint and attempts to coiver up. Moot of the time this smelled of wrong doing, misfortune, a new White Mountain. Never, however, was their any trace of a;clmowledging how and wihy something hruppened and w:ho was to 'blame for its h8lplpening. Dr. John A. Bat'a is a member of the famous Czech shoemakers, who, like so many others who had dared to criticize the ruinous policy of Dr. Edward Benes, even though belatedly, were persecuted by Benes and his followers even in exile. This is a translation of the original Czech article "Proc jsme the journal nebojovali" that was published in "BOHEMIA" Oct. 30, 1957. of Czech Democratic Federalists - 'Dhat was a terrible, historical defeat of our statehood without a fig.ht and the world thinks that we fled from the b8Jttle. What has been written Uip to this time by the Czecho..,SlovaJks about this has only attempted to, excuse or rupologize for the ultimatum of the Western Powers at Munich in 1938: the Western Powers were guilty; the Russians were guilty for not coming to he1p us; Hitler was guHty; etc . And the world keeps on chuckling at our naivite. HumaJnly this is naturaL Everyone would rather pay himself indu'lgently even when he is not altogether certain that he deserves a boot. We have been extremely welltrained to cry about and bewail White Mountain; we can �2 SLOVAKIA ma.Ike a goat 'b leat a!bout it. But this bleating cannot silence our conscience, gnawing at our mind, whielh aSiks quietly: "Whom do you want to fool, ch'lllCikle-head ?" King Mida'S was an example of a man w:ho was afraid to loo'k truth in tlhe face. He had do,nikey ears and an a,stronomicaUy hi,gh hat to cover them. When he gathered enough strength to look at his ears, they disappeared. He was a whole man. Now, if we had the courage of Midas to looik upon realities under the barik o.f truth and related events to otJher examples in the world, perhaps it wolllld daiwn upon us why we did not fight in 1938. It would bec~me apparent that we ourselves were at fault, we the citizens of that lost State, which was the Czecho-;Sfovalk Republic and which we alfowed to collapse. We did not lose the State in October, 1938; we lost it b,efore that time. Octoiber, 1938, was only the date of the thraishilllg we deserved, a'S wa,s perhaps a:lso all that followed it. We did not have an adequate conception regarding nation and state. Somehow we had an idea that the series ad: political fetishes and partisan laJbles, according to which we ran - and still .run - here and there, made a nation of us. We seemed to think - allld still thinlk - that an equal and secret right of ballot and democracy, which we sa;w someplace, but did not understand ;properly amd with it elected irresiponsihly an irresiponsible leader, that this, too, made us a nation. And that our elected leaders wo1u ld at once ,b ecome stateS1II1en and men ,be:cause they wo,re striped ,p ants and acquired a few titles. Because we, the citizens and voters, did not thin1k, catastrophe OiVertook us. We had an idea, but not the knowledge or ,c onviction of what ,was needed to ma;ke a nation of us and a solid, organic unit of our ,state. In the meantime, however, our politicans, diplomats, and statesmen did what they pleased, and ,p articularly did they .run away from responsibilities into dernogogy, lying, and false promises; the interests of the Repulblic and nation were bartered away; obligations and oaths were forgotten, and the Constitution was spat upon; they used their positions to serve their own per,sonal �SLOVAKIA 3 interests and whims and used the nation and state lilke rags. In twenty-five years, the Repulblic was bartered away twice by these paliticams-statesm en with titles and striped pants. First to the Nazis, then to the Communists. In both cases this happened against our will. The caiuse of this is the same as that for our not fightinig in 1938: in responsirble positions we did have persons of the male sex, hut not men. None of us can j:ustify for ourselves o,r before any judicious person the fact that we did not fight. The nation was armed to the teeth; it had an army of a million men, excellently trained and for decades inculcated with love for its nation and filled with a .will to fight and a willingness to sacrifice. And yet, the nation did not fight as it wanted to and knew it had to so that it could preseiwe its freedom and indeipendence which it had eiked out after 300 years of dependence and bondage under which it almost ,p erished. Some of our people get angry when they read or hear the e~ression "ollir nation caipitulated." They come back with the retort that not the nation, but the leaders capitulated. I do not agree. There was only one leader: the president, the ~wpreme commamder of an arnny of a million men, an army splendidly equipped, trained, and ready fo,r war. We elected him directly or indirectly to leadershi!p. We are, therefore, also responsibile for him. To turn away from this responsilbility is senseless or cowardly. JOlhn Masaryk told me in the spring of 1940 that the aJII11bassadors off Fra.nce and Britian litera:Uy dragged Dr. Benes from bed at three o'clock in the morning and forced him to sign the capitulation rby an ultimatum. That started an argument. I could not understamd how a commander of an army of million men could be forced to caipitulation by some two froc'ked uncles and thereiby surrender the army, equipment, and state to enemies and the nation to slavery. John Masaryk retorted that the question did not concern shoes with which I was familiar. I still contended that a statesman could not be forced to do anytjhing. He could be killed, 01Verthrown by a revolution, deposed, kidnapped. �4 SLOVAKIA tortured, that he could cO!IIla:rut suicide, but that he could not be forced. We have an example, I added: Master John Hus. John Masaryk snapped hack that what I was saying sma;ciked af Fascism, that only that ',grazl Mussolini' said that a nation that does not ,s uffer to sacrifice for the independence and freedom of its country is not worthy of it. I told him tlhat was the way I saiw it and that I was convinced that even his father, TGM, would sooner agree in this matter with Mussolini than with him and Benes. From that time on I did not get al()IIl!g with Jo:hn Masaryk and was blac>k1b alled by Benes and his government in London. During the war we wrote each other several times, but, knowing Benes, I knew that he was planning revell!ge. On June 6, 1940, I was placed on the English "Blacklist" - t-o this day I do not know why - with indications that Benes's London "goveTnment" had itis hands in the matter. And after Dr. Benes's v,i sit to the White House, I was also ,p laced on the American "BJadklist" without any investigation. To people in his circle Dr. Benes remarked that I had spoken improperly with him in 193'8. I spoke with him as man to, man. Periha,ps the fact that I told him that he ought to beluwe more liike a man was regarded an improipI'liety. As in 19'38, so I aJlso contend today that we had no right to avoid war when the defense of our independence was concerned - like TGM and Mussolini did, if you want to put it tJhat way. Up to this time, however,. there was always something indistinct that prevented me from writing my view pu'blioly, the view that turned John Masaryk against me. But that indistictn~ has now disappeared due to a strrungely simple cause: in .A!llg1ust, 1957, an Argentine steamer went do!Wil in La Plata and eighty travelers drowned. It sainlk - and then it dawned on me. Lea;ders, caiptains among people, have their honor which they treasure more than life itself. The ca;rptai:n g~ down wi-th his sinlking shi{p. It is the morale of men who understand responsirbility with fatal seriousness a,nd courage. In our nation we had no shlp captains so that we �SLOVAKIA 5 might compare their behavior when disaster strikes the shl,p they are in ohar,ge of. But we did have in oru,r history a series of ca.ptains of the ship of state. And behold, our state captains comprehended the respons,ilbilities and manliness of leadership just as honestly as, those ship captains. The famous "Iron and Gold King," the Czech Pfemysl OtaJkar ]I, offered his life on the eive oif the battle on Moravslke Pole to save the honor of the nation and the army. At that sad time his life was indispensalble to the life of the nation, but he died in battle. He was betrayed by Milota of Dedic, a member of the Benesov clan. The victor Rudolph Habsbur,g had his courageous riva,1 b.umed with honors and scornfully exiled the traitor who had come to pay him homage. And he did not shatter the Ozooh empire as he had threatened. Famous b:lind King John did not run from battle when the French, wiho had called on him for help, fled from the battlefield. He gave the Czechs an example of coUJra:ge and defiance of death in battle with his memoralble utterance: "Let us hope that it will never hruppen that a Czech king shaJll flee f,rom battle!" By his fortitude he prepared the way to the emperor's crown for his .s on Charles ·w. The English cro,w n prince honored him for his braivery and to this very day bears on his coat of arms the three famous feathers of the braive Czech King John. In 193'8, from contacts with our generals, I was convinced that our army was better equipped and trained and possessed a better fighting spirit than Hitler's army. This fact was confirmed in Nureniber,g before the International Court even by Hitler's Chief of Starff, General Halder. He ~aid that his predecessor, General Beclk, resilgned his position in July, 1938, in protest against war with OzechoSlovaJkia which Hitler had planned. General Halder had said that he, lilke the majority of German commanders, was rugainst wa,r even if it wa,s only with independent Olecho~Slovakia. General Beck proclaimed that even such a war would haive boon fatal for Germany. Halder added that, when Beck's resignatio.n did not hruve any effect on Hitler, the German generals planned to overthrow Hitler �6 SLOVAKIA on the eve o:f the war. But the putJsch had to be speedily called off when Dr. Edward Benes crupitulated for CzechoSlorvaJkia. Today wlhen a;li oif this is known, sOlme people will want to reproach and malign me for the indecency of attaclking a dead man. But I do not want to be a wise thinker after the cure. We must rerne:rnlb,er, hrowever, that all we, the peOiple of the Czecho-Slovak ReipU!blic, learned oillly now, all this was 'knoiWil a!OCUTately and in detail by our Suipreme Commander and President, Dr. Edward Benes, already in July, Arugust, and September, 1938, and also by the line of generals, poJiticans, diplomats, and high state officials. In his positiion Benes was bound to know this; he had at his disposal gigantic, highly effective, and costly means to know aibout it. In Paris, in 1939, an officer of the "DelllXieme Bureau" visited me and expressed his amazement over the accuracy of reports of the Czecho-.Slo>vak Intelligence SeTIVice. So, Dr. Ediwa;rd Benes knew that the German generals looked upon war with Czecho-1Slorvalkia as a step that would be fatal to Germany. If, therefore, despite this knowledge Dr. Benes let himself "be forced" to capitulation, he committed treaso!Il. In the solemn oath taken when he assumed the duties of president, the President and Supreme Commander promised solemnly before the nation and Almighty God that he shall seiwe only and exclusively the .s tate and the entire nation. He promised to sacrifice his life, if necessary, and without hesitation erven the life of half the nation in defense of the state and freedom. When Benes was sworn in as President, there were present several huruked leading politicans, soldiers, offi.cialis, diplomats, ministers. Where were all these people when Dr. Benes signed the ca,pituiation and thu~ oommitted perjury and higlh trea,s on? There can be no doubt that they had the duty to prevent such a crupitulation and, if necessary, even to kill or overthrow the man guilty of hi:gh treas()IIl. But what did the .people airound him do? Nothing! And worse. Many of them even escorted him into exile. They bowed profoundly before the man guilty of high �SLOVAKIA 7 treason, adhered to him, supported and helrped him to install himself as exile-president amd to return to our home as .p resident again orf the State he had betrayed to the Communists and "liberated" into CO'Jnmuni.sm. We see that u,p to the present time trnitor Benes is stilJ. honored, glorified, and .p raised by the .v ery same gentlemen as a national hero and martyr. Let us look at these events with the eyes o;f normal people in the wrold, whether they be westerns or easterners. Even i;f they not provolke us from our let:Jhwgy out of reg3!rd for us, they nevertheless think terrible things aJbout us. Let us take any other country, for example, little Finland cramped somewhere in the nor.th and directly under the heel of the most birutal power. Can you im8!gine a Finn singing such a capitulation ond not being cut down the moment he did it? Do not aslk who was sUJpposed to 'kill him. 'Ilhere were hundreds of people who had the manly duty to kill the scoundrel and trMtor, since for decades they were in a po'sision that charged them to do so, even if their manly honor did not. in heaiven's name, will those forces never be awakened that would want to see the entire extent of the deceitful g.a me of the knaive and coward, whom the nation that was pmnlk and lulled to sleep with sociali,S!m placed on the throne of Ozech k,i ngs so that it might b,e betrayed by him? Why does not our exile, as well as our nation at home, walke u,p and use the broom of shame on that band of traitors who must have 'k nown and .stiH know everything that J write about and yet brazenly sing a song of cowardice and treason as if it were our sacred national ~nthem? Let us imagine ho,w diffe.rent it could have been if the nation wouJ.d have - as it should have - rid itself of J3enes's command in time and demonstrated to the world jhow the descendants of the di'Vi.ne worriors know how to fight for thek country. It is .possi1ble that in the end our army would have been beaten, but not before months of terrible fighting. And who can say how many other coun- �8 SLOVAKIA tries would have thrust themselives upon Hitler's army to !finish it already in 1939-19'40 and not in 194'5? The German commander,s should have overthrown Hitler without Benes's capitulation; then World War would not ha-ve happened at all. Ami the Germans without Hitler would have been - as they are today - all of them, not divided, in the western camp. In a fight for its independence, Czecho-SlovaJkia would have gained a blessing, a baptism by fire, and would haive taJken its place among the first states of Europe. It would haJVe finished its fa.rst test of statehood with complete success, a test which •now still awaits us. As it is, instead of being in the forefront as a free nation among the free, our state is an unwilling scamp or against the West and our nation an unwilling scamp or dog's head of <:ommunist imperialism. Well, we know that role the "Psohla,vi'c" (dog's heads) played, and the fate that a,waits them from the Laminge~. We must ma,ke wp our minds as to what we really jWant. Do we want political parties, a party, or State? Do we want a party to whom the State and nation would be a rag, as it is today of the Communist Party? We 'know that a certain grouping of parties led the State and nation into the thraldom of a Nazi protectorate. A grouping of parties, all promotmg socialism, led it into the sla,very of a Communist protectorate. Iif it is not clear to us that the State is aJbove ,p arty and that loyalty to a State stands high albove loya,lty to any party, then there is no sense in thinking and dreaming aJbout any kind of liberation, because in such a case we cannot attain it. That would be a Sisyphean effort, which has already twice disappointed us. As long as we shall elect a leader, we must hold a stricter relation to him than to anyone else. We must afford him the possi!bility to lead and to show himself a man and we must see to it that he also fulfills hls responsibility. ,I f not, we must overthrow or even kill him! After an, are we or are we not the descendants of the glorious warriors pf God, the SOlllS and brothers of the famous Ozecho- SlorvaJk legionnaires? Let us forget political partisanshlip. The ,nation and the State are aJbove any and all parties! � SLO VA KIA Published by the Slovak League of America VOL. VIII DECEMBER, 1958 NO. 3 (28) WHY fflE CZECHS DID NOT FIGHT Dr. John A. Bafa Whatever has been written aibout this subject has practically aliways been fhwored, distorted with excuses, malevolence, derisfon, anger, shame, embitter.moot, and aippeasemen.t, a<Ccording to politi'Cal interest and viewpoint and attempts to coiver up. Moot of the time this smelled of wrong doing, misfortune, a new White Mountain. Never, however, was their any trace of a;clmowledging how and wihy something hruppened and w:ho was to 'blame for its h8lplpening. Dr. John A. Bat'a is a member of the famous Czech shoemakers, who, like so many others who had dared to criticize the ruinous policy of Dr. Edward Benes, even though belatedly, were persecuted by Benes and his followers even in exile. This is a translation of the original Czech article "Proc jsme the journal nebojovali" that was published in "BOHEMIA" Oct. 30, 1957. of Czech Democratic Federalists - 'Dhat was a terrible, historical defeat of our statehood without a fig.ht and the world thinks that we fled from the b8Jttle. What has been written Uip to this time by the Czecho..,SlovaJks about this has only attempted to, excuse or rupologize for the ultimatum of the Western Powers at Munich in 1938: the Western Powers were guilty; the Russians were guilty for not coming to he1p us; Hitler was guHty; etc . And the world keeps on chuckling at our naivite. HumaJnly this is naturaL Everyone would rather pay himself indu'lgently even when he is not altogether certain that he deserves a boot. We have been extremely welltrained to cry about and bewail White Mountain; we can �2 SLOVAKIA ma.Ike a goat 'b leat a!bout it. But this bleating cannot silence our conscience, gnawing at our mind, whielh aSiks quietly: "Whom do you want to fool, ch'lllCikle-head ?" King Mida'S was an example of a man w:ho was afraid to loo'k truth in tlhe face. He had do,nikey ears and an a,stronomicaUy hi,gh hat to cover them. When he gathered enough strength to look at his ears, they disappeared. He was a whole man. Now, if we had the courage of Midas to looik upon realities under the barik o.f truth and related events to otJher examples in the world, perhaps it wolllld daiwn upon us why we did not fight in 1938. It would bec~me apparent that we ourselves were at fault, we the citizens of that lost State, which was the Czecho-;Sfovalk Republic and which we alfowed to collapse. We did not lose the State in October, 1938; we lost it b,efore that time. Octoiber, 1938, was only the date of the thraishilllg we deserved, a'S wa,s perhaps a:lso all that followed it. We did not have an adequate conception regarding nation and state. Somehow we had an idea that the series ad: political fetishes and partisan laJbles, according to which we ran - and still .run - here and there, made a nation of us. We seemed to think - allld still thinlk - that an equal and secret right of ballot and democracy, which we sa;w someplace, but did not understand ;properly amd with it elected irresiponsihly an irresiponsible leader, that this, too, made us a nation. And that our elected leaders wo1u ld at once ,b ecome stateS1II1en and men ,be:cause they wo,re striped ,p ants and acquired a few titles. Because we, the citizens and voters, did not thin1k, catastrophe OiVertook us. We had an idea, but not the knowledge or ,c onviction of what ,was needed to ma;ke a nation of us and a solid, organic unit of our ,state. In the meantime, however, our politicans, diplomats, and statesmen did what they pleased, and ,p articularly did they .run away from responsibilities into dernogogy, lying, and false promises; the interests of the Repulblic and nation were bartered away; obligations and oaths were forgotten, and the Constitution was spat upon; they used their positions to serve their own per,sonal �SLOVAKIA 3 interests and whims and used the nation and state lilke rags. In twenty-five years, the Repulblic was bartered away twice by these paliticams-statesm en with titles and striped pants. First to the Nazis, then to the Communists. In both cases this happened against our will. The caiuse of this is the same as that for our not fightinig in 1938: in responsirble positions we did have persons of the male sex, hut not men. None of us can j:ustify for ourselves o,r before any judicious person the fact that we did not fight. The nation was armed to the teeth; it had an army of a million men, excellently trained and for decades inculcated with love for its nation and filled with a .will to fight and a willingness to sacrifice. And yet, the nation did not fight as it wanted to and knew it had to so that it could preseiwe its freedom and indeipendence which it had eiked out after 300 years of dependence and bondage under which it almost ,p erished. Some of our people get angry when they read or hear the e~ression "ollir nation caipitulated." They come back with the retort that not the nation, but the leaders capitulated. I do not agree. There was only one leader: the president, the ~wpreme commamder of an arnny of a million men, an army splendidly equipped, trained, and ready fo,r war. We elected him directly or indirectly to leadershi!p. We are, therefore, also responsibile for him. To turn away from this responsilbility is senseless or cowardly. JOlhn Masaryk told me in the spring of 1940 that the aJII11bassadors off Fra.nce and Britian litera:Uy dragged Dr. Benes from bed at three o'clock in the morning and forced him to sign the capitulation rby an ultimatum. That started an argument. I could not understamd how a commander of an army of million men could be forced to caipitulation by some two froc'ked uncles and thereiby surrender the army, equipment, and state to enemies and the nation to slavery. John Masaryk retorted that the question did not concern shoes with which I was familiar. I still contended that a statesman could not be forced to do anytjhing. He could be killed, 01Verthrown by a revolution, deposed, kidnapped. �4 SLOVAKIA tortured, that he could cO!IIla:rut suicide, but that he could not be forced. We have an example, I added: Master John Hus. John Masaryk snapped hack that what I was saying sma;ciked af Fascism, that only that ',grazl Mussolini' said that a nation that does not ,s uffer to sacrifice for the independence and freedom of its country is not worthy of it. I told him tlhat was the way I saiw it and that I was convinced that even his father, TGM, would sooner agree in this matter with Mussolini than with him and Benes. From that time on I did not get al()IIl!g with Jo:hn Masaryk and was blac>k1b alled by Benes and his government in London. During the war we wrote each other several times, but, knowing Benes, I knew that he was planning revell!ge. On June 6, 1940, I was placed on the English "Blacklist" - t-o this day I do not know why - with indications that Benes's London "goveTnment" had itis hands in the matter. And after Dr. Benes's v,i sit to the White House, I was also ,p laced on the American "BJadklist" without any investigation. To people in his circle Dr. Benes remarked that I had spoken improperly with him in 193'8. I spoke with him as man to, man. Periha,ps the fact that I told him that he ought to beluwe more liike a man was regarded an improipI'liety. As in 19'38, so I aJlso contend today that we had no right to avoid war when the defense of our independence was concerned - like TGM and Mussolini did, if you want to put it tJhat way. Up to this time, however,. there was always something indistinct that prevented me from writing my view pu'blioly, the view that turned John Masaryk against me. But that indistictn~ has now disappeared due to a strrungely simple cause: in .A!llg1ust, 1957, an Argentine steamer went do!Wil in La Plata and eighty travelers drowned. It sainlk - and then it dawned on me. Lea;ders, caiptains among people, have their honor which they treasure more than life itself. The ca;rptai:n g~ down wi-th his sinlking shi{p. It is the morale of men who understand responsirbility with fatal seriousness a,nd courage. In our nation we had no shlp captains so that we �SLOVAKIA 5 might compare their behavior when disaster strikes the shl,p they are in ohar,ge of. But we did have in oru,r history a series of ca.ptains of the ship of state. And behold, our state captains comprehended the respons,ilbilities and manliness of leadership just as honestly as, those ship captains. The famous "Iron and Gold King," the Czech Pfemysl OtaJkar ]I, offered his life on the eive oif the battle on Moravslke Pole to save the honor of the nation and the army. At that sad time his life was indispensalble to the life of the nation, but he died in battle. He was betrayed by Milota of Dedic, a member of the Benesov clan. The victor Rudolph Habsbur,g had his courageous riva,1 b.umed with honors and scornfully exiled the traitor who had come to pay him homage. And he did not shatter the Ozooh empire as he had threatened. Famous b:lind King John did not run from battle when the French, wiho had called on him for help, fled from the battlefield. He gave the Czechs an example of coUJra:ge and defiance of death in battle with his memoralble utterance: "Let us hope that it will never hruppen that a Czech king shaJll flee f,rom battle!" By his fortitude he prepared the way to the emperor's crown for his .s on Charles ·w. The English cro,w n prince honored him for his braivery and to this very day bears on his coat of arms the three famous feathers of the braive Czech King John. In 193'8, from contacts with our generals, I was convinced that our army was better equipped and trained and possessed a better fighting spirit than Hitler's army. This fact was confirmed in Nureniber,g before the International Court even by Hitler's Chief of Starff, General Halder. He ~aid that his predecessor, General Beclk, resilgned his position in July, 1938, in protest against war with OzechoSlovaJkia which Hitler had planned. General Halder had said that he, lilke the majority of German commanders, was rugainst wa,r even if it wa,s only with independent Olecho~Slovakia. General Beck proclaimed that even such a war would haive boon fatal for Germany. Halder added that, when Beck's resignatio.n did not hruve any effect on Hitler, the German generals planned to overthrow Hitler �6 SLOVAKIA on the eve o:f the war. But the putJsch had to be speedily called off when Dr. Edward Benes crupitulated for CzechoSlorvaJkia. Today wlhen a;li oif this is known, sOlme people will want to reproach and malign me for the indecency of attaclking a dead man. But I do not want to be a wise thinker after the cure. We must rerne:rnlb,er, hrowever, that all we, the peOiple of the Czecho-Slovak ReipU!blic, learned oillly now, all this was 'knoiWil a!OCUTately and in detail by our Suipreme Commander and President, Dr. Edward Benes, already in July, Arugust, and September, 1938, and also by the line of generals, poJiticans, diplomats, and high state officials. In his positiion Benes was bound to know this; he had at his disposal gigantic, highly effective, and costly means to know aibout it. In Paris, in 1939, an officer of the "DelllXieme Bureau" visited me and expressed his amazement over the accuracy of reports of the Czecho-.Slo>vak Intelligence SeTIVice. So, Dr. Ediwa;rd Benes knew that the German generals looked upon war with Czecho-1Slorvalkia as a step that would be fatal to Germany. If, therefore, despite this knowledge Dr. Benes let himself "be forced" to capitulation, he committed treaso!Il. In the solemn oath taken when he assumed the duties of president, the President and Supreme Commander promised solemnly before the nation and Almighty God that he shall seiwe only and exclusively the .s tate and the entire nation. He promised to sacrifice his life, if necessary, and without hesitation erven the life of half the nation in defense of the state and freedom. When Benes was sworn in as President, there were present several huruked leading politicans, soldiers, offi.cialis, diplomats, ministers. Where were all these people when Dr. Benes signed the ca,pituiation and thu~ oommitted perjury and higlh trea,s on? There can be no doubt that they had the duty to prevent such a crupitulation and, if necessary, even to kill or overthrow the man guilty of hi:gh treas()IIl. But what did the .people airound him do? Nothing! And worse. Many of them even escorted him into exile. They bowed profoundly before the man guilty of high �SLOVAKIA 7 treason, adhered to him, supported and helrped him to install himself as exile-president amd to return to our home as .p resident again orf the State he had betrayed to the Communists and "liberated" into CO'Jnmuni.sm. We see that u,p to the present time trnitor Benes is stilJ. honored, glorified, and .p raised by the .v ery same gentlemen as a national hero and martyr. Let us look at these events with the eyes o;f normal people in the wrold, whether they be westerns or easterners. Even i;f they not provolke us from our let:Jhwgy out of reg3!rd for us, they nevertheless think terrible things aJbout us. Let us take any other country, for example, little Finland cramped somewhere in the nor.th and directly under the heel of the most birutal power. Can you im8!gine a Finn singing such a capitulation ond not being cut down the moment he did it? Do not aslk who was sUJpposed to 'kill him. 'Ilhere were hundreds of people who had the manly duty to kill the scoundrel and trMtor, since for decades they were in a po'sision that charged them to do so, even if their manly honor did not. in heaiven's name, will those forces never be awakened that would want to see the entire extent of the deceitful g.a me of the knaive and coward, whom the nation that was pmnlk and lulled to sleep with sociali,S!m placed on the throne of Ozech k,i ngs so that it might b,e betrayed by him? Why does not our exile, as well as our nation at home, walke u,p and use the broom of shame on that band of traitors who must have 'k nown and .stiH know everything that J write about and yet brazenly sing a song of cowardice and treason as if it were our sacred national ~nthem? Let us imagine ho,w diffe.rent it could have been if the nation wouJ.d have - as it should have - rid itself of J3enes's command in time and demonstrated to the world jhow the descendants of the di'Vi.ne worriors know how to fight for thek country. It is .possi1ble that in the end our army would have been beaten, but not before months of terrible fighting. And who can say how many other coun- �8 SLOVAKIA tries would have thrust themselives upon Hitler's army to !finish it already in 1939-19'40 and not in 194'5? The German commander,s should have overthrown Hitler without Benes's capitulation; then World War would not ha-ve happened at all. Ami the Germans without Hitler would have been - as they are today - all of them, not divided, in the western camp. In a fight for its independence, Czecho-SlovaJkia would have gained a blessing, a baptism by fire, and would haive taJken its place among the first states of Europe. It would haJVe finished its fa.rst test of statehood with complete success, a test which •now still awaits us. As it is, instead of being in the forefront as a free nation among the free, our state is an unwilling scamp or against the West and our nation an unwilling scamp or dog's head of <:ommunist imperialism. Well, we know that role the "Psohla,vi'c" (dog's heads) played, and the fate that a,waits them from the Laminge~. We must ma,ke wp our minds as to what we really jWant. Do we want political parties, a party, or State? Do we want a party to whom the State and nation would be a rag, as it is today of the Communist Party? We 'know that a certain grouping of parties led the State and nation into the thraldom of a Nazi protectorate. A grouping of parties, all promotmg socialism, led it into the sla,very of a Communist protectorate. Iif it is not clear to us that the State is aJbove ,p arty and that loyalty to a State stands high albove loya,lty to any party, then there is no sense in thinking and dreaming aJbout any kind of liberation, because in such a case we cannot attain it. That would be a Sisyphean effort, which has already twice disappointed us. As long as we shall elect a leader, we must hold a stricter relation to him than to anyone else. We must afford him the possi!bility to lead and to show himself a man and we must see to it that he also fulfills hls responsibility. ,I f not, we must overthrow or even kill him! After an, are we or are we not the descendants of the glorious warriors pf God, the SOlllS and brothers of the famous Ozecho- SlorvaJk legionnaires? Let us forget political partisanshlip. The ,nation and the State are aJbove any and all parties! � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1958, Vol. 8 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 26), March 1958.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 27), June 1958.</li> <li>Issue 3 (No. 28), December 1958.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1958 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLO VA KIA Published by the Slovak League of America VOL. VIII DECEMBER, 1958 NO. 3 (28) WHY fflE CZECHS DID NOT FIGHT Dr. John A. Bafa Whatever has been written aibout this subject has practically aliways been fhwored, distorted with excuses, malevolence, derisfon, anger, shame, embitter.moot, and aippeasemen.t, a<Ccording to politi'Cal interest and viewpoint and attempts to coiver up. Moot of the time this smelled of wrong doing, misfortune, a new White Mountain. Never, however, was their any trace of a;clmowledging how and wihy something hruppened and w:ho was to 'blame for its h8lplpening. Dr. John A. Bat'a is a member of the famous Czech shoemakers, who, like so many others who had dared to criticize the ruinous policy of Dr. Edward Benes, even though belatedly, were persecuted by Benes and his followers even in exile. This is a translation of the original Czech article "Proc jsme the journal nebojovali" that was published in "BOHEMIA" Oct. 30, 1957. of Czech Democratic Federalists - 'Dhat was a terrible, historical defeat of our statehood without a fig.ht and the world thinks that we fled from the b8Jttle. What has been written Uip to this time by the Czecho..,SlovaJks about this has only attempted to, excuse or rupologize for the ultimatum of the Western Powers at Munich in 1938: the Western Powers were guilty; the Russians were guilty for not coming to he1p us; Hitler was guHty; etc . And the world keeps on chuckling at our naivite. HumaJnly this is naturaL Everyone would rather pay himself indu'lgently even when he is not altogether certain that he deserves a boot. We have been extremely welltrained to cry about and bewail White Mountain; we can 2 SLOVAKIA ma.Ike a goat 'b leat a!bout it. But this bleating cannot silence our conscience, gnawing at our mind, whielh aSiks quietly: "Whom do you want to fool, ch'lllCikle-head ?" King Mida'S was an example of a man w:ho was afraid to loo'k truth in tlhe face. He had do,nikey ears and an a,stronomicaUy hi,gh hat to cover them. When he gathered enough strength to look at his ears, they disappeared. He was a whole man. Now, if we had the courage of Midas to looik upon realities under the barik o.f truth and related events to otJher examples in the world, perhaps it wolllld daiwn upon us why we did not fight in 1938. It would bec~me apparent that we ourselves were at fault, we the citizens of that lost State, which was the Czecho-;Sfovalk Republic and which we alfowed to collapse. We did not lose the State in October, 1938; we lost it b,efore that time. Octoiber, 1938, was only the date of the thraishilllg we deserved, a'S wa,s perhaps a:lso all that followed it. We did not have an adequate conception regarding nation and state. Somehow we had an idea that the series ad: political fetishes and partisan laJbles, according to which we ran - and still .run - here and there, made a nation of us. We seemed to think - allld still thinlk - that an equal and secret right of ballot and democracy, which we sa;w someplace, but did not understand ;properly amd with it elected irresiponsihly an irresiponsible leader, that this, too, made us a nation. And that our elected leaders wo1u ld at once ,b ecome stateS1II1en and men ,be:cause they wo,re striped ,p ants and acquired a few titles. Because we, the citizens and voters, did not thin1k, catastrophe OiVertook us. We had an idea, but not the knowledge or ,c onviction of what ,was needed to ma;ke a nation of us and a solid, organic unit of our ,state. In the meantime, however, our politicans, diplomats, and statesmen did what they pleased, and ,p articularly did they .run away from responsibilities into dernogogy, lying, and false promises; the interests of the Repulblic and nation were bartered away; obligations and oaths were forgotten, and the Constitution was spat upon; they used their positions to serve their own per,sonal SLOVAKIA 3 interests and whims and used the nation and state lilke rags. In twenty-five years, the Repulblic was bartered away twice by these paliticams-statesm en with titles and striped pants. First to the Nazis, then to the Communists. In both cases this happened against our will. The caiuse of this is the same as that for our not fightinig in 1938: in responsirble positions we did have persons of the male sex, hut not men. None of us can j:ustify for ourselves o,r before any judicious person the fact that we did not fight. The nation was armed to the teeth; it had an army of a million men, excellently trained and for decades inculcated with love for its nation and filled with a .will to fight and a willingness to sacrifice. And yet, the nation did not fight as it wanted to and knew it had to so that it could preseiwe its freedom and indeipendence which it had eiked out after 300 years of dependence and bondage under which it almost ,p erished. Some of our people get angry when they read or hear the e~ression "ollir nation caipitulated." They come back with the retort that not the nation, but the leaders capitulated. I do not agree. There was only one leader: the president, the ~wpreme commamder of an arnny of a million men, an army splendidly equipped, trained, and ready fo,r war. We elected him directly or indirectly to leadershi!p. We are, therefore, also responsibile for him. To turn away from this responsilbility is senseless or cowardly. JOlhn Masaryk told me in the spring of 1940 that the aJII11bassadors off Fra.nce and Britian litera:Uy dragged Dr. Benes from bed at three o'clock in the morning and forced him to sign the capitulation rby an ultimatum. That started an argument. I could not understamd how a commander of an army of million men could be forced to caipitulation by some two froc'ked uncles and thereiby surrender the army, equipment, and state to enemies and the nation to slavery. John Masaryk retorted that the question did not concern shoes with which I was familiar. I still contended that a statesman could not be forced to do anytjhing. He could be killed, 01Verthrown by a revolution, deposed, kidnapped. 4 SLOVAKIA tortured, that he could cO!IIla:rut suicide, but that he could not be forced. We have an example, I added: Master John Hus. John Masaryk snapped hack that what I was saying sma;ciked af Fascism, that only that ',grazl Mussolini' said that a nation that does not ,s uffer to sacrifice for the independence and freedom of its country is not worthy of it. I told him tlhat was the way I saiw it and that I was convinced that even his father, TGM, would sooner agree in this matter with Mussolini than with him and Benes. From that time on I did not get al()IIl!g with Jo:hn Masaryk and was blac>k1b alled by Benes and his government in London. During the war we wrote each other several times, but, knowing Benes, I knew that he was planning revell!ge. On June 6, 1940, I was placed on the English "Blacklist" - t-o this day I do not know why - with indications that Benes's London "goveTnment" had itis hands in the matter. And after Dr. Benes's v,i sit to the White House, I was also ,p laced on the American "BJadklist" without any investigation. To people in his circle Dr. Benes remarked that I had spoken improperly with him in 193'8. I spoke with him as man to, man. Periha,ps the fact that I told him that he ought to beluwe more liike a man was regarded an improipI'liety. As in 19'38, so I aJlso contend today that we had no right to avoid war when the defense of our independence was concerned - like TGM and Mussolini did, if you want to put it tJhat way. Up to this time, however,. there was always something indistinct that prevented me from writing my view pu'blioly, the view that turned John Masaryk against me. But that indistictn~ has now disappeared due to a strrungely simple cause: in .A!llg1ust, 1957, an Argentine steamer went do!Wil in La Plata and eighty travelers drowned. It sainlk - and then it dawned on me. Lea;ders, caiptains among people, have their honor which they treasure more than life itself. The ca;rptai:n g~ down wi-th his sinlking shi{p. It is the morale of men who understand responsirbility with fatal seriousness a,nd courage. In our nation we had no shlp captains so that we SLOVAKIA 5 might compare their behavior when disaster strikes the shl,p they are in ohar,ge of. But we did have in oru,r history a series of ca.ptains of the ship of state. And behold, our state captains comprehended the respons,ilbilities and manliness of leadership just as honestly as, those ship captains. The famous "Iron and Gold King," the Czech Pfemysl OtaJkar ]I, offered his life on the eive oif the battle on Moravslke Pole to save the honor of the nation and the army. At that sad time his life was indispensalble to the life of the nation, but he died in battle. He was betrayed by Milota of Dedic, a member of the Benesov clan. The victor Rudolph Habsbur,g had his courageous riva,1 b.umed with honors and scornfully exiled the traitor who had come to pay him homage. And he did not shatter the Ozooh empire as he had threatened. Famous b:lind King John did not run from battle when the French, wiho had called on him for help, fled from the battlefield. He gave the Czechs an example of coUJra:ge and defiance of death in battle with his memoralble utterance: "Let us hope that it will never hruppen that a Czech king shaJll flee f,rom battle!" By his fortitude he prepared the way to the emperor's crown for his .s on Charles ·w. The English cro,w n prince honored him for his braivery and to this very day bears on his coat of arms the three famous feathers of the braive Czech King John. In 193'8, from contacts with our generals, I was convinced that our army was better equipped and trained and possessed a better fighting spirit than Hitler's army. This fact was confirmed in Nureniber,g before the International Court even by Hitler's Chief of Starff, General Halder. He ~aid that his predecessor, General Beclk, resilgned his position in July, 1938, in protest against war with OzechoSlovaJkia which Hitler had planned. General Halder had said that he, lilke the majority of German commanders, was rugainst wa,r even if it wa,s only with independent Olecho~Slovakia. General Beck proclaimed that even such a war would haive boon fatal for Germany. Halder added that, when Beck's resignatio.n did not hruve any effect on Hitler, the German generals planned to overthrow Hitler 6 SLOVAKIA on the eve o:f the war. But the putJsch had to be speedily called off when Dr. Edward Benes crupitulated for CzechoSlorvaJkia. Today wlhen a;li oif this is known, sOlme people will want to reproach and malign me for the indecency of attaclking a dead man. But I do not want to be a wise thinker after the cure. We must rerne:rnlb,er, hrowever, that all we, the peOiple of the Czecho-Slovak ReipU!blic, learned oillly now, all this was 'knoiWil a!OCUTately and in detail by our Suipreme Commander and President, Dr. Edward Benes, already in July, Arugust, and September, 1938, and also by the line of generals, poJiticans, diplomats, and high state officials. In his positiion Benes was bound to know this; he had at his disposal gigantic, highly effective, and costly means to know aibout it. In Paris, in 1939, an officer of the "DelllXieme Bureau" visited me and expressed his amazement over the accuracy of reports of the Czecho-.Slo>vak Intelligence SeTIVice. So, Dr. Ediwa;rd Benes knew that the German generals looked upon war with Czecho-1Slorvalkia as a step that would be fatal to Germany. If, therefore, despite this knowledge Dr. Benes let himself "be forced" to capitulation, he committed treaso!Il. In the solemn oath taken when he assumed the duties of president, the President and Supreme Commander promised solemnly before the nation and Almighty God that he shall seiwe only and exclusively the .s tate and the entire nation. He promised to sacrifice his life, if necessary, and without hesitation erven the life of half the nation in defense of the state and freedom. When Benes was sworn in as President, there were present several huruked leading politicans, soldiers, offi.cialis, diplomats, ministers. Where were all these people when Dr. Benes signed the ca,pituiation and thu~ oommitted perjury and higlh trea,s on? There can be no doubt that they had the duty to prevent such a crupitulation and, if necessary, even to kill or overthrow the man guilty of hi:gh treas()IIl. But what did the .people airound him do? Nothing! And worse. Many of them even escorted him into exile. They bowed profoundly before the man guilty of high SLOVAKIA 7 treason, adhered to him, supported and helrped him to install himself as exile-president amd to return to our home as .p resident again orf the State he had betrayed to the Communists and "liberated" into CO'Jnmuni.sm. We see that u,p to the present time trnitor Benes is stilJ. honored, glorified, and .p raised by the .v ery same gentlemen as a national hero and martyr. Let us look at these events with the eyes o;f normal people in the wrold, whether they be westerns or easterners. Even i;f they not provolke us from our let:Jhwgy out of reg3!rd for us, they nevertheless think terrible things aJbout us. Let us take any other country, for example, little Finland cramped somewhere in the nor.th and directly under the heel of the most birutal power. Can you im8!gine a Finn singing such a capitulation ond not being cut down the moment he did it? Do not aslk who was sUJpposed to 'kill him. 'Ilhere were hundreds of people who had the manly duty to kill the scoundrel and trMtor, since for decades they were in a po'sision that charged them to do so, even if their manly honor did not. in heaiven's name, will those forces never be awakened that would want to see the entire extent of the deceitful g.a me of the knaive and coward, whom the nation that was pmnlk and lulled to sleep with sociali,S!m placed on the throne of Ozech k,i ngs so that it might b,e betrayed by him? Why does not our exile, as well as our nation at home, walke u,p and use the broom of shame on that band of traitors who must have 'k nown and .stiH know everything that J write about and yet brazenly sing a song of cowardice and treason as if it were our sacred national ~nthem? Let us imagine ho,w diffe.rent it could have been if the nation wouJ.d have - as it should have - rid itself of J3enes's command in time and demonstrated to the world jhow the descendants of the di'Vi.ne worriors know how to fight for thek country. It is .possi1ble that in the end our army would have been beaten, but not before months of terrible fighting. And who can say how many other coun- 8 SLOVAKIA tries would have thrust themselives upon Hitler's army to !finish it already in 1939-19'40 and not in 194'5? The German commander,s should have overthrown Hitler without Benes's capitulation; then World War would not ha-ve happened at all. Ami the Germans without Hitler would have been - as they are today - all of them, not divided, in the western camp. In a fight for its independence, Czecho-SlovaJkia would have gained a blessing, a baptism by fire, and would haive taJken its place among the first states of Europe. It would haJVe finished its fa.rst test of statehood with complete success, a test which •now still awaits us. As it is, instead of being in the forefront as a free nation among the free, our state is an unwilling scamp or against the West and our nation an unwilling scamp or dog's head of <:ommunist imperialism. Well, we know that role the "Psohla,vi'c" (dog's heads) played, and the fate that a,waits them from the Laminge~. We must ma,ke wp our minds as to what we really jWant. Do we want political parties, a party, or State? Do we want a party to whom the State and nation would be a rag, as it is today of the Communist Party? We 'know that a certain grouping of parties led the State and nation into the thraldom of a Nazi protectorate. A grouping of parties, all promotmg socialism, led it into the sla,very of a Communist protectorate. Iif it is not clear to us that the State is aJbove ,p arty and that loyalty to a State stands high albove loya,lty to any party, then there is no sense in thinking and dreaming aJbout any kind of liberation, because in such a case we cannot attain it. That would be a Sisyphean effort, which has already twice disappointed us. As long as we shall elect a leader, we must hold a stricter relation to him than to anyone else. We must afford him the possi!bility to lead and to show himself a man and we must see to it that he also fulfills hls responsibility. ,I f not, we must overthrow or even kill him! After an, are we or are we not the descendants of the glorious warriors pf God, the SOlllS and brothers of the famous Ozecho- SlorvaJk legionnaires? Let us forget political partisanshlip. The ,nation and the State are aJbove any and all parties!  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Why the Czechs Did Not Fight Description An account of the resource Dr. John A. Baťa Slovakia, Vol. 8, No. 3 (28), December 1958 pp. 1-8 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Baťa, John A. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource December 1958 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/ff74de252a983093167f8c3dbe9b6edb.pdf bc2368dcdabeca22f9f1eabb8e3121a3 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 9 HON. B. CARROLL REECE THE SUDETEN GERMANS Restoration of Internation al Morality Perhaps few people in the world today are more firmly united in opposing Communism than are the 16 million Germans expelled from the German provinces east of the Odes-Neise line, the Sudetenlan d, and other parts of Europe. These sturdy people, outnumber ing the total population of Sweden, Norway, and Denmark combined, experienced in 1945 the full impact of the Red invasion of their ancient homelands. Their expulsion to Western Germany resulted in the tragic death of more than 3 million of their number. Among these 16 million German expellees were 3.3 million Sudeten Germans, the latter group equal in size to the total population of either Eire or Norway. They were expelled in 1945 and 1946 from their ancient homeland by the Communist -led Czecho-'Slovak Governmen t of the socalled National Front. About 300,000 of them died during the process of expulsion. When speaking of the Sudetenlan d, I refer to the territory comprising the border regions of Bohemia and Moravia.Silesia, that is, the border regions of the western part of present-day Czecho-Slovakia. In 1921, 3.2 million Sudeten Germans and 6.8 million Czechs were living in Bohemia and Moravia-Si lesia while, in 1935, the figures showed 3.3 million Sudeten Germans and 7.4 million Czechs. As a political entity, a state, Czecho-Slo vakia does not antedate the year of 1918 when Bohemia and MoraviaSilesia, with its Czechs and German population, were combined with Slovakia, the latter comprising 2.3 million Slovaks and 692,000 Magyars, and with Carpathian Ruthenia inhabited by 549,000 Ruthenians . Neverthele ss, Czechs and Germans have been living side by side in those first-named regions for nearly a thousand years. The Foundation of Czecho-Slovakia Led by T. G. Masaryk and Edvard Benes, Czech politicians saw in World War I the opportunity for their people to �10 SLOVAKIA secede from the Hapsburg empire and set up an independent republic. Promising the Slovaks full autonomy, Masaryk persuaded them to join the Czechs in forming one state when he concluded with the Slovak League of America the Pittsburgh Agreement of May 30, 1918. The new Czecho-Slovak Republic then came into being on October 28, 1918. At that hour the Sudeten Cermans, on their part, decided to establish the provinces of German-Bohe mia and Sudetenland, and to associate these with the new Republic of Austria. Head of the provincial government at Prague was at the time Dr. Rudolf Lodgman von Auen. He is today the president of the National Union of Sudeten German Expellees. Dr. von Lodgman had long urged a solution of the probAustria-Hung ary on lines of federalism. He advocated of lem freedom - his ancestors had fled England at the time of Elizabeth I in search of freedom - and he stood for the right to self-determina tion. But in spite of the fact that Austria-Hung ary was ostensibly dismembered so as to realize that right, firmly proclaimed by our President Woodrow Wilson, it was squarely refused to the 3.2 million Sudeten Germans who were forced against their will to be part of the new Czecho-Slova k Republic. To subdue the demands of the people, the Czechs even dispatched troops to the Sudetenland and when, in March 1919, there were public demonstration s, the Czech military fired into the crowds causing many casualties. Leading the resistance movement in those days was Josef Seliger, chairman of the Sudeten German Social Democratic Party. Headed by Dr. Benes, the Czech delegation to the Paris Peace Conference did not shrink away from using such tricks as presenting maps showing a Sudeten German area falsely reduced. The deceit was later contradicted even by the official Czecho-Slova k census figure. In an oral statement to the Big Four, Benes admitted that the Sudeten Germans, if given a free choice, would probably secede from the new republic. To compensate for denying them the right to selfdetermination Benes, in ·a written memorandum to the peace conference, went on record in favor of a Swiss type of constitution for Czecho-Slovakia. It remained an empty promise. �SLOVAKIA 11 Dr. von Lodgman and the Slovak spokesman, Msgr. Andrew Hlinka, as well as leaders of the Magyars in CzechoSlovakia also managed to go to Paris to attend the peace conference. But they were kept in their hotels behind barbed wire ,and were not given a hearing. Prophetic Warning of a True American It was a man representing the United States who objected to the flagrant violation of the right to self-determination in the specific instance of the Sudeten Germans: Prof. Archibald Cary Coolidge, the well-known Harvard historian. In December 1918, he was appointed by the Secretary of State to be political observer in Austria-Hungary, assigned to the American Commission to Negotiate Peace and instructed to head a field mission to the former dual monarchy. (Professor Coolidge incidentally is a founder member of the New York Council in Foreign Relations and served as first editor of its quarterly, Foreign Affairs.) Dr. A. C. Coolidge summed up his observations in a detailed memorandum of March 10, 1919, which he submitted to the Peace Commission. He dealt with the problem of nationalities and new boundaries in all parts of the former Hapsburg monarchy and set out stating: "To grant to the Czecho-Slovaks all the territory they demand would be not only an injustice to millions of people unwilling to come under Czech rule, but it would also be dangerous and perhaps fatal to the future of the new state •.. The Bloodshed on March 3 when Czech soldiers in several towns fired on Germans crowds . . • was shed in a manner that is not easily f.orgiven .•• For the Bohemia of the future to contain withi,n its limits great numbers of deeply discon'tended inhabitants .•• will be a perilous experiment and one which can hardly promise success in the long run." Three weeks later, on April 1, 1919, the Sudeten German question was taken up at the Peace Conference meeting discussing the report of the Czecho-Slovak Commission on the frontiers between Czecho-Slovakia and Germany. It was at this meeting when our Secretary of State, Mr. Lansing, objected to including into the Czecho-Slovak State large Sudeten Germans areas and declared that The American delegates objected to the whole method of drawing frontier lines on strategic principles. And that - �12 SLOVAKIA The fixing of frontier lines with a view to their military strength was directly contrary to the whole spirit . . . of the policy of the United States as set forth in the declaration of President Wilson. Prospective Ally of France As Against Germany M. Laroche of the French delegation, upon being asked at this meeting whether the commission would approve of a plebiscite in the area, replied that a plebiscite could be proposed without extending it to the remainder of the German Bohemians, which would reduce the Czecho-Slovak state to very slender proportions. Mr. Lansing thereupon pl·ainly said that this was not a good reason to justify an injustice. However, the views of the French Foreign Minister prevailed, namely, to strengthen Czecho-Slovakia, which M. Pichon trusted "would remain an ally orf France" as against Germ-any. The United States, however, then began to withdraw from the scene of European political intrigues. The constitution of the CzechoJSlovak Republic was devised by a mostly Czech commission and not by a duly elected convention. Czech became the official language. The Sudeten Germans were not given a fair chance to participate. The facts of the undemocratic beginnings of Czecho-Slovakia should not be overlooked. The Czech land reform law of 1919 allotted 2,025,400 acres of German property in the Sudetenland to proteges of the Czech political parties. Only 7 percent of the land taken from Sudeten German owners was given to Sudeten German farmers, while 93 percent was handed over to new Czech settlers. In addition, land property expropriated in the central parts of Bohemia and Moravia-Silesia, that is, outside of the Sudetenland, amounting to -another 3,818,064 acres and owned by Germans, was also handed over to the Czechs. In the Sudetenland proper, 31 percent of the entire land area was confiscated in 1919. The Czech colonists were settled and Czech schools were built with the aim to break up the German language area. Discrimination Against the Sudeten Germans Although the Sudeten Germans represented about 30 percent of the total population of Bohemia and Moravia- �SLOVAKIA 13 Silesia, they made up only 10 percent of the employees of the general civil service, 13.1 percent of the postal service, 12.8 percent of the judicial administration service, 12.4 percent of the railway employees, and only 5.4 percent of the army officer corps. The police force was almost exclusively Czech. Administrative reforms in 1927 must also be regarded as discriminatory, though a smoothly working .publicity machine was able to show the outside world the picture of what appeared to be a democracy. In the 1920 parliamentary elections the Sudeten German Parties won 74 out of the 300 available seats. Some of these parties, the so-called Activists, entered the government coalition and, since 1926, most political parties of the Sudeten Germans participated in the government coalition, thus showing their honest desire to cooperate. But they were unable to gain any ground toward reforms on federative lines. Even a late-in-the-day palliative assurance of more posts to be assigned to Sudeten German civil servants remained an empty promise. The worldwide economic crisis at the end of the 1920's imposed a he::vy burden on the Sudeten Germans. Czech bankers and -administrators gave preference to Czech enterprises. Out of 800,000 unemployed 500,000 were Sudeten Germans. In 1935, the Sudeten German Party, a union of a number of political groups, polled 1,249,530 votes and thus emerged as the largest political party in all of Czecho-Slovakia, but ·was forced to remain in opposition. Early in 1937, several younger members of those German parties that participated in the government coalition made once more a concerted effort to convince the Czechs of the urgency of thoroughgoing reforms. Hans Schlitz, of the Christian Social Party, sternly demanded equal rights, while Wenzel Jaksch, of the Social Democratic Party, bluntly asked whether or not there was still a place in the Czecho-Slovak Republic for genuine Sudeten German partnership. Incidentally, both men are today distinguished members of th German Bundestag. In the growing crisis of 1938, Lord Runciman was chosen to head a mission of mediation and, after a close study on the ground, he reported: �14 SLOVAKIA " It is hard to be ruled by an alien race . . . In the last elections in 1935 the Sudeten German Party polled more votes than any other sin_gle party . . . But they can always be outvoted; and consequently some of them feel that constitutional action is useless for them ••• Even as late as the time of my mission, I could find no readiness on the part of the Czecho-Slovak Government to remedy (the complaints) on anything like an adequate scale . • • Just as it is essential for the international position of Switzerland that her policy should be entirely neutral, so an analogous policy is necessary for ,Czecho-Slovakia - not only for her own future existence but for the peace of Europe." However, Czecho-Slovakia refused to admit its multinational status and did not strive for a position of neutrality. In spite of its vulnerability, because of the large percentage of citizens of non-Czech nationality, it allowed itself to be used as a political pawn, and since the treaty in 1935 with the Soviet Union, increasingly as a pawn in the hands of the Kremlin, thereby causing its own gradual disintegration. The Prague government treated the Slovaks in much the same way as the Sudeten Germans. About half of CzechoSlovakia's total population was tired of being bossed by the 7.4 million Czechs. No wonder that the foundation of the republic began to crumble, when the Anglo-French demarche of September 21, 1938, demanded the cession to Germany of the Sudeten region. It was soon followed by demands of Poland and Hungary for the cession of areas inhabited by their conationals, 131,000 Poles and 692,000 Magyars, and finally by the declaration of independence of the 3 million Slovaks who sought recognition as a nation. Sauce of the Goose Not To Be Sauce for the Gander From the beginning the Czechs had been showing a lack of realism, a lack of willingness to plan, in good time, for constitutional reforms. If in the years after 1918 a wise solution had earnestly been sought, events might well have taken a different course. The word "Munich" has since been linked in our mind with a short-sighted, dangerous policy vis-a-vis an aggressive dictator. Surely the right to selfdetermination should not be exercised by employing violence which would only bring about new injustice. Nevertheless, the right to self-determination is today recognized as a canon of international law. A brief glance at the map of Asia and �SLOVAKIA 15 Africa will suffice to convince everybody of its potency and potentiality, of its full meaning in the realities of present-day world affairs. As to Munich, it should be remembered that neither the Czechs nor the Sudeten Germans were partners to that agreement. It was made by the four European big powers. When Hitler, in 1939, under a flimsy pretext occupied the central area of Bohemia and Moravia-'Silesia he openly violated the right to a.n independent national life of the Czech people just as the Czechs, two decades before, had violated that same right of the Sudeten Germans. To charge the Sudeten Germans with treason against the Czecho-Slovak Republic is beside the point, when the charge is made by the Czechs who themselves set the example. In opposing Austria-Hungary, Masaryk, Benes, and their adherents had solicited during World War I the support of foreign governments and had organized thousands of Czech deserters from the Austrian Army to join Czech legions on the side of the Allies. It was hard to make Sudeten Germans later believe that as to their own case "sauce of the goose was not to be sauce for the gander." The expulsion of the Sudeten Germans cannot be based on treason allegedly committed by them against the Czecho-Slovak Republic nor upon the charge of a£sociation with Hitler's policy of suppressing the Czechs. Expulsion of the Sudeten Germans Dr. Benes unfortunately seems to have blamed the Sudeten Germans for his own shortcomings and considered them instrumental in his downfall in 1938. His mind wa.3 beclouded by Germanophobia. He did not seek a just and fair solution in his dealings with those Sudeten Germans politicians who were, like he himself, exiled by the Nazi regime and living in London during World War II: I refer to Wenzel Jaksch and Richard Reitzner, both of whom now are members of the German Bundestag. According to his memoirs - Pameti - published in Prague in 1947, this is what Benes at a reception in London on January 7, 1942, told Wenzel Jaksch in an effort to have �16 SLOVAKIA him agree to deportation from Czecho-Slovakia of ,all Sudeten Germans, excepting a limited number of anti-Fascists: During the social revolution which will certainly occur we shall have to rid our country of all the German bour-geoisie, the pan.German intelligentsia and those workers whom hate turned Fascist. This would be the final solution and, so far as we are concerned, the only possible solution which we would be able to implement, namely combining our social revolution with the national revolution. I added to Jaksch and his friends: We must have the courage to speak about this openly; and especially you Social Democrats should have the cour-age to do so. This plan even contains an element of Marx. ism and Marxist dialectics in the revolutionary process which must inevitably accompany the changes in the social structure of the nation as an outcome of this great and worldwide catastrophe. After the firs,t world war . . . I foretold that the German nationalist bourgeoisie in our country would some time in the future attempt a counter-revolution and that there would be no peace between us until this bourgeoisie was subjected to a similar revolution to that which the Czechs had gone through in past centuries. Now, after the second world war, this revolution is inevitable; and the entire nationalities problem in our country will be radically solved at the same time. It is only fair to say that some Czech opposition was voiced aainst these .plans, notably from Army General Lev Prchala. Benes' Unscrupulous Play It is rather unfortunate that Benes apparently had no scruples as to how he would gain his end. For instance, in a conference on May 12, 1943, with President Roosevelt he asserted that the Russians were willing to agree to the transfer or the Sudeten Germans. Then, 17 days later, on May 29, Dr. Hubert Ripka eX!plained to Mr. Bogomolov, the Soviet ambassador in London, that the Americans had already agreed to the transfer, and that under these circumstances the Czecho-Slovak government in exile expected the Soviets to consent. On June 6, Ripka telephoned Benes, who was at the time in the United States, that Soviet Russia had just agreed to the transfer - the same agreement which Benes had used as a lever in his conference with President Roosevelt on May 12, 194·3. The Soviets were the first allies to grant to the Czech government in exile de jure recognition. Against the advice of western statesmen Benes went to Moscow and in 1943 signed a new treaty with the Soviet government. Eager to �SLOVAKIA 17 show his ability at playing an important role in the arena of world politics he may have thought of himself as a man who would build the great bridge between the West and the East. As seen in retrospect, however, he seems to have been prior to the Teheran Conference more than perh,a ps any other person active in strengthening Roosevelt's ill-conceived trust in Stal~n. In this way, I regret to say, he certainly proved to be a valuable tool of the Kremlin. Toward the end of World War II, Benes returned to Prague by way of Moscow, accompanying the Red Army, as it adv,anced from the east into Czecho-Slovakia, and himself was accompanied by a Czech government group led by a Communist, Zdenek Fierlinger, who is today the president of the Czecho-Slovak parliament. At Kosice, in eastern Slovakia, Benes and his colleagues proclaimed on April 5, 1945, the so-called Kosice program according to which the country for the time being was to be ruled by presidential decrees. The program was signed by: Zdenek Fierlinger, Josef David, Klement Gottwald, Viliam Siroky - today the Prime Minister, Dr. Jan Sramek, Jan Masaryk - son of the first president of Czecho.,Slovakia - Ludvik :Svoboda, Dr. Hubert Ripka, Vaclav Nosek, Dr. V,a vro Srobar, Dr. Zdenek Nejedly, Dr. Jaroslav Stransky, Vaclav Kopecky, Bohumil Lausman, Julius Duris, Dr. Jan Pietor, Antonin Hasal, Frantisek Hala, Dr. Jan Soltesz, Dr. Adolf Prochazka, Vaclav Majer, Dr. Vladimir Clementis, Dr. Mikulas Ferjencik, and Jan Lichner. Outlawing Political Opponents Czecho-:Slovakia was now restored within the pre-Munich boundaries, except for Carpathian Ruthenia which the Soviets had seized and incorporated into the Soviet Ukraine, and which the new Czecho-Slovak government then ceded to the Soviet Union. The Slovaks were once more subjected to Czech domination. The new government announced the formation of a so-called National Front, supposedly a coalition of the Communist Party and three parties willing to collaborate with them, that is, Social Democrats, National Socialists, and People's Party. All Czech political parties of the center and the right �18 SLOVAKIA side were declared illegal, among them the National Democrats, the Artisans, and the Republican Agrarians, the the latter being the biggest political party in pre-war CzechoSlovakia. Their leaders and functionaries were jailed. All Slovak parties were likewise outlawed and, instead, new leftist parties, such as the so-called Slovak Democratic Party and other puppet groups, were artificially created. In this way, political parties were abolished which, before World War II, had long represented the large majority of the nonCommunist Czech and Slovak peoples. In addition to these millions of Czechs and Slovaks, all Sudeten Germans and Magyars were disfranchised. Only by applying this method of outlawing political opponents - exactly copying Hitler's procedure in Berlin in 1933 - and of exploiting the prejudice of their willing collaborators, did the Communists succeed in 1946 in showing up as the largest political party. Now free elections, freedom of speech and press were abolished. Kangaroo courts, called people's courts, were established in order to liquidate the opponents of Communism. So-called National Committees, fashioned after the Russian local "Soviets", were set up to take over the work of administrative offices. The economy was nationalized. While Benes himself assumed the office of president, Communists were appointed to key positions at all levels and, from the beginning, were in control of police, army, and the state propaganda machine. The non-Communist ministers collaborated at every turn and supported the Communist line. Since some of these people later escaped to the West it may be of interest to mention, in addition to those who signed the Kosice program, some of the .p rominent politicians of the era of the so-called National Front: Dr. Peter Zenkl - Vice Premier; Dr. Jozef Lettrich - leader of the Red puppet Slovak Democratic Party who, after the 1946 elections when the Slovaks had failed to vote for the Communists, signed the agreement abolishing Slovakia's autonomy; Dr. Jan Papanek, Dr. Juraj Slavik, and Frantisek Nemec - who represented as ambassador abroad the Red regime of Prague; Ferdinand Peroutka. a. Socialist journalist; and Milos Vanek - one of the original bosses of the Czecho-Slovak Communist Party. �SLOVAKIA 19 The Reign of Terror - Rule of Decrees A reign of terror began with the arrival of the Soviet Red Army and the regime which was to become the government of the so-called National Front. One of the first administrativ e measures provided for the hasty constructio n of concentrati on camps into which tens of thousands of Sudeten Germans were driven. The late R. R. Stokes, a former British minister, has given a vivid description of conditions in those camps which he himself had visited. Benes' inciting words; "Annihilate the Germans where you find them," broadcast from Kosice, led to a wave of cruel murder. The bloody Sunday at Aussig in July 1945, the massacres in Saaz, Brilx and Landskron, the death march of BrUnn are only some of those outrages for which the Czecho.1Slovak governmen t of that time will be held fully responsible . The Sudeten Germans were outlawed. Before being expropriated their homes were open for pillage either under the pretext of a raid for hidden weapons or merely by groups of police guards or plain Czech plunderers. In some towns orders were issued that homes of Germans must not be locked. Strict curfew was imposed on them. They were forced to wear white badges so as to make them conspicuou s. They were forbidden to use public conveyance s and the sidewalks, visit restaurants , write letters, change places of residence. They were restricted for buying groceries and shopping in stores to certain hours of the day, and special ration cards discriminat ing against them were issued. Schools and kindergartens were closed to their children. Adult Germans were called up and transported to the interior of Bohemia to provide forced labor on farms, in mines, and industry, at first without pay, later at low wages that were seldom paid. Still worse was the treatment in prisons,· where over-crowd ed cells, brutalities and disease, in addition to insufficien t rations, increased the death toll. Expulsions Were Planned We know now that the Communist s, by means of the expulsions, pursued the following objectives: First: By eliminating the German element from the �20 SLOVAKIA area, they wished to hasten the Communization of those countries. Second : In the depopulated regions, they wanted to introduce collective farms ,and state industrial enterprises fashioned after Russian Soviet examples before proceeding . with those schemes on a general scale. Third : The confiscated property was also to be used for bribery purposes, since destroying the sense of honesty turns into more pliable tools of immoral Communism. Fourth: By inciting to violence and acts of cruelty against the Germans, the Communists and their collabor ators hoped to build up hatred between the Germans and these Slavic peoples so as to make the latter wholly dependent on the alliance with Communist Russia. Fifth : The German expellees were to create social disorder and to be a hotbed of Communism in overcrowded West Germany. As to the expulsion of the Sudeten Germans, it may safely be said that this was not a spontaneous reaction of the Czech people agains the German occupation of their country, but an act planned by Czech politicians in exile and carried out by the government of the so-called National Front with all possible haste before the large majority of the Czech people would have time to think twice about it. Presidential decrees were supposed to give the proceedings a cloak of legality. Quotations from some of these decrees will point toward the responsibility of the government of the so-called National Front. First: Constitutional Decree of the President of the Republic of August 2, 1945: Article 1 1. Czecho-Slovak citizens of German or Magyar nationality who acquired German or Magyar citizenship under the regulation of the foreign occupational forces shall have lost their Czecho-Slovak citizenship by so doing. 2. The other Czecho-Slovak citizens of German or Magyar nationality shall lose their Czecho-1Slovak citizenship on the day when this decree will come into force. Signed by Benes, Fierlinger, Masaryk, Nosek, Svoboda. �SLOVAKIA 21 Second: Decree of the President of the Republic of October 25, 1945: Any immovable and movable property shall be confiscated without any compensation, to the benefit of the Czecho-Slovak Republic . . . which is . . . owned: 1. By German or Magyar legal persons; or 2. by natural persons of German or Magyar nationality. Signed by the signers of the Kosice program. Third: Decree of the President of the Republic of January 21, 1946: Article 1 and without compensation and effect 1. With immediate for the purpose of the land reform such land property shall be confiscated as is owned by - (a) all persons of German or Magyar nationality without regard to their citizenship. Signed by Benes, Fierlinger, Nosek, Dr. Srobar, Dr. Stransky, Duris, Majer. Fourth: Law of May 8, 1946, passed by the povisional National Assembly: Article 1 Any act committed between September 30, 1938, and October 28, 1945, the object of which was to aid the struggle for liberty of the Czechs and Slovaks, or which represented due reprisals for actions of the occupation forces and their accomplices, is not illegal, even when such actions may otherwise be punishable by law. Signed by Benes, Fierlinger, Drtina, Svoboda. The last mentioned parliamentary act, which I have added to the decrees, provided for a general amnesty for all crimes committed against Germans, Magyars, and anti-Communist Czechs and Slovaks and thus gave ex port facto a semblance of legality to the law of the jungle. Expulsions a Violation of International Law The expulsion of the Sudeten Germans from the homes which they had inhabited for a thousand years violated the principle of the right to self-determination of peoples. We should remember that this right was solemnly proclaimed by our own President Woodrow Wilson, who in his Mount Vernon address of July 4, 1918, declared: �22 SLOVAKIA The settlement of every question, whether- of territory, of sover-eigty, of economic arrangement or political relationship, must be upon the basis of the free acceptance of that settlement by the peoples immediately concerned. It is well known that the U. S. Government has taken a prominent part in establishing this principle and in the development toward incorporating it into the law of nations. The expulsion of the Germans stands in direct contradiction to this great principle. The U. S. Government was also strenuously opposed to arbitrary displacement of persons during both World Wars. We protested against the transfer during World War I of Belgian workers and condemned, as a grave violation of international law, the displacement during World War II of Poles and other peoples within the then Nazi orbit. We asserted the right to resettle in their home countries, of all displaced persons. As to our own fellow citizens of Japanese descent, temporarily displaced after Pearl Harbor from their homes near the Pacific Ocean, we reaffirmed by an act of Congress the right to their homes. Let me also point out that article 9 of the United Nations Human Rights Declaration of December 10, 1948, as regards arbitrary e:xipulsion as contrary to international law and states that "no one shall be subject to arbitrary exile." Also relevant, it would seem to me, is the Convention on Genocide of December 11, 1946, which declares to be a crime, under international law, (a) killing members of a national, ethnic, racial, or religious group; (b) causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group; (c) deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part. About 300,000 Sudeten Germans, that is, a considerable part of their total number, did not survive the removal from their ancient homeland, a fact which proves that they were victims of this crime. Let me finally quote from the draft code, prepared in accordance with the resolution of November 21, 1947, of the United Nations General Assembly, to define "offenses against the peace and security of mankind" that would be �SLOVAKIA 23 "crimes under internation•al law, for which the responsible individuals shall be punished." Article 2, paragraph 11, lists: Inhuman acts such as murder, extermination, enslavement, deportation, or persecutions, committed against any civilian population on social, political, racial, religious, or cultural grounds by the authorities of a state or by private individuals acting at the instigation or with the toleration of such authorities. This adequately covers the expulsion of the Germans from Sudetenland as well as those from the German provinces east of the O<ler-Neisse line, and from other parts of Eastern Europe, and proves it to be - let me here repeat the words of article 1 of the penal draft code - among the "crimes under international law, for which the responsible individuals shall be punished." Voices Raised Against the Expulsions Many courageous persons have raised their voice against the expulsion of the Sudeten Germans. Even at the heyday of the so-called National Front regime, Rozsievac, a (Czech) Catholic paper in Olmtitz, dared to protest on October 31, 1945, against cruelties in internment camps and the rape of Sudeten German women; and in another newspaper, Obzory, Dr. Helena Kozeluhova, a journalist, objected to the cruelties of the expulsion. Of course, such voices were quickly suppressed and Dr. Kozeluhova, for instance, was forbidden to write another line - curiously by men who themselves are now in exile and professing to be anti-Communist. While the Sudeten Germans have stood up for the right to return to their ancient homeland, they have expressly renounced any thought of vengeance on the Czech people. The expellees publicly declared that they will support every endeavor toward a united Europe in which the peoples may live in freedom from fear and coercion. They called upon all nations and men of good will to join them in this great undertaking. Since then, the German expellees have persistently followed the policy to which their representatives had set hal¼d and seal at Stuttgart in 1950. Rejecting Communist and neutralist temptations as well ·a s appeals to �24 SLOVAKIA narrow nationalism, they are, today, perhaps the most dedicated adherents of a united Europe. But the Sudeten Germans did not rest their case with a solemn declaration of faith. They took practical steps toward an agreement, on the basis of mutual respect and a genuine search for a real solution, with their Czech and Slovak neighbors, now also in exile. In 1950, an agreement in London with the Czech National Committee, headed by Army General Lev Prchala. The agreement recognizes the right to self-determination of both nations, Czechs and Sudeten Germans. A realistic policy for Central as well as East Central Europe, that is, concerning Czecho-Slovakia and the Sudeten Germans, as well as concerning Poland, the Germans of East Prussia, and the other German provinces east of the OderN eisse Rivers can only be a policy that is both just and moral. It must be firmly based upon historical truth and the rule of international law. To assume that any government can ever develop a successful policy on the shaky structure of a wrong, and on perpetuating that wrong, is an illusion. It is my considered opinion that the German expellees should be encouraged to stand firm upon their right. It is in the best tradition of American foreign policy to denounce the wrong and to uphold the right. Moreover, wavering would be tantamount to further tightening the stranglehold on the captive peoples by the Kremlin and would thus actually support Soviet imperialism. Just as the Soviets dangled before the dizzy eyes of the Poles enticing bait of the German provinces east of the OderN eisse line, so the Czechs were being dazzled by Kremlin stooges with the rich spoils in the Sudetenland. To the same degree that the Poles accepted the German provinces, and the Czechs accepted the Sudeten properties out of the bloody hands of Stalin, they both permitted themselves to be chained to Moscow. This h•as been the fateful and deadly but logical result. Both the Czechs and Poles who think of keeping these spoils must continue to lean on Soviet Russian backing and thus render themselves subservient to the Kremlin. � SLOVAKIA 9 HON. B. CARROLL REECE THE SUDETEN GERMANS Restoration of Internation al Morality Perhaps few people in the world today are more firmly united in opposing Communism than are the 16 million Germans expelled from the German provinces east of the Odes-Neise line, the Sudetenlan d, and other parts of Europe. These sturdy people, outnumber ing the total population of Sweden, Norway, and Denmark combined, experienced in 1945 the full impact of the Red invasion of their ancient homelands. Their expulsion to Western Germany resulted in the tragic death of more than 3 million of their number. Among these 16 million German expellees were 3.3 million Sudeten Germans, the latter group equal in size to the total population of either Eire or Norway. They were expelled in 1945 and 1946 from their ancient homeland by the Communist -led Czecho-'Slovak Governmen t of the socalled National Front. About 300,000 of them died during the process of expulsion. When speaking of the Sudetenlan d, I refer to the territory comprising the border regions of Bohemia and Moravia.Silesia, that is, the border regions of the western part of present-day Czecho-Slovakia. In 1921, 3.2 million Sudeten Germans and 6.8 million Czechs were living in Bohemia and Moravia-Si lesia while, in 1935, the figures showed 3.3 million Sudeten Germans and 7.4 million Czechs. As a political entity, a state, Czecho-Slo vakia does not antedate the year of 1918 when Bohemia and MoraviaSilesia, with its Czechs and German population, were combined with Slovakia, the latter comprising 2.3 million Slovaks and 692,000 Magyars, and with Carpathian Ruthenia inhabited by 549,000 Ruthenians . Neverthele ss, Czechs and Germans have been living side by side in those first-named regions for nearly a thousand years. The Foundation of Czecho-Slovakia Led by T. G. Masaryk and Edvard Benes, Czech politicians saw in World War I the opportunity for their people to �10 SLOVAKIA secede from the Hapsburg empire and set up an independent republic. Promising the Slovaks full autonomy, Masaryk persuaded them to join the Czechs in forming one state when he concluded with the Slovak League of America the Pittsburgh Agreement of May 30, 1918. The new Czecho-Slovak Republic then came into being on October 28, 1918. At that hour the Sudeten Cermans, on their part, decided to establish the provinces of German-Bohe mia and Sudetenland, and to associate these with the new Republic of Austria. Head of the provincial government at Prague was at the time Dr. Rudolf Lodgman von Auen. He is today the president of the National Union of Sudeten German Expellees. Dr. von Lodgman had long urged a solution of the probAustria-Hung ary on lines of federalism. He advocated of lem freedom - his ancestors had fled England at the time of Elizabeth I in search of freedom - and he stood for the right to self-determina tion. But in spite of the fact that Austria-Hung ary was ostensibly dismembered so as to realize that right, firmly proclaimed by our President Woodrow Wilson, it was squarely refused to the 3.2 million Sudeten Germans who were forced against their will to be part of the new Czecho-Slova k Republic. To subdue the demands of the people, the Czechs even dispatched troops to the Sudetenland and when, in March 1919, there were public demonstration s, the Czech military fired into the crowds causing many casualties. Leading the resistance movement in those days was Josef Seliger, chairman of the Sudeten German Social Democratic Party. Headed by Dr. Benes, the Czech delegation to the Paris Peace Conference did not shrink away from using such tricks as presenting maps showing a Sudeten German area falsely reduced. The deceit was later contradicted even by the official Czecho-Slova k census figure. In an oral statement to the Big Four, Benes admitted that the Sudeten Germans, if given a free choice, would probably secede from the new republic. To compensate for denying them the right to selfdetermination Benes, in ·a written memorandum to the peace conference, went on record in favor of a Swiss type of constitution for Czecho-Slovakia. It remained an empty promise. �SLOVAKIA 11 Dr. von Lodgman and the Slovak spokesman, Msgr. Andrew Hlinka, as well as leaders of the Magyars in CzechoSlovakia also managed to go to Paris to attend the peace conference. But they were kept in their hotels behind barbed wire ,and were not given a hearing. Prophetic Warning of a True American It was a man representing the United States who objected to the flagrant violation of the right to self-determination in the specific instance of the Sudeten Germans: Prof. Archibald Cary Coolidge, the well-known Harvard historian. In December 1918, he was appointed by the Secretary of State to be political observer in Austria-Hungary, assigned to the American Commission to Negotiate Peace and instructed to head a field mission to the former dual monarchy. (Professor Coolidge incidentally is a founder member of the New York Council in Foreign Relations and served as first editor of its quarterly, Foreign Affairs.) Dr. A. C. Coolidge summed up his observations in a detailed memorandum of March 10, 1919, which he submitted to the Peace Commission. He dealt with the problem of nationalities and new boundaries in all parts of the former Hapsburg monarchy and set out stating: "To grant to the Czecho-Slovaks all the territory they demand would be not only an injustice to millions of people unwilling to come under Czech rule, but it would also be dangerous and perhaps fatal to the future of the new state •.. The Bloodshed on March 3 when Czech soldiers in several towns fired on Germans crowds . . • was shed in a manner that is not easily f.orgiven .•• For the Bohemia of the future to contain withi,n its limits great numbers of deeply discon'tended inhabitants .•• will be a perilous experiment and one which can hardly promise success in the long run." Three weeks later, on April 1, 1919, the Sudeten German question was taken up at the Peace Conference meeting discussing the report of the Czecho-Slovak Commission on the frontiers between Czecho-Slovakia and Germany. It was at this meeting when our Secretary of State, Mr. Lansing, objected to including into the Czecho-Slovak State large Sudeten Germans areas and declared that The American delegates objected to the whole method of drawing frontier lines on strategic principles. And that - �12 SLOVAKIA The fixing of frontier lines with a view to their military strength was directly contrary to the whole spirit . . . of the policy of the United States as set forth in the declaration of President Wilson. Prospective Ally of France As Against Germany M. Laroche of the French delegation, upon being asked at this meeting whether the commission would approve of a plebiscite in the area, replied that a plebiscite could be proposed without extending it to the remainder of the German Bohemians, which would reduce the Czecho-Slovak state to very slender proportions. Mr. Lansing thereupon pl·ainly said that this was not a good reason to justify an injustice. However, the views of the French Foreign Minister prevailed, namely, to strengthen Czecho-Slovakia, which M. Pichon trusted "would remain an ally orf France" as against Germ-any. The United States, however, then began to withdraw from the scene of European political intrigues. The constitution of the CzechoJSlovak Republic was devised by a mostly Czech commission and not by a duly elected convention. Czech became the official language. The Sudeten Germans were not given a fair chance to participate. The facts of the undemocratic beginnings of Czecho-Slovakia should not be overlooked. The Czech land reform law of 1919 allotted 2,025,400 acres of German property in the Sudetenland to proteges of the Czech political parties. Only 7 percent of the land taken from Sudeten German owners was given to Sudeten German farmers, while 93 percent was handed over to new Czech settlers. In addition, land property expropriated in the central parts of Bohemia and Moravia-Silesia, that is, outside of the Sudetenland, amounting to -another 3,818,064 acres and owned by Germans, was also handed over to the Czechs. In the Sudetenland proper, 31 percent of the entire land area was confiscated in 1919. The Czech colonists were settled and Czech schools were built with the aim to break up the German language area. Discrimination Against the Sudeten Germans Although the Sudeten Germans represented about 30 percent of the total population of Bohemia and Moravia- �SLOVAKIA 13 Silesia, they made up only 10 percent of the employees of the general civil service, 13.1 percent of the postal service, 12.8 percent of the judicial administration service, 12.4 percent of the railway employees, and only 5.4 percent of the army officer corps. The police force was almost exclusively Czech. Administrative reforms in 1927 must also be regarded as discriminatory, though a smoothly working .publicity machine was able to show the outside world the picture of what appeared to be a democracy. In the 1920 parliamentary elections the Sudeten German Parties won 74 out of the 300 available seats. Some of these parties, the so-called Activists, entered the government coalition and, since 1926, most political parties of the Sudeten Germans participated in the government coalition, thus showing their honest desire to cooperate. But they were unable to gain any ground toward reforms on federative lines. Even a late-in-the-day palliative assurance of more posts to be assigned to Sudeten German civil servants remained an empty promise. The worldwide economic crisis at the end of the 1920's imposed a he::vy burden on the Sudeten Germans. Czech bankers and -administrators gave preference to Czech enterprises. Out of 800,000 unemployed 500,000 were Sudeten Germans. In 1935, the Sudeten German Party, a union of a number of political groups, polled 1,249,530 votes and thus emerged as the largest political party in all of Czecho-Slovakia, but ·was forced to remain in opposition. Early in 1937, several younger members of those German parties that participated in the government coalition made once more a concerted effort to convince the Czechs of the urgency of thoroughgoing reforms. Hans Schlitz, of the Christian Social Party, sternly demanded equal rights, while Wenzel Jaksch, of the Social Democratic Party, bluntly asked whether or not there was still a place in the Czecho-Slovak Republic for genuine Sudeten German partnership. Incidentally, both men are today distinguished members of th German Bundestag. In the growing crisis of 1938, Lord Runciman was chosen to head a mission of mediation and, after a close study on the ground, he reported: �14 SLOVAKIA " It is hard to be ruled by an alien race . . . In the last elections in 1935 the Sudeten German Party polled more votes than any other sin_gle party . . . But they can always be outvoted; and consequently some of them feel that constitutional action is useless for them ••• Even as late as the time of my mission, I could find no readiness on the part of the Czecho-Slovak Government to remedy (the complaints) on anything like an adequate scale . • • Just as it is essential for the international position of Switzerland that her policy should be entirely neutral, so an analogous policy is necessary for ,Czecho-Slovakia - not only for her own future existence but for the peace of Europe." However, Czecho-Slovakia refused to admit its multinational status and did not strive for a position of neutrality. In spite of its vulnerability, because of the large percentage of citizens of non-Czech nationality, it allowed itself to be used as a political pawn, and since the treaty in 1935 with the Soviet Union, increasingly as a pawn in the hands of the Kremlin, thereby causing its own gradual disintegration. The Prague government treated the Slovaks in much the same way as the Sudeten Germans. About half of CzechoSlovakia's total population was tired of being bossed by the 7.4 million Czechs. No wonder that the foundation of the republic began to crumble, when the Anglo-French demarche of September 21, 1938, demanded the cession to Germany of the Sudeten region. It was soon followed by demands of Poland and Hungary for the cession of areas inhabited by their conationals, 131,000 Poles and 692,000 Magyars, and finally by the declaration of independence of the 3 million Slovaks who sought recognition as a nation. Sauce of the Goose Not To Be Sauce for the Gander From the beginning the Czechs had been showing a lack of realism, a lack of willingness to plan, in good time, for constitutional reforms. If in the years after 1918 a wise solution had earnestly been sought, events might well have taken a different course. The word "Munich" has since been linked in our mind with a short-sighted, dangerous policy vis-a-vis an aggressive dictator. Surely the right to selfdetermination should not be exercised by employing violence which would only bring about new injustice. Nevertheless, the right to self-determination is today recognized as a canon of international law. A brief glance at the map of Asia and �SLOVAKIA 15 Africa will suffice to convince everybody of its potency and potentiality, of its full meaning in the realities of present-day world affairs. As to Munich, it should be remembered that neither the Czechs nor the Sudeten Germans were partners to that agreement. It was made by the four European big powers. When Hitler, in 1939, under a flimsy pretext occupied the central area of Bohemia and Moravia-'Silesia he openly violated the right to a.n independent national life of the Czech people just as the Czechs, two decades before, had violated that same right of the Sudeten Germans. To charge the Sudeten Germans with treason against the Czecho-Slovak Republic is beside the point, when the charge is made by the Czechs who themselves set the example. In opposing Austria-Hungary, Masaryk, Benes, and their adherents had solicited during World War I the support of foreign governments and had organized thousands of Czech deserters from the Austrian Army to join Czech legions on the side of the Allies. It was hard to make Sudeten Germans later believe that as to their own case "sauce of the goose was not to be sauce for the gander." The expulsion of the Sudeten Germans cannot be based on treason allegedly committed by them against the Czecho-Slovak Republic nor upon the charge of a£sociation with Hitler's policy of suppressing the Czechs. Expulsion of the Sudeten Germans Dr. Benes unfortunately seems to have blamed the Sudeten Germans for his own shortcomings and considered them instrumental in his downfall in 1938. His mind wa.3 beclouded by Germanophobia. He did not seek a just and fair solution in his dealings with those Sudeten Germans politicians who were, like he himself, exiled by the Nazi regime and living in London during World War II: I refer to Wenzel Jaksch and Richard Reitzner, both of whom now are members of the German Bundestag. According to his memoirs - Pameti - published in Prague in 1947, this is what Benes at a reception in London on January 7, 1942, told Wenzel Jaksch in an effort to have �16 SLOVAKIA him agree to deportation from Czecho-Slovakia of ,all Sudeten Germans, excepting a limited number of anti-Fascists: During the social revolution which will certainly occur we shall have to rid our country of all the German bour-geoisie, the pan.German intelligentsia and those workers whom hate turned Fascist. This would be the final solution and, so far as we are concerned, the only possible solution which we would be able to implement, namely combining our social revolution with the national revolution. I added to Jaksch and his friends: We must have the courage to speak about this openly; and especially you Social Democrats should have the cour-age to do so. This plan even contains an element of Marx. ism and Marxist dialectics in the revolutionary process which must inevitably accompany the changes in the social structure of the nation as an outcome of this great and worldwide catastrophe. After the firs,t world war . . . I foretold that the German nationalist bourgeoisie in our country would some time in the future attempt a counter-revolution and that there would be no peace between us until this bourgeoisie was subjected to a similar revolution to that which the Czechs had gone through in past centuries. Now, after the second world war, this revolution is inevitable; and the entire nationalities problem in our country will be radically solved at the same time. It is only fair to say that some Czech opposition was voiced aainst these .plans, notably from Army General Lev Prchala. Benes' Unscrupulous Play It is rather unfortunate that Benes apparently had no scruples as to how he would gain his end. For instance, in a conference on May 12, 1943, with President Roosevelt he asserted that the Russians were willing to agree to the transfer or the Sudeten Germans. Then, 17 days later, on May 29, Dr. Hubert Ripka eX!plained to Mr. Bogomolov, the Soviet ambassador in London, that the Americans had already agreed to the transfer, and that under these circumstances the Czecho-Slovak government in exile expected the Soviets to consent. On June 6, Ripka telephoned Benes, who was at the time in the United States, that Soviet Russia had just agreed to the transfer - the same agreement which Benes had used as a lever in his conference with President Roosevelt on May 12, 194·3. The Soviets were the first allies to grant to the Czech government in exile de jure recognition. Against the advice of western statesmen Benes went to Moscow and in 1943 signed a new treaty with the Soviet government. Eager to �SLOVAKIA 17 show his ability at playing an important role in the arena of world politics he may have thought of himself as a man who would build the great bridge between the West and the East. As seen in retrospect, however, he seems to have been prior to the Teheran Conference more than perh,a ps any other person active in strengthening Roosevelt's ill-conceived trust in Stal~n. In this way, I regret to say, he certainly proved to be a valuable tool of the Kremlin. Toward the end of World War II, Benes returned to Prague by way of Moscow, accompanying the Red Army, as it adv,anced from the east into Czecho-Slovakia, and himself was accompanied by a Czech government group led by a Communist, Zdenek Fierlinger, who is today the president of the Czecho-Slovak parliament. At Kosice, in eastern Slovakia, Benes and his colleagues proclaimed on April 5, 1945, the so-called Kosice program according to which the country for the time being was to be ruled by presidential decrees. The program was signed by: Zdenek Fierlinger, Josef David, Klement Gottwald, Viliam Siroky - today the Prime Minister, Dr. Jan Sramek, Jan Masaryk - son of the first president of Czecho.,Slovakia - Ludvik :Svoboda, Dr. Hubert Ripka, Vaclav Nosek, Dr. V,a vro Srobar, Dr. Zdenek Nejedly, Dr. Jaroslav Stransky, Vaclav Kopecky, Bohumil Lausman, Julius Duris, Dr. Jan Pietor, Antonin Hasal, Frantisek Hala, Dr. Jan Soltesz, Dr. Adolf Prochazka, Vaclav Majer, Dr. Vladimir Clementis, Dr. Mikulas Ferjencik, and Jan Lichner. Outlawing Political Opponents Czecho-:Slovakia was now restored within the pre-Munich boundaries, except for Carpathian Ruthenia which the Soviets had seized and incorporated into the Soviet Ukraine, and which the new Czecho-Slovak government then ceded to the Soviet Union. The Slovaks were once more subjected to Czech domination. The new government announced the formation of a so-called National Front, supposedly a coalition of the Communist Party and three parties willing to collaborate with them, that is, Social Democrats, National Socialists, and People's Party. All Czech political parties of the center and the right �18 SLOVAKIA side were declared illegal, among them the National Democrats, the Artisans, and the Republican Agrarians, the the latter being the biggest political party in pre-war CzechoSlovakia. Their leaders and functionaries were jailed. All Slovak parties were likewise outlawed and, instead, new leftist parties, such as the so-called Slovak Democratic Party and other puppet groups, were artificially created. In this way, political parties were abolished which, before World War II, had long represented the large majority of the nonCommunist Czech and Slovak peoples. In addition to these millions of Czechs and Slovaks, all Sudeten Germans and Magyars were disfranchised. Only by applying this method of outlawing political opponents - exactly copying Hitler's procedure in Berlin in 1933 - and of exploiting the prejudice of their willing collaborators, did the Communists succeed in 1946 in showing up as the largest political party. Now free elections, freedom of speech and press were abolished. Kangaroo courts, called people's courts, were established in order to liquidate the opponents of Communism. So-called National Committees, fashioned after the Russian local "Soviets", were set up to take over the work of administrative offices. The economy was nationalized. While Benes himself assumed the office of president, Communists were appointed to key positions at all levels and, from the beginning, were in control of police, army, and the state propaganda machine. The non-Communist ministers collaborated at every turn and supported the Communist line. Since some of these people later escaped to the West it may be of interest to mention, in addition to those who signed the Kosice program, some of the .p rominent politicians of the era of the so-called National Front: Dr. Peter Zenkl - Vice Premier; Dr. Jozef Lettrich - leader of the Red puppet Slovak Democratic Party who, after the 1946 elections when the Slovaks had failed to vote for the Communists, signed the agreement abolishing Slovakia's autonomy; Dr. Jan Papanek, Dr. Juraj Slavik, and Frantisek Nemec - who represented as ambassador abroad the Red regime of Prague; Ferdinand Peroutka. a. Socialist journalist; and Milos Vanek - one of the original bosses of the Czecho-Slovak Communist Party. �SLOVAKIA 19 The Reign of Terror - Rule of Decrees A reign of terror began with the arrival of the Soviet Red Army and the regime which was to become the government of the so-called National Front. One of the first administrativ e measures provided for the hasty constructio n of concentrati on camps into which tens of thousands of Sudeten Germans were driven. The late R. R. Stokes, a former British minister, has given a vivid description of conditions in those camps which he himself had visited. Benes' inciting words; "Annihilate the Germans where you find them," broadcast from Kosice, led to a wave of cruel murder. The bloody Sunday at Aussig in July 1945, the massacres in Saaz, Brilx and Landskron, the death march of BrUnn are only some of those outrages for which the Czecho.1Slovak governmen t of that time will be held fully responsible . The Sudeten Germans were outlawed. Before being expropriated their homes were open for pillage either under the pretext of a raid for hidden weapons or merely by groups of police guards or plain Czech plunderers. In some towns orders were issued that homes of Germans must not be locked. Strict curfew was imposed on them. They were forced to wear white badges so as to make them conspicuou s. They were forbidden to use public conveyance s and the sidewalks, visit restaurants , write letters, change places of residence. They were restricted for buying groceries and shopping in stores to certain hours of the day, and special ration cards discriminat ing against them were issued. Schools and kindergartens were closed to their children. Adult Germans were called up and transported to the interior of Bohemia to provide forced labor on farms, in mines, and industry, at first without pay, later at low wages that were seldom paid. Still worse was the treatment in prisons,· where over-crowd ed cells, brutalities and disease, in addition to insufficien t rations, increased the death toll. Expulsions Were Planned We know now that the Communist s, by means of the expulsions, pursued the following objectives: First: By eliminating the German element from the �20 SLOVAKIA area, they wished to hasten the Communization of those countries. Second : In the depopulated regions, they wanted to introduce collective farms ,and state industrial enterprises fashioned after Russian Soviet examples before proceeding . with those schemes on a general scale. Third : The confiscated property was also to be used for bribery purposes, since destroying the sense of honesty turns into more pliable tools of immoral Communism. Fourth: By inciting to violence and acts of cruelty against the Germans, the Communists and their collabor ators hoped to build up hatred between the Germans and these Slavic peoples so as to make the latter wholly dependent on the alliance with Communist Russia. Fifth : The German expellees were to create social disorder and to be a hotbed of Communism in overcrowded West Germany. As to the expulsion of the Sudeten Germans, it may safely be said that this was not a spontaneous reaction of the Czech people agains the German occupation of their country, but an act planned by Czech politicians in exile and carried out by the government of the so-called National Front with all possible haste before the large majority of the Czech people would have time to think twice about it. Presidential decrees were supposed to give the proceedings a cloak of legality. Quotations from some of these decrees will point toward the responsibility of the government of the so-called National Front. First: Constitutional Decree of the President of the Republic of August 2, 1945: Article 1 1. Czecho-Slovak citizens of German or Magyar nationality who acquired German or Magyar citizenship under the regulation of the foreign occupational forces shall have lost their Czecho-Slovak citizenship by so doing. 2. The other Czecho-Slovak citizens of German or Magyar nationality shall lose their Czecho-1Slovak citizenship on the day when this decree will come into force. Signed by Benes, Fierlinger, Masaryk, Nosek, Svoboda. �SLOVAKIA 21 Second: Decree of the President of the Republic of October 25, 1945: Any immovable and movable property shall be confiscated without any compensation, to the benefit of the Czecho-Slovak Republic . . . which is . . . owned: 1. By German or Magyar legal persons; or 2. by natural persons of German or Magyar nationality. Signed by the signers of the Kosice program. Third: Decree of the President of the Republic of January 21, 1946: Article 1 and without compensation and effect 1. With immediate for the purpose of the land reform such land property shall be confiscated as is owned by - (a) all persons of German or Magyar nationality without regard to their citizenship. Signed by Benes, Fierlinger, Nosek, Dr. Srobar, Dr. Stransky, Duris, Majer. Fourth: Law of May 8, 1946, passed by the povisional National Assembly: Article 1 Any act committed between September 30, 1938, and October 28, 1945, the object of which was to aid the struggle for liberty of the Czechs and Slovaks, or which represented due reprisals for actions of the occupation forces and their accomplices, is not illegal, even when such actions may otherwise be punishable by law. Signed by Benes, Fierlinger, Drtina, Svoboda. The last mentioned parliamentary act, which I have added to the decrees, provided for a general amnesty for all crimes committed against Germans, Magyars, and anti-Communist Czechs and Slovaks and thus gave ex port facto a semblance of legality to the law of the jungle. Expulsions a Violation of International Law The expulsion of the Sudeten Germans from the homes which they had inhabited for a thousand years violated the principle of the right to self-determination of peoples. We should remember that this right was solemnly proclaimed by our own President Woodrow Wilson, who in his Mount Vernon address of July 4, 1918, declared: �22 SLOVAKIA The settlement of every question, whether- of territory, of sover-eigty, of economic arrangement or political relationship, must be upon the basis of the free acceptance of that settlement by the peoples immediately concerned. It is well known that the U. S. Government has taken a prominent part in establishing this principle and in the development toward incorporating it into the law of nations. The expulsion of the Germans stands in direct contradiction to this great principle. The U. S. Government was also strenuously opposed to arbitrary displacement of persons during both World Wars. We protested against the transfer during World War I of Belgian workers and condemned, as a grave violation of international law, the displacement during World War II of Poles and other peoples within the then Nazi orbit. We asserted the right to resettle in their home countries, of all displaced persons. As to our own fellow citizens of Japanese descent, temporarily displaced after Pearl Harbor from their homes near the Pacific Ocean, we reaffirmed by an act of Congress the right to their homes. Let me also point out that article 9 of the United Nations Human Rights Declaration of December 10, 1948, as regards arbitrary e:xipulsion as contrary to international law and states that "no one shall be subject to arbitrary exile." Also relevant, it would seem to me, is the Convention on Genocide of December 11, 1946, which declares to be a crime, under international law, (a) killing members of a national, ethnic, racial, or religious group; (b) causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group; (c) deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part. About 300,000 Sudeten Germans, that is, a considerable part of their total number, did not survive the removal from their ancient homeland, a fact which proves that they were victims of this crime. Let me finally quote from the draft code, prepared in accordance with the resolution of November 21, 1947, of the United Nations General Assembly, to define "offenses against the peace and security of mankind" that would be �SLOVAKIA 23 "crimes under internation•al law, for which the responsible individuals shall be punished." Article 2, paragraph 11, lists: Inhuman acts such as murder, extermination, enslavement, deportation, or persecutions, committed against any civilian population on social, political, racial, religious, or cultural grounds by the authorities of a state or by private individuals acting at the instigation or with the toleration of such authorities. This adequately covers the expulsion of the Germans from Sudetenland as well as those from the German provinces east of the O<ler-Neisse line, and from other parts of Eastern Europe, and proves it to be - let me here repeat the words of article 1 of the penal draft code - among the "crimes under international law, for which the responsible individuals shall be punished." Voices Raised Against the Expulsions Many courageous persons have raised their voice against the expulsion of the Sudeten Germans. Even at the heyday of the so-called National Front regime, Rozsievac, a (Czech) Catholic paper in Olmtitz, dared to protest on October 31, 1945, against cruelties in internment camps and the rape of Sudeten German women; and in another newspaper, Obzory, Dr. Helena Kozeluhova, a journalist, objected to the cruelties of the expulsion. Of course, such voices were quickly suppressed and Dr. Kozeluhova, for instance, was forbidden to write another line - curiously by men who themselves are now in exile and professing to be anti-Communist. While the Sudeten Germans have stood up for the right to return to their ancient homeland, they have expressly renounced any thought of vengeance on the Czech people. The expellees publicly declared that they will support every endeavor toward a united Europe in which the peoples may live in freedom from fear and coercion. They called upon all nations and men of good will to join them in this great undertaking. Since then, the German expellees have persistently followed the policy to which their representatives had set hal¼d and seal at Stuttgart in 1950. Rejecting Communist and neutralist temptations as well ·a s appeals to �24 SLOVAKIA narrow nationalism, they are, today, perhaps the most dedicated adherents of a united Europe. But the Sudeten Germans did not rest their case with a solemn declaration of faith. They took practical steps toward an agreement, on the basis of mutual respect and a genuine search for a real solution, with their Czech and Slovak neighbors, now also in exile. In 1950, an agreement in London with the Czech National Committee, headed by Army General Lev Prchala. The agreement recognizes the right to self-determination of both nations, Czechs and Sudeten Germans. A realistic policy for Central as well as East Central Europe, that is, concerning Czecho-Slovakia and the Sudeten Germans, as well as concerning Poland, the Germans of East Prussia, and the other German provinces east of the OderN eisse Rivers can only be a policy that is both just and moral. It must be firmly based upon historical truth and the rule of international law. To assume that any government can ever develop a successful policy on the shaky structure of a wrong, and on perpetuating that wrong, is an illusion. It is my considered opinion that the German expellees should be encouraged to stand firm upon their right. It is in the best tradition of American foreign policy to denounce the wrong and to uphold the right. Moreover, wavering would be tantamount to further tightening the stranglehold on the captive peoples by the Kremlin and would thus actually support Soviet imperialism. Just as the Soviets dangled before the dizzy eyes of the Poles enticing bait of the German provinces east of the OderN eisse line, so the Czechs were being dazzled by Kremlin stooges with the rich spoils in the Sudetenland. To the same degree that the Poles accepted the German provinces, and the Czechs accepted the Sudeten properties out of the bloody hands of Stalin, they both permitted themselves to be chained to Moscow. This h•as been the fateful and deadly but logical result. Both the Czechs and Poles who think of keeping these spoils must continue to lean on Soviet Russian backing and thus render themselves subservient to the Kremlin. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1958, Vol. 8 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 26), March 1958.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 27), June 1958.</li> <li>Issue 3 (No. 28), December 1958.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1958 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 9 HON. B. CARROLL REECE THE SUDETEN GERMANS Restoration of Internation al Morality Perhaps few people in the world today are more firmly united in opposing Communism than are the 16 million Germans expelled from the German provinces east of the Odes-Neise line, the Sudetenlan d, and other parts of Europe. These sturdy people, outnumber ing the total population of Sweden, Norway, and Denmark combined, experienced in 1945 the full impact of the Red invasion of their ancient homelands. Their expulsion to Western Germany resulted in the tragic death of more than 3 million of their number. Among these 16 million German expellees were 3.3 million Sudeten Germans, the latter group equal in size to the total population of either Eire or Norway. They were expelled in 1945 and 1946 from their ancient homeland by the Communist -led Czecho-'Slovak Governmen t of the socalled National Front. About 300,000 of them died during the process of expulsion. When speaking of the Sudetenlan d, I refer to the territory comprising the border regions of Bohemia and Moravia.Silesia, that is, the border regions of the western part of present-day Czecho-Slovakia. In 1921, 3.2 million Sudeten Germans and 6.8 million Czechs were living in Bohemia and Moravia-Si lesia while, in 1935, the figures showed 3.3 million Sudeten Germans and 7.4 million Czechs. As a political entity, a state, Czecho-Slo vakia does not antedate the year of 1918 when Bohemia and MoraviaSilesia, with its Czechs and German population, were combined with Slovakia, the latter comprising 2.3 million Slovaks and 692,000 Magyars, and with Carpathian Ruthenia inhabited by 549,000 Ruthenians . Neverthele ss, Czechs and Germans have been living side by side in those first-named regions for nearly a thousand years. The Foundation of Czecho-Slovakia Led by T. G. Masaryk and Edvard Benes, Czech politicians saw in World War I the opportunity for their people to 10 SLOVAKIA secede from the Hapsburg empire and set up an independent republic. Promising the Slovaks full autonomy, Masaryk persuaded them to join the Czechs in forming one state when he concluded with the Slovak League of America the Pittsburgh Agreement of May 30, 1918. The new Czecho-Slovak Republic then came into being on October 28, 1918. At that hour the Sudeten Cermans, on their part, decided to establish the provinces of German-Bohe mia and Sudetenland, and to associate these with the new Republic of Austria. Head of the provincial government at Prague was at the time Dr. Rudolf Lodgman von Auen. He is today the president of the National Union of Sudeten German Expellees. Dr. von Lodgman had long urged a solution of the probAustria-Hung ary on lines of federalism. He advocated of lem freedom - his ancestors had fled England at the time of Elizabeth I in search of freedom - and he stood for the right to self-determina tion. But in spite of the fact that Austria-Hung ary was ostensibly dismembered so as to realize that right, firmly proclaimed by our President Woodrow Wilson, it was squarely refused to the 3.2 million Sudeten Germans who were forced against their will to be part of the new Czecho-Slova k Republic. To subdue the demands of the people, the Czechs even dispatched troops to the Sudetenland and when, in March 1919, there were public demonstration s, the Czech military fired into the crowds causing many casualties. Leading the resistance movement in those days was Josef Seliger, chairman of the Sudeten German Social Democratic Party. Headed by Dr. Benes, the Czech delegation to the Paris Peace Conference did not shrink away from using such tricks as presenting maps showing a Sudeten German area falsely reduced. The deceit was later contradicted even by the official Czecho-Slova k census figure. In an oral statement to the Big Four, Benes admitted that the Sudeten Germans, if given a free choice, would probably secede from the new republic. To compensate for denying them the right to selfdetermination Benes, in ·a written memorandum to the peace conference, went on record in favor of a Swiss type of constitution for Czecho-Slovakia. It remained an empty promise. SLOVAKIA 11 Dr. von Lodgman and the Slovak spokesman, Msgr. Andrew Hlinka, as well as leaders of the Magyars in CzechoSlovakia also managed to go to Paris to attend the peace conference. But they were kept in their hotels behind barbed wire ,and were not given a hearing. Prophetic Warning of a True American It was a man representing the United States who objected to the flagrant violation of the right to self-determination in the specific instance of the Sudeten Germans: Prof. Archibald Cary Coolidge, the well-known Harvard historian. In December 1918, he was appointed by the Secretary of State to be political observer in Austria-Hungary, assigned to the American Commission to Negotiate Peace and instructed to head a field mission to the former dual monarchy. (Professor Coolidge incidentally is a founder member of the New York Council in Foreign Relations and served as first editor of its quarterly, Foreign Affairs.) Dr. A. C. Coolidge summed up his observations in a detailed memorandum of March 10, 1919, which he submitted to the Peace Commission. He dealt with the problem of nationalities and new boundaries in all parts of the former Hapsburg monarchy and set out stating: "To grant to the Czecho-Slovaks all the territory they demand would be not only an injustice to millions of people unwilling to come under Czech rule, but it would also be dangerous and perhaps fatal to the future of the new state •.. The Bloodshed on March 3 when Czech soldiers in several towns fired on Germans crowds . . • was shed in a manner that is not easily f.orgiven .•• For the Bohemia of the future to contain withi,n its limits great numbers of deeply discon'tended inhabitants .•• will be a perilous experiment and one which can hardly promise success in the long run." Three weeks later, on April 1, 1919, the Sudeten German question was taken up at the Peace Conference meeting discussing the report of the Czecho-Slovak Commission on the frontiers between Czecho-Slovakia and Germany. It was at this meeting when our Secretary of State, Mr. Lansing, objected to including into the Czecho-Slovak State large Sudeten Germans areas and declared that The American delegates objected to the whole method of drawing frontier lines on strategic principles. And that - 12 SLOVAKIA The fixing of frontier lines with a view to their military strength was directly contrary to the whole spirit . . . of the policy of the United States as set forth in the declaration of President Wilson. Prospective Ally of France As Against Germany M. Laroche of the French delegation, upon being asked at this meeting whether the commission would approve of a plebiscite in the area, replied that a plebiscite could be proposed without extending it to the remainder of the German Bohemians, which would reduce the Czecho-Slovak state to very slender proportions. Mr. Lansing thereupon pl·ainly said that this was not a good reason to justify an injustice. However, the views of the French Foreign Minister prevailed, namely, to strengthen Czecho-Slovakia, which M. Pichon trusted "would remain an ally orf France" as against Germ-any. The United States, however, then began to withdraw from the scene of European political intrigues. The constitution of the CzechoJSlovak Republic was devised by a mostly Czech commission and not by a duly elected convention. Czech became the official language. The Sudeten Germans were not given a fair chance to participate. The facts of the undemocratic beginnings of Czecho-Slovakia should not be overlooked. The Czech land reform law of 1919 allotted 2,025,400 acres of German property in the Sudetenland to proteges of the Czech political parties. Only 7 percent of the land taken from Sudeten German owners was given to Sudeten German farmers, while 93 percent was handed over to new Czech settlers. In addition, land property expropriated in the central parts of Bohemia and Moravia-Silesia, that is, outside of the Sudetenland, amounting to -another 3,818,064 acres and owned by Germans, was also handed over to the Czechs. In the Sudetenland proper, 31 percent of the entire land area was confiscated in 1919. The Czech colonists were settled and Czech schools were built with the aim to break up the German language area. Discrimination Against the Sudeten Germans Although the Sudeten Germans represented about 30 percent of the total population of Bohemia and Moravia- SLOVAKIA 13 Silesia, they made up only 10 percent of the employees of the general civil service, 13.1 percent of the postal service, 12.8 percent of the judicial administration service, 12.4 percent of the railway employees, and only 5.4 percent of the army officer corps. The police force was almost exclusively Czech. Administrative reforms in 1927 must also be regarded as discriminatory, though a smoothly working .publicity machine was able to show the outside world the picture of what appeared to be a democracy. In the 1920 parliamentary elections the Sudeten German Parties won 74 out of the 300 available seats. Some of these parties, the so-called Activists, entered the government coalition and, since 1926, most political parties of the Sudeten Germans participated in the government coalition, thus showing their honest desire to cooperate. But they were unable to gain any ground toward reforms on federative lines. Even a late-in-the-day palliative assurance of more posts to be assigned to Sudeten German civil servants remained an empty promise. The worldwide economic crisis at the end of the 1920's imposed a he::vy burden on the Sudeten Germans. Czech bankers and -administrators gave preference to Czech enterprises. Out of 800,000 unemployed 500,000 were Sudeten Germans. In 1935, the Sudeten German Party, a union of a number of political groups, polled 1,249,530 votes and thus emerged as the largest political party in all of Czecho-Slovakia, but ·was forced to remain in opposition. Early in 1937, several younger members of those German parties that participated in the government coalition made once more a concerted effort to convince the Czechs of the urgency of thoroughgoing reforms. Hans Schlitz, of the Christian Social Party, sternly demanded equal rights, while Wenzel Jaksch, of the Social Democratic Party, bluntly asked whether or not there was still a place in the Czecho-Slovak Republic for genuine Sudeten German partnership. Incidentally, both men are today distinguished members of th German Bundestag. In the growing crisis of 1938, Lord Runciman was chosen to head a mission of mediation and, after a close study on the ground, he reported: 14 SLOVAKIA " It is hard to be ruled by an alien race . . . In the last elections in 1935 the Sudeten German Party polled more votes than any other sin_gle party . . . But they can always be outvoted; and consequently some of them feel that constitutional action is useless for them ••• Even as late as the time of my mission, I could find no readiness on the part of the Czecho-Slovak Government to remedy (the complaints) on anything like an adequate scale . • • Just as it is essential for the international position of Switzerland that her policy should be entirely neutral, so an analogous policy is necessary for ,Czecho-Slovakia - not only for her own future existence but for the peace of Europe." However, Czecho-Slovakia refused to admit its multinational status and did not strive for a position of neutrality. In spite of its vulnerability, because of the large percentage of citizens of non-Czech nationality, it allowed itself to be used as a political pawn, and since the treaty in 1935 with the Soviet Union, increasingly as a pawn in the hands of the Kremlin, thereby causing its own gradual disintegration. The Prague government treated the Slovaks in much the same way as the Sudeten Germans. About half of CzechoSlovakia's total population was tired of being bossed by the 7.4 million Czechs. No wonder that the foundation of the republic began to crumble, when the Anglo-French demarche of September 21, 1938, demanded the cession to Germany of the Sudeten region. It was soon followed by demands of Poland and Hungary for the cession of areas inhabited by their conationals, 131,000 Poles and 692,000 Magyars, and finally by the declaration of independence of the 3 million Slovaks who sought recognition as a nation. Sauce of the Goose Not To Be Sauce for the Gander From the beginning the Czechs had been showing a lack of realism, a lack of willingness to plan, in good time, for constitutional reforms. If in the years after 1918 a wise solution had earnestly been sought, events might well have taken a different course. The word "Munich" has since been linked in our mind with a short-sighted, dangerous policy vis-a-vis an aggressive dictator. Surely the right to selfdetermination should not be exercised by employing violence which would only bring about new injustice. Nevertheless, the right to self-determination is today recognized as a canon of international law. A brief glance at the map of Asia and SLOVAKIA 15 Africa will suffice to convince everybody of its potency and potentiality, of its full meaning in the realities of present-day world affairs. As to Munich, it should be remembered that neither the Czechs nor the Sudeten Germans were partners to that agreement. It was made by the four European big powers. When Hitler, in 1939, under a flimsy pretext occupied the central area of Bohemia and Moravia-'Silesia he openly violated the right to a.n independent national life of the Czech people just as the Czechs, two decades before, had violated that same right of the Sudeten Germans. To charge the Sudeten Germans with treason against the Czecho-Slovak Republic is beside the point, when the charge is made by the Czechs who themselves set the example. In opposing Austria-Hungary, Masaryk, Benes, and their adherents had solicited during World War I the support of foreign governments and had organized thousands of Czech deserters from the Austrian Army to join Czech legions on the side of the Allies. It was hard to make Sudeten Germans later believe that as to their own case "sauce of the goose was not to be sauce for the gander." The expulsion of the Sudeten Germans cannot be based on treason allegedly committed by them against the Czecho-Slovak Republic nor upon the charge of a£sociation with Hitler's policy of suppressing the Czechs. Expulsion of the Sudeten Germans Dr. Benes unfortunately seems to have blamed the Sudeten Germans for his own shortcomings and considered them instrumental in his downfall in 1938. His mind wa.3 beclouded by Germanophobia. He did not seek a just and fair solution in his dealings with those Sudeten Germans politicians who were, like he himself, exiled by the Nazi regime and living in London during World War II: I refer to Wenzel Jaksch and Richard Reitzner, both of whom now are members of the German Bundestag. According to his memoirs - Pameti - published in Prague in 1947, this is what Benes at a reception in London on January 7, 1942, told Wenzel Jaksch in an effort to have 16 SLOVAKIA him agree to deportation from Czecho-Slovakia of ,all Sudeten Germans, excepting a limited number of anti-Fascists: During the social revolution which will certainly occur we shall have to rid our country of all the German bour-geoisie, the pan.German intelligentsia and those workers whom hate turned Fascist. This would be the final solution and, so far as we are concerned, the only possible solution which we would be able to implement, namely combining our social revolution with the national revolution. I added to Jaksch and his friends: We must have the courage to speak about this openly; and especially you Social Democrats should have the cour-age to do so. This plan even contains an element of Marx. ism and Marxist dialectics in the revolutionary process which must inevitably accompany the changes in the social structure of the nation as an outcome of this great and worldwide catastrophe. After the firs,t world war . . . I foretold that the German nationalist bourgeoisie in our country would some time in the future attempt a counter-revolution and that there would be no peace between us until this bourgeoisie was subjected to a similar revolution to that which the Czechs had gone through in past centuries. Now, after the second world war, this revolution is inevitable; and the entire nationalities problem in our country will be radically solved at the same time. It is only fair to say that some Czech opposition was voiced aainst these .plans, notably from Army General Lev Prchala. Benes' Unscrupulous Play It is rather unfortunate that Benes apparently had no scruples as to how he would gain his end. For instance, in a conference on May 12, 1943, with President Roosevelt he asserted that the Russians were willing to agree to the transfer or the Sudeten Germans. Then, 17 days later, on May 29, Dr. Hubert Ripka eX!plained to Mr. Bogomolov, the Soviet ambassador in London, that the Americans had already agreed to the transfer, and that under these circumstances the Czecho-Slovak government in exile expected the Soviets to consent. On June 6, Ripka telephoned Benes, who was at the time in the United States, that Soviet Russia had just agreed to the transfer - the same agreement which Benes had used as a lever in his conference with President Roosevelt on May 12, 194·3. The Soviets were the first allies to grant to the Czech government in exile de jure recognition. Against the advice of western statesmen Benes went to Moscow and in 1943 signed a new treaty with the Soviet government. Eager to SLOVAKIA 17 show his ability at playing an important role in the arena of world politics he may have thought of himself as a man who would build the great bridge between the West and the East. As seen in retrospect, however, he seems to have been prior to the Teheran Conference more than perh,a ps any other person active in strengthening Roosevelt's ill-conceived trust in Stal~n. In this way, I regret to say, he certainly proved to be a valuable tool of the Kremlin. Toward the end of World War II, Benes returned to Prague by way of Moscow, accompanying the Red Army, as it adv,anced from the east into Czecho-Slovakia, and himself was accompanied by a Czech government group led by a Communist, Zdenek Fierlinger, who is today the president of the Czecho-Slovak parliament. At Kosice, in eastern Slovakia, Benes and his colleagues proclaimed on April 5, 1945, the so-called Kosice program according to which the country for the time being was to be ruled by presidential decrees. The program was signed by: Zdenek Fierlinger, Josef David, Klement Gottwald, Viliam Siroky - today the Prime Minister, Dr. Jan Sramek, Jan Masaryk - son of the first president of Czecho.,Slovakia - Ludvik :Svoboda, Dr. Hubert Ripka, Vaclav Nosek, Dr. V,a vro Srobar, Dr. Zdenek Nejedly, Dr. Jaroslav Stransky, Vaclav Kopecky, Bohumil Lausman, Julius Duris, Dr. Jan Pietor, Antonin Hasal, Frantisek Hala, Dr. Jan Soltesz, Dr. Adolf Prochazka, Vaclav Majer, Dr. Vladimir Clementis, Dr. Mikulas Ferjencik, and Jan Lichner. Outlawing Political Opponents Czecho-:Slovakia was now restored within the pre-Munich boundaries, except for Carpathian Ruthenia which the Soviets had seized and incorporated into the Soviet Ukraine, and which the new Czecho-Slovak government then ceded to the Soviet Union. The Slovaks were once more subjected to Czech domination. The new government announced the formation of a so-called National Front, supposedly a coalition of the Communist Party and three parties willing to collaborate with them, that is, Social Democrats, National Socialists, and People's Party. All Czech political parties of the center and the right 18 SLOVAKIA side were declared illegal, among them the National Democrats, the Artisans, and the Republican Agrarians, the the latter being the biggest political party in pre-war CzechoSlovakia. Their leaders and functionaries were jailed. All Slovak parties were likewise outlawed and, instead, new leftist parties, such as the so-called Slovak Democratic Party and other puppet groups, were artificially created. In this way, political parties were abolished which, before World War II, had long represented the large majority of the nonCommunist Czech and Slovak peoples. In addition to these millions of Czechs and Slovaks, all Sudeten Germans and Magyars were disfranchised. Only by applying this method of outlawing political opponents - exactly copying Hitler's procedure in Berlin in 1933 - and of exploiting the prejudice of their willing collaborators, did the Communists succeed in 1946 in showing up as the largest political party. Now free elections, freedom of speech and press were abolished. Kangaroo courts, called people's courts, were established in order to liquidate the opponents of Communism. So-called National Committees, fashioned after the Russian local "Soviets", were set up to take over the work of administrative offices. The economy was nationalized. While Benes himself assumed the office of president, Communists were appointed to key positions at all levels and, from the beginning, were in control of police, army, and the state propaganda machine. The non-Communist ministers collaborated at every turn and supported the Communist line. Since some of these people later escaped to the West it may be of interest to mention, in addition to those who signed the Kosice program, some of the .p rominent politicians of the era of the so-called National Front: Dr. Peter Zenkl - Vice Premier; Dr. Jozef Lettrich - leader of the Red puppet Slovak Democratic Party who, after the 1946 elections when the Slovaks had failed to vote for the Communists, signed the agreement abolishing Slovakia's autonomy; Dr. Jan Papanek, Dr. Juraj Slavik, and Frantisek Nemec - who represented as ambassador abroad the Red regime of Prague; Ferdinand Peroutka. a. Socialist journalist; and Milos Vanek - one of the original bosses of the Czecho-Slovak Communist Party. SLOVAKIA 19 The Reign of Terror - Rule of Decrees A reign of terror began with the arrival of the Soviet Red Army and the regime which was to become the government of the so-called National Front. One of the first administrativ e measures provided for the hasty constructio n of concentrati on camps into which tens of thousands of Sudeten Germans were driven. The late R. R. Stokes, a former British minister, has given a vivid description of conditions in those camps which he himself had visited. Benes' inciting words; "Annihilate the Germans where you find them," broadcast from Kosice, led to a wave of cruel murder. The bloody Sunday at Aussig in July 1945, the massacres in Saaz, Brilx and Landskron, the death march of BrUnn are only some of those outrages for which the Czecho.1Slovak governmen t of that time will be held fully responsible . The Sudeten Germans were outlawed. Before being expropriated their homes were open for pillage either under the pretext of a raid for hidden weapons or merely by groups of police guards or plain Czech plunderers. In some towns orders were issued that homes of Germans must not be locked. Strict curfew was imposed on them. They were forced to wear white badges so as to make them conspicuou s. They were forbidden to use public conveyance s and the sidewalks, visit restaurants , write letters, change places of residence. They were restricted for buying groceries and shopping in stores to certain hours of the day, and special ration cards discriminat ing against them were issued. Schools and kindergartens were closed to their children. Adult Germans were called up and transported to the interior of Bohemia to provide forced labor on farms, in mines, and industry, at first without pay, later at low wages that were seldom paid. Still worse was the treatment in prisons,· where over-crowd ed cells, brutalities and disease, in addition to insufficien t rations, increased the death toll. Expulsions Were Planned We know now that the Communist s, by means of the expulsions, pursued the following objectives: First: By eliminating the German element from the 20 SLOVAKIA area, they wished to hasten the Communization of those countries. Second : In the depopulated regions, they wanted to introduce collective farms ,and state industrial enterprises fashioned after Russian Soviet examples before proceeding . with those schemes on a general scale. Third : The confiscated property was also to be used for bribery purposes, since destroying the sense of honesty turns into more pliable tools of immoral Communism. Fourth: By inciting to violence and acts of cruelty against the Germans, the Communists and their collabor ators hoped to build up hatred between the Germans and these Slavic peoples so as to make the latter wholly dependent on the alliance with Communist Russia. Fifth : The German expellees were to create social disorder and to be a hotbed of Communism in overcrowded West Germany. As to the expulsion of the Sudeten Germans, it may safely be said that this was not a spontaneous reaction of the Czech people agains the German occupation of their country, but an act planned by Czech politicians in exile and carried out by the government of the so-called National Front with all possible haste before the large majority of the Czech people would have time to think twice about it. Presidential decrees were supposed to give the proceedings a cloak of legality. Quotations from some of these decrees will point toward the responsibility of the government of the so-called National Front. First: Constitutional Decree of the President of the Republic of August 2, 1945: Article 1 1. Czecho-Slovak citizens of German or Magyar nationality who acquired German or Magyar citizenship under the regulation of the foreign occupational forces shall have lost their Czecho-Slovak citizenship by so doing. 2. The other Czecho-Slovak citizens of German or Magyar nationality shall lose their Czecho-1Slovak citizenship on the day when this decree will come into force. Signed by Benes, Fierlinger, Masaryk, Nosek, Svoboda. SLOVAKIA 21 Second: Decree of the President of the Republic of October 25, 1945: Any immovable and movable property shall be confiscated without any compensation, to the benefit of the Czecho-Slovak Republic . . . which is . . . owned: 1. By German or Magyar legal persons; or 2. by natural persons of German or Magyar nationality. Signed by the signers of the Kosice program. Third: Decree of the President of the Republic of January 21, 1946: Article 1 and without compensation and effect 1. With immediate for the purpose of the land reform such land property shall be confiscated as is owned by - (a) all persons of German or Magyar nationality without regard to their citizenship. Signed by Benes, Fierlinger, Nosek, Dr. Srobar, Dr. Stransky, Duris, Majer. Fourth: Law of May 8, 1946, passed by the povisional National Assembly: Article 1 Any act committed between September 30, 1938, and October 28, 1945, the object of which was to aid the struggle for liberty of the Czechs and Slovaks, or which represented due reprisals for actions of the occupation forces and their accomplices, is not illegal, even when such actions may otherwise be punishable by law. Signed by Benes, Fierlinger, Drtina, Svoboda. The last mentioned parliamentary act, which I have added to the decrees, provided for a general amnesty for all crimes committed against Germans, Magyars, and anti-Communist Czechs and Slovaks and thus gave ex port facto a semblance of legality to the law of the jungle. Expulsions a Violation of International Law The expulsion of the Sudeten Germans from the homes which they had inhabited for a thousand years violated the principle of the right to self-determination of peoples. We should remember that this right was solemnly proclaimed by our own President Woodrow Wilson, who in his Mount Vernon address of July 4, 1918, declared: 22 SLOVAKIA The settlement of every question, whether- of territory, of sover-eigty, of economic arrangement or political relationship, must be upon the basis of the free acceptance of that settlement by the peoples immediately concerned. It is well known that the U. S. Government has taken a prominent part in establishing this principle and in the development toward incorporating it into the law of nations. The expulsion of the Germans stands in direct contradiction to this great principle. The U. S. Government was also strenuously opposed to arbitrary displacement of persons during both World Wars. We protested against the transfer during World War I of Belgian workers and condemned, as a grave violation of international law, the displacement during World War II of Poles and other peoples within the then Nazi orbit. We asserted the right to resettle in their home countries, of all displaced persons. As to our own fellow citizens of Japanese descent, temporarily displaced after Pearl Harbor from their homes near the Pacific Ocean, we reaffirmed by an act of Congress the right to their homes. Let me also point out that article 9 of the United Nations Human Rights Declaration of December 10, 1948, as regards arbitrary e:xipulsion as contrary to international law and states that "no one shall be subject to arbitrary exile." Also relevant, it would seem to me, is the Convention on Genocide of December 11, 1946, which declares to be a crime, under international law, (a) killing members of a national, ethnic, racial, or religious group; (b) causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group; (c) deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part. About 300,000 Sudeten Germans, that is, a considerable part of their total number, did not survive the removal from their ancient homeland, a fact which proves that they were victims of this crime. Let me finally quote from the draft code, prepared in accordance with the resolution of November 21, 1947, of the United Nations General Assembly, to define "offenses against the peace and security of mankind" that would be SLOVAKIA 23 "crimes under internation•al law, for which the responsible individuals shall be punished." Article 2, paragraph 11, lists: Inhuman acts such as murder, extermination, enslavement, deportation, or persecutions, committed against any civilian population on social, political, racial, religious, or cultural grounds by the authorities of a state or by private individuals acting at the instigation or with the toleration of such authorities. This adequately covers the expulsion of the Germans from Sudetenland as well as those from the German provinces east of the O<ler-Neisse line, and from other parts of Eastern Europe, and proves it to be - let me here repeat the words of article 1 of the penal draft code - among the "crimes under international law, for which the responsible individuals shall be punished." Voices Raised Against the Expulsions Many courageous persons have raised their voice against the expulsion of the Sudeten Germans. Even at the heyday of the so-called National Front regime, Rozsievac, a (Czech) Catholic paper in Olmtitz, dared to protest on October 31, 1945, against cruelties in internment camps and the rape of Sudeten German women; and in another newspaper, Obzory, Dr. Helena Kozeluhova, a journalist, objected to the cruelties of the expulsion. Of course, such voices were quickly suppressed and Dr. Kozeluhova, for instance, was forbidden to write another line - curiously by men who themselves are now in exile and professing to be anti-Communist. While the Sudeten Germans have stood up for the right to return to their ancient homeland, they have expressly renounced any thought of vengeance on the Czech people. The expellees publicly declared that they will support every endeavor toward a united Europe in which the peoples may live in freedom from fear and coercion. They called upon all nations and men of good will to join them in this great undertaking. Since then, the German expellees have persistently followed the policy to which their representatives had set hal¼d and seal at Stuttgart in 1950. Rejecting Communist and neutralist temptations as well ·a s appeals to 24 SLOVAKIA narrow nationalism, they are, today, perhaps the most dedicated adherents of a united Europe. But the Sudeten Germans did not rest their case with a solemn declaration of faith. They took practical steps toward an agreement, on the basis of mutual respect and a genuine search for a real solution, with their Czech and Slovak neighbors, now also in exile. In 1950, an agreement in London with the Czech National Committee, headed by Army General Lev Prchala. The agreement recognizes the right to self-determination of both nations, Czechs and Sudeten Germans. A realistic policy for Central as well as East Central Europe, that is, concerning Czecho-Slovakia and the Sudeten Germans, as well as concerning Poland, the Germans of East Prussia, and the other German provinces east of the OderN eisse Rivers can only be a policy that is both just and moral. It must be firmly based upon historical truth and the rule of international law. To assume that any government can ever develop a successful policy on the shaky structure of a wrong, and on perpetuating that wrong, is an illusion. It is my considered opinion that the German expellees should be encouraged to stand firm upon their right. It is in the best tradition of American foreign policy to denounce the wrong and to uphold the right. Moreover, wavering would be tantamount to further tightening the stranglehold on the captive peoples by the Kremlin and would thus actually support Soviet imperialism. Just as the Soviets dangled before the dizzy eyes of the Poles enticing bait of the German provinces east of the OderN eisse line, so the Czechs were being dazzled by Kremlin stooges with the rich spoils in the Sudetenland. To the same degree that the Poles accepted the German provinces, and the Czechs accepted the Sudeten properties out of the bloody hands of Stalin, they both permitted themselves to be chained to Moscow. This h•as been the fateful and deadly but logical result. Both the Czechs and Poles who think of keeping these spoils must continue to lean on Soviet Russian backing and thus render themselves subservient to the Kremlin.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Sudeten Germans Description An account of the resource Hon. B. Carroll Reece Slovakia, Vol. 8, No. 3 (28), December 1958 pp. 9-24 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Reece, B. Carroll (Brazilla Carroll), 1889-1961 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource December 1958 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/175032ad0419add59986bb244c13b3d1.pdf f95053c465777d45b43828f3cdd0e150 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 2"> SLOVAK NATIONALISM: FEDERATIVE TENDENCIES OF SLOVAK NATIONALISM B. S. BUC, Ph.D. 1. The Struggle For Survival The most characteristic effort, underlying all the undertakings of re-awakened Slovak nationalism, is the attempt to gain recognition of national individuality first in Austria-Hungary and then in Czecho-Slovakia. Both of these states - Hungary under the pretense of the thousand-year common life of Slovaks within its confines and Czecho-Slovakia under the guise of Slav tribal kinship - pursued a similar aim, namely, to break the will of the Slovaks after they had developed their own national character and to enrich their own collectivity with Slovaks. When we take into consideration that the Slovaks appeared on the modern scene as an almost unknown political factor, we will realize that obstacles, which stood and at present still stand in the way of their political ambitions, were and are continually great. Slovak nationalism, therefore could not reckon with the rapid achievement of independence in its own state. For that rea:::on it had no direct aim in its program to break those state ties in which it found itself. It fought only for the change of its internal structure in such a way that its life would not be menaced. If it became an element of dissolution of state ties, this was more the result of external circumstances which occasioned the break rather than of internal efforts. In such case, Slovak nationalism was, therefore, forced to choose between two alternatives: to maintain its original ties and live in continual dread of losing its national individuality; or to accept a new solution, promising greater possibilities for its own development. Thus, external circumstances caused Slovak nationalism to become one of the elements of dissolution, first of Austria-Hungary, in 1918, and later of Czecho-Slovakia in 1938. Neither of those states were dissolved as the result of an �26 SLOVAKIA internal revolution, even if conditions for such action were favorable, but rather through the decisions of external agents who were interested in the creation of a different and more favorable form of Central Europe. In each instance an unexpected opportunity presented itself to Slovak nationalism for a near revolutionary transition to more favorable conditions. One can observe, however, that in its foundations Slovak nationalism manifests greater tendencies toward federative living with other nations in the Central European sphere of influence than toward its own sovereign statehood. The thought of a federated Central Europe, in one form or another, underlies all efforts of Slovak nationalism and is, of course, the principal aim of the entire Slovak struggle for self-preservation. 2. Federation Rather Than Dissolution of Austria-Hungary In general, the reason for the dissolution of Austria.Hungary rested in the many nationalities that were dissatisfied with this empire. On the other hand, it is also true that shortly before the First World War, the nations of Austria-Hungary as well as the Western Democracies saw in Habsburg Monarchy their best guarantee against German and Russian imperialism. The nations, therefore, opposed very sharply all assimilative efforts of this state, not, however, at the cost of its dissolution. They remembered that the origin of Austria-Hungary was not so much the result of the political genius of the Habsburgs, J::,ut rather of the political, economical, and geographical conditions of the Central European sphere of influence. AustriaHungary was regarded, therefore, as one of the main component parts of the political equilibrium in Europe. This supposition was wholly correct. With the displacement of Austria-Hungary, the European equilibrium was broken to the detriment of those nations which lived within its confines. All federative efforts in Central Europe tend principally to the formation of Austria-Hungary, not, however, in the form of the former Habsburg Monarchy, but on the basis of economical, geographical, and political expedients of that part of Europe, of which it was a political representative for several centuries. �SLOVAKIA 27 The first attempts of the nations of Austria-Hungary for a revived nationalism proceeded no further than its federation. Scarcely any other nation in Austria-Hungary manifested a greater impatience with the latter's politics than the Czechs; and even they proclaimed through the lips of their most renowned historian Francis Palacky: "If Austria did not exist, we would have to create it!" This same Czech historian, writing to the German revolutionary congress in Frankfurt-on-the-Main in 1848, said: "The preservation of Austria - its integrity and solidification is and must be the great and important concern not only of the Czech nation, but of the whole Europe, nay, of all humanity and foreign lands" (1). Even Dr. Edward Benes, one of the principal creators of Czecho-Slovakia and later an unreconciled enemy of the Habsburgs, wrote in 1908: "People often speak about the dissolution of Austria. I absolutely do not believe in it. The historical and economic ties, which mutually unite the nations of Austria, are too strong to allow Austria to collapse" (2). From the revolutionary years of 1848, the thought of federating Austria-Hungary was the foremost political goal of all nationalities of this monarchy, and was even accepted sympathetically by the imperial court itself. But after the so-called agreement with the Hungarians (Magyars) in 1867, the Habsburgs gave precedence to the forceful solution of the national problem by applying coercive methods of assimilation. This came as a disappointment to the other nationalities and increased greatly their movements toward complete emancipation. It made them to forget the historical and economic ties which bound them to the Habsb:irg monarchy and moved them to work for its dissolution. The federation of Austria-Hungary was demanded by the changed views of society, which the philosophy of the Enlightenment and Romanticism had created. These new views emphasized the principle of plurality instead of the former principle of unity, the principle of individual liberty instead of the principle of unreserved obedience to state authority. Had the Habsburgs recalled this great change in the thinking of people, they would certainly have held their GANS.ER LIBRARY �28 SLOVAKIA empire together even if they would have changed its former autocratic foundation. In accord with the other nationalities of Austria-Hungary, the aim of all Slovak undertakings was the federation of Austria-Hungary. The Slovaks publicly emphasized the thought of federation , first in a memorandum which they presented to the emperor at Vienna, in 1861, and then at the nationality congress in Budapest, in 1867. At the second nationality congress which was held on August 10, 1895, also in Budapest, during a time of great persecutions, "the Rumanians, Serbs and Slovaks, who assembled in Budapest (wrote the Neue Freie Presse) demand the division of Hungary into ethnic self-administrative units, which in effect is equal to the demand to abolish the union between Hungary and Transylvania, to renew the Serbian Duchy and create a self-administrative Slovakia, such as Hurban promoted already thirty years earlier" (3). The unwillingness of Budapest and Vienna to meet these demands led not only the Slovaks but also other nationalities to accept willingly such solutions to their problem that prepared the way for the complete dissolution of Austria-Hungary. The offer of this new solution came chiefly from the Western Democracies during the First World War even despite the fact that, in the West, Austria-Hungary was considered as late as 1903 as "the only barrier, sufficiently strong, at the beginning of the 20th century, which could discourage German ambitions the day when these would begin to threaten the European balance ( 4). During the First World War, however, it became apparent that Austria-Hungary proceeded in a completely opposite direction, that is, it abetted the ambitions of Germany Western Democracies, therefore, decided to dissolve it. The greatest influence came from the "American crusading spirit," which, in the form of Wilson's idealistic principle of self-determination of nations, gave the nationalities an unforeseen moral weapon. Austria-Hungary comprised such a mixture of nationalities that the realization of the principle of self-determination was impossible without repeating the situation of Austria-Hungary would - and that in a much worse form - in new national states along national lines. In the new states which had risen out of the ashes of �SLOVAKIA r Austria-Hungary, the burden of power passed from rulers to subordinates, while the political order remained as it was. The former national chauvinism of antagonism began to disintegrate the cohabitation of Central European nations more than ever before and opened the way for the repeated aggrandizement of German imperialism. 3. The Goal of the Slovak Autonomist Movement: A Federated Czecho-Slovakia It was self-evident that, as soon as suppositions for arranging Central Europe upon a new basis emerged, the Slovaks would accept this solution enthusiastically. They found an opportunity to free themselves from their "thousand-year slavery," by which term they referred to their life within the confines of Hungary after the downfall of Greater Moravia in 906. They joined with the Czechs to form one state under the condition that Czecho-Slovakia would be a federated state. This federation was guaranteed by two agreements between Czechs and Slovaks in the United States, in Cleveland in 1915, and then in Pittsburgh in 1918. At the Peace Conference, in 1919, even Dr. Edward Benes promised this in the name of the Czecho-Slovak Government when he stated that: "it is the intention of the Czecho-Slovak Government to create the organization of the state by accepting as a basis of natural rights the principles applied in the constitution of the Swiss Republic a sort of Switzerland . . ." (5). Immediately with the rise of Czecho-Slovakia, the lure of might showed itself more powerful for the Czech majority than the ideals of national equality and rights. For this reason they began to organize a new state on the basis of the principle of power, applying the narrowest centralization. Dr. Ferdis Juriga, one of the most eminent representatives of Slovak nationalism, opposed those Czech propensities on the floor of Parliament in Prague on January 28, 1920, in the following words: "We must tend to decentralization, toward self-administration, so that the Republic might develop on a federalistic basis, because federalism is the system of the future. We must preserve our individuality and not let ourselves be absorbed. Federation is not only in the interest of our nation and the Czecho-Slovak Republic, but it also �30 SLOVAKIA answers the spirit of all mankind. It is an all-human tendency, the tendency of all mankind, this tendency to validate oneself to develop, to which every individual person and every national unit should have the right, which should crystalize out into a legal personality, so that these various nations could then become federalized in one great world republic. This would be the highest ideal and the path that leads to it is: federalism" (6) His position was a bit idealistic, but he expressed correctly the modern effort to arrange the cohabitation of nations on a pluralistic basis in the sense of the principle of equality. We have already said that the dissolution of Austria-Hungary must be charged to the lack of respect for this voice of the times. Czecho-Slovakia, which along national lines was only a worse copy of Austria-Hungary, gave precedence also to such a way. According to C. A. Macartney, "the Slovaks therefore reacted in the form of a flamboyant Slovak nationalism which was a main reason for the absence of revolt with which they accepted the dissolution of the Czecho-Slovak State"(7.) Despite the fact that Slovaks were co-creators of Czecho-Slovakia with the Czechs, they attracted to themselves all the national minorities and together with Germans, Hungarians, Poles, and Ruthenians fought against the so-called imperialism of Prague, as in former times, under AustriaHungary, they fought with Czechs, Serbs, Croatians, and Rumanians against the imperialism of Budapest and Vienna. In this struggle, the main issue at stake was the change of the internal structure of Czecho-Slovakia in the sense of former promises and agreements - and not in its dissolution. When in 1939 Czecho-Slovakia fell under the heel of Hitler's Germany, however, the Slovaks found the way open to the creation of their own state, which was the only way out under the given political circumstances as well as the logical conclusion of their former national endeavors. The short-lived existence of this independent state gave to the Slovak nationalism what it had hitherto lacked, namely, a uniform will to live independently and a conviction that it will know how to stand its ground as an equally worthy member among the other nations. �SLOVAKIA 31 4. Slovak Planners of a Federated Central Europe Slovak nationalism did not strive alone for the federation of those states with which it had ties, but also manifested great energies to raise the entire sphere of Central Europe upon a federated basis. The idea of a federated Central Europe was ever popular with the Slovaks, not simply because it assured the maintenance of certain sovereign prerogatives, as among other established nations, but principally it seemed to provide a surer guarantee for the protection of their threatened national individuality. Slovaks of all political convictions not only joined all federative efforts, but also presented several propositions for solving the problem of Central Europe in the sense of a federation. Perhaps the most renowned figure in this field was Dr. Milan Hodza, at first Minister of Agriculture and then Premier of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. He devoted his whole life to this idea. He draws motives for his endeavors from the fact that, "Small nations are liable to become a nuisance for world politics if they are isolated and beset by rivalries; but they are certainly sure to become precious elements of a fair and therefore indispensable balance of political forces, if they can prove themselves capable of taking a common view of those things which are common among them, especially when their geographical position renders them important"(8). Dr. Hod.fa endeavored to develop cooperation between the Central European nations and the consolidation of the economic situation in this part of Europe. The climax of these endeavors was his "Danube Plan," which aimed to create, according to Hodza's own words: "one single, great economic unit in Central Europe." This was to be attained by removing tariff barriers and establishing a customs union which would regulate agriculture and industrial production, and reorganize the system of payments and transportation, etc. (9). Another Slovak plan for solving the Central European problem is the proposal for confederation originating with Dr. Ferdinand Durcansky, the first Minister of Foreign Affairs in the Slovak Republic during the Second World War. Dr. Durcansky developed his plan for the confederation of Central Europe at the beginning of 1944 in studies �32 SLOVAKIA which were published in the "Revue de droit international, de sciences diplomatiques et politiques" in Geneva. He favors confederation chiefly to ward off every danger, which is said to threaten the sovereignty of small nations whenever they become a part of greater political bodies. According to Dr. :Durcansky, confederation "gives guarantees of independence and freedom to the nations of Central Europe, enables a solution of incidental disputes which could arise between the individual states of the confederation and, on the other hand, could defend Central Europe against external attacks" (10). Up to the present time, however, attempts for the federation of Central Europe have not ripened into practical results, whether their proponents were Slovaks or members of other nations. The reason of their failure, as stated by Dr. Edward Benes, "are much more of a sentimental, psychological, and moral nature than of a political and economic nature" (11). It is difficult to foretell at the present time whether the nations of Central Europe will be able to reach some settlement of their mutual differences and unite for the sake of their own preservation. The present tragedy of Central Europe brings even the most extreme elements to realize that some kind of federation is the "categorical imperative" for that sector of the world. (1) Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum: Slovakia and Central-European Federation Plans, Slovakia, April 1953, p. 3. (2) Le probleme Autrichien et la question Tcheque, Paris,, 1908, p. 307. (3) Aurel Popovici. Die Vereinigten Staaten von Grossoestreich, Leipzig, 1906, p . 43. (4) Henry Rene : Questions d'Autriche-Hongrie et Questions d'Orient, Paris, 1903, p . 126. (5) Lloyd George: The Truth About the Peace Treaties, London, 1925, p. 337. (6) Karol Sidor, Slovenska politika na pode praiskeho snemu, Bratislava, 1943, Vol I, p. 69. (7) Problems of the Danube Basin, London, 1942, p. 122. (8) Dr. Milan Hodza: Federation in Central Europe. London, 1942, p. 75. (9) Ibid., pp. 131-133. (10) Revue de droit international, de sciences diplomatiques et politiques. XXII, annee, No. I, p. 23-52. (11) "Le probleme de !'Europe Central," Sources et documents tchecoslovaques, No. 24, p. 47. � SLOVAKIA 2"> SLOVAK NATIONALISM: FEDERATIVE TENDENCIES OF SLOVAK NATIONALISM B. S. BUC, Ph.D. 1. The Struggle For Survival The most characteristic effort, underlying all the undertakings of re-awakened Slovak nationalism, is the attempt to gain recognition of national individuality first in Austria-Hungary and then in Czecho-Slovakia. Both of these states - Hungary under the pretense of the thousand-year common life of Slovaks within its confines and Czecho-Slovakia under the guise of Slav tribal kinship - pursued a similar aim, namely, to break the will of the Slovaks after they had developed their own national character and to enrich their own collectivity with Slovaks. When we take into consideration that the Slovaks appeared on the modern scene as an almost unknown political factor, we will realize that obstacles, which stood and at present still stand in the way of their political ambitions, were and are continually great. Slovak nationalism, therefore could not reckon with the rapid achievement of independence in its own state. For that rea:::on it had no direct aim in its program to break those state ties in which it found itself. It fought only for the change of its internal structure in such a way that its life would not be menaced. If it became an element of dissolution of state ties, this was more the result of external circumstances which occasioned the break rather than of internal efforts. In such case, Slovak nationalism was, therefore, forced to choose between two alternatives: to maintain its original ties and live in continual dread of losing its national individuality; or to accept a new solution, promising greater possibilities for its own development. Thus, external circumstances caused Slovak nationalism to become one of the elements of dissolution, first of Austria-Hungary, in 1918, and later of Czecho-Slovakia in 1938. Neither of those states were dissolved as the result of an �26 SLOVAKIA internal revolution, even if conditions for such action were favorable, but rather through the decisions of external agents who were interested in the creation of a different and more favorable form of Central Europe. In each instance an unexpected opportunity presented itself to Slovak nationalism for a near revolutionary transition to more favorable conditions. One can observe, however, that in its foundations Slovak nationalism manifests greater tendencies toward federative living with other nations in the Central European sphere of influence than toward its own sovereign statehood. The thought of a federated Central Europe, in one form or another, underlies all efforts of Slovak nationalism and is, of course, the principal aim of the entire Slovak struggle for self-preservation. 2. Federation Rather Than Dissolution of Austria-Hungary In general, the reason for the dissolution of Austria.Hungary rested in the many nationalities that were dissatisfied with this empire. On the other hand, it is also true that shortly before the First World War, the nations of Austria-Hungary as well as the Western Democracies saw in Habsburg Monarchy their best guarantee against German and Russian imperialism. The nations, therefore, opposed very sharply all assimilative efforts of this state, not, however, at the cost of its dissolution. They remembered that the origin of Austria-Hungary was not so much the result of the political genius of the Habsburgs, J::,ut rather of the political, economical, and geographical conditions of the Central European sphere of influence. AustriaHungary was regarded, therefore, as one of the main component parts of the political equilibrium in Europe. This supposition was wholly correct. With the displacement of Austria-Hungary, the European equilibrium was broken to the detriment of those nations which lived within its confines. All federative efforts in Central Europe tend principally to the formation of Austria-Hungary, not, however, in the form of the former Habsburg Monarchy, but on the basis of economical, geographical, and political expedients of that part of Europe, of which it was a political representative for several centuries. �SLOVAKIA 27 The first attempts of the nations of Austria-Hungary for a revived nationalism proceeded no further than its federation. Scarcely any other nation in Austria-Hungary manifested a greater impatience with the latter's politics than the Czechs; and even they proclaimed through the lips of their most renowned historian Francis Palacky: "If Austria did not exist, we would have to create it!" This same Czech historian, writing to the German revolutionary congress in Frankfurt-on-the-Main in 1848, said: "The preservation of Austria - its integrity and solidification is and must be the great and important concern not only of the Czech nation, but of the whole Europe, nay, of all humanity and foreign lands" (1). Even Dr. Edward Benes, one of the principal creators of Czecho-Slovakia and later an unreconciled enemy of the Habsburgs, wrote in 1908: "People often speak about the dissolution of Austria. I absolutely do not believe in it. The historical and economic ties, which mutually unite the nations of Austria, are too strong to allow Austria to collapse" (2). From the revolutionary years of 1848, the thought of federating Austria-Hungary was the foremost political goal of all nationalities of this monarchy, and was even accepted sympathetically by the imperial court itself. But after the so-called agreement with the Hungarians (Magyars) in 1867, the Habsburgs gave precedence to the forceful solution of the national problem by applying coercive methods of assimilation. This came as a disappointment to the other nationalities and increased greatly their movements toward complete emancipation. It made them to forget the historical and economic ties which bound them to the Habsb:irg monarchy and moved them to work for its dissolution. The federation of Austria-Hungary was demanded by the changed views of society, which the philosophy of the Enlightenment and Romanticism had created. These new views emphasized the principle of plurality instead of the former principle of unity, the principle of individual liberty instead of the principle of unreserved obedience to state authority. Had the Habsburgs recalled this great change in the thinking of people, they would certainly have held their GANS.ER LIBRARY �28 SLOVAKIA empire together even if they would have changed its former autocratic foundation. In accord with the other nationalities of Austria-Hungary, the aim of all Slovak undertakings was the federation of Austria-Hungary. The Slovaks publicly emphasized the thought of federation , first in a memorandum which they presented to the emperor at Vienna, in 1861, and then at the nationality congress in Budapest, in 1867. At the second nationality congress which was held on August 10, 1895, also in Budapest, during a time of great persecutions, "the Rumanians, Serbs and Slovaks, who assembled in Budapest (wrote the Neue Freie Presse) demand the division of Hungary into ethnic self-administrative units, which in effect is equal to the demand to abolish the union between Hungary and Transylvania, to renew the Serbian Duchy and create a self-administrative Slovakia, such as Hurban promoted already thirty years earlier" (3). The unwillingness of Budapest and Vienna to meet these demands led not only the Slovaks but also other nationalities to accept willingly such solutions to their problem that prepared the way for the complete dissolution of Austria-Hungary. The offer of this new solution came chiefly from the Western Democracies during the First World War even despite the fact that, in the West, Austria-Hungary was considered as late as 1903 as "the only barrier, sufficiently strong, at the beginning of the 20th century, which could discourage German ambitions the day when these would begin to threaten the European balance ( 4). During the First World War, however, it became apparent that Austria-Hungary proceeded in a completely opposite direction, that is, it abetted the ambitions of Germany Western Democracies, therefore, decided to dissolve it. The greatest influence came from the "American crusading spirit," which, in the form of Wilson's idealistic principle of self-determination of nations, gave the nationalities an unforeseen moral weapon. Austria-Hungary comprised such a mixture of nationalities that the realization of the principle of self-determination was impossible without repeating the situation of Austria-Hungary would - and that in a much worse form - in new national states along national lines. In the new states which had risen out of the ashes of �SLOVAKIA r Austria-Hungary, the burden of power passed from rulers to subordinates, while the political order remained as it was. The former national chauvinism of antagonism began to disintegrate the cohabitation of Central European nations more than ever before and opened the way for the repeated aggrandizement of German imperialism. 3. The Goal of the Slovak Autonomist Movement: A Federated Czecho-Slovakia It was self-evident that, as soon as suppositions for arranging Central Europe upon a new basis emerged, the Slovaks would accept this solution enthusiastically. They found an opportunity to free themselves from their "thousand-year slavery," by which term they referred to their life within the confines of Hungary after the downfall of Greater Moravia in 906. They joined with the Czechs to form one state under the condition that Czecho-Slovakia would be a federated state. This federation was guaranteed by two agreements between Czechs and Slovaks in the United States, in Cleveland in 1915, and then in Pittsburgh in 1918. At the Peace Conference, in 1919, even Dr. Edward Benes promised this in the name of the Czecho-Slovak Government when he stated that: "it is the intention of the Czecho-Slovak Government to create the organization of the state by accepting as a basis of natural rights the principles applied in the constitution of the Swiss Republic a sort of Switzerland . . ." (5). Immediately with the rise of Czecho-Slovakia, the lure of might showed itself more powerful for the Czech majority than the ideals of national equality and rights. For this reason they began to organize a new state on the basis of the principle of power, applying the narrowest centralization. Dr. Ferdis Juriga, one of the most eminent representatives of Slovak nationalism, opposed those Czech propensities on the floor of Parliament in Prague on January 28, 1920, in the following words: "We must tend to decentralization, toward self-administration, so that the Republic might develop on a federalistic basis, because federalism is the system of the future. We must preserve our individuality and not let ourselves be absorbed. Federation is not only in the interest of our nation and the Czecho-Slovak Republic, but it also �30 SLOVAKIA answers the spirit of all mankind. It is an all-human tendency, the tendency of all mankind, this tendency to validate oneself to develop, to which every individual person and every national unit should have the right, which should crystalize out into a legal personality, so that these various nations could then become federalized in one great world republic. This would be the highest ideal and the path that leads to it is: federalism" (6) His position was a bit idealistic, but he expressed correctly the modern effort to arrange the cohabitation of nations on a pluralistic basis in the sense of the principle of equality. We have already said that the dissolution of Austria-Hungary must be charged to the lack of respect for this voice of the times. Czecho-Slovakia, which along national lines was only a worse copy of Austria-Hungary, gave precedence also to such a way. According to C. A. Macartney, "the Slovaks therefore reacted in the form of a flamboyant Slovak nationalism which was a main reason for the absence of revolt with which they accepted the dissolution of the Czecho-Slovak State"(7.) Despite the fact that Slovaks were co-creators of Czecho-Slovakia with the Czechs, they attracted to themselves all the national minorities and together with Germans, Hungarians, Poles, and Ruthenians fought against the so-called imperialism of Prague, as in former times, under AustriaHungary, they fought with Czechs, Serbs, Croatians, and Rumanians against the imperialism of Budapest and Vienna. In this struggle, the main issue at stake was the change of the internal structure of Czecho-Slovakia in the sense of former promises and agreements - and not in its dissolution. When in 1939 Czecho-Slovakia fell under the heel of Hitler's Germany, however, the Slovaks found the way open to the creation of their own state, which was the only way out under the given political circumstances as well as the logical conclusion of their former national endeavors. The short-lived existence of this independent state gave to the Slovak nationalism what it had hitherto lacked, namely, a uniform will to live independently and a conviction that it will know how to stand its ground as an equally worthy member among the other nations. �SLOVAKIA 31 4. Slovak Planners of a Federated Central Europe Slovak nationalism did not strive alone for the federation of those states with which it had ties, but also manifested great energies to raise the entire sphere of Central Europe upon a federated basis. The idea of a federated Central Europe was ever popular with the Slovaks, not simply because it assured the maintenance of certain sovereign prerogatives, as among other established nations, but principally it seemed to provide a surer guarantee for the protection of their threatened national individuality. Slovaks of all political convictions not only joined all federative efforts, but also presented several propositions for solving the problem of Central Europe in the sense of a federation. Perhaps the most renowned figure in this field was Dr. Milan Hodza, at first Minister of Agriculture and then Premier of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. He devoted his whole life to this idea. He draws motives for his endeavors from the fact that, "Small nations are liable to become a nuisance for world politics if they are isolated and beset by rivalries; but they are certainly sure to become precious elements of a fair and therefore indispensable balance of political forces, if they can prove themselves capable of taking a common view of those things which are common among them, especially when their geographical position renders them important"(8). Dr. Hod.fa endeavored to develop cooperation between the Central European nations and the consolidation of the economic situation in this part of Europe. The climax of these endeavors was his "Danube Plan," which aimed to create, according to Hodza's own words: "one single, great economic unit in Central Europe." This was to be attained by removing tariff barriers and establishing a customs union which would regulate agriculture and industrial production, and reorganize the system of payments and transportation, etc. (9). Another Slovak plan for solving the Central European problem is the proposal for confederation originating with Dr. Ferdinand Durcansky, the first Minister of Foreign Affairs in the Slovak Republic during the Second World War. Dr. Durcansky developed his plan for the confederation of Central Europe at the beginning of 1944 in studies �32 SLOVAKIA which were published in the "Revue de droit international, de sciences diplomatiques et politiques" in Geneva. He favors confederation chiefly to ward off every danger, which is said to threaten the sovereignty of small nations whenever they become a part of greater political bodies. According to Dr. :Durcansky, confederation "gives guarantees of independence and freedom to the nations of Central Europe, enables a solution of incidental disputes which could arise between the individual states of the confederation and, on the other hand, could defend Central Europe against external attacks" (10). Up to the present time, however, attempts for the federation of Central Europe have not ripened into practical results, whether their proponents were Slovaks or members of other nations. The reason of their failure, as stated by Dr. Edward Benes, "are much more of a sentimental, psychological, and moral nature than of a political and economic nature" (11). It is difficult to foretell at the present time whether the nations of Central Europe will be able to reach some settlement of their mutual differences and unite for the sake of their own preservation. The present tragedy of Central Europe brings even the most extreme elements to realize that some kind of federation is the "categorical imperative" for that sector of the world. (1) Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum: Slovakia and Central-European Federation Plans, Slovakia, April 1953, p. 3. (2) Le probleme Autrichien et la question Tcheque, Paris,, 1908, p. 307. (3) Aurel Popovici. Die Vereinigten Staaten von Grossoestreich, Leipzig, 1906, p . 43. (4) Henry Rene : Questions d'Autriche-Hongrie et Questions d'Orient, Paris, 1903, p . 126. (5) Lloyd George: The Truth About the Peace Treaties, London, 1925, p. 337. (6) Karol Sidor, Slovenska politika na pode praiskeho snemu, Bratislava, 1943, Vol I, p. 69. (7) Problems of the Danube Basin, London, 1942, p. 122. (8) Dr. Milan Hodza: Federation in Central Europe. London, 1942, p. 75. (9) Ibid., pp. 131-133. (10) Revue de droit international, de sciences diplomatiques et politiques. XXII, annee, No. I, p. 23-52. (11) "Le probleme de !'Europe Central," Sources et documents tchecoslovaques, No. 24, p. 47. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1958, Vol. 8 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 26), March 1958.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 27), June 1958.</li> <li>Issue 3 (No. 28), December 1958.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1958 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 2"> SLOVAK NATIONALISM: FEDERATIVE TENDENCIES OF SLOVAK NATIONALISM B. S. BUC, Ph.D. 1. The Struggle For Survival The most characteristic effort, underlying all the undertakings of re-awakened Slovak nationalism, is the attempt to gain recognition of national individuality first in Austria-Hungary and then in Czecho-Slovakia. Both of these states - Hungary under the pretense of the thousand-year common life of Slovaks within its confines and Czecho-Slovakia under the guise of Slav tribal kinship - pursued a similar aim, namely, to break the will of the Slovaks after they had developed their own national character and to enrich their own collectivity with Slovaks. When we take into consideration that the Slovaks appeared on the modern scene as an almost unknown political factor, we will realize that obstacles, which stood and at present still stand in the way of their political ambitions, were and are continually great. Slovak nationalism, therefore could not reckon with the rapid achievement of independence in its own state. For that rea:::on it had no direct aim in its program to break those state ties in which it found itself. It fought only for the change of its internal structure in such a way that its life would not be menaced. If it became an element of dissolution of state ties, this was more the result of external circumstances which occasioned the break rather than of internal efforts. In such case, Slovak nationalism was, therefore, forced to choose between two alternatives: to maintain its original ties and live in continual dread of losing its national individuality; or to accept a new solution, promising greater possibilities for its own development. Thus, external circumstances caused Slovak nationalism to become one of the elements of dissolution, first of Austria-Hungary, in 1918, and later of Czecho-Slovakia in 1938. Neither of those states were dissolved as the result of an 26 SLOVAKIA internal revolution, even if conditions for such action were favorable, but rather through the decisions of external agents who were interested in the creation of a different and more favorable form of Central Europe. In each instance an unexpected opportunity presented itself to Slovak nationalism for a near revolutionary transition to more favorable conditions. One can observe, however, that in its foundations Slovak nationalism manifests greater tendencies toward federative living with other nations in the Central European sphere of influence than toward its own sovereign statehood. The thought of a federated Central Europe, in one form or another, underlies all efforts of Slovak nationalism and is, of course, the principal aim of the entire Slovak struggle for self-preservation. 2. Federation Rather Than Dissolution of Austria-Hungary In general, the reason for the dissolution of Austria.Hungary rested in the many nationalities that were dissatisfied with this empire. On the other hand, it is also true that shortly before the First World War, the nations of Austria-Hungary as well as the Western Democracies saw in Habsburg Monarchy their best guarantee against German and Russian imperialism. The nations, therefore, opposed very sharply all assimilative efforts of this state, not, however, at the cost of its dissolution. They remembered that the origin of Austria-Hungary was not so much the result of the political genius of the Habsburgs, J::,ut rather of the political, economical, and geographical conditions of the Central European sphere of influence. AustriaHungary was regarded, therefore, as one of the main component parts of the political equilibrium in Europe. This supposition was wholly correct. With the displacement of Austria-Hungary, the European equilibrium was broken to the detriment of those nations which lived within its confines. All federative efforts in Central Europe tend principally to the formation of Austria-Hungary, not, however, in the form of the former Habsburg Monarchy, but on the basis of economical, geographical, and political expedients of that part of Europe, of which it was a political representative for several centuries. SLOVAKIA 27 The first attempts of the nations of Austria-Hungary for a revived nationalism proceeded no further than its federation. Scarcely any other nation in Austria-Hungary manifested a greater impatience with the latter's politics than the Czechs; and even they proclaimed through the lips of their most renowned historian Francis Palacky: "If Austria did not exist, we would have to create it!" This same Czech historian, writing to the German revolutionary congress in Frankfurt-on-the-Main in 1848, said: "The preservation of Austria - its integrity and solidification is and must be the great and important concern not only of the Czech nation, but of the whole Europe, nay, of all humanity and foreign lands" (1). Even Dr. Edward Benes, one of the principal creators of Czecho-Slovakia and later an unreconciled enemy of the Habsburgs, wrote in 1908: "People often speak about the dissolution of Austria. I absolutely do not believe in it. The historical and economic ties, which mutually unite the nations of Austria, are too strong to allow Austria to collapse" (2). From the revolutionary years of 1848, the thought of federating Austria-Hungary was the foremost political goal of all nationalities of this monarchy, and was even accepted sympathetically by the imperial court itself. But after the so-called agreement with the Hungarians (Magyars) in 1867, the Habsburgs gave precedence to the forceful solution of the national problem by applying coercive methods of assimilation. This came as a disappointment to the other nationalities and increased greatly their movements toward complete emancipation. It made them to forget the historical and economic ties which bound them to the Habsb:irg monarchy and moved them to work for its dissolution. The federation of Austria-Hungary was demanded by the changed views of society, which the philosophy of the Enlightenment and Romanticism had created. These new views emphasized the principle of plurality instead of the former principle of unity, the principle of individual liberty instead of the principle of unreserved obedience to state authority. Had the Habsburgs recalled this great change in the thinking of people, they would certainly have held their GANS.ER LIBRARY 28 SLOVAKIA empire together even if they would have changed its former autocratic foundation. In accord with the other nationalities of Austria-Hungary, the aim of all Slovak undertakings was the federation of Austria-Hungary. The Slovaks publicly emphasized the thought of federation , first in a memorandum which they presented to the emperor at Vienna, in 1861, and then at the nationality congress in Budapest, in 1867. At the second nationality congress which was held on August 10, 1895, also in Budapest, during a time of great persecutions, "the Rumanians, Serbs and Slovaks, who assembled in Budapest (wrote the Neue Freie Presse) demand the division of Hungary into ethnic self-administrative units, which in effect is equal to the demand to abolish the union between Hungary and Transylvania, to renew the Serbian Duchy and create a self-administrative Slovakia, such as Hurban promoted already thirty years earlier" (3). The unwillingness of Budapest and Vienna to meet these demands led not only the Slovaks but also other nationalities to accept willingly such solutions to their problem that prepared the way for the complete dissolution of Austria-Hungary. The offer of this new solution came chiefly from the Western Democracies during the First World War even despite the fact that, in the West, Austria-Hungary was considered as late as 1903 as "the only barrier, sufficiently strong, at the beginning of the 20th century, which could discourage German ambitions the day when these would begin to threaten the European balance ( 4). During the First World War, however, it became apparent that Austria-Hungary proceeded in a completely opposite direction, that is, it abetted the ambitions of Germany Western Democracies, therefore, decided to dissolve it. The greatest influence came from the "American crusading spirit," which, in the form of Wilson's idealistic principle of self-determination of nations, gave the nationalities an unforeseen moral weapon. Austria-Hungary comprised such a mixture of nationalities that the realization of the principle of self-determination was impossible without repeating the situation of Austria-Hungary would - and that in a much worse form - in new national states along national lines. In the new states which had risen out of the ashes of SLOVAKIA r Austria-Hungary, the burden of power passed from rulers to subordinates, while the political order remained as it was. The former national chauvinism of antagonism began to disintegrate the cohabitation of Central European nations more than ever before and opened the way for the repeated aggrandizement of German imperialism. 3. The Goal of the Slovak Autonomist Movement: A Federated Czecho-Slovakia It was self-evident that, as soon as suppositions for arranging Central Europe upon a new basis emerged, the Slovaks would accept this solution enthusiastically. They found an opportunity to free themselves from their "thousand-year slavery," by which term they referred to their life within the confines of Hungary after the downfall of Greater Moravia in 906. They joined with the Czechs to form one state under the condition that Czecho-Slovakia would be a federated state. This federation was guaranteed by two agreements between Czechs and Slovaks in the United States, in Cleveland in 1915, and then in Pittsburgh in 1918. At the Peace Conference, in 1919, even Dr. Edward Benes promised this in the name of the Czecho-Slovak Government when he stated that: "it is the intention of the Czecho-Slovak Government to create the organization of the state by accepting as a basis of natural rights the principles applied in the constitution of the Swiss Republic a sort of Switzerland . . ." (5). Immediately with the rise of Czecho-Slovakia, the lure of might showed itself more powerful for the Czech majority than the ideals of national equality and rights. For this reason they began to organize a new state on the basis of the principle of power, applying the narrowest centralization. Dr. Ferdis Juriga, one of the most eminent representatives of Slovak nationalism, opposed those Czech propensities on the floor of Parliament in Prague on January 28, 1920, in the following words: "We must tend to decentralization, toward self-administration, so that the Republic might develop on a federalistic basis, because federalism is the system of the future. We must preserve our individuality and not let ourselves be absorbed. Federation is not only in the interest of our nation and the Czecho-Slovak Republic, but it also 30 SLOVAKIA answers the spirit of all mankind. It is an all-human tendency, the tendency of all mankind, this tendency to validate oneself to develop, to which every individual person and every national unit should have the right, which should crystalize out into a legal personality, so that these various nations could then become federalized in one great world republic. This would be the highest ideal and the path that leads to it is: federalism" (6) His position was a bit idealistic, but he expressed correctly the modern effort to arrange the cohabitation of nations on a pluralistic basis in the sense of the principle of equality. We have already said that the dissolution of Austria-Hungary must be charged to the lack of respect for this voice of the times. Czecho-Slovakia, which along national lines was only a worse copy of Austria-Hungary, gave precedence also to such a way. According to C. A. Macartney, "the Slovaks therefore reacted in the form of a flamboyant Slovak nationalism which was a main reason for the absence of revolt with which they accepted the dissolution of the Czecho-Slovak State"(7.) Despite the fact that Slovaks were co-creators of Czecho-Slovakia with the Czechs, they attracted to themselves all the national minorities and together with Germans, Hungarians, Poles, and Ruthenians fought against the so-called imperialism of Prague, as in former times, under AustriaHungary, they fought with Czechs, Serbs, Croatians, and Rumanians against the imperialism of Budapest and Vienna. In this struggle, the main issue at stake was the change of the internal structure of Czecho-Slovakia in the sense of former promises and agreements - and not in its dissolution. When in 1939 Czecho-Slovakia fell under the heel of Hitler's Germany, however, the Slovaks found the way open to the creation of their own state, which was the only way out under the given political circumstances as well as the logical conclusion of their former national endeavors. The short-lived existence of this independent state gave to the Slovak nationalism what it had hitherto lacked, namely, a uniform will to live independently and a conviction that it will know how to stand its ground as an equally worthy member among the other nations. SLOVAKIA 31 4. Slovak Planners of a Federated Central Europe Slovak nationalism did not strive alone for the federation of those states with which it had ties, but also manifested great energies to raise the entire sphere of Central Europe upon a federated basis. The idea of a federated Central Europe was ever popular with the Slovaks, not simply because it assured the maintenance of certain sovereign prerogatives, as among other established nations, but principally it seemed to provide a surer guarantee for the protection of their threatened national individuality. Slovaks of all political convictions not only joined all federative efforts, but also presented several propositions for solving the problem of Central Europe in the sense of a federation. Perhaps the most renowned figure in this field was Dr. Milan Hodza, at first Minister of Agriculture and then Premier of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. He devoted his whole life to this idea. He draws motives for his endeavors from the fact that, "Small nations are liable to become a nuisance for world politics if they are isolated and beset by rivalries; but they are certainly sure to become precious elements of a fair and therefore indispensable balance of political forces, if they can prove themselves capable of taking a common view of those things which are common among them, especially when their geographical position renders them important"(8). Dr. Hod.fa endeavored to develop cooperation between the Central European nations and the consolidation of the economic situation in this part of Europe. The climax of these endeavors was his "Danube Plan," which aimed to create, according to Hodza's own words: "one single, great economic unit in Central Europe." This was to be attained by removing tariff barriers and establishing a customs union which would regulate agriculture and industrial production, and reorganize the system of payments and transportation, etc. (9). Another Slovak plan for solving the Central European problem is the proposal for confederation originating with Dr. Ferdinand Durcansky, the first Minister of Foreign Affairs in the Slovak Republic during the Second World War. Dr. Durcansky developed his plan for the confederation of Central Europe at the beginning of 1944 in studies 32 SLOVAKIA which were published in the "Revue de droit international, de sciences diplomatiques et politiques" in Geneva. He favors confederation chiefly to ward off every danger, which is said to threaten the sovereignty of small nations whenever they become a part of greater political bodies. According to Dr. :Durcansky, confederation "gives guarantees of independence and freedom to the nations of Central Europe, enables a solution of incidental disputes which could arise between the individual states of the confederation and, on the other hand, could defend Central Europe against external attacks" (10). Up to the present time, however, attempts for the federation of Central Europe have not ripened into practical results, whether their proponents were Slovaks or members of other nations. The reason of their failure, as stated by Dr. Edward Benes, "are much more of a sentimental, psychological, and moral nature than of a political and economic nature" (11). It is difficult to foretell at the present time whether the nations of Central Europe will be able to reach some settlement of their mutual differences and unite for the sake of their own preservation. The present tragedy of Central Europe brings even the most extreme elements to realize that some kind of federation is the "categorical imperative" for that sector of the world. (1) Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum: Slovakia and Central-European Federation Plans, Slovakia, April 1953, p. 3. (2) Le probleme Autrichien et la question Tcheque, Paris,, 1908, p. 307. (3) Aurel Popovici. Die Vereinigten Staaten von Grossoestreich, Leipzig, 1906, p . 43. (4) Henry Rene : Questions d'Autriche-Hongrie et Questions d'Orient, Paris, 1903, p . 126. (5) Lloyd George: The Truth About the Peace Treaties, London, 1925, p. 337. (6) Karol Sidor, Slovenska politika na pode praiskeho snemu, Bratislava, 1943, Vol I, p. 69. (7) Problems of the Danube Basin, London, 1942, p. 122. (8) Dr. Milan Hodza: Federation in Central Europe. London, 1942, p. 75. (9) Ibid., pp. 131-133. (10) Revue de droit international, de sciences diplomatiques et politiques. XXII, annee, No. I, p. 23-52. (11) "Le probleme de !'Europe Central," Sources et documents tchecoslovaques, No. 24, p. 47.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovak Nationalism: Federative Tendencies of Slovak Nationalism Description An account of the resource B. S. Buc, Ph.D.<br />Slovakia, Vol. 8, No. 3 (28), December 1958<br />pp. 25-32<br /><ol><li>The Struggle for Survival</li> <li>Federation Rather Than Dissolution of Austria-Hungary</li> <li>The Goal of the Slovak Autonomist Movement: A Federated Czecho-Slovakia</li> <li>Slovak Planners of a Federated Central Europe</li> </ol> Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Buc, B. S. (Bonaventure S.), 1910-1966 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource December 1958 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/eaa706385bb38b2d95fcd8f94c12e8ca.pdf a334fa9aa5ee7c6eaf42f769bc58d2f8 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 33 THE SWVAKS AND THEIR NEIGHBORS God had •willed it that the Slovaks settle in Central Europe, in the valleys of the Vah, Nitra, Hron, and Ipel, Ondava and Laborec. The land of the Slovaks is watered by the huge waves of the Danube which flows in the south for a hundred miles. The Morava river in the west and the Tisa in the east make contact with Slovakia. Altogether 9'7 % of the rivers and streams of ,S lovakia flow south into the Danube and the Tisa rivers - only the Dunajec wends its way north to the Visla and the Baltic Sea. The Slovak mountains, the Carpathians, rise on the northern 1borders, and therefrom to the south we find hills and valleys of natural and romantic beauty. In the High and Low Tatra Mountains there are deep lakes and very beautiful bathing and recreational spots. In the valleys there are inexhaustible mineral springs. Practically three-quarters of Slovakia is covered with fox-ests and hills. Rich, fertile land, however, makes UF much of the land in the east, south, and west. Slovakia is in fact a :Eiucharistic country. The wheat grown there provides the daily bread for the Slovaks just as it does for the Sacred Hosts they receive so frequently. Grapes provide refreshment for man and the wine necessary for the altars of the land. In the mountains there is an invaluable supply of green gold-thick forests of beech, oak, and pine trees. The rivers of the valleys abound in various kinds of fish, and in the bowels of the earth there are ice caverns and gold, coal, antimony, magnesite, naphtha, and mineral waters. Slovakia has a population of four million made up of Slovaks for the most part. Before · 19'46 quite a number of Germans, Ukrainians, Poles and Magyars had settled in Slovakia, but today, after the forced expulsion of the Germans and Magyars by Dr. Edward Benes and his regime, the Germans and Magyars form a negligible portion of the population. Hundred of thousands of Czechs, the socalled "reliable" element, have been settled there by the pro~Soviet Czech regime. At least 80 % of the total population is of the Catholic religion. Protestants and Jews �34 SLOVAKIA make up the rest of the population. There are practically no Slovaks without religious affiliation in Slovakia even at the present time even though religion is scorned by the Czech pro-.Soviet regime. Slovaks emigrated in large numbers before 1918, during the administration of the Magyars, and in appreciable m1mibers even during the reign of the Czechs from 191'8 to 1938. At least one-third of the Slovaks settled in America, Canada, and South America during that time. Emigration stopped completely after the Slovak parliament of autonomous Slovakia proclaimed the independence of Slovakia on March 14, 1939. It is noteworthy that the Slovak Republic did not depend on foreign loans : Slovakia depended entirely on her own resources and proved her viability and economic independence during the six years of her independence (1939-1M5). Adherence To Christian Culture It was only natural that the Slovaks were always on good terms with their neighbors: they had been guided by western Christian culture for over a thousand years. The church of Prince Pribina, built in 831, is still a part of the beautiful Nitra Cathedral. The Slovaks not only learned and preached Christianity, but actually lived it. They love God above all else, as taught by their apostles, Sts. Cyril and Methodius, served the true Church of Jesus Christ, and loved their neighbors in the same measure that they did themselves. How did the Slovaks get along with their neighbors: the Austrians and Czechs in the west and northwest, the Poles in the north, the Ukrainians in the east, and the Magyars in the south? · Vienna, the capital of Austria, and Bratislava, the capital of Slovakia, are just an hour's ride by auto from each other. In the old Austro-Hungarian empire, the Slovaks and the Austrians got along very well, their contacts were cordial. The Habsburg dynasty had its members crowned as kings in the St. Martin Home in Bratislava. After 1918, when the T. G. Masaryk and Dr. Edward Benes Czechs took over the reigns of the newly formed Czecho-Slovak State, �SLOVAKIA the borders between Austria and Slovakia were closed; one needed a visa to cross the border. Later, this regulation was retracted and Slovaks and Austrians could travel at will <between Vienna and Bratislava. This was a good neighborly relationship that was to the advantage of the !Slovaks living in Vienna, or in Austria proper. There were some 80,000 Slovaks settled in Austria. Politically, the Slovaks lived their own lives in Vienna. Recognized political and church leaders visited them regularly. Monsignor Andrew H1inka, founder of the Slovaks People's Party and champion of Slovak freedom and independence, had cordial contacts not only with Slovak leaders in Austria, but with influential Austrians a\3 well. Msgr. Dr. Joseph Tiso, President of the 1S lovak Republic, was educated in the Pazmaneum of Vienna, where the bishops of Hungary sent their most capable theologians for further priestly studies. In 1938, when Austria ceased to exist as an independent State, the Slovaks continued their friendly relationship with the Austrias. The Slovaks certainly will never forget how the Austrians helped the Slovaks in 1945 when about '5,000 of them sought asylum in Austria, including President Tiso and the Slovak Government, after the Reds broke through to Ruthenia and the eastern part of Slovakia. And they are grateful today for the assistance still proferred to Slovak escapees. There is every reason to believe that after the Red scourge is removed from Slovakia, the Slovaks and the Austrians will have no trouble at all in getting along with each other. The Moravians and the Czechs On the northwest there is a 1'25-mile border that separates the Moravians and Czechs from the Slovaks. This border, however, during the existence of Austro~Hungary never was an obstacle to good relations between the local populations. This is understandable, since on both sides of this border are settled the descendants of a common Slovak tribe, many of whom even today call themselves "Moravian Slovaks". The latter were strongly attracted into the political, cultural, and economic sphere of the Czechs and par- �36 SLOVAKIA tially succumbed and accepted Czech culture and the Czech language. Nevertheless the "Moravian Slovaks" still cling to Slovak customs and habits and are as Catholic as the Slovaks on the other side of the border. Hussitism and Protestantism has made as little headway among them as among the Slovaks themselves. From the times of Master John Hus, Comenius, and other Czech thinkers, therefore from the 1'5-16th centuries, Czech political ideology has strongly digressed from the traditions of King Saint Wenceslaus. It has divorced itself from them and has followed the path away from Rome and particularly from the pedagogical office of the Vatican. Havlicek, Masaryk, and Benes made Hus a symbol of Czech pride and attempted to alter Czech history and remake the Czech nation in the ima,ge of John Hus which, of course, was in opposition to the Christian mind of Europe. The Movement "away from Rome", headed by Masaryk, Benes, and other "enlightened and progressive" Czechs, gained momentum as soon as T. G. Masaryk and Dr. Edward Benes took over the Hradcany in Pra:gue. With their blessing and active support, the "Czecho- Slovak National Church" was established. There was nothing Slovak about it except the second part of its appellation: it was strictly a Czech enterprise which sought to destroy the Roman Catholic Church in the newly-baked political unit called Czecho-Slovakia; the Slovaks had nothing in common with it. In 1948 it was the first religious organization to willingly offer its collaboration to the Red cause. When the Czech National Church of Czecho-'Slovakia (that is its real name) was founded, about a million Czech Catholics and some 360 Czech priests joined it, supporting thereby T. G. Masaryk's movement "away from Rome"! It was only natural that this display of chauvinistic nationalism isolated the Czechs from the spirit of Catholic Europe and tragically ended in the willing acceptance of Russian Bolshevism under the leadership of Clement Gottwald, the successor of Masaryk and Benes to the throne of the Czech kings at the Hradcany. In Europe it was only Prague, at that time still under the leadership of Ur. Edward Benes, that really welcomed the Red conquerors of �SLOVAKIA 37 the world and their Red Army in grand style as its liberators and the guarantor of its national, state and social life, of its growth and progress. Unfortunately Czech Catholic politics was never strong and vigorous enough to pursue its own course. Under the leadership of 'Monsignor John Sramek, the politics of Czech Catholics was always subordinated to the basic lines of Czech national policy which it adopted and followed. The sad awakening came later when it was too late to do anything about it. These facts, particularly the openly anti-Catholic policy of the Masaryk and Benes regimes during the twentyyear cohabitation of the Slovaks and Czechs, were the cause of much friction and bad blood between them. In a word, the Slovaks did not trust the ruling Czechs and told them in no uncertain terms on many occasions that their policies would lead to the collapse of the Czecho-1Slovak Republic. Making friends of the Russian Reds and enemies of immediate neighbors could hardly be termed wise politics. In many respects, however, the ,S lovaks gained much from the Czechs in its transitional period in their march to independence. Not, of course, at the price demanded by the Masaryk-Benes Czechs, the surrender of their inherent right to freedom and independence, the repudiation of their own ethnic individuality. We know that T. G. Masaryk and Dr. Edward Benes had stated at the Paris Peace Conference that "the Czechs and the Slovaks are the same". The Slovaks, according to them were only a "branch" of the Czech nation, and the Slovak language was but a "dialect" of the Czech. While representatives of the Czechs propagated this "Czeclto-Slovak" ideology that the Slovaks and Czechs were one ethnic unit, the Slovaks under the leadership of the Catholic Monsignors Andrew Hlinka and Dr. Joseph Tiso and the Protestant clergyman Martin Razus replied that they could not accept this false ideology. The Slovaks, they said, never were and at no time felt that they are a "branch" of the Czech nation. They always were and still feel that they are a distinct ethnic unit, as are the other Slovanic nations. The Slovaks had no intentions of commiting national sui- �38 SLOVAKIA cide when they decided to form a common political state with the Czechs in 1918. The Masaryk..1Benes Czechs, however, continued to propagate the ideology that had no historical foundation in fact with all the propaganda means at their disposal, that is, with State funds and, therefore, ironically, even at the expense of the Slovaks. When Dr. Benes visited Bratislava in 1933, he declared that the Slovaks had to accept the idea of an ethnic "Czecho-Slovak" nation in their own interest. "In the fight against us," he said, "the entire pressure shall go against Slovakia. Our relationship with Germany is good and correct and so it shall continue to remain in every case. Between us and the Germans there have not been and there shall not be any quarrels and difficulties about boundaries." The events of 1,938-1939, however, proved how wrong Benes was. Pressure was exerted not against the Slovaks, but against the Czechs, because the relationship between the Czechs and the Germans never had been, as Benes declared, "good and correct", but always bad and insincere. The historical record, as written, informed and impartial observers, is quite clear on this point. The resolution of this relationship was one of the causes of World War II. And what happened after 1945? With the help of Stalin, Dr. Edward Benes resolved this problem of "good relations" with the Germans by brutally expelling more than three million ·S udeten Germans for the "new people's Republic" of Czecho-lSlovakia ! The Slovaks were opposed to the forced expulsion of the Germans from Czecho-'S lovakia at that time and still adamantly condemn it. The responsibility for this shamefull crime against humanity must be credited to the account of the foreign policy which Masaryk and Benes initiated at the beginning of the Republic, the policy with which the Slovaks never identified themselves and, therefore, cannot be held responsible for it or its consequences. There was nothing Slovak about Czecho-Slovak foreign policy. During the entire life of the first Czecho-Slovak Republic (1918-1938), Dr. Edward Benes, leader of the Czech National Socialists, was "Mr. Foreign ,Policy"! After twenty long years of the brand of democracy promulgated by the �SLOVAKIA 39 Masaryk-Benes Czechs, the relation between the two "closely related nations", the Slovaks and the Czechs, were strained to the limit. The Republic had to fall, because the majority of its population had been treated as second-rate citizens. It was a democracy only for the Czechs, but in the end not even a Czech could be found to fire a single shot in its defense! After the sad experiences in the Czecho-,Slovak Republic under the Masaryk-Benes Czechs, the Slovaks do not even want to think about another common political state with them. Of course, Czecho..(Slovakia still exists, but not because the Slovaks willed it so. The political will of the Slovak nation was utterly disregarded in 1945 by the victorious United Nations. "Away from Prague - back to Bratislava" is the cry of all Slovak nationals who are convinced now more than ever that the highest interests of the Slovak nation can best ·be safeguarded and secured only in an independent Slovak Republic. A proper neighborly relationship on an international basis is, however, possible between the Slovaks and the Czechs, if it is allowed to develop under international supervision. But never again on an intra-state basis. The Slovaks remember the Pittsburgh Pact of 1918, which T. G. Masaryk himself had drafted and undersigned - and then repudiated completely. And they shall never forget the antiSlovak policy of Masaryk's star pupil, Dr. Edward Benes, In 193'5, the latter promised Slovakia complete autonomy within a year, if the deputies of the Hlinka party would vote him in as president of the Republic. The Slovaks fulfilled their part of the given word, but Benes did not. When they pressed him in 1936 to fulfill his promise, Dr. Benes officially annonced to the Hlinka Slovak People's Party that he must first grant autonomy to Ruthenia, because he was bound to do so by the peace treaty of St. Germaine and the Constitution of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. But nothing happened: Ruthenia, like Slovakia, continued to be regarded as a colony of the Benes Czechs. President Ha.cha; the constitutional successor of Dr. Benes, is responsible for the March, 1939, military putsch in Slovakia, whereby an attempt was made to repudiate �40 SLOVAKIA the rights of autonomous Slovakia. The latter, we know, was granted autonomy by Prague on October 6, 19,38. And what did Gottwald, the Czech Red, do later? In Kosice, in 194'5, he proclaimed that the Czecho-Slovak Republic "must" safeguard and cultivate the right of the Slovaksbut in 1948, when he succeeded Benes as president, Gottwald proceeded to repudiate all his promises, because Slovakia, he said, was anti-communist! T. G. Masaryk, Dr. Edward Benes, Dr. Ha.cha, Gottwald, Zapotocky, and Novotny-all presidents of CzechoSlovakia - had promised the Slovaks a fuller life of freedom, but failed to fulfill their promises. Little wonder, then, that the Slovaks have completely lost their faith in leading representatives of Czech political life. Let the Czechs go their way, and let the ,Slovaks be free to develop and decide their own destiny-that is the sentiment of at least 95 % of the Slovaks at home and in the free world. The Slovaks stand for a Central-European or an European Federation: let the Czechs join as an independent political unit, and the Slovaks likewise: but no more Czech domination! The Slovaks and the Poles In the course of the ages, the ,Slovaks had no serious trouble with the Poles. They were practically always on good terms with them and symphathized with them. In one of their first political manifestations, that of 1'849 in Liptovsky Svaty Mikulas, the Slovaks expressly stated that they were for the realization of national and state rights of the Poles. And the Slovaks remember that the Poles made it possible ,f or Msgr. Andrew Hlinka to travel in 1919 in an attempt to present the 'Slovak demands (the Pittsburgh Pact of 1918) to the Peace Conference. They were opposed to the solution of the problem of the Orava and Spis Counties, whereby over twenty villages that had belonged to Slovakia for more than a thousand years were awarded to Poland at the Paris Peace Conference. The Slovaks were angered more at Benes than at the Poles when they learned that Benes had traded these villages for the coal fields of Tesin in Silesia. Mter that relations between the Slovaks and the Poles improved until 1938 when the Czecho-Slovak �SLOVAKIA 41 Republic collapsed and the Poles again sought a revision of the Slovak-Polish frontier to protect themselves against a German attack from the south. At that time the Prague regime did not defend Slovakia, so the latter entered directly into negotiations with the Poles in October, 1938, where the Poles cut their demands to a minimum. More obstacles to better relations were removed during a conference with the Poles in Ruzomberok in February, 1939. Poland was among the first countries to recognize the independent Republic of Slovakia, after the Slovak Parliament proclaimed its independence of Prague on March 14, 1939. When Hitler and Stalin decided to partition Poland in 1939, many Poles emigrated through Slovakia, while many remained there throughout the war. They were given every courtesy; they had Slovak passes and were employed by private and state industry where they spent the worst years of the war and later left unmolested to fight for the liberation of Poland. The friendship of the Slovaks for the ·P oles was never approved by the Benes Czechs in Prague who preferred to do business with Stalin at the expense of Poland and Slovakia. The Slovaks and the Ukrainians The border between Slovakia and Ruthenia is 40 miles long. Known as Sub.JCarpathian Russia, Ruthenia today belongs to Soviet Ukrainia which is a part of the Soviet Union. Dr. Edward Benes and his pro-Soviet "provisional" government sold out the Ruthenians to Stalin in 1945. Slovakia today borders directly on the Soviet Union, and the Slovaks know that Ruthenia is administrated directly by Moscow. The old inhabitants of those parts have been transferred deep into Russia by Moscow, resettling the evacuated towns and villages with non-!Slovanic elements from Asia. The Slovaks were always on good terms with the original inhabitants. The history of the rSlovaks and the Ruthenians had much in common; both had suffered the heavy hand of foreign rulers for centuries. In October, 1938, representatives of Ruthenia came to 2ilina to confer with the Slovaks. It was there that they said: we have lived for cen- �42 SLOVAKIA turies on good terms with the Slovaks; we fought for 20 years within the Czecho-Slovak framework to gain autonomy as the Slovaks did; we shall go along with the Slovaks also in the future; if the Slovaks tie their future with the Czechs, we shall do so; if, however, the Slovaks should proclaim their independence of the Czechs and shall be for an independent Slovak State, we also shall declare our separation from Prague and proclaim an independent Republic of Carpatho-Ukrainia. And that is exactly what happened. The ,S lovaks proclaimed their State independence on March 14, 1939, in Bratislava, while the deputies of Ruthenia did the same thing on the same day in Chust. True, they enjoyed independence only 24 hours, because Ruthenia was incorporated into Hungary on the basis of an agreement between Hitler and the Magyars. After World War II, because of a secret agreement, Benes surrendered Ruthenia and its people to Stalin. gyars. After World War ll, because of a secret agreement, Benes surrendered Ruthenia and its people to Stalin. 1 The Slovaks and the Magyars The longest border between Slovakia and any other neighboring country is that between Slovakia and Hungary; it is 31·2 miles long. The Hungarian State originated from the ruins of the first Slovak State--the Great Moravian Empire-after 907 A. D. St. Stephen, King of Hungary, made Christians of the pagan Magyars and tied them spiritually to Rome. Believing that a "uni-lingual state is weak", St. Stephen did not allow the Magyar language or any other language to be the official language of the state, but established Latin as the official language and so conserved, like an ice pack, all the living languages of the inhabitants of Hungary. It was only at the beginning of the last century that Latin was replaced by Magyar as the official language of the State. Unhealthy chauvinism began to spread the Magyar tongue at the expense of the native Slovak. The result was that the Slovaks revolted against the dominating Magyars over a hundred years ago, in 1848. Disregarding the admonition of St. Stephen about an one-language State, the Ma- �SLOVAKIA 43 gyars pressed for one •~Hungarian" nation with Magyar as the official language "from the Carpathians to the Adriatic Sea". The partition of Hungary in 1918 was due to excessive Ma:gyar nationalism which made enemies of all the other nationalities of the realm. Before 1918, the Magyars accused the Slovaks of being Pan-,Slavs. After 1918, the Masaryk-Benes Czechs accused the Slovaks of being Magyarones. While the Magyars fostered hatred of the Slovanic nations, the Czechs on the other hand propagated hatred of the Magyars among the Slovaks and Czechs. Excessive chauvinism prompted both movements. Many of the younger Slovak set succumbed to the anti..;Magyar propaganda of official Prague and only later discovered that thereby the Masaryk-/Benes Czechs wanted to conceal their own real goal: the Czechization bf the Slovak nation. The Magyar "Hungarian nation-state from the Carpathians to the Adriatic" became for the Czechs "a united Czechoslovak nation from Sumava to the Tatras". Obviously the Czechs learned nothing from past history-and ended up just as did the Magyars: alone and hated by the non-Czech citizens and by all their neighbors. When the Slovaks declared their independence of Prague in 1939, the Magyars recognized the independent Republic of Slovakia de jure and established diplomatic contacts forthwith. Of course, the Slovaks were crudely jarred by the Vienna negotiations of Ribbentrop and Ciano in 1938, whereby the Magyars were favored with about one-third of 1S lovak territory (Vienna Award). After 1945 these southern regions were returned to Slovakia so that Benes could expel the Magyars from them in exchange for Slovaks settled in Hungary proper. The Benes Czechs are alone responsible for the brutalities committed during the forced "transfer" of Magyars from Slovak territory. The Slovaks condemned this forced transfer of Magyars as strongly as they did the brutal expulsion of the Sudeten Germans from Bohemia. The Hungarian National Council, under the leadership of Monsignor Bela Varga, has recognized the inherent right of the Slovak nation to freedom and independence. Cordial contacts have been established with Slovaks in exile and 1 �SLOVAKIA 44 there is every reason to believe that the Slovaks and Magyars shall be able to come to an understanding when the Iron Curtain is lifted for benefit of both nations and in the common interests of all free peoples. In Conclusion It is a matter of historical record that the Slovaks always tried to get along with neighboring nations, at times even at the expense of Slovak interests. They realize that quarrels and chauvinistic desires settle nothing and simply cause trouble, not only for the nations concerned, but for all free nations. Today all the nations behind the Iron Curtain are, so to speak, in the same boat, suffering under the Red heel of communism. The Slovak nation as a whole has been adamantly opposed to the ideology of Marxistic socialism for over a hundred years. The Slovaks are a small nation, but as partners with other European nations they can do much to destroy the ,greatest evil of our time, the enemy of all humanity: Communism. Let's encourage them to do that! • • • (K. S.) CASTLES OF SLOVAKIA KRASNA HORKA By Hubert Macko, OSB. Krasna Horka (Mount Beautiful) is one of the few fortresses of Slovakia in a good state of preservation. As the name itself suggests, it is beautiful in its ancient splendor, standing atop a hill where the valleys of Sajava and Cermosne meet in Gerner. Perched on a steep hill in a very picturesque setting, proud and unconquered by time and the elements, it is indeed a jewel of the golden days that were. In Gerner they still sing: "Krasna Horka, pysny zamok ... " (Mount Beautiful, proud fortress). Of its beginning we have no record. It is mentioned in the annals of Slovak fortresses as early as 1341; it was called "Kastrum Krasnohorka" and was owned by the Bebek family. There seemed to be some dispute as to the ownership of the fortress, a dispute that lasted a full 50 � SLOVAKIA 33 THE SWVAKS AND THEIR NEIGHBORS God had •willed it that the Slovaks settle in Central Europe, in the valleys of the Vah, Nitra, Hron, and Ipel, Ondava and Laborec. The land of the Slovaks is watered by the huge waves of the Danube which flows in the south for a hundred miles. The Morava river in the west and the Tisa in the east make contact with Slovakia. Altogether 9'7 % of the rivers and streams of ,S lovakia flow south into the Danube and the Tisa rivers - only the Dunajec wends its way north to the Visla and the Baltic Sea. The Slovak mountains, the Carpathians, rise on the northern 1borders, and therefrom to the south we find hills and valleys of natural and romantic beauty. In the High and Low Tatra Mountains there are deep lakes and very beautiful bathing and recreational spots. In the valleys there are inexhaustible mineral springs. Practically three-quarters of Slovakia is covered with fox-ests and hills. Rich, fertile land, however, makes UF much of the land in the east, south, and west. Slovakia is in fact a :Eiucharistic country. The wheat grown there provides the daily bread for the Slovaks just as it does for the Sacred Hosts they receive so frequently. Grapes provide refreshment for man and the wine necessary for the altars of the land. In the mountains there is an invaluable supply of green gold-thick forests of beech, oak, and pine trees. The rivers of the valleys abound in various kinds of fish, and in the bowels of the earth there are ice caverns and gold, coal, antimony, magnesite, naphtha, and mineral waters. Slovakia has a population of four million made up of Slovaks for the most part. Before · 19'46 quite a number of Germans, Ukrainians, Poles and Magyars had settled in Slovakia, but today, after the forced expulsion of the Germans and Magyars by Dr. Edward Benes and his regime, the Germans and Magyars form a negligible portion of the population. Hundred of thousands of Czechs, the socalled "reliable" element, have been settled there by the pro~Soviet Czech regime. At least 80 % of the total population is of the Catholic religion. Protestants and Jews �34 SLOVAKIA make up the rest of the population. There are practically no Slovaks without religious affiliation in Slovakia even at the present time even though religion is scorned by the Czech pro-.Soviet regime. Slovaks emigrated in large numbers before 1918, during the administration of the Magyars, and in appreciable m1mibers even during the reign of the Czechs from 191'8 to 1938. At least one-third of the Slovaks settled in America, Canada, and South America during that time. Emigration stopped completely after the Slovak parliament of autonomous Slovakia proclaimed the independence of Slovakia on March 14, 1939. It is noteworthy that the Slovak Republic did not depend on foreign loans : Slovakia depended entirely on her own resources and proved her viability and economic independence during the six years of her independence (1939-1M5). Adherence To Christian Culture It was only natural that the Slovaks were always on good terms with their neighbors: they had been guided by western Christian culture for over a thousand years. The church of Prince Pribina, built in 831, is still a part of the beautiful Nitra Cathedral. The Slovaks not only learned and preached Christianity, but actually lived it. They love God above all else, as taught by their apostles, Sts. Cyril and Methodius, served the true Church of Jesus Christ, and loved their neighbors in the same measure that they did themselves. How did the Slovaks get along with their neighbors: the Austrians and Czechs in the west and northwest, the Poles in the north, the Ukrainians in the east, and the Magyars in the south? · Vienna, the capital of Austria, and Bratislava, the capital of Slovakia, are just an hour's ride by auto from each other. In the old Austro-Hungarian empire, the Slovaks and the Austrians got along very well, their contacts were cordial. The Habsburg dynasty had its members crowned as kings in the St. Martin Home in Bratislava. After 1918, when the T. G. Masaryk and Dr. Edward Benes Czechs took over the reigns of the newly formed Czecho-Slovak State, �SLOVAKIA the borders between Austria and Slovakia were closed; one needed a visa to cross the border. Later, this regulation was retracted and Slovaks and Austrians could travel at will <between Vienna and Bratislava. This was a good neighborly relationship that was to the advantage of the !Slovaks living in Vienna, or in Austria proper. There were some 80,000 Slovaks settled in Austria. Politically, the Slovaks lived their own lives in Vienna. Recognized political and church leaders visited them regularly. Monsignor Andrew H1inka, founder of the Slovaks People's Party and champion of Slovak freedom and independence, had cordial contacts not only with Slovak leaders in Austria, but with influential Austrians a\3 well. Msgr. Dr. Joseph Tiso, President of the 1S lovak Republic, was educated in the Pazmaneum of Vienna, where the bishops of Hungary sent their most capable theologians for further priestly studies. In 1938, when Austria ceased to exist as an independent State, the Slovaks continued their friendly relationship with the Austrias. The Slovaks certainly will never forget how the Austrians helped the Slovaks in 1945 when about '5,000 of them sought asylum in Austria, including President Tiso and the Slovak Government, after the Reds broke through to Ruthenia and the eastern part of Slovakia. And they are grateful today for the assistance still proferred to Slovak escapees. There is every reason to believe that after the Red scourge is removed from Slovakia, the Slovaks and the Austrians will have no trouble at all in getting along with each other. The Moravians and the Czechs On the northwest there is a 1'25-mile border that separates the Moravians and Czechs from the Slovaks. This border, however, during the existence of Austro~Hungary never was an obstacle to good relations between the local populations. This is understandable, since on both sides of this border are settled the descendants of a common Slovak tribe, many of whom even today call themselves "Moravian Slovaks". The latter were strongly attracted into the political, cultural, and economic sphere of the Czechs and par- �36 SLOVAKIA tially succumbed and accepted Czech culture and the Czech language. Nevertheless the "Moravian Slovaks" still cling to Slovak customs and habits and are as Catholic as the Slovaks on the other side of the border. Hussitism and Protestantism has made as little headway among them as among the Slovaks themselves. From the times of Master John Hus, Comenius, and other Czech thinkers, therefore from the 1'5-16th centuries, Czech political ideology has strongly digressed from the traditions of King Saint Wenceslaus. It has divorced itself from them and has followed the path away from Rome and particularly from the pedagogical office of the Vatican. Havlicek, Masaryk, and Benes made Hus a symbol of Czech pride and attempted to alter Czech history and remake the Czech nation in the ima,ge of John Hus which, of course, was in opposition to the Christian mind of Europe. The Movement "away from Rome", headed by Masaryk, Benes, and other "enlightened and progressive" Czechs, gained momentum as soon as T. G. Masaryk and Dr. Edward Benes took over the Hradcany in Pra:gue. With their blessing and active support, the "Czecho- Slovak National Church" was established. There was nothing Slovak about it except the second part of its appellation: it was strictly a Czech enterprise which sought to destroy the Roman Catholic Church in the newly-baked political unit called Czecho-Slovakia; the Slovaks had nothing in common with it. In 1948 it was the first religious organization to willingly offer its collaboration to the Red cause. When the Czech National Church of Czecho-'Slovakia (that is its real name) was founded, about a million Czech Catholics and some 360 Czech priests joined it, supporting thereby T. G. Masaryk's movement "away from Rome"! It was only natural that this display of chauvinistic nationalism isolated the Czechs from the spirit of Catholic Europe and tragically ended in the willing acceptance of Russian Bolshevism under the leadership of Clement Gottwald, the successor of Masaryk and Benes to the throne of the Czech kings at the Hradcany. In Europe it was only Prague, at that time still under the leadership of Ur. Edward Benes, that really welcomed the Red conquerors of �SLOVAKIA 37 the world and their Red Army in grand style as its liberators and the guarantor of its national, state and social life, of its growth and progress. Unfortunately Czech Catholic politics was never strong and vigorous enough to pursue its own course. Under the leadership of 'Monsignor John Sramek, the politics of Czech Catholics was always subordinated to the basic lines of Czech national policy which it adopted and followed. The sad awakening came later when it was too late to do anything about it. These facts, particularly the openly anti-Catholic policy of the Masaryk and Benes regimes during the twentyyear cohabitation of the Slovaks and Czechs, were the cause of much friction and bad blood between them. In a word, the Slovaks did not trust the ruling Czechs and told them in no uncertain terms on many occasions that their policies would lead to the collapse of the Czecho-1Slovak Republic. Making friends of the Russian Reds and enemies of immediate neighbors could hardly be termed wise politics. In many respects, however, the ,S lovaks gained much from the Czechs in its transitional period in their march to independence. Not, of course, at the price demanded by the Masaryk-Benes Czechs, the surrender of their inherent right to freedom and independence, the repudiation of their own ethnic individuality. We know that T. G. Masaryk and Dr. Edward Benes had stated at the Paris Peace Conference that "the Czechs and the Slovaks are the same". The Slovaks, according to them were only a "branch" of the Czech nation, and the Slovak language was but a "dialect" of the Czech. While representatives of the Czechs propagated this "Czeclto-Slovak" ideology that the Slovaks and Czechs were one ethnic unit, the Slovaks under the leadership of the Catholic Monsignors Andrew Hlinka and Dr. Joseph Tiso and the Protestant clergyman Martin Razus replied that they could not accept this false ideology. The Slovaks, they said, never were and at no time felt that they are a "branch" of the Czech nation. They always were and still feel that they are a distinct ethnic unit, as are the other Slovanic nations. The Slovaks had no intentions of commiting national sui- �38 SLOVAKIA cide when they decided to form a common political state with the Czechs in 1918. The Masaryk..1Benes Czechs, however, continued to propagate the ideology that had no historical foundation in fact with all the propaganda means at their disposal, that is, with State funds and, therefore, ironically, even at the expense of the Slovaks. When Dr. Benes visited Bratislava in 1933, he declared that the Slovaks had to accept the idea of an ethnic "Czecho-Slovak" nation in their own interest. "In the fight against us," he said, "the entire pressure shall go against Slovakia. Our relationship with Germany is good and correct and so it shall continue to remain in every case. Between us and the Germans there have not been and there shall not be any quarrels and difficulties about boundaries." The events of 1,938-1939, however, proved how wrong Benes was. Pressure was exerted not against the Slovaks, but against the Czechs, because the relationship between the Czechs and the Germans never had been, as Benes declared, "good and correct", but always bad and insincere. The historical record, as written, informed and impartial observers, is quite clear on this point. The resolution of this relationship was one of the causes of World War II. And what happened after 1945? With the help of Stalin, Dr. Edward Benes resolved this problem of "good relations" with the Germans by brutally expelling more than three million ·S udeten Germans for the "new people's Republic" of Czecho-lSlovakia ! The Slovaks were opposed to the forced expulsion of the Germans from Czecho-'S lovakia at that time and still adamantly condemn it. The responsibility for this shamefull crime against humanity must be credited to the account of the foreign policy which Masaryk and Benes initiated at the beginning of the Republic, the policy with which the Slovaks never identified themselves and, therefore, cannot be held responsible for it or its consequences. There was nothing Slovak about Czecho-Slovak foreign policy. During the entire life of the first Czecho-Slovak Republic (1918-1938), Dr. Edward Benes, leader of the Czech National Socialists, was "Mr. Foreign ,Policy"! After twenty long years of the brand of democracy promulgated by the �SLOVAKIA 39 Masaryk-Benes Czechs, the relation between the two "closely related nations", the Slovaks and the Czechs, were strained to the limit. The Republic had to fall, because the majority of its population had been treated as second-rate citizens. It was a democracy only for the Czechs, but in the end not even a Czech could be found to fire a single shot in its defense! After the sad experiences in the Czecho-,Slovak Republic under the Masaryk-Benes Czechs, the Slovaks do not even want to think about another common political state with them. Of course, Czecho..(Slovakia still exists, but not because the Slovaks willed it so. The political will of the Slovak nation was utterly disregarded in 1945 by the victorious United Nations. "Away from Prague - back to Bratislava" is the cry of all Slovak nationals who are convinced now more than ever that the highest interests of the Slovak nation can best ·be safeguarded and secured only in an independent Slovak Republic. A proper neighborly relationship on an international basis is, however, possible between the Slovaks and the Czechs, if it is allowed to develop under international supervision. But never again on an intra-state basis. The Slovaks remember the Pittsburgh Pact of 1918, which T. G. Masaryk himself had drafted and undersigned - and then repudiated completely. And they shall never forget the antiSlovak policy of Masaryk's star pupil, Dr. Edward Benes, In 193'5, the latter promised Slovakia complete autonomy within a year, if the deputies of the Hlinka party would vote him in as president of the Republic. The Slovaks fulfilled their part of the given word, but Benes did not. When they pressed him in 1936 to fulfill his promise, Dr. Benes officially annonced to the Hlinka Slovak People's Party that he must first grant autonomy to Ruthenia, because he was bound to do so by the peace treaty of St. Germaine and the Constitution of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. But nothing happened: Ruthenia, like Slovakia, continued to be regarded as a colony of the Benes Czechs. President Ha.cha; the constitutional successor of Dr. Benes, is responsible for the March, 1939, military putsch in Slovakia, whereby an attempt was made to repudiate �40 SLOVAKIA the rights of autonomous Slovakia. The latter, we know, was granted autonomy by Prague on October 6, 19,38. And what did Gottwald, the Czech Red, do later? In Kosice, in 194'5, he proclaimed that the Czecho-Slovak Republic "must" safeguard and cultivate the right of the Slovaksbut in 1948, when he succeeded Benes as president, Gottwald proceeded to repudiate all his promises, because Slovakia, he said, was anti-communist! T. G. Masaryk, Dr. Edward Benes, Dr. Ha.cha, Gottwald, Zapotocky, and Novotny-all presidents of CzechoSlovakia - had promised the Slovaks a fuller life of freedom, but failed to fulfill their promises. Little wonder, then, that the Slovaks have completely lost their faith in leading representatives of Czech political life. Let the Czechs go their way, and let the ,Slovaks be free to develop and decide their own destiny-that is the sentiment of at least 95 % of the Slovaks at home and in the free world. The Slovaks stand for a Central-European or an European Federation: let the Czechs join as an independent political unit, and the Slovaks likewise: but no more Czech domination! The Slovaks and the Poles In the course of the ages, the ,Slovaks had no serious trouble with the Poles. They were practically always on good terms with them and symphathized with them. In one of their first political manifestations, that of 1'849 in Liptovsky Svaty Mikulas, the Slovaks expressly stated that they were for the realization of national and state rights of the Poles. And the Slovaks remember that the Poles made it possible ,f or Msgr. Andrew Hlinka to travel in 1919 in an attempt to present the 'Slovak demands (the Pittsburgh Pact of 1918) to the Peace Conference. They were opposed to the solution of the problem of the Orava and Spis Counties, whereby over twenty villages that had belonged to Slovakia for more than a thousand years were awarded to Poland at the Paris Peace Conference. The Slovaks were angered more at Benes than at the Poles when they learned that Benes had traded these villages for the coal fields of Tesin in Silesia. Mter that relations between the Slovaks and the Poles improved until 1938 when the Czecho-Slovak �SLOVAKIA 41 Republic collapsed and the Poles again sought a revision of the Slovak-Polish frontier to protect themselves against a German attack from the south. At that time the Prague regime did not defend Slovakia, so the latter entered directly into negotiations with the Poles in October, 1938, where the Poles cut their demands to a minimum. More obstacles to better relations were removed during a conference with the Poles in Ruzomberok in February, 1939. Poland was among the first countries to recognize the independent Republic of Slovakia, after the Slovak Parliament proclaimed its independence of Prague on March 14, 1939. When Hitler and Stalin decided to partition Poland in 1939, many Poles emigrated through Slovakia, while many remained there throughout the war. They were given every courtesy; they had Slovak passes and were employed by private and state industry where they spent the worst years of the war and later left unmolested to fight for the liberation of Poland. The friendship of the Slovaks for the ·P oles was never approved by the Benes Czechs in Prague who preferred to do business with Stalin at the expense of Poland and Slovakia. The Slovaks and the Ukrainians The border between Slovakia and Ruthenia is 40 miles long. Known as Sub.JCarpathian Russia, Ruthenia today belongs to Soviet Ukrainia which is a part of the Soviet Union. Dr. Edward Benes and his pro-Soviet "provisional" government sold out the Ruthenians to Stalin in 1945. Slovakia today borders directly on the Soviet Union, and the Slovaks know that Ruthenia is administrated directly by Moscow. The old inhabitants of those parts have been transferred deep into Russia by Moscow, resettling the evacuated towns and villages with non-!Slovanic elements from Asia. The Slovaks were always on good terms with the original inhabitants. The history of the rSlovaks and the Ruthenians had much in common; both had suffered the heavy hand of foreign rulers for centuries. In October, 1938, representatives of Ruthenia came to 2ilina to confer with the Slovaks. It was there that they said: we have lived for cen- �42 SLOVAKIA turies on good terms with the Slovaks; we fought for 20 years within the Czecho-Slovak framework to gain autonomy as the Slovaks did; we shall go along with the Slovaks also in the future; if the Slovaks tie their future with the Czechs, we shall do so; if, however, the Slovaks should proclaim their independence of the Czechs and shall be for an independent Slovak State, we also shall declare our separation from Prague and proclaim an independent Republic of Carpatho-Ukrainia. And that is exactly what happened. The ,S lovaks proclaimed their State independence on March 14, 1939, in Bratislava, while the deputies of Ruthenia did the same thing on the same day in Chust. True, they enjoyed independence only 24 hours, because Ruthenia was incorporated into Hungary on the basis of an agreement between Hitler and the Magyars. After World War II, because of a secret agreement, Benes surrendered Ruthenia and its people to Stalin. gyars. After World War ll, because of a secret agreement, Benes surrendered Ruthenia and its people to Stalin. 1 The Slovaks and the Magyars The longest border between Slovakia and any other neighboring country is that between Slovakia and Hungary; it is 31·2 miles long. The Hungarian State originated from the ruins of the first Slovak State--the Great Moravian Empire-after 907 A. D. St. Stephen, King of Hungary, made Christians of the pagan Magyars and tied them spiritually to Rome. Believing that a "uni-lingual state is weak", St. Stephen did not allow the Magyar language or any other language to be the official language of the state, but established Latin as the official language and so conserved, like an ice pack, all the living languages of the inhabitants of Hungary. It was only at the beginning of the last century that Latin was replaced by Magyar as the official language of the State. Unhealthy chauvinism began to spread the Magyar tongue at the expense of the native Slovak. The result was that the Slovaks revolted against the dominating Magyars over a hundred years ago, in 1848. Disregarding the admonition of St. Stephen about an one-language State, the Ma- �SLOVAKIA 43 gyars pressed for one •~Hungarian" nation with Magyar as the official language "from the Carpathians to the Adriatic Sea". The partition of Hungary in 1918 was due to excessive Ma:gyar nationalism which made enemies of all the other nationalities of the realm. Before 1918, the Magyars accused the Slovaks of being Pan-,Slavs. After 1918, the Masaryk-Benes Czechs accused the Slovaks of being Magyarones. While the Magyars fostered hatred of the Slovanic nations, the Czechs on the other hand propagated hatred of the Magyars among the Slovaks and Czechs. Excessive chauvinism prompted both movements. Many of the younger Slovak set succumbed to the anti..;Magyar propaganda of official Prague and only later discovered that thereby the Masaryk-/Benes Czechs wanted to conceal their own real goal: the Czechization bf the Slovak nation. The Magyar "Hungarian nation-state from the Carpathians to the Adriatic" became for the Czechs "a united Czechoslovak nation from Sumava to the Tatras". Obviously the Czechs learned nothing from past history-and ended up just as did the Magyars: alone and hated by the non-Czech citizens and by all their neighbors. When the Slovaks declared their independence of Prague in 1939, the Magyars recognized the independent Republic of Slovakia de jure and established diplomatic contacts forthwith. Of course, the Slovaks were crudely jarred by the Vienna negotiations of Ribbentrop and Ciano in 1938, whereby the Magyars were favored with about one-third of 1S lovak territory (Vienna Award). After 1945 these southern regions were returned to Slovakia so that Benes could expel the Magyars from them in exchange for Slovaks settled in Hungary proper. The Benes Czechs are alone responsible for the brutalities committed during the forced "transfer" of Magyars from Slovak territory. The Slovaks condemned this forced transfer of Magyars as strongly as they did the brutal expulsion of the Sudeten Germans from Bohemia. The Hungarian National Council, under the leadership of Monsignor Bela Varga, has recognized the inherent right of the Slovak nation to freedom and independence. Cordial contacts have been established with Slovaks in exile and 1 �SLOVAKIA 44 there is every reason to believe that the Slovaks and Magyars shall be able to come to an understanding when the Iron Curtain is lifted for benefit of both nations and in the common interests of all free peoples. In Conclusion It is a matter of historical record that the Slovaks always tried to get along with neighboring nations, at times even at the expense of Slovak interests. They realize that quarrels and chauvinistic desires settle nothing and simply cause trouble, not only for the nations concerned, but for all free nations. Today all the nations behind the Iron Curtain are, so to speak, in the same boat, suffering under the Red heel of communism. The Slovak nation as a whole has been adamantly opposed to the ideology of Marxistic socialism for over a hundred years. The Slovaks are a small nation, but as partners with other European nations they can do much to destroy the ,greatest evil of our time, the enemy of all humanity: Communism. Let's encourage them to do that! • • • (K. S.) CASTLES OF SLOVAKIA KRASNA HORKA By Hubert Macko, OSB. Krasna Horka (Mount Beautiful) is one of the few fortresses of Slovakia in a good state of preservation. As the name itself suggests, it is beautiful in its ancient splendor, standing atop a hill where the valleys of Sajava and Cermosne meet in Gerner. Perched on a steep hill in a very picturesque setting, proud and unconquered by time and the elements, it is indeed a jewel of the golden days that were. In Gerner they still sing: "Krasna Horka, pysny zamok ... " (Mount Beautiful, proud fortress). Of its beginning we have no record. It is mentioned in the annals of Slovak fortresses as early as 1341; it was called "Kastrum Krasnohorka" and was owned by the Bebek family. There seemed to be some dispute as to the ownership of the fortress, a dispute that lasted a full 50 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1958, Vol. 8 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 26), March 1958.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 27), June 1958.</li> <li>Issue 3 (No. 28), December 1958.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1958 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 33 THE SWVAKS AND THEIR NEIGHBORS God had •willed it that the Slovaks settle in Central Europe, in the valleys of the Vah, Nitra, Hron, and Ipel, Ondava and Laborec. The land of the Slovaks is watered by the huge waves of the Danube which flows in the south for a hundred miles. The Morava river in the west and the Tisa in the east make contact with Slovakia. Altogether 9'7 % of the rivers and streams of ,S lovakia flow south into the Danube and the Tisa rivers - only the Dunajec wends its way north to the Visla and the Baltic Sea. The Slovak mountains, the Carpathians, rise on the northern 1borders, and therefrom to the south we find hills and valleys of natural and romantic beauty. In the High and Low Tatra Mountains there are deep lakes and very beautiful bathing and recreational spots. In the valleys there are inexhaustible mineral springs. Practically three-quarters of Slovakia is covered with fox-ests and hills. Rich, fertile land, however, makes UF much of the land in the east, south, and west. Slovakia is in fact a :Eiucharistic country. The wheat grown there provides the daily bread for the Slovaks just as it does for the Sacred Hosts they receive so frequently. Grapes provide refreshment for man and the wine necessary for the altars of the land. In the mountains there is an invaluable supply of green gold-thick forests of beech, oak, and pine trees. The rivers of the valleys abound in various kinds of fish, and in the bowels of the earth there are ice caverns and gold, coal, antimony, magnesite, naphtha, and mineral waters. Slovakia has a population of four million made up of Slovaks for the most part. Before · 19'46 quite a number of Germans, Ukrainians, Poles and Magyars had settled in Slovakia, but today, after the forced expulsion of the Germans and Magyars by Dr. Edward Benes and his regime, the Germans and Magyars form a negligible portion of the population. Hundred of thousands of Czechs, the socalled "reliable" element, have been settled there by the pro~Soviet Czech regime. At least 80 % of the total population is of the Catholic religion. Protestants and Jews 34 SLOVAKIA make up the rest of the population. There are practically no Slovaks without religious affiliation in Slovakia even at the present time even though religion is scorned by the Czech pro-.Soviet regime. Slovaks emigrated in large numbers before 1918, during the administration of the Magyars, and in appreciable m1mibers even during the reign of the Czechs from 191'8 to 1938. At least one-third of the Slovaks settled in America, Canada, and South America during that time. Emigration stopped completely after the Slovak parliament of autonomous Slovakia proclaimed the independence of Slovakia on March 14, 1939. It is noteworthy that the Slovak Republic did not depend on foreign loans : Slovakia depended entirely on her own resources and proved her viability and economic independence during the six years of her independence (1939-1M5). Adherence To Christian Culture It was only natural that the Slovaks were always on good terms with their neighbors: they had been guided by western Christian culture for over a thousand years. The church of Prince Pribina, built in 831, is still a part of the beautiful Nitra Cathedral. The Slovaks not only learned and preached Christianity, but actually lived it. They love God above all else, as taught by their apostles, Sts. Cyril and Methodius, served the true Church of Jesus Christ, and loved their neighbors in the same measure that they did themselves. How did the Slovaks get along with their neighbors: the Austrians and Czechs in the west and northwest, the Poles in the north, the Ukrainians in the east, and the Magyars in the south? · Vienna, the capital of Austria, and Bratislava, the capital of Slovakia, are just an hour's ride by auto from each other. In the old Austro-Hungarian empire, the Slovaks and the Austrians got along very well, their contacts were cordial. The Habsburg dynasty had its members crowned as kings in the St. Martin Home in Bratislava. After 1918, when the T. G. Masaryk and Dr. Edward Benes Czechs took over the reigns of the newly formed Czecho-Slovak State, SLOVAKIA the borders between Austria and Slovakia were closed; one needed a visa to cross the border. Later, this regulation was retracted and Slovaks and Austrians could travel at will <between Vienna and Bratislava. This was a good neighborly relationship that was to the advantage of the !Slovaks living in Vienna, or in Austria proper. There were some 80,000 Slovaks settled in Austria. Politically, the Slovaks lived their own lives in Vienna. Recognized political and church leaders visited them regularly. Monsignor Andrew H1inka, founder of the Slovaks People's Party and champion of Slovak freedom and independence, had cordial contacts not only with Slovak leaders in Austria, but with influential Austrians a\3 well. Msgr. Dr. Joseph Tiso, President of the 1S lovak Republic, was educated in the Pazmaneum of Vienna, where the bishops of Hungary sent their most capable theologians for further priestly studies. In 1938, when Austria ceased to exist as an independent State, the Slovaks continued their friendly relationship with the Austrias. The Slovaks certainly will never forget how the Austrians helped the Slovaks in 1945 when about '5,000 of them sought asylum in Austria, including President Tiso and the Slovak Government, after the Reds broke through to Ruthenia and the eastern part of Slovakia. And they are grateful today for the assistance still proferred to Slovak escapees. There is every reason to believe that after the Red scourge is removed from Slovakia, the Slovaks and the Austrians will have no trouble at all in getting along with each other. The Moravians and the Czechs On the northwest there is a 1'25-mile border that separates the Moravians and Czechs from the Slovaks. This border, however, during the existence of Austro~Hungary never was an obstacle to good relations between the local populations. This is understandable, since on both sides of this border are settled the descendants of a common Slovak tribe, many of whom even today call themselves "Moravian Slovaks". The latter were strongly attracted into the political, cultural, and economic sphere of the Czechs and par- 36 SLOVAKIA tially succumbed and accepted Czech culture and the Czech language. Nevertheless the "Moravian Slovaks" still cling to Slovak customs and habits and are as Catholic as the Slovaks on the other side of the border. Hussitism and Protestantism has made as little headway among them as among the Slovaks themselves. From the times of Master John Hus, Comenius, and other Czech thinkers, therefore from the 1'5-16th centuries, Czech political ideology has strongly digressed from the traditions of King Saint Wenceslaus. It has divorced itself from them and has followed the path away from Rome and particularly from the pedagogical office of the Vatican. Havlicek, Masaryk, and Benes made Hus a symbol of Czech pride and attempted to alter Czech history and remake the Czech nation in the ima,ge of John Hus which, of course, was in opposition to the Christian mind of Europe. The Movement "away from Rome", headed by Masaryk, Benes, and other "enlightened and progressive" Czechs, gained momentum as soon as T. G. Masaryk and Dr. Edward Benes took over the Hradcany in Pra:gue. With their blessing and active support, the "Czecho- Slovak National Church" was established. There was nothing Slovak about it except the second part of its appellation: it was strictly a Czech enterprise which sought to destroy the Roman Catholic Church in the newly-baked political unit called Czecho-Slovakia; the Slovaks had nothing in common with it. In 1948 it was the first religious organization to willingly offer its collaboration to the Red cause. When the Czech National Church of Czecho-'Slovakia (that is its real name) was founded, about a million Czech Catholics and some 360 Czech priests joined it, supporting thereby T. G. Masaryk's movement "away from Rome"! It was only natural that this display of chauvinistic nationalism isolated the Czechs from the spirit of Catholic Europe and tragically ended in the willing acceptance of Russian Bolshevism under the leadership of Clement Gottwald, the successor of Masaryk and Benes to the throne of the Czech kings at the Hradcany. In Europe it was only Prague, at that time still under the leadership of Ur. Edward Benes, that really welcomed the Red conquerors of SLOVAKIA 37 the world and their Red Army in grand style as its liberators and the guarantor of its national, state and social life, of its growth and progress. Unfortunately Czech Catholic politics was never strong and vigorous enough to pursue its own course. Under the leadership of 'Monsignor John Sramek, the politics of Czech Catholics was always subordinated to the basic lines of Czech national policy which it adopted and followed. The sad awakening came later when it was too late to do anything about it. These facts, particularly the openly anti-Catholic policy of the Masaryk and Benes regimes during the twentyyear cohabitation of the Slovaks and Czechs, were the cause of much friction and bad blood between them. In a word, the Slovaks did not trust the ruling Czechs and told them in no uncertain terms on many occasions that their policies would lead to the collapse of the Czecho-1Slovak Republic. Making friends of the Russian Reds and enemies of immediate neighbors could hardly be termed wise politics. In many respects, however, the ,S lovaks gained much from the Czechs in its transitional period in their march to independence. Not, of course, at the price demanded by the Masaryk-Benes Czechs, the surrender of their inherent right to freedom and independence, the repudiation of their own ethnic individuality. We know that T. G. Masaryk and Dr. Edward Benes had stated at the Paris Peace Conference that "the Czechs and the Slovaks are the same". The Slovaks, according to them were only a "branch" of the Czech nation, and the Slovak language was but a "dialect" of the Czech. While representatives of the Czechs propagated this "Czeclto-Slovak" ideology that the Slovaks and Czechs were one ethnic unit, the Slovaks under the leadership of the Catholic Monsignors Andrew Hlinka and Dr. Joseph Tiso and the Protestant clergyman Martin Razus replied that they could not accept this false ideology. The Slovaks, they said, never were and at no time felt that they are a "branch" of the Czech nation. They always were and still feel that they are a distinct ethnic unit, as are the other Slovanic nations. The Slovaks had no intentions of commiting national sui- 38 SLOVAKIA cide when they decided to form a common political state with the Czechs in 1918. The Masaryk..1Benes Czechs, however, continued to propagate the ideology that had no historical foundation in fact with all the propaganda means at their disposal, that is, with State funds and, therefore, ironically, even at the expense of the Slovaks. When Dr. Benes visited Bratislava in 1933, he declared that the Slovaks had to accept the idea of an ethnic "Czecho-Slovak" nation in their own interest. "In the fight against us," he said, "the entire pressure shall go against Slovakia. Our relationship with Germany is good and correct and so it shall continue to remain in every case. Between us and the Germans there have not been and there shall not be any quarrels and difficulties about boundaries." The events of 1,938-1939, however, proved how wrong Benes was. Pressure was exerted not against the Slovaks, but against the Czechs, because the relationship between the Czechs and the Germans never had been, as Benes declared, "good and correct", but always bad and insincere. The historical record, as written, informed and impartial observers, is quite clear on this point. The resolution of this relationship was one of the causes of World War II. And what happened after 1945? With the help of Stalin, Dr. Edward Benes resolved this problem of "good relations" with the Germans by brutally expelling more than three million ·S udeten Germans for the "new people's Republic" of Czecho-lSlovakia ! The Slovaks were opposed to the forced expulsion of the Germans from Czecho-'S lovakia at that time and still adamantly condemn it. The responsibility for this shamefull crime against humanity must be credited to the account of the foreign policy which Masaryk and Benes initiated at the beginning of the Republic, the policy with which the Slovaks never identified themselves and, therefore, cannot be held responsible for it or its consequences. There was nothing Slovak about Czecho-Slovak foreign policy. During the entire life of the first Czecho-Slovak Republic (1918-1938), Dr. Edward Benes, leader of the Czech National Socialists, was "Mr. Foreign ,Policy"! After twenty long years of the brand of democracy promulgated by the SLOVAKIA 39 Masaryk-Benes Czechs, the relation between the two "closely related nations", the Slovaks and the Czechs, were strained to the limit. The Republic had to fall, because the majority of its population had been treated as second-rate citizens. It was a democracy only for the Czechs, but in the end not even a Czech could be found to fire a single shot in its defense! After the sad experiences in the Czecho-,Slovak Republic under the Masaryk-Benes Czechs, the Slovaks do not even want to think about another common political state with them. Of course, Czecho..(Slovakia still exists, but not because the Slovaks willed it so. The political will of the Slovak nation was utterly disregarded in 1945 by the victorious United Nations. "Away from Prague - back to Bratislava" is the cry of all Slovak nationals who are convinced now more than ever that the highest interests of the Slovak nation can best ·be safeguarded and secured only in an independent Slovak Republic. A proper neighborly relationship on an international basis is, however, possible between the Slovaks and the Czechs, if it is allowed to develop under international supervision. But never again on an intra-state basis. The Slovaks remember the Pittsburgh Pact of 1918, which T. G. Masaryk himself had drafted and undersigned - and then repudiated completely. And they shall never forget the antiSlovak policy of Masaryk's star pupil, Dr. Edward Benes, In 193'5, the latter promised Slovakia complete autonomy within a year, if the deputies of the Hlinka party would vote him in as president of the Republic. The Slovaks fulfilled their part of the given word, but Benes did not. When they pressed him in 1936 to fulfill his promise, Dr. Benes officially annonced to the Hlinka Slovak People's Party that he must first grant autonomy to Ruthenia, because he was bound to do so by the peace treaty of St. Germaine and the Constitution of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. But nothing happened: Ruthenia, like Slovakia, continued to be regarded as a colony of the Benes Czechs. President Ha.cha; the constitutional successor of Dr. Benes, is responsible for the March, 1939, military putsch in Slovakia, whereby an attempt was made to repudiate 40 SLOVAKIA the rights of autonomous Slovakia. The latter, we know, was granted autonomy by Prague on October 6, 19,38. And what did Gottwald, the Czech Red, do later? In Kosice, in 194'5, he proclaimed that the Czecho-Slovak Republic "must" safeguard and cultivate the right of the Slovaksbut in 1948, when he succeeded Benes as president, Gottwald proceeded to repudiate all his promises, because Slovakia, he said, was anti-communist! T. G. Masaryk, Dr. Edward Benes, Dr. Ha.cha, Gottwald, Zapotocky, and Novotny-all presidents of CzechoSlovakia - had promised the Slovaks a fuller life of freedom, but failed to fulfill their promises. Little wonder, then, that the Slovaks have completely lost their faith in leading representatives of Czech political life. Let the Czechs go their way, and let the ,Slovaks be free to develop and decide their own destiny-that is the sentiment of at least 95 % of the Slovaks at home and in the free world. The Slovaks stand for a Central-European or an European Federation: let the Czechs join as an independent political unit, and the Slovaks likewise: but no more Czech domination! The Slovaks and the Poles In the course of the ages, the ,Slovaks had no serious trouble with the Poles. They were practically always on good terms with them and symphathized with them. In one of their first political manifestations, that of 1'849 in Liptovsky Svaty Mikulas, the Slovaks expressly stated that they were for the realization of national and state rights of the Poles. And the Slovaks remember that the Poles made it possible ,f or Msgr. Andrew Hlinka to travel in 1919 in an attempt to present the 'Slovak demands (the Pittsburgh Pact of 1918) to the Peace Conference. They were opposed to the solution of the problem of the Orava and Spis Counties, whereby over twenty villages that had belonged to Slovakia for more than a thousand years were awarded to Poland at the Paris Peace Conference. The Slovaks were angered more at Benes than at the Poles when they learned that Benes had traded these villages for the coal fields of Tesin in Silesia. Mter that relations between the Slovaks and the Poles improved until 1938 when the Czecho-Slovak SLOVAKIA 41 Republic collapsed and the Poles again sought a revision of the Slovak-Polish frontier to protect themselves against a German attack from the south. At that time the Prague regime did not defend Slovakia, so the latter entered directly into negotiations with the Poles in October, 1938, where the Poles cut their demands to a minimum. More obstacles to better relations were removed during a conference with the Poles in Ruzomberok in February, 1939. Poland was among the first countries to recognize the independent Republic of Slovakia, after the Slovak Parliament proclaimed its independence of Prague on March 14, 1939. When Hitler and Stalin decided to partition Poland in 1939, many Poles emigrated through Slovakia, while many remained there throughout the war. They were given every courtesy; they had Slovak passes and were employed by private and state industry where they spent the worst years of the war and later left unmolested to fight for the liberation of Poland. The friendship of the Slovaks for the ·P oles was never approved by the Benes Czechs in Prague who preferred to do business with Stalin at the expense of Poland and Slovakia. The Slovaks and the Ukrainians The border between Slovakia and Ruthenia is 40 miles long. Known as Sub.JCarpathian Russia, Ruthenia today belongs to Soviet Ukrainia which is a part of the Soviet Union. Dr. Edward Benes and his pro-Soviet "provisional" government sold out the Ruthenians to Stalin in 1945. Slovakia today borders directly on the Soviet Union, and the Slovaks know that Ruthenia is administrated directly by Moscow. The old inhabitants of those parts have been transferred deep into Russia by Moscow, resettling the evacuated towns and villages with non-!Slovanic elements from Asia. The Slovaks were always on good terms with the original inhabitants. The history of the rSlovaks and the Ruthenians had much in common; both had suffered the heavy hand of foreign rulers for centuries. In October, 1938, representatives of Ruthenia came to 2ilina to confer with the Slovaks. It was there that they said: we have lived for cen- 42 SLOVAKIA turies on good terms with the Slovaks; we fought for 20 years within the Czecho-Slovak framework to gain autonomy as the Slovaks did; we shall go along with the Slovaks also in the future; if the Slovaks tie their future with the Czechs, we shall do so; if, however, the Slovaks should proclaim their independence of the Czechs and shall be for an independent Slovak State, we also shall declare our separation from Prague and proclaim an independent Republic of Carpatho-Ukrainia. And that is exactly what happened. The ,S lovaks proclaimed their State independence on March 14, 1939, in Bratislava, while the deputies of Ruthenia did the same thing on the same day in Chust. True, they enjoyed independence only 24 hours, because Ruthenia was incorporated into Hungary on the basis of an agreement between Hitler and the Magyars. After World War II, because of a secret agreement, Benes surrendered Ruthenia and its people to Stalin. gyars. After World War ll, because of a secret agreement, Benes surrendered Ruthenia and its people to Stalin. 1 The Slovaks and the Magyars The longest border between Slovakia and any other neighboring country is that between Slovakia and Hungary; it is 31·2 miles long. The Hungarian State originated from the ruins of the first Slovak State--the Great Moravian Empire-after 907 A. D. St. Stephen, King of Hungary, made Christians of the pagan Magyars and tied them spiritually to Rome. Believing that a "uni-lingual state is weak", St. Stephen did not allow the Magyar language or any other language to be the official language of the state, but established Latin as the official language and so conserved, like an ice pack, all the living languages of the inhabitants of Hungary. It was only at the beginning of the last century that Latin was replaced by Magyar as the official language of the State. Unhealthy chauvinism began to spread the Magyar tongue at the expense of the native Slovak. The result was that the Slovaks revolted against the dominating Magyars over a hundred years ago, in 1848. Disregarding the admonition of St. Stephen about an one-language State, the Ma- SLOVAKIA 43 gyars pressed for one •~Hungarian" nation with Magyar as the official language "from the Carpathians to the Adriatic Sea". The partition of Hungary in 1918 was due to excessive Ma:gyar nationalism which made enemies of all the other nationalities of the realm. Before 1918, the Magyars accused the Slovaks of being Pan-,Slavs. After 1918, the Masaryk-Benes Czechs accused the Slovaks of being Magyarones. While the Magyars fostered hatred of the Slovanic nations, the Czechs on the other hand propagated hatred of the Magyars among the Slovaks and Czechs. Excessive chauvinism prompted both movements. Many of the younger Slovak set succumbed to the anti..;Magyar propaganda of official Prague and only later discovered that thereby the Masaryk-/Benes Czechs wanted to conceal their own real goal: the Czechization bf the Slovak nation. The Magyar "Hungarian nation-state from the Carpathians to the Adriatic" became for the Czechs "a united Czechoslovak nation from Sumava to the Tatras". Obviously the Czechs learned nothing from past history-and ended up just as did the Magyars: alone and hated by the non-Czech citizens and by all their neighbors. When the Slovaks declared their independence of Prague in 1939, the Magyars recognized the independent Republic of Slovakia de jure and established diplomatic contacts forthwith. Of course, the Slovaks were crudely jarred by the Vienna negotiations of Ribbentrop and Ciano in 1938, whereby the Magyars were favored with about one-third of 1S lovak territory (Vienna Award). After 1945 these southern regions were returned to Slovakia so that Benes could expel the Magyars from them in exchange for Slovaks settled in Hungary proper. The Benes Czechs are alone responsible for the brutalities committed during the forced "transfer" of Magyars from Slovak territory. The Slovaks condemned this forced transfer of Magyars as strongly as they did the brutal expulsion of the Sudeten Germans from Bohemia. The Hungarian National Council, under the leadership of Monsignor Bela Varga, has recognized the inherent right of the Slovak nation to freedom and independence. Cordial contacts have been established with Slovaks in exile and 1 SLOVAKIA 44 there is every reason to believe that the Slovaks and Magyars shall be able to come to an understanding when the Iron Curtain is lifted for benefit of both nations and in the common interests of all free peoples. In Conclusion It is a matter of historical record that the Slovaks always tried to get along with neighboring nations, at times even at the expense of Slovak interests. They realize that quarrels and chauvinistic desires settle nothing and simply cause trouble, not only for the nations concerned, but for all free nations. Today all the nations behind the Iron Curtain are, so to speak, in the same boat, suffering under the Red heel of communism. The Slovak nation as a whole has been adamantly opposed to the ideology of Marxistic socialism for over a hundred years. The Slovaks are a small nation, but as partners with other European nations they can do much to destroy the ,greatest evil of our time, the enemy of all humanity: Communism. Let's encourage them to do that! • • • (K. S.) CASTLES OF SLOVAKIA KRASNA HORKA By Hubert Macko, OSB. Krasna Horka (Mount Beautiful) is one of the few fortresses of Slovakia in a good state of preservation. As the name itself suggests, it is beautiful in its ancient splendor, standing atop a hill where the valleys of Sajava and Cermosne meet in Gerner. Perched on a steep hill in a very picturesque setting, proud and unconquered by time and the elements, it is indeed a jewel of the golden days that were. In Gerner they still sing: "Krasna Horka, pysny zamok ... " (Mount Beautiful, proud fortress). Of its beginning we have no record. It is mentioned in the annals of Slovak fortresses as early as 1341; it was called "Kastrum Krasnohorka" and was owned by the Bebek family. There seemed to be some dispute as to the ownership of the fortress, a dispute that lasted a full 50  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Slovaks and Their Neighbors Description An account of the resource Slovakia, Vol. 8, No. 3 (28), December 1958 pp. 33-44 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource December 1958 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/2d14e30f0105888799fed57587d3616e.pdf f630c65d43bdf6cc14322441540bc6e6 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 44 there is every reason to believe that the Slovaks and Magyars shall be able to come to an understanding when the Iron Curtain is lifted for benefit of both nations and in the common interests of all free peoples. In Conclusion It is a matter of historical record that the Slovaks always tried to get along with neighboring nations, at times even at the expense of Slovak interests. They realize that quarrels and chauvinistic desires settle nothing and simply cause trouble, not only for the nations concerned, but for all free nations. Today all the nations behind the Iron Curtain are, so to speak, in the same boat, suffering under the Red heel of communism. The Slovak nation as a whole has been adamantly opposed to the ideology of Marxistic socialism for over a hundred years. The Slovaks are a small nation, but as partners with other European nations they can do much to destroy the ,greatest evil of our time, the enemy of all humanity: Communism. Let's encourage them to do that! • • • (K. S.) CASTLES OF SLOVAKIA KRASNA HORKA By Hubert Macko, OSB. Krasna Horka (Mount Beautiful) is one of the few fortresses of Slovakia in a good state of preservation. As the name itself suggests, it is beautiful in its ancient splendor, standing atop a hill where the valleys of Sajava and Cermosne meet in Gerner. Perched on a steep hill in a very picturesque setting, proud and unconquered by time and the elements, it is indeed a jewel of the golden days that were. In Gerner they still sing: "Krasna Horka, pysny zamok ... " (Mount Beautiful, proud fortress). Of its beginning we have no record. It is mentioned in the annals of Slovak fortresses as early as 1341; it was called "Kastrum Krasnohorka" and was owned by the Bebek family. There seemed to be some dispute as to the ownership of the fortress, a dispute that lasted a full 50 �SLOVAKIA 45 years. Dominic Bebek must have won the dispute because he is mentioned as the owner in the year 1352. The family took good care of the fortress, kept it in good repair and, from time to time, added new buildings. In the year 1441 John of Brandys besieged the fortress as well as all surrounding fortresses, and held it for some twenty years. Then came the Czech Hussites, who took the fortress and made it impregnable. Later on the fortress became the property of Stephen Bebek. In 1514 Bebek and Zapofsky put down an insurrection of the peasants. When John Bebek fell in the famous battle of Mohac in 1526, Francis Bebek became the owner of Krasna Horka. He made counterfeit coins from the metal of bells that he stole from the surrounding churches. He was helped in this infamous work by the owner of Muran Castle. When Bebek felt the earth falling under his feet, he informed against Basa, the owner of Muran. The court ordered Basa apprehended and appointed Bebek as head of the expedition to carry out the order. Later on he was caught by a shepherd and brought to Bebek, who sentenced him to death. When Bebek tok over the fortress, he repaired and fortified it. Later on he again plied his nefarious trade as counterfeiter and cast his lot with John Zapofsky, an enemy of the emperor. When the emperor learned this, he sent his army against Bebek, but Bebek defeated the royal army. Not feeling safe in the fortress, Bebek left it and took up his residence at the Court of King Zigmund. The mother of King Zigmund, proving that Bebek was a traitor, had him killed in the year 1552. The fortress then became the property of the emperor's commander, Lazarus Schwendi. Bebek's son, George, casting his fortunes with the emperor, became the possessor of the fortress in 1557. In the year 1560 George Bebek was captured by the Turk, Hasan, and sent to Constantinople where he was a prisoner for five years. Enlisting the sympathy of King Zigmund and promising him life-long support, he was freed and became the commander-in-chief of all the armies of King Zigmund. It was not long after this that he gave up his high position and again began to worm himself �46 SLOVAKIA into the good graces of the emperor. He did not succeed. He died in Transylvania without issue; and with him died the last of the Bebek family, which owned Krasna Horka for some 300 years. In 1556 the fortress became the property of the crown, and to the year 1580 it was administered by various captains of the king. In that year the famous Peter Andrassy became its administrator. The Andrassy family is well known in Slovakia; some of its descendants are still liv• ing there. During the Rak6czi uprising, Stephen Andrassy helped Rak6czi, was named general of a part of the army that defeated the emperor's forces at Rab. The fortress was again repaired and fortified, but the management was turned over to Andrassy's wife, nee Seredi, and to his children. After a colorful career, full of intrigue, Stephen Andrassy died. His son, Francis, became owner, but leaving no direct descendants, the fortress passed into the possession of his nephew Charles, who became a general in the army of Maria Theresa with the title of Count. In 1847, when the fortress was destroyed by lightning and fire, it was completely repaired. Later on Dyonisius Andrassy became the owner of the fortress. He married a commoner, a Bohemian girl, Frances Hablavec. Both were very good to their subjects and showed great concern for the fortress , keeping it in very good repair. Today the fortress is a museum and contains many treasures of days gone by. • • • WHO SAID IT? Benes's trtp (to Moscow) is the Czechoslwak contribution to the struoture cxf world 1peace. Afl decent people are rejoidng, becaiuse it is a victory for democracy, the triumph of a good cause. . . The Soviet Czechoslo,vak Treaty is for him a great sati,s faotion. It is a great victory of the Czechoslov0Jk cause. It is a gigantic contrilbution to the structure of a happier Europe. It is the sollid foundation to lasting pea'Ce of the world. It is a great victory of Benes's politics." - Editorial, NEW YORK:SKY DENN1K Czechoslovak daily in Slovak language) , Dec. 15, 1943. � SLOVAKIA 44 there is every reason to believe that the Slovaks and Magyars shall be able to come to an understanding when the Iron Curtain is lifted for benefit of both nations and in the common interests of all free peoples. In Conclusion It is a matter of historical record that the Slovaks always tried to get along with neighboring nations, at times even at the expense of Slovak interests. They realize that quarrels and chauvinistic desires settle nothing and simply cause trouble, not only for the nations concerned, but for all free nations. Today all the nations behind the Iron Curtain are, so to speak, in the same boat, suffering under the Red heel of communism. The Slovak nation as a whole has been adamantly opposed to the ideology of Marxistic socialism for over a hundred years. The Slovaks are a small nation, but as partners with other European nations they can do much to destroy the ,greatest evil of our time, the enemy of all humanity: Communism. Let's encourage them to do that! • • • (K. S.) CASTLES OF SLOVAKIA KRASNA HORKA By Hubert Macko, OSB. Krasna Horka (Mount Beautiful) is one of the few fortresses of Slovakia in a good state of preservation. As the name itself suggests, it is beautiful in its ancient splendor, standing atop a hill where the valleys of Sajava and Cermosne meet in Gerner. Perched on a steep hill in a very picturesque setting, proud and unconquered by time and the elements, it is indeed a jewel of the golden days that were. In Gerner they still sing: "Krasna Horka, pysny zamok ... " (Mount Beautiful, proud fortress). Of its beginning we have no record. It is mentioned in the annals of Slovak fortresses as early as 1341; it was called "Kastrum Krasnohorka" and was owned by the Bebek family. There seemed to be some dispute as to the ownership of the fortress, a dispute that lasted a full 50 �SLOVAKIA 45 years. Dominic Bebek must have won the dispute because he is mentioned as the owner in the year 1352. The family took good care of the fortress, kept it in good repair and, from time to time, added new buildings. In the year 1441 John of Brandys besieged the fortress as well as all surrounding fortresses, and held it for some twenty years. Then came the Czech Hussites, who took the fortress and made it impregnable. Later on the fortress became the property of Stephen Bebek. In 1514 Bebek and Zapofsky put down an insurrection of the peasants. When John Bebek fell in the famous battle of Mohac in 1526, Francis Bebek became the owner of Krasna Horka. He made counterfeit coins from the metal of bells that he stole from the surrounding churches. He was helped in this infamous work by the owner of Muran Castle. When Bebek felt the earth falling under his feet, he informed against Basa, the owner of Muran. The court ordered Basa apprehended and appointed Bebek as head of the expedition to carry out the order. Later on he was caught by a shepherd and brought to Bebek, who sentenced him to death. When Bebek tok over the fortress, he repaired and fortified it. Later on he again plied his nefarious trade as counterfeiter and cast his lot with John Zapofsky, an enemy of the emperor. When the emperor learned this, he sent his army against Bebek, but Bebek defeated the royal army. Not feeling safe in the fortress, Bebek left it and took up his residence at the Court of King Zigmund. The mother of King Zigmund, proving that Bebek was a traitor, had him killed in the year 1552. The fortress then became the property of the emperor's commander, Lazarus Schwendi. Bebek's son, George, casting his fortunes with the emperor, became the possessor of the fortress in 1557. In the year 1560 George Bebek was captured by the Turk, Hasan, and sent to Constantinople where he was a prisoner for five years. Enlisting the sympathy of King Zigmund and promising him life-long support, he was freed and became the commander-in-chief of all the armies of King Zigmund. It was not long after this that he gave up his high position and again began to worm himself �46 SLOVAKIA into the good graces of the emperor. He did not succeed. He died in Transylvania without issue; and with him died the last of the Bebek family, which owned Krasna Horka for some 300 years. In 1556 the fortress became the property of the crown, and to the year 1580 it was administered by various captains of the king. In that year the famous Peter Andrassy became its administrator. The Andrassy family is well known in Slovakia; some of its descendants are still liv• ing there. During the Rak6czi uprising, Stephen Andrassy helped Rak6czi, was named general of a part of the army that defeated the emperor's forces at Rab. The fortress was again repaired and fortified, but the management was turned over to Andrassy's wife, nee Seredi, and to his children. After a colorful career, full of intrigue, Stephen Andrassy died. His son, Francis, became owner, but leaving no direct descendants, the fortress passed into the possession of his nephew Charles, who became a general in the army of Maria Theresa with the title of Count. In 1847, when the fortress was destroyed by lightning and fire, it was completely repaired. Later on Dyonisius Andrassy became the owner of the fortress. He married a commoner, a Bohemian girl, Frances Hablavec. Both were very good to their subjects and showed great concern for the fortress , keeping it in very good repair. Today the fortress is a museum and contains many treasures of days gone by. • • • WHO SAID IT? Benes's trtp (to Moscow) is the Czechoslwak contribution to the struoture cxf world 1peace. Afl decent people are rejoidng, becaiuse it is a victory for democracy, the triumph of a good cause. . . The Soviet Czechoslo,vak Treaty is for him a great sati,s faotion. It is a great victory of the Czechoslov0Jk cause. It is a gigantic contrilbution to the structure of a happier Europe. It is the sollid foundation to lasting pea'Ce of the world. It is a great victory of Benes's politics." - Editorial, NEW YORK:SKY DENN1K Czechoslovak daily in Slovak language) , Dec. 15, 1943. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1958, Vol. 8 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 26), March 1958.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 27), June 1958.</li> <li>Issue 3 (No. 28), December 1958.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1958 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 44 there is every reason to believe that the Slovaks and Magyars shall be able to come to an understanding when the Iron Curtain is lifted for benefit of both nations and in the common interests of all free peoples. In Conclusion It is a matter of historical record that the Slovaks always tried to get along with neighboring nations, at times even at the expense of Slovak interests. They realize that quarrels and chauvinistic desires settle nothing and simply cause trouble, not only for the nations concerned, but for all free nations. Today all the nations behind the Iron Curtain are, so to speak, in the same boat, suffering under the Red heel of communism. The Slovak nation as a whole has been adamantly opposed to the ideology of Marxistic socialism for over a hundred years. The Slovaks are a small nation, but as partners with other European nations they can do much to destroy the ,greatest evil of our time, the enemy of all humanity: Communism. Let's encourage them to do that! • • • (K. S.) CASTLES OF SLOVAKIA KRASNA HORKA By Hubert Macko, OSB. Krasna Horka (Mount Beautiful) is one of the few fortresses of Slovakia in a good state of preservation. As the name itself suggests, it is beautiful in its ancient splendor, standing atop a hill where the valleys of Sajava and Cermosne meet in Gerner. Perched on a steep hill in a very picturesque setting, proud and unconquered by time and the elements, it is indeed a jewel of the golden days that were. In Gerner they still sing: "Krasna Horka, pysny zamok ... " (Mount Beautiful, proud fortress). Of its beginning we have no record. It is mentioned in the annals of Slovak fortresses as early as 1341; it was called "Kastrum Krasnohorka" and was owned by the Bebek family. There seemed to be some dispute as to the ownership of the fortress, a dispute that lasted a full 50 SLOVAKIA 45 years. Dominic Bebek must have won the dispute because he is mentioned as the owner in the year 1352. The family took good care of the fortress, kept it in good repair and, from time to time, added new buildings. In the year 1441 John of Brandys besieged the fortress as well as all surrounding fortresses, and held it for some twenty years. Then came the Czech Hussites, who took the fortress and made it impregnable. Later on the fortress became the property of Stephen Bebek. In 1514 Bebek and Zapofsky put down an insurrection of the peasants. When John Bebek fell in the famous battle of Mohac in 1526, Francis Bebek became the owner of Krasna Horka. He made counterfeit coins from the metal of bells that he stole from the surrounding churches. He was helped in this infamous work by the owner of Muran Castle. When Bebek felt the earth falling under his feet, he informed against Basa, the owner of Muran. The court ordered Basa apprehended and appointed Bebek as head of the expedition to carry out the order. Later on he was caught by a shepherd and brought to Bebek, who sentenced him to death. When Bebek tok over the fortress, he repaired and fortified it. Later on he again plied his nefarious trade as counterfeiter and cast his lot with John Zapofsky, an enemy of the emperor. When the emperor learned this, he sent his army against Bebek, but Bebek defeated the royal army. Not feeling safe in the fortress, Bebek left it and took up his residence at the Court of King Zigmund. The mother of King Zigmund, proving that Bebek was a traitor, had him killed in the year 1552. The fortress then became the property of the emperor's commander, Lazarus Schwendi. Bebek's son, George, casting his fortunes with the emperor, became the possessor of the fortress in 1557. In the year 1560 George Bebek was captured by the Turk, Hasan, and sent to Constantinople where he was a prisoner for five years. Enlisting the sympathy of King Zigmund and promising him life-long support, he was freed and became the commander-in-chief of all the armies of King Zigmund. It was not long after this that he gave up his high position and again began to worm himself 46 SLOVAKIA into the good graces of the emperor. He did not succeed. He died in Transylvania without issue; and with him died the last of the Bebek family, which owned Krasna Horka for some 300 years. In 1556 the fortress became the property of the crown, and to the year 1580 it was administered by various captains of the king. In that year the famous Peter Andrassy became its administrator. The Andrassy family is well known in Slovakia; some of its descendants are still liv• ing there. During the Rak6czi uprising, Stephen Andrassy helped Rak6czi, was named general of a part of the army that defeated the emperor's forces at Rab. The fortress was again repaired and fortified, but the management was turned over to Andrassy's wife, nee Seredi, and to his children. After a colorful career, full of intrigue, Stephen Andrassy died. His son, Francis, became owner, but leaving no direct descendants, the fortress passed into the possession of his nephew Charles, who became a general in the army of Maria Theresa with the title of Count. In 1847, when the fortress was destroyed by lightning and fire, it was completely repaired. Later on Dyonisius Andrassy became the owner of the fortress. He married a commoner, a Bohemian girl, Frances Hablavec. Both were very good to their subjects and showed great concern for the fortress , keeping it in very good repair. Today the fortress is a museum and contains many treasures of days gone by. • • • WHO SAID IT? Benes's trtp (to Moscow) is the Czechoslwak contribution to the struoture cxf world 1peace. Afl decent people are rejoidng, becaiuse it is a victory for democracy, the triumph of a good cause. . . The Soviet Czechoslo,vak Treaty is for him a great sati,s faotion. It is a great victory of the Czechoslov0Jk cause. It is a gigantic contrilbution to the structure of a happier Europe. It is the sollid foundation to lasting pea'Ce of the world. It is a great victory of Benes's politics." - Editorial, NEW YORK:SKY DENN1K Czechoslovak daily in Slovak language) , Dec. 15, 1943.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Castles of Slovakia: Krásna Hôrka Description An account of the resource Hubert Macko, OSB. Slovakia, Vol. 8, No. 3 (28), December 1958 pp. 44-46 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Macko, Hubert Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource December 1958 castles name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/de7449d95c77a4ef87848308a2cdb2bf.pdf 16106590001f2d94cc051620375935a2 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 47 SLOVAKIA'S LIFELINE WITH mE WEST Dr. Ferdinand Durcansky Slovakia's political plight is more difficult than that of the other countries caught behind the iron curtain because Slovakia is ruled not only by Prague, but also by Moscow, thus suffering under a double yoke. The fight of the Slovak people against tyranny and oppression is a two-front fight. There is no doubt that there are communists in Slovakia, but their number and their possibilities are so limited that they cannot impose their rule on the Slovak population without the Czech Communists. It is no mere coincidence that the first secretary of the Communist Party in Slovakia, the most powerful man in the country, is the Czech Karel Bacilek. Key positions in the party and in the state apparatus are also held by Czechs. Even when it is considered expedient to place "comrades" from Slovakia in important positions in the party, state apparatus, or labor unions, these are very often persons of other than Slovak descent. To acquire a deeper insight into this strong adhesion of Prague to Moscow, it is important to realize that the two nations are not only related by Communist, but also by the Pan-Slavic aims. Prague's objectives in ruling Slovakia are supported by Moscow at every turn. Czecho-Slovakia, falsely presented to the West by Edward Benes and his collaborators as a dam against Muscovite pressure, has in reality been nothing more than a springboard between Soviet Russia and the West since 1945. As early as World War H, technical politicians-in-exile, with Benes at their head, determined to work most intimately with Moscow and the Communists, knowing quite well that the Slovaks and the Sudeten Germans would offer resistance to any future domination by Prague. Tangible evidence of this Prague-Moscow liaison is the Moscow-signed treaty between the two governments on December 12, 1943. The Kremlin even used this as a model for later treaties concluded in the building up of its satellite system in Central Europe. This act of Benes, long before Yalta agreements of February 11, 1945, shows that the Czechs were not a victim of Yalta policies 1 �48 SLOVAKIA but its precursors, paving the way for sure support of the Soviet Union in dominating Slovakia and the Sudetenland. Moscow strove during World War II to win over Slovak patriots for Communist collaboration by a ruse calling for Slovak independence. Responsible 'S lovak government officials refused this bait, whereupon the Kremlin sold out Slovakia to Prague. It would be false to speak of CzechoSlovakia as having been taken over by the Kremlin by force, for the majority of the Czech people - under Dr. Edward Benes - declared themselves in agreement with the satellite status of the "legal" introduction into the country of the Communist regime, not in February 1948 as is claimed, but back in 1945. This explains the closely knit relationship between the Czechs and the Soviets as well as the unique nationalistic aspect of the Communist Party in Czecho-Slovakia. To shed further and perhaps more piercing light - if such be needed - on the tight linkage between Prague and the Kremlin, it should be noted that in every controversy between the Kremlin despots and other Communists, Prague always supports Moscow against the others. It is significant that Benes's envoy to the United Nations, Dr. Jan Papanek, voted with the U.S. S. R. on practically all major issues. When misunderstanding and tensions arose, in 1948, between Moscow and Belgrade, the Prague Communist leaders had the main say in the resultant inflammatory campaign of the Soviets against Tito. During the crisis between Warsaw and Moscow in October, 1956, Prague lined up for Khrushchev against Gomulka. When on October 23, 1956, the Hungarian people revolted against Communist tyranny, Prague immediately opposed Imre Nagy in favor of the greatest possible military intervention by the Soviets in Hungary. Not only did Prague let the Soviet military units pass through Slovakia but did all it could to guarantee them unmolested transit in the face of popular indignation. Prague even intervened militarily itself along part of the frontier. When Soviets units imposed the Kadar government of the Hungarians, Prague tried from the first moment on to strengthen its position both politically and economically as far as possible. �SLOVAKIA 49 Vanguard of Soviet Imperialism When, after the 20th Party Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, under the motto of de-Stalinization, a certain easing up of dictatorship was introduced and partial reinstatement took place for some of the victims of Stalinist lawlessness and measures of violence not only in the Soviet Union but also in the satellit es the Communist clique in Prague refused to be influenced thereby and remained completely passive. The Slovak "Titoists", the only kind there are in present Czecho-1Slovakia, have thus far not been reinstated. On the contrary, as a symbol of Stalinist instransigency and loyalty to his methods, Stalin's illuminated statue shines out over Prague after dark. By the election of Antonin Novotny, first party secretary of the Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia, to the position of president of the republic, Moscow's most faithful servant has become the all-powerful viceroy of the Kremlin despots in the C-SR. The logical conclusion is that just as Moscow rulers could rely on 'Prague's Communist leaders in the past, so they shall rely upon them even in the future. Prague despots identify their own Czech interests not only with the Communist aims of Moscow but consider themselves a vanguard of Russian imperialism. Further evidence of Prague's loyalty to Moscow is seen continually in its indiscriminate abetting of all the latter's foreign political aims. It backs up more rigidly than any other satellite Moscow's anti-Adenauer campaign and endeavors to cement the position of the Soviet Zone government in the eastern half of Germany. In the United States, Prague's henchmen seek every opportunity to oppose the perpetuation of a status quo in Asia and Africa and favor the separation of those areas from the sphere of influence of the European powers. Prague has gone so far as to train Asiatics and Africans to become Communist agents and by shipments of arms has gone far to create the insecurity and unrest that prevail in the Near East, Africa, and Asia. Prague Communist rulers have mobilized the vast industrial potential and the capabilities of the people in lands within Czecho-Slovakia to aid Moscow's economic offensive �50 SLOVAKIA in Asia, Africa, and Latin America, and - disregarding the drop in the standard of living of their own population have pursued this aim indefatigably. By means of Communist-schooled advisers, labor unionists and experts, who are employed in installing of industrial plants in these lands, Prague creates seats of unrest in these areas and helps incorporate them into the Moscow sphere of influence. In short, Prague consistently and persistently aids and abets the world-power objectives of the Soviet Union. Ever since 1945 a policy of violence has been exercised against the Slovaks by the Prague government. In May, 1947, the then head of that government, Klement Gottwald, threatened Slovak patriots and asserted that it was a matter of duty to "persecute, ideologically and politically, and if need be administrative ly, the remaining People's Party separatists in Slovakia who are a source of dissent within Czecho-Slovakia." Shortly thereafter he spoke the words: "Today, in every respect, Slovakia is the weakest link in the Republic". Attempts have been made time and again to break the resistance of the Slovak population to Communism by resorting to deportations, acts of violence, concentration camps and a wide variety of oppressive measures customary within Communist countries. Since 1945 more than one-half million persons have been taken from Slovakia and scattered throughout the entire Sudet enland as workers in mines, factories, and agricultural associations, and about 250 thousand Czechs have been resettled into Slovakia as key figures in party and State administration, in agriculture, and the security apparatus, as well as Czech military units which represents pillars of the regime. It suffices to look at the map of Central Europe to see that Slovakia, by dint of her position between Hungary and Poland, on the one side, and the fact that she serves as link for the Bohemian lands and the Soviet Union, on the other side, - while bordering on the free world in the West through Austria - has a key position in the Danubian area. ,Slovak independence is not only in harmony with the wishes of the population, the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, the ideals of democracy and of human �S!,OVAKIA 51 progress, but the interests of the free world. It is to the advantage of freedom-loving people to support the Slovak people's fight for freedom. The independence of Slovakia means a weakening of Prague, a weakening of the Communist empire. Since World War IT, the free world, misled by false hopes, has expected the Kremlin rulers to be satisfied with the status quo and desist from any further ag,g ression. This has caused the powers that were victorious in that war to take a positive stand only with respect to th,~ proCommunist and pro-Soviet political trends from behind the Iron Curtain while turning a cold shoulder to the principal opponent of Communism and Russian imperialism. It is this policy of the western powers and not Soviet military victories - that explains Moscow's success. Because of this unfortunate policy, Moscow's lust for power has been whetted to such a degree that today Khrushchev regards as a matter of course the recognition by the free world of the status quo which the Soviets arrived at by violence and fraud - and in fact, he demands such recognition. The free world fails to see that by supporting the traditional but artificial structure known as "Czecho-Slovakia", it is acting in opposition to its own interests. As long as Prague can continue to throttle Slovakia, the lifeline that feeds the spirit of freedom among the Slovak people runs the grave danger of being cut off from the West forever. • • • WHO SAID IT? "On this, the twenty-,seventh anniversary of the founding Oif the Union of SOIV!iet Sociallist Repu.Jblios, may I express on 'behalJ.f of Sooretary Hull and myself sincere felicitations to you. We may aJl looik forward with full confidence to an eair.ly victory aver the Nazi barbarians and the establishment of an enduring and just peace built on the firm foun:datio1ns of coQPeration and mutual understanding which have been wrought so f.inn1ly in the cru.c1ble o:f war." Edward R. Stettiniius, Acting Secretary of Staite in crublegram sent to V. M. Molotov, Nov. 6, 1944. � SLOVAKIA 47 SLOVAKIA'S LIFELINE WITH mE WEST Dr. Ferdinand Durcansky Slovakia's political plight is more difficult than that of the other countries caught behind the iron curtain because Slovakia is ruled not only by Prague, but also by Moscow, thus suffering under a double yoke. The fight of the Slovak people against tyranny and oppression is a two-front fight. There is no doubt that there are communists in Slovakia, but their number and their possibilities are so limited that they cannot impose their rule on the Slovak population without the Czech Communists. It is no mere coincidence that the first secretary of the Communist Party in Slovakia, the most powerful man in the country, is the Czech Karel Bacilek. Key positions in the party and in the state apparatus are also held by Czechs. Even when it is considered expedient to place "comrades" from Slovakia in important positions in the party, state apparatus, or labor unions, these are very often persons of other than Slovak descent. To acquire a deeper insight into this strong adhesion of Prague to Moscow, it is important to realize that the two nations are not only related by Communist, but also by the Pan-Slavic aims. Prague's objectives in ruling Slovakia are supported by Moscow at every turn. Czecho-Slovakia, falsely presented to the West by Edward Benes and his collaborators as a dam against Muscovite pressure, has in reality been nothing more than a springboard between Soviet Russia and the West since 1945. As early as World War H, technical politicians-in-exile, with Benes at their head, determined to work most intimately with Moscow and the Communists, knowing quite well that the Slovaks and the Sudeten Germans would offer resistance to any future domination by Prague. Tangible evidence of this Prague-Moscow liaison is the Moscow-signed treaty between the two governments on December 12, 1943. The Kremlin even used this as a model for later treaties concluded in the building up of its satellite system in Central Europe. This act of Benes, long before Yalta agreements of February 11, 1945, shows that the Czechs were not a victim of Yalta policies 1 �48 SLOVAKIA but its precursors, paving the way for sure support of the Soviet Union in dominating Slovakia and the Sudetenland. Moscow strove during World War II to win over Slovak patriots for Communist collaboration by a ruse calling for Slovak independence. Responsible 'S lovak government officials refused this bait, whereupon the Kremlin sold out Slovakia to Prague. It would be false to speak of CzechoSlovakia as having been taken over by the Kremlin by force, for the majority of the Czech people - under Dr. Edward Benes - declared themselves in agreement with the satellite status of the "legal" introduction into the country of the Communist regime, not in February 1948 as is claimed, but back in 1945. This explains the closely knit relationship between the Czechs and the Soviets as well as the unique nationalistic aspect of the Communist Party in Czecho-Slovakia. To shed further and perhaps more piercing light - if such be needed - on the tight linkage between Prague and the Kremlin, it should be noted that in every controversy between the Kremlin despots and other Communists, Prague always supports Moscow against the others. It is significant that Benes's envoy to the United Nations, Dr. Jan Papanek, voted with the U.S. S. R. on practically all major issues. When misunderstanding and tensions arose, in 1948, between Moscow and Belgrade, the Prague Communist leaders had the main say in the resultant inflammatory campaign of the Soviets against Tito. During the crisis between Warsaw and Moscow in October, 1956, Prague lined up for Khrushchev against Gomulka. When on October 23, 1956, the Hungarian people revolted against Communist tyranny, Prague immediately opposed Imre Nagy in favor of the greatest possible military intervention by the Soviets in Hungary. Not only did Prague let the Soviet military units pass through Slovakia but did all it could to guarantee them unmolested transit in the face of popular indignation. Prague even intervened militarily itself along part of the frontier. When Soviets units imposed the Kadar government of the Hungarians, Prague tried from the first moment on to strengthen its position both politically and economically as far as possible. �SLOVAKIA 49 Vanguard of Soviet Imperialism When, after the 20th Party Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, under the motto of de-Stalinization, a certain easing up of dictatorship was introduced and partial reinstatement took place for some of the victims of Stalinist lawlessness and measures of violence not only in the Soviet Union but also in the satellit es the Communist clique in Prague refused to be influenced thereby and remained completely passive. The Slovak "Titoists", the only kind there are in present Czecho-1Slovakia, have thus far not been reinstated. On the contrary, as a symbol of Stalinist instransigency and loyalty to his methods, Stalin's illuminated statue shines out over Prague after dark. By the election of Antonin Novotny, first party secretary of the Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia, to the position of president of the republic, Moscow's most faithful servant has become the all-powerful viceroy of the Kremlin despots in the C-SR. The logical conclusion is that just as Moscow rulers could rely on 'Prague's Communist leaders in the past, so they shall rely upon them even in the future. Prague despots identify their own Czech interests not only with the Communist aims of Moscow but consider themselves a vanguard of Russian imperialism. Further evidence of Prague's loyalty to Moscow is seen continually in its indiscriminate abetting of all the latter's foreign political aims. It backs up more rigidly than any other satellite Moscow's anti-Adenauer campaign and endeavors to cement the position of the Soviet Zone government in the eastern half of Germany. In the United States, Prague's henchmen seek every opportunity to oppose the perpetuation of a status quo in Asia and Africa and favor the separation of those areas from the sphere of influence of the European powers. Prague has gone so far as to train Asiatics and Africans to become Communist agents and by shipments of arms has gone far to create the insecurity and unrest that prevail in the Near East, Africa, and Asia. Prague Communist rulers have mobilized the vast industrial potential and the capabilities of the people in lands within Czecho-Slovakia to aid Moscow's economic offensive �50 SLOVAKIA in Asia, Africa, and Latin America, and - disregarding the drop in the standard of living of their own population have pursued this aim indefatigably. By means of Communist-schooled advisers, labor unionists and experts, who are employed in installing of industrial plants in these lands, Prague creates seats of unrest in these areas and helps incorporate them into the Moscow sphere of influence. In short, Prague consistently and persistently aids and abets the world-power objectives of the Soviet Union. Ever since 1945 a policy of violence has been exercised against the Slovaks by the Prague government. In May, 1947, the then head of that government, Klement Gottwald, threatened Slovak patriots and asserted that it was a matter of duty to "persecute, ideologically and politically, and if need be administrative ly, the remaining People's Party separatists in Slovakia who are a source of dissent within Czecho-Slovakia." Shortly thereafter he spoke the words: "Today, in every respect, Slovakia is the weakest link in the Republic". Attempts have been made time and again to break the resistance of the Slovak population to Communism by resorting to deportations, acts of violence, concentration camps and a wide variety of oppressive measures customary within Communist countries. Since 1945 more than one-half million persons have been taken from Slovakia and scattered throughout the entire Sudet enland as workers in mines, factories, and agricultural associations, and about 250 thousand Czechs have been resettled into Slovakia as key figures in party and State administration, in agriculture, and the security apparatus, as well as Czech military units which represents pillars of the regime. It suffices to look at the map of Central Europe to see that Slovakia, by dint of her position between Hungary and Poland, on the one side, and the fact that she serves as link for the Bohemian lands and the Soviet Union, on the other side, - while bordering on the free world in the West through Austria - has a key position in the Danubian area. ,Slovak independence is not only in harmony with the wishes of the population, the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, the ideals of democracy and of human �S!,OVAKIA 51 progress, but the interests of the free world. It is to the advantage of freedom-loving people to support the Slovak people's fight for freedom. The independence of Slovakia means a weakening of Prague, a weakening of the Communist empire. Since World War IT, the free world, misled by false hopes, has expected the Kremlin rulers to be satisfied with the status quo and desist from any further ag,g ression. This has caused the powers that were victorious in that war to take a positive stand only with respect to th,~ proCommunist and pro-Soviet political trends from behind the Iron Curtain while turning a cold shoulder to the principal opponent of Communism and Russian imperialism. It is this policy of the western powers and not Soviet military victories - that explains Moscow's success. Because of this unfortunate policy, Moscow's lust for power has been whetted to such a degree that today Khrushchev regards as a matter of course the recognition by the free world of the status quo which the Soviets arrived at by violence and fraud - and in fact, he demands such recognition. The free world fails to see that by supporting the traditional but artificial structure known as "Czecho-Slovakia", it is acting in opposition to its own interests. As long as Prague can continue to throttle Slovakia, the lifeline that feeds the spirit of freedom among the Slovak people runs the grave danger of being cut off from the West forever. • • • WHO SAID IT? "On this, the twenty-,seventh anniversary of the founding Oif the Union of SOIV!iet Sociallist Repu.Jblios, may I express on 'behalJ.f of Sooretary Hull and myself sincere felicitations to you. We may aJl looik forward with full confidence to an eair.ly victory aver the Nazi barbarians and the establishment of an enduring and just peace built on the firm foun:datio1ns of coQPeration and mutual understanding which have been wrought so f.inn1ly in the cru.c1ble o:f war." Edward R. Stettiniius, Acting Secretary of Staite in crublegram sent to V. M. Molotov, Nov. 6, 1944. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1958, Vol. 8 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 26), March 1958.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 27), June 1958.</li> <li>Issue 3 (No. 28), December 1958.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1958 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 47 SLOVAKIA'S LIFELINE WITH mE WEST Dr. Ferdinand Durcansky Slovakia's political plight is more difficult than that of the other countries caught behind the iron curtain because Slovakia is ruled not only by Prague, but also by Moscow, thus suffering under a double yoke. The fight of the Slovak people against tyranny and oppression is a two-front fight. There is no doubt that there are communists in Slovakia, but their number and their possibilities are so limited that they cannot impose their rule on the Slovak population without the Czech Communists. It is no mere coincidence that the first secretary of the Communist Party in Slovakia, the most powerful man in the country, is the Czech Karel Bacilek. Key positions in the party and in the state apparatus are also held by Czechs. Even when it is considered expedient to place "comrades" from Slovakia in important positions in the party, state apparatus, or labor unions, these are very often persons of other than Slovak descent. To acquire a deeper insight into this strong adhesion of Prague to Moscow, it is important to realize that the two nations are not only related by Communist, but also by the Pan-Slavic aims. Prague's objectives in ruling Slovakia are supported by Moscow at every turn. Czecho-Slovakia, falsely presented to the West by Edward Benes and his collaborators as a dam against Muscovite pressure, has in reality been nothing more than a springboard between Soviet Russia and the West since 1945. As early as World War H, technical politicians-in-exile, with Benes at their head, determined to work most intimately with Moscow and the Communists, knowing quite well that the Slovaks and the Sudeten Germans would offer resistance to any future domination by Prague. Tangible evidence of this Prague-Moscow liaison is the Moscow-signed treaty between the two governments on December 12, 1943. The Kremlin even used this as a model for later treaties concluded in the building up of its satellite system in Central Europe. This act of Benes, long before Yalta agreements of February 11, 1945, shows that the Czechs were not a victim of Yalta policies 1 48 SLOVAKIA but its precursors, paving the way for sure support of the Soviet Union in dominating Slovakia and the Sudetenland. Moscow strove during World War II to win over Slovak patriots for Communist collaboration by a ruse calling for Slovak independence. Responsible 'S lovak government officials refused this bait, whereupon the Kremlin sold out Slovakia to Prague. It would be false to speak of CzechoSlovakia as having been taken over by the Kremlin by force, for the majority of the Czech people - under Dr. Edward Benes - declared themselves in agreement with the satellite status of the "legal" introduction into the country of the Communist regime, not in February 1948 as is claimed, but back in 1945. This explains the closely knit relationship between the Czechs and the Soviets as well as the unique nationalistic aspect of the Communist Party in Czecho-Slovakia. To shed further and perhaps more piercing light - if such be needed - on the tight linkage between Prague and the Kremlin, it should be noted that in every controversy between the Kremlin despots and other Communists, Prague always supports Moscow against the others. It is significant that Benes's envoy to the United Nations, Dr. Jan Papanek, voted with the U.S. S. R. on practically all major issues. When misunderstanding and tensions arose, in 1948, between Moscow and Belgrade, the Prague Communist leaders had the main say in the resultant inflammatory campaign of the Soviets against Tito. During the crisis between Warsaw and Moscow in October, 1956, Prague lined up for Khrushchev against Gomulka. When on October 23, 1956, the Hungarian people revolted against Communist tyranny, Prague immediately opposed Imre Nagy in favor of the greatest possible military intervention by the Soviets in Hungary. Not only did Prague let the Soviet military units pass through Slovakia but did all it could to guarantee them unmolested transit in the face of popular indignation. Prague even intervened militarily itself along part of the frontier. When Soviets units imposed the Kadar government of the Hungarians, Prague tried from the first moment on to strengthen its position both politically and economically as far as possible. SLOVAKIA 49 Vanguard of Soviet Imperialism When, after the 20th Party Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, under the motto of de-Stalinization, a certain easing up of dictatorship was introduced and partial reinstatement took place for some of the victims of Stalinist lawlessness and measures of violence not only in the Soviet Union but also in the satellit es the Communist clique in Prague refused to be influenced thereby and remained completely passive. The Slovak "Titoists", the only kind there are in present Czecho-1Slovakia, have thus far not been reinstated. On the contrary, as a symbol of Stalinist instransigency and loyalty to his methods, Stalin's illuminated statue shines out over Prague after dark. By the election of Antonin Novotny, first party secretary of the Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia, to the position of president of the republic, Moscow's most faithful servant has become the all-powerful viceroy of the Kremlin despots in the C-SR. The logical conclusion is that just as Moscow rulers could rely on 'Prague's Communist leaders in the past, so they shall rely upon them even in the future. Prague despots identify their own Czech interests not only with the Communist aims of Moscow but consider themselves a vanguard of Russian imperialism. Further evidence of Prague's loyalty to Moscow is seen continually in its indiscriminate abetting of all the latter's foreign political aims. It backs up more rigidly than any other satellite Moscow's anti-Adenauer campaign and endeavors to cement the position of the Soviet Zone government in the eastern half of Germany. In the United States, Prague's henchmen seek every opportunity to oppose the perpetuation of a status quo in Asia and Africa and favor the separation of those areas from the sphere of influence of the European powers. Prague has gone so far as to train Asiatics and Africans to become Communist agents and by shipments of arms has gone far to create the insecurity and unrest that prevail in the Near East, Africa, and Asia. Prague Communist rulers have mobilized the vast industrial potential and the capabilities of the people in lands within Czecho-Slovakia to aid Moscow's economic offensive 50 SLOVAKIA in Asia, Africa, and Latin America, and - disregarding the drop in the standard of living of their own population have pursued this aim indefatigably. By means of Communist-schooled advisers, labor unionists and experts, who are employed in installing of industrial plants in these lands, Prague creates seats of unrest in these areas and helps incorporate them into the Moscow sphere of influence. In short, Prague consistently and persistently aids and abets the world-power objectives of the Soviet Union. Ever since 1945 a policy of violence has been exercised against the Slovaks by the Prague government. In May, 1947, the then head of that government, Klement Gottwald, threatened Slovak patriots and asserted that it was a matter of duty to "persecute, ideologically and politically, and if need be administrative ly, the remaining People's Party separatists in Slovakia who are a source of dissent within Czecho-Slovakia." Shortly thereafter he spoke the words: "Today, in every respect, Slovakia is the weakest link in the Republic". Attempts have been made time and again to break the resistance of the Slovak population to Communism by resorting to deportations, acts of violence, concentration camps and a wide variety of oppressive measures customary within Communist countries. Since 1945 more than one-half million persons have been taken from Slovakia and scattered throughout the entire Sudet enland as workers in mines, factories, and agricultural associations, and about 250 thousand Czechs have been resettled into Slovakia as key figures in party and State administration, in agriculture, and the security apparatus, as well as Czech military units which represents pillars of the regime. It suffices to look at the map of Central Europe to see that Slovakia, by dint of her position between Hungary and Poland, on the one side, and the fact that she serves as link for the Bohemian lands and the Soviet Union, on the other side, - while bordering on the free world in the West through Austria - has a key position in the Danubian area. ,Slovak independence is not only in harmony with the wishes of the population, the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, the ideals of democracy and of human S!,OVAKIA 51 progress, but the interests of the free world. It is to the advantage of freedom-loving people to support the Slovak people's fight for freedom. The independence of Slovakia means a weakening of Prague, a weakening of the Communist empire. Since World War IT, the free world, misled by false hopes, has expected the Kremlin rulers to be satisfied with the status quo and desist from any further ag,g ression. This has caused the powers that were victorious in that war to take a positive stand only with respect to th,~ proCommunist and pro-Soviet political trends from behind the Iron Curtain while turning a cold shoulder to the principal opponent of Communism and Russian imperialism. It is this policy of the western powers and not Soviet military victories - that explains Moscow's success. Because of this unfortunate policy, Moscow's lust for power has been whetted to such a degree that today Khrushchev regards as a matter of course the recognition by the free world of the status quo which the Soviets arrived at by violence and fraud - and in fact, he demands such recognition. The free world fails to see that by supporting the traditional but artificial structure known as "Czecho-Slovakia", it is acting in opposition to its own interests. As long as Prague can continue to throttle Slovakia, the lifeline that feeds the spirit of freedom among the Slovak people runs the grave danger of being cut off from the West forever. • • • WHO SAID IT? "On this, the twenty-,seventh anniversary of the founding Oif the Union of SOIV!iet Sociallist Repu.Jblios, may I express on 'behalJ.f of Sooretary Hull and myself sincere felicitations to you. We may aJl looik forward with full confidence to an eair.ly victory aver the Nazi barbarians and the establishment of an enduring and just peace built on the firm foun:datio1ns of coQPeration and mutual understanding which have been wrought so f.inn1ly in the cru.c1ble o:f war." Edward R. Stettiniius, Acting Secretary of Staite in crublegram sent to V. M. Molotov, Nov. 6, 1944.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovakia's Lifeline with the West Description An account of the resource Dr. Ferdinand Ďurčanský Slovakia, Vol. 8, No. 3 (28), December 1958 pp. 47-51 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Ďurčanský, Ferdinand Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource December 1958 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/9e75abd003abc3f364941f32d76f7d27.pdf d90ab220358aea1a179c82526f49d9f1 PDF Text Text 52 SLOVAKIA •RICHARD WEISHAR THE ROOTS OF OOMMUNISM IN THE C-SR I,F ONE TAKES THE TROUBLE to examine events preceding the February, 1948, "coup d'etat" in Czecho-Slovakia, he will soon learn that the ratification of the Communist list of cabinet members by Benes was but the finishing touch to his signatures on two other documents: the Russian-Czech treaty of December 12, 1943, and Kosice Program of April 5, 1945, by means of which Benes and the other "democrats" marked out their post-war aims. Just as in 1919, Benes was again able to dupe the western foreign powers both during and after the second world war. They looked upon his state as the "lighthouse of democracy", which he himself praised as such, and were very much surprised when atop this lighthouse the red flag was hoisted. Had people but taken cognizance of Benes's statements, the awakening would not have been quite so rough. For no matter how little Benes's words from 1919 to 1938 dovetailed with the truth, there is one thing he cannot rightly be accused of. He and his associates never were ambiguous, in dealing with the West which granted them asylum, as to the direction in which they would steer the second Czech republic after an eventual German defeat. His allies, however, felt there was no reason to take serious interest in Benes's written and spoken statements. They were only too glad to find in him a fellow who was far out in front with respect to hating anything German. His hatred, in fact, found only one satisfying outlet: the expulsion of 3½ millions Sudeten Germans from their ancestral homesteads. To execute this deed he needed the agreement of the allies, who simply followed the example of Josef Stalin. The price for Stalin's consent was that "treaty on friendship, cooperation and mutual aid in the post-war period between the USSR and C-SR" of December 12, 1943, in which the country was sold out to Russia. (Stalin was furthermore beholden to Benes for having - as an unconscious tool of Heydrich - handed over to him Marshal �SLOVAKIA 53 Tukachevski.) The late Hubert Ripka, a close associate of Benes, later minister of trade in the second Czech Republic, still later an exile in London, tried at the time to disperse the fears of the less attentive: "I know that in certain circles within the West it is feared that we could become Russian vassals, but the name of Dr. Benes is the best guarantee for the independence of the (>SR" (Central European Observer, 1943, p. 304). And Benes himself appealed as follows to his fellow-countrymen : "Don't let the Germans lead you astray when they speak to you of Bolshevist terror and dictatorship; the Soviet Union desires nothing more than to be our friend. Our State will be a democracy, naturally a people's democracy new style" (Central European Observer, 194'5, p. 194.) One can hardly say that Benes kept his aims secret. He knew at all times how to adapt himself to the mentality of those on whom he was dependent. If h e posed to the western statesmen at the peace conference of St. Germain in 1919 as a representative of a "middle-class government", which would be rejected by the "Marxist Sudeten Germans" , he went overboard in the other direction in 1943 and 1945 in displaying even more Communist zeal than the Czech emigres in Moscow. He states in his Memoirs (p. 126) that he feared he had not gone far enough in his talks with the Czech Communists in Moscow, until Fierlinger reassured him that the conference "had followed a most satisfying course and surpassed all expectations." The result alluded to in the latter statement showed itself in 19415, when Benes convoked the first Czech government in Kosice. The Communists put up two deputy premiers and received the important ministries of interior, education, information and agriculture. A Communist secretary of state was paired with non-partisan foreign minister, Jan Masaryk. In Kosice a "program of the new Czecho-Slovak Government of the National Front of Czech and Slovaks" was proclaimed, which began with the country's Bolshevization. This declaration is replete with expressions of "undying gratitude for the glorious and heroic Red Army, admiration for the unrivalled Soviet art of war," while the west- �54 SLOVAKIA ern allies were mentioned in only one sentence. Partially out of gratitude to the "glorious Soviet Union," Benes ceded the Carpatho-Ukraine - which had been a part of the first republic from 1919 to 1939 - to the Soviet Union, 'although he had always insisted on the pre- Munich boundaries, within which the Carpatho-Ukraine was situated. In the Kosice Program reference is again made to the fact that the country's foreign policy is "determined for all time" by the Moscow treaty of 1943. At the same time it was announced that the republic would maintain "close fraternal relations" with all the Slavic countries (all of which were under Bolshevist control). Even Hungary, looked upon as an arch-enemy during the period of the first Czech republic, was now received into this circle of friendships, meantime having become Bolshevist-dominated! Benes had thus foreseen Prague's entrance into the Cominform. In order to pave the way intellectually for central Muscovite rule, Benes appointed Communist Nejedly as minister of education and Communist Kopecky as minister of information. He gave them - in the Kosice Program - certain guidelines calling for a "revision of the relationship to German culture," which in plain language meant a clean break in a centuries old spiritual tie with the West. This also meant indoctrinating Czech and Slovak youth in the "creation, development, economy, and culture of the USSR" and the "disappearance from school books and youth education programs of anti-Soviet influences." Russian became the top priority foreign language in the schools; and replacing the humanistic education of former years was the requirement of "history of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union." All this took place within the initial stages of Benes's presidency, not under his successor Gottwald. The latter did not need to alter the set-up, because Benes made thorough preparations. Benes's minister of education declared: "Right now (1945) we must choose between Eeast and West. I do not think there is any question as far as the Czech people are concerned. We belong to the great Slavic family of nations led by the mighty Russian nation with the great leader Stalin as its head" ("Unity" June, 2, �SLOVAKIA 55 1945). Those who saw little to rejoice in at the Bolshevization of the country were lulled into submission by the .strains of Pan-Slavism. Hand in glove with a foreign-political adjustment to Russian plans and those of the satellites came a radical domestic political change. All elements of opposition were ,crushed. All parties not belonging to the "National l<ront" - and they were the strongest parties till 19·39 - were forbidden, to say nothing of the dispossession and expulsion of the Sudeten Germans and Magyars. Benes used the "people's courts" to get rid of his opponents, whom he threw into jail as "arch-traitors" and collaborators" or sent to the gallows. All regard for democratic or human rights was tossed to the four winds. "I am a real democrat," said Benes. "I know that in the development of nations and States there are times when violent revolutions are necessary" (-Memoirs, p. 285). This of course meant expelling of the Sudeten Germans (national revolution) which made rapid Bolshevization of the country much easier. From the wealth of these expelled a 'W'und of National Revival" was created and placed under State control. It was not just a question of robbing the Sudeten German population. This act of spoliage was but the first blow at the existing economic order. Benes's economic decrees of 1945 were to bear this out in crystal clarity. They called for certain factories to be dispossessed and nationalized in principle, and for all factories with more than 50 employees as well. By his decrees "on penal protection of national enterprises," "penal protection of the execution of the two-year economic plan," "measures for executing national mobilization of the labor force," the Communist economic system was introduced as early as 1945. Everything that smacked of compulsion, uncommnoly stringent economic penal law, were not just the achievements of the February Revolution, but the work of Benes and his team. The field of agriculture experienced like changes. The property stolen from the Germans was handed over to Communists who had served the government well. Care was taken to create socalled "midget" agricultural enterprises that were not long �56 SLOVAKIA self-supporting and of necessity led to forming of kholkhozes. There was not much left for Gottwald to do. From Benes he had inherited the Moscow political course, education based on a Bolshevist pattern, a "National Front" without opposition, liquidation of basic rights, and a Communist planned economy. All this continued according to plan. The parliamentary elections of 1'946 brought the Communists 38 % of the vote, and Benes appointed Gottwald premier supported ·b y eight other Communist ministers. The wheels were well oiled; the new machine functioned beautifully. The minister of information set about to prohibit all publications stemming from other-than-government parties, one of which had already been dissolved. When Czech-Slovakia began to ogle Marshall Plan funds, Moscow soon let it be known how the Russian-Czech treaty of 1943 was to be interpreted. Gott w a 1 d repeated Benes 's mouthings about C-SR being a "people's democracy", pointed out that this was no longer an "old-fashioned bourgeois republic" but a socialist republic based on a system of nationalized economy. And no doubt - in 1947 - he was right. The Communist minister of the interior armed his police force and cleansed it of "unreliable" elements. The Communists forced the few non-Communist ministers to resign. Benes for the second time put his name on a new list of ministers, 'headed by Klement Gottwald, and received still more Com;munists than had thus far been the case. A month later Masaryk the younger plunged from the third floor of the Czech foreign ministry in Czernin Palace. Benes abdicated in June, 194'8, for the second time within ten years and died shortly thereafter. 1 The so-called "February Putsch" is referred to as the "violent end of freedom-loving Czecho~Slovak democracy." But on February 25, 1948, little more occured than the Communists threw some non-Communists out of the government. The Communists were no longer in need of the further support of their collaborators. (Sudeten Bulletin) � 52 SLOVAKIA •RICHARD WEISHAR THE ROOTS OF OOMMUNISM IN THE C-SR I,F ONE TAKES THE TROUBLE to examine events preceding the February, 1948, "coup d'etat" in Czecho-Slovakia, he will soon learn that the ratification of the Communist list of cabinet members by Benes was but the finishing touch to his signatures on two other documents: the Russian-Czech treaty of December 12, 1943, and Kosice Program of April 5, 1945, by means of which Benes and the other "democrats" marked out their post-war aims. Just as in 1919, Benes was again able to dupe the western foreign powers both during and after the second world war. They looked upon his state as the "lighthouse of democracy", which he himself praised as such, and were very much surprised when atop this lighthouse the red flag was hoisted. Had people but taken cognizance of Benes's statements, the awakening would not have been quite so rough. For no matter how little Benes's words from 1919 to 1938 dovetailed with the truth, there is one thing he cannot rightly be accused of. He and his associates never were ambiguous, in dealing with the West which granted them asylum, as to the direction in which they would steer the second Czech republic after an eventual German defeat. His allies, however, felt there was no reason to take serious interest in Benes's written and spoken statements. They were only too glad to find in him a fellow who was far out in front with respect to hating anything German. His hatred, in fact, found only one satisfying outlet: the expulsion of 3½ millions Sudeten Germans from their ancestral homesteads. To execute this deed he needed the agreement of the allies, who simply followed the example of Josef Stalin. The price for Stalin's consent was that "treaty on friendship, cooperation and mutual aid in the post-war period between the USSR and C-SR" of December 12, 1943, in which the country was sold out to Russia. (Stalin was furthermore beholden to Benes for having - as an unconscious tool of Heydrich - handed over to him Marshal �SLOVAKIA 53 Tukachevski.) The late Hubert Ripka, a close associate of Benes, later minister of trade in the second Czech Republic, still later an exile in London, tried at the time to disperse the fears of the less attentive: "I know that in certain circles within the West it is feared that we could become Russian vassals, but the name of Dr. Benes is the best guarantee for the independence of the (>SR" (Central European Observer, 1943, p. 304). And Benes himself appealed as follows to his fellow-countrymen : "Don't let the Germans lead you astray when they speak to you of Bolshevist terror and dictatorship; the Soviet Union desires nothing more than to be our friend. Our State will be a democracy, naturally a people's democracy new style" (Central European Observer, 194'5, p. 194.) One can hardly say that Benes kept his aims secret. He knew at all times how to adapt himself to the mentality of those on whom he was dependent. If h e posed to the western statesmen at the peace conference of St. Germain in 1919 as a representative of a "middle-class government", which would be rejected by the "Marxist Sudeten Germans" , he went overboard in the other direction in 1943 and 1945 in displaying even more Communist zeal than the Czech emigres in Moscow. He states in his Memoirs (p. 126) that he feared he had not gone far enough in his talks with the Czech Communists in Moscow, until Fierlinger reassured him that the conference "had followed a most satisfying course and surpassed all expectations." The result alluded to in the latter statement showed itself in 19415, when Benes convoked the first Czech government in Kosice. The Communists put up two deputy premiers and received the important ministries of interior, education, information and agriculture. A Communist secretary of state was paired with non-partisan foreign minister, Jan Masaryk. In Kosice a "program of the new Czecho-Slovak Government of the National Front of Czech and Slovaks" was proclaimed, which began with the country's Bolshevization. This declaration is replete with expressions of "undying gratitude for the glorious and heroic Red Army, admiration for the unrivalled Soviet art of war," while the west- �54 SLOVAKIA ern allies were mentioned in only one sentence. Partially out of gratitude to the "glorious Soviet Union," Benes ceded the Carpatho-Ukraine - which had been a part of the first republic from 1919 to 1939 - to the Soviet Union, 'although he had always insisted on the pre- Munich boundaries, within which the Carpatho-Ukraine was situated. In the Kosice Program reference is again made to the fact that the country's foreign policy is "determined for all time" by the Moscow treaty of 1943. At the same time it was announced that the republic would maintain "close fraternal relations" with all the Slavic countries (all of which were under Bolshevist control). Even Hungary, looked upon as an arch-enemy during the period of the first Czech republic, was now received into this circle of friendships, meantime having become Bolshevist-dominated! Benes had thus foreseen Prague's entrance into the Cominform. In order to pave the way intellectually for central Muscovite rule, Benes appointed Communist Nejedly as minister of education and Communist Kopecky as minister of information. He gave them - in the Kosice Program - certain guidelines calling for a "revision of the relationship to German culture," which in plain language meant a clean break in a centuries old spiritual tie with the West. This also meant indoctrinating Czech and Slovak youth in the "creation, development, economy, and culture of the USSR" and the "disappearance from school books and youth education programs of anti-Soviet influences." Russian became the top priority foreign language in the schools; and replacing the humanistic education of former years was the requirement of "history of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union." All this took place within the initial stages of Benes's presidency, not under his successor Gottwald. The latter did not need to alter the set-up, because Benes made thorough preparations. Benes's minister of education declared: "Right now (1945) we must choose between Eeast and West. I do not think there is any question as far as the Czech people are concerned. We belong to the great Slavic family of nations led by the mighty Russian nation with the great leader Stalin as its head" ("Unity" June, 2, �SLOVAKIA 55 1945). Those who saw little to rejoice in at the Bolshevization of the country were lulled into submission by the .strains of Pan-Slavism. Hand in glove with a foreign-political adjustment to Russian plans and those of the satellites came a radical domestic political change. All elements of opposition were ,crushed. All parties not belonging to the "National l<ront" - and they were the strongest parties till 19·39 - were forbidden, to say nothing of the dispossession and expulsion of the Sudeten Germans and Magyars. Benes used the "people's courts" to get rid of his opponents, whom he threw into jail as "arch-traitors" and collaborators" or sent to the gallows. All regard for democratic or human rights was tossed to the four winds. "I am a real democrat," said Benes. "I know that in the development of nations and States there are times when violent revolutions are necessary" (-Memoirs, p. 285). This of course meant expelling of the Sudeten Germans (national revolution) which made rapid Bolshevization of the country much easier. From the wealth of these expelled a 'W'und of National Revival" was created and placed under State control. It was not just a question of robbing the Sudeten German population. This act of spoliage was but the first blow at the existing economic order. Benes's economic decrees of 1945 were to bear this out in crystal clarity. They called for certain factories to be dispossessed and nationalized in principle, and for all factories with more than 50 employees as well. By his decrees "on penal protection of national enterprises," "penal protection of the execution of the two-year economic plan," "measures for executing national mobilization of the labor force," the Communist economic system was introduced as early as 1945. Everything that smacked of compulsion, uncommnoly stringent economic penal law, were not just the achievements of the February Revolution, but the work of Benes and his team. The field of agriculture experienced like changes. The property stolen from the Germans was handed over to Communists who had served the government well. Care was taken to create socalled "midget" agricultural enterprises that were not long �56 SLOVAKIA self-supporting and of necessity led to forming of kholkhozes. There was not much left for Gottwald to do. From Benes he had inherited the Moscow political course, education based on a Bolshevist pattern, a "National Front" without opposition, liquidation of basic rights, and a Communist planned economy. All this continued according to plan. The parliamentary elections of 1'946 brought the Communists 38 % of the vote, and Benes appointed Gottwald premier supported ·b y eight other Communist ministers. The wheels were well oiled; the new machine functioned beautifully. The minister of information set about to prohibit all publications stemming from other-than-government parties, one of which had already been dissolved. When Czech-Slovakia began to ogle Marshall Plan funds, Moscow soon let it be known how the Russian-Czech treaty of 1943 was to be interpreted. Gott w a 1 d repeated Benes 's mouthings about C-SR being a "people's democracy", pointed out that this was no longer an "old-fashioned bourgeois republic" but a socialist republic based on a system of nationalized economy. And no doubt - in 1947 - he was right. The Communist minister of the interior armed his police force and cleansed it of "unreliable" elements. The Communists forced the few non-Communist ministers to resign. Benes for the second time put his name on a new list of ministers, 'headed by Klement Gottwald, and received still more Com;munists than had thus far been the case. A month later Masaryk the younger plunged from the third floor of the Czech foreign ministry in Czernin Palace. Benes abdicated in June, 194'8, for the second time within ten years and died shortly thereafter. 1 The so-called "February Putsch" is referred to as the "violent end of freedom-loving Czecho~Slovak democracy." But on February 25, 1948, little more occured than the Communists threw some non-Communists out of the government. The Communists were no longer in need of the further support of their collaborators. (Sudeten Bulletin) � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1958, Vol. 8 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 26), March 1958.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 27), June 1958.</li> <li>Issue 3 (No. 28), December 1958.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1958 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 52 SLOVAKIA •RICHARD WEISHAR THE ROOTS OF OOMMUNISM IN THE C-SR I,F ONE TAKES THE TROUBLE to examine events preceding the February, 1948, "coup d'etat" in Czecho-Slovakia, he will soon learn that the ratification of the Communist list of cabinet members by Benes was but the finishing touch to his signatures on two other documents: the Russian-Czech treaty of December 12, 1943, and Kosice Program of April 5, 1945, by means of which Benes and the other "democrats" marked out their post-war aims. Just as in 1919, Benes was again able to dupe the western foreign powers both during and after the second world war. They looked upon his state as the "lighthouse of democracy", which he himself praised as such, and were very much surprised when atop this lighthouse the red flag was hoisted. Had people but taken cognizance of Benes's statements, the awakening would not have been quite so rough. For no matter how little Benes's words from 1919 to 1938 dovetailed with the truth, there is one thing he cannot rightly be accused of. He and his associates never were ambiguous, in dealing with the West which granted them asylum, as to the direction in which they would steer the second Czech republic after an eventual German defeat. His allies, however, felt there was no reason to take serious interest in Benes's written and spoken statements. They were only too glad to find in him a fellow who was far out in front with respect to hating anything German. His hatred, in fact, found only one satisfying outlet: the expulsion of 3½ millions Sudeten Germans from their ancestral homesteads. To execute this deed he needed the agreement of the allies, who simply followed the example of Josef Stalin. The price for Stalin's consent was that "treaty on friendship, cooperation and mutual aid in the post-war period between the USSR and C-SR" of December 12, 1943, in which the country was sold out to Russia. (Stalin was furthermore beholden to Benes for having - as an unconscious tool of Heydrich - handed over to him Marshal SLOVAKIA 53 Tukachevski.) The late Hubert Ripka, a close associate of Benes, later minister of trade in the second Czech Republic, still later an exile in London, tried at the time to disperse the fears of the less attentive: "I know that in certain circles within the West it is feared that we could become Russian vassals, but the name of Dr. Benes is the best guarantee for the independence of the (>SR" (Central European Observer, 1943, p. 304). And Benes himself appealed as follows to his fellow-countrymen : "Don't let the Germans lead you astray when they speak to you of Bolshevist terror and dictatorship; the Soviet Union desires nothing more than to be our friend. Our State will be a democracy, naturally a people's democracy new style" (Central European Observer, 194'5, p. 194.) One can hardly say that Benes kept his aims secret. He knew at all times how to adapt himself to the mentality of those on whom he was dependent. If h e posed to the western statesmen at the peace conference of St. Germain in 1919 as a representative of a "middle-class government", which would be rejected by the "Marxist Sudeten Germans" , he went overboard in the other direction in 1943 and 1945 in displaying even more Communist zeal than the Czech emigres in Moscow. He states in his Memoirs (p. 126) that he feared he had not gone far enough in his talks with the Czech Communists in Moscow, until Fierlinger reassured him that the conference "had followed a most satisfying course and surpassed all expectations." The result alluded to in the latter statement showed itself in 19415, when Benes convoked the first Czech government in Kosice. The Communists put up two deputy premiers and received the important ministries of interior, education, information and agriculture. A Communist secretary of state was paired with non-partisan foreign minister, Jan Masaryk. In Kosice a "program of the new Czecho-Slovak Government of the National Front of Czech and Slovaks" was proclaimed, which began with the country's Bolshevization. This declaration is replete with expressions of "undying gratitude for the glorious and heroic Red Army, admiration for the unrivalled Soviet art of war," while the west- 54 SLOVAKIA ern allies were mentioned in only one sentence. Partially out of gratitude to the "glorious Soviet Union," Benes ceded the Carpatho-Ukraine - which had been a part of the first republic from 1919 to 1939 - to the Soviet Union, 'although he had always insisted on the pre- Munich boundaries, within which the Carpatho-Ukraine was situated. In the Kosice Program reference is again made to the fact that the country's foreign policy is "determined for all time" by the Moscow treaty of 1943. At the same time it was announced that the republic would maintain "close fraternal relations" with all the Slavic countries (all of which were under Bolshevist control). Even Hungary, looked upon as an arch-enemy during the period of the first Czech republic, was now received into this circle of friendships, meantime having become Bolshevist-dominated! Benes had thus foreseen Prague's entrance into the Cominform. In order to pave the way intellectually for central Muscovite rule, Benes appointed Communist Nejedly as minister of education and Communist Kopecky as minister of information. He gave them - in the Kosice Program - certain guidelines calling for a "revision of the relationship to German culture," which in plain language meant a clean break in a centuries old spiritual tie with the West. This also meant indoctrinating Czech and Slovak youth in the "creation, development, economy, and culture of the USSR" and the "disappearance from school books and youth education programs of anti-Soviet influences." Russian became the top priority foreign language in the schools; and replacing the humanistic education of former years was the requirement of "history of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union." All this took place within the initial stages of Benes's presidency, not under his successor Gottwald. The latter did not need to alter the set-up, because Benes made thorough preparations. Benes's minister of education declared: "Right now (1945) we must choose between Eeast and West. I do not think there is any question as far as the Czech people are concerned. We belong to the great Slavic family of nations led by the mighty Russian nation with the great leader Stalin as its head" ("Unity" June, 2, SLOVAKIA 55 1945). Those who saw little to rejoice in at the Bolshevization of the country were lulled into submission by the .strains of Pan-Slavism. Hand in glove with a foreign-political adjustment to Russian plans and those of the satellites came a radical domestic political change. All elements of opposition were ,crushed. All parties not belonging to the "National l<ront" - and they were the strongest parties till 19·39 - were forbidden, to say nothing of the dispossession and expulsion of the Sudeten Germans and Magyars. Benes used the "people's courts" to get rid of his opponents, whom he threw into jail as "arch-traitors" and collaborators" or sent to the gallows. All regard for democratic or human rights was tossed to the four winds. "I am a real democrat," said Benes. "I know that in the development of nations and States there are times when violent revolutions are necessary" (-Memoirs, p. 285). This of course meant expelling of the Sudeten Germans (national revolution) which made rapid Bolshevization of the country much easier. From the wealth of these expelled a 'W'und of National Revival" was created and placed under State control. It was not just a question of robbing the Sudeten German population. This act of spoliage was but the first blow at the existing economic order. Benes's economic decrees of 1945 were to bear this out in crystal clarity. They called for certain factories to be dispossessed and nationalized in principle, and for all factories with more than 50 employees as well. By his decrees "on penal protection of national enterprises," "penal protection of the execution of the two-year economic plan," "measures for executing national mobilization of the labor force," the Communist economic system was introduced as early as 1945. Everything that smacked of compulsion, uncommnoly stringent economic penal law, were not just the achievements of the February Revolution, but the work of Benes and his team. The field of agriculture experienced like changes. The property stolen from the Germans was handed over to Communists who had served the government well. Care was taken to create socalled "midget" agricultural enterprises that were not long 56 SLOVAKIA self-supporting and of necessity led to forming of kholkhozes. There was not much left for Gottwald to do. From Benes he had inherited the Moscow political course, education based on a Bolshevist pattern, a "National Front" without opposition, liquidation of basic rights, and a Communist planned economy. All this continued according to plan. The parliamentary elections of 1'946 brought the Communists 38 % of the vote, and Benes appointed Gottwald premier supported ·b y eight other Communist ministers. The wheels were well oiled; the new machine functioned beautifully. The minister of information set about to prohibit all publications stemming from other-than-government parties, one of which had already been dissolved. When Czech-Slovakia began to ogle Marshall Plan funds, Moscow soon let it be known how the Russian-Czech treaty of 1943 was to be interpreted. Gott w a 1 d repeated Benes 's mouthings about C-SR being a "people's democracy", pointed out that this was no longer an "old-fashioned bourgeois republic" but a socialist republic based on a system of nationalized economy. And no doubt - in 1947 - he was right. The Communist minister of the interior armed his police force and cleansed it of "unreliable" elements. The Communists forced the few non-Communist ministers to resign. Benes for the second time put his name on a new list of ministers, 'headed by Klement Gottwald, and received still more Com;munists than had thus far been the case. A month later Masaryk the younger plunged from the third floor of the Czech foreign ministry in Czernin Palace. Benes abdicated in June, 194'8, for the second time within ten years and died shortly thereafter. 1 The so-called "February Putsch" is referred to as the "violent end of freedom-loving Czecho~Slovak democracy." But on February 25, 1948, little more occured than the Communists threw some non-Communists out of the government. The Communists were no longer in need of the further support of their collaborators. (Sudeten Bulletin)  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Roots of Communism in the Č-SR Description An account of the resource Richard Weishar Slovakia, Vol. 8, No. 3 (28), December 1958 pp. 52-56 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Weishar, Richard Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource December 1958 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/98ef07010f1a1cd98244cc4998b659fe.pdf af405f39714999cc5424511c38773a93 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 57 - - - - - - -- -- ANDREW HLINKA AND PRAGUE By CONSTANTINE tULEN After the Czecho-Slovak Republic was born, two significant Slovak personalities became "problems" for the governing group in Prague, the men handpicked by T. G. Masaryk and Eduard Benes to run the infant state. The first was General Milan R. Stefanik. When the first World War was just about over, and T. G. Masaryk, at that time in Japan, had named the first Czecho-Slovak Government, Stefanik was named War Minister, while the department of Foreign Affairs was entrusted to Dr. Edward Benes. Stefanik expressed no desire for the office given him by Masaryk; he did not expect to be appointed War Minister, but Minister of Foreign Affairs of the new state, since he had opened the door for Masaryk to diplomatic circles which were most responsible for the creation of Czecho-Slovakia. Benes was a political unknown at that time, a politician without any practical political experience. As a result there was a conflict between Benes and Stefanik. The latter, however, was far away from Prague and not very close to Masaryk, while Benes, regarded as Masaryk's intimate and understudy, was right in Prague. Among the very first orders issued by Benes in Prague to his subordinates and lieutenants was the order to inform Slovak factors "in a proper manner" about Stefanik. In the secret documents of Benes's archive there were several accounts about reporting on Stefanik in such a "proper manner." From the tone of the accounts, it is evident that the information given Slovak factors in regard to Stefanik was anything but favorable to him even before he decided to return home. The documents frequently mentioned the "Stefanik problem." And those who regarded Stefanik as the most important problem of the new republic gave out with a sigh of relief when Stefanik's plane was shot up and crashed, killing its occupants, as it neared Bratislava on that fateful day of May 4, 1919. The same men went to Bradlo, made a few nice speeches, and had a gigantic mound built over the dead Stefanik, "one of the �58 SLOVAKIA founders of the Czecho-Slovak Republic." But even this the Benes Czechs would prefer to forget today. Thereafter, the "Stefanik problem" ceased to be a problem! The second Slovak personality that entered the life of the Czecho-Slovak Republic as a "problem" was Andrew Hlinka. In a way, Hlinka was given the same treatment as Stefanik. Before he had come to Prague, the same people in the service of Benes made it their business to inform the Czechs about the "Andrew Hlinka problem." In the life of Andrew Hlinka, between the end of October, 1918, and the end of January, 1919, there is a colossal abyss. In 1918, Hlinka was the only one in Slovakia who spoke out clearly and forcefully for secession from the Magyars and for union with the Czechs to form a common political state on the basis of "equals with equals." At the meeting in Martin, in May 1918, he prevented the flight of Slovak leaders from politics, shouting down Dula who wanted to resign the chairmanship of the group. At that time Hlinka said: "Let us not circumvent the issue, but let us say outright that we are for a Czech-Slovak orientation!" In 1918, at two secret meetings and one public meeting, when uncertainty and fear dominated all present, Andrew Hlinka stood up fearlessly and proclaimed: "Our marriage with the Magyars was not successful, we must part." But he went further and said what should be done: "Let us unite with the Czechs in one state." Official Prague had the opportunity to make Hlinka the greatest friend of the Czechs. All it had to do was tell the truth about Hlinka, what Hlinka had done to gain the Slovaks for the new republic. If it had done that, Hlinka would have been greeted in Prague with demonstrations which would have undoubtedly surpassed those in his honor in 1907 after the Cernova massacre. But official Prague had willed it otherwise. Masaryk and Benes and their political servants - were well aware of the fact that Hlinka was a Catholic priest, the leader of the Slovak Catholic People's Party, and a great Slovak patriot and champion of freedom and independence of the Slovak people. A small group of Slovak politicians, handpicked by Masa- �SLOVAKIA 59 ryk and Benes to serve in Prague, saw to it that the "proper" information about Hlinka was propagated. Official Prague could then quote and spread it. It was obvious that the Masaryk-Benes political clique did not want Andrew Hlinka for a friend, so they did what they could to embarrass him and present him in a false light to the people of Czecho-Slovakia to ruin him politically and otherwise. When the Czecho-Slovak State was established, the Slovaks, including Hlinka, had no clear conception of what the new state would be like. That the new state would be run in the spirit of equality of both nations - on that, it seems, all were agreed. The Slovaks would run their country, while the Czechs would be masters of their own household; if the Slovaks needed help, the Czechs would help, but the quantity and quality of such help would be decided by the Slovaks, not the Czechs. The Czechs agreed with this in principle. After Czecho-Slovakia became a reality, some of the men who were afraid to open their mouths before October, 1918, suddenly acquired sufficient courage to run to Prague and tell what they had done for the creation of the state in order to secure political offices for themselves. Hlinka was not one of them. And thereby Hlinka became "dangerous" to the Prague clique of Masaryk and Benes. When Hlinka arrived in Prague as the last of the Slovak deputies, no one told him: "Hlinka, you behaved valiantly, thank you!" No, the Prague politicians, influenced by Masaryk and Benes, could not do that. When Hlinka arrived in Prague he was welcomed not as the greatest friend of the Czechs, but as the worst enemy of the new State. Long debates in parliament revolved around the personality of Andrew Hlinka. Appraising this behavior of the Benes Czechs years later, we can say that it was the first Czech defeat. The history of the advent of Hlinka to Prague and the history of the beginnings of the struggle, which is not finished to date, is very interesting. Andrew Hlinka did not run to Prague as soon as Czecho-Slovakia became a reality, because he realized that Slovakia needed to be consolidated first. Hlinka did not yearn for a ministerial or cabinet position as some Slovak �60 SLOVAKIA politicians did, making it appear as if this were the last station of happiness, or the main prize in the lottery of their life's career. Hlinka came to Prague on January 10, 1919. Hlinka had not been in Prague for a long time - the last time when he lectured in Prague, the city of Prague welcomed him as it had never welcomed any Slovak before or since. It was a welcome fit for a king. But all that seemed to be forgotten now. The majority of Slovak deputies, selected and named by Srobar and approved by Masaryk and Benes, had already taken the oath at previous sessions. The 15th session began with the announcement by chairman Tomasek that Andrew Hlinka, a member of the National Assembly, had presented himself and was ready to take the oath of office. Anton Stefanek read the form of the oath and Hlinka replied: "I do so promise!" At that instant the parliament r esponded with applause. This was the first and, at the same time, the last spontaneous applause that Hlinka received in the Prague parliament from the Czechs and the Czech Slovaks ("Czechoslovaks") . After taking the oath, Hlinka immediately returned home. In less than two weeks, while he was absent, Hlinka became the target of the most vicious and malicious attacks from members of the same parliament. It is strange, when we think of it now, that the attacks wer e initiated by the otherwise keen Czech Social Democrat, Mr. Rudolph Bechyne, who said on January 21, 1919: "I have here the organ of the Czecho-Slovak People's Party, the CZECH. In it is a report of a non-political meeting of Czecho-Slovak Catholics. I read here that the delegate from Slovakia, Andrew Hlinka, spoke at that meeting and this is what he said about the Czechs: ' They are ousting us from our churches!' Allow me to mark this by its right name : it is not dignified for a Catholic priest to lie." "Excellent," exclaimed the parliament, wildly applauding Bechyne. Bechyne: "Hlinka further stated that a hundred Czech teachers are going to Slovakia and what such a teacher knows, that we know." �SLOVAKIA 61 Cuprik: "We got to know that from Moravia!" Bechyiie: "Gentlemen, in such a manner, according to Hlinka's opinion, will be welcomed in Slovakia the Czech teachers, who are going there with real idealism, the kind of idealism we recommend to many of those for whom Hlinka speaks! Furthermore, it says that they are taking religion away from 90 percent of the Catholics. But where is the proof for this? Who is taking religion away from whom? Gentlemen, if anyone took religion away from the people in this war, then it was the army chaplains, about whose activities all soldiers, the faithful and unfaithful believers, are properly informed." As Bechyne continued to speak, he mentioned also that the separation of Church from State is just about ready and closed with this warning : "It is my wish that our public should not be prepared for this act in the manner that it was brought to us in royal Prague by Andrew Blinka, about whose head the aureola is very false." Blinka did have the martyr's aureola: a three-year prison term. And this was something that no other Slovak had. Bechyne's attack was the beginning of a bitter struggle - a struggle which in the end meant the collapse of Czecho-Slovakia, the end of Slovak-Czech collaboration for any sort of common political state. The signal for the attack on Hlinka was given. Even members of the Slovak Club of the Prague parliament caught on quickly; they sensed it would be to their advantage to attack Hlinka in Prague. To ingratiate themselves to the "progressive" Masaryk-Benes Czechs, they willingly and gladly did what they wanted them to do: smear Hlinka. They readily forgot that there were a thousand and one problems in Slovakia. These did not interest them primarily; the big problem was Hlinka. On January 23, 1919, the Prague parliament was the scene of the wildest conversations. The first attack against Blinka was made by Deputy Devecka, who said: "Mr. Hlinka was and is a puzzle for the Slovaks!" The "progressive" Czechs liked that remark, rewarding Devecka's "wisdom" with wild applause, as if he had �62 SLOVAKIA just set another column for the foundations of the newlyborn republic. What Illinka happened to be in 1919, and what the Slovaks thought of him, is not difficult to ascertain at all, but who was Devecka, who was the first Slovak in the Prague parliament to draw a sword against Hlinka? Public sources, literary handbooks, and encyclopediae have nothing to give about Devecka. But it is said by those who are informed that Devecka was a Lutheran preacher, one of the pre-war collaborators of the periodical "Prudy." In short, from time to time, Devecka contributed several lines to a periodical which had some 238 subscribers just before the war began. This was the man, then, who spoke in the name of the Slovak Club of Deputies, of which Hlinka, too, was a member, saying that he and the Club do not identify themselves with Illinka ! Of course, this pleased the Masaryk-Benes politicians exceedingly. Srobar, in his book "Oslobodene Slovensko" (Liberated Slovakia), recalls that there was much distrust of Slovak leaders in Prague for their separatistic stand. Devecka lost no time in assuring Prague that they were good and reliable Slovaks, with the exception of Hlinka, who was, in his estimation, no good. Devecka's speech was complemented by the "Slovensky dennik" (Slovak Daily) with this remark: "Hlinka fears that he will lose power; he does not want Czech enlightenment to shine into the dark corners of the pulpits and that is why he is instigating against progressive teachers.'' The Czechs use the term "devecka" for a maid. In politics that is exactly what Devecka was: an obedient .servant-maid of the Czech socialistic clique, which was determined to neutralize the political activity of Slovak Catholic leaders. During one of his last speeches, on March 5, 1937, Devecka again rehashed the question why Slovak Lutherans had to be employed to help the Czechs in the .administration of government in Slovakia. After nineteen years of Czecho-Slovakia, qualified Slovaks of the Catholic faith still found it difficult to find government employment, because, according to Devecka, it would not be pro- �SLOVAKIA 6'3 per now to replace the non-Catholics in Slovakia after they had performed so faithfully for Czecho-Slovakia. Devecka did not speak the truth. No one in Slovakia said that Slovak Lutherans should be thrown out of offices, but the majority of Slovaks were agreed that Slovak Catholics, too, should be placed in government jobs. Furthermore, few people said throw ALL the Czechs out of Slovakia, but many did speak out against sending more Czechs into Slovakia after the Slovaks did have qualified sons and daughters to fill the various positions which required education and training. Devecka, however, was in the service of the Czech regime in Prague and had to do its bidding for his own sake. Hlinka practically stood alone in the defense of the interests of his Slovak people in 1919. Outside of Juriga, no others were experienced politicians. He was not defended by his own people so much as by Czech Catholics under the leadership of Msgr. Sramek. They backed Hlinka not so much out of love for him, but rather for the practical political considerations which could be exacted with the aid of Hlinka's support. Sramek in fact could more easily and effectively defend Hlinka's clean shield than his own. Later on, of course, we know that Sramek turned against Hlinka and his party, but in 1919 he was Hlinka's "lone defender" so to speak. After Devecka's senseless attack against the absent Hlinka on January 23, 1919, Sramek asked for the floor to reply to Devecka's smear-statements. He had just begun to speak, addressing the members of parliament "most esteemed gentlemen," when a voice boomed out: "And what about ladies?" Sramek answered cooly: "I'm sorry, but I see none here." Thereupon Deputy Zemina (Zeminova) jumped up and shouted: "I am an enemy; I am no lady!" She was right and so was Sramek: Madame Zemina was no lady! Sramek then spoke how necessary it was to cultivate and preserve national unity, particularly at this time (1919) when the borders of the State were not yet defined. Even to this day it is difficult to explain why Sra.mek's words evoked such a storm of protest and opposition. He had attacked no one and had spoken clearly and without malice �64 SLOVAKIA on what he thought was one of the major problems of the new State. In those days, however, it made little difference what Hlinka or Sramek said about anything: all they had to do was ask for the floor and the Czech "progressives" would start barking. I quote from the record for the edification of our readers so they might get an idea of what the "progressive" Deputies in the Prague Parliament were like in the first years of the Republic. Bufival: That means that you must quit inciting against us in the churches! Aust: But it will happen one time that we shall reply to you in the churches. The lights in the heavens are already extinguished! When Sramek asked for a sense of justice and questioned whether the representation in parliament justly represented the people who sent their deputies, Deputy Aust barked: That is FATA MORGANA! Kubicek: Only according to the merits one has gained in the nation. Here every party is represented according to merits which it gained in the nation. "Gentlemen," asked Sramek, "do you really want me to cause a riot in this parliament?" Thereupon the entire parliament resounded with bitter invectives and outcries. When the clamor died down, various members asked and were given the privilege of the floor: Zemina: Well, go ahead and riot! Stransky: Just don't jingle your spurs! Johanis: You're capable of it, Mr. Professor. You used to send people drunk with alcohol against us. Zemina: In Vienna you had no courage. Bufival: In Vienna you made the politics of sneaks. Zemina: Hlinka is inciting against the teachers. Oufik: (one of Sramek's men): Hlinka incites no one; he is a martyr. If Hlinka did not exist, you would have no Slovakia! Markovic: Hlinka did not make Slovakia; he betrayed her. This man is one day a priest and something else the next. I am a Slovak! (Applause). "Allow me," Sramek tried again, "since the day be- �SLOVAKIA 65 fore yesterday the absent Hlinka was attacked in .such a manner ... " - but a booming voice bellowed: This is ingratitude! And then ... Zemina: He attacked Czech teachers. Cufik: Without Hlinka there would have been no Slovakia. To Hlinka belongs the credit that the Slovaks joined the Czechs. He was jailed for two years for the .Slovak cause. Thereupon shouts of ridicule broke out, and a voice ,c ried out: Tell us more, what else did Hlinka do? Markovic: If there were no Masaryk, there would be no Slovaks. Sramek: Permit me, esteemed gentlemen, to state that I felt embarrassed when a member of the presidium of the Czecho-Slovak Social Democratic Party, in such a crude manner, if I must say it, attacked the honor of an absent member of this parliament without ascertaining beforehand exactly what this man had said not in parliament, but at a meeting. Voices: But we read about it in the "Czech." "Esteemed gentlemen, coutinued Sramek, I recall for you what you already know very well, that we are here concerned with every word, every qualifying word, when such a great reproach is made against Andrew Hlinka with falsehoods." Jaros: He does not deserve anything else when he spits at Czech teachers! Zemina: He used to kiss the hand of a Magyar bishop! Sramek: Allow me to state further that there is no proof for what has been said here against Hlinka and no one of us knows exactly what Hlinka said. Jaros: Then he should have retracted it in the newspapers. Sramek: But he is in Slovakia and does not know what is going on here. Stransky: Wen, even one Slovak deputy condemned him. Cufik: From what party? Voice: He, too, was a clerical. Sramek at that time, however, stood his ground, de- �66 SLOVAKIA fending Hlinka against all "progressive" Czechs who wanted to discredit him. Hlinka had a great following in Slovakia, Sramek told the parliament, and by ridiculing and smearing him Hlinka's opponents were not rendering a noble service to the Slovaks and the Czechs and certainly not to the newly-born Czecho-Slovak Republic. When Deputy Bechyne claimed that he heard Hlinka speak against Masaryk in Prostejov and in Brno, Sramek asked him when that happened. When Bechyne replied that it happened b8fore the war, Deputy Sedlacek asked Bechyne what he himself happened to be before the war and what he had said about certain people and matters at that time. Bechyne, of course, would rather not talk about that! Sramek admired Hlinka for standing up for the rights of his people and for his fight in the defense of the individuality of the Slovak people. Promises had been made the Slovaks before they decided to join the Czechs to form a joint political State and those) promises should be kept. And Hlinka had the right to demand that they be kept. Hlinka was and is, Sramek said, for the Czecho-Slovak Republic, but he also is the Slovak nation's symbol of freedom and independence; he should be heard and everything should be done to make the Slovaks feel at home in the new Republic. But Sramek was yelled down by the Czech "progressive" anti-clericals who were egged on by Masaryk's "away from Rome - Rome must be put on trial and condemned !" The Czech press of that time enthusiastically indulged in attacks against Andrew Hlinka. The "Lidove noviny" (People's News) said in an editorial that the regeneration of Slovakia is possible only on the foundation of modern Czech currents. "It will take only a few years and things will be the same in Slovakia as they are in the. Czech lands',' concluded the editorial (Feb. 27, 1919). Stenographic reports of the minutes of the Prague parliament from the beginning of 1919 make particularly interesting reading. They describe some very lively scenes, during which a speaker had to wait quite some time before he could resume speaking. Every mention of Hlinka's name, it seems, caused disturbances, insulting outcries, and �SLOVAKIA 67 bitter attacks. With the exception of the temperamental Bechyne, none of the foremost Czech politicians of the old Vienna school indulged in frivolous, senseless, and unsparing attacks against Hlinka. It is interesting that Markovic was of the opm10n that without Masaryk there would have been no Slovak nation, because it was Masaryk himself who had said that the Slovak nation is the invention of Magyar propaganda and that there was no Slovak nation! Imagine if you will, how much poorer the world would be without T. G. Masaryk: it would have to do without the Slovak nation and without "Czechoslovak" democracy! Masaryk represented the smallest Czech political party, but the world, including the Slovaks and Czechs who knew better, was supposed to believe that "Masaryk's teaching became the national Credo of Czecho-Slovakia." Masaryk, the great "progressive," was put in the saddle by the Allies and his disciples lost no time in building altars in his honor to replace those of the "outmoded, reactionary" saints. Two months after that "glorious October Day" (Oct. 28, 1918) - after Hlinka had come out resolutely against the Magyars and for joining the Czechs - the "progressive" Czechs of Masaryk and Benes proclaimed Hlinka a Magyarone, a coward who had surrendered to the Magyars. Scotus Viator replied at that time: "Hlinka never did submit to the Magyars. He lies who would make a Magyarone of him and makes himself stupid." Hlinka and his people wanted to serve the best interests of their new Republic; they proved this over and over again. But the Masaryk-Benes Czechs, and the Czech Slovaks ("Czechoslovaks") in their service, welcomed Hlinka in Prague as an enemy of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. The consequences of this folly were far-reachring. On January 30, 1919, Hlinka returned to Prague and read the records of the parliamentary sessions to learn what was said about him in his absence. When Hlinka did rise in his own defense, it is interesting to note that the Czech voices, so loud and disturbing when Sramek spoke, were now silent. Since the accusations and allegations made �68 SLOVAKIA against him were of a very serious nature, Hlinka openly demanded an investigation of each and every charge and all accusers. But the Czechs clammed up on that occasion. Markovic, descendant of one of Hlinka's very good friends, stood alone against Hlinka. Hlinka stressed the fact that no one can honestly accuse him of hating the Czechs or of working against the welfare and security of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. He and his followers recognize and respect the right of the Czech people to certain inalienable rights, but by the same token, the Slovaks expect the Czechs and their leaders to recognize and respect the right of the Slovak people to the same inalienable rights. After what had happened in the Prague Parliament, Hlinka quit visiting the Slovak Club of which he was a member, but he did visit the Deputy's Club of Sramek's Czech People's Party. Hlinka later said: "That I appreciate good Czechs is proven by the fact that in Prague I do not visit the Slovak Club, but the Club of the Czech Peoples' Party." • • • WHO SAID IT? "We are deeply convinced that this alliance (with the USSR) is to the benefit of Czechoslovakia and the Soviet Union and that it also is a contribution to international understanding. Whosoever among us does not want to acknowledge this supra-partisan and national character of the Czechoslovak-Soviet alliance, he is undermining this alliance and working against his very own aims." - (Dr. Peter Zenkl, chairman "Council of Free Czechoslovakia," Karlove Vary, July 20, 1947, according to CAS, 7-25-47) . • • • "In Ozech .p olitics, in Ozei:::h national life, it is urgent that we cOlffie to am understanding with the Communist Party . . . the Comnmnist party shahl remain the greatest force in oiur political scheme even after the elections are over, and socialism shall remain the foundation o.f our national life . . . . Coming to tern1s with the Communists is the golden theme of our political philo,so,p hy." - (Ferdinand Perouit:Jka, a Benei:\ Ctzech, DNESEIK, 2-.9-48). � SLOVAKIA 57 - - - - - - -- -- ANDREW HLINKA AND PRAGUE By CONSTANTINE tULEN After the Czecho-Slovak Republic was born, two significant Slovak personalities became "problems" for the governing group in Prague, the men handpicked by T. G. Masaryk and Eduard Benes to run the infant state. The first was General Milan R. Stefanik. When the first World War was just about over, and T. G. Masaryk, at that time in Japan, had named the first Czecho-Slovak Government, Stefanik was named War Minister, while the department of Foreign Affairs was entrusted to Dr. Edward Benes. Stefanik expressed no desire for the office given him by Masaryk; he did not expect to be appointed War Minister, but Minister of Foreign Affairs of the new state, since he had opened the door for Masaryk to diplomatic circles which were most responsible for the creation of Czecho-Slovakia. Benes was a political unknown at that time, a politician without any practical political experience. As a result there was a conflict between Benes and Stefanik. The latter, however, was far away from Prague and not very close to Masaryk, while Benes, regarded as Masaryk's intimate and understudy, was right in Prague. Among the very first orders issued by Benes in Prague to his subordinates and lieutenants was the order to inform Slovak factors "in a proper manner" about Stefanik. In the secret documents of Benes's archive there were several accounts about reporting on Stefanik in such a "proper manner." From the tone of the accounts, it is evident that the information given Slovak factors in regard to Stefanik was anything but favorable to him even before he decided to return home. The documents frequently mentioned the "Stefanik problem." And those who regarded Stefanik as the most important problem of the new republic gave out with a sigh of relief when Stefanik's plane was shot up and crashed, killing its occupants, as it neared Bratislava on that fateful day of May 4, 1919. The same men went to Bradlo, made a few nice speeches, and had a gigantic mound built over the dead Stefanik, "one of the �58 SLOVAKIA founders of the Czecho-Slovak Republic." But even this the Benes Czechs would prefer to forget today. Thereafter, the "Stefanik problem" ceased to be a problem! The second Slovak personality that entered the life of the Czecho-Slovak Republic as a "problem" was Andrew Hlinka. In a way, Hlinka was given the same treatment as Stefanik. Before he had come to Prague, the same people in the service of Benes made it their business to inform the Czechs about the "Andrew Hlinka problem." In the life of Andrew Hlinka, between the end of October, 1918, and the end of January, 1919, there is a colossal abyss. In 1918, Hlinka was the only one in Slovakia who spoke out clearly and forcefully for secession from the Magyars and for union with the Czechs to form a common political state on the basis of "equals with equals." At the meeting in Martin, in May 1918, he prevented the flight of Slovak leaders from politics, shouting down Dula who wanted to resign the chairmanship of the group. At that time Hlinka said: "Let us not circumvent the issue, but let us say outright that we are for a Czech-Slovak orientation!" In 1918, at two secret meetings and one public meeting, when uncertainty and fear dominated all present, Andrew Hlinka stood up fearlessly and proclaimed: "Our marriage with the Magyars was not successful, we must part." But he went further and said what should be done: "Let us unite with the Czechs in one state." Official Prague had the opportunity to make Hlinka the greatest friend of the Czechs. All it had to do was tell the truth about Hlinka, what Hlinka had done to gain the Slovaks for the new republic. If it had done that, Hlinka would have been greeted in Prague with demonstrations which would have undoubtedly surpassed those in his honor in 1907 after the Cernova massacre. But official Prague had willed it otherwise. Masaryk and Benes and their political servants - were well aware of the fact that Hlinka was a Catholic priest, the leader of the Slovak Catholic People's Party, and a great Slovak patriot and champion of freedom and independence of the Slovak people. A small group of Slovak politicians, handpicked by Masa- �SLOVAKIA 59 ryk and Benes to serve in Prague, saw to it that the "proper" information about Hlinka was propagated. Official Prague could then quote and spread it. It was obvious that the Masaryk-Benes political clique did not want Andrew Hlinka for a friend, so they did what they could to embarrass him and present him in a false light to the people of Czecho-Slovakia to ruin him politically and otherwise. When the Czecho-Slovak State was established, the Slovaks, including Hlinka, had no clear conception of what the new state would be like. That the new state would be run in the spirit of equality of both nations - on that, it seems, all were agreed. The Slovaks would run their country, while the Czechs would be masters of their own household; if the Slovaks needed help, the Czechs would help, but the quantity and quality of such help would be decided by the Slovaks, not the Czechs. The Czechs agreed with this in principle. After Czecho-Slovakia became a reality, some of the men who were afraid to open their mouths before October, 1918, suddenly acquired sufficient courage to run to Prague and tell what they had done for the creation of the state in order to secure political offices for themselves. Hlinka was not one of them. And thereby Hlinka became "dangerous" to the Prague clique of Masaryk and Benes. When Hlinka arrived in Prague as the last of the Slovak deputies, no one told him: "Hlinka, you behaved valiantly, thank you!" No, the Prague politicians, influenced by Masaryk and Benes, could not do that. When Hlinka arrived in Prague he was welcomed not as the greatest friend of the Czechs, but as the worst enemy of the new State. Long debates in parliament revolved around the personality of Andrew Hlinka. Appraising this behavior of the Benes Czechs years later, we can say that it was the first Czech defeat. The history of the advent of Hlinka to Prague and the history of the beginnings of the struggle, which is not finished to date, is very interesting. Andrew Hlinka did not run to Prague as soon as Czecho-Slovakia became a reality, because he realized that Slovakia needed to be consolidated first. Hlinka did not yearn for a ministerial or cabinet position as some Slovak �60 SLOVAKIA politicians did, making it appear as if this were the last station of happiness, or the main prize in the lottery of their life's career. Hlinka came to Prague on January 10, 1919. Hlinka had not been in Prague for a long time - the last time when he lectured in Prague, the city of Prague welcomed him as it had never welcomed any Slovak before or since. It was a welcome fit for a king. But all that seemed to be forgotten now. The majority of Slovak deputies, selected and named by Srobar and approved by Masaryk and Benes, had already taken the oath at previous sessions. The 15th session began with the announcement by chairman Tomasek that Andrew Hlinka, a member of the National Assembly, had presented himself and was ready to take the oath of office. Anton Stefanek read the form of the oath and Hlinka replied: "I do so promise!" At that instant the parliament r esponded with applause. This was the first and, at the same time, the last spontaneous applause that Hlinka received in the Prague parliament from the Czechs and the Czech Slovaks ("Czechoslovaks") . After taking the oath, Hlinka immediately returned home. In less than two weeks, while he was absent, Hlinka became the target of the most vicious and malicious attacks from members of the same parliament. It is strange, when we think of it now, that the attacks wer e initiated by the otherwise keen Czech Social Democrat, Mr. Rudolph Bechyne, who said on January 21, 1919: "I have here the organ of the Czecho-Slovak People's Party, the CZECH. In it is a report of a non-political meeting of Czecho-Slovak Catholics. I read here that the delegate from Slovakia, Andrew Hlinka, spoke at that meeting and this is what he said about the Czechs: ' They are ousting us from our churches!' Allow me to mark this by its right name : it is not dignified for a Catholic priest to lie." "Excellent," exclaimed the parliament, wildly applauding Bechyne. Bechyne: "Hlinka further stated that a hundred Czech teachers are going to Slovakia and what such a teacher knows, that we know." �SLOVAKIA 61 Cuprik: "We got to know that from Moravia!" Bechyiie: "Gentlemen, in such a manner, according to Hlinka's opinion, will be welcomed in Slovakia the Czech teachers, who are going there with real idealism, the kind of idealism we recommend to many of those for whom Hlinka speaks! Furthermore, it says that they are taking religion away from 90 percent of the Catholics. But where is the proof for this? Who is taking religion away from whom? Gentlemen, if anyone took religion away from the people in this war, then it was the army chaplains, about whose activities all soldiers, the faithful and unfaithful believers, are properly informed." As Bechyne continued to speak, he mentioned also that the separation of Church from State is just about ready and closed with this warning : "It is my wish that our public should not be prepared for this act in the manner that it was brought to us in royal Prague by Andrew Blinka, about whose head the aureola is very false." Blinka did have the martyr's aureola: a three-year prison term. And this was something that no other Slovak had. Bechyne's attack was the beginning of a bitter struggle - a struggle which in the end meant the collapse of Czecho-Slovakia, the end of Slovak-Czech collaboration for any sort of common political state. The signal for the attack on Hlinka was given. Even members of the Slovak Club of the Prague parliament caught on quickly; they sensed it would be to their advantage to attack Hlinka in Prague. To ingratiate themselves to the "progressive" Masaryk-Benes Czechs, they willingly and gladly did what they wanted them to do: smear Hlinka. They readily forgot that there were a thousand and one problems in Slovakia. These did not interest them primarily; the big problem was Hlinka. On January 23, 1919, the Prague parliament was the scene of the wildest conversations. The first attack against Blinka was made by Deputy Devecka, who said: "Mr. Hlinka was and is a puzzle for the Slovaks!" The "progressive" Czechs liked that remark, rewarding Devecka's "wisdom" with wild applause, as if he had �62 SLOVAKIA just set another column for the foundations of the newlyborn republic. What Illinka happened to be in 1919, and what the Slovaks thought of him, is not difficult to ascertain at all, but who was Devecka, who was the first Slovak in the Prague parliament to draw a sword against Hlinka? Public sources, literary handbooks, and encyclopediae have nothing to give about Devecka. But it is said by those who are informed that Devecka was a Lutheran preacher, one of the pre-war collaborators of the periodical "Prudy." In short, from time to time, Devecka contributed several lines to a periodical which had some 238 subscribers just before the war began. This was the man, then, who spoke in the name of the Slovak Club of Deputies, of which Hlinka, too, was a member, saying that he and the Club do not identify themselves with Illinka ! Of course, this pleased the Masaryk-Benes politicians exceedingly. Srobar, in his book "Oslobodene Slovensko" (Liberated Slovakia), recalls that there was much distrust of Slovak leaders in Prague for their separatistic stand. Devecka lost no time in assuring Prague that they were good and reliable Slovaks, with the exception of Hlinka, who was, in his estimation, no good. Devecka's speech was complemented by the "Slovensky dennik" (Slovak Daily) with this remark: "Hlinka fears that he will lose power; he does not want Czech enlightenment to shine into the dark corners of the pulpits and that is why he is instigating against progressive teachers.'' The Czechs use the term "devecka" for a maid. In politics that is exactly what Devecka was: an obedient .servant-maid of the Czech socialistic clique, which was determined to neutralize the political activity of Slovak Catholic leaders. During one of his last speeches, on March 5, 1937, Devecka again rehashed the question why Slovak Lutherans had to be employed to help the Czechs in the .administration of government in Slovakia. After nineteen years of Czecho-Slovakia, qualified Slovaks of the Catholic faith still found it difficult to find government employment, because, according to Devecka, it would not be pro- �SLOVAKIA 6'3 per now to replace the non-Catholics in Slovakia after they had performed so faithfully for Czecho-Slovakia. Devecka did not speak the truth. No one in Slovakia said that Slovak Lutherans should be thrown out of offices, but the majority of Slovaks were agreed that Slovak Catholics, too, should be placed in government jobs. Furthermore, few people said throw ALL the Czechs out of Slovakia, but many did speak out against sending more Czechs into Slovakia after the Slovaks did have qualified sons and daughters to fill the various positions which required education and training. Devecka, however, was in the service of the Czech regime in Prague and had to do its bidding for his own sake. Hlinka practically stood alone in the defense of the interests of his Slovak people in 1919. Outside of Juriga, no others were experienced politicians. He was not defended by his own people so much as by Czech Catholics under the leadership of Msgr. Sramek. They backed Hlinka not so much out of love for him, but rather for the practical political considerations which could be exacted with the aid of Hlinka's support. Sramek in fact could more easily and effectively defend Hlinka's clean shield than his own. Later on, of course, we know that Sramek turned against Hlinka and his party, but in 1919 he was Hlinka's "lone defender" so to speak. After Devecka's senseless attack against the absent Hlinka on January 23, 1919, Sramek asked for the floor to reply to Devecka's smear-statements. He had just begun to speak, addressing the members of parliament "most esteemed gentlemen," when a voice boomed out: "And what about ladies?" Sramek answered cooly: "I'm sorry, but I see none here." Thereupon Deputy Zemina (Zeminova) jumped up and shouted: "I am an enemy; I am no lady!" She was right and so was Sramek: Madame Zemina was no lady! Sramek then spoke how necessary it was to cultivate and preserve national unity, particularly at this time (1919) when the borders of the State were not yet defined. Even to this day it is difficult to explain why Sra.mek's words evoked such a storm of protest and opposition. He had attacked no one and had spoken clearly and without malice �64 SLOVAKIA on what he thought was one of the major problems of the new State. In those days, however, it made little difference what Hlinka or Sramek said about anything: all they had to do was ask for the floor and the Czech "progressives" would start barking. I quote from the record for the edification of our readers so they might get an idea of what the "progressive" Deputies in the Prague Parliament were like in the first years of the Republic. Bufival: That means that you must quit inciting against us in the churches! Aust: But it will happen one time that we shall reply to you in the churches. The lights in the heavens are already extinguished! When Sramek asked for a sense of justice and questioned whether the representation in parliament justly represented the people who sent their deputies, Deputy Aust barked: That is FATA MORGANA! Kubicek: Only according to the merits one has gained in the nation. Here every party is represented according to merits which it gained in the nation. "Gentlemen," asked Sramek, "do you really want me to cause a riot in this parliament?" Thereupon the entire parliament resounded with bitter invectives and outcries. When the clamor died down, various members asked and were given the privilege of the floor: Zemina: Well, go ahead and riot! Stransky: Just don't jingle your spurs! Johanis: You're capable of it, Mr. Professor. You used to send people drunk with alcohol against us. Zemina: In Vienna you had no courage. Bufival: In Vienna you made the politics of sneaks. Zemina: Hlinka is inciting against the teachers. Oufik: (one of Sramek's men): Hlinka incites no one; he is a martyr. If Hlinka did not exist, you would have no Slovakia! Markovic: Hlinka did not make Slovakia; he betrayed her. This man is one day a priest and something else the next. I am a Slovak! (Applause). "Allow me," Sramek tried again, "since the day be- �SLOVAKIA 65 fore yesterday the absent Hlinka was attacked in .such a manner ... " - but a booming voice bellowed: This is ingratitude! And then ... Zemina: He attacked Czech teachers. Cufik: Without Hlinka there would have been no Slovakia. To Hlinka belongs the credit that the Slovaks joined the Czechs. He was jailed for two years for the .Slovak cause. Thereupon shouts of ridicule broke out, and a voice ,c ried out: Tell us more, what else did Hlinka do? Markovic: If there were no Masaryk, there would be no Slovaks. Sramek: Permit me, esteemed gentlemen, to state that I felt embarrassed when a member of the presidium of the Czecho-Slovak Social Democratic Party, in such a crude manner, if I must say it, attacked the honor of an absent member of this parliament without ascertaining beforehand exactly what this man had said not in parliament, but at a meeting. Voices: But we read about it in the "Czech." "Esteemed gentlemen, coutinued Sramek, I recall for you what you already know very well, that we are here concerned with every word, every qualifying word, when such a great reproach is made against Andrew Hlinka with falsehoods." Jaros: He does not deserve anything else when he spits at Czech teachers! Zemina: He used to kiss the hand of a Magyar bishop! Sramek: Allow me to state further that there is no proof for what has been said here against Hlinka and no one of us knows exactly what Hlinka said. Jaros: Then he should have retracted it in the newspapers. Sramek: But he is in Slovakia and does not know what is going on here. Stransky: Wen, even one Slovak deputy condemned him. Cufik: From what party? Voice: He, too, was a clerical. Sramek at that time, however, stood his ground, de- �66 SLOVAKIA fending Hlinka against all "progressive" Czechs who wanted to discredit him. Hlinka had a great following in Slovakia, Sramek told the parliament, and by ridiculing and smearing him Hlinka's opponents were not rendering a noble service to the Slovaks and the Czechs and certainly not to the newly-born Czecho-Slovak Republic. When Deputy Bechyne claimed that he heard Hlinka speak against Masaryk in Prostejov and in Brno, Sramek asked him when that happened. When Bechyne replied that it happened b8fore the war, Deputy Sedlacek asked Bechyne what he himself happened to be before the war and what he had said about certain people and matters at that time. Bechyne, of course, would rather not talk about that! Sramek admired Hlinka for standing up for the rights of his people and for his fight in the defense of the individuality of the Slovak people. Promises had been made the Slovaks before they decided to join the Czechs to form a joint political State and those) promises should be kept. And Hlinka had the right to demand that they be kept. Hlinka was and is, Sramek said, for the Czecho-Slovak Republic, but he also is the Slovak nation's symbol of freedom and independence; he should be heard and everything should be done to make the Slovaks feel at home in the new Republic. But Sramek was yelled down by the Czech "progressive" anti-clericals who were egged on by Masaryk's "away from Rome - Rome must be put on trial and condemned !" The Czech press of that time enthusiastically indulged in attacks against Andrew Hlinka. The "Lidove noviny" (People's News) said in an editorial that the regeneration of Slovakia is possible only on the foundation of modern Czech currents. "It will take only a few years and things will be the same in Slovakia as they are in the. Czech lands',' concluded the editorial (Feb. 27, 1919). Stenographic reports of the minutes of the Prague parliament from the beginning of 1919 make particularly interesting reading. They describe some very lively scenes, during which a speaker had to wait quite some time before he could resume speaking. Every mention of Hlinka's name, it seems, caused disturbances, insulting outcries, and �SLOVAKIA 67 bitter attacks. With the exception of the temperamental Bechyne, none of the foremost Czech politicians of the old Vienna school indulged in frivolous, senseless, and unsparing attacks against Hlinka. It is interesting that Markovic was of the opm10n that without Masaryk there would have been no Slovak nation, because it was Masaryk himself who had said that the Slovak nation is the invention of Magyar propaganda and that there was no Slovak nation! Imagine if you will, how much poorer the world would be without T. G. Masaryk: it would have to do without the Slovak nation and without "Czechoslovak" democracy! Masaryk represented the smallest Czech political party, but the world, including the Slovaks and Czechs who knew better, was supposed to believe that "Masaryk's teaching became the national Credo of Czecho-Slovakia." Masaryk, the great "progressive," was put in the saddle by the Allies and his disciples lost no time in building altars in his honor to replace those of the "outmoded, reactionary" saints. Two months after that "glorious October Day" (Oct. 28, 1918) - after Hlinka had come out resolutely against the Magyars and for joining the Czechs - the "progressive" Czechs of Masaryk and Benes proclaimed Hlinka a Magyarone, a coward who had surrendered to the Magyars. Scotus Viator replied at that time: "Hlinka never did submit to the Magyars. He lies who would make a Magyarone of him and makes himself stupid." Hlinka and his people wanted to serve the best interests of their new Republic; they proved this over and over again. But the Masaryk-Benes Czechs, and the Czech Slovaks ("Czechoslovaks") in their service, welcomed Hlinka in Prague as an enemy of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. The consequences of this folly were far-reachring. On January 30, 1919, Hlinka returned to Prague and read the records of the parliamentary sessions to learn what was said about him in his absence. When Hlinka did rise in his own defense, it is interesting to note that the Czech voices, so loud and disturbing when Sramek spoke, were now silent. Since the accusations and allegations made �68 SLOVAKIA against him were of a very serious nature, Hlinka openly demanded an investigation of each and every charge and all accusers. But the Czechs clammed up on that occasion. Markovic, descendant of one of Hlinka's very good friends, stood alone against Hlinka. Hlinka stressed the fact that no one can honestly accuse him of hating the Czechs or of working against the welfare and security of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. He and his followers recognize and respect the right of the Czech people to certain inalienable rights, but by the same token, the Slovaks expect the Czechs and their leaders to recognize and respect the right of the Slovak people to the same inalienable rights. After what had happened in the Prague Parliament, Hlinka quit visiting the Slovak Club of which he was a member, but he did visit the Deputy's Club of Sramek's Czech People's Party. Hlinka later said: "That I appreciate good Czechs is proven by the fact that in Prague I do not visit the Slovak Club, but the Club of the Czech Peoples' Party." • • • WHO SAID IT? "We are deeply convinced that this alliance (with the USSR) is to the benefit of Czechoslovakia and the Soviet Union and that it also is a contribution to international understanding. Whosoever among us does not want to acknowledge this supra-partisan and national character of the Czechoslovak-Soviet alliance, he is undermining this alliance and working against his very own aims." - (Dr. Peter Zenkl, chairman "Council of Free Czechoslovakia," Karlove Vary, July 20, 1947, according to CAS, 7-25-47) . • • • "In Ozech .p olitics, in Ozei:::h national life, it is urgent that we cOlffie to am understanding with the Communist Party . . . the Comnmnist party shahl remain the greatest force in oiur political scheme even after the elections are over, and socialism shall remain the foundation o.f our national life . . . . Coming to tern1s with the Communists is the golden theme of our political philo,so,p hy." - (Ferdinand Perouit:Jka, a Benei:\ Ctzech, DNESEIK, 2-.9-48). � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1958, Vol. 8 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 26), March 1958.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 27), June 1958.</li> <li>Issue 3 (No. 28), December 1958.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1958 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 57 - - - - - - -- -- ANDREW HLINKA AND PRAGUE By CONSTANTINE tULEN After the Czecho-Slovak Republic was born, two significant Slovak personalities became "problems" for the governing group in Prague, the men handpicked by T. G. Masaryk and Eduard Benes to run the infant state. The first was General Milan R. Stefanik. When the first World War was just about over, and T. G. Masaryk, at that time in Japan, had named the first Czecho-Slovak Government, Stefanik was named War Minister, while the department of Foreign Affairs was entrusted to Dr. Edward Benes. Stefanik expressed no desire for the office given him by Masaryk; he did not expect to be appointed War Minister, but Minister of Foreign Affairs of the new state, since he had opened the door for Masaryk to diplomatic circles which were most responsible for the creation of Czecho-Slovakia. Benes was a political unknown at that time, a politician without any practical political experience. As a result there was a conflict between Benes and Stefanik. The latter, however, was far away from Prague and not very close to Masaryk, while Benes, regarded as Masaryk's intimate and understudy, was right in Prague. Among the very first orders issued by Benes in Prague to his subordinates and lieutenants was the order to inform Slovak factors "in a proper manner" about Stefanik. In the secret documents of Benes's archive there were several accounts about reporting on Stefanik in such a "proper manner." From the tone of the accounts, it is evident that the information given Slovak factors in regard to Stefanik was anything but favorable to him even before he decided to return home. The documents frequently mentioned the "Stefanik problem." And those who regarded Stefanik as the most important problem of the new republic gave out with a sigh of relief when Stefanik's plane was shot up and crashed, killing its occupants, as it neared Bratislava on that fateful day of May 4, 1919. The same men went to Bradlo, made a few nice speeches, and had a gigantic mound built over the dead Stefanik, "one of the 58 SLOVAKIA founders of the Czecho-Slovak Republic." But even this the Benes Czechs would prefer to forget today. Thereafter, the "Stefanik problem" ceased to be a problem! The second Slovak personality that entered the life of the Czecho-Slovak Republic as a "problem" was Andrew Hlinka. In a way, Hlinka was given the same treatment as Stefanik. Before he had come to Prague, the same people in the service of Benes made it their business to inform the Czechs about the "Andrew Hlinka problem." In the life of Andrew Hlinka, between the end of October, 1918, and the end of January, 1919, there is a colossal abyss. In 1918, Hlinka was the only one in Slovakia who spoke out clearly and forcefully for secession from the Magyars and for union with the Czechs to form a common political state on the basis of "equals with equals." At the meeting in Martin, in May 1918, he prevented the flight of Slovak leaders from politics, shouting down Dula who wanted to resign the chairmanship of the group. At that time Hlinka said: "Let us not circumvent the issue, but let us say outright that we are for a Czech-Slovak orientation!" In 1918, at two secret meetings and one public meeting, when uncertainty and fear dominated all present, Andrew Hlinka stood up fearlessly and proclaimed: "Our marriage with the Magyars was not successful, we must part." But he went further and said what should be done: "Let us unite with the Czechs in one state." Official Prague had the opportunity to make Hlinka the greatest friend of the Czechs. All it had to do was tell the truth about Hlinka, what Hlinka had done to gain the Slovaks for the new republic. If it had done that, Hlinka would have been greeted in Prague with demonstrations which would have undoubtedly surpassed those in his honor in 1907 after the Cernova massacre. But official Prague had willed it otherwise. Masaryk and Benes and their political servants - were well aware of the fact that Hlinka was a Catholic priest, the leader of the Slovak Catholic People's Party, and a great Slovak patriot and champion of freedom and independence of the Slovak people. A small group of Slovak politicians, handpicked by Masa- SLOVAKIA 59 ryk and Benes to serve in Prague, saw to it that the "proper" information about Hlinka was propagated. Official Prague could then quote and spread it. It was obvious that the Masaryk-Benes political clique did not want Andrew Hlinka for a friend, so they did what they could to embarrass him and present him in a false light to the people of Czecho-Slovakia to ruin him politically and otherwise. When the Czecho-Slovak State was established, the Slovaks, including Hlinka, had no clear conception of what the new state would be like. That the new state would be run in the spirit of equality of both nations - on that, it seems, all were agreed. The Slovaks would run their country, while the Czechs would be masters of their own household; if the Slovaks needed help, the Czechs would help, but the quantity and quality of such help would be decided by the Slovaks, not the Czechs. The Czechs agreed with this in principle. After Czecho-Slovakia became a reality, some of the men who were afraid to open their mouths before October, 1918, suddenly acquired sufficient courage to run to Prague and tell what they had done for the creation of the state in order to secure political offices for themselves. Hlinka was not one of them. And thereby Hlinka became "dangerous" to the Prague clique of Masaryk and Benes. When Hlinka arrived in Prague as the last of the Slovak deputies, no one told him: "Hlinka, you behaved valiantly, thank you!" No, the Prague politicians, influenced by Masaryk and Benes, could not do that. When Hlinka arrived in Prague he was welcomed not as the greatest friend of the Czechs, but as the worst enemy of the new State. Long debates in parliament revolved around the personality of Andrew Hlinka. Appraising this behavior of the Benes Czechs years later, we can say that it was the first Czech defeat. The history of the advent of Hlinka to Prague and the history of the beginnings of the struggle, which is not finished to date, is very interesting. Andrew Hlinka did not run to Prague as soon as Czecho-Slovakia became a reality, because he realized that Slovakia needed to be consolidated first. Hlinka did not yearn for a ministerial or cabinet position as some Slovak 60 SLOVAKIA politicians did, making it appear as if this were the last station of happiness, or the main prize in the lottery of their life's career. Hlinka came to Prague on January 10, 1919. Hlinka had not been in Prague for a long time - the last time when he lectured in Prague, the city of Prague welcomed him as it had never welcomed any Slovak before or since. It was a welcome fit for a king. But all that seemed to be forgotten now. The majority of Slovak deputies, selected and named by Srobar and approved by Masaryk and Benes, had already taken the oath at previous sessions. The 15th session began with the announcement by chairman Tomasek that Andrew Hlinka, a member of the National Assembly, had presented himself and was ready to take the oath of office. Anton Stefanek read the form of the oath and Hlinka replied: "I do so promise!" At that instant the parliament r esponded with applause. This was the first and, at the same time, the last spontaneous applause that Hlinka received in the Prague parliament from the Czechs and the Czech Slovaks ("Czechoslovaks") . After taking the oath, Hlinka immediately returned home. In less than two weeks, while he was absent, Hlinka became the target of the most vicious and malicious attacks from members of the same parliament. It is strange, when we think of it now, that the attacks wer e initiated by the otherwise keen Czech Social Democrat, Mr. Rudolph Bechyne, who said on January 21, 1919: "I have here the organ of the Czecho-Slovak People's Party, the CZECH. In it is a report of a non-political meeting of Czecho-Slovak Catholics. I read here that the delegate from Slovakia, Andrew Hlinka, spoke at that meeting and this is what he said about the Czechs: ' They are ousting us from our churches!' Allow me to mark this by its right name : it is not dignified for a Catholic priest to lie." "Excellent," exclaimed the parliament, wildly applauding Bechyne. Bechyne: "Hlinka further stated that a hundred Czech teachers are going to Slovakia and what such a teacher knows, that we know." SLOVAKIA 61 Cuprik: "We got to know that from Moravia!" Bechyiie: "Gentlemen, in such a manner, according to Hlinka's opinion, will be welcomed in Slovakia the Czech teachers, who are going there with real idealism, the kind of idealism we recommend to many of those for whom Hlinka speaks! Furthermore, it says that they are taking religion away from 90 percent of the Catholics. But where is the proof for this? Who is taking religion away from whom? Gentlemen, if anyone took religion away from the people in this war, then it was the army chaplains, about whose activities all soldiers, the faithful and unfaithful believers, are properly informed." As Bechyne continued to speak, he mentioned also that the separation of Church from State is just about ready and closed with this warning : "It is my wish that our public should not be prepared for this act in the manner that it was brought to us in royal Prague by Andrew Blinka, about whose head the aureola is very false." Blinka did have the martyr's aureola: a three-year prison term. And this was something that no other Slovak had. Bechyne's attack was the beginning of a bitter struggle - a struggle which in the end meant the collapse of Czecho-Slovakia, the end of Slovak-Czech collaboration for any sort of common political state. The signal for the attack on Hlinka was given. Even members of the Slovak Club of the Prague parliament caught on quickly; they sensed it would be to their advantage to attack Hlinka in Prague. To ingratiate themselves to the "progressive" Masaryk-Benes Czechs, they willingly and gladly did what they wanted them to do: smear Hlinka. They readily forgot that there were a thousand and one problems in Slovakia. These did not interest them primarily; the big problem was Hlinka. On January 23, 1919, the Prague parliament was the scene of the wildest conversations. The first attack against Blinka was made by Deputy Devecka, who said: "Mr. Hlinka was and is a puzzle for the Slovaks!" The "progressive" Czechs liked that remark, rewarding Devecka's "wisdom" with wild applause, as if he had 62 SLOVAKIA just set another column for the foundations of the newlyborn republic. What Illinka happened to be in 1919, and what the Slovaks thought of him, is not difficult to ascertain at all, but who was Devecka, who was the first Slovak in the Prague parliament to draw a sword against Hlinka? Public sources, literary handbooks, and encyclopediae have nothing to give about Devecka. But it is said by those who are informed that Devecka was a Lutheran preacher, one of the pre-war collaborators of the periodical "Prudy." In short, from time to time, Devecka contributed several lines to a periodical which had some 238 subscribers just before the war began. This was the man, then, who spoke in the name of the Slovak Club of Deputies, of which Hlinka, too, was a member, saying that he and the Club do not identify themselves with Illinka ! Of course, this pleased the Masaryk-Benes politicians exceedingly. Srobar, in his book "Oslobodene Slovensko" (Liberated Slovakia), recalls that there was much distrust of Slovak leaders in Prague for their separatistic stand. Devecka lost no time in assuring Prague that they were good and reliable Slovaks, with the exception of Hlinka, who was, in his estimation, no good. Devecka's speech was complemented by the "Slovensky dennik" (Slovak Daily) with this remark: "Hlinka fears that he will lose power; he does not want Czech enlightenment to shine into the dark corners of the pulpits and that is why he is instigating against progressive teachers.'' The Czechs use the term "devecka" for a maid. In politics that is exactly what Devecka was: an obedient .servant-maid of the Czech socialistic clique, which was determined to neutralize the political activity of Slovak Catholic leaders. During one of his last speeches, on March 5, 1937, Devecka again rehashed the question why Slovak Lutherans had to be employed to help the Czechs in the .administration of government in Slovakia. After nineteen years of Czecho-Slovakia, qualified Slovaks of the Catholic faith still found it difficult to find government employment, because, according to Devecka, it would not be pro- SLOVAKIA 6'3 per now to replace the non-Catholics in Slovakia after they had performed so faithfully for Czecho-Slovakia. Devecka did not speak the truth. No one in Slovakia said that Slovak Lutherans should be thrown out of offices, but the majority of Slovaks were agreed that Slovak Catholics, too, should be placed in government jobs. Furthermore, few people said throw ALL the Czechs out of Slovakia, but many did speak out against sending more Czechs into Slovakia after the Slovaks did have qualified sons and daughters to fill the various positions which required education and training. Devecka, however, was in the service of the Czech regime in Prague and had to do its bidding for his own sake. Hlinka practically stood alone in the defense of the interests of his Slovak people in 1919. Outside of Juriga, no others were experienced politicians. He was not defended by his own people so much as by Czech Catholics under the leadership of Msgr. Sramek. They backed Hlinka not so much out of love for him, but rather for the practical political considerations which could be exacted with the aid of Hlinka's support. Sramek in fact could more easily and effectively defend Hlinka's clean shield than his own. Later on, of course, we know that Sramek turned against Hlinka and his party, but in 1919 he was Hlinka's "lone defender" so to speak. After Devecka's senseless attack against the absent Hlinka on January 23, 1919, Sramek asked for the floor to reply to Devecka's smear-statements. He had just begun to speak, addressing the members of parliament "most esteemed gentlemen," when a voice boomed out: "And what about ladies?" Sramek answered cooly: "I'm sorry, but I see none here." Thereupon Deputy Zemina (Zeminova) jumped up and shouted: "I am an enemy; I am no lady!" She was right and so was Sramek: Madame Zemina was no lady! Sramek then spoke how necessary it was to cultivate and preserve national unity, particularly at this time (1919) when the borders of the State were not yet defined. Even to this day it is difficult to explain why Sra.mek's words evoked such a storm of protest and opposition. He had attacked no one and had spoken clearly and without malice 64 SLOVAKIA on what he thought was one of the major problems of the new State. In those days, however, it made little difference what Hlinka or Sramek said about anything: all they had to do was ask for the floor and the Czech "progressives" would start barking. I quote from the record for the edification of our readers so they might get an idea of what the "progressive" Deputies in the Prague Parliament were like in the first years of the Republic. Bufival: That means that you must quit inciting against us in the churches! Aust: But it will happen one time that we shall reply to you in the churches. The lights in the heavens are already extinguished! When Sramek asked for a sense of justice and questioned whether the representation in parliament justly represented the people who sent their deputies, Deputy Aust barked: That is FATA MORGANA! Kubicek: Only according to the merits one has gained in the nation. Here every party is represented according to merits which it gained in the nation. "Gentlemen," asked Sramek, "do you really want me to cause a riot in this parliament?" Thereupon the entire parliament resounded with bitter invectives and outcries. When the clamor died down, various members asked and were given the privilege of the floor: Zemina: Well, go ahead and riot! Stransky: Just don't jingle your spurs! Johanis: You're capable of it, Mr. Professor. You used to send people drunk with alcohol against us. Zemina: In Vienna you had no courage. Bufival: In Vienna you made the politics of sneaks. Zemina: Hlinka is inciting against the teachers. Oufik: (one of Sramek's men): Hlinka incites no one; he is a martyr. If Hlinka did not exist, you would have no Slovakia! Markovic: Hlinka did not make Slovakia; he betrayed her. This man is one day a priest and something else the next. I am a Slovak! (Applause). "Allow me," Sramek tried again, "since the day be- SLOVAKIA 65 fore yesterday the absent Hlinka was attacked in .such a manner ... " - but a booming voice bellowed: This is ingratitude! And then ... Zemina: He attacked Czech teachers. Cufik: Without Hlinka there would have been no Slovakia. To Hlinka belongs the credit that the Slovaks joined the Czechs. He was jailed for two years for the .Slovak cause. Thereupon shouts of ridicule broke out, and a voice ,c ried out: Tell us more, what else did Hlinka do? Markovic: If there were no Masaryk, there would be no Slovaks. Sramek: Permit me, esteemed gentlemen, to state that I felt embarrassed when a member of the presidium of the Czecho-Slovak Social Democratic Party, in such a crude manner, if I must say it, attacked the honor of an absent member of this parliament without ascertaining beforehand exactly what this man had said not in parliament, but at a meeting. Voices: But we read about it in the "Czech." "Esteemed gentlemen, coutinued Sramek, I recall for you what you already know very well, that we are here concerned with every word, every qualifying word, when such a great reproach is made against Andrew Hlinka with falsehoods." Jaros: He does not deserve anything else when he spits at Czech teachers! Zemina: He used to kiss the hand of a Magyar bishop! Sramek: Allow me to state further that there is no proof for what has been said here against Hlinka and no one of us knows exactly what Hlinka said. Jaros: Then he should have retracted it in the newspapers. Sramek: But he is in Slovakia and does not know what is going on here. Stransky: Wen, even one Slovak deputy condemned him. Cufik: From what party? Voice: He, too, was a clerical. Sramek at that time, however, stood his ground, de- 66 SLOVAKIA fending Hlinka against all "progressive" Czechs who wanted to discredit him. Hlinka had a great following in Slovakia, Sramek told the parliament, and by ridiculing and smearing him Hlinka's opponents were not rendering a noble service to the Slovaks and the Czechs and certainly not to the newly-born Czecho-Slovak Republic. When Deputy Bechyne claimed that he heard Hlinka speak against Masaryk in Prostejov and in Brno, Sramek asked him when that happened. When Bechyne replied that it happened b8fore the war, Deputy Sedlacek asked Bechyne what he himself happened to be before the war and what he had said about certain people and matters at that time. Bechyne, of course, would rather not talk about that! Sramek admired Hlinka for standing up for the rights of his people and for his fight in the defense of the individuality of the Slovak people. Promises had been made the Slovaks before they decided to join the Czechs to form a joint political State and those) promises should be kept. And Hlinka had the right to demand that they be kept. Hlinka was and is, Sramek said, for the Czecho-Slovak Republic, but he also is the Slovak nation's symbol of freedom and independence; he should be heard and everything should be done to make the Slovaks feel at home in the new Republic. But Sramek was yelled down by the Czech "progressive" anti-clericals who were egged on by Masaryk's "away from Rome - Rome must be put on trial and condemned !" The Czech press of that time enthusiastically indulged in attacks against Andrew Hlinka. The "Lidove noviny" (People's News) said in an editorial that the regeneration of Slovakia is possible only on the foundation of modern Czech currents. "It will take only a few years and things will be the same in Slovakia as they are in the. Czech lands',' concluded the editorial (Feb. 27, 1919). Stenographic reports of the minutes of the Prague parliament from the beginning of 1919 make particularly interesting reading. They describe some very lively scenes, during which a speaker had to wait quite some time before he could resume speaking. Every mention of Hlinka's name, it seems, caused disturbances, insulting outcries, and SLOVAKIA 67 bitter attacks. With the exception of the temperamental Bechyne, none of the foremost Czech politicians of the old Vienna school indulged in frivolous, senseless, and unsparing attacks against Hlinka. It is interesting that Markovic was of the opm10n that without Masaryk there would have been no Slovak nation, because it was Masaryk himself who had said that the Slovak nation is the invention of Magyar propaganda and that there was no Slovak nation! Imagine if you will, how much poorer the world would be without T. G. Masaryk: it would have to do without the Slovak nation and without "Czechoslovak" democracy! Masaryk represented the smallest Czech political party, but the world, including the Slovaks and Czechs who knew better, was supposed to believe that "Masaryk's teaching became the national Credo of Czecho-Slovakia." Masaryk, the great "progressive," was put in the saddle by the Allies and his disciples lost no time in building altars in his honor to replace those of the "outmoded, reactionary" saints. Two months after that "glorious October Day" (Oct. 28, 1918) - after Hlinka had come out resolutely against the Magyars and for joining the Czechs - the "progressive" Czechs of Masaryk and Benes proclaimed Hlinka a Magyarone, a coward who had surrendered to the Magyars. Scotus Viator replied at that time: "Hlinka never did submit to the Magyars. He lies who would make a Magyarone of him and makes himself stupid." Hlinka and his people wanted to serve the best interests of their new Republic; they proved this over and over again. But the Masaryk-Benes Czechs, and the Czech Slovaks ("Czechoslovaks") in their service, welcomed Hlinka in Prague as an enemy of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. The consequences of this folly were far-reachring. On January 30, 1919, Hlinka returned to Prague and read the records of the parliamentary sessions to learn what was said about him in his absence. When Hlinka did rise in his own defense, it is interesting to note that the Czech voices, so loud and disturbing when Sramek spoke, were now silent. Since the accusations and allegations made 68 SLOVAKIA against him were of a very serious nature, Hlinka openly demanded an investigation of each and every charge and all accusers. But the Czechs clammed up on that occasion. Markovic, descendant of one of Hlinka's very good friends, stood alone against Hlinka. Hlinka stressed the fact that no one can honestly accuse him of hating the Czechs or of working against the welfare and security of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. He and his followers recognize and respect the right of the Czech people to certain inalienable rights, but by the same token, the Slovaks expect the Czechs and their leaders to recognize and respect the right of the Slovak people to the same inalienable rights. After what had happened in the Prague Parliament, Hlinka quit visiting the Slovak Club of which he was a member, but he did visit the Deputy's Club of Sramek's Czech People's Party. Hlinka later said: "That I appreciate good Czechs is proven by the fact that in Prague I do not visit the Slovak Club, but the Club of the Czech Peoples' Party." • • • WHO SAID IT? "We are deeply convinced that this alliance (with the USSR) is to the benefit of Czechoslovakia and the Soviet Union and that it also is a contribution to international understanding. Whosoever among us does not want to acknowledge this supra-partisan and national character of the Czechoslovak-Soviet alliance, he is undermining this alliance and working against his very own aims." - (Dr. Peter Zenkl, chairman "Council of Free Czechoslovakia," Karlove Vary, July 20, 1947, according to CAS, 7-25-47) . • • • "In Ozech .p olitics, in Ozei:::h national life, it is urgent that we cOlffie to am understanding with the Communist Party . . . the Comnmnist party shahl remain the greatest force in oiur political scheme even after the elections are over, and socialism shall remain the foundation o.f our national life . . . . Coming to tern1s with the Communists is the golden theme of our political philo,so,p hy." - (Ferdinand Perouit:Jka, a Benei:\ Ctzech, DNESEIK, 2-.9-48).  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Andrew Hlinka and Prague Description An account of the resource Constantine Čulen Slovakia, Vol. 8, No. 3 (28), December 1958 pp. 57-68 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Čulen, Konštantín, 1904-1964 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource December 1958 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/8119a7e4e3d51dc0baf5fb17592a2950.pdf 1a9472da62d85fbadbb8f3a2e87784f1 PDF Text Text 69 SLOVAKIA The History of Slovakia: P.A. HROBAK GERMAN COLONIZATION IN SLOVAKIA In Hungary there were not enough people to settle all the land. The country was sparsely populated especi ally in the wooded hills along the frontier. For that reason from the beginning of the eleventh century the Germans began to migrate into Hungary. As foreign guests they settled at first beneath the larger castles where they established market settlements. Hungarian rulers, who made family ties with the ruling class in Germany, encouraged the immigration of the Germans. The influx of Germans was also aided by the monasteries which invited foreign settlers to their extensive but unoccupied lands. Individual nobles also followed the ex:ample of their King and helped the Germans establish new settlements where the population was small. Because the territory of mountainous Slovakia was only sparsely settled, the Germans moved into these areas in large numbers. Already during the reign of Geza II (1141-1161) Germans had come to Spis where they founded many villages and towns. The successors of Geza II, especially Andrew II (1205--1235 A.D.), invited Germans into the country and granted them many privileges to establish new settlements in the hiHy regions. The national picture of the Slovak country changed even before the Turkish invasion, because numerous German settlements were added to the original Slovak popu1'ation. This flood of German colonists increased especially after the Tartar invasion, when Bela IV and his successors desired to rebuild deva,s tated and depopulated areas. This strong influx of German settlers continued throughout the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries and created a great transformation in the national, economic and cultural conditions of Slovakia. 1 The dense mountainous region of central Slovakia, the primitive Zvolen forest, was a veritable hunter's paradise, and up to the 13th century the kings of Hungary used it exclusively as such. This vast uninhabited region, except �70 SLOVAKIA for small scattered settlements of forest wardens, dogtrainers, falconers and fishermen, brought the King only a very small revenue. And because the population of the fertile plains of southern Slovakia was not large enough to settle this vast region along the upper Hron river, the Germans, settled in Krupina since the twelfth century, literaliy poured into the region. In like manner the Germans settled along the borders of the Nitra and Turiec counties. in the Spis forest and also in Liptov. The privileges which the Hungarian kings granted immigrants lured the Germans to SloV1a.kia. The first of these German colonists came to Slovakia from northern Germany, where poor soil, often inundated by the sea, produced but sparsely. l.Jater they came to Slovakia from other parts of Germany. SloV'akia's mountainous regions concealed an abundance of precious minerals, including gold and silver ore. The native population, employed in tilling the soil and in animal husbandry, did not know how to exploit this natural wealth, even though the first mining settlements originated in Slovakia in the eleventh century. Names of towns like Rudno, Rudnik, Rudna (ruda=ore), Zlatno, Zlatnik, Zlatovce (zlato=gold), prove that the first miners in Slovakia were Slovaks. To exploit this wea:lth of various ore deposits efficiently, the owners of the lands-the King, nobility, and the monks - called in the Germans who had greater experience in mining and could assure large returns to the landowners. German colonists, who migrated in great numbers to Slovakia were no longer only guests, but became hereditary holders of properties which the authorities granted them. Every group of colonists was brought in by the King's representative who was called a locator (lokator). He took over the lands marked out by the authorities for the colonists, surveyed and assigned parcels of land to individual :families, organized a settlement, and became its administrator (rychtar). Of course, such a settlement did not bring any return to the authorities the first year, because the settlers first had to clear the forests, condition the soil and lay out the fields. So that a new settlement might become sound economi'cally, the authorities usually granted a period �SLOVAKIA 71 of relief (lehota) upon the expiration of which the settlers began paying taxes to the owner. This relief period usually lasted eighteen years. To this day there are forty-six villages in SloV'akia bearing the name "Lehota" : Mnichova Lehota, Janova Lehota, Bartosova Lehota, Kral'ova Lehota, Petrova Lehota, Paucina Lehota, Bzovska Lehota, Horna Lehota, Dolna Lehota, etc. The "rychtar" (administrator) was the head of every such settlement; he took the largest tract of land and paid no taxes. He was the judge and jury in all litigations and collected the fines, of which he was entitled to keep onethird. The authority put him in charge of the village tavern, let him run a mill, a workshop and granted him many other rights and privileges. The office of "rychtar" was usually heriditary. After the expiration of the relief period, the colonists began to pay the prescribed tribute. At first it was onetenth of the harvest, which the taxpayer had to bring into the court of his respective lord. Moreover, the colonist had to supply his lord with poultry, eggs, cheese and other items. Later, when the peasant could sell his produce, he paid all his taxes in money. Because this revenue was determined once and for all time, the position of these settlers was not intolerable, for they could increase their a:nnual income by industrious labor, while the tribute remained unchanged. Taxes were usually paid twice annually: in the spring on St. George's day (April 24) , and in the fall on the feast-day of St. Havel (October 16). Since the ruler, noble, or abbey, derived rich revenues from new settlements, many villages were promoted in those times. All new communities founded by the Germans were ruled by the laws which the colonists brought from their own country. In Slovakia the Saxon Law of the city of Magdenburg prevailed. Among the new settlements, organized according to German law, the cities attained greatest significance. THE BEGINNINGS OF SLOVAK CITIES Agricultural towns and villages were for the most part in Slovakia up to the thirteenth century, because the Slovaks occupied themselves in the main with agriculture. �72 SLOVAKIA In the more densely forested areas, where there was little arable soil, there were settlements of people who concerned themselves with animal husbandry, and farming was taken up only after the forests were cleared and burnt away. Tradesmen, in the employ of the king's court and the royal castles, resided in some of the villages already in this period. Beneath the significant county-seat castles market settlements were established, but usually by foreign merchants. Along the frontier regions of Slovakia, near the strategic gates, and near the important trade highways, settlements of foreign warriors, assigned to sentinel duty, were founded. And in central Slovakia at that time there already were several mining settlements. But up to the eleventh century there were no cities in Slovakia. Slovak cities did not arise until the Germans immigrated to Slovakia in large numbers. Slovak cities came into being in the 13th and 14th centuries. But not all of them sprang up in the same manner. Some developed gradually from ancient villages as, for example, Trnava, Zilina, Turciansky Svaty Martin, Prievidza, Topofcany. Others, like Bratislava, Nitra, Hlohovec, Zvolen and Trencin, developed from market settlements beneath the castles. Many cities in Slovakia developed near the important commercial highways and became centers of economic life. Hlohovec had such an origin for it is along the road which joins the Vah region with the Nitra area; Topofcany and Prievidza developed along the highway which connected Nitra to Turiec; Zilina originated at the crossroads leading to Silesia, Moravia and Poland. Ruzomberok and Liptovsky Svaty Mikulas sprouted up in the upper Vah region. In the Spis district the commercial cities of Kezmarok and Levoca attained great significance. Kosice, the largest city in the east, developed along the road which connected Budin with Cracow; along this same road arose Presov, Sabinov and Bardejov in the Saris district. Great economic importance was attained by towns which had their origin in the mining settlements of the Zvolen Forest area (Banska Stiavnica, Banska Bystrica, Kremnica, Krupina, Slovenska :r,upca, :r,ubietova, Pukanec, Brezno), those of Liptov (Nemecka :r,upca) and Spis (Gelnica, Spisska Nova V es) . �SLOVAKIA 73 The difference between the city and the village was especially in the various privileges granted to cities by the ruler, which guaranteed the city not only independence from the county administration (zupan), but also enabled its economic development. Every city had the right to have weekly and annual market days. On such days the people of the entire vicinity assembled to sell their agricultur al products and buy manufactured goods and merchandise from the city tradesmen and merchants. The "mile law" had a deep significance, for it denied a merchant the right to set up his business within a mile of the city lest he jeopardize the interests of the urban tradesmen. These cities near the frontier or impor tant commercial highways were granted the right of "stor age" (maintaining warehouses) , which gave them the assurance that merchants who brought merchandise from neighboring countries could not pass up the city and had to store their goods there. Bratislava had such a right of storage for goods from Austria; Trnava on goods from Bohemia and Moravia; Bardejov and Podolinec on goods from Poland; Sucany on Polish salt; Kosice on merchandise from Poland and Russia and on wine to be exported to Poland. Furthermore, cities were granted the privilege of brewing beer. Merchants of many cities displayed and sold their merchandise over a wide area without paying taxes or customs duty. To prevent brigands and r obbers from menacing the security of a city and its vicinity, the cities were granted the "right of the sword" by which they could condemn criminals to death and execute them. The cities also safeguarded their security further by being allowed to build strong walls; it was thus that many cities became real fortresses, places of refuge in times of peril. The most important privilege enjoyed by the cities, however, was their independence of the regional authority, whereby they could govern themselves according to the legal code brought to Slovakia from Germany. According to this 1aw, a city elected its own council, which usually consisted of twelve councilmen or advisors. Every councilman had to serve as "rychtar" (administrator or mayor) for a period �74 SLOVAKIA of one month. The city inhabitants also could elect their own parish priest. Such cities, not under the jurisdiction of a "zupan" and subject directly to the king, were called "royal free cities." Each had its own coat of arms and seal. BRATISLAVA is mentioned as the Breslauspurch castle already in 907 A.D. A market settlement, mentioned in 1151, sprang up beneath the castle. In 1290 a city was established near this settlement; later it fused with the older market settlement. Bratislava was granted many privileges in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. TRNAVA developed from an old Slovak village which was situated on the bank of the Trnava Creek and on the highway which connected Praha with Budin. Trnava was granted city privileges in 1238 and, hence, is the oldest city in Slovakia. SKALICA became a city in 1372. NITRA was the most significant Slovak castle already in the ninth century. A market settlement was established, which was granted city rights in 1248 A. D. as a reward for valiantly defending the castle during the Turkish invasion. Later, the original "Stare Mesto" (Old Town) was fused with several villages (like Parovce) and thus originated the city of Nitra of today. HLOHOVEC belongs among the most ancient castles in Slovakia. It guarded the road from the Vah region to Nitra. A settlement sprang up under its walls and ne~t to it, in the 14th century, the city of Friestadt. When these two settlements united, the present city of Hlohovec came into being. TRENCIN was mentioned as Laugaricio already in the second century. The Trencin castle was there in the 11th century and protected the Vah region road which was connected to the Vlar highway. Beneath its walls was a settlement, which became a city rubout the year 1300, after the advent of German colonists. In 1402 Trencin was granted the right of "storage." ZILINA was originally a Slovak village which grew raipidly, because of its advantageous location at the point where the Kysuca flows into the Vah and at the intersection of commercial highways. It was mentioned for the first �SLOVAKIA 75 time in 1208. It became a city about 1350 and probably one of the most significant cities of Slovakia. The people of Zilina founded several nearby settlements, among them also Kysucke N ove Mesto. TOPOr..CANY became a city some time at the beginning of the second half of the thirteenth century and attained significance largely because it was situated on the road going from Nitra to Turiec and near the road that came from the V ah region. PRIEVIDZA, as a settlement, was mentioned for the first time in 1113. It attained municipal status in 1388, when it gained its independence from Bojnice castle. Prievidza was granted city rights by the city of Krnpina. TURCIANSKY SY.A.TY MARTIN developed near the old settlement of Modla, the very name of which shows that it was founded in the Great Moravian period. As a village it was mentioned in 1284 and was granted city rights in 1340 by the city of Krupina. RUZOMBEROK was founded by German colonists, who searched for precious metals in Liptov. It became a city in 1318, when it was granted the same rights as those enjoyed by N emeclka r..upca since 1263. KEZMAROK, as its name indicates, is also of German origin. It was a village which was granted some rights in 1269. In 1380 it became a city. LEVOCA, first mentioned in 1263, was granted city rights at the opening of the fourteenth century and shortly thereafter became the leading city of the entire Spis region. PRESOV, granted city rights in 1324, became the center of economic life of the entire Saris region. SABINOV grew up from a village which had its origin in the twelfth century. It became a city about the middle of the fourteenth century. BARDEJOV was founded by the Cistercian monks who settled in the territory at the beginning of the thirteenth century. It was granted city rights in 1320 and became a free royal city in 1376. PODOL1NEC belongs among the frontier towns. The Poles founded it in 1244, because at that time this part of �76 SLOVAKIA Spis belonged to Poland. W enceslaus II, King of Bohemia and Poland, elevated it to a city in 1292, but a few years later it reverted to Slovakia. KRUPINA is one of the oldest Slovak cities. It became a city the same time as Trnava (1238). The Krupina Right (law) was extended over the whole of Slovakia. ZVOLEN was mentioned, in 1214, as a village beneath the walls of the castle bearing that name. It was granted some rights in 1244 and became a city gradually. Its inhabitants founded other settlements, especially in the upper Hron region. KOSICE was originally a village at the foot of the Hradova Castle and received its city charter the same year that Bratislava was incorporated. Since the main highway from Hungary to Poland passed this way, a city sprang up near the old village which was granted city rights the same time as Bratislava (1290). Kosice prospered not only from trade, but also from the new privileges granted to it by the Hungarian kings in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Of course, not a:ll Slovak cities enjoyed equal rights. The kings favored ,s ome cities more than others. Some cities were granted all rights outright, while others received them only gradually. This charter or document of rights had to be confirmed by successive rulers, who had the authority to enhance the rights granted by their predecessors. Some cities, because of their advantageous location, used their privileges to prosper economica;lly, while others, lacking the conditions for development, made no progress economically and declined in time. Mining cities, in regions rich in precious metals, were specially favored and enjoyed a special status. These cities were granted the right to seek out and e~loit the rich metal deposits in their vicinity. Slovaks were engaged in mining already in the eleventh century, but the Germans introduced a highly efficient method of mining. The oldest mining town in Slovakia, Banska Stiavnica, was granted city rights in 1250; it was administered by the law of the Czech mining city of Jihlava. Through Banska Stiavnica �SLOVAKIA 77 the rest of the Slovak mining towns received their charters, except Kremnica, which was governed by the Kutnohorie .furm of charter. The mines of Ban.ska Stiavnica were very profitable; about half of the silver mined in Hungary in the thirteenth century came from its mines. Kremnica, however, soon became the richest mining center. The famous Kremnica ducats, valid in the whole of central Europe, were coined here since 1335. In 1255 Bansika Bystrica be.came a city. The inhabitants of all these cities were quite prosperous, they could afford to build large and imposing homes and churches. Besides these large mining centers, there were smaller ones like Pukanec (1337), Hanska Bela (1440), Nova Bana (1345), r..ubietova (1379) , Brezno (1380), Gelnica (about 1250) and Spisska Nova Ves (1380). Nowhere in the Hugarian kingdom did so many cities arise as in Slovakia. SLOVAK CITIES IN THE MIDDLE AGES So that cities could conform with their purpose, they had to be built •p roperly. Every city was, therefore, built according to a ,p lan which fitted the terrain. Where a city developed from an older settlement, the latter became the foundation for building the city. Where a city arose as an entirely new settlement, it could be built precisely according to a predetermined plan. On level ground with sufficient free area, the ground plan of the city was regular. But many cities sprang up in hilly areas, where there was insufficient level ground and, hence, had to be built on a slope (Hanska Stiavnica), in a basin (Banska Bystrica and Kremnica), or on a bank of a river (Nitra and Trencin). The ,s tructural development of a city depended on natural conditions. The public square (namestie) was the most important part of a city; it was usua:lly centrally located. Through it passed the main highway that connected the city with the vicinity. The square had to be quite spacious, because it was there that the weekly and annual markets (trh or jarmok) were held. The homes of the wealthiest citizens encircled the square. They were narrow, usually two-story dwellings with high gables and steep roofs. The workshops �78 SLOVAKIA of the tradesmen were in the long, narrow courtyards of these homes. On the ground-floor of these stone structures there often were vaulted arcades under which merchants laid out their wares during inclement weather. Such homes still stand in Zilina and Kysucke N ove Mesto. The majority of the other homes were of wood. Architecturally, the city hall and the churches were the most imposing buildings. Streets ran in all directions in a parallel or vertical fashion. They were quite narrow, unpaved, and unlighted at night. Some streets were made blind so that in case of invasion by the enemy, he could be chased into them and captured or destroyed. On the most prominent site of a city stood the parish church, the pride and ornament of every city. It was built either on the square (Skalica, Podolinec, Spisska Nova Ves, Presov, Sabinov, Kosice, etc.), or near the city ramparts (Trnava, Krupina and Zilina). The parish church often formed a part of the city fortifications (Bw:::ka Bystrica and Kremnica) . The parish cemetery was near the church. Large imposing churches were built in Slovak cities by the Franciscans and Dominicans (Trnava, Nitra, Skalica, IIlohovec, Banska Stiavnica and Ifosice). The most significant building of each city was its City Hall (mestsky dom) which was situated either directly on the square (Levoca, Spisska Nova Ves, Bardejov), or very near it (Kosice, Brati<slava). The larger and more prosperous Slovak cities were granted the right of enclosure. At first the cities were enclosed with wooden palisades, but later with solid stone walls. Because the construction of stone walls was very expensive, the city was exempt from paying various taxes while the walls were being constructed. In some cities, which were protected by nature itself, only the castle stood high above the city (Banska Stiavnica, Banska Bystrica), or individual bastions stood near the highways which guarded the entrance to the city. The wealthiest cities, fearing invasion by an enemy, were enclosed by a solid stone wall with numerous citad~ls. Gates led through the ramparts into the city; usually two if only one road ran through the city, and four gates if there were two roads running through it; and there usually were several lesser gates. The main gates �SLOVAKIA 79 were part of a mighty bastion in which there was a permanent guard. All gates were closed and locked at night. A wide and deep moat surrounded the walls to prevent the enemy from getting directly beneath them. Above the moat was a drawbridge. In front of the main gate some cities built lesser fortifications to protect the entrance to the city (Bardejov). Some Slovak cities built their ramparts immediately after their founding. Trnava, located on an open plain had fortifications with many bastions, four main and two secondary gates; these ramparts, except the main gates, are still standing today. Bratislava fortified itself in 1311; Michael's Gate and the names of other gates have been preserved. Presov built its ramparts in 1378, Zilina in 1405, and Ska:lica in 1372. Some Slovak cities erected their fortifications later, when the Turks threatened Slovakia in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (Zvolen, Krurpina). Smaller, but more securely situated cities never had any fortifications around them (Turciansky Svaty Martin, Liptovsky Svaty Mi'kulas). Naturally, cities built in such a fashion could not be very extensive and have a very numerous population. Trnava was the largest city in Slovakia; it grew up in the center of a fertile valley in western Slovakia, on the crossroads of import'<lnt highways. In the Spis region, Levoca was the leading city. In central Slovakia, Kremnica grew unusually fast; in 1442 it already had about three thousand inhabitants. Later Bratislavia and Kosice outgrew these cities. Other Slovak towns had from 800 to 1000 inhabitants. The overwhelming majority of urban populations were engaged in the trades or in commerce. Slovak cities, located on important commercial highways which connected S1ovakia with neighboring countries, became the centers of a lively economic life and made vital contacts with foreign cities (Bratislava, Levoca, Bardejov, Kosice). In some towns there was an -agricultural population which tilled the fields beyond the walls of the city. In the cities which developed from ancient Slovak villages, the original Slovak population was preserved along with the German colonists. In the new cities, especially in �80 SLOVAKIA the numng cities, the inhabitants were almost exclusively German. They made it their concern to own all property, control the economy and political life and thus prevented other naJtionalities from settling in their cities. In such German towns, Slovaks could not buy property, own homes, engage in the trades, or have any part in the city government. Thus it happened that some cities in Slovakia retained their German character for a very long time. But in other cities, situated in densly populated areas, even the Slovaks settled, changed their national character, and engaged in the trades and the political life of the cities. In the second half of the fourteenth century, there were so many Slovruks in Zilina that King Louis the Great issued an order in 1381 which decreed that half of the members of the city council of Zilina had to be Slovak. In other cities Slovak churches were built along with German parish churches; this definitely attests to the fact that the Slovaks were relatively numerous in such cities. Already in the Middle Ages streets carried Slovak names in Bardejov and Presov. In the following centuries, when a part of the Germans of Slovak cities perished in the wars, in which the cities suffered most, more and more Slovaks migrated to the cities so that gradually, ibut certainly, they became predominantly Slovak in character. Jewish merchants began to settle in Slovak cities from the most ancient times. They usually occupied that part of the city which was set aside specifically for them. This Jewish section of the city was separated from the rest of the city by a wall (Zamocka Street and its vicinity in Bratislava; Jericho and Jerusalem Streets in Trnava; and Parovce in Nitra). (To be continued) WHO SAID IT? ''Today more than ever before, I cannot stop believing that a free and independent Czooho-Slovakia can exist only in Europe thait is brought to balance, where the West and Russia find a proper agreement to collaborate. Even the even1s of February 1948 could not shake me from this conviction, which remains the basis of my whole conception of national politics." - (The late Dr. Hubert Ripka, right-hand man of Dr. Edward Benes, FIGARO, Paris, April 4, 1949.) � 69 SLOVAKIA The History of Slovakia: P.A. HROBAK GERMAN COLONIZATION IN SLOVAKIA In Hungary there were not enough people to settle all the land. The country was sparsely populated especi ally in the wooded hills along the frontier. For that reason from the beginning of the eleventh century the Germans began to migrate into Hungary. As foreign guests they settled at first beneath the larger castles where they established market settlements. Hungarian rulers, who made family ties with the ruling class in Germany, encouraged the immigration of the Germans. The influx of Germans was also aided by the monasteries which invited foreign settlers to their extensive but unoccupied lands. Individual nobles also followed the ex:ample of their King and helped the Germans establish new settlements where the population was small. Because the territory of mountainous Slovakia was only sparsely settled, the Germans moved into these areas in large numbers. Already during the reign of Geza II (1141-1161) Germans had come to Spis where they founded many villages and towns. The successors of Geza II, especially Andrew II (1205--1235 A.D.), invited Germans into the country and granted them many privileges to establish new settlements in the hiHy regions. The national picture of the Slovak country changed even before the Turkish invasion, because numerous German settlements were added to the original Slovak popu1'ation. This flood of German colonists increased especially after the Tartar invasion, when Bela IV and his successors desired to rebuild deva,s tated and depopulated areas. This strong influx of German settlers continued throughout the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries and created a great transformation in the national, economic and cultural conditions of Slovakia. 1 The dense mountainous region of central Slovakia, the primitive Zvolen forest, was a veritable hunter's paradise, and up to the 13th century the kings of Hungary used it exclusively as such. This vast uninhabited region, except �70 SLOVAKIA for small scattered settlements of forest wardens, dogtrainers, falconers and fishermen, brought the King only a very small revenue. And because the population of the fertile plains of southern Slovakia was not large enough to settle this vast region along the upper Hron river, the Germans, settled in Krupina since the twelfth century, literaliy poured into the region. In like manner the Germans settled along the borders of the Nitra and Turiec counties. in the Spis forest and also in Liptov. The privileges which the Hungarian kings granted immigrants lured the Germans to SloV1a.kia. The first of these German colonists came to Slovakia from northern Germany, where poor soil, often inundated by the sea, produced but sparsely. l.Jater they came to Slovakia from other parts of Germany. SloV'akia's mountainous regions concealed an abundance of precious minerals, including gold and silver ore. The native population, employed in tilling the soil and in animal husbandry, did not know how to exploit this natural wealth, even though the first mining settlements originated in Slovakia in the eleventh century. Names of towns like Rudno, Rudnik, Rudna (ruda=ore), Zlatno, Zlatnik, Zlatovce (zlato=gold), prove that the first miners in Slovakia were Slovaks. To exploit this wea:lth of various ore deposits efficiently, the owners of the lands-the King, nobility, and the monks - called in the Germans who had greater experience in mining and could assure large returns to the landowners. German colonists, who migrated in great numbers to Slovakia were no longer only guests, but became hereditary holders of properties which the authorities granted them. Every group of colonists was brought in by the King's representative who was called a locator (lokator). He took over the lands marked out by the authorities for the colonists, surveyed and assigned parcels of land to individual :families, organized a settlement, and became its administrator (rychtar). Of course, such a settlement did not bring any return to the authorities the first year, because the settlers first had to clear the forests, condition the soil and lay out the fields. So that a new settlement might become sound economi'cally, the authorities usually granted a period �SLOVAKIA 71 of relief (lehota) upon the expiration of which the settlers began paying taxes to the owner. This relief period usually lasted eighteen years. To this day there are forty-six villages in SloV'akia bearing the name "Lehota" : Mnichova Lehota, Janova Lehota, Bartosova Lehota, Kral'ova Lehota, Petrova Lehota, Paucina Lehota, Bzovska Lehota, Horna Lehota, Dolna Lehota, etc. The "rychtar" (administrator) was the head of every such settlement; he took the largest tract of land and paid no taxes. He was the judge and jury in all litigations and collected the fines, of which he was entitled to keep onethird. The authority put him in charge of the village tavern, let him run a mill, a workshop and granted him many other rights and privileges. The office of "rychtar" was usually heriditary. After the expiration of the relief period, the colonists began to pay the prescribed tribute. At first it was onetenth of the harvest, which the taxpayer had to bring into the court of his respective lord. Moreover, the colonist had to supply his lord with poultry, eggs, cheese and other items. Later, when the peasant could sell his produce, he paid all his taxes in money. Because this revenue was determined once and for all time, the position of these settlers was not intolerable, for they could increase their a:nnual income by industrious labor, while the tribute remained unchanged. Taxes were usually paid twice annually: in the spring on St. George's day (April 24) , and in the fall on the feast-day of St. Havel (October 16). Since the ruler, noble, or abbey, derived rich revenues from new settlements, many villages were promoted in those times. All new communities founded by the Germans were ruled by the laws which the colonists brought from their own country. In Slovakia the Saxon Law of the city of Magdenburg prevailed. Among the new settlements, organized according to German law, the cities attained greatest significance. THE BEGINNINGS OF SLOVAK CITIES Agricultural towns and villages were for the most part in Slovakia up to the thirteenth century, because the Slovaks occupied themselves in the main with agriculture. �72 SLOVAKIA In the more densely forested areas, where there was little arable soil, there were settlements of people who concerned themselves with animal husbandry, and farming was taken up only after the forests were cleared and burnt away. Tradesmen, in the employ of the king's court and the royal castles, resided in some of the villages already in this period. Beneath the significant county-seat castles market settlements were established, but usually by foreign merchants. Along the frontier regions of Slovakia, near the strategic gates, and near the important trade highways, settlements of foreign warriors, assigned to sentinel duty, were founded. And in central Slovakia at that time there already were several mining settlements. But up to the eleventh century there were no cities in Slovakia. Slovak cities did not arise until the Germans immigrated to Slovakia in large numbers. Slovak cities came into being in the 13th and 14th centuries. But not all of them sprang up in the same manner. Some developed gradually from ancient villages as, for example, Trnava, Zilina, Turciansky Svaty Martin, Prievidza, Topofcany. Others, like Bratislava, Nitra, Hlohovec, Zvolen and Trencin, developed from market settlements beneath the castles. Many cities in Slovakia developed near the important commercial highways and became centers of economic life. Hlohovec had such an origin for it is along the road which joins the Vah region with the Nitra area; Topofcany and Prievidza developed along the highway which connected Nitra to Turiec; Zilina originated at the crossroads leading to Silesia, Moravia and Poland. Ruzomberok and Liptovsky Svaty Mikulas sprouted up in the upper Vah region. In the Spis district the commercial cities of Kezmarok and Levoca attained great significance. Kosice, the largest city in the east, developed along the road which connected Budin with Cracow; along this same road arose Presov, Sabinov and Bardejov in the Saris district. Great economic importance was attained by towns which had their origin in the mining settlements of the Zvolen Forest area (Banska Stiavnica, Banska Bystrica, Kremnica, Krupina, Slovenska :r,upca, :r,ubietova, Pukanec, Brezno), those of Liptov (Nemecka :r,upca) and Spis (Gelnica, Spisska Nova V es) . �SLOVAKIA 73 The difference between the city and the village was especially in the various privileges granted to cities by the ruler, which guaranteed the city not only independence from the county administration (zupan), but also enabled its economic development. Every city had the right to have weekly and annual market days. On such days the people of the entire vicinity assembled to sell their agricultur al products and buy manufactured goods and merchandise from the city tradesmen and merchants. The "mile law" had a deep significance, for it denied a merchant the right to set up his business within a mile of the city lest he jeopardize the interests of the urban tradesmen. These cities near the frontier or impor tant commercial highways were granted the right of "stor age" (maintaining warehouses) , which gave them the assurance that merchants who brought merchandise from neighboring countries could not pass up the city and had to store their goods there. Bratislava had such a right of storage for goods from Austria; Trnava on goods from Bohemia and Moravia; Bardejov and Podolinec on goods from Poland; Sucany on Polish salt; Kosice on merchandise from Poland and Russia and on wine to be exported to Poland. Furthermore, cities were granted the privilege of brewing beer. Merchants of many cities displayed and sold their merchandise over a wide area without paying taxes or customs duty. To prevent brigands and r obbers from menacing the security of a city and its vicinity, the cities were granted the "right of the sword" by which they could condemn criminals to death and execute them. The cities also safeguarded their security further by being allowed to build strong walls; it was thus that many cities became real fortresses, places of refuge in times of peril. The most important privilege enjoyed by the cities, however, was their independence of the regional authority, whereby they could govern themselves according to the legal code brought to Slovakia from Germany. According to this 1aw, a city elected its own council, which usually consisted of twelve councilmen or advisors. Every councilman had to serve as "rychtar" (administrator or mayor) for a period �74 SLOVAKIA of one month. The city inhabitants also could elect their own parish priest. Such cities, not under the jurisdiction of a "zupan" and subject directly to the king, were called "royal free cities." Each had its own coat of arms and seal. BRATISLAVA is mentioned as the Breslauspurch castle already in 907 A.D. A market settlement, mentioned in 1151, sprang up beneath the castle. In 1290 a city was established near this settlement; later it fused with the older market settlement. Bratislava was granted many privileges in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. TRNAVA developed from an old Slovak village which was situated on the bank of the Trnava Creek and on the highway which connected Praha with Budin. Trnava was granted city privileges in 1238 and, hence, is the oldest city in Slovakia. SKALICA became a city in 1372. NITRA was the most significant Slovak castle already in the ninth century. A market settlement was established, which was granted city rights in 1248 A. D. as a reward for valiantly defending the castle during the Turkish invasion. Later, the original "Stare Mesto" (Old Town) was fused with several villages (like Parovce) and thus originated the city of Nitra of today. HLOHOVEC belongs among the most ancient castles in Slovakia. It guarded the road from the Vah region to Nitra. A settlement sprang up under its walls and ne~t to it, in the 14th century, the city of Friestadt. When these two settlements united, the present city of Hlohovec came into being. TRENCIN was mentioned as Laugaricio already in the second century. The Trencin castle was there in the 11th century and protected the Vah region road which was connected to the Vlar highway. Beneath its walls was a settlement, which became a city rubout the year 1300, after the advent of German colonists. In 1402 Trencin was granted the right of "storage." ZILINA was originally a Slovak village which grew raipidly, because of its advantageous location at the point where the Kysuca flows into the Vah and at the intersection of commercial highways. It was mentioned for the first �SLOVAKIA 75 time in 1208. It became a city about 1350 and probably one of the most significant cities of Slovakia. The people of Zilina founded several nearby settlements, among them also Kysucke N ove Mesto. TOPOr..CANY became a city some time at the beginning of the second half of the thirteenth century and attained significance largely because it was situated on the road going from Nitra to Turiec and near the road that came from the V ah region. PRIEVIDZA, as a settlement, was mentioned for the first time in 1113. It attained municipal status in 1388, when it gained its independence from Bojnice castle. Prievidza was granted city rights by the city of Krnpina. TURCIANSKY SY.A.TY MARTIN developed near the old settlement of Modla, the very name of which shows that it was founded in the Great Moravian period. As a village it was mentioned in 1284 and was granted city rights in 1340 by the city of Krupina. RUZOMBEROK was founded by German colonists, who searched for precious metals in Liptov. It became a city in 1318, when it was granted the same rights as those enjoyed by N emeclka r..upca since 1263. KEZMAROK, as its name indicates, is also of German origin. It was a village which was granted some rights in 1269. In 1380 it became a city. LEVOCA, first mentioned in 1263, was granted city rights at the opening of the fourteenth century and shortly thereafter became the leading city of the entire Spis region. PRESOV, granted city rights in 1324, became the center of economic life of the entire Saris region. SABINOV grew up from a village which had its origin in the twelfth century. It became a city about the middle of the fourteenth century. BARDEJOV was founded by the Cistercian monks who settled in the territory at the beginning of the thirteenth century. It was granted city rights in 1320 and became a free royal city in 1376. PODOL1NEC belongs among the frontier towns. The Poles founded it in 1244, because at that time this part of �76 SLOVAKIA Spis belonged to Poland. W enceslaus II, King of Bohemia and Poland, elevated it to a city in 1292, but a few years later it reverted to Slovakia. KRUPINA is one of the oldest Slovak cities. It became a city the same time as Trnava (1238). The Krupina Right (law) was extended over the whole of Slovakia. ZVOLEN was mentioned, in 1214, as a village beneath the walls of the castle bearing that name. It was granted some rights in 1244 and became a city gradually. Its inhabitants founded other settlements, especially in the upper Hron region. KOSICE was originally a village at the foot of the Hradova Castle and received its city charter the same year that Bratislava was incorporated. Since the main highway from Hungary to Poland passed this way, a city sprang up near the old village which was granted city rights the same time as Bratislava (1290). Kosice prospered not only from trade, but also from the new privileges granted to it by the Hungarian kings in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Of course, not a:ll Slovak cities enjoyed equal rights. The kings favored ,s ome cities more than others. Some cities were granted all rights outright, while others received them only gradually. This charter or document of rights had to be confirmed by successive rulers, who had the authority to enhance the rights granted by their predecessors. Some cities, because of their advantageous location, used their privileges to prosper economica;lly, while others, lacking the conditions for development, made no progress economically and declined in time. Mining cities, in regions rich in precious metals, were specially favored and enjoyed a special status. These cities were granted the right to seek out and e~loit the rich metal deposits in their vicinity. Slovaks were engaged in mining already in the eleventh century, but the Germans introduced a highly efficient method of mining. The oldest mining town in Slovakia, Banska Stiavnica, was granted city rights in 1250; it was administered by the law of the Czech mining city of Jihlava. Through Banska Stiavnica �SLOVAKIA 77 the rest of the Slovak mining towns received their charters, except Kremnica, which was governed by the Kutnohorie .furm of charter. The mines of Ban.ska Stiavnica were very profitable; about half of the silver mined in Hungary in the thirteenth century came from its mines. Kremnica, however, soon became the richest mining center. The famous Kremnica ducats, valid in the whole of central Europe, were coined here since 1335. In 1255 Bansika Bystrica be.came a city. The inhabitants of all these cities were quite prosperous, they could afford to build large and imposing homes and churches. Besides these large mining centers, there were smaller ones like Pukanec (1337), Hanska Bela (1440), Nova Bana (1345), r..ubietova (1379) , Brezno (1380), Gelnica (about 1250) and Spisska Nova Ves (1380). Nowhere in the Hugarian kingdom did so many cities arise as in Slovakia. SLOVAK CITIES IN THE MIDDLE AGES So that cities could conform with their purpose, they had to be built •p roperly. Every city was, therefore, built according to a ,p lan which fitted the terrain. Where a city developed from an older settlement, the latter became the foundation for building the city. Where a city arose as an entirely new settlement, it could be built precisely according to a predetermined plan. On level ground with sufficient free area, the ground plan of the city was regular. But many cities sprang up in hilly areas, where there was insufficient level ground and, hence, had to be built on a slope (Hanska Stiavnica), in a basin (Banska Bystrica and Kremnica), or on a bank of a river (Nitra and Trencin). The ,s tructural development of a city depended on natural conditions. The public square (namestie) was the most important part of a city; it was usua:lly centrally located. Through it passed the main highway that connected the city with the vicinity. The square had to be quite spacious, because it was there that the weekly and annual markets (trh or jarmok) were held. The homes of the wealthiest citizens encircled the square. They were narrow, usually two-story dwellings with high gables and steep roofs. The workshops �78 SLOVAKIA of the tradesmen were in the long, narrow courtyards of these homes. On the ground-floor of these stone structures there often were vaulted arcades under which merchants laid out their wares during inclement weather. Such homes still stand in Zilina and Kysucke N ove Mesto. The majority of the other homes were of wood. Architecturally, the city hall and the churches were the most imposing buildings. Streets ran in all directions in a parallel or vertical fashion. They were quite narrow, unpaved, and unlighted at night. Some streets were made blind so that in case of invasion by the enemy, he could be chased into them and captured or destroyed. On the most prominent site of a city stood the parish church, the pride and ornament of every city. It was built either on the square (Skalica, Podolinec, Spisska Nova Ves, Presov, Sabinov, Kosice, etc.), or near the city ramparts (Trnava, Krupina and Zilina). The parish church often formed a part of the city fortifications (Bw:::ka Bystrica and Kremnica) . The parish cemetery was near the church. Large imposing churches were built in Slovak cities by the Franciscans and Dominicans (Trnava, Nitra, Skalica, IIlohovec, Banska Stiavnica and Ifosice). The most significant building of each city was its City Hall (mestsky dom) which was situated either directly on the square (Levoca, Spisska Nova Ves, Bardejov), or very near it (Kosice, Brati<slava). The larger and more prosperous Slovak cities were granted the right of enclosure. At first the cities were enclosed with wooden palisades, but later with solid stone walls. Because the construction of stone walls was very expensive, the city was exempt from paying various taxes while the walls were being constructed. In some cities, which were protected by nature itself, only the castle stood high above the city (Banska Stiavnica, Banska Bystrica), or individual bastions stood near the highways which guarded the entrance to the city. The wealthiest cities, fearing invasion by an enemy, were enclosed by a solid stone wall with numerous citad~ls. Gates led through the ramparts into the city; usually two if only one road ran through the city, and four gates if there were two roads running through it; and there usually were several lesser gates. The main gates �SLOVAKIA 79 were part of a mighty bastion in which there was a permanent guard. All gates were closed and locked at night. A wide and deep moat surrounded the walls to prevent the enemy from getting directly beneath them. Above the moat was a drawbridge. In front of the main gate some cities built lesser fortifications to protect the entrance to the city (Bardejov). Some Slovak cities built their ramparts immediately after their founding. Trnava, located on an open plain had fortifications with many bastions, four main and two secondary gates; these ramparts, except the main gates, are still standing today. Bratislava fortified itself in 1311; Michael's Gate and the names of other gates have been preserved. Presov built its ramparts in 1378, Zilina in 1405, and Ska:lica in 1372. Some Slovak cities erected their fortifications later, when the Turks threatened Slovakia in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (Zvolen, Krurpina). Smaller, but more securely situated cities never had any fortifications around them (Turciansky Svaty Martin, Liptovsky Svaty Mi'kulas). Naturally, cities built in such a fashion could not be very extensive and have a very numerous population. Trnava was the largest city in Slovakia; it grew up in the center of a fertile valley in western Slovakia, on the crossroads of import'<lnt highways. In the Spis region, Levoca was the leading city. In central Slovakia, Kremnica grew unusually fast; in 1442 it already had about three thousand inhabitants. Later Bratislavia and Kosice outgrew these cities. Other Slovak towns had from 800 to 1000 inhabitants. The overwhelming majority of urban populations were engaged in the trades or in commerce. Slovak cities, located on important commercial highways which connected S1ovakia with neighboring countries, became the centers of a lively economic life and made vital contacts with foreign cities (Bratislava, Levoca, Bardejov, Kosice). In some towns there was an -agricultural population which tilled the fields beyond the walls of the city. In the cities which developed from ancient Slovak villages, the original Slovak population was preserved along with the German colonists. In the new cities, especially in �80 SLOVAKIA the numng cities, the inhabitants were almost exclusively German. They made it their concern to own all property, control the economy and political life and thus prevented other naJtionalities from settling in their cities. In such German towns, Slovaks could not buy property, own homes, engage in the trades, or have any part in the city government. Thus it happened that some cities in Slovakia retained their German character for a very long time. But in other cities, situated in densly populated areas, even the Slovaks settled, changed their national character, and engaged in the trades and the political life of the cities. In the second half of the fourteenth century, there were so many Slovruks in Zilina that King Louis the Great issued an order in 1381 which decreed that half of the members of the city council of Zilina had to be Slovak. In other cities Slovak churches were built along with German parish churches; this definitely attests to the fact that the Slovaks were relatively numerous in such cities. Already in the Middle Ages streets carried Slovak names in Bardejov and Presov. In the following centuries, when a part of the Germans of Slovak cities perished in the wars, in which the cities suffered most, more and more Slovaks migrated to the cities so that gradually, ibut certainly, they became predominantly Slovak in character. Jewish merchants began to settle in Slovak cities from the most ancient times. They usually occupied that part of the city which was set aside specifically for them. This Jewish section of the city was separated from the rest of the city by a wall (Zamocka Street and its vicinity in Bratislava; Jericho and Jerusalem Streets in Trnava; and Parovce in Nitra). (To be continued) WHO SAID IT? ''Today more than ever before, I cannot stop believing that a free and independent Czooho-Slovakia can exist only in Europe thait is brought to balance, where the West and Russia find a proper agreement to collaborate. Even the even1s of February 1948 could not shake me from this conviction, which remains the basis of my whole conception of national politics." - (The late Dr. Hubert Ripka, right-hand man of Dr. Edward Benes, FIGARO, Paris, April 4, 1949.) � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1958, Vol. 8 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 26), March 1958.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 27), June 1958.</li> <li>Issue 3 (No. 28), December 1958.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1958 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 69 SLOVAKIA The History of Slovakia: P.A. HROBAK GERMAN COLONIZATION IN SLOVAKIA In Hungary there were not enough people to settle all the land. The country was sparsely populated especi ally in the wooded hills along the frontier. For that reason from the beginning of the eleventh century the Germans began to migrate into Hungary. As foreign guests they settled at first beneath the larger castles where they established market settlements. Hungarian rulers, who made family ties with the ruling class in Germany, encouraged the immigration of the Germans. The influx of Germans was also aided by the monasteries which invited foreign settlers to their extensive but unoccupied lands. Individual nobles also followed the ex:ample of their King and helped the Germans establish new settlements where the population was small. Because the territory of mountainous Slovakia was only sparsely settled, the Germans moved into these areas in large numbers. Already during the reign of Geza II (1141-1161) Germans had come to Spis where they founded many villages and towns. The successors of Geza II, especially Andrew II (1205--1235 A.D.), invited Germans into the country and granted them many privileges to establish new settlements in the hiHy regions. The national picture of the Slovak country changed even before the Turkish invasion, because numerous German settlements were added to the original Slovak popu1'ation. This flood of German colonists increased especially after the Tartar invasion, when Bela IV and his successors desired to rebuild deva,s tated and depopulated areas. This strong influx of German settlers continued throughout the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries and created a great transformation in the national, economic and cultural conditions of Slovakia. 1 The dense mountainous region of central Slovakia, the primitive Zvolen forest, was a veritable hunter's paradise, and up to the 13th century the kings of Hungary used it exclusively as such. This vast uninhabited region, except 70 SLOVAKIA for small scattered settlements of forest wardens, dogtrainers, falconers and fishermen, brought the King only a very small revenue. And because the population of the fertile plains of southern Slovakia was not large enough to settle this vast region along the upper Hron river, the Germans, settled in Krupina since the twelfth century, literaliy poured into the region. In like manner the Germans settled along the borders of the Nitra and Turiec counties. in the Spis forest and also in Liptov. The privileges which the Hungarian kings granted immigrants lured the Germans to SloV1a.kia. The first of these German colonists came to Slovakia from northern Germany, where poor soil, often inundated by the sea, produced but sparsely. l.Jater they came to Slovakia from other parts of Germany. SloV'akia's mountainous regions concealed an abundance of precious minerals, including gold and silver ore. The native population, employed in tilling the soil and in animal husbandry, did not know how to exploit this natural wealth, even though the first mining settlements originated in Slovakia in the eleventh century. Names of towns like Rudno, Rudnik, Rudna (ruda=ore), Zlatno, Zlatnik, Zlatovce (zlato=gold), prove that the first miners in Slovakia were Slovaks. To exploit this wea:lth of various ore deposits efficiently, the owners of the lands-the King, nobility, and the monks - called in the Germans who had greater experience in mining and could assure large returns to the landowners. German colonists, who migrated in great numbers to Slovakia were no longer only guests, but became hereditary holders of properties which the authorities granted them. Every group of colonists was brought in by the King's representative who was called a locator (lokator). He took over the lands marked out by the authorities for the colonists, surveyed and assigned parcels of land to individual :families, organized a settlement, and became its administrator (rychtar). Of course, such a settlement did not bring any return to the authorities the first year, because the settlers first had to clear the forests, condition the soil and lay out the fields. So that a new settlement might become sound economi'cally, the authorities usually granted a period SLOVAKIA 71 of relief (lehota) upon the expiration of which the settlers began paying taxes to the owner. This relief period usually lasted eighteen years. To this day there are forty-six villages in SloV'akia bearing the name "Lehota" : Mnichova Lehota, Janova Lehota, Bartosova Lehota, Kral'ova Lehota, Petrova Lehota, Paucina Lehota, Bzovska Lehota, Horna Lehota, Dolna Lehota, etc. The "rychtar" (administrator) was the head of every such settlement; he took the largest tract of land and paid no taxes. He was the judge and jury in all litigations and collected the fines, of which he was entitled to keep onethird. The authority put him in charge of the village tavern, let him run a mill, a workshop and granted him many other rights and privileges. The office of "rychtar" was usually heriditary. After the expiration of the relief period, the colonists began to pay the prescribed tribute. At first it was onetenth of the harvest, which the taxpayer had to bring into the court of his respective lord. Moreover, the colonist had to supply his lord with poultry, eggs, cheese and other items. Later, when the peasant could sell his produce, he paid all his taxes in money. Because this revenue was determined once and for all time, the position of these settlers was not intolerable, for they could increase their a:nnual income by industrious labor, while the tribute remained unchanged. Taxes were usually paid twice annually: in the spring on St. George's day (April 24) , and in the fall on the feast-day of St. Havel (October 16). Since the ruler, noble, or abbey, derived rich revenues from new settlements, many villages were promoted in those times. All new communities founded by the Germans were ruled by the laws which the colonists brought from their own country. In Slovakia the Saxon Law of the city of Magdenburg prevailed. Among the new settlements, organized according to German law, the cities attained greatest significance. THE BEGINNINGS OF SLOVAK CITIES Agricultural towns and villages were for the most part in Slovakia up to the thirteenth century, because the Slovaks occupied themselves in the main with agriculture. 72 SLOVAKIA In the more densely forested areas, where there was little arable soil, there were settlements of people who concerned themselves with animal husbandry, and farming was taken up only after the forests were cleared and burnt away. Tradesmen, in the employ of the king's court and the royal castles, resided in some of the villages already in this period. Beneath the significant county-seat castles market settlements were established, but usually by foreign merchants. Along the frontier regions of Slovakia, near the strategic gates, and near the important trade highways, settlements of foreign warriors, assigned to sentinel duty, were founded. And in central Slovakia at that time there already were several mining settlements. But up to the eleventh century there were no cities in Slovakia. Slovak cities did not arise until the Germans immigrated to Slovakia in large numbers. Slovak cities came into being in the 13th and 14th centuries. But not all of them sprang up in the same manner. Some developed gradually from ancient villages as, for example, Trnava, Zilina, Turciansky Svaty Martin, Prievidza, Topofcany. Others, like Bratislava, Nitra, Hlohovec, Zvolen and Trencin, developed from market settlements beneath the castles. Many cities in Slovakia developed near the important commercial highways and became centers of economic life. Hlohovec had such an origin for it is along the road which joins the Vah region with the Nitra area; Topofcany and Prievidza developed along the highway which connected Nitra to Turiec; Zilina originated at the crossroads leading to Silesia, Moravia and Poland. Ruzomberok and Liptovsky Svaty Mikulas sprouted up in the upper Vah region. In the Spis district the commercial cities of Kezmarok and Levoca attained great significance. Kosice, the largest city in the east, developed along the road which connected Budin with Cracow; along this same road arose Presov, Sabinov and Bardejov in the Saris district. Great economic importance was attained by towns which had their origin in the mining settlements of the Zvolen Forest area (Banska Stiavnica, Banska Bystrica, Kremnica, Krupina, Slovenska :r,upca, :r,ubietova, Pukanec, Brezno), those of Liptov (Nemecka :r,upca) and Spis (Gelnica, Spisska Nova V es) . SLOVAKIA 73 The difference between the city and the village was especially in the various privileges granted to cities by the ruler, which guaranteed the city not only independence from the county administration (zupan), but also enabled its economic development. Every city had the right to have weekly and annual market days. On such days the people of the entire vicinity assembled to sell their agricultur al products and buy manufactured goods and merchandise from the city tradesmen and merchants. The "mile law" had a deep significance, for it denied a merchant the right to set up his business within a mile of the city lest he jeopardize the interests of the urban tradesmen. These cities near the frontier or impor tant commercial highways were granted the right of "stor age" (maintaining warehouses) , which gave them the assurance that merchants who brought merchandise from neighboring countries could not pass up the city and had to store their goods there. Bratislava had such a right of storage for goods from Austria; Trnava on goods from Bohemia and Moravia; Bardejov and Podolinec on goods from Poland; Sucany on Polish salt; Kosice on merchandise from Poland and Russia and on wine to be exported to Poland. Furthermore, cities were granted the privilege of brewing beer. Merchants of many cities displayed and sold their merchandise over a wide area without paying taxes or customs duty. To prevent brigands and r obbers from menacing the security of a city and its vicinity, the cities were granted the "right of the sword" by which they could condemn criminals to death and execute them. The cities also safeguarded their security further by being allowed to build strong walls; it was thus that many cities became real fortresses, places of refuge in times of peril. The most important privilege enjoyed by the cities, however, was their independence of the regional authority, whereby they could govern themselves according to the legal code brought to Slovakia from Germany. According to this 1aw, a city elected its own council, which usually consisted of twelve councilmen or advisors. Every councilman had to serve as "rychtar" (administrator or mayor) for a period 74 SLOVAKIA of one month. The city inhabitants also could elect their own parish priest. Such cities, not under the jurisdiction of a "zupan" and subject directly to the king, were called "royal free cities." Each had its own coat of arms and seal. BRATISLAVA is mentioned as the Breslauspurch castle already in 907 A.D. A market settlement, mentioned in 1151, sprang up beneath the castle. In 1290 a city was established near this settlement; later it fused with the older market settlement. Bratislava was granted many privileges in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. TRNAVA developed from an old Slovak village which was situated on the bank of the Trnava Creek and on the highway which connected Praha with Budin. Trnava was granted city privileges in 1238 and, hence, is the oldest city in Slovakia. SKALICA became a city in 1372. NITRA was the most significant Slovak castle already in the ninth century. A market settlement was established, which was granted city rights in 1248 A. D. as a reward for valiantly defending the castle during the Turkish invasion. Later, the original "Stare Mesto" (Old Town) was fused with several villages (like Parovce) and thus originated the city of Nitra of today. HLOHOVEC belongs among the most ancient castles in Slovakia. It guarded the road from the Vah region to Nitra. A settlement sprang up under its walls and ne~t to it, in the 14th century, the city of Friestadt. When these two settlements united, the present city of Hlohovec came into being. TRENCIN was mentioned as Laugaricio already in the second century. The Trencin castle was there in the 11th century and protected the Vah region road which was connected to the Vlar highway. Beneath its walls was a settlement, which became a city rubout the year 1300, after the advent of German colonists. In 1402 Trencin was granted the right of "storage." ZILINA was originally a Slovak village which grew raipidly, because of its advantageous location at the point where the Kysuca flows into the Vah and at the intersection of commercial highways. It was mentioned for the first SLOVAKIA 75 time in 1208. It became a city about 1350 and probably one of the most significant cities of Slovakia. The people of Zilina founded several nearby settlements, among them also Kysucke N ove Mesto. TOPOr..CANY became a city some time at the beginning of the second half of the thirteenth century and attained significance largely because it was situated on the road going from Nitra to Turiec and near the road that came from the V ah region. PRIEVIDZA, as a settlement, was mentioned for the first time in 1113. It attained municipal status in 1388, when it gained its independence from Bojnice castle. Prievidza was granted city rights by the city of Krnpina. TURCIANSKY SY.A.TY MARTIN developed near the old settlement of Modla, the very name of which shows that it was founded in the Great Moravian period. As a village it was mentioned in 1284 and was granted city rights in 1340 by the city of Krupina. RUZOMBEROK was founded by German colonists, who searched for precious metals in Liptov. It became a city in 1318, when it was granted the same rights as those enjoyed by N emeclka r..upca since 1263. KEZMAROK, as its name indicates, is also of German origin. It was a village which was granted some rights in 1269. In 1380 it became a city. LEVOCA, first mentioned in 1263, was granted city rights at the opening of the fourteenth century and shortly thereafter became the leading city of the entire Spis region. PRESOV, granted city rights in 1324, became the center of economic life of the entire Saris region. SABINOV grew up from a village which had its origin in the twelfth century. It became a city about the middle of the fourteenth century. BARDEJOV was founded by the Cistercian monks who settled in the territory at the beginning of the thirteenth century. It was granted city rights in 1320 and became a free royal city in 1376. PODOL1NEC belongs among the frontier towns. The Poles founded it in 1244, because at that time this part of 76 SLOVAKIA Spis belonged to Poland. W enceslaus II, King of Bohemia and Poland, elevated it to a city in 1292, but a few years later it reverted to Slovakia. KRUPINA is one of the oldest Slovak cities. It became a city the same time as Trnava (1238). The Krupina Right (law) was extended over the whole of Slovakia. ZVOLEN was mentioned, in 1214, as a village beneath the walls of the castle bearing that name. It was granted some rights in 1244 and became a city gradually. Its inhabitants founded other settlements, especially in the upper Hron region. KOSICE was originally a village at the foot of the Hradova Castle and received its city charter the same year that Bratislava was incorporated. Since the main highway from Hungary to Poland passed this way, a city sprang up near the old village which was granted city rights the same time as Bratislava (1290). Kosice prospered not only from trade, but also from the new privileges granted to it by the Hungarian kings in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Of course, not a:ll Slovak cities enjoyed equal rights. The kings favored ,s ome cities more than others. Some cities were granted all rights outright, while others received them only gradually. This charter or document of rights had to be confirmed by successive rulers, who had the authority to enhance the rights granted by their predecessors. Some cities, because of their advantageous location, used their privileges to prosper economica;lly, while others, lacking the conditions for development, made no progress economically and declined in time. Mining cities, in regions rich in precious metals, were specially favored and enjoyed a special status. These cities were granted the right to seek out and e~loit the rich metal deposits in their vicinity. Slovaks were engaged in mining already in the eleventh century, but the Germans introduced a highly efficient method of mining. The oldest mining town in Slovakia, Banska Stiavnica, was granted city rights in 1250; it was administered by the law of the Czech mining city of Jihlava. Through Banska Stiavnica SLOVAKIA 77 the rest of the Slovak mining towns received their charters, except Kremnica, which was governed by the Kutnohorie .furm of charter. The mines of Ban.ska Stiavnica were very profitable; about half of the silver mined in Hungary in the thirteenth century came from its mines. Kremnica, however, soon became the richest mining center. The famous Kremnica ducats, valid in the whole of central Europe, were coined here since 1335. In 1255 Bansika Bystrica be.came a city. The inhabitants of all these cities were quite prosperous, they could afford to build large and imposing homes and churches. Besides these large mining centers, there were smaller ones like Pukanec (1337), Hanska Bela (1440), Nova Bana (1345), r..ubietova (1379) , Brezno (1380), Gelnica (about 1250) and Spisska Nova Ves (1380). Nowhere in the Hugarian kingdom did so many cities arise as in Slovakia. SLOVAK CITIES IN THE MIDDLE AGES So that cities could conform with their purpose, they had to be built •p roperly. Every city was, therefore, built according to a ,p lan which fitted the terrain. Where a city developed from an older settlement, the latter became the foundation for building the city. Where a city arose as an entirely new settlement, it could be built precisely according to a predetermined plan. On level ground with sufficient free area, the ground plan of the city was regular. But many cities sprang up in hilly areas, where there was insufficient level ground and, hence, had to be built on a slope (Hanska Stiavnica), in a basin (Banska Bystrica and Kremnica), or on a bank of a river (Nitra and Trencin). The ,s tructural development of a city depended on natural conditions. The public square (namestie) was the most important part of a city; it was usua:lly centrally located. Through it passed the main highway that connected the city with the vicinity. The square had to be quite spacious, because it was there that the weekly and annual markets (trh or jarmok) were held. The homes of the wealthiest citizens encircled the square. They were narrow, usually two-story dwellings with high gables and steep roofs. The workshops 78 SLOVAKIA of the tradesmen were in the long, narrow courtyards of these homes. On the ground-floor of these stone structures there often were vaulted arcades under which merchants laid out their wares during inclement weather. Such homes still stand in Zilina and Kysucke N ove Mesto. The majority of the other homes were of wood. Architecturally, the city hall and the churches were the most imposing buildings. Streets ran in all directions in a parallel or vertical fashion. They were quite narrow, unpaved, and unlighted at night. Some streets were made blind so that in case of invasion by the enemy, he could be chased into them and captured or destroyed. On the most prominent site of a city stood the parish church, the pride and ornament of every city. It was built either on the square (Skalica, Podolinec, Spisska Nova Ves, Presov, Sabinov, Kosice, etc.), or near the city ramparts (Trnava, Krupina and Zilina). The parish church often formed a part of the city fortifications (Bw:::ka Bystrica and Kremnica) . The parish cemetery was near the church. Large imposing churches were built in Slovak cities by the Franciscans and Dominicans (Trnava, Nitra, Skalica, IIlohovec, Banska Stiavnica and Ifosice). The most significant building of each city was its City Hall (mestsky dom) which was situated either directly on the square (Levoca, Spisska Nova Ves, Bardejov), or very near it (Kosice, Brati<slava). The larger and more prosperous Slovak cities were granted the right of enclosure. At first the cities were enclosed with wooden palisades, but later with solid stone walls. Because the construction of stone walls was very expensive, the city was exempt from paying various taxes while the walls were being constructed. In some cities, which were protected by nature itself, only the castle stood high above the city (Banska Stiavnica, Banska Bystrica), or individual bastions stood near the highways which guarded the entrance to the city. The wealthiest cities, fearing invasion by an enemy, were enclosed by a solid stone wall with numerous citad~ls. Gates led through the ramparts into the city; usually two if only one road ran through the city, and four gates if there were two roads running through it; and there usually were several lesser gates. The main gates SLOVAKIA 79 were part of a mighty bastion in which there was a permanent guard. All gates were closed and locked at night. A wide and deep moat surrounded the walls to prevent the enemy from getting directly beneath them. Above the moat was a drawbridge. In front of the main gate some cities built lesser fortifications to protect the entrance to the city (Bardejov). Some Slovak cities built their ramparts immediately after their founding. Trnava, located on an open plain had fortifications with many bastions, four main and two secondary gates; these ramparts, except the main gates, are still standing today. Bratislava fortified itself in 1311; Michael's Gate and the names of other gates have been preserved. Presov built its ramparts in 1378, Zilina in 1405, and Ska:lica in 1372. Some Slovak cities erected their fortifications later, when the Turks threatened Slovakia in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (Zvolen, Krurpina). Smaller, but more securely situated cities never had any fortifications around them (Turciansky Svaty Martin, Liptovsky Svaty Mi'kulas). Naturally, cities built in such a fashion could not be very extensive and have a very numerous population. Trnava was the largest city in Slovakia; it grew up in the center of a fertile valley in western Slovakia, on the crossroads of import'<lnt highways. In the Spis region, Levoca was the leading city. In central Slovakia, Kremnica grew unusually fast; in 1442 it already had about three thousand inhabitants. Later Bratislavia and Kosice outgrew these cities. Other Slovak towns had from 800 to 1000 inhabitants. The overwhelming majority of urban populations were engaged in the trades or in commerce. Slovak cities, located on important commercial highways which connected S1ovakia with neighboring countries, became the centers of a lively economic life and made vital contacts with foreign cities (Bratislava, Levoca, Bardejov, Kosice). In some towns there was an -agricultural population which tilled the fields beyond the walls of the city. In the cities which developed from ancient Slovak villages, the original Slovak population was preserved along with the German colonists. In the new cities, especially in 80 SLOVAKIA the numng cities, the inhabitants were almost exclusively German. They made it their concern to own all property, control the economy and political life and thus prevented other naJtionalities from settling in their cities. In such German towns, Slovaks could not buy property, own homes, engage in the trades, or have any part in the city government. Thus it happened that some cities in Slovakia retained their German character for a very long time. But in other cities, situated in densly populated areas, even the Slovaks settled, changed their national character, and engaged in the trades and the political life of the cities. In the second half of the fourteenth century, there were so many Slovruks in Zilina that King Louis the Great issued an order in 1381 which decreed that half of the members of the city council of Zilina had to be Slovak. In other cities Slovak churches were built along with German parish churches; this definitely attests to the fact that the Slovaks were relatively numerous in such cities. Already in the Middle Ages streets carried Slovak names in Bardejov and Presov. In the following centuries, when a part of the Germans of Slovak cities perished in the wars, in which the cities suffered most, more and more Slovaks migrated to the cities so that gradually, ibut certainly, they became predominantly Slovak in character. Jewish merchants began to settle in Slovak cities from the most ancient times. They usually occupied that part of the city which was set aside specifically for them. This Jewish section of the city was separated from the rest of the city by a wall (Zamocka Street and its vicinity in Bratislava; Jericho and Jerusalem Streets in Trnava; and Parovce in Nitra). (To be continued) WHO SAID IT? ''Today more than ever before, I cannot stop believing that a free and independent Czooho-Slovakia can exist only in Europe thait is brought to balance, where the West and Russia find a proper agreement to collaborate. Even the even1s of February 1948 could not shake me from this conviction, which remains the basis of my whole conception of national politics." - (The late Dr. Hubert Ripka, right-hand man of Dr. Edward Benes, FIGARO, Paris, April 4, 1949.)  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The History of Slovakia (7/9) Description An account of the resource Philip A. Hrobak Slovakia, Vol. 8, No. 3 (28), December 1958 pp. 69-80 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Hrobak, Philip Anthony, 1904-1964 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource December 1958 Relation A related resource continued from <a href="https://slovakia.omeka.net/items/show/271">Vol. 8, No. 2 (27), pp. 56-64</a><br />continues in <a href="https://slovakia.omeka.net/items/show/299">Vol. 9, No. 1 (29), pp. 72-80</a> LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/2f9140fdcaa80dc846247fc6d807ad76.pdf 3cf058966a489a6b16735bfdcd602df4 PDF Text Text Officers of the Slovak League of America (Organized May 26, 1907, Cleveland, Ohio) Honorary Presidents Andre w J. Ham r oc k Dr. Peter P. H letko 61 Woodland Avenu e Campbell, Ohio Batavia Rd., Box 17 Warrenville, Ill. Step he n Msgr. F. J . Dubos h, P.A. Dub iel 12210 Detroit Avenu e Lakewood, Ohio 12608 Madison Avenue Lakewood 7, Ohio E li zabe th Andrejko President Philip A. Hrobak P. 0 . Box 160 551 Grove Avenue Johnstown, Pa. Middletown, Pa. ADVISORY COUNCIL Vice-Presidents Rev. John W . K ris p i nsky M ich ael J. Va r govic 2425 W. 11th Street Cleveland, Ohio National President First Catholic Slovak Union Ju li a Kraj covi c 1-l elen K oca n 1648 W. 18th Street Chicago 8, Ill. National President First Catholic Slovak Ladies Union Recording Secretary Constantine Culen Paul 537 Westview Rd. Bedford, Ohio Secretary-Treasu rer M i lan V. Blazek 4922 S. Leclaire Avenue Chicago 38, Ill. Stephen J . T kach National President Pa. Catholic Slovak Union EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE A nna Sot ak National President Ladies Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union Pau l P. Ja m r i sk a 536 Marie Ave. Pittsburgh 2, Pa. Josept. G. Pru sa F a l lat National President Slovak Catholic Sokol Jo h n 205 Madison Street Passaic, N. J. Rozbor i l National President Slovak Catholic Cadet Union SLOVAK NEWSPAPERS (Affil iated with the Slovak League of America) JEDNOTA SLOVE NS KA OBRANA ZENSKA JEDNOTA Middletown, Pa. Scranton, Pa. Cleveland, Ohio BRATSTVO Wilkes-Barre, Pa. SLOV EN SKE N OVIN Y ZORNICKA Cleveland, Ohio Chicago, Ill. KATOLiCKY SOKOL SVORNOS T OSADNE HLASY Pas.sale, N. J. Whitaker, Pa. SL OV A K V A ME RI KE Middletown, Pa. Chicago, m. �UBRARY WIIJ.ERSVILLE STATE COLLEGE ~fflllERSVILLE, PA 17551 � Officers of the Slovak League of America (Organized May 26, 1907, Cleveland, Ohio) Honorary Presidents Andre w J. Ham r oc k Dr. Peter P. H letko 61 Woodland Avenu e Campbell, Ohio Batavia Rd., Box 17 Warrenville, Ill. Step he n Msgr. F. J . Dubos h, P.A. Dub iel 12210 Detroit Avenu e Lakewood, Ohio 12608 Madison Avenue Lakewood 7, Ohio E li zabe th Andrejko President Philip A. Hrobak P. 0 . Box 160 551 Grove Avenue Johnstown, Pa. Middletown, Pa. ADVISORY COUNCIL Vice-Presidents Rev. John W . K ris p i nsky M ich ael J. Va r govic 2425 W. 11th Street Cleveland, Ohio National President First Catholic Slovak Union Ju li a Kraj covi c 1-l elen K oca n 1648 W. 18th Street Chicago 8, Ill. National President First Catholic Slovak Ladies Union Recording Secretary Constantine Culen Paul 537 Westview Rd. Bedford, Ohio Secretary-Treasu rer M i lan V. Blazek 4922 S. Leclaire Avenue Chicago 38, Ill. Stephen J . T kach National President Pa. Catholic Slovak Union EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE A nna Sot ak National President Ladies Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union Pau l P. Ja m r i sk a 536 Marie Ave. Pittsburgh 2, Pa. Josept. G. Pru sa F a l lat National President Slovak Catholic Sokol Jo h n 205 Madison Street Passaic, N. J. Rozbor i l National President Slovak Catholic Cadet Union SLOVAK NEWSPAPERS (Affil iated with the Slovak League of America) JEDNOTA SLOVE NS KA OBRANA ZENSKA JEDNOTA Middletown, Pa. Scranton, Pa. Cleveland, Ohio BRATSTVO Wilkes-Barre, Pa. SLOV EN SKE N OVIN Y ZORNICKA Cleveland, Ohio Chicago, Ill. KATOLiCKY SOKOL SVORNOS T OSADNE HLASY Pas.sale, N. J. Whitaker, Pa. SL OV A K V A ME RI KE Middletown, Pa. Chicago, m. �UBRARY WIIJ.ERSVILLE STATE COLLEGE ~fflllERSVILLE, PA 17551 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1958, Vol. 8 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 26), March 1958.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 27), June 1958.</li> <li>Issue 3 (No. 28), December 1958.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1958 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document Officers of the Slovak League of America (Organized May 26, 1907, Cleveland, Ohio) Honorary Presidents Andre w J. Ham r oc k Dr. Peter P. H letko 61 Woodland Avenu e Campbell, Ohio Batavia Rd., Box 17 Warrenville, Ill. Step he n Msgr. F. J . Dubos h, P.A. Dub iel 12210 Detroit Avenu e Lakewood, Ohio 12608 Madison Avenue Lakewood 7, Ohio E li zabe th Andrejko President Philip A. Hrobak P. 0 . Box 160 551 Grove Avenue Johnstown, Pa. Middletown, Pa. ADVISORY COUNCIL Vice-Presidents Rev. John W . K ris p i nsky M ich ael J. Va r govic 2425 W. 11th Street Cleveland, Ohio National President First Catholic Slovak Union Ju li a Kraj covi c 1-l elen K oca n 1648 W. 18th Street Chicago 8, Ill. National President First Catholic Slovak Ladies Union Recording Secretary Constantine Culen Paul 537 Westview Rd. Bedford, Ohio Secretary-Treasu rer M i lan V. Blazek 4922 S. Leclaire Avenue Chicago 38, Ill. Stephen J . T kach National President Pa. Catholic Slovak Union EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE A nna Sot ak National President Ladies Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union Pau l P. Ja m r i sk a 536 Marie Ave. Pittsburgh 2, Pa. Josept. G. Pru sa F a l lat National President Slovak Catholic Sokol Jo h n 205 Madison Street Passaic, N. J. Rozbor i l National President Slovak Catholic Cadet Union SLOVAK NEWSPAPERS (Affil iated with the Slovak League of America) JEDNOTA SLOVE NS KA OBRANA ZENSKA JEDNOTA Middletown, Pa. Scranton, Pa. Cleveland, Ohio BRATSTVO Wilkes-Barre, Pa. SLOV EN SKE N OVIN Y ZORNICKA Cleveland, Ohio Chicago, Ill. KATOLiCKY SOKOL SVORNOS T OSADNE HLASY Pas.sale, N. J. Whitaker, Pa. SL OV A K V A ME RI KE Middletown, Pa. Chicago, m. UBRARY WIIJ.ERSVILLE STATE COLLEGE ~fflllERSVILLE, PA 17551  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Back Matter, Slovakia, Vol. 8, No. 3 (28) Description An account of the resource includes photo of Ždiar in Spiš County Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource December 1958 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/111bdde3035fd0c13fdebffee0bf6f2e.pdf 6c16bebc2871a5e695ae99ef9e655fc6 PDF Text Text MARCH, 1957 VOL. VII NO. l (22) IN THIS ISSUE: TENTH ANNIVERSARY OF DR. JOSEPH TISO' S EXECUTION I WAS EDITOR OF PRESIDENT TISO'S NEWSPAPER EIGHT FATAL DAYS IN THE LIFE OF DR. JOSEPH TISO SLOVAKIA: TRIAL OF DR. JOSEPH TISO PLEA OF SLOVAK BISHOPS IN TISp'S BEHALF HERO AND PATRIOT OF SLOVAKIA ❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖ ·!· ❖ ❖ ❖ ..!. .:. ❖ ❖ :j: This issue is dedicated to the memory of Dr. Joseph Tiso, President of Slovakia, 1939-1945, who was executed on the gal- ::; lows by the Benes-Gottwald communist-dominated regime, :\: April 18, 1947. '.(; ❖ 6 ❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖ THE TERRITORY OF ANCIENT SLOVAKIA MICKIEWICZ IN SLOVAK POETRY AND TRANSLATIONS ME MUST QUIT HELPING RED REGIMES INDEPENDENCE AND THE SLOVAK PAST FROM THE HISTORY OF SLOVAKIA KERNER'S 'CZECHOSLOVAKIA": HISTORY OR PROPAGANDA? (Cont'd.) WHO SAID IT?: 8, 18 Edited and compiled_ by PHILIP A. HROBAK SLOVAKIA Box 150 Middletown, Pa. , Published by G A ~.f t'rt~'RA'R~UE OF AMERICA MI-LLERSVILLE STATE COHEGF Mlt.LERSVILLE, PA 17551 �1907 - 1957 The Slovak League of America is completing its FIFTIETH YEAR of faithful service " FOR GOD AND FOR NATION." It was oragan ized by the Rev. Stephen Furdek, May 26, 1907, at Cleveland, O hi o. - The Slovaks of America will celebrate the Golden Jubilee of the Slovak League of America in the city of its foundation on May 26, 1957, before the opening of the 35th Congress of the League in Hotel Cleveland. SLOVAKIA is published periodically by the Slovak League of America, a cultural and civic federation of Americans of Slovak descent. The chief purpose of SLOVAKIA is to promote a better understanding and appreciation of the Slovak nation and its long struggle for freedom and independence. As Americans, members of the Slovak League of America firmly believe that the Slovak nation, just as all nations, has the inherent and God-given right to freedom and independence. They are dedicated to the cause of the American way of life, Slovak freedom and world peace and are determined to oppose the plague of Communism and all other totalitarian political systems. Subscription to SLOVAKIA is $1.00 per year in the U. S. A. - $2.00 elsewhere. Send subscriptions to: SLOVAKIA Box 150 Middletown, Pa. Printed in the U. 5. A. JEDNOTA PRESS Middletown, Pa. � MARCH, 1957 VOL. VII NO. l (22) IN THIS ISSUE: TENTH ANNIVERSARY OF DR. JOSEPH TISO' S EXECUTION I WAS EDITOR OF PRESIDENT TISO'S NEWSPAPER EIGHT FATAL DAYS IN THE LIFE OF DR. JOSEPH TISO SLOVAKIA: TRIAL OF DR. JOSEPH TISO PLEA OF SLOVAK BISHOPS IN TISp'S BEHALF HERO AND PATRIOT OF SLOVAKIA ❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖ ·!· ❖ ❖ ❖ ..!. .:. ❖ ❖ :j: This issue is dedicated to the memory of Dr. Joseph Tiso, President of Slovakia, 1939-1945, who was executed on the gal- ::; lows by the Benes-Gottwald communist-dominated regime, :\: April 18, 1947. '.(; ❖ 6 ❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖ THE TERRITORY OF ANCIENT SLOVAKIA MICKIEWICZ IN SLOVAK POETRY AND TRANSLATIONS ME MUST QUIT HELPING RED REGIMES INDEPENDENCE AND THE SLOVAK PAST FROM THE HISTORY OF SLOVAKIA KERNER'S 'CZECHOSLOVAKIA": HISTORY OR PROPAGANDA? (Cont'd.) WHO SAID IT?: 8, 18 Edited and compiled_ by PHILIP A. HROBAK SLOVAKIA Box 150 Middletown, Pa. , Published by G A ~.f t'rt~'RA'R~UE OF AMERICA MI-LLERSVILLE STATE COHEGF Mlt.LERSVILLE, PA 17551 �1907 - 1957 The Slovak League of America is completing its FIFTIETH YEAR of faithful service " FOR GOD AND FOR NATION." It was oragan ized by the Rev. Stephen Furdek, May 26, 1907, at Cleveland, O hi o. - The Slovaks of America will celebrate the Golden Jubilee of the Slovak League of America in the city of its foundation on May 26, 1957, before the opening of the 35th Congress of the League in Hotel Cleveland. SLOVAKIA is published periodically by the Slovak League of America, a cultural and civic federation of Americans of Slovak descent. The chief purpose of SLOVAKIA is to promote a better understanding and appreciation of the Slovak nation and its long struggle for freedom and independence. As Americans, members of the Slovak League of America firmly believe that the Slovak nation, just as all nations, has the inherent and God-given right to freedom and independence. They are dedicated to the cause of the American way of life, Slovak freedom and world peace and are determined to oppose the plague of Communism and all other totalitarian political systems. Subscription to SLOVAKIA is $1.00 per year in the U. S. A. - $2.00 elsewhere. Send subscriptions to: SLOVAKIA Box 150 Middletown, Pa. Printed in the U. 5. A. JEDNOTA PRESS Middletown, Pa. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1957, Vol. 7 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 22), March 1957.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 23), June 1957.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 24-25), September-December 1957.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1957 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document MARCH, 1957 VOL. VII NO. l (22) IN THIS ISSUE: TENTH ANNIVERSARY OF DR. JOSEPH TISO' S EXECUTION I WAS EDITOR OF PRESIDENT TISO'S NEWSPAPER EIGHT FATAL DAYS IN THE LIFE OF DR. JOSEPH TISO SLOVAKIA: TRIAL OF DR. JOSEPH TISO PLEA OF SLOVAK BISHOPS IN TISp'S BEHALF HERO AND PATRIOT OF SLOVAKIA ❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖ ·!· ❖ ❖ ❖ ..!. .:. ❖ ❖ :j: This issue is dedicated to the memory of Dr. Joseph Tiso, President of Slovakia, 1939-1945, who was executed on the gal- ::; lows by the Benes-Gottwald communist-dominated regime, :\: April 18, 1947. '.(; ❖ 6 ❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖❖ THE TERRITORY OF ANCIENT SLOVAKIA MICKIEWICZ IN SLOVAK POETRY AND TRANSLATIONS ME MUST QUIT HELPING RED REGIMES INDEPENDENCE AND THE SLOVAK PAST FROM THE HISTORY OF SLOVAKIA KERNER'S 'CZECHOSLOVAKIA": HISTORY OR PROPAGANDA? (Cont'd.) WHO SAID IT?: 8, 18 Edited and compiled_ by PHILIP A. HROBAK SLOVAKIA Box 150 Middletown, Pa. , Published by G A ~.f t'rt~'RA'R~UE OF AMERICA MI-LLERSVILLE STATE COHEGF Mlt.LERSVILLE, PA 17551 1907 - 1957 The Slovak League of America is completing its FIFTIETH YEAR of faithful service " FOR GOD AND FOR NATION." It was oragan ized by the Rev. Stephen Furdek, May 26, 1907, at Cleveland, O hi o. - The Slovaks of America will celebrate the Golden Jubilee of the Slovak League of America in the city of its foundation on May 26, 1957, before the opening of the 35th Congress of the League in Hotel Cleveland. SLOVAKIA is published periodically by the Slovak League of America, a cultural and civic federation of Americans of Slovak descent. The chief purpose of SLOVAKIA is to promote a better understanding and appreciation of the Slovak nation and its long struggle for freedom and independence. As Americans, members of the Slovak League of America firmly believe that the Slovak nation, just as all nations, has the inherent and God-given right to freedom and independence. They are dedicated to the cause of the American way of life, Slovak freedom and world peace and are determined to oppose the plague of Communism and all other totalitarian political systems. Subscription to SLOVAKIA is $1.00 per year in the U. S. A. - $2.00 elsewhere. Send subscriptions to: SLOVAKIA Box 150 Middletown, Pa. Printed in the U. 5. A. JEDNOTA PRESS Middletown, Pa.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Front Matter, Slovakia, Vol. 7, No. 1 (22) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource March 1957 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/218e2241811501c4c8784e87b1cac2aa.pdf f7d9d2582542081c8057ab064b2c2cf5 PDF Text Text SLOV AKIA PubHshed VOL. VII quarterly by the Slovak League of America MARCH, 1957 NO. 1 (22) THE TENTH ANNIVERSARY OF DR. JOSEPH TISO'S EXECUTION JOSEPH KIRSCHBAUM When Monsignor Dr. Joseph Tiso, President of thewartime Slovak Republic, was executed on the gallows on April 18, 1947, a victim of Communist and Czech vengeance, with the assistance of the adherents of Czecho-Communist collaboration most of whom are today living in exile, the Vatican broadcast, commenting on the reaction of the world press to Tiso's murder, said: "As a martyr of his love for his country, Dr. Tiso-who finally died in a very nice manner and as a priest internally very dignified, even though the manner of putting him to death was not befitting a priest-shall continue to live in the Catholic Slovak nation. Tendencious articles in the world press cannot change this fact." Ten years later, it is not necessary to prove the truthfulness of that forecast. Shortly after the first President of the Slovak Republic was surrendered to his vengeful political opponents, there resounded in the American and world press so many manifestations of sympathy, admiration, and respect for Dr. Joseph Tiso, as had been tendered no Slovak in the thousand-year-old stirring history of the Slovak people. Verily, Dr. Tiso outgrew the Slovak framework and "continues to live today" not only in the hearts of his Slovak people, but in the hearts of millions of people who love truth and freedom. Slovakia and the Slovak nation still belongs to the world which did not succumb to Communism, to the world which, so to speak, is personified in Dr. Tiso and his fate. And many people even here on the American continent today see in Tiso the first great victim of Communism in the attack on the civilized world. With decent and intelligent people, the name of Tiso has �2 SLOVAKIA become the key to sympathy for and frequently also to the knowledge of Slovakia and our fight and destiny. In this unusual turn of world public opinion, it is interesting to recall what Dr. Joseph Tiso said when he was asked by the so-called National Court in Bratislava why he had left Slovakia. Tiso at that time had replied: "I left Slovakia, because I wished to make the claims of the Slovak nation to its own way of life better known and more understandable to the Western powers." Of course, we know that the Western powers did not allow the living Tiso to do this, but we also have knowledge that they did not know, and still do not know, how to prevent the dead Tiso from fulfilling his mission. 'Dhe political murder, of which Dr. Tiso was the victim, did not bring about a change of heart only in alien circles, in circles frequently unfavorable to Slovakia and disinterested in the fate of Slovak nation. The crime committed against Dr. Tiso has stirred the conscience and awakened from national lethargy and indifference the Slovaks themselves, and especially the Slovaks beyond the borders of Slovakia who could not partake of the blessings of Slovak independence. If at the present time, outside the borders of Slovakia, the absolute majority of informed Slovaks is again in the fight for the sacred Slovak cause of freedom and independence, without any reservations whatsoever, this is due in a large measure to the death of Tiso, the hevo and martyr of the 'Slovak nation. Today there is not a single country in the free world, where the Slovaks do not annually commemorate March 14, 1939, Slovak Independence Day, and the Slovak Day of Infamy, April 18, 1947-the day that the Benes Czechs-Czech Socialists and Communists- shamefully put Dr. Tiso to death on the gallows. And in all these manifestations and celebrations, the personality, heroic fight and martyr's death of President Dr. Joseph Tiso stand out pre-eminently as a symbol, as a permanent light of Slovak history. On this tenth anniversary of the Bratislava murder, it is appropriate, I believe, to point out the fundamental principles, which led Dr. Joseph Tiso in his work for his �SLOVAKIA 3 people all the way up to the gallows and which characterized one historical period of the Slovak nation. Tiso on Politics, Nation and State Like Andrew Hlinka, Dr. Joseph Tiso left to Slovak generations no compact work about his views on Slovak national life, on their mission and on the ideological foundations of Slovak politics. Always in the middle of obstinate struggles for the preservation of his people and Slovak national existence, in which he played the foremost role since 1918, Dr. Tiso had little time to write books, so he probably postponed the task for a time when he would depart from the political arena. But this was denied hilli by the executioner. Although ideologically he formulate<l the Slovak struggles for national life, and systematically in his countless manifestations and reflections placed the foundations of and consciously developed the fundamental principles of Slovak national ideology in a manner as no one else had in his century, or in previous centuries, a systematic explanation of Tiso's views still awaits the efforts of an expert. The first step in this direction was made by Prof. Dr. Stephen Polakovic during the lifetime of Dr. Tiso, when he expertly and systematically collected in the work "Tiso's Doctrine"l the fundamental concept of Dr. Tiso relating to nation, nationalism, state, religion, and social questions. Even though the volume bears the seal of war conditions in Slovakia, it remains for us thusJar, along with the final speech of Dr. Tiso before the Bratislava Court, which was edited by Dr. Joseph Pauco2, a priceless source of knowledge of the fundamental ideas, aims and efforts of Slovak political life in the first half of this century. These two literary works are not only a source of knowing the past, but also a sum total of the fundamental directives for national and political work, about which Dr. Joseph Tiso, as if following the example of the Old Testamnt prophets, said: "In profound humility we are paying tribute to our good God for the lig}:tt of principles of the natural law, according to which we conducted ourselves in the fight for �4 SLOVAKIA independence, as well as in our work of construction. A return to the natural law can be the only foundation upon which a new world can be built, a world of contentment, order, and permanent peace"3. Placing the foundation of Slovak politics on the Natural Law, Dr. Tiso also defined the aims and the ways of Slovak politics. "Our Slovak State was not born out of hatred, but out of our great love for our homeland," proclaimed Dr. Tiso on March 16, 1939. "Let us above all else be led by this thought: no hatred toward anyone, but love, an ardent love for our State, which inspires us to work and sacrifice ... " "A practical manifestation of the Natural Law is an~ shall remain our old goal: Slovakia for the Slovaks. Slovakia in its entirety and indivisible and without reservations in the legal, cultural, economical, and social departments, so that the independent Slovak nation might be the living carrier of all power and the consumer of all that the Slovak country contains and represents." Regarding politics as a service to the nation, Dr. Tiso during his many years of political activity pleaded tha.t political factors learn to depersonalize themselves. His understanding of politics was that "the interest of the nation is the highest directive of political work;" politics is not supposed to be "medium for several individuals, who with it would conceal their own materialistic interests. Politics serves the nation." As Tiso saw it, even "the State should serve the nation, therefore, it has the right to existence only insofar as it does not threaten the interests of the nation." As far as State order is concerned, this must "be subordinated to the law of morality and law; the State must respect the rigihts of the individual, the family, society, and hold sacred the right ,o f parents to educate their children, the right of free confession; it guarantees the right of private ownership and sefeguards the peaceful coexistence of labor and capital, of employer and employee." "Not force, but law which is founded on truth," was the thesis of Dr. Joseph Tiso, and he followed it in the full �SLOVAKIA 5 sense of the word throughout his life, because he preached and believed that "no one will be mistaken who builds on the nation and always has only the interests of his nation in mind. We have ta:ken over this thesis from stirring times for the future so that we might strengthen ourselves in the old convictions that individuals retire but the nation remains, and the person, who, separated completely from his own person, stands unconditionally in the service of the nation, knows how to hold his ground and is the only one fit to lead and to speak in the name of the nation." "The politician, more than any one else, must be the guardian of the traditional values of the nation and must be the ever ready interpreter of the Natural Law in any given situation. Should any one lack the one or the other, he is not fit to be the representative of the nation, because he will either become a figure tossed about by contemporary political or social currents which has no connection with the living corpus of the nation, or else he will be a museum guardian of the nation who stands afar from contemporary routes along which life flows and on which the fate of the future of the nation is determined." "Whoever boasts that he is a loyal son of the nation, he must also ponder what he is giving to his nation. Whether an infection which causes a fever, or bacilli which cause decay and can bring the nation to the grave; or whether he contributes labor which shall forever remain in the nation as a cell of healthy social and cultural development." "A nation whose sons do not know how to bear a blow and personal sacrifices, such a nation will not get far. The nation lives, the whole lives, only by the fight and work of individuals." "Love for the nation is a religious precept, and a person sins against the Fourth Commandment who does not love his nation. He bears a stigma not only as an earthly t raitor, but also as a transgressor who does not keep the Divine Commandmants." Every loyal son of the Slovak nation, acording to Tiso, "sanctifies his nationalism with a Christian spirit, so that �ti SLOVAKIA nationalism be not a slogan or a mantle of dubious aims, but an internal motivating force to create values for the benefit of the national whole." In the Spirit of Tiso for a New Independence From the above quotations it is quite evident that the main principles of Dr. Joseph Tiso's ideology were: 1. Natural Law; 2. Love in place of hatred; 3. Right instead of violence; 4. Respect for morality; 5. Nation above the State. 6. Loyalty to traditions; 7. Personal selflessness and sacrifice of political factors; 8. Nationalism sanctified by Ohristianity; 9. Social justice; and 10. Religious tolerance. During the decades of his successful political activity, Dr. Tiso developed these ideas not only in his manifestations to the people, but also in his classically and stately styled reflections, parliamentary speeches, and presidential messages, so that the expert schooled in statecraft and sociology will have little difficulty in systematically elaborating his ideology. nr. Tiso himself indicated Christianity as the outlet of his ideas, especially the philosophy of St. Thomas4, and in the social sphere the Papal Encyclicals. On the question of nationalism Tiso said that "the symbol of Slovak nationalism is Stur"5, because "Stur's nationalism was the dynamic force in individuals whom he prompted to work and socrifice for the nation; it was the connecting link of individuals into a rock-firm whole with a united aim and a united will ... "6 A study of Dr. Tiso's manifestations reveals that he frequently tied in his talks with the spiritual-political heritage of the followers of Louis Stur, the great Slovak patriot and "father of modern Slovak nationalsm." And Tiso did this consciously to preserve the continuity of Slovak ideological-politica l development and so that the Slovaks could build on traditions. If we compare the basic ideas of Stur's political and philosophical manifestations - which are dealt with in several published works7 - with Tiso's, then the ideological structure, as well as the entire political activity of Dr. Tiso, of course, shows an entire series of preferences and varied outlines. �SLOVAKIA 7 Objectively it may already be said today that tying in with Stur and the idelogical continuity of former Slovak generations, Dr. Tiso anchors more deeply in Christian world outlook on the individual and his relation to the state, nation, family, and society. His ideology is firmly founded on the principles of modern sociology and statecraft; it has solid philosophical foundations and a strictly logical system; it emanates from an idea and stresses the primacy of spirituality, but it depends on the reality of life and respects actuality; it is the result of long years of study and political experience, drawn from daily contact with the nation and into unceasing struggle with its enemies, so that it is, as it were, forged in the fire of battles and tested in confrontation with the actual life of the nation in the phase of its political formation, but also in the phase .of struggles for its natural rights and, finally, also in the period of building up its own state. In comparison to the ideology of the Sturites, we are concerned, therefore, with an ideology whose foundations are not only broader by far, but one which was more thought out, mature and tested ·b y life. Divine Providence had allowed Dr. Joseph Tiso a life of political activity almost as long as Stur's entire life (1815-1856) and, hence, he <!ould see the ideas, which he promulgated and foT which he labored and fought, validated in national life. If we should compare Dr. Tiso as a politician and ideologue with other factors of Slovak life, then objectively it can be said that during the last 100 years there was no political factor in Slovakia who could compare with Dr. Joseph Tiso as far as preparation for political activity, working out of ideology and the concert of expressed principles with their validation unto self-immolation are concerned. If any of them did shine in theoretical expressions and plans, either fate did not grant them to measure up with reality, or they were only gleaners of grain where Dr. Joseph Tiso was the owner of fruitful fields of ideological and character wealth. Living Slovak generations will therefore hardly find a better example than Dr. Tiso, or a better ideology than �8 SLOVAKIA the one he sanctified with his blood. Anchored in eternal principles and designed for the future of the Slovak nation, it can be the most certain course for winning a new and full independence for the Slovaks. Czech chauvinism and Communist hatred did not kill the idea of Slovak indepedence by murdering Dr. Tiso. Conversely, they gave the nation more martyrs and, therefore, the idea shall win out sooner or later. REFERIDNCIDS: 1. "Tisova nauka," Dr. Stefan Polakovic, Bratislava, 1941. ~- "Dr . Joz.e f Tiso o sebe," edited by Dr. Joseph Pauco, Passaic, N. J., 1952. 3. This and other quotations are taken from either one of the previous two references. 4. "All who recall our thesis that 'the nation is the substance and the state only the form' should know that is state-political formula is the practical consequence of the state•.p olitical theory Wihich is built on the foundations O'f Thomistic philosophy." SOOVAK, 1935. 5. See "Prve posolstvo" (The First Message), Ruizomberok, August 16, 1939. Already in 1936 Dr. Tiso had proclaimed: "It is this monument of Louis Stur, built in the Banovce country, that shall be the visible proof of the fact that we have progressed so far that only we, Slovak Catholics, have not forgotten our Slovak past and we pay our respects to the memory of our national awakeners even when they are Evangelicals (Lutherans), as was Stur." - SLOVAK, 1936. 6. Dr. Tiso also characterized Stiir's nationalism in this manner: "Stiir's nationalism - built on the foundation of the independent Slovak nation and the genuine Slovak language, because it acknowledges the law of God and the law nature - was the natural foundation of the life of the Slovak nation." - SLOVAK, 1936. 7. Among the most significant works are those of Professor Cfzevsky, Dr. Stephen Polakovic, Dr. Samuel S. Osusky, Profesor Rap ant, and Dr. Joseph Pauco. • • • WHO SAID IT? "The right of se1f-<leteiimination in:cluded in the .AJtlantic Charter does not carpry wliith it the right O!f any government to commit wholesale muTder or the right to make slaJVes of its own people, or of any other peoples in the world." - F. D. Roosevelt, Feb. 12, 1943. �SLOVAKIA 9 I WAS EDITOR OF PRESIDENT TISO'S NEWSPAPER JOSEPH PAUCO ( Msgr. Joseph Tiso, prelate of the Catholic Church, was president of the Slovak Republic from 1939 to 1945. The proCommunist regime of Dr. Edward Benes executed him on the gallows, April 18, 1947, after a lengthy mock trial, before which the presiding judge had declared, echoing the words of Benes, that "Tiso must hang." Dr. Pauco's article is a brief recollection of the years he spent in free Bratislava as "Tiso's" editor.) Shortly after I was appointed editor of the "SLOVAK," the official organ of the Hlinka Slovak People's Party, my secretary entered my office to announce that President. Dr. Joseph Tiso wished to see me. "Where is he?" I asked excitedly. "In my office," replied the secretary. At that time I had a visitor, whom I requested to be excused because President Tiso had arrived, but the latter was already coming through the door of my office. Overhearing my request of the visitor, the President, greeting me and shaking my hand, said: "Now, Joe, you just finish your business with your visitor. I am a citizen like anyone else." That was characteristic of Dr. Joseph Tiso, the President of the Slovak Republic, who always considered himself only "one of the people." When my predecessor, Dr. Aladar Kocis, handed over the editoTShip of the "SLOVAK," he reminded me that, among other things, I should visit President Tiso regularly. Dr. Joseph Tiso, he told me, wanted to be informed about what was going on in the editorial office of the largest Slovak daily, which was otherwise regarded as the official newspaper of Dr. Tiso, since he was the chairman of the entire enterprise. But Dr. Tiso did not feel the necessity of personal contacts with the editorial office because of commercial considerations. He was mainly concerned with the spirit of the enterprise. It was necessary to defend Slovak interests. He �10 was aware of the great influence of the press and, hence, fully appreciated it. As a youthful journalist I naturally welcomed the support of the President. I visited Dr. Tiso regularly once a week, and when circumstances called for it even more frequently. Of course, besides personal visi½S, there were also many phone calls between the editorial office of the "SLOVAK" and the president's palace. The editor-in-chief always had the doors to t~e president's office open to him; there was no specified time for his visits. Whenever I phoned Tiso's personal secretary, Dr. Karol Murin, that I would like to see the president, in every instance he replied that I should come over at once. If my memory does not fail me, I believe I had to wait a half-hour or a bit more only twice in three years to see Dr. Tiso; and this happened because Tiso was in conference with foreign diplomatic representatives. Entering the president's office, I usually found Dr. Tiso at his desk, going through his mail or studying various state papers, proposed legislative acts, and activities of the various branches of government or the Hlinka Party, of which he was chairman. When I greeted him, he would raise his head, remove his spectacles and reply: "Welcome, young man, welcome!" Whenever I missed a meeting with the President, for some reason other, at the very next meeting he would ask where I had been, whether I had been i_ll. During these visits there were various matters that interested me. Of these not the least interesting was to observe the effects of the visitor before me. Once it would •b e a prime minister, other times a worker from the countryside; then again some deputy, economic expert, high officer, a foreign correspondent, or a member of the Cabinet. Once in a while some one would come up with an alarming report or rumor. President Tiso excluded no one from visiting him; he listened attentively to all and in every instance did whatever he could to satisfy all comers. Whenever I met him, �SLOVAKIA 11 President Tiso usually was either in a pensive or a smiling mood. Even at times when he appeared in a serious mood, and during our convers,a tion it would seem to me that in his mind he is returning to the fresh impressions of previous visitors, yet in a short while his face would brighten up and his melodious voice would ring out in healthy laughter. President Tiso had a real sense of humor. Dr. Joseph Tiso never acted in an affected or artificial manner. Once in 1939, when he was being welcomed in Nitra, an event which I witnessed, the district official addressed Tiso as "Your Excellency." At that Time Dr. Tiso smilingly reminded him: "Without the excellency, Mr. official!" From that time on, I never heard anyone address Dr. Tiso as "His Excellency." In his study Tiso was happy to be addressed simply as "Mr. President" (Pan prezident), as he was when his parishioners called him "Reverend Deacon." Conversations with Tiso usually began with his asking about one's health, his family, and his work. He was always very much interested in the work of our editorial office. President Tiso was not often curious about details, unless it was a matter of immediate interest, like, for example, the political side of our editorial work. Furthermore there was not a single visit during which we would not touch upon the most serious objective and personal moments which influenced Slovak politics. Dr. Tiso spoke openly about individual resolutions of the Parliament, the deputies, ministers, the Germans, and in general about everything that had any influence on Slovak life and the presidential office. On occasions Dr. Tiso recalled many innovations especially of his political opponents. He criticized them unsparingly and talked about them with feelings of bitterness; his criticism was sincere at all times, whether it concerned Slovaks or foreigners. I always felt refreshed in the President's study. Usu.ally Dr. Tiso gave no directives how any article was to be written. On the other hand, however, he willingly read the �12 SLOVAKIA more delicate articles before they went to print. Even when I asked him what from the ideological standpoint we should deal with most on the pages of the "SLOVAK," he would usually reply: "Hold the line. Don't let yourself be broken. Don't be discouraged-persevere!" Nothing more and nothing less. Otherwise, however, the editorial office of the "SLOVAK" had an exemplary coworker in the person of President Tiso. His speeches, articles and messages were care-fully prepared. Dr. Tiso prepared and wrote them himself. On occasions, especially for Christmas and March 14th, the President gave us articles written in his own hand so that we might have them on time; these were usually accompanied by the remark: "Correct as you see fit." On his visits to us, he would always compliment all the workers connected with the paper, saying: "Fine work, men; keep up the good work; give the best that's in you!" I'll conclude with what I had mentioned at the beginning: the visits of President Tiso to the editorial office of the "SLOVAK." He came among us regularly. When he visited us the first time, all of us were very surprised that he was accompanied only by his personal secretary. No secret, no public police came with him; none in or outside the building; and none in his auto. On occasions he visited us coming on foot alone, without a bodyguard. That was Tiso: his people did not fear him, and he did not fear his people. No man in Slovakia was more revered and loved than was Tiso. I attended many gatherings which Dr. Tiso addressed; I traveled with him. Not once did he have more than one person accompany him. Not to guard him, but simply to accompany him. President Tiso moved about freely and without fear in Bratislava and everywhere in Slovakia, just as he did at the altar where he daily said the Holy Mass to his Divine Master. • • • REOOMMENDED $3.00; SLOVAK FOR (the set); "!Ih-obailr's "SLOVAK DE)SSONS" BOOKS: "The Slovaks" (Juircha.k BEGINNERS" (Books I-III) $1.50 English-Sl01Va:k Dictionary" $4.00 ; (iHroba.k) $3.50. �SLOVAKIA 13 EIGHT FATAL DAYS IN THE LIFE OF DR. JOSEPH TISO KAROL MURiN (The author of this article was the personal secretary of President Dr. Joseph Tiso from 1938 until Tiso's tragic end in 1947. At the present time Dr. Karol Murin is on the profes• sorial staff of Montreal University.) On April 8, 1945, just a month before the conclusion of World War II in the West, at President Tiso's request, I went to Munich to ask for an audience with His Eminence Cardinal Faulhaber. The reason was that I was to inform the Cardinal of Monsignor Tiso's arrivel in Kremsmlinster and petition him to graciously do what he could to protect the President of Slovakia. Munich at that time was a shambles. The Cardinal received me in the afternoon; his residence was damaged extensively by bombs and shells. After waiting for a moment in a small, poorly furnished room, Cardinal Faulhaber made his appearance, the burdens of the war clearly apparent on his features. After the customary Slovak greeting "Laudetur ... ," I went on one knee before him, kissed his ring, and then presented myself. The Cardinal replied to the greeting and asked me to be seated. After a few introductory words, I told him the purpose of my visit. I must admit that I did expect several questions. During the war years it had become the custom to classify people only into two categories: the democrats on the one side, and the nazis and fascists on the other. No one asked why or how a person got to be on the one or the other side, or even what one did. According to that attitude, which excluded all colors between black and white, Stalin and the bolsheviks were regarded as democrats, while Dr. Tiso was supposed to be a nazi; Benes, despite his pro-Soviet and evident bolshevizing tendencies and the fact that he was responsible for the death of thousands of people, was regarded as a "moral" democrat, while Dr. Tiso, despite his prayers and many acts of kindness and his great love for �14 SLOV.AlKIA his Slovak people, or . just because of this, was regarded as a criminal. Cardinal Faulhaber, however, never did belong among the people who measured morality according to their own interest and evaluated their neighbor and acknowledged his right to life only according to the benefit they might reap from him. He was accustomed to judge and measure 9,ccording to the eternal and unchangeable principles of 8hrist. That is why he had become the symbol of the fight against nazi blunders, and the world regarded him highly for it. "I know about your President," began Cardinal Faulhaber, "and I know that he defended the Christian Faith in Slovakia." From what he further said, it was evident that he was well-informed about Slovakia and especially about the activity of President Tiso. He immediately set himself to the task of doing what he could to secure the safety of Tiso in the face of the surge of passions resulting for the most part from the false information propagated by Dr. Edward Benes. The three alternatives mentioned by the Cardinal are proof of his love for President Tiso : 1. He invited the President to his residence; 2. he offered as a temporary abode for President Tiso the Capuchin monastery at Alt Otting; or, 3. the Scheyrn monastery. Both monasteries were in the Freising-Munich Archdiocese which Cardinal Faulhaber administered. According to circumstances, as they might develop in regard to Tiso, the Slovak President was free to resort to the alternative most favorable to him. My audience with Cardinal Faulhaber lasted two hours. He told me about what especially worried him and made him fearful about the future: about the plans formulated by fanatics for the last days of the war, about the night of the long knives ("Nacht der langen Messer"), during which they intended to liquidate revered and respected Catholic priests and laity. The last half hour of my visit I spent with the Cardinal in his study. Looking over a map of Bavaria, His Eminence compared the advantages and disadvantages uf �SLOVAKIA 15 the two monasteries; the Scheyrn Monastery was more advantageous, except, of course, if the "night of the long knives" should be realized. At the end of my visit I thanked Cardinal Faulhaber sincerely for the time he gave me, asked for his blessing, and departed after His Eminence bade me Godspeed. President Tiso was happy to hear my report about my visit to Cardinal Faulhaber after I returned to Kremsmtiunster. In no time at all, President Tiso decided to accept the hospitality of the Archbishop's palace only as a last resort; he did not wish to burden one of the outstanding Princes of the Church with the cares and troubles of his Slovak people and his own person, because he was aware of the fact that the saintly Cardinal was greatly burdened by the troubles of his own German people. At the beginning of May, 1945, when Dr. Joseph Tiso left Kremsmtinster for the West, he was not definitely certain whether he would seek refuge at Alt Otting or Scheyrn. In any event, however, he decided to first stop at Alt Otting. On the first leg of his journey, President Tiso was supposed to leave a written or oral message for me at the rectory of the Bavarian community of Stammham. I set out after President Tiso about two weeks later, stopping first at Stammham, where the pastor told mf': that I would find the person I was seeking at the first place we had talked about. That same afternoon I met with President Tiso in the monastery at Alt Otting. My first task was to again make contact with Cardinal Faulhaber. Since the war had just ended in the West, everything was chaos and confusion; outside the military, there was no public transportation to speak of; and no one was permitted to travel even short distances without a permit. After about a week in Alt Otting, which, by the way, is one of the most famous of pilgrimage cities, I was quite fortunate in getting to Munich. The Cardinal received me shortly after I was nounced. He was in ·b etter spirits than he had been April 8th: the "night of the long knives," thank God, not come about! In due time the Cardinal told me of anon did his �16 SLOV.A.I{JA plan to help President Tiso: he wanted to secure a plane to take Tiso to the Vatican. However, before he could begin working out his plan, the Cardinal said, he wanted to get the assent of the Papal Nuncio. During the entire war, the Nuncio for Germany was Archbishop Cesare Orsenigo. Cardinal Faulhaber asked me to look him up as soon as possible and present his desire to help Dr. Joseph Tiso to him, reckoning also with help to transport Tiso to the Vatican. In the Cardinal's name I was to ask His Excellency whether he agreed with his step. At that time the Papal Nuncio, His Excellency Cesare Orsenigo, resided in Eichstatt in northern Bavaria. To get to him by auto I needed gasoline and to get gasoline I had to see the American authorities. Aware of this, Cardinal Faulhaber wrote a letter telling whoever it may concern that I was his courier, carrying mail and reports from the Cardinal to the Papal Nuncio. For a longer time the Cardinal could not send mail to the Nuncio, so he really appreciated this opportunity to do so. Besides that Cardinal Faulhaber gave me a general recommendat ion which I could use as I thought best. The next day I travelled by auto to Eichstatt. Below the portals to the Archbishop's palace, by sheer accident, I met with a group of four Slovaks, who had come by auto. After hearty handshakes and embraces, all gratefully accompanied me on my journey. Archbishop Orsenigo received me warmly. After I gave him the mail from Cardinal Faulhaber, he listened with great interest to my report about the fate of Preside,1t Tiso. To the Cardinal's question he replied thusly: "Tell His Eminence that I not only agree that he do everything possible in his power to save Dr. Tiso, but that I most ardently beg him to do so." Then the Archbishop said that he was completely out of contact with the world, adding that a certain member of the Swiss diplomatic corps in Berlin is supposed to visit him this same afternoon and take his first mail in a long time to the Vatican. He graciously offered to be of service if I had anything to send outside the borders of Germany. �SLOVAKIA 17 As soon as Cardinal Faulhaber had the Nuncio's reply, he immediately wrote a letter to the Vatican in which he told of his intention to transport Dr. Tiso by plane to the Vatican. His greatest worry was how to send the letter. Besides American planes only an accidental diplomat, who saved his petrol well, could be considered. In about a week I was supposed to return for further reports and advice. After eight days, I visited Cardinal Faulhaber again, who greeted me and then told me of the unfortunate thing tkat had happened. He was almost in tears. The Cardinal told me that the day after he had written the letter to the Vatican in regard to Tiso, he had secured a way of getting the letter to the Vatican. According to a promise made to the Cardinal by a person unknown to me, this person was supposed to take the letter before his departure from Munich. But the day before my last visit to Cardinal Faulhaber, when he asked his chancery whether there was any reply from the Vatican in regard to Tiso, he learned to his utter sorrow that the letter was still in his palace, the person who promised to deliver it to the Vatican evidently forgetting to pick it up. This unexpected delay worried the Cardinal and his concern was great, as if he had a foreboding that so very much depended on those eight days. After giving vent to his great disappointment, Cardinal Faulhaber again gave me his blessing and asked me to return in a week. I did return, but only after over two years. After my last visit to the Cardinal, we learned about the arrest of the members of the Slovak Government in Kremsmlinster. President Tiso asked for reports about what had happened there. My request for a travel permit into Upper Austria lay on the desk of the CIC in Alt btting for several days. Fate came into play. With the CIC in Alt btting there collaborated a man by the name of Spigler who was originally from Bratislava, the capital of Slovakia. When he came upon my name, Spigler immediately came to the monastery and forbade me to leave the building. After two days he took me to jail. During my confinement in the monastery, it became �18 SLOVAKIA quite evident that this Bratislava agent, full of personal resentment, found out that President Tiso was in the monastery. After my arrest President Tiso wrote to Cardinal Faulhaber, respectfully requesting His Eminence to notify the American authorities that he was staying in the monastery and that he use his influence to set me free, as well as that he c-o ntinue to give consideration to his own case. The Capuchin Provincial delivered the President's letter to Cardinal Faulhaber. In the meantime, I was transferred to a concentration camp where frightful conditions prevailed. One hot and sultry afternoon, at the beginning of June, 1945, a jeep pulled up before the barbed-wire camp. I became numb when I sighted President Tiso in it. It was at this point that my pilgrimage to various concentrati0!1 camps with President Tiso began, the tour which finally ended in the Bratislava jail. We felt the benefiscence of good Cardinal Faulhaber once again in the concentration camp at Garmisch Partenkirchen. It was on his initiative that the events, which had taken place during the reception of our group in this camp, were investigated. The Cardinal's effort to help Dr. Joseph Tiso did not result in success. Nevertheless, the Slovaks will never forget that Cardinal Faulhaber, now deceased, really did try to save Dr. Joseph Tiso, President of the Slovak Republic . • • • WHO SAID IT? "W:t"th eq'll!al enlthusfasm we are today manifesting for the ideaJls of our, and onliy our, Owchoslovruk Democracy, which is on its way of development ,t o a new poople's fomn . . . . T.he unreseJ:1ved alliance with Oll!r Eastern ncighbor, witlh the mighty USSR, bUft also our friend!ly coot'acts wirtih the rest ,of tlhe world, especiaUy with our western democracies, gives us the feeUng of oerlainty that no mrutter what might h!appen a!broad, O'Ur ,inJternatiiona1 positt'ion is £i:nm rund we need not fea1r that we can come uipon new d'aingera aind dlnifiou[ties." ([)r. Joseph Lettrich, Vice,Ohairm.an of the Exem.rt.ive Oommittee of the "Coundl of Free Czechoslov.aJkia,'' CAIS, November 18, 1947). �SLOVAKIA 19 SLOVAKIA: TRIAL OF DR. JOSEPH TISO (Under previous order of the House, the Hon. Ray J . Madden from Indiana, was recognized for 20 minutes to make the following address on the floor of the House of Representatives, March 31, 1947): Mr. Speaker, America and all liberty-loving nations should at this time concentrate against international situations which might bring about war in the future. I have, on several occasions, stated on the floor of Congress that the application of the principles of the Atlantic Charter is our greatest antidote for future peace. Self-government, freedom of thought, freedom of speech, and freedom of religion is essential for smaller countries as it is for th~ large nations. Our Nation, during World War II, spent billions of dollars and sacrificed in lives and casualties to preserve the above principles in order to insure liberty and fnture peace. Since VJ-day, aggression and tyranny has again launched in certain areas of Europe. The latest example of persecution, unfair trial, and threatened execution for political belief is that of Dr. Joseph Tiso, former President of the Interim Republic of Slovakia. Dr. Tiso has been acclaimed a hero in the eyes of nearly all the people of Slovakia and the prevailing majority of Americans of Slovak ancestry. My attention has been called to the fact that over 80 percent of the Slovak American fraternal organizations have forthrightly declared themselves to be of the opinion that Tiso was a hero in the defense of the best interests of the Slovak people. During his presidency, Slovakia thrived, progressed, and developed internally more than it had during any five years of the existence of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. The communistic control now over the country of Slovakia will execute Dr. Tiso, a political prisoner, unless our Government intervenes. This communistic control is inflicted upon the people of Slovakia in spite of the fact that the election of May 26, 1946, gave over 64 percent of the total vote cast against the present government. The press is likewise controlled, at least to the extent that the newspaper cannot publish what they think. This is evidenced in the fact that four American newspapers have �20 SLOVAKIA been barred in Slovakia. The present communistic government will brook no freedom of political thought; though the people voted for Christian democracy, they received totalitarian communism. The archbishop of Slovakia testified at the trial of Dr. Tiso. He is and has been a respected member not only of the hierarchy of Czecho-Slovakia, but of the official family of Czecho-Slovakia, including its President Edward Benes. Appearing as a witness for Dr. Tiso, the archbishop testified that: Tiso acted and worked in the interest of Slovakia and was never a traitor, and that his electeion as President of Slovakia was the will of 90 percent of the Slovaks at that time and was acclaimed by the bishops, priests, and ministers of both the Catholic and Protestant churches. It is apparent that Czecho-Slovakia has been re-created with the aid of Moscow and that Moscow will undoubtedly demand the extinction of Slovak national leaders of ability and high intelelct. The ways of the Communists are devious and it behooves us to understand more of the Slovak situation. In the meantime, the least that freedom loving nations can ask is that the so-called peoples courts in the Communist-dominated countries in eastern Europe, refrain from any further political executions or from liquidating political opposition by long-term imprisonment as in the case of Archbishop Stepinac. All of this adds up to the price we will have to pay to aid in the establishing of true democracy in the countries of eastern Europe to insure world peace. In supporting President Truman's international program, we cannot be unmindful of what is happening throughout this region in Europe, comprising over 100,000,000 Christians who have nothing in common with communism. We have heard of political executions, imprisonment, and banishment of outstanding citizens in Poland, Lithuania, Yugoslavia, Bulgaria, and other small countries. Thousands of brave Polish soldiers who fought to stamp out fascism are now prohibited from returning to their native Poland by a communistic controlled government. Americans are asking the question "do we not have at least a moral obli- �SLOVAKIA 21 gation to veice our protest against such trials and executions?" The judge who presided at the trial of Dr. Tiso, previous to the trial, vowed personal vengeance on Tiso and was provided this opportunity by being placed in charge ef the case. These facts, though not appearing in the American press releases, are not disputed. Almost uninimously, the people of Slovak descent in America, are rising in protest to the impending execution of Dr. Tiso. I ask the Members of Congress to join with me in protesting this unjust conviction by interceding with President Truman and Secretary Marshall to use their good offices to prevent this injustice. We might as well apply the words of the Honorable Judge Robert H. Jackson: All experience teaches that there are certain things you cannot do under guise of judicial trial. * * * You must put no man on trial before anything that is called a court, if you are not prepared to establish his personal guilt * * * If you are determined to execute a man in any case, there is no occasion for trial. The world yields no respect to courts that are merely organized to convict. - Congressional Record. • ON TISO'S BEHALF: • • PLEA OF THE COUNCIL OF SLOVAK BISHOPS To the Presidium of the Slovak National Council in Bratislava: The Catholic Episcopal Council of Slovakia, in past years, has more frequently turned to appropriate governmental offices in the interest of those who were suffering, were imprisoned or persecuted - without regard to whetlier Catholics or non-Catholics were concerned. The example of the Divine Samaritan and His positive command prompted and encouraged us to raise our protective voice in the interests of the people who were suffering on account of political or racial reasons and we did that at a time when we could expect various humiliations in return. �22 SLOVAKIA This noblest Model in all history and His commandment, expressed in the Gospel, we bear in mind even now, when we respectfully commend to Your graciousness the fate of the former President Dr. Joseph Tiso. We do this not only because a Catholic priest is concerned, but also because the solution of his personal problem shall have a far-reaching influence on the thinking and behavior of a part of the Slovak nation in respect to the renovated Czecho- Slovak Republic and its representatives. Furthermore, we are prompted to take this step also by the generally known actuality, which is conceded by all objective critics, that Dr. Joseph Tiso always was a zealous priest, of a virtuous life. In his extensive activity he tried to work for the good of the whole, and personally did not enrich himself. The administration of justice belongs among the most difficult tasks of state power. Experience proves that this delicate task is aggravated when the judgment of political transgressions is concerned. History tells us how many fatal mistakes were made during political trials - and this results from the delicate task of impartially judging the activities of a political opponent. So, it is no rarity that after rendering severe verdicts in political trials, sooner or later a call for their revision was made. In judging the activity especially of a political factor his intentions also should be given · consideration. The majority of the Slovak nation is convinced with us that the intentions of Dr. Joseph Tiso while performing public functions were the best. Certainly some mistakes were made and the Catholic Bishops of Slovakia did not fail to bring these to his attention. However, here we must mention the generally known reality that even the most clever political factors frequently made serious mistakes. Nevertheless an unbiased observer - whether a contemporary or historian - can deduce an over-all judgment only when he evaluates also the good and positive things they did. And this thesis often outweighs the mistakes which they made in their weakness. �S LOVAKIA 23 It will be pertinent to the matter at hand to shed some light also from another viewpoint on the mistakes which are ascribed to Dr. Joseph Tiso. We respectfully point out at least some of the circumstances. After the most recent announcements of the present governmental factors even the 2ilina events of October, 1938, are presented in a different light than that shed by the one-sided propaganda to persuade the public; nay, even in the press it was demonstrated that in these political changes practically all Slovak political parties had participated. Here it is necessary to recall also the very important document which has just now been made public during the Nuremberg trials; we mean the letter of the ruler of the Hungarian realm sent to Berlin in March 13, 1939. This weighty circumstance gives an altogether different significance to the March 14, 1939, decision of Dr. Joseph Tiso and the other political factors of that time. One should think about what would have happened with the Slovak nation if the plan of Horthy had succeeded? We also know that after the issuance of anti-Jewish regulations, Dr. Joseph Tiso did want to resign from the presidency. That he did not do so happened because he tried to hamper and ameliorate the effects of those provisions, as well as to prevent a greater evil. It is worthy of consideration that what the ruler of the larger and more independent Hungary could not prevent in his country Dr. Joseph Tiso could not prevent in Slovakia. After considering all the circumstances after the passage of time, even other pilloried political mistakes - such as the war in the east, the events of August 29, 1944 can be judged otherwise than the manner in which it is done by a one-sided propaganda. The entire Slovak public is following the developments of events around Dr. Joseph Tiso with attention and in its majority is taking a negative stand towards those efforts which would incite hatred against his person. Thereby the unfortunate splintering of the nation is increased when unity of all forces is so greatly desired for the important �24 SLOVAKIA work of construction. It will be to the credit of the farsightedness of the State and will serve the peace of the nation, if the case of Dr. Joseph Tiso is solved in a cautious way and not with merciless hardness. The above thoughts have prompted us to respectfully submit our plea for your gracious consideration and favorable decision. With an expression of profound respect: (Signatures) : Dr. Karol Kmefko, Archbishop-Bishop of Nitra; Jozef Carsky, Bishop-Apostolic Administrator; Dr. Andrej Skraltik, Bishop on Banska Bystrica; Dr. Jozef Tomanocy; Dr. Karol Jantausch; Dr. Eduard Necsey, ordaining Bishop. Bratislava, January 8, 1946. • • • HERO AND PATRIOT OF SLOVAKIA The smaller nations have been the marytrs in tlte maelstrom that evil men made out of Europe in the last decade. Changing fortunes of war often presented a double crown of martyrdom. Honest men in these minor states often found it difficult to see where the path of honor lay, but once their conscience revealed the way they remained steadfast in what they believed their sacred duty. Slovakia has presented such a puzzling picture. The Slovaks had long sought and had long been denied their independence. When the moment dawned for freedom before the last war, there is no doubt that the patriots of that land felt that their long-deferred ambitions had been realized. There was outside wonder at the auspices under which freedom came but there can be no question about the sincerity of the Slovak patriots who meant to use their new prerogatives solely for the good of Slovakia. Chief among these was Monsignor Joseph Tiso who was elected president of the new republic. The war's outcome threw Slovakia as part of the old Czecho-Slovakian state into the Red orbit. Monsignor Tiso was placed on trial for treason. It could not be proved that he was a traitor to Slovakia for the simple reason that he never was a traitor to Slovakia. But that did not prevent �SLOVAKIA 25 his condemnation and execution. History is filled with these rigged trials and martyrs deaths. The condemned priest left a noble testament to his beloved Slovak people. On the eve of his unjust execution he wrote: "In the spirit of the sacrifice I am about to make, I send this message to the Slovak nation: "In harmony and unison pursue always, everywhere and in every respect the great principle: FOR GOD AND FOR THE NATION. "This is not only the unequivocal intent of Slovak history, but also the explicit command of God, Who has made it the law of nature a11J has inculcated it into the soul of the nation and every one of its members. "This precept I have served all my life and, therefore, I consider myself first of all a martyr of God's law. Secondly, I feel that I am a martyr in the defense of Christianity against bolshevism, against which our nation must in all possible ways defend itself, not only in the spirit of its Christian character, but also in the interest of its future. "As I beg you to remember me in your prayers, so do I promise. to pray to God Almighty for you and supplicate that he bless the Slovak nation in its vital struggle for God artd for the nation, so that the Slovak nation will always remain a faithful and devoted son of the Church of Christ." When this black night in Europe passes with the destruction of the powers of darkness incarnated in atheistic communism Father Tiso will be seen as the hero that he truly was. - (The Catholic Universe Bulletin, Cleveland, 0 ., 6-27-47). • • • THE TERRITORY OF ANCIENT SWVAKIA P.A. HROBAK Today there is no doubt that the original homeland ancestors of present-day Slovaks was somewhere the of beyond the Carpathian Mountains. We know that the Slovaks came into their present territory - which was later incorrectly called "Uhry" (hura=hora; uhor, uhorie= near, at the foot of, the mountains)-through the western Carpathians. Historical records do not tell us exastly when the Slovak ancients migrated from their original homeland, � SLOV AKIA PubHshed VOL. VII quarterly by the Slovak League of America MARCH, 1957 NO. 1 (22) THE TENTH ANNIVERSARY OF DR. JOSEPH TISO'S EXECUTION JOSEPH KIRSCHBAUM When Monsignor Dr. Joseph Tiso, President of thewartime Slovak Republic, was executed on the gallows on April 18, 1947, a victim of Communist and Czech vengeance, with the assistance of the adherents of Czecho-Communist collaboration most of whom are today living in exile, the Vatican broadcast, commenting on the reaction of the world press to Tiso's murder, said: "As a martyr of his love for his country, Dr. Tiso-who finally died in a very nice manner and as a priest internally very dignified, even though the manner of putting him to death was not befitting a priest-shall continue to live in the Catholic Slovak nation. Tendencious articles in the world press cannot change this fact." Ten years later, it is not necessary to prove the truthfulness of that forecast. Shortly after the first President of the Slovak Republic was surrendered to his vengeful political opponents, there resounded in the American and world press so many manifestations of sympathy, admiration, and respect for Dr. Joseph Tiso, as had been tendered no Slovak in the thousand-year-old stirring history of the Slovak people. Verily, Dr. Tiso outgrew the Slovak framework and "continues to live today" not only in the hearts of his Slovak people, but in the hearts of millions of people who love truth and freedom. Slovakia and the Slovak nation still belongs to the world which did not succumb to Communism, to the world which, so to speak, is personified in Dr. Tiso and his fate. And many people even here on the American continent today see in Tiso the first great victim of Communism in the attack on the civilized world. With decent and intelligent people, the name of Tiso has �2 SLOVAKIA become the key to sympathy for and frequently also to the knowledge of Slovakia and our fight and destiny. In this unusual turn of world public opinion, it is interesting to recall what Dr. Joseph Tiso said when he was asked by the so-called National Court in Bratislava why he had left Slovakia. Tiso at that time had replied: "I left Slovakia, because I wished to make the claims of the Slovak nation to its own way of life better known and more understandable to the Western powers." Of course, we know that the Western powers did not allow the living Tiso to do this, but we also have knowledge that they did not know, and still do not know, how to prevent the dead Tiso from fulfilling his mission. 'Dhe political murder, of which Dr. Tiso was the victim, did not bring about a change of heart only in alien circles, in circles frequently unfavorable to Slovakia and disinterested in the fate of Slovak nation. The crime committed against Dr. Tiso has stirred the conscience and awakened from national lethargy and indifference the Slovaks themselves, and especially the Slovaks beyond the borders of Slovakia who could not partake of the blessings of Slovak independence. If at the present time, outside the borders of Slovakia, the absolute majority of informed Slovaks is again in the fight for the sacred Slovak cause of freedom and independence, without any reservations whatsoever, this is due in a large measure to the death of Tiso, the hevo and martyr of the 'Slovak nation. Today there is not a single country in the free world, where the Slovaks do not annually commemorate March 14, 1939, Slovak Independence Day, and the Slovak Day of Infamy, April 18, 1947-the day that the Benes Czechs-Czech Socialists and Communists- shamefully put Dr. Tiso to death on the gallows. And in all these manifestations and celebrations, the personality, heroic fight and martyr's death of President Dr. Joseph Tiso stand out pre-eminently as a symbol, as a permanent light of Slovak history. On this tenth anniversary of the Bratislava murder, it is appropriate, I believe, to point out the fundamental principles, which led Dr. Joseph Tiso in his work for his �SLOVAKIA 3 people all the way up to the gallows and which characterized one historical period of the Slovak nation. Tiso on Politics, Nation and State Like Andrew Hlinka, Dr. Joseph Tiso left to Slovak generations no compact work about his views on Slovak national life, on their mission and on the ideological foundations of Slovak politics. Always in the middle of obstinate struggles for the preservation of his people and Slovak national existence, in which he played the foremost role since 1918, Dr. Tiso had little time to write books, so he probably postponed the task for a time when he would depart from the political arena. But this was denied hilli by the executioner. Although ideologically he formulate<l the Slovak struggles for national life, and systematically in his countless manifestations and reflections placed the foundations of and consciously developed the fundamental principles of Slovak national ideology in a manner as no one else had in his century, or in previous centuries, a systematic explanation of Tiso's views still awaits the efforts of an expert. The first step in this direction was made by Prof. Dr. Stephen Polakovic during the lifetime of Dr. Tiso, when he expertly and systematically collected in the work "Tiso's Doctrine"l the fundamental concept of Dr. Tiso relating to nation, nationalism, state, religion, and social questions. Even though the volume bears the seal of war conditions in Slovakia, it remains for us thusJar, along with the final speech of Dr. Tiso before the Bratislava Court, which was edited by Dr. Joseph Pauco2, a priceless source of knowledge of the fundamental ideas, aims and efforts of Slovak political life in the first half of this century. These two literary works are not only a source of knowing the past, but also a sum total of the fundamental directives for national and political work, about which Dr. Joseph Tiso, as if following the example of the Old Testamnt prophets, said: "In profound humility we are paying tribute to our good God for the lig}:tt of principles of the natural law, according to which we conducted ourselves in the fight for �4 SLOVAKIA independence, as well as in our work of construction. A return to the natural law can be the only foundation upon which a new world can be built, a world of contentment, order, and permanent peace"3. Placing the foundation of Slovak politics on the Natural Law, Dr. Tiso also defined the aims and the ways of Slovak politics. "Our Slovak State was not born out of hatred, but out of our great love for our homeland," proclaimed Dr. Tiso on March 16, 1939. "Let us above all else be led by this thought: no hatred toward anyone, but love, an ardent love for our State, which inspires us to work and sacrifice ... " "A practical manifestation of the Natural Law is an~ shall remain our old goal: Slovakia for the Slovaks. Slovakia in its entirety and indivisible and without reservations in the legal, cultural, economical, and social departments, so that the independent Slovak nation might be the living carrier of all power and the consumer of all that the Slovak country contains and represents." Regarding politics as a service to the nation, Dr. Tiso during his many years of political activity pleaded tha.t political factors learn to depersonalize themselves. His understanding of politics was that "the interest of the nation is the highest directive of political work;" politics is not supposed to be "medium for several individuals, who with it would conceal their own materialistic interests. Politics serves the nation." As Tiso saw it, even "the State should serve the nation, therefore, it has the right to existence only insofar as it does not threaten the interests of the nation." As far as State order is concerned, this must "be subordinated to the law of morality and law; the State must respect the rigihts of the individual, the family, society, and hold sacred the right ,o f parents to educate their children, the right of free confession; it guarantees the right of private ownership and sefeguards the peaceful coexistence of labor and capital, of employer and employee." "Not force, but law which is founded on truth," was the thesis of Dr. Joseph Tiso, and he followed it in the full �SLOVAKIA 5 sense of the word throughout his life, because he preached and believed that "no one will be mistaken who builds on the nation and always has only the interests of his nation in mind. We have ta:ken over this thesis from stirring times for the future so that we might strengthen ourselves in the old convictions that individuals retire but the nation remains, and the person, who, separated completely from his own person, stands unconditionally in the service of the nation, knows how to hold his ground and is the only one fit to lead and to speak in the name of the nation." "The politician, more than any one else, must be the guardian of the traditional values of the nation and must be the ever ready interpreter of the Natural Law in any given situation. Should any one lack the one or the other, he is not fit to be the representative of the nation, because he will either become a figure tossed about by contemporary political or social currents which has no connection with the living corpus of the nation, or else he will be a museum guardian of the nation who stands afar from contemporary routes along which life flows and on which the fate of the future of the nation is determined." "Whoever boasts that he is a loyal son of the nation, he must also ponder what he is giving to his nation. Whether an infection which causes a fever, or bacilli which cause decay and can bring the nation to the grave; or whether he contributes labor which shall forever remain in the nation as a cell of healthy social and cultural development." "A nation whose sons do not know how to bear a blow and personal sacrifices, such a nation will not get far. The nation lives, the whole lives, only by the fight and work of individuals." "Love for the nation is a religious precept, and a person sins against the Fourth Commandment who does not love his nation. He bears a stigma not only as an earthly t raitor, but also as a transgressor who does not keep the Divine Commandmants." Every loyal son of the Slovak nation, acording to Tiso, "sanctifies his nationalism with a Christian spirit, so that �ti SLOVAKIA nationalism be not a slogan or a mantle of dubious aims, but an internal motivating force to create values for the benefit of the national whole." In the Spirit of Tiso for a New Independence From the above quotations it is quite evident that the main principles of Dr. Joseph Tiso's ideology were: 1. Natural Law; 2. Love in place of hatred; 3. Right instead of violence; 4. Respect for morality; 5. Nation above the State. 6. Loyalty to traditions; 7. Personal selflessness and sacrifice of political factors; 8. Nationalism sanctified by Ohristianity; 9. Social justice; and 10. Religious tolerance. During the decades of his successful political activity, Dr. Tiso developed these ideas not only in his manifestations to the people, but also in his classically and stately styled reflections, parliamentary speeches, and presidential messages, so that the expert schooled in statecraft and sociology will have little difficulty in systematically elaborating his ideology. nr. Tiso himself indicated Christianity as the outlet of his ideas, especially the philosophy of St. Thomas4, and in the social sphere the Papal Encyclicals. On the question of nationalism Tiso said that "the symbol of Slovak nationalism is Stur"5, because "Stur's nationalism was the dynamic force in individuals whom he prompted to work and socrifice for the nation; it was the connecting link of individuals into a rock-firm whole with a united aim and a united will ... "6 A study of Dr. Tiso's manifestations reveals that he frequently tied in his talks with the spiritual-political heritage of the followers of Louis Stur, the great Slovak patriot and "father of modern Slovak nationalsm." And Tiso did this consciously to preserve the continuity of Slovak ideological-politica l development and so that the Slovaks could build on traditions. If we compare the basic ideas of Stur's political and philosophical manifestations - which are dealt with in several published works7 - with Tiso's, then the ideological structure, as well as the entire political activity of Dr. Tiso, of course, shows an entire series of preferences and varied outlines. �SLOVAKIA 7 Objectively it may already be said today that tying in with Stur and the idelogical continuity of former Slovak generations, Dr. Tiso anchors more deeply in Christian world outlook on the individual and his relation to the state, nation, family, and society. His ideology is firmly founded on the principles of modern sociology and statecraft; it has solid philosophical foundations and a strictly logical system; it emanates from an idea and stresses the primacy of spirituality, but it depends on the reality of life and respects actuality; it is the result of long years of study and political experience, drawn from daily contact with the nation and into unceasing struggle with its enemies, so that it is, as it were, forged in the fire of battles and tested in confrontation with the actual life of the nation in the phase of its political formation, but also in the phase .of struggles for its natural rights and, finally, also in the period of building up its own state. In comparison to the ideology of the Sturites, we are concerned, therefore, with an ideology whose foundations are not only broader by far, but one which was more thought out, mature and tested ·b y life. Divine Providence had allowed Dr. Joseph Tiso a life of political activity almost as long as Stur's entire life (1815-1856) and, hence, he <!ould see the ideas, which he promulgated and foT which he labored and fought, validated in national life. If we should compare Dr. Tiso as a politician and ideologue with other factors of Slovak life, then objectively it can be said that during the last 100 years there was no political factor in Slovakia who could compare with Dr. Joseph Tiso as far as preparation for political activity, working out of ideology and the concert of expressed principles with their validation unto self-immolation are concerned. If any of them did shine in theoretical expressions and plans, either fate did not grant them to measure up with reality, or they were only gleaners of grain where Dr. Joseph Tiso was the owner of fruitful fields of ideological and character wealth. Living Slovak generations will therefore hardly find a better example than Dr. Tiso, or a better ideology than �8 SLOVAKIA the one he sanctified with his blood. Anchored in eternal principles and designed for the future of the Slovak nation, it can be the most certain course for winning a new and full independence for the Slovaks. Czech chauvinism and Communist hatred did not kill the idea of Slovak indepedence by murdering Dr. Tiso. Conversely, they gave the nation more martyrs and, therefore, the idea shall win out sooner or later. REFERIDNCIDS: 1. "Tisova nauka," Dr. Stefan Polakovic, Bratislava, 1941. ~- "Dr . Joz.e f Tiso o sebe," edited by Dr. Joseph Pauco, Passaic, N. J., 1952. 3. This and other quotations are taken from either one of the previous two references. 4. "All who recall our thesis that 'the nation is the substance and the state only the form' should know that is state-political formula is the practical consequence of the state•.p olitical theory Wihich is built on the foundations O'f Thomistic philosophy." SOOVAK, 1935. 5. See "Prve posolstvo" (The First Message), Ruizomberok, August 16, 1939. Already in 1936 Dr. Tiso had proclaimed: "It is this monument of Louis Stur, built in the Banovce country, that shall be the visible proof of the fact that we have progressed so far that only we, Slovak Catholics, have not forgotten our Slovak past and we pay our respects to the memory of our national awakeners even when they are Evangelicals (Lutherans), as was Stur." - SLOVAK, 1936. 6. Dr. Tiso also characterized Stiir's nationalism in this manner: "Stiir's nationalism - built on the foundation of the independent Slovak nation and the genuine Slovak language, because it acknowledges the law of God and the law nature - was the natural foundation of the life of the Slovak nation." - SLOVAK, 1936. 7. Among the most significant works are those of Professor Cfzevsky, Dr. Stephen Polakovic, Dr. Samuel S. Osusky, Profesor Rap ant, and Dr. Joseph Pauco. • • • WHO SAID IT? "The right of se1f-<leteiimination in:cluded in the .AJtlantic Charter does not carpry wliith it the right O!f any government to commit wholesale muTder or the right to make slaJVes of its own people, or of any other peoples in the world." - F. D. Roosevelt, Feb. 12, 1943. �SLOVAKIA 9 I WAS EDITOR OF PRESIDENT TISO'S NEWSPAPER JOSEPH PAUCO ( Msgr. Joseph Tiso, prelate of the Catholic Church, was president of the Slovak Republic from 1939 to 1945. The proCommunist regime of Dr. Edward Benes executed him on the gallows, April 18, 1947, after a lengthy mock trial, before which the presiding judge had declared, echoing the words of Benes, that "Tiso must hang." Dr. Pauco's article is a brief recollection of the years he spent in free Bratislava as "Tiso's" editor.) Shortly after I was appointed editor of the "SLOVAK," the official organ of the Hlinka Slovak People's Party, my secretary entered my office to announce that President. Dr. Joseph Tiso wished to see me. "Where is he?" I asked excitedly. "In my office," replied the secretary. At that time I had a visitor, whom I requested to be excused because President Tiso had arrived, but the latter was already coming through the door of my office. Overhearing my request of the visitor, the President, greeting me and shaking my hand, said: "Now, Joe, you just finish your business with your visitor. I am a citizen like anyone else." That was characteristic of Dr. Joseph Tiso, the President of the Slovak Republic, who always considered himself only "one of the people." When my predecessor, Dr. Aladar Kocis, handed over the editoTShip of the "SLOVAK," he reminded me that, among other things, I should visit President Tiso regularly. Dr. Joseph Tiso, he told me, wanted to be informed about what was going on in the editorial office of the largest Slovak daily, which was otherwise regarded as the official newspaper of Dr. Tiso, since he was the chairman of the entire enterprise. But Dr. Tiso did not feel the necessity of personal contacts with the editorial office because of commercial considerations. He was mainly concerned with the spirit of the enterprise. It was necessary to defend Slovak interests. He �10 was aware of the great influence of the press and, hence, fully appreciated it. As a youthful journalist I naturally welcomed the support of the President. I visited Dr. Tiso regularly once a week, and when circumstances called for it even more frequently. Of course, besides personal visi½S, there were also many phone calls between the editorial office of the "SLOVAK" and the president's palace. The editor-in-chief always had the doors to t~e president's office open to him; there was no specified time for his visits. Whenever I phoned Tiso's personal secretary, Dr. Karol Murin, that I would like to see the president, in every instance he replied that I should come over at once. If my memory does not fail me, I believe I had to wait a half-hour or a bit more only twice in three years to see Dr. Tiso; and this happened because Tiso was in conference with foreign diplomatic representatives. Entering the president's office, I usually found Dr. Tiso at his desk, going through his mail or studying various state papers, proposed legislative acts, and activities of the various branches of government or the Hlinka Party, of which he was chairman. When I greeted him, he would raise his head, remove his spectacles and reply: "Welcome, young man, welcome!" Whenever I missed a meeting with the President, for some reason other, at the very next meeting he would ask where I had been, whether I had been i_ll. During these visits there were various matters that interested me. Of these not the least interesting was to observe the effects of the visitor before me. Once it would •b e a prime minister, other times a worker from the countryside; then again some deputy, economic expert, high officer, a foreign correspondent, or a member of the Cabinet. Once in a while some one would come up with an alarming report or rumor. President Tiso excluded no one from visiting him; he listened attentively to all and in every instance did whatever he could to satisfy all comers. Whenever I met him, �SLOVAKIA 11 President Tiso usually was either in a pensive or a smiling mood. Even at times when he appeared in a serious mood, and during our convers,a tion it would seem to me that in his mind he is returning to the fresh impressions of previous visitors, yet in a short while his face would brighten up and his melodious voice would ring out in healthy laughter. President Tiso had a real sense of humor. Dr. Joseph Tiso never acted in an affected or artificial manner. Once in 1939, when he was being welcomed in Nitra, an event which I witnessed, the district official addressed Tiso as "Your Excellency." At that Time Dr. Tiso smilingly reminded him: "Without the excellency, Mr. official!" From that time on, I never heard anyone address Dr. Tiso as "His Excellency." In his study Tiso was happy to be addressed simply as "Mr. President" (Pan prezident), as he was when his parishioners called him "Reverend Deacon." Conversations with Tiso usually began with his asking about one's health, his family, and his work. He was always very much interested in the work of our editorial office. President Tiso was not often curious about details, unless it was a matter of immediate interest, like, for example, the political side of our editorial work. Furthermore there was not a single visit during which we would not touch upon the most serious objective and personal moments which influenced Slovak politics. Dr. Tiso spoke openly about individual resolutions of the Parliament, the deputies, ministers, the Germans, and in general about everything that had any influence on Slovak life and the presidential office. On occasions Dr. Tiso recalled many innovations especially of his political opponents. He criticized them unsparingly and talked about them with feelings of bitterness; his criticism was sincere at all times, whether it concerned Slovaks or foreigners. I always felt refreshed in the President's study. Usu.ally Dr. Tiso gave no directives how any article was to be written. On the other hand, however, he willingly read the �12 SLOVAKIA more delicate articles before they went to print. Even when I asked him what from the ideological standpoint we should deal with most on the pages of the "SLOVAK," he would usually reply: "Hold the line. Don't let yourself be broken. Don't be discouraged-persevere!" Nothing more and nothing less. Otherwise, however, the editorial office of the "SLOVAK" had an exemplary coworker in the person of President Tiso. His speeches, articles and messages were care-fully prepared. Dr. Tiso prepared and wrote them himself. On occasions, especially for Christmas and March 14th, the President gave us articles written in his own hand so that we might have them on time; these were usually accompanied by the remark: "Correct as you see fit." On his visits to us, he would always compliment all the workers connected with the paper, saying: "Fine work, men; keep up the good work; give the best that's in you!" I'll conclude with what I had mentioned at the beginning: the visits of President Tiso to the editorial office of the "SLOVAK." He came among us regularly. When he visited us the first time, all of us were very surprised that he was accompanied only by his personal secretary. No secret, no public police came with him; none in or outside the building; and none in his auto. On occasions he visited us coming on foot alone, without a bodyguard. That was Tiso: his people did not fear him, and he did not fear his people. No man in Slovakia was more revered and loved than was Tiso. I attended many gatherings which Dr. Tiso addressed; I traveled with him. Not once did he have more than one person accompany him. Not to guard him, but simply to accompany him. President Tiso moved about freely and without fear in Bratislava and everywhere in Slovakia, just as he did at the altar where he daily said the Holy Mass to his Divine Master. • • • REOOMMENDED $3.00; SLOVAK FOR (the set); "!Ih-obailr's "SLOVAK DE)SSONS" BOOKS: "The Slovaks" (Juircha.k BEGINNERS" (Books I-III) $1.50 English-Sl01Va:k Dictionary" $4.00 ; (iHroba.k) $3.50. �SLOVAKIA 13 EIGHT FATAL DAYS IN THE LIFE OF DR. JOSEPH TISO KAROL MURiN (The author of this article was the personal secretary of President Dr. Joseph Tiso from 1938 until Tiso's tragic end in 1947. At the present time Dr. Karol Murin is on the profes• sorial staff of Montreal University.) On April 8, 1945, just a month before the conclusion of World War II in the West, at President Tiso's request, I went to Munich to ask for an audience with His Eminence Cardinal Faulhaber. The reason was that I was to inform the Cardinal of Monsignor Tiso's arrivel in Kremsmlinster and petition him to graciously do what he could to protect the President of Slovakia. Munich at that time was a shambles. The Cardinal received me in the afternoon; his residence was damaged extensively by bombs and shells. After waiting for a moment in a small, poorly furnished room, Cardinal Faulhaber made his appearance, the burdens of the war clearly apparent on his features. After the customary Slovak greeting "Laudetur ... ," I went on one knee before him, kissed his ring, and then presented myself. The Cardinal replied to the greeting and asked me to be seated. After a few introductory words, I told him the purpose of my visit. I must admit that I did expect several questions. During the war years it had become the custom to classify people only into two categories: the democrats on the one side, and the nazis and fascists on the other. No one asked why or how a person got to be on the one or the other side, or even what one did. According to that attitude, which excluded all colors between black and white, Stalin and the bolsheviks were regarded as democrats, while Dr. Tiso was supposed to be a nazi; Benes, despite his pro-Soviet and evident bolshevizing tendencies and the fact that he was responsible for the death of thousands of people, was regarded as a "moral" democrat, while Dr. Tiso, despite his prayers and many acts of kindness and his great love for �14 SLOV.AlKIA his Slovak people, or . just because of this, was regarded as a criminal. Cardinal Faulhaber, however, never did belong among the people who measured morality according to their own interest and evaluated their neighbor and acknowledged his right to life only according to the benefit they might reap from him. He was accustomed to judge and measure 9,ccording to the eternal and unchangeable principles of 8hrist. That is why he had become the symbol of the fight against nazi blunders, and the world regarded him highly for it. "I know about your President," began Cardinal Faulhaber, "and I know that he defended the Christian Faith in Slovakia." From what he further said, it was evident that he was well-informed about Slovakia and especially about the activity of President Tiso. He immediately set himself to the task of doing what he could to secure the safety of Tiso in the face of the surge of passions resulting for the most part from the false information propagated by Dr. Edward Benes. The three alternatives mentioned by the Cardinal are proof of his love for President Tiso : 1. He invited the President to his residence; 2. he offered as a temporary abode for President Tiso the Capuchin monastery at Alt Otting; or, 3. the Scheyrn monastery. Both monasteries were in the Freising-Munich Archdiocese which Cardinal Faulhaber administered. According to circumstances, as they might develop in regard to Tiso, the Slovak President was free to resort to the alternative most favorable to him. My audience with Cardinal Faulhaber lasted two hours. He told me about what especially worried him and made him fearful about the future: about the plans formulated by fanatics for the last days of the war, about the night of the long knives ("Nacht der langen Messer"), during which they intended to liquidate revered and respected Catholic priests and laity. The last half hour of my visit I spent with the Cardinal in his study. Looking over a map of Bavaria, His Eminence compared the advantages and disadvantages uf �SLOVAKIA 15 the two monasteries; the Scheyrn Monastery was more advantageous, except, of course, if the "night of the long knives" should be realized. At the end of my visit I thanked Cardinal Faulhaber sincerely for the time he gave me, asked for his blessing, and departed after His Eminence bade me Godspeed. President Tiso was happy to hear my report about my visit to Cardinal Faulhaber after I returned to Kremsmtiunster. In no time at all, President Tiso decided to accept the hospitality of the Archbishop's palace only as a last resort; he did not wish to burden one of the outstanding Princes of the Church with the cares and troubles of his Slovak people and his own person, because he was aware of the fact that the saintly Cardinal was greatly burdened by the troubles of his own German people. At the beginning of May, 1945, when Dr. Joseph Tiso left Kremsmtinster for the West, he was not definitely certain whether he would seek refuge at Alt Otting or Scheyrn. In any event, however, he decided to first stop at Alt Otting. On the first leg of his journey, President Tiso was supposed to leave a written or oral message for me at the rectory of the Bavarian community of Stammham. I set out after President Tiso about two weeks later, stopping first at Stammham, where the pastor told mf': that I would find the person I was seeking at the first place we had talked about. That same afternoon I met with President Tiso in the monastery at Alt Otting. My first task was to again make contact with Cardinal Faulhaber. Since the war had just ended in the West, everything was chaos and confusion; outside the military, there was no public transportation to speak of; and no one was permitted to travel even short distances without a permit. After about a week in Alt Otting, which, by the way, is one of the most famous of pilgrimage cities, I was quite fortunate in getting to Munich. The Cardinal received me shortly after I was nounced. He was in ·b etter spirits than he had been April 8th: the "night of the long knives," thank God, not come about! In due time the Cardinal told me of anon did his �16 SLOV.A.I{JA plan to help President Tiso: he wanted to secure a plane to take Tiso to the Vatican. However, before he could begin working out his plan, the Cardinal said, he wanted to get the assent of the Papal Nuncio. During the entire war, the Nuncio for Germany was Archbishop Cesare Orsenigo. Cardinal Faulhaber asked me to look him up as soon as possible and present his desire to help Dr. Joseph Tiso to him, reckoning also with help to transport Tiso to the Vatican. In the Cardinal's name I was to ask His Excellency whether he agreed with his step. At that time the Papal Nuncio, His Excellency Cesare Orsenigo, resided in Eichstatt in northern Bavaria. To get to him by auto I needed gasoline and to get gasoline I had to see the American authorities. Aware of this, Cardinal Faulhaber wrote a letter telling whoever it may concern that I was his courier, carrying mail and reports from the Cardinal to the Papal Nuncio. For a longer time the Cardinal could not send mail to the Nuncio, so he really appreciated this opportunity to do so. Besides that Cardinal Faulhaber gave me a general recommendat ion which I could use as I thought best. The next day I travelled by auto to Eichstatt. Below the portals to the Archbishop's palace, by sheer accident, I met with a group of four Slovaks, who had come by auto. After hearty handshakes and embraces, all gratefully accompanied me on my journey. Archbishop Orsenigo received me warmly. After I gave him the mail from Cardinal Faulhaber, he listened with great interest to my report about the fate of Preside,1t Tiso. To the Cardinal's question he replied thusly: "Tell His Eminence that I not only agree that he do everything possible in his power to save Dr. Tiso, but that I most ardently beg him to do so." Then the Archbishop said that he was completely out of contact with the world, adding that a certain member of the Swiss diplomatic corps in Berlin is supposed to visit him this same afternoon and take his first mail in a long time to the Vatican. He graciously offered to be of service if I had anything to send outside the borders of Germany. �SLOVAKIA 17 As soon as Cardinal Faulhaber had the Nuncio's reply, he immediately wrote a letter to the Vatican in which he told of his intention to transport Dr. Tiso by plane to the Vatican. His greatest worry was how to send the letter. Besides American planes only an accidental diplomat, who saved his petrol well, could be considered. In about a week I was supposed to return for further reports and advice. After eight days, I visited Cardinal Faulhaber again, who greeted me and then told me of the unfortunate thing tkat had happened. He was almost in tears. The Cardinal told me that the day after he had written the letter to the Vatican in regard to Tiso, he had secured a way of getting the letter to the Vatican. According to a promise made to the Cardinal by a person unknown to me, this person was supposed to take the letter before his departure from Munich. But the day before my last visit to Cardinal Faulhaber, when he asked his chancery whether there was any reply from the Vatican in regard to Tiso, he learned to his utter sorrow that the letter was still in his palace, the person who promised to deliver it to the Vatican evidently forgetting to pick it up. This unexpected delay worried the Cardinal and his concern was great, as if he had a foreboding that so very much depended on those eight days. After giving vent to his great disappointment, Cardinal Faulhaber again gave me his blessing and asked me to return in a week. I did return, but only after over two years. After my last visit to the Cardinal, we learned about the arrest of the members of the Slovak Government in Kremsmlinster. President Tiso asked for reports about what had happened there. My request for a travel permit into Upper Austria lay on the desk of the CIC in Alt btting for several days. Fate came into play. With the CIC in Alt btting there collaborated a man by the name of Spigler who was originally from Bratislava, the capital of Slovakia. When he came upon my name, Spigler immediately came to the monastery and forbade me to leave the building. After two days he took me to jail. During my confinement in the monastery, it became �18 SLOVAKIA quite evident that this Bratislava agent, full of personal resentment, found out that President Tiso was in the monastery. After my arrest President Tiso wrote to Cardinal Faulhaber, respectfully requesting His Eminence to notify the American authorities that he was staying in the monastery and that he use his influence to set me free, as well as that he c-o ntinue to give consideration to his own case. The Capuchin Provincial delivered the President's letter to Cardinal Faulhaber. In the meantime, I was transferred to a concentration camp where frightful conditions prevailed. One hot and sultry afternoon, at the beginning of June, 1945, a jeep pulled up before the barbed-wire camp. I became numb when I sighted President Tiso in it. It was at this point that my pilgrimage to various concentrati0!1 camps with President Tiso began, the tour which finally ended in the Bratislava jail. We felt the benefiscence of good Cardinal Faulhaber once again in the concentration camp at Garmisch Partenkirchen. It was on his initiative that the events, which had taken place during the reception of our group in this camp, were investigated. The Cardinal's effort to help Dr. Joseph Tiso did not result in success. Nevertheless, the Slovaks will never forget that Cardinal Faulhaber, now deceased, really did try to save Dr. Joseph Tiso, President of the Slovak Republic . • • • WHO SAID IT? "W:t"th eq'll!al enlthusfasm we are today manifesting for the ideaJls of our, and onliy our, Owchoslovruk Democracy, which is on its way of development ,t o a new poople's fomn . . . . T.he unreseJ:1ved alliance with Oll!r Eastern ncighbor, witlh the mighty USSR, bUft also our friend!ly coot'acts wirtih the rest ,of tlhe world, especiaUy with our western democracies, gives us the feeUng of oerlainty that no mrutter what might h!appen a!broad, O'Ur ,inJternatiiona1 positt'ion is £i:nm rund we need not fea1r that we can come uipon new d'aingera aind dlnifiou[ties." ([)r. Joseph Lettrich, Vice,Ohairm.an of the Exem.rt.ive Oommittee of the "Coundl of Free Czechoslov.aJkia,'' CAIS, November 18, 1947). �SLOVAKIA 19 SLOVAKIA: TRIAL OF DR. JOSEPH TISO (Under previous order of the House, the Hon. Ray J . Madden from Indiana, was recognized for 20 minutes to make the following address on the floor of the House of Representatives, March 31, 1947): Mr. Speaker, America and all liberty-loving nations should at this time concentrate against international situations which might bring about war in the future. I have, on several occasions, stated on the floor of Congress that the application of the principles of the Atlantic Charter is our greatest antidote for future peace. Self-government, freedom of thought, freedom of speech, and freedom of religion is essential for smaller countries as it is for th~ large nations. Our Nation, during World War II, spent billions of dollars and sacrificed in lives and casualties to preserve the above principles in order to insure liberty and fnture peace. Since VJ-day, aggression and tyranny has again launched in certain areas of Europe. The latest example of persecution, unfair trial, and threatened execution for political belief is that of Dr. Joseph Tiso, former President of the Interim Republic of Slovakia. Dr. Tiso has been acclaimed a hero in the eyes of nearly all the people of Slovakia and the prevailing majority of Americans of Slovak ancestry. My attention has been called to the fact that over 80 percent of the Slovak American fraternal organizations have forthrightly declared themselves to be of the opinion that Tiso was a hero in the defense of the best interests of the Slovak people. During his presidency, Slovakia thrived, progressed, and developed internally more than it had during any five years of the existence of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. The communistic control now over the country of Slovakia will execute Dr. Tiso, a political prisoner, unless our Government intervenes. This communistic control is inflicted upon the people of Slovakia in spite of the fact that the election of May 26, 1946, gave over 64 percent of the total vote cast against the present government. The press is likewise controlled, at least to the extent that the newspaper cannot publish what they think. This is evidenced in the fact that four American newspapers have �20 SLOVAKIA been barred in Slovakia. The present communistic government will brook no freedom of political thought; though the people voted for Christian democracy, they received totalitarian communism. The archbishop of Slovakia testified at the trial of Dr. Tiso. He is and has been a respected member not only of the hierarchy of Czecho-Slovakia, but of the official family of Czecho-Slovakia, including its President Edward Benes. Appearing as a witness for Dr. Tiso, the archbishop testified that: Tiso acted and worked in the interest of Slovakia and was never a traitor, and that his electeion as President of Slovakia was the will of 90 percent of the Slovaks at that time and was acclaimed by the bishops, priests, and ministers of both the Catholic and Protestant churches. It is apparent that Czecho-Slovakia has been re-created with the aid of Moscow and that Moscow will undoubtedly demand the extinction of Slovak national leaders of ability and high intelelct. The ways of the Communists are devious and it behooves us to understand more of the Slovak situation. In the meantime, the least that freedom loving nations can ask is that the so-called peoples courts in the Communist-dominated countries in eastern Europe, refrain from any further political executions or from liquidating political opposition by long-term imprisonment as in the case of Archbishop Stepinac. All of this adds up to the price we will have to pay to aid in the establishing of true democracy in the countries of eastern Europe to insure world peace. In supporting President Truman's international program, we cannot be unmindful of what is happening throughout this region in Europe, comprising over 100,000,000 Christians who have nothing in common with communism. We have heard of political executions, imprisonment, and banishment of outstanding citizens in Poland, Lithuania, Yugoslavia, Bulgaria, and other small countries. Thousands of brave Polish soldiers who fought to stamp out fascism are now prohibited from returning to their native Poland by a communistic controlled government. Americans are asking the question "do we not have at least a moral obli- �SLOVAKIA 21 gation to veice our protest against such trials and executions?" The judge who presided at the trial of Dr. Tiso, previous to the trial, vowed personal vengeance on Tiso and was provided this opportunity by being placed in charge ef the case. These facts, though not appearing in the American press releases, are not disputed. Almost uninimously, the people of Slovak descent in America, are rising in protest to the impending execution of Dr. Tiso. I ask the Members of Congress to join with me in protesting this unjust conviction by interceding with President Truman and Secretary Marshall to use their good offices to prevent this injustice. We might as well apply the words of the Honorable Judge Robert H. Jackson: All experience teaches that there are certain things you cannot do under guise of judicial trial. * * * You must put no man on trial before anything that is called a court, if you are not prepared to establish his personal guilt * * * If you are determined to execute a man in any case, there is no occasion for trial. The world yields no respect to courts that are merely organized to convict. - Congressional Record. • ON TISO'S BEHALF: • • PLEA OF THE COUNCIL OF SLOVAK BISHOPS To the Presidium of the Slovak National Council in Bratislava: The Catholic Episcopal Council of Slovakia, in past years, has more frequently turned to appropriate governmental offices in the interest of those who were suffering, were imprisoned or persecuted - without regard to whetlier Catholics or non-Catholics were concerned. The example of the Divine Samaritan and His positive command prompted and encouraged us to raise our protective voice in the interests of the people who were suffering on account of political or racial reasons and we did that at a time when we could expect various humiliations in return. �22 SLOVAKIA This noblest Model in all history and His commandment, expressed in the Gospel, we bear in mind even now, when we respectfully commend to Your graciousness the fate of the former President Dr. Joseph Tiso. We do this not only because a Catholic priest is concerned, but also because the solution of his personal problem shall have a far-reaching influence on the thinking and behavior of a part of the Slovak nation in respect to the renovated Czecho- Slovak Republic and its representatives. Furthermore, we are prompted to take this step also by the generally known actuality, which is conceded by all objective critics, that Dr. Joseph Tiso always was a zealous priest, of a virtuous life. In his extensive activity he tried to work for the good of the whole, and personally did not enrich himself. The administration of justice belongs among the most difficult tasks of state power. Experience proves that this delicate task is aggravated when the judgment of political transgressions is concerned. History tells us how many fatal mistakes were made during political trials - and this results from the delicate task of impartially judging the activities of a political opponent. So, it is no rarity that after rendering severe verdicts in political trials, sooner or later a call for their revision was made. In judging the activity especially of a political factor his intentions also should be given · consideration. The majority of the Slovak nation is convinced with us that the intentions of Dr. Joseph Tiso while performing public functions were the best. Certainly some mistakes were made and the Catholic Bishops of Slovakia did not fail to bring these to his attention. However, here we must mention the generally known reality that even the most clever political factors frequently made serious mistakes. Nevertheless an unbiased observer - whether a contemporary or historian - can deduce an over-all judgment only when he evaluates also the good and positive things they did. And this thesis often outweighs the mistakes which they made in their weakness. �S LOVAKIA 23 It will be pertinent to the matter at hand to shed some light also from another viewpoint on the mistakes which are ascribed to Dr. Joseph Tiso. We respectfully point out at least some of the circumstances. After the most recent announcements of the present governmental factors even the 2ilina events of October, 1938, are presented in a different light than that shed by the one-sided propaganda to persuade the public; nay, even in the press it was demonstrated that in these political changes practically all Slovak political parties had participated. Here it is necessary to recall also the very important document which has just now been made public during the Nuremberg trials; we mean the letter of the ruler of the Hungarian realm sent to Berlin in March 13, 1939. This weighty circumstance gives an altogether different significance to the March 14, 1939, decision of Dr. Joseph Tiso and the other political factors of that time. One should think about what would have happened with the Slovak nation if the plan of Horthy had succeeded? We also know that after the issuance of anti-Jewish regulations, Dr. Joseph Tiso did want to resign from the presidency. That he did not do so happened because he tried to hamper and ameliorate the effects of those provisions, as well as to prevent a greater evil. It is worthy of consideration that what the ruler of the larger and more independent Hungary could not prevent in his country Dr. Joseph Tiso could not prevent in Slovakia. After considering all the circumstances after the passage of time, even other pilloried political mistakes - such as the war in the east, the events of August 29, 1944 can be judged otherwise than the manner in which it is done by a one-sided propaganda. The entire Slovak public is following the developments of events around Dr. Joseph Tiso with attention and in its majority is taking a negative stand towards those efforts which would incite hatred against his person. Thereby the unfortunate splintering of the nation is increased when unity of all forces is so greatly desired for the important �24 SLOVAKIA work of construction. It will be to the credit of the farsightedness of the State and will serve the peace of the nation, if the case of Dr. Joseph Tiso is solved in a cautious way and not with merciless hardness. The above thoughts have prompted us to respectfully submit our plea for your gracious consideration and favorable decision. With an expression of profound respect: (Signatures) : Dr. Karol Kmefko, Archbishop-Bishop of Nitra; Jozef Carsky, Bishop-Apostolic Administrator; Dr. Andrej Skraltik, Bishop on Banska Bystrica; Dr. Jozef Tomanocy; Dr. Karol Jantausch; Dr. Eduard Necsey, ordaining Bishop. Bratislava, January 8, 1946. • • • HERO AND PATRIOT OF SLOVAKIA The smaller nations have been the marytrs in tlte maelstrom that evil men made out of Europe in the last decade. Changing fortunes of war often presented a double crown of martyrdom. Honest men in these minor states often found it difficult to see where the path of honor lay, but once their conscience revealed the way they remained steadfast in what they believed their sacred duty. Slovakia has presented such a puzzling picture. The Slovaks had long sought and had long been denied their independence. When the moment dawned for freedom before the last war, there is no doubt that the patriots of that land felt that their long-deferred ambitions had been realized. There was outside wonder at the auspices under which freedom came but there can be no question about the sincerity of the Slovak patriots who meant to use their new prerogatives solely for the good of Slovakia. Chief among these was Monsignor Joseph Tiso who was elected president of the new republic. The war's outcome threw Slovakia as part of the old Czecho-Slovakian state into the Red orbit. Monsignor Tiso was placed on trial for treason. It could not be proved that he was a traitor to Slovakia for the simple reason that he never was a traitor to Slovakia. But that did not prevent �SLOVAKIA 25 his condemnation and execution. History is filled with these rigged trials and martyrs deaths. The condemned priest left a noble testament to his beloved Slovak people. On the eve of his unjust execution he wrote: "In the spirit of the sacrifice I am about to make, I send this message to the Slovak nation: "In harmony and unison pursue always, everywhere and in every respect the great principle: FOR GOD AND FOR THE NATION. "This is not only the unequivocal intent of Slovak history, but also the explicit command of God, Who has made it the law of nature a11J has inculcated it into the soul of the nation and every one of its members. "This precept I have served all my life and, therefore, I consider myself first of all a martyr of God's law. Secondly, I feel that I am a martyr in the defense of Christianity against bolshevism, against which our nation must in all possible ways defend itself, not only in the spirit of its Christian character, but also in the interest of its future. "As I beg you to remember me in your prayers, so do I promise. to pray to God Almighty for you and supplicate that he bless the Slovak nation in its vital struggle for God artd for the nation, so that the Slovak nation will always remain a faithful and devoted son of the Church of Christ." When this black night in Europe passes with the destruction of the powers of darkness incarnated in atheistic communism Father Tiso will be seen as the hero that he truly was. - (The Catholic Universe Bulletin, Cleveland, 0 ., 6-27-47). • • • THE TERRITORY OF ANCIENT SWVAKIA P.A. HROBAK Today there is no doubt that the original homeland ancestors of present-day Slovaks was somewhere the of beyond the Carpathian Mountains. We know that the Slovaks came into their present territory - which was later incorrectly called "Uhry" (hura=hora; uhor, uhorie= near, at the foot of, the mountains)-through the western Carpathians. Historical records do not tell us exastly when the Slovak ancients migrated from their original homeland, � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1957, Vol. 7 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 22), March 1957.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 23), June 1957.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 24-25), September-December 1957.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1957 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOV AKIA PubHshed VOL. VII quarterly by the Slovak League of America MARCH, 1957 NO. 1 (22) THE TENTH ANNIVERSARY OF DR. JOSEPH TISO'S EXECUTION JOSEPH KIRSCHBAUM When Monsignor Dr. Joseph Tiso, President of thewartime Slovak Republic, was executed on the gallows on April 18, 1947, a victim of Communist and Czech vengeance, with the assistance of the adherents of Czecho-Communist collaboration most of whom are today living in exile, the Vatican broadcast, commenting on the reaction of the world press to Tiso's murder, said: "As a martyr of his love for his country, Dr. Tiso-who finally died in a very nice manner and as a priest internally very dignified, even though the manner of putting him to death was not befitting a priest-shall continue to live in the Catholic Slovak nation. Tendencious articles in the world press cannot change this fact." Ten years later, it is not necessary to prove the truthfulness of that forecast. Shortly after the first President of the Slovak Republic was surrendered to his vengeful political opponents, there resounded in the American and world press so many manifestations of sympathy, admiration, and respect for Dr. Joseph Tiso, as had been tendered no Slovak in the thousand-year-old stirring history of the Slovak people. Verily, Dr. Tiso outgrew the Slovak framework and "continues to live today" not only in the hearts of his Slovak people, but in the hearts of millions of people who love truth and freedom. Slovakia and the Slovak nation still belongs to the world which did not succumb to Communism, to the world which, so to speak, is personified in Dr. Tiso and his fate. And many people even here on the American continent today see in Tiso the first great victim of Communism in the attack on the civilized world. With decent and intelligent people, the name of Tiso has 2 SLOVAKIA become the key to sympathy for and frequently also to the knowledge of Slovakia and our fight and destiny. In this unusual turn of world public opinion, it is interesting to recall what Dr. Joseph Tiso said when he was asked by the so-called National Court in Bratislava why he had left Slovakia. Tiso at that time had replied: "I left Slovakia, because I wished to make the claims of the Slovak nation to its own way of life better known and more understandable to the Western powers." Of course, we know that the Western powers did not allow the living Tiso to do this, but we also have knowledge that they did not know, and still do not know, how to prevent the dead Tiso from fulfilling his mission. 'Dhe political murder, of which Dr. Tiso was the victim, did not bring about a change of heart only in alien circles, in circles frequently unfavorable to Slovakia and disinterested in the fate of Slovak nation. The crime committed against Dr. Tiso has stirred the conscience and awakened from national lethargy and indifference the Slovaks themselves, and especially the Slovaks beyond the borders of Slovakia who could not partake of the blessings of Slovak independence. If at the present time, outside the borders of Slovakia, the absolute majority of informed Slovaks is again in the fight for the sacred Slovak cause of freedom and independence, without any reservations whatsoever, this is due in a large measure to the death of Tiso, the hevo and martyr of the 'Slovak nation. Today there is not a single country in the free world, where the Slovaks do not annually commemorate March 14, 1939, Slovak Independence Day, and the Slovak Day of Infamy, April 18, 1947-the day that the Benes Czechs-Czech Socialists and Communists- shamefully put Dr. Tiso to death on the gallows. And in all these manifestations and celebrations, the personality, heroic fight and martyr's death of President Dr. Joseph Tiso stand out pre-eminently as a symbol, as a permanent light of Slovak history. On this tenth anniversary of the Bratislava murder, it is appropriate, I believe, to point out the fundamental principles, which led Dr. Joseph Tiso in his work for his SLOVAKIA 3 people all the way up to the gallows and which characterized one historical period of the Slovak nation. Tiso on Politics, Nation and State Like Andrew Hlinka, Dr. Joseph Tiso left to Slovak generations no compact work about his views on Slovak national life, on their mission and on the ideological foundations of Slovak politics. Always in the middle of obstinate struggles for the preservation of his people and Slovak national existence, in which he played the foremost role since 1918, Dr. Tiso had little time to write books, so he probably postponed the task for a time when he would depart from the political arena. But this was denied hilli by the executioner. Although ideologically he formulate<l the Slovak struggles for national life, and systematically in his countless manifestations and reflections placed the foundations of and consciously developed the fundamental principles of Slovak national ideology in a manner as no one else had in his century, or in previous centuries, a systematic explanation of Tiso's views still awaits the efforts of an expert. The first step in this direction was made by Prof. Dr. Stephen Polakovic during the lifetime of Dr. Tiso, when he expertly and systematically collected in the work "Tiso's Doctrine"l the fundamental concept of Dr. Tiso relating to nation, nationalism, state, religion, and social questions. Even though the volume bears the seal of war conditions in Slovakia, it remains for us thusJar, along with the final speech of Dr. Tiso before the Bratislava Court, which was edited by Dr. Joseph Pauco2, a priceless source of knowledge of the fundamental ideas, aims and efforts of Slovak political life in the first half of this century. These two literary works are not only a source of knowing the past, but also a sum total of the fundamental directives for national and political work, about which Dr. Joseph Tiso, as if following the example of the Old Testamnt prophets, said: "In profound humility we are paying tribute to our good God for the lig}:tt of principles of the natural law, according to which we conducted ourselves in the fight for 4 SLOVAKIA independence, as well as in our work of construction. A return to the natural law can be the only foundation upon which a new world can be built, a world of contentment, order, and permanent peace"3. Placing the foundation of Slovak politics on the Natural Law, Dr. Tiso also defined the aims and the ways of Slovak politics. "Our Slovak State was not born out of hatred, but out of our great love for our homeland," proclaimed Dr. Tiso on March 16, 1939. "Let us above all else be led by this thought: no hatred toward anyone, but love, an ardent love for our State, which inspires us to work and sacrifice ... " "A practical manifestation of the Natural Law is an~ shall remain our old goal: Slovakia for the Slovaks. Slovakia in its entirety and indivisible and without reservations in the legal, cultural, economical, and social departments, so that the independent Slovak nation might be the living carrier of all power and the consumer of all that the Slovak country contains and represents." Regarding politics as a service to the nation, Dr. Tiso during his many years of political activity pleaded tha.t political factors learn to depersonalize themselves. His understanding of politics was that "the interest of the nation is the highest directive of political work;" politics is not supposed to be "medium for several individuals, who with it would conceal their own materialistic interests. Politics serves the nation." As Tiso saw it, even "the State should serve the nation, therefore, it has the right to existence only insofar as it does not threaten the interests of the nation." As far as State order is concerned, this must "be subordinated to the law of morality and law; the State must respect the rigihts of the individual, the family, society, and hold sacred the right ,o f parents to educate their children, the right of free confession; it guarantees the right of private ownership and sefeguards the peaceful coexistence of labor and capital, of employer and employee." "Not force, but law which is founded on truth," was the thesis of Dr. Joseph Tiso, and he followed it in the full SLOVAKIA 5 sense of the word throughout his life, because he preached and believed that "no one will be mistaken who builds on the nation and always has only the interests of his nation in mind. We have ta:ken over this thesis from stirring times for the future so that we might strengthen ourselves in the old convictions that individuals retire but the nation remains, and the person, who, separated completely from his own person, stands unconditionally in the service of the nation, knows how to hold his ground and is the only one fit to lead and to speak in the name of the nation." "The politician, more than any one else, must be the guardian of the traditional values of the nation and must be the ever ready interpreter of the Natural Law in any given situation. Should any one lack the one or the other, he is not fit to be the representative of the nation, because he will either become a figure tossed about by contemporary political or social currents which has no connection with the living corpus of the nation, or else he will be a museum guardian of the nation who stands afar from contemporary routes along which life flows and on which the fate of the future of the nation is determined." "Whoever boasts that he is a loyal son of the nation, he must also ponder what he is giving to his nation. Whether an infection which causes a fever, or bacilli which cause decay and can bring the nation to the grave; or whether he contributes labor which shall forever remain in the nation as a cell of healthy social and cultural development." "A nation whose sons do not know how to bear a blow and personal sacrifices, such a nation will not get far. The nation lives, the whole lives, only by the fight and work of individuals." "Love for the nation is a religious precept, and a person sins against the Fourth Commandment who does not love his nation. He bears a stigma not only as an earthly t raitor, but also as a transgressor who does not keep the Divine Commandmants." Every loyal son of the Slovak nation, acording to Tiso, "sanctifies his nationalism with a Christian spirit, so that ti SLOVAKIA nationalism be not a slogan or a mantle of dubious aims, but an internal motivating force to create values for the benefit of the national whole." In the Spirit of Tiso for a New Independence From the above quotations it is quite evident that the main principles of Dr. Joseph Tiso's ideology were: 1. Natural Law; 2. Love in place of hatred; 3. Right instead of violence; 4. Respect for morality; 5. Nation above the State. 6. Loyalty to traditions; 7. Personal selflessness and sacrifice of political factors; 8. Nationalism sanctified by Ohristianity; 9. Social justice; and 10. Religious tolerance. During the decades of his successful political activity, Dr. Tiso developed these ideas not only in his manifestations to the people, but also in his classically and stately styled reflections, parliamentary speeches, and presidential messages, so that the expert schooled in statecraft and sociology will have little difficulty in systematically elaborating his ideology. nr. Tiso himself indicated Christianity as the outlet of his ideas, especially the philosophy of St. Thomas4, and in the social sphere the Papal Encyclicals. On the question of nationalism Tiso said that "the symbol of Slovak nationalism is Stur"5, because "Stur's nationalism was the dynamic force in individuals whom he prompted to work and socrifice for the nation; it was the connecting link of individuals into a rock-firm whole with a united aim and a united will ... "6 A study of Dr. Tiso's manifestations reveals that he frequently tied in his talks with the spiritual-political heritage of the followers of Louis Stur, the great Slovak patriot and "father of modern Slovak nationalsm." And Tiso did this consciously to preserve the continuity of Slovak ideological-politica l development and so that the Slovaks could build on traditions. If we compare the basic ideas of Stur's political and philosophical manifestations - which are dealt with in several published works7 - with Tiso's, then the ideological structure, as well as the entire political activity of Dr. Tiso, of course, shows an entire series of preferences and varied outlines. SLOVAKIA 7 Objectively it may already be said today that tying in with Stur and the idelogical continuity of former Slovak generations, Dr. Tiso anchors more deeply in Christian world outlook on the individual and his relation to the state, nation, family, and society. His ideology is firmly founded on the principles of modern sociology and statecraft; it has solid philosophical foundations and a strictly logical system; it emanates from an idea and stresses the primacy of spirituality, but it depends on the reality of life and respects actuality; it is the result of long years of study and political experience, drawn from daily contact with the nation and into unceasing struggle with its enemies, so that it is, as it were, forged in the fire of battles and tested in confrontation with the actual life of the nation in the phase of its political formation, but also in the phase .of struggles for its natural rights and, finally, also in the period of building up its own state. In comparison to the ideology of the Sturites, we are concerned, therefore, with an ideology whose foundations are not only broader by far, but one which was more thought out, mature and tested ·b y life. Divine Providence had allowed Dr. Joseph Tiso a life of political activity almost as long as Stur's entire life (1815-1856) and, hence, he <!ould see the ideas, which he promulgated and foT which he labored and fought, validated in national life. If we should compare Dr. Tiso as a politician and ideologue with other factors of Slovak life, then objectively it can be said that during the last 100 years there was no political factor in Slovakia who could compare with Dr. Joseph Tiso as far as preparation for political activity, working out of ideology and the concert of expressed principles with their validation unto self-immolation are concerned. If any of them did shine in theoretical expressions and plans, either fate did not grant them to measure up with reality, or they were only gleaners of grain where Dr. Joseph Tiso was the owner of fruitful fields of ideological and character wealth. Living Slovak generations will therefore hardly find a better example than Dr. Tiso, or a better ideology than 8 SLOVAKIA the one he sanctified with his blood. Anchored in eternal principles and designed for the future of the Slovak nation, it can be the most certain course for winning a new and full independence for the Slovaks. Czech chauvinism and Communist hatred did not kill the idea of Slovak indepedence by murdering Dr. Tiso. Conversely, they gave the nation more martyrs and, therefore, the idea shall win out sooner or later. REFERIDNCIDS: 1. "Tisova nauka," Dr. Stefan Polakovic, Bratislava, 1941. ~- "Dr . Joz.e f Tiso o sebe," edited by Dr. Joseph Pauco, Passaic, N. J., 1952. 3. This and other quotations are taken from either one of the previous two references. 4. "All who recall our thesis that 'the nation is the substance and the state only the form' should know that is state-political formula is the practical consequence of the state•.p olitical theory Wihich is built on the foundations O'f Thomistic philosophy." SOOVAK, 1935. 5. See "Prve posolstvo" (The First Message), Ruizomberok, August 16, 1939. Already in 1936 Dr. Tiso had proclaimed: "It is this monument of Louis Stur, built in the Banovce country, that shall be the visible proof of the fact that we have progressed so far that only we, Slovak Catholics, have not forgotten our Slovak past and we pay our respects to the memory of our national awakeners even when they are Evangelicals (Lutherans), as was Stur." - SLOVAK, 1936. 6. Dr. Tiso also characterized Stiir's nationalism in this manner: "Stiir's nationalism - built on the foundation of the independent Slovak nation and the genuine Slovak language, because it acknowledges the law of God and the law nature - was the natural foundation of the life of the Slovak nation." - SLOVAK, 1936. 7. Among the most significant works are those of Professor Cfzevsky, Dr. Stephen Polakovic, Dr. Samuel S. Osusky, Profesor Rap ant, and Dr. Joseph Pauco. • • • WHO SAID IT? "The right of se1f-<leteiimination in:cluded in the .AJtlantic Charter does not carpry wliith it the right O!f any government to commit wholesale muTder or the right to make slaJVes of its own people, or of any other peoples in the world." - F. D. Roosevelt, Feb. 12, 1943. SLOVAKIA 9 I WAS EDITOR OF PRESIDENT TISO'S NEWSPAPER JOSEPH PAUCO ( Msgr. Joseph Tiso, prelate of the Catholic Church, was president of the Slovak Republic from 1939 to 1945. The proCommunist regime of Dr. Edward Benes executed him on the gallows, April 18, 1947, after a lengthy mock trial, before which the presiding judge had declared, echoing the words of Benes, that "Tiso must hang." Dr. Pauco's article is a brief recollection of the years he spent in free Bratislava as "Tiso's" editor.) Shortly after I was appointed editor of the "SLOVAK," the official organ of the Hlinka Slovak People's Party, my secretary entered my office to announce that President. Dr. Joseph Tiso wished to see me. "Where is he?" I asked excitedly. "In my office," replied the secretary. At that time I had a visitor, whom I requested to be excused because President Tiso had arrived, but the latter was already coming through the door of my office. Overhearing my request of the visitor, the President, greeting me and shaking my hand, said: "Now, Joe, you just finish your business with your visitor. I am a citizen like anyone else." That was characteristic of Dr. Joseph Tiso, the President of the Slovak Republic, who always considered himself only "one of the people." When my predecessor, Dr. Aladar Kocis, handed over the editoTShip of the "SLOVAK," he reminded me that, among other things, I should visit President Tiso regularly. Dr. Joseph Tiso, he told me, wanted to be informed about what was going on in the editorial office of the largest Slovak daily, which was otherwise regarded as the official newspaper of Dr. Tiso, since he was the chairman of the entire enterprise. But Dr. Tiso did not feel the necessity of personal contacts with the editorial office because of commercial considerations. He was mainly concerned with the spirit of the enterprise. It was necessary to defend Slovak interests. He 10 was aware of the great influence of the press and, hence, fully appreciated it. As a youthful journalist I naturally welcomed the support of the President. I visited Dr. Tiso regularly once a week, and when circumstances called for it even more frequently. Of course, besides personal visi½S, there were also many phone calls between the editorial office of the "SLOVAK" and the president's palace. The editor-in-chief always had the doors to t~e president's office open to him; there was no specified time for his visits. Whenever I phoned Tiso's personal secretary, Dr. Karol Murin, that I would like to see the president, in every instance he replied that I should come over at once. If my memory does not fail me, I believe I had to wait a half-hour or a bit more only twice in three years to see Dr. Tiso; and this happened because Tiso was in conference with foreign diplomatic representatives. Entering the president's office, I usually found Dr. Tiso at his desk, going through his mail or studying various state papers, proposed legislative acts, and activities of the various branches of government or the Hlinka Party, of which he was chairman. When I greeted him, he would raise his head, remove his spectacles and reply: "Welcome, young man, welcome!" Whenever I missed a meeting with the President, for some reason other, at the very next meeting he would ask where I had been, whether I had been i_ll. During these visits there were various matters that interested me. Of these not the least interesting was to observe the effects of the visitor before me. Once it would •b e a prime minister, other times a worker from the countryside; then again some deputy, economic expert, high officer, a foreign correspondent, or a member of the Cabinet. Once in a while some one would come up with an alarming report or rumor. President Tiso excluded no one from visiting him; he listened attentively to all and in every instance did whatever he could to satisfy all comers. Whenever I met him, SLOVAKIA 11 President Tiso usually was either in a pensive or a smiling mood. Even at times when he appeared in a serious mood, and during our convers,a tion it would seem to me that in his mind he is returning to the fresh impressions of previous visitors, yet in a short while his face would brighten up and his melodious voice would ring out in healthy laughter. President Tiso had a real sense of humor. Dr. Joseph Tiso never acted in an affected or artificial manner. Once in 1939, when he was being welcomed in Nitra, an event which I witnessed, the district official addressed Tiso as "Your Excellency." At that Time Dr. Tiso smilingly reminded him: "Without the excellency, Mr. official!" From that time on, I never heard anyone address Dr. Tiso as "His Excellency." In his study Tiso was happy to be addressed simply as "Mr. President" (Pan prezident), as he was when his parishioners called him "Reverend Deacon." Conversations with Tiso usually began with his asking about one's health, his family, and his work. He was always very much interested in the work of our editorial office. President Tiso was not often curious about details, unless it was a matter of immediate interest, like, for example, the political side of our editorial work. Furthermore there was not a single visit during which we would not touch upon the most serious objective and personal moments which influenced Slovak politics. Dr. Tiso spoke openly about individual resolutions of the Parliament, the deputies, ministers, the Germans, and in general about everything that had any influence on Slovak life and the presidential office. On occasions Dr. Tiso recalled many innovations especially of his political opponents. He criticized them unsparingly and talked about them with feelings of bitterness; his criticism was sincere at all times, whether it concerned Slovaks or foreigners. I always felt refreshed in the President's study. Usu.ally Dr. Tiso gave no directives how any article was to be written. On the other hand, however, he willingly read the 12 SLOVAKIA more delicate articles before they went to print. Even when I asked him what from the ideological standpoint we should deal with most on the pages of the "SLOVAK," he would usually reply: "Hold the line. Don't let yourself be broken. Don't be discouraged-persevere!" Nothing more and nothing less. Otherwise, however, the editorial office of the "SLOVAK" had an exemplary coworker in the person of President Tiso. His speeches, articles and messages were care-fully prepared. Dr. Tiso prepared and wrote them himself. On occasions, especially for Christmas and March 14th, the President gave us articles written in his own hand so that we might have them on time; these were usually accompanied by the remark: "Correct as you see fit." On his visits to us, he would always compliment all the workers connected with the paper, saying: "Fine work, men; keep up the good work; give the best that's in you!" I'll conclude with what I had mentioned at the beginning: the visits of President Tiso to the editorial office of the "SLOVAK." He came among us regularly. When he visited us the first time, all of us were very surprised that he was accompanied only by his personal secretary. No secret, no public police came with him; none in or outside the building; and none in his auto. On occasions he visited us coming on foot alone, without a bodyguard. That was Tiso: his people did not fear him, and he did not fear his people. No man in Slovakia was more revered and loved than was Tiso. I attended many gatherings which Dr. Tiso addressed; I traveled with him. Not once did he have more than one person accompany him. Not to guard him, but simply to accompany him. President Tiso moved about freely and without fear in Bratislava and everywhere in Slovakia, just as he did at the altar where he daily said the Holy Mass to his Divine Master. • • • REOOMMENDED $3.00; SLOVAK FOR (the set); "!Ih-obailr's "SLOVAK DE)SSONS" BOOKS: "The Slovaks" (Juircha.k BEGINNERS" (Books I-III) $1.50 English-Sl01Va:k Dictionary" $4.00 ; (iHroba.k) $3.50. SLOVAKIA 13 EIGHT FATAL DAYS IN THE LIFE OF DR. JOSEPH TISO KAROL MURiN (The author of this article was the personal secretary of President Dr. Joseph Tiso from 1938 until Tiso's tragic end in 1947. At the present time Dr. Karol Murin is on the profes• sorial staff of Montreal University.) On April 8, 1945, just a month before the conclusion of World War II in the West, at President Tiso's request, I went to Munich to ask for an audience with His Eminence Cardinal Faulhaber. The reason was that I was to inform the Cardinal of Monsignor Tiso's arrivel in Kremsmlinster and petition him to graciously do what he could to protect the President of Slovakia. Munich at that time was a shambles. The Cardinal received me in the afternoon; his residence was damaged extensively by bombs and shells. After waiting for a moment in a small, poorly furnished room, Cardinal Faulhaber made his appearance, the burdens of the war clearly apparent on his features. After the customary Slovak greeting "Laudetur ... ," I went on one knee before him, kissed his ring, and then presented myself. The Cardinal replied to the greeting and asked me to be seated. After a few introductory words, I told him the purpose of my visit. I must admit that I did expect several questions. During the war years it had become the custom to classify people only into two categories: the democrats on the one side, and the nazis and fascists on the other. No one asked why or how a person got to be on the one or the other side, or even what one did. According to that attitude, which excluded all colors between black and white, Stalin and the bolsheviks were regarded as democrats, while Dr. Tiso was supposed to be a nazi; Benes, despite his pro-Soviet and evident bolshevizing tendencies and the fact that he was responsible for the death of thousands of people, was regarded as a "moral" democrat, while Dr. Tiso, despite his prayers and many acts of kindness and his great love for 14 SLOV.AlKIA his Slovak people, or . just because of this, was regarded as a criminal. Cardinal Faulhaber, however, never did belong among the people who measured morality according to their own interest and evaluated their neighbor and acknowledged his right to life only according to the benefit they might reap from him. He was accustomed to judge and measure 9,ccording to the eternal and unchangeable principles of 8hrist. That is why he had become the symbol of the fight against nazi blunders, and the world regarded him highly for it. "I know about your President," began Cardinal Faulhaber, "and I know that he defended the Christian Faith in Slovakia." From what he further said, it was evident that he was well-informed about Slovakia and especially about the activity of President Tiso. He immediately set himself to the task of doing what he could to secure the safety of Tiso in the face of the surge of passions resulting for the most part from the false information propagated by Dr. Edward Benes. The three alternatives mentioned by the Cardinal are proof of his love for President Tiso : 1. He invited the President to his residence; 2. he offered as a temporary abode for President Tiso the Capuchin monastery at Alt Otting; or, 3. the Scheyrn monastery. Both monasteries were in the Freising-Munich Archdiocese which Cardinal Faulhaber administered. According to circumstances, as they might develop in regard to Tiso, the Slovak President was free to resort to the alternative most favorable to him. My audience with Cardinal Faulhaber lasted two hours. He told me about what especially worried him and made him fearful about the future: about the plans formulated by fanatics for the last days of the war, about the night of the long knives ("Nacht der langen Messer"), during which they intended to liquidate revered and respected Catholic priests and laity. The last half hour of my visit I spent with the Cardinal in his study. Looking over a map of Bavaria, His Eminence compared the advantages and disadvantages uf SLOVAKIA 15 the two monasteries; the Scheyrn Monastery was more advantageous, except, of course, if the "night of the long knives" should be realized. At the end of my visit I thanked Cardinal Faulhaber sincerely for the time he gave me, asked for his blessing, and departed after His Eminence bade me Godspeed. President Tiso was happy to hear my report about my visit to Cardinal Faulhaber after I returned to Kremsmtiunster. In no time at all, President Tiso decided to accept the hospitality of the Archbishop's palace only as a last resort; he did not wish to burden one of the outstanding Princes of the Church with the cares and troubles of his Slovak people and his own person, because he was aware of the fact that the saintly Cardinal was greatly burdened by the troubles of his own German people. At the beginning of May, 1945, when Dr. Joseph Tiso left Kremsmtinster for the West, he was not definitely certain whether he would seek refuge at Alt Otting or Scheyrn. In any event, however, he decided to first stop at Alt Otting. On the first leg of his journey, President Tiso was supposed to leave a written or oral message for me at the rectory of the Bavarian community of Stammham. I set out after President Tiso about two weeks later, stopping first at Stammham, where the pastor told mf': that I would find the person I was seeking at the first place we had talked about. That same afternoon I met with President Tiso in the monastery at Alt Otting. My first task was to again make contact with Cardinal Faulhaber. Since the war had just ended in the West, everything was chaos and confusion; outside the military, there was no public transportation to speak of; and no one was permitted to travel even short distances without a permit. After about a week in Alt Otting, which, by the way, is one of the most famous of pilgrimage cities, I was quite fortunate in getting to Munich. The Cardinal received me shortly after I was nounced. He was in ·b etter spirits than he had been April 8th: the "night of the long knives," thank God, not come about! In due time the Cardinal told me of anon did his 16 SLOV.A.I{JA plan to help President Tiso: he wanted to secure a plane to take Tiso to the Vatican. However, before he could begin working out his plan, the Cardinal said, he wanted to get the assent of the Papal Nuncio. During the entire war, the Nuncio for Germany was Archbishop Cesare Orsenigo. Cardinal Faulhaber asked me to look him up as soon as possible and present his desire to help Dr. Joseph Tiso to him, reckoning also with help to transport Tiso to the Vatican. In the Cardinal's name I was to ask His Excellency whether he agreed with his step. At that time the Papal Nuncio, His Excellency Cesare Orsenigo, resided in Eichstatt in northern Bavaria. To get to him by auto I needed gasoline and to get gasoline I had to see the American authorities. Aware of this, Cardinal Faulhaber wrote a letter telling whoever it may concern that I was his courier, carrying mail and reports from the Cardinal to the Papal Nuncio. For a longer time the Cardinal could not send mail to the Nuncio, so he really appreciated this opportunity to do so. Besides that Cardinal Faulhaber gave me a general recommendat ion which I could use as I thought best. The next day I travelled by auto to Eichstatt. Below the portals to the Archbishop's palace, by sheer accident, I met with a group of four Slovaks, who had come by auto. After hearty handshakes and embraces, all gratefully accompanied me on my journey. Archbishop Orsenigo received me warmly. After I gave him the mail from Cardinal Faulhaber, he listened with great interest to my report about the fate of Preside,1t Tiso. To the Cardinal's question he replied thusly: "Tell His Eminence that I not only agree that he do everything possible in his power to save Dr. Tiso, but that I most ardently beg him to do so." Then the Archbishop said that he was completely out of contact with the world, adding that a certain member of the Swiss diplomatic corps in Berlin is supposed to visit him this same afternoon and take his first mail in a long time to the Vatican. He graciously offered to be of service if I had anything to send outside the borders of Germany. SLOVAKIA 17 As soon as Cardinal Faulhaber had the Nuncio's reply, he immediately wrote a letter to the Vatican in which he told of his intention to transport Dr. Tiso by plane to the Vatican. His greatest worry was how to send the letter. Besides American planes only an accidental diplomat, who saved his petrol well, could be considered. In about a week I was supposed to return for further reports and advice. After eight days, I visited Cardinal Faulhaber again, who greeted me and then told me of the unfortunate thing tkat had happened. He was almost in tears. The Cardinal told me that the day after he had written the letter to the Vatican in regard to Tiso, he had secured a way of getting the letter to the Vatican. According to a promise made to the Cardinal by a person unknown to me, this person was supposed to take the letter before his departure from Munich. But the day before my last visit to Cardinal Faulhaber, when he asked his chancery whether there was any reply from the Vatican in regard to Tiso, he learned to his utter sorrow that the letter was still in his palace, the person who promised to deliver it to the Vatican evidently forgetting to pick it up. This unexpected delay worried the Cardinal and his concern was great, as if he had a foreboding that so very much depended on those eight days. After giving vent to his great disappointment, Cardinal Faulhaber again gave me his blessing and asked me to return in a week. I did return, but only after over two years. After my last visit to the Cardinal, we learned about the arrest of the members of the Slovak Government in Kremsmlinster. President Tiso asked for reports about what had happened there. My request for a travel permit into Upper Austria lay on the desk of the CIC in Alt btting for several days. Fate came into play. With the CIC in Alt btting there collaborated a man by the name of Spigler who was originally from Bratislava, the capital of Slovakia. When he came upon my name, Spigler immediately came to the monastery and forbade me to leave the building. After two days he took me to jail. During my confinement in the monastery, it became 18 SLOVAKIA quite evident that this Bratislava agent, full of personal resentment, found out that President Tiso was in the monastery. After my arrest President Tiso wrote to Cardinal Faulhaber, respectfully requesting His Eminence to notify the American authorities that he was staying in the monastery and that he use his influence to set me free, as well as that he c-o ntinue to give consideration to his own case. The Capuchin Provincial delivered the President's letter to Cardinal Faulhaber. In the meantime, I was transferred to a concentration camp where frightful conditions prevailed. One hot and sultry afternoon, at the beginning of June, 1945, a jeep pulled up before the barbed-wire camp. I became numb when I sighted President Tiso in it. It was at this point that my pilgrimage to various concentrati0!1 camps with President Tiso began, the tour which finally ended in the Bratislava jail. We felt the benefiscence of good Cardinal Faulhaber once again in the concentration camp at Garmisch Partenkirchen. It was on his initiative that the events, which had taken place during the reception of our group in this camp, were investigated. The Cardinal's effort to help Dr. Joseph Tiso did not result in success. Nevertheless, the Slovaks will never forget that Cardinal Faulhaber, now deceased, really did try to save Dr. Joseph Tiso, President of the Slovak Republic . • • • WHO SAID IT? "W:t"th eq'll!al enlthusfasm we are today manifesting for the ideaJls of our, and onliy our, Owchoslovruk Democracy, which is on its way of development ,t o a new poople's fomn . . . . T.he unreseJ:1ved alliance with Oll!r Eastern ncighbor, witlh the mighty USSR, bUft also our friend!ly coot'acts wirtih the rest ,of tlhe world, especiaUy with our western democracies, gives us the feeUng of oerlainty that no mrutter what might h!appen a!broad, O'Ur ,inJternatiiona1 positt'ion is £i:nm rund we need not fea1r that we can come uipon new d'aingera aind dlnifiou[ties." ([)r. Joseph Lettrich, Vice,Ohairm.an of the Exem.rt.ive Oommittee of the "Coundl of Free Czechoslov.aJkia,'' CAIS, November 18, 1947). SLOVAKIA 19 SLOVAKIA: TRIAL OF DR. JOSEPH TISO (Under previous order of the House, the Hon. Ray J . Madden from Indiana, was recognized for 20 minutes to make the following address on the floor of the House of Representatives, March 31, 1947): Mr. Speaker, America and all liberty-loving nations should at this time concentrate against international situations which might bring about war in the future. I have, on several occasions, stated on the floor of Congress that the application of the principles of the Atlantic Charter is our greatest antidote for future peace. Self-government, freedom of thought, freedom of speech, and freedom of religion is essential for smaller countries as it is for th~ large nations. Our Nation, during World War II, spent billions of dollars and sacrificed in lives and casualties to preserve the above principles in order to insure liberty and fnture peace. Since VJ-day, aggression and tyranny has again launched in certain areas of Europe. The latest example of persecution, unfair trial, and threatened execution for political belief is that of Dr. Joseph Tiso, former President of the Interim Republic of Slovakia. Dr. Tiso has been acclaimed a hero in the eyes of nearly all the people of Slovakia and the prevailing majority of Americans of Slovak ancestry. My attention has been called to the fact that over 80 percent of the Slovak American fraternal organizations have forthrightly declared themselves to be of the opinion that Tiso was a hero in the defense of the best interests of the Slovak people. During his presidency, Slovakia thrived, progressed, and developed internally more than it had during any five years of the existence of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. The communistic control now over the country of Slovakia will execute Dr. Tiso, a political prisoner, unless our Government intervenes. This communistic control is inflicted upon the people of Slovakia in spite of the fact that the election of May 26, 1946, gave over 64 percent of the total vote cast against the present government. The press is likewise controlled, at least to the extent that the newspaper cannot publish what they think. This is evidenced in the fact that four American newspapers have 20 SLOVAKIA been barred in Slovakia. The present communistic government will brook no freedom of political thought; though the people voted for Christian democracy, they received totalitarian communism. The archbishop of Slovakia testified at the trial of Dr. Tiso. He is and has been a respected member not only of the hierarchy of Czecho-Slovakia, but of the official family of Czecho-Slovakia, including its President Edward Benes. Appearing as a witness for Dr. Tiso, the archbishop testified that: Tiso acted and worked in the interest of Slovakia and was never a traitor, and that his electeion as President of Slovakia was the will of 90 percent of the Slovaks at that time and was acclaimed by the bishops, priests, and ministers of both the Catholic and Protestant churches. It is apparent that Czecho-Slovakia has been re-created with the aid of Moscow and that Moscow will undoubtedly demand the extinction of Slovak national leaders of ability and high intelelct. The ways of the Communists are devious and it behooves us to understand more of the Slovak situation. In the meantime, the least that freedom loving nations can ask is that the so-called peoples courts in the Communist-dominated countries in eastern Europe, refrain from any further political executions or from liquidating political opposition by long-term imprisonment as in the case of Archbishop Stepinac. All of this adds up to the price we will have to pay to aid in the establishing of true democracy in the countries of eastern Europe to insure world peace. In supporting President Truman's international program, we cannot be unmindful of what is happening throughout this region in Europe, comprising over 100,000,000 Christians who have nothing in common with communism. We have heard of political executions, imprisonment, and banishment of outstanding citizens in Poland, Lithuania, Yugoslavia, Bulgaria, and other small countries. Thousands of brave Polish soldiers who fought to stamp out fascism are now prohibited from returning to their native Poland by a communistic controlled government. Americans are asking the question "do we not have at least a moral obli- SLOVAKIA 21 gation to veice our protest against such trials and executions?" The judge who presided at the trial of Dr. Tiso, previous to the trial, vowed personal vengeance on Tiso and was provided this opportunity by being placed in charge ef the case. These facts, though not appearing in the American press releases, are not disputed. Almost uninimously, the people of Slovak descent in America, are rising in protest to the impending execution of Dr. Tiso. I ask the Members of Congress to join with me in protesting this unjust conviction by interceding with President Truman and Secretary Marshall to use their good offices to prevent this injustice. We might as well apply the words of the Honorable Judge Robert H. Jackson: All experience teaches that there are certain things you cannot do under guise of judicial trial. * * * You must put no man on trial before anything that is called a court, if you are not prepared to establish his personal guilt * * * If you are determined to execute a man in any case, there is no occasion for trial. The world yields no respect to courts that are merely organized to convict. - Congressional Record. • ON TISO'S BEHALF: • • PLEA OF THE COUNCIL OF SLOVAK BISHOPS To the Presidium of the Slovak National Council in Bratislava: The Catholic Episcopal Council of Slovakia, in past years, has more frequently turned to appropriate governmental offices in the interest of those who were suffering, were imprisoned or persecuted - without regard to whetlier Catholics or non-Catholics were concerned. The example of the Divine Samaritan and His positive command prompted and encouraged us to raise our protective voice in the interests of the people who were suffering on account of political or racial reasons and we did that at a time when we could expect various humiliations in return. 22 SLOVAKIA This noblest Model in all history and His commandment, expressed in the Gospel, we bear in mind even now, when we respectfully commend to Your graciousness the fate of the former President Dr. Joseph Tiso. We do this not only because a Catholic priest is concerned, but also because the solution of his personal problem shall have a far-reaching influence on the thinking and behavior of a part of the Slovak nation in respect to the renovated Czecho- Slovak Republic and its representatives. Furthermore, we are prompted to take this step also by the generally known actuality, which is conceded by all objective critics, that Dr. Joseph Tiso always was a zealous priest, of a virtuous life. In his extensive activity he tried to work for the good of the whole, and personally did not enrich himself. The administration of justice belongs among the most difficult tasks of state power. Experience proves that this delicate task is aggravated when the judgment of political transgressions is concerned. History tells us how many fatal mistakes were made during political trials - and this results from the delicate task of impartially judging the activities of a political opponent. So, it is no rarity that after rendering severe verdicts in political trials, sooner or later a call for their revision was made. In judging the activity especially of a political factor his intentions also should be given · consideration. The majority of the Slovak nation is convinced with us that the intentions of Dr. Joseph Tiso while performing public functions were the best. Certainly some mistakes were made and the Catholic Bishops of Slovakia did not fail to bring these to his attention. However, here we must mention the generally known reality that even the most clever political factors frequently made serious mistakes. Nevertheless an unbiased observer - whether a contemporary or historian - can deduce an over-all judgment only when he evaluates also the good and positive things they did. And this thesis often outweighs the mistakes which they made in their weakness. S LOVAKIA 23 It will be pertinent to the matter at hand to shed some light also from another viewpoint on the mistakes which are ascribed to Dr. Joseph Tiso. We respectfully point out at least some of the circumstances. After the most recent announcements of the present governmental factors even the 2ilina events of October, 1938, are presented in a different light than that shed by the one-sided propaganda to persuade the public; nay, even in the press it was demonstrated that in these political changes practically all Slovak political parties had participated. Here it is necessary to recall also the very important document which has just now been made public during the Nuremberg trials; we mean the letter of the ruler of the Hungarian realm sent to Berlin in March 13, 1939. This weighty circumstance gives an altogether different significance to the March 14, 1939, decision of Dr. Joseph Tiso and the other political factors of that time. One should think about what would have happened with the Slovak nation if the plan of Horthy had succeeded? We also know that after the issuance of anti-Jewish regulations, Dr. Joseph Tiso did want to resign from the presidency. That he did not do so happened because he tried to hamper and ameliorate the effects of those provisions, as well as to prevent a greater evil. It is worthy of consideration that what the ruler of the larger and more independent Hungary could not prevent in his country Dr. Joseph Tiso could not prevent in Slovakia. After considering all the circumstances after the passage of time, even other pilloried political mistakes - such as the war in the east, the events of August 29, 1944 can be judged otherwise than the manner in which it is done by a one-sided propaganda. The entire Slovak public is following the developments of events around Dr. Joseph Tiso with attention and in its majority is taking a negative stand towards those efforts which would incite hatred against his person. Thereby the unfortunate splintering of the nation is increased when unity of all forces is so greatly desired for the important 24 SLOVAKIA work of construction. It will be to the credit of the farsightedness of the State and will serve the peace of the nation, if the case of Dr. Joseph Tiso is solved in a cautious way and not with merciless hardness. The above thoughts have prompted us to respectfully submit our plea for your gracious consideration and favorable decision. With an expression of profound respect: (Signatures) : Dr. Karol Kmefko, Archbishop-Bishop of Nitra; Jozef Carsky, Bishop-Apostolic Administrator; Dr. Andrej Skraltik, Bishop on Banska Bystrica; Dr. Jozef Tomanocy; Dr. Karol Jantausch; Dr. Eduard Necsey, ordaining Bishop. Bratislava, January 8, 1946. • • • HERO AND PATRIOT OF SLOVAKIA The smaller nations have been the marytrs in tlte maelstrom that evil men made out of Europe in the last decade. Changing fortunes of war often presented a double crown of martyrdom. Honest men in these minor states often found it difficult to see where the path of honor lay, but once their conscience revealed the way they remained steadfast in what they believed their sacred duty. Slovakia has presented such a puzzling picture. The Slovaks had long sought and had long been denied their independence. When the moment dawned for freedom before the last war, there is no doubt that the patriots of that land felt that their long-deferred ambitions had been realized. There was outside wonder at the auspices under which freedom came but there can be no question about the sincerity of the Slovak patriots who meant to use their new prerogatives solely for the good of Slovakia. Chief among these was Monsignor Joseph Tiso who was elected president of the new republic. The war's outcome threw Slovakia as part of the old Czecho-Slovakian state into the Red orbit. Monsignor Tiso was placed on trial for treason. It could not be proved that he was a traitor to Slovakia for the simple reason that he never was a traitor to Slovakia. But that did not prevent SLOVAKIA 25 his condemnation and execution. History is filled with these rigged trials and martyrs deaths. The condemned priest left a noble testament to his beloved Slovak people. On the eve of his unjust execution he wrote: "In the spirit of the sacrifice I am about to make, I send this message to the Slovak nation: "In harmony and unison pursue always, everywhere and in every respect the great principle: FOR GOD AND FOR THE NATION. "This is not only the unequivocal intent of Slovak history, but also the explicit command of God, Who has made it the law of nature a11J has inculcated it into the soul of the nation and every one of its members. "This precept I have served all my life and, therefore, I consider myself first of all a martyr of God's law. Secondly, I feel that I am a martyr in the defense of Christianity against bolshevism, against which our nation must in all possible ways defend itself, not only in the spirit of its Christian character, but also in the interest of its future. "As I beg you to remember me in your prayers, so do I promise. to pray to God Almighty for you and supplicate that he bless the Slovak nation in its vital struggle for God artd for the nation, so that the Slovak nation will always remain a faithful and devoted son of the Church of Christ." When this black night in Europe passes with the destruction of the powers of darkness incarnated in atheistic communism Father Tiso will be seen as the hero that he truly was. - (The Catholic Universe Bulletin, Cleveland, 0 ., 6-27-47). • • • THE TERRITORY OF ANCIENT SWVAKIA P.A. HROBAK Today there is no doubt that the original homeland ancestors of present-day Slovaks was somewhere the of beyond the Carpathian Mountains. We know that the Slovaks came into their present territory - which was later incorrectly called "Uhry" (hura=hora; uhor, uhorie= near, at the foot of, the mountains)-through the western Carpathians. Historical records do not tell us exastly when the Slovak ancients migrated from their original homeland,  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Tenth Anniversary of Dr. Joseph Tiso's Execution Description An account of the resource Slovakia, Vol. 7, No. 1 (22), March 1957<br />pp. 1-25<br /><ul><li>"Dr. Joseph Tiso's Execution," Joseph Kirschbaum, pp. 1-8.</li> <li>"I Was Editor of President Tiso's Newspaper," Joseph Paučo, pp. 9-12.</li> <li>"Eight Fatal Days in the Life of Dr. Joseph Tiso," Karol Murín, pp. 13-18.</li> <li>Slovakia: Trial of Dr. Joseph Tiso, pp. 19-21.</li> <li>On Tiso's Behalf: Plea of the Council of Slovak Bishops, pp. 21-24.</li> <li>Hero and Patriot of Slovakia, pp. 24-25.</li> </ul> Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Hrobak, Philip Anthony, 1904-1964 Kirschbaum, Jozef M., 1913-2001 Paučo, Jozef, 1914-1975 Murín, Karol, 1913-1998 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource March 1957 LCNAF SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/3b06eafbb103932906c0f41ea6435c28.pdf a73b5b1ffcc7add9063381196649c47c PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 25 his condemnation and execution. History is filled with these rigged trials and martyrs deaths. The condemned priest left a noble testament to his beloved Slovak people. On the eve of his unjust execution he wrote: "In the spirit of the sacrifice I am about to make, I send this message to the Slovak nation: "In harmony and unison pursue always, everywhere and in every respect the great principle: FOR GOD AND FOR THE NATION. "This is not only the unequivocal intent of Slovak history, but also the explicit command of God, Who has made it the law of nature a11J has inculcated it into the soul of the nation and every one of its members. "This precept I have served all my life and, therefore, I consider myself first of all a martyr of God's law. Secondly, I feel that I am a martyr in the defense of Christianity against bolshevism, against which our nation must in all possible ways defend itself, not only in the spirit of its Christian character, but also in the interest of its future. "As I beg you to remember me in your prayers, so do I promise. to pray to God Almighty for you and supplicate that he bless the Slovak nation in its vital struggle for God artd for the nation, so that the Slovak nation will always remain a faithful and devoted son of the Church of Christ." When this black night in Europe passes with the destruction of the powers of darkness incarnated in atheistic communism Father Tiso will be seen as the hero that he truly was. - (The Catholic Universe Bulletin, Cleveland, 0 ., 6-27-47). • • • THE TERRITORY OF ANCIENT SWVAKIA P.A. HROBAK Today there is no doubt that the original homeland ancestors of present-day Slovaks was somewhere the of beyond the Carpathian Mountains. We know that the Slovaks came into their present territory - which was later incorrectly called "Uhry" (hura=hora; uhor, uhorie= near, at the foot of, the mountains)-through the western Carpathians. Historical records do not tell us exastly when the Slovak ancients migrated from their original homeland, �26 SLOVAKIA but it appears that this happened before the sixth, and not later than the beginning of the sixth, century. The question what territory the ancestors of the Slovaks occupied or settled, and whether 1918 or 1938 Slova'k~a was smaller or larger than that territory, intrigued many scholars of history, archeology, and philosophy. Their studies definitely proved that the ancestors of the Slovaks had occupied a territory vastly greater than the area of present-day Slovakia; they proved that the Slovaks settled even beyond the Danube and occupied the northern area between the Tisa and Danube rivers. Paul J. Safarik, in his "Slovanske Starozitnosti" (Slovanic Antiquities), dealt with the question whether the ancestors of the Slovak nation had settled also on the territory beyond the Danube. He replied in the affirmative, stating that if we are willing to consider ancient testimonies about the Slovanic inhabitants of that area with an open mind, we shall come to the conviction that they belong nowhere more properly than to the Moravians and the Slovaks. Safarik pla.ced the Slovak boundary in the center of Moravia. About the boundary between the Tisa and the Danube rivers, he said: "At Pest\ Vacov, and beneath Mt. Matra there was at that time a boundary between the Bulgarians and inhabitants of Moravia, and the salt mines in Marmaros were in possession of the former." Saifarik's views were accepted by several excellent scholars, among them: Joseph Skultety (0 byvalom Hornom Uhorsku, 1929, 1932; 0 Slovakoch, 1928; Zo slovenskej minulosti, 1936); Roessler (Zeitpunct, 93); K. J. Grot (Moravija i Mad'jary s poloviny IX. do nacala X. veka Petrograd, 1881) ; Maretic (Slaveni u davnini). :r..ubor Niederle, however, let the question of Pannonia to the philologists. After Safarik, various historians and philologists devoted their time to this question. And the Magyars, who inhabited the territory in question at the present time, did also. Professor John Melich, eminent Magyar historian and philologist, supports Safarik's deduction in his book "A honfoglalaskori Magyarorszag" (Budapest, 1925-29); Ele- �SLOVAKIA 27 mer Moor did also in his excellent, objective work "Westungarn im Mittelalter im Spiegel der Orstnamen (Segedin, 1936; and Ungarische Jahrblicher, 1929); likewise, Stephen Kniezsa, in several articles published in 1:Jhe "Archivum Europae Centro-orientalis" and in the "Ungarische Jahrblicher" (1937-38). Moor's work practically exhausted all sources about western Hungary (Transdanubia); Melich's did not go quite as far, nor did the studies of Kniezsa. These studies, however, even of themselves are sufficient to convince us that the ancestors of the Slovak nation had settled on a muc:1 greater territory than present Slovakia. We know that Prince Pribina and his son Kocer fled from Nitra to Pannonia; they resided in Blatnohrad. The source, which describes their activity, comes to us from 871 A.D. and is called: "Libellum de Conversone Bagoariorum et Caranthanorum." This document, recording the events of 850, mentions the names of the magnates in Pribina's escort: 15 are Slovanic, while 17 are German. A careful scrutiny of the Slovanic names will convince us that these names were common with western Slovans, particularly with the dwellers of ancient Nitra. Old Latin documents from Nitra record the names of magnates which have the same linguistic foundation as the names of Pribina's magnates. But so do many personal names of southern and eastern Slovakia, as well as eastern Moravia! Taking all the given data and connecting them with the fact that Pribina and Kocer were Slovaks, we must conclude that the majority of the 15 names are Slovak. Melich, stating that the Magyars found Slovaks in Pannonia when they came there (p. 397), said that the namt':s existing on the territory of the Pribina-Kocer principality make it apparently certain that the 'Slovaks, the western Slovans (Slavs), also inhabited the land from Balaton Lake to the north, probobly to the northern line of Tet-SokoroBakon (p. 395). "It seems to me," said Melidh, "that the proofs presented confirm the testimony of geographical names. Pribina-Kocel"s Slovans (Slavs) were Slovaks. However, in- �28 SLOVAKIA asmuch as even from Balaton Lake to the south the S'lovans live here and there, they were Slovaks for the most part" (p. 396). Names of rivers and places also prove that the Slovaks settled in northern Pannonia. According to Dr. Melich, the name 'B alaton is Slovak, because if it were of southern Slav (Yugoslav) origin, the Magyar equivalent would have to be written "Balaton" (long "a"). Near the Bakon Forest is a stream which the Magyars today call "Cuha;" this is derived from the Slovak "Sucha" (dry); if it were of Yugoslav origin, according to Melich again, it would have t o be written "Cuha" (long "u"). There are many such names in Pannonia. The city of Veszprem (Vesprim) is orf western-Slav origin; it comes from Bezprem. A person named Bezprem is mentioned in the history of Brevnov, Bohemia, in the twelfth century; we also find the name in old Slovak documents. Furthermore, the name orf the town of Tihany is derived from tlte Slovak name Tichoii and is so written in documents of the 11th century. The name of the town Noszlop somes from the Slovak noun "Neostup," just like the Moravian "Ostopovice, Vostopovice" are derived from the noun "Ostup." According to these and similar appellations, Professor Melich concludes (p. 395) the Slovaks lived from the Balaton Lake to the north. His researches, convincing as they are, reveal much more. On the right bank of the Danube we find towns and cities with apparently Slovak names: Ostrihom, Budin, Tetin, Vesprim, Vysegrad-Vysehrad, and opposite P,a rkaii we find Neszmely (from the Slovak Nesmily), which are mentioned as a harbor and a river crossing in 1237-1240. In the west, Slovak settlements extended proba;bly to the river Raab. These names demonstrate that northern Pannonia was occupied by the Slovaks, and partly by the Germans, before the advent of the Magyars. There are not many Slovaks there today. But there is an appreciable number Jf them south of Ostrihom and above the Bako:n Forest. Some chronicles, that of "Anonymous" among them, say that the �SLOVAKIA 29 Magyars annihilated the Slovaks there, but the fact is that even in the 12th and succeeding centuries. many persons with Slovak names are mentioned in the documents of Veszprem, Tihany, and other places. Melich placed the southern Slovans between the Tisa and Danube rivers, because he was particularly influenced by the name of the "Zagy,a" river (p. 101). Of course, he did not know from what southern Slovanic tongue it might be derived. To a 'Slovanic philologist, towever, it is quite obvious that the name of the river which flows through that particul·a r territory cannot be deduced from any other than the Slovak language. The Magyar name "Zagyva," like the Czech "Sazava," comes from the Slovak "Sadzava," the Magyars using "-gy-" in place of the Slovak "-dz-" (Palugya-Paludza; Privigye-Prievidza; Pomogy-Pomedzi; etc.). Moor was correct in this regard, adding that, in the meantime, it appeared that Professor Melich had corrected his earlier views on the subject. Moor showed that names of this type could not be ascribed to any Slovanic language other than Slovak. The city of Miskolc, much in the news during the recent Hungarian revolt, is also of Slovak origin (Miskovec). Amd there are many such names close to and far from the area a:bove the Matra ond the Beech Forest. For example, north of Jager is the community of Balatony; the latter is as much a Slovak name as is Balaton, as well as: Topol'cany, Sucha, Novaky, Trstene, Kl'acany, Vysnova, Vfbove, Hradisfany, Domoslav, Dubie.any, Hlohovec, Suchof, and many others. Today's Ferto-Szent-Miklos was mentioned in the thirteenth century as "Neweg , Neueg;" but in northeastern Vesprem a group of seven communities is also recalled under the common name of "Nywig, Nywog, Neueg." We have the same proofs from that same time (13th century) for N evidzany (Tekov County) , that is, all these settlements were called by one and the same name: Nevidza. These names are especially important in the determination of the tribal adherance of the Slovans beyond the Danube and beneath Mt. Matra. They tell us that these Slovans (Slavs) were the ancestors of the Slovaks. �30 SLOVAKIA Moor literally fought against Kniezsa over the name "Pomogy" (Ungarische Jahrblicher, 1937, p. 278; and 1938. p. 36). A name of this type is also in Zelezna (Vas) County, near Kormend: it is "Geregye (from the Slovak "Gradza," which today would sound "Hradza"). Anotrer such important name is "Bogyoszlo" (from the Slovak "Budislav); if it were derived from a south Slorvanic language, it would have to be written "Bodoszlo" in Magyar. We find this appellation in several counties (Bihar Pese - to the south on the Danube--Sopron, and Zelezna. Names from the area of Balaton Lake, even south of it, are proofs that the ancestors of the Slov8!ks once occupied that territory. They are typical western-Slovanic. One even need not be a philologist to arrive at the fact that they are of Slov.anic origin; for example, Kustany (Kosfany); Nagy-Szokoly (Sokol); Nyedam puszta, Rosztopan puszta, etc. Some of the names may appear a bit "mixed" up, but a knowledge of documentary material and the evolution of the Magyar language always help one to find the original Slovanic or, respectively, Slovak form. The counties of Vesprem, Zalan, Komarno (also the transdanubian paret), Zelezna, Sopron, Moson, Rab, and others up to the Drava river, are swarmed with Slovanic names. Documents of the eleventh century contain a multitude of Slovanic p e r s o n a I names (Budivoj; Kazimir; Vojtech; Dobron; Vranis; Milose; Gnevku (Hnevek) ; Zlauku (Slavek) ; Radoan (Radovan); Vaclav; etc.). On the Danube, in most ancient times, the boundary between the Slovak and the Bulgarian nations was between Vacov (derived from "Vaclav") and Pese. According to what has been uncovered by archeologists, philologists, and historians, we ,a re quite certain that the territory of the ancient Slovaks extended in the west from beyond the Nezider Lake, through Zelezna County probably up to Kormend (from the Slovak "kremen"), below Balaton Lake; of course, we know that north of Balaton Lake there were large Slov·a k settlements in olden times; between the Danube and Tisa rivers the boundary went below the southern slope of Mt. Matra. �SLOVAKIA 31 Today there still may be doubt about the origm of several of these cities and villages, but their names tell us clearly that they were founded by Slovaks. According to Anonymou s, the Slovaks were there before the 12th century; and it is more than probable that the "Slovene" Slovaks were there when the Magyars came to Hungary. According to an ethnograph ic map of 1773, there were not many Slovaks in some places, but a large number in others. A solid Slovak territory extends here deeply to Pese, and even farther south. Beautiful central Slovak is still spoken in the vicinities of Pest', Vacov, and other cities and towns. According to names mentioned in ancient documents, the eastern boundary extended to the Tisa river and most probably went northeast as far as Zemplin. In an ancient Hungaro-P olish chronicle the river Topl'a: is recalled by its old Slova,k name "Cepla" (Tepla). This clearly proves that the Slovaks must have inhabited the area. From the philologica l standpoint, the question of the Slovaks in Moravia is altogether clear. The Slovaks there in the 8-lOth centuries occupied a greater space to the west and south than they do now. To, the south they had fortificatio ns on the river Dyja and reached as far as the Danube. Philologica l studies also show that Slovak influence also extended to southern Poland: the dialects used there indicate that probably from the 13th century there was a common developmen t with the Slovak and not the Polish language. Furthermo re, together with archeologic al studies, they tell us that the Slovaks today occupy only about a third of the territory which was settled by their ancestors before the Magyars came into the Danube area. With the passaga of time, Paul J. Safarik's determinat ion of ancient Slovak frontiers has been confirmed by scientific studies of historians, ethnograph ers, philologists , and archeologis ts. RIDFERENCE S: Risa Verkomoravs ka, 1933, compiled by Dr. Jan Stanislav. Slovensky zivotny priestor v minulosti a dnes, Dr. Frantisek Bokes, 1943. Slovensko v praveku, Dr. Jan Eisner, 1933. Knieza Pribina, Dr. Frantisek Hrus ovsky, 1933; also Slovenske dejiny, �SLOVAKIA 32 1939; Vefka Morava a Pofsko, rn33. Ungarns Volkerschaften im XI. Jahrhundert, Dr. I. Kn iesza, 1938. Zur Geschichte der ungarisch-slowakischen ethnischen Grenze, Dr. I. K niezsa, 19 41. Slovanske starozitnosti, P avel J . Safa rik, Vol. II, 2nd ed., 1863. Slovenske starozitnosti, Dr. I'..ubor Niederle, 1906, 1910. Narodopisni mapa Uher podle ured. lexikonu osad z r. 1n3, A . P e trov , 1924. Pribinovi Vermozi , Dr. J an Stanislav, 1939-40. Nehai'ite l'ud moj, Dr. Jo zef Skult ety, 1928 . • • • MICKIEWICZ IN SLOVAK POETRY AND TRANSLATIONS JOSEPH KIRSCHBAUM Ph.D. The University of California recently published an excellent symposium on the great Polish poet and patriot, Adam Mickiewicz, whose centenary has been commemorated throughout the world since 1955. Altogether 30 scholars and experts in Slavistics, representing over 20 nations and universities, contributed to this remarkable volume, edited by the eminent Polish scholar, professor Waclaw Lednicki. The volume has been published under the impressive title "Adam Mickiewicz in World Literature," and the editor actually succeeded in presenting Mickiewicz's influence on World literatures. Slovakia is represented by two contributions and is also mentioned in an article of a Czech scholar, who quite sincerely tried not to make the usual mistake of confusing Slovak and Czech poets and writers. The main article on Slovak literature in connection with Mickiekicz was written by the known expert in Slavic studies, professor Dimitry Cizevsky from Harvard, who in his scholarly study deals mainly with the poetry of two outstanding Slovak romantics: r..udovit Stur and Janka KraP. Cizevsky admits "that Mickiewicz's influence on Slovak literature was undoubtedly significant," but he warns at the same time against the "parallels" which are not parallels at all. This remark refers mainly to a Polish expert on Slovak poetry, Wladyslaw Bobek, whose work twenty-five years ago aimed to demonstrate the part which the poetry of Mickiewicz played in the works of - out of the theo- � SLOVAKIA 25 his condemnation and execution. History is filled with these rigged trials and martyrs deaths. The condemned priest left a noble testament to his beloved Slovak people. On the eve of his unjust execution he wrote: "In the spirit of the sacrifice I am about to make, I send this message to the Slovak nation: "In harmony and unison pursue always, everywhere and in every respect the great principle: FOR GOD AND FOR THE NATION. "This is not only the unequivocal intent of Slovak history, but also the explicit command of God, Who has made it the law of nature a11J has inculcated it into the soul of the nation and every one of its members. "This precept I have served all my life and, therefore, I consider myself first of all a martyr of God's law. Secondly, I feel that I am a martyr in the defense of Christianity against bolshevism, against which our nation must in all possible ways defend itself, not only in the spirit of its Christian character, but also in the interest of its future. "As I beg you to remember me in your prayers, so do I promise. to pray to God Almighty for you and supplicate that he bless the Slovak nation in its vital struggle for God artd for the nation, so that the Slovak nation will always remain a faithful and devoted son of the Church of Christ." When this black night in Europe passes with the destruction of the powers of darkness incarnated in atheistic communism Father Tiso will be seen as the hero that he truly was. - (The Catholic Universe Bulletin, Cleveland, 0 ., 6-27-47). • • • THE TERRITORY OF ANCIENT SWVAKIA P.A. HROBAK Today there is no doubt that the original homeland ancestors of present-day Slovaks was somewhere the of beyond the Carpathian Mountains. We know that the Slovaks came into their present territory - which was later incorrectly called "Uhry" (hura=hora; uhor, uhorie= near, at the foot of, the mountains)-through the western Carpathians. Historical records do not tell us exastly when the Slovak ancients migrated from their original homeland, �26 SLOVAKIA but it appears that this happened before the sixth, and not later than the beginning of the sixth, century. The question what territory the ancestors of the Slovaks occupied or settled, and whether 1918 or 1938 Slova'k~a was smaller or larger than that territory, intrigued many scholars of history, archeology, and philosophy. Their studies definitely proved that the ancestors of the Slovaks had occupied a territory vastly greater than the area of present-day Slovakia; they proved that the Slovaks settled even beyond the Danube and occupied the northern area between the Tisa and Danube rivers. Paul J. Safarik, in his "Slovanske Starozitnosti" (Slovanic Antiquities), dealt with the question whether the ancestors of the Slovak nation had settled also on the territory beyond the Danube. He replied in the affirmative, stating that if we are willing to consider ancient testimonies about the Slovanic inhabitants of that area with an open mind, we shall come to the conviction that they belong nowhere more properly than to the Moravians and the Slovaks. Safarik pla.ced the Slovak boundary in the center of Moravia. About the boundary between the Tisa and the Danube rivers, he said: "At Pest\ Vacov, and beneath Mt. Matra there was at that time a boundary between the Bulgarians and inhabitants of Moravia, and the salt mines in Marmaros were in possession of the former." Saifarik's views were accepted by several excellent scholars, among them: Joseph Skultety (0 byvalom Hornom Uhorsku, 1929, 1932; 0 Slovakoch, 1928; Zo slovenskej minulosti, 1936); Roessler (Zeitpunct, 93); K. J. Grot (Moravija i Mad'jary s poloviny IX. do nacala X. veka Petrograd, 1881) ; Maretic (Slaveni u davnini). :r..ubor Niederle, however, let the question of Pannonia to the philologists. After Safarik, various historians and philologists devoted their time to this question. And the Magyars, who inhabited the territory in question at the present time, did also. Professor John Melich, eminent Magyar historian and philologist, supports Safarik's deduction in his book "A honfoglalaskori Magyarorszag" (Budapest, 1925-29); Ele- �SLOVAKIA 27 mer Moor did also in his excellent, objective work "Westungarn im Mittelalter im Spiegel der Orstnamen (Segedin, 1936; and Ungarische Jahrblicher, 1929); likewise, Stephen Kniezsa, in several articles published in 1:Jhe "Archivum Europae Centro-orientalis" and in the "Ungarische Jahrblicher" (1937-38). Moor's work practically exhausted all sources about western Hungary (Transdanubia); Melich's did not go quite as far, nor did the studies of Kniezsa. These studies, however, even of themselves are sufficient to convince us that the ancestors of the Slovak nation had settled on a muc:1 greater territory than present Slovakia. We know that Prince Pribina and his son Kocer fled from Nitra to Pannonia; they resided in Blatnohrad. The source, which describes their activity, comes to us from 871 A.D. and is called: "Libellum de Conversone Bagoariorum et Caranthanorum." This document, recording the events of 850, mentions the names of the magnates in Pribina's escort: 15 are Slovanic, while 17 are German. A careful scrutiny of the Slovanic names will convince us that these names were common with western Slovans, particularly with the dwellers of ancient Nitra. Old Latin documents from Nitra record the names of magnates which have the same linguistic foundation as the names of Pribina's magnates. But so do many personal names of southern and eastern Slovakia, as well as eastern Moravia! Taking all the given data and connecting them with the fact that Pribina and Kocer were Slovaks, we must conclude that the majority of the 15 names are Slovak. Melich, stating that the Magyars found Slovaks in Pannonia when they came there (p. 397), said that the namt':s existing on the territory of the Pribina-Kocer principality make it apparently certain that the 'Slovaks, the western Slovans (Slavs), also inhabited the land from Balaton Lake to the north, probobly to the northern line of Tet-SokoroBakon (p. 395). "It seems to me," said Melidh, "that the proofs presented confirm the testimony of geographical names. Pribina-Kocel"s Slovans (Slavs) were Slovaks. However, in- �28 SLOVAKIA asmuch as even from Balaton Lake to the south the S'lovans live here and there, they were Slovaks for the most part" (p. 396). Names of rivers and places also prove that the Slovaks settled in northern Pannonia. According to Dr. Melich, the name 'B alaton is Slovak, because if it were of southern Slav (Yugoslav) origin, the Magyar equivalent would have to be written "Balaton" (long "a"). Near the Bakon Forest is a stream which the Magyars today call "Cuha;" this is derived from the Slovak "Sucha" (dry); if it were of Yugoslav origin, according to Melich again, it would have t o be written "Cuha" (long "u"). There are many such names in Pannonia. The city of Veszprem (Vesprim) is orf western-Slav origin; it comes from Bezprem. A person named Bezprem is mentioned in the history of Brevnov, Bohemia, in the twelfth century; we also find the name in old Slovak documents. Furthermore, the name orf the town of Tihany is derived from tlte Slovak name Tichoii and is so written in documents of the 11th century. The name of the town Noszlop somes from the Slovak noun "Neostup," just like the Moravian "Ostopovice, Vostopovice" are derived from the noun "Ostup." According to these and similar appellations, Professor Melich concludes (p. 395) the Slovaks lived from the Balaton Lake to the north. His researches, convincing as they are, reveal much more. On the right bank of the Danube we find towns and cities with apparently Slovak names: Ostrihom, Budin, Tetin, Vesprim, Vysegrad-Vysehrad, and opposite P,a rkaii we find Neszmely (from the Slovak Nesmily), which are mentioned as a harbor and a river crossing in 1237-1240. In the west, Slovak settlements extended proba;bly to the river Raab. These names demonstrate that northern Pannonia was occupied by the Slovaks, and partly by the Germans, before the advent of the Magyars. There are not many Slovaks there today. But there is an appreciable number Jf them south of Ostrihom and above the Bako:n Forest. Some chronicles, that of "Anonymous" among them, say that the �SLOVAKIA 29 Magyars annihilated the Slovaks there, but the fact is that even in the 12th and succeeding centuries. many persons with Slovak names are mentioned in the documents of Veszprem, Tihany, and other places. Melich placed the southern Slovans between the Tisa and Danube rivers, because he was particularly influenced by the name of the "Zagy,a" river (p. 101). Of course, he did not know from what southern Slovanic tongue it might be derived. To a 'Slovanic philologist, towever, it is quite obvious that the name of the river which flows through that particul·a r territory cannot be deduced from any other than the Slovak language. The Magyar name "Zagyva," like the Czech "Sazava," comes from the Slovak "Sadzava," the Magyars using "-gy-" in place of the Slovak "-dz-" (Palugya-Paludza; Privigye-Prievidza; Pomogy-Pomedzi; etc.). Moor was correct in this regard, adding that, in the meantime, it appeared that Professor Melich had corrected his earlier views on the subject. Moor showed that names of this type could not be ascribed to any Slovanic language other than Slovak. The city of Miskolc, much in the news during the recent Hungarian revolt, is also of Slovak origin (Miskovec). Amd there are many such names close to and far from the area a:bove the Matra ond the Beech Forest. For example, north of Jager is the community of Balatony; the latter is as much a Slovak name as is Balaton, as well as: Topol'cany, Sucha, Novaky, Trstene, Kl'acany, Vysnova, Vfbove, Hradisfany, Domoslav, Dubie.any, Hlohovec, Suchof, and many others. Today's Ferto-Szent-Miklos was mentioned in the thirteenth century as "Neweg , Neueg;" but in northeastern Vesprem a group of seven communities is also recalled under the common name of "Nywig, Nywog, Neueg." We have the same proofs from that same time (13th century) for N evidzany (Tekov County) , that is, all these settlements were called by one and the same name: Nevidza. These names are especially important in the determination of the tribal adherance of the Slovans beyond the Danube and beneath Mt. Matra. They tell us that these Slovans (Slavs) were the ancestors of the Slovaks. �30 SLOVAKIA Moor literally fought against Kniezsa over the name "Pomogy" (Ungarische Jahrblicher, 1937, p. 278; and 1938. p. 36). A name of this type is also in Zelezna (Vas) County, near Kormend: it is "Geregye (from the Slovak "Gradza," which today would sound "Hradza"). Anotrer such important name is "Bogyoszlo" (from the Slovak "Budislav); if it were derived from a south Slorvanic language, it would have to be written "Bodoszlo" in Magyar. We find this appellation in several counties (Bihar Pese - to the south on the Danube--Sopron, and Zelezna. Names from the area of Balaton Lake, even south of it, are proofs that the ancestors of the Slov8!ks once occupied that territory. They are typical western-Slovanic. One even need not be a philologist to arrive at the fact that they are of Slov.anic origin; for example, Kustany (Kosfany); Nagy-Szokoly (Sokol); Nyedam puszta, Rosztopan puszta, etc. Some of the names may appear a bit "mixed" up, but a knowledge of documentary material and the evolution of the Magyar language always help one to find the original Slovanic or, respectively, Slovak form. The counties of Vesprem, Zalan, Komarno (also the transdanubian paret), Zelezna, Sopron, Moson, Rab, and others up to the Drava river, are swarmed with Slovanic names. Documents of the eleventh century contain a multitude of Slovanic p e r s o n a I names (Budivoj; Kazimir; Vojtech; Dobron; Vranis; Milose; Gnevku (Hnevek) ; Zlauku (Slavek) ; Radoan (Radovan); Vaclav; etc.). On the Danube, in most ancient times, the boundary between the Slovak and the Bulgarian nations was between Vacov (derived from "Vaclav") and Pese. According to what has been uncovered by archeologists, philologists, and historians, we ,a re quite certain that the territory of the ancient Slovaks extended in the west from beyond the Nezider Lake, through Zelezna County probably up to Kormend (from the Slovak "kremen"), below Balaton Lake; of course, we know that north of Balaton Lake there were large Slov·a k settlements in olden times; between the Danube and Tisa rivers the boundary went below the southern slope of Mt. Matra. �SLOVAKIA 31 Today there still may be doubt about the origm of several of these cities and villages, but their names tell us clearly that they were founded by Slovaks. According to Anonymou s, the Slovaks were there before the 12th century; and it is more than probable that the "Slovene" Slovaks were there when the Magyars came to Hungary. According to an ethnograph ic map of 1773, there were not many Slovaks in some places, but a large number in others. A solid Slovak territory extends here deeply to Pese, and even farther south. Beautiful central Slovak is still spoken in the vicinities of Pest', Vacov, and other cities and towns. According to names mentioned in ancient documents, the eastern boundary extended to the Tisa river and most probably went northeast as far as Zemplin. In an ancient Hungaro-P olish chronicle the river Topl'a: is recalled by its old Slova,k name "Cepla" (Tepla). This clearly proves that the Slovaks must have inhabited the area. From the philologica l standpoint, the question of the Slovaks in Moravia is altogether clear. The Slovaks there in the 8-lOth centuries occupied a greater space to the west and south than they do now. To, the south they had fortificatio ns on the river Dyja and reached as far as the Danube. Philologica l studies also show that Slovak influence also extended to southern Poland: the dialects used there indicate that probably from the 13th century there was a common developmen t with the Slovak and not the Polish language. Furthermo re, together with archeologic al studies, they tell us that the Slovaks today occupy only about a third of the territory which was settled by their ancestors before the Magyars came into the Danube area. With the passaga of time, Paul J. Safarik's determinat ion of ancient Slovak frontiers has been confirmed by scientific studies of historians, ethnograph ers, philologists , and archeologis ts. RIDFERENCE S: Risa Verkomoravs ka, 1933, compiled by Dr. Jan Stanislav. Slovensky zivotny priestor v minulosti a dnes, Dr. Frantisek Bokes, 1943. Slovensko v praveku, Dr. Jan Eisner, 1933. Knieza Pribina, Dr. Frantisek Hrus ovsky, 1933; also Slovenske dejiny, �SLOVAKIA 32 1939; Vefka Morava a Pofsko, rn33. Ungarns Volkerschaften im XI. Jahrhundert, Dr. I. Kn iesza, 1938. Zur Geschichte der ungarisch-slowakischen ethnischen Grenze, Dr. I. K niezsa, 19 41. Slovanske starozitnosti, P avel J . Safa rik, Vol. II, 2nd ed., 1863. Slovenske starozitnosti, Dr. I'..ubor Niederle, 1906, 1910. Narodopisni mapa Uher podle ured. lexikonu osad z r. 1n3, A . P e trov , 1924. Pribinovi Vermozi , Dr. J an Stanislav, 1939-40. Nehai'ite l'ud moj, Dr. Jo zef Skult ety, 1928 . • • • MICKIEWICZ IN SLOVAK POETRY AND TRANSLATIONS JOSEPH KIRSCHBAUM Ph.D. The University of California recently published an excellent symposium on the great Polish poet and patriot, Adam Mickiewicz, whose centenary has been commemorated throughout the world since 1955. Altogether 30 scholars and experts in Slavistics, representing over 20 nations and universities, contributed to this remarkable volume, edited by the eminent Polish scholar, professor Waclaw Lednicki. The volume has been published under the impressive title "Adam Mickiewicz in World Literature," and the editor actually succeeded in presenting Mickiewicz's influence on World literatures. Slovakia is represented by two contributions and is also mentioned in an article of a Czech scholar, who quite sincerely tried not to make the usual mistake of confusing Slovak and Czech poets and writers. The main article on Slovak literature in connection with Mickiekicz was written by the known expert in Slavic studies, professor Dimitry Cizevsky from Harvard, who in his scholarly study deals mainly with the poetry of two outstanding Slovak romantics: r..udovit Stur and Janka KraP. Cizevsky admits "that Mickiewicz's influence on Slovak literature was undoubtedly significant," but he warns at the same time against the "parallels" which are not parallels at all. This remark refers mainly to a Polish expert on Slovak poetry, Wladyslaw Bobek, whose work twenty-five years ago aimed to demonstrate the part which the poetry of Mickiewicz played in the works of - out of the theo- � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1957, Vol. 7 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 22), March 1957.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 23), June 1957.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 24-25), September-December 1957.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1957 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 25 his condemnation and execution. History is filled with these rigged trials and martyrs deaths. The condemned priest left a noble testament to his beloved Slovak people. On the eve of his unjust execution he wrote: "In the spirit of the sacrifice I am about to make, I send this message to the Slovak nation: "In harmony and unison pursue always, everywhere and in every respect the great principle: FOR GOD AND FOR THE NATION. "This is not only the unequivocal intent of Slovak history, but also the explicit command of God, Who has made it the law of nature a11J has inculcated it into the soul of the nation and every one of its members. "This precept I have served all my life and, therefore, I consider myself first of all a martyr of God's law. Secondly, I feel that I am a martyr in the defense of Christianity against bolshevism, against which our nation must in all possible ways defend itself, not only in the spirit of its Christian character, but also in the interest of its future. "As I beg you to remember me in your prayers, so do I promise. to pray to God Almighty for you and supplicate that he bless the Slovak nation in its vital struggle for God artd for the nation, so that the Slovak nation will always remain a faithful and devoted son of the Church of Christ." When this black night in Europe passes with the destruction of the powers of darkness incarnated in atheistic communism Father Tiso will be seen as the hero that he truly was. - (The Catholic Universe Bulletin, Cleveland, 0 ., 6-27-47). • • • THE TERRITORY OF ANCIENT SWVAKIA P.A. HROBAK Today there is no doubt that the original homeland ancestors of present-day Slovaks was somewhere the of beyond the Carpathian Mountains. We know that the Slovaks came into their present territory - which was later incorrectly called "Uhry" (hura=hora; uhor, uhorie= near, at the foot of, the mountains)-through the western Carpathians. Historical records do not tell us exastly when the Slovak ancients migrated from their original homeland, 26 SLOVAKIA but it appears that this happened before the sixth, and not later than the beginning of the sixth, century. The question what territory the ancestors of the Slovaks occupied or settled, and whether 1918 or 1938 Slova'k~a was smaller or larger than that territory, intrigued many scholars of history, archeology, and philosophy. Their studies definitely proved that the ancestors of the Slovaks had occupied a territory vastly greater than the area of present-day Slovakia; they proved that the Slovaks settled even beyond the Danube and occupied the northern area between the Tisa and Danube rivers. Paul J. Safarik, in his "Slovanske Starozitnosti" (Slovanic Antiquities), dealt with the question whether the ancestors of the Slovak nation had settled also on the territory beyond the Danube. He replied in the affirmative, stating that if we are willing to consider ancient testimonies about the Slovanic inhabitants of that area with an open mind, we shall come to the conviction that they belong nowhere more properly than to the Moravians and the Slovaks. Safarik pla.ced the Slovak boundary in the center of Moravia. About the boundary between the Tisa and the Danube rivers, he said: "At Pest\ Vacov, and beneath Mt. Matra there was at that time a boundary between the Bulgarians and inhabitants of Moravia, and the salt mines in Marmaros were in possession of the former." Saifarik's views were accepted by several excellent scholars, among them: Joseph Skultety (0 byvalom Hornom Uhorsku, 1929, 1932; 0 Slovakoch, 1928; Zo slovenskej minulosti, 1936); Roessler (Zeitpunct, 93); K. J. Grot (Moravija i Mad'jary s poloviny IX. do nacala X. veka Petrograd, 1881) ; Maretic (Slaveni u davnini). :r..ubor Niederle, however, let the question of Pannonia to the philologists. After Safarik, various historians and philologists devoted their time to this question. And the Magyars, who inhabited the territory in question at the present time, did also. Professor John Melich, eminent Magyar historian and philologist, supports Safarik's deduction in his book "A honfoglalaskori Magyarorszag" (Budapest, 1925-29); Ele- SLOVAKIA 27 mer Moor did also in his excellent, objective work "Westungarn im Mittelalter im Spiegel der Orstnamen (Segedin, 1936; and Ungarische Jahrblicher, 1929); likewise, Stephen Kniezsa, in several articles published in 1:Jhe "Archivum Europae Centro-orientalis" and in the "Ungarische Jahrblicher" (1937-38). Moor's work practically exhausted all sources about western Hungary (Transdanubia); Melich's did not go quite as far, nor did the studies of Kniezsa. These studies, however, even of themselves are sufficient to convince us that the ancestors of the Slovak nation had settled on a muc:1 greater territory than present Slovakia. We know that Prince Pribina and his son Kocer fled from Nitra to Pannonia; they resided in Blatnohrad. The source, which describes their activity, comes to us from 871 A.D. and is called: "Libellum de Conversone Bagoariorum et Caranthanorum." This document, recording the events of 850, mentions the names of the magnates in Pribina's escort: 15 are Slovanic, while 17 are German. A careful scrutiny of the Slovanic names will convince us that these names were common with western Slovans, particularly with the dwellers of ancient Nitra. Old Latin documents from Nitra record the names of magnates which have the same linguistic foundation as the names of Pribina's magnates. But so do many personal names of southern and eastern Slovakia, as well as eastern Moravia! Taking all the given data and connecting them with the fact that Pribina and Kocer were Slovaks, we must conclude that the majority of the 15 names are Slovak. Melich, stating that the Magyars found Slovaks in Pannonia when they came there (p. 397), said that the namt':s existing on the territory of the Pribina-Kocer principality make it apparently certain that the 'Slovaks, the western Slovans (Slavs), also inhabited the land from Balaton Lake to the north, probobly to the northern line of Tet-SokoroBakon (p. 395). "It seems to me," said Melidh, "that the proofs presented confirm the testimony of geographical names. Pribina-Kocel"s Slovans (Slavs) were Slovaks. However, in- 28 SLOVAKIA asmuch as even from Balaton Lake to the south the S'lovans live here and there, they were Slovaks for the most part" (p. 396). Names of rivers and places also prove that the Slovaks settled in northern Pannonia. According to Dr. Melich, the name 'B alaton is Slovak, because if it were of southern Slav (Yugoslav) origin, the Magyar equivalent would have to be written "Balaton" (long "a"). Near the Bakon Forest is a stream which the Magyars today call "Cuha;" this is derived from the Slovak "Sucha" (dry); if it were of Yugoslav origin, according to Melich again, it would have t o be written "Cuha" (long "u"). There are many such names in Pannonia. The city of Veszprem (Vesprim) is orf western-Slav origin; it comes from Bezprem. A person named Bezprem is mentioned in the history of Brevnov, Bohemia, in the twelfth century; we also find the name in old Slovak documents. Furthermore, the name orf the town of Tihany is derived from tlte Slovak name Tichoii and is so written in documents of the 11th century. The name of the town Noszlop somes from the Slovak noun "Neostup," just like the Moravian "Ostopovice, Vostopovice" are derived from the noun "Ostup." According to these and similar appellations, Professor Melich concludes (p. 395) the Slovaks lived from the Balaton Lake to the north. His researches, convincing as they are, reveal much more. On the right bank of the Danube we find towns and cities with apparently Slovak names: Ostrihom, Budin, Tetin, Vesprim, Vysegrad-Vysehrad, and opposite P,a rkaii we find Neszmely (from the Slovak Nesmily), which are mentioned as a harbor and a river crossing in 1237-1240. In the west, Slovak settlements extended proba;bly to the river Raab. These names demonstrate that northern Pannonia was occupied by the Slovaks, and partly by the Germans, before the advent of the Magyars. There are not many Slovaks there today. But there is an appreciable number Jf them south of Ostrihom and above the Bako:n Forest. Some chronicles, that of "Anonymous" among them, say that the SLOVAKIA 29 Magyars annihilated the Slovaks there, but the fact is that even in the 12th and succeeding centuries. many persons with Slovak names are mentioned in the documents of Veszprem, Tihany, and other places. Melich placed the southern Slovans between the Tisa and Danube rivers, because he was particularly influenced by the name of the "Zagy,a" river (p. 101). Of course, he did not know from what southern Slovanic tongue it might be derived. To a 'Slovanic philologist, towever, it is quite obvious that the name of the river which flows through that particul·a r territory cannot be deduced from any other than the Slovak language. The Magyar name "Zagyva," like the Czech "Sazava," comes from the Slovak "Sadzava," the Magyars using "-gy-" in place of the Slovak "-dz-" (Palugya-Paludza; Privigye-Prievidza; Pomogy-Pomedzi; etc.). Moor was correct in this regard, adding that, in the meantime, it appeared that Professor Melich had corrected his earlier views on the subject. Moor showed that names of this type could not be ascribed to any Slovanic language other than Slovak. The city of Miskolc, much in the news during the recent Hungarian revolt, is also of Slovak origin (Miskovec). Amd there are many such names close to and far from the area a:bove the Matra ond the Beech Forest. For example, north of Jager is the community of Balatony; the latter is as much a Slovak name as is Balaton, as well as: Topol'cany, Sucha, Novaky, Trstene, Kl'acany, Vysnova, Vfbove, Hradisfany, Domoslav, Dubie.any, Hlohovec, Suchof, and many others. Today's Ferto-Szent-Miklos was mentioned in the thirteenth century as "Neweg , Neueg;" but in northeastern Vesprem a group of seven communities is also recalled under the common name of "Nywig, Nywog, Neueg." We have the same proofs from that same time (13th century) for N evidzany (Tekov County) , that is, all these settlements were called by one and the same name: Nevidza. These names are especially important in the determination of the tribal adherance of the Slovans beyond the Danube and beneath Mt. Matra. They tell us that these Slovans (Slavs) were the ancestors of the Slovaks. 30 SLOVAKIA Moor literally fought against Kniezsa over the name "Pomogy" (Ungarische Jahrblicher, 1937, p. 278; and 1938. p. 36). A name of this type is also in Zelezna (Vas) County, near Kormend: it is "Geregye (from the Slovak "Gradza," which today would sound "Hradza"). Anotrer such important name is "Bogyoszlo" (from the Slovak "Budislav); if it were derived from a south Slorvanic language, it would have to be written "Bodoszlo" in Magyar. We find this appellation in several counties (Bihar Pese - to the south on the Danube--Sopron, and Zelezna. Names from the area of Balaton Lake, even south of it, are proofs that the ancestors of the Slov8!ks once occupied that territory. They are typical western-Slovanic. One even need not be a philologist to arrive at the fact that they are of Slov.anic origin; for example, Kustany (Kosfany); Nagy-Szokoly (Sokol); Nyedam puszta, Rosztopan puszta, etc. Some of the names may appear a bit "mixed" up, but a knowledge of documentary material and the evolution of the Magyar language always help one to find the original Slovanic or, respectively, Slovak form. The counties of Vesprem, Zalan, Komarno (also the transdanubian paret), Zelezna, Sopron, Moson, Rab, and others up to the Drava river, are swarmed with Slovanic names. Documents of the eleventh century contain a multitude of Slovanic p e r s o n a I names (Budivoj; Kazimir; Vojtech; Dobron; Vranis; Milose; Gnevku (Hnevek) ; Zlauku (Slavek) ; Radoan (Radovan); Vaclav; etc.). On the Danube, in most ancient times, the boundary between the Slovak and the Bulgarian nations was between Vacov (derived from "Vaclav") and Pese. According to what has been uncovered by archeologists, philologists, and historians, we ,a re quite certain that the territory of the ancient Slovaks extended in the west from beyond the Nezider Lake, through Zelezna County probably up to Kormend (from the Slovak "kremen"), below Balaton Lake; of course, we know that north of Balaton Lake there were large Slov·a k settlements in olden times; between the Danube and Tisa rivers the boundary went below the southern slope of Mt. Matra. SLOVAKIA 31 Today there still may be doubt about the origm of several of these cities and villages, but their names tell us clearly that they were founded by Slovaks. According to Anonymou s, the Slovaks were there before the 12th century; and it is more than probable that the "Slovene" Slovaks were there when the Magyars came to Hungary. According to an ethnograph ic map of 1773, there were not many Slovaks in some places, but a large number in others. A solid Slovak territory extends here deeply to Pese, and even farther south. Beautiful central Slovak is still spoken in the vicinities of Pest', Vacov, and other cities and towns. According to names mentioned in ancient documents, the eastern boundary extended to the Tisa river and most probably went northeast as far as Zemplin. In an ancient Hungaro-P olish chronicle the river Topl'a: is recalled by its old Slova,k name "Cepla" (Tepla). This clearly proves that the Slovaks must have inhabited the area. From the philologica l standpoint, the question of the Slovaks in Moravia is altogether clear. The Slovaks there in the 8-lOth centuries occupied a greater space to the west and south than they do now. To, the south they had fortificatio ns on the river Dyja and reached as far as the Danube. Philologica l studies also show that Slovak influence also extended to southern Poland: the dialects used there indicate that probably from the 13th century there was a common developmen t with the Slovak and not the Polish language. Furthermo re, together with archeologic al studies, they tell us that the Slovaks today occupy only about a third of the territory which was settled by their ancestors before the Magyars came into the Danube area. With the passaga of time, Paul J. Safarik's determinat ion of ancient Slovak frontiers has been confirmed by scientific studies of historians, ethnograph ers, philologists , and archeologis ts. RIDFERENCE S: Risa Verkomoravs ka, 1933, compiled by Dr. Jan Stanislav. Slovensky zivotny priestor v minulosti a dnes, Dr. Frantisek Bokes, 1943. Slovensko v praveku, Dr. Jan Eisner, 1933. Knieza Pribina, Dr. Frantisek Hrus ovsky, 1933; also Slovenske dejiny, SLOVAKIA 32 1939; Vefka Morava a Pofsko, rn33. Ungarns Volkerschaften im XI. Jahrhundert, Dr. I. Kn iesza, 1938. Zur Geschichte der ungarisch-slowakischen ethnischen Grenze, Dr. I. K niezsa, 19 41. Slovanske starozitnosti, P avel J . Safa rik, Vol. II, 2nd ed., 1863. Slovenske starozitnosti, Dr. I'..ubor Niederle, 1906, 1910. Narodopisni mapa Uher podle ured. lexikonu osad z r. 1n3, A . P e trov , 1924. Pribinovi Vermozi , Dr. J an Stanislav, 1939-40. Nehai'ite l'ud moj, Dr. Jo zef Skult ety, 1928 . • • • MICKIEWICZ IN SLOVAK POETRY AND TRANSLATIONS JOSEPH KIRSCHBAUM Ph.D. The University of California recently published an excellent symposium on the great Polish poet and patriot, Adam Mickiewicz, whose centenary has been commemorated throughout the world since 1955. Altogether 30 scholars and experts in Slavistics, representing over 20 nations and universities, contributed to this remarkable volume, edited by the eminent Polish scholar, professor Waclaw Lednicki. The volume has been published under the impressive title "Adam Mickiewicz in World Literature," and the editor actually succeeded in presenting Mickiewicz's influence on World literatures. Slovakia is represented by two contributions and is also mentioned in an article of a Czech scholar, who quite sincerely tried not to make the usual mistake of confusing Slovak and Czech poets and writers. The main article on Slovak literature in connection with Mickiekicz was written by the known expert in Slavic studies, professor Dimitry Cizevsky from Harvard, who in his scholarly study deals mainly with the poetry of two outstanding Slovak romantics: r..udovit Stur and Janka KraP. Cizevsky admits "that Mickiewicz's influence on Slovak literature was undoubtedly significant," but he warns at the same time against the "parallels" which are not parallels at all. This remark refers mainly to a Polish expert on Slovak poetry, Wladyslaw Bobek, whose work twenty-five years ago aimed to demonstrate the part which the poetry of Mickiewicz played in the works of - out of the theo-  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Territory of Ancient Slovakia Description An account of the resource P. A. Hrobak Slovakia, Vol. 7, No. 1 (22), March 1957 pp. 25-32 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Hrobak, Philip Anthony, 1904-1964 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource March 1957 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/9ec0d1da160774fe570dfe22c6987e16.pdf 578dea45c029c313fbce23f37ad40cbe PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 32 1939; Vefka Morava a Pofsko, rn33. Ungarns Volkerschaften im XI. Jahrhundert, Dr. I. Kn iesza, 1938. Zur Geschichte der ungarisch-slowakischen ethnischen Grenze, Dr. I. K niezsa, 19 41. Slovanske starozitnosti, P avel J . Safa rik, Vol. II, 2nd ed., 1863. Slovenske starozitnosti, Dr. I'..ubor Niederle, 1906, 1910. Narodopisni mapa Uher podle ured. lexikonu osad z r. 1n3, A . P e trov , 1924. Pribinovi Vermozi , Dr. J an Stanislav, 1939-40. Nehai'ite l'ud moj, Dr. Jo zef Skult ety, 1928 . • • • MICKIEWICZ IN SLOVAK POETRY AND TRANSLATIONS JOSEPH KIRSCHBAUM Ph.D. The University of California recently published an excellent symposium on the great Polish poet and patriot, Adam Mickiewicz, whose centenary has been commemorated throughout the world since 1955. Altogether 30 scholars and experts in Slavistics, representing over 20 nations and universities, contributed to this remarkable volume, edited by the eminent Polish scholar, professor Waclaw Lednicki. The volume has been published under the impressive title "Adam Mickiewicz in World Literature," and the editor actually succeeded in presenting Mickiewicz's influence on World literatures. Slovakia is represented by two contributions and is also mentioned in an article of a Czech scholar, who quite sincerely tried not to make the usual mistake of confusing Slovak and Czech poets and writers. The main article on Slovak literature in connection with Mickiekicz was written by the known expert in Slavic studies, professor Dimitry Cizevsky from Harvard, who in his scholarly study deals mainly with the poetry of two outstanding Slovak romantics: r..udovit Stur and Janka KraP. Cizevsky admits "that Mickiewicz's influence on Slovak literature was undoubtedly significant," but he warns at the same time against the "parallels" which are not parallels at all. This remark refers mainly to a Polish expert on Slovak poetry, Wladyslaw Bobek, whose work twenty-five years ago aimed to demonstrate the part which the poetry of Mickiewicz played in the works of - out of the theo- �SLOVAKIA 33 retical basis and in the poetic practice of Slovak poets above all, the Slovak romantic poets. In this respect Bobek succeeded according to Cizevsky. The second article on Slovak literature is a note on two modern Slovak translators of Mickiewicz, Hviezdoslav and Zarnov, contributed by this writer. Since on the Polish side also professor M. Majowski of the University of Montreal published sometime ago an interesting study on Polish-Slovak cultural relations in "Zew mlodych," we should not miss this occasion to demonstrate on Mickiewicz's example how extensive and important the cultural ties between Poland and Slovakia already were in the past century. The impact of Mickiewicz on Slovak literature was so strong that the Slovaks have not only all his works translated into the Slovak language, but we find two or three various translations. Three Slovak generations attempted to transplant the beauty of Mickiewicz's poetry into Slovak literary life. Since the first Mickiewicz's poems appeared, the generation of I?,udovit Stur, (1815-1856) recited and drew enthusiasm for the Slovak national cause from Mickiewicz's works. Slovak poets of the nineteenth century (Jan Botto, Janko Matuska, K. Kuzmany, Peter Bella- Horal etc.) translated Mickiewicz's ballads, the Ode to the Youth, his Forefather's Eve, Konrad Wallenrod, and other verses, though they preferred to read and recite the Polish original, as we shall see further. The following generation produced an admirer and translator in the person of the great Slovak poet, Pavo! 0. Hviezdoslav, and contemporary Slovak poetry was enriched by masterful translations of Andrej Zarnov, Matus Zjara, Rudo Brtaii, and Jan Holy. While we shall speak of Hviezdoslav's and Zarnov's translations extensively, it is worthwhile to mention that even very recently, in the martyrized Slovakia, there were translations and adequate commentaries of Mickiewicz's Books of the Polish Nation and Books of the Polish Pilgrimage by a persecuted Catholic priest-poet hidden behind the pseudonym Matus Zjara. A new translation of "Pan �SLOVAKIA Tadeusz" was prepared by Rudo Brtaii, and professor Jan Holy translated Jastrun's essay on Mickiewicz. We have, however, to point out that the quantity of Slovak translations from the various Slavic literatures has never adequately reflected either the popularity of the great Slavic writers and poets in Slovakia or Slovak interest in them. From the second half of the nineteenth century, when Slovakia made her contribution to the PanSlavic idea by producing its most famous exponents in the persons of Jan Kollar, P. J. Safarik, and Eudovit Stur, the Slovak "intelligentsia" expressed their Pan-Slavic sympathy and tendencies by reading Russian, Polish, Ukrainian, Czech, and Jugoslav authors in the original. The geographic situation of Slovakia and the central position of Slovak among the Slavic languages account for this peculiar phenomenon in Slovak cultural life. Under these circumstances, until recently we have had in Slovak literature a larger number of translations from non-Slavic languages (German, French, English, and Scandinavian) than from the Slavic, and this in spite of the fact that Slovak literature, especially in the nineteenth century, developed under the strong influence of the outstanding works of Russian, Polish, and other Slav authors. Again, being fundamentally national and romantic, Slovak poetry and fiction were marked, like Polish and Russian literature, by an extensive use of folk tradition and regionalism, and Slovakia's greatest poets drew on folklore and legend in the same way and to the same extent as did the other Slavs. Adam Mickiewicz, who influenced Slovak literature and cultural efforts more than any other Pole, offers an excellent illustration of the situation we have just described. A whole generation of Slovak writers drew enthusiasm, inspiration, and incentive from Mickiewicz's Ode to Youth(l) and his ballads, as well as from his Konrad Walenrod, Pan Tadeusz, and the Crimean Sonnets. For the Slovak contemporaries of Mickiewicz, namely, the group of Eudovit Stur, the Ode became "an armory of maxims, slogans, and appeals, which were used as mottoes for their collections of poetry, individual works, and publications on every possible �SLOVAKIA 35 occasion," and, according to W. Bobek, "not even in Poland has the Ode been so enthusiastically received as in Slovakia. "(2) However, with the exception of the ballads, translations of the Ode, as well as of other works of Mickiewicz that enjoyed a wide popularity among the Slovak writers of the nineteenth century, began to appear only in the twentieth century. Artistically, the best of these translations are without doubt those made by two outstanding Slovak poets, Pavol Orszagh Hviezdoslav and Andrej Zarnov . • • • P. 0. Hviezdoslav,(3) who "elevated Slovak literature to its highest peak, and gave it a true greatness and depth, and who in his national note comes near to Mickiewicz, in his artistry to the poetry of Vrchlicky, and in his strong love for his people and popular art to the works of Shevchenko, "(4) translated not only Miskiewicz's Crimean Sonnets, but also his Faris, Sages, Out of My Sight, and Girl at the Crossroads (the last mistakingly ascribed to Mickiewicz; Bobek identifies the author as J. Jezowski), thus completing the series of translations done by P . Bella-Horal, Janko Matuska, Stefan Krcmery, Botto, and others.(5) Although at first glance the translation of Polish poetry into Slovak may seem an easy task, owing to the close relationship between the two languages, this is far from being so. One reason is that, while Slovak verse bases its rhythm on the accent, Polish verse is syllabic. Another is that similar words in both languages are often not semantically equivalent.(6) It is a further difficulty to the translator of Mickiewicz that the author is a man of genius, with a style of his own, and a special variety of metaphors and peculiarities of expression. Hviezdoslav more than anyone else had, however, all the gifts needed, not only to overcome these difficulties, but at the same time to master the poetic forms and apprehend the spiritual greatness of Mickiewicz's poetry. Hviezdoslav was not only "the most important personality among the Slovak poets representing the transition from romanticism to realism"(7) and, therefore, suited spiritually to i~NS£.~lt:IBR'Jmy'epresentative of Polish ro- ~ !~~~~~VILLE STATE CO.LLEGr �36 SLOVAKIA manticism and messianism, whom he resembled by force of his own poetic visioin and prophetic sense and by his attachment to the national cause and his oppressed Slovak people; his poetic language, too - rich and varied, weighty, and filled with dialectical expressior,is and metaphors was sufficiently plastic and mature to convey the artistic brilliance of Mickiewicz's poetry. Translator of Goethe's Faust, Shakespeare's Hamlet and Midsummer Night's Dream, of Lermontov, Schiller, and Slowacki, as well as of the monumental work of Mada.ch - The Tragedy of Man, - and, in his original verse, a master of the most complicated forms, from distich and sestina to ghazel and ritornello, Hviezdoslav also possessed full technical equipment for the task of translating the Polish classics. It is not, therefore, mere courtesy when Professor Bobek writes that Hviezdoslav's translation of the Crimean Sonnets is really "masterful" and adds that the Eastern coloring of the language, so characteristic of the Sonnets, was not only preserved by Hviezdoslav but sometimes actually enriched through the use, in the translation, of the Eastern terms which Mickiewicz cited in his explanatory notes. And Bobek concludes that "on the whole, the translation of the Crimean Sonnets stands on an equal footing with the original work and can be considered as one of Hviezdoslav's best translations," (8) an opinion that is fully shared by the present writer and by many literary critics. Although Hviezdoslav's translation of Faris differs slightly in form from the original, it is nevertheless equally faithful, and artistically thorough. A comparison of texts, which unfortunately is not practicable here, would supply ample proof. In comparison with the earlier translations from Mickiewicz, especially those of i:;tur's group, the translations made by Hviezdoslav are not so close to the Polish original either in means of expression or in meter; they are poetical interpretation s, done in acordance with the rules of Slovak prosody. No influence of Mickiewicz's poetry on the original creative work of Hviezdoslav has so far been detected by an.y literary analyst or critic. W. Bobek notes that theories �SLOVAKIA 37 kave been brought forth to the effect that Pan Thadeusz influenced the composition of Hviezdoslav's longer epic poems, but that there is no supporting evidence. He adds, kowever, that Hviezdoslav's epic poems, such as The Forester's Wife, Ezo Vlkolinsky, and Gabor Vlkolinsky, form a counterpart, on Slovak soil, of the Polish epic.(9) We may conclude the comparison by stating that there was a strong spiritual affinity between the two poets and that Hviezdoslav, like Mickiewicz, by his own poetry as well as by his translations gave his fellow countrymen a vision of what they might long for and accomplish, and implemented the vision with practical and profound Christian maxims . • • • In the turmoil of the Second World War, Andrej Zarnov, (10) one of the best modern Slovak poets, prepared an entire book of translations from Mickiewicz. The volume was published "in order to transplant Mickiewicz's works to Slovak soil and thereby strengthen the structure of Slavic brotherhood in the cultural sector," and because "in world literature there are only a few great poets who in the works of their genius accumulate and present so universally, profoundly, and magnificently the history of the efforts , failures , and spiritual achievements of their own people as does Adam Mickiewicz, the greatest Polish and allSlavic poet."(11) The book appeared in 1948, published by the Slovak Catholic cultural institution the "Society of St. Adalbert." A. Zarnov, who was awarded a silver wreath by the Polish Academy of Literature in recognition of his earlier translations from Polish poetry (published in a volume entitled U pofskych basnikov), is an outstanding translator of lyrics, epics, and dramas. Of his original works Andrej Mraz, Professor of Slovak Literature at the University of Bratislava, writes: "By its fiery words and resounding verses Zarnov's poetry became an efficacious instrument in the Slovak national struggle; events of major national importance, reminiscences of history and its tragedies, find in him a militant and inflamed interpreter of the national aspirations and will-power of his people. Yet he also arrived, in his effort to find a harmony between the individual and the universe, at a lyrical as well as philosophical �38 SLOVAKIA poetry."(12) Let us add that he in fact became one of the Slovak poets who penetrated and stirred to the depths the spirit of his generation and especially of the young intelligentsia, helped to bring them to a strong awareness of their spiritual and national individuality, and successfully summoned them to the struggle for justice and freedom. Without exaggeration we can assert that 2arnov has been, in his generation, artistically and spiritually the best prepared to transmit the heritage of Mickiewicz's greatest and most beautiful poems into Slovak literature. And he did it with great artistic skill and brilliance. His volume Poezia contains not only the eighteen Crimean Sonnets, but also Konrad Wallenrod, the Ode to Youth, To a Polish Mother, To My Muscovite Friends, Sages, A Vision, The Master of Masters, Flight, and Out of My Sight, thus present• ing some valuable lyrics along with his patriotic verse tale about his fatherland. The Crimean Sonnets in 2arnov's Slovak translation remain "a wonder" and "some of the most beautiful pages in all European poetry of the century," since he has preserved to a great degree the "richness of beauty of the poetic expression which always takes us by surprise and makes us marvel at the audacity of thought and the moral courage which produce the special splendor of this colleclection."(13) 2arnov's poetic language is, naturally. more modern, his verse and rhythm more vivid, and the whole translation more audacious even than that of Hviezdoslav. Where Hviezdoslav tried to preserve not only the images and metaphors but also the expressions and rhymes, using words from the dialect of his native region, 2arnov found in his own rich poetical invention the metaphors and poetic visions to express Mickiewicz's ideas and colorful images. The translation of Konrad Wallenrod can be considered as standing not far behind the original in many respects. This poem (which was translated for the first time into Slovak in 1907 by Peter Bella-Horal) made a strong impact on the group of Sh1r's followers , who recited and imitated especially the Song of the Wajdoleta. 2arnov's translation is a poetical and genuine interpretation, equaling in beauty Mickiewicz's own work. 2arnov is certainly no romantic �SLOVAKIA 39 in the pattern of the last century, but still an enthusiastic patriot who sings in his poetry a hymn to his crucified country, dooming its traitors and fighting for justice, one who has consecrated his life and his heart to his fatherland. More than anyone else among modern Slovak poets he was, therefore, predestined to enrich modern Slovak literature by this Byronic work of great charm and poetic vision, which "of the many and often highly inspired types of Byronism in Polish poetry ranks highest."(14) .Zarnov's versions of the Ode to Youth and To My Muscovite Friends are to be remembered not only for brilliance of translation (which could be demonstrated only by quotations and comparisons of texts), but also for the purpose which the translator wished to serve. The volume Poezia was published after the tragic experiences which the Russian occupation of Slovakia brought to the people of Jan Kollar, P. J. Safarik, and Ludovit Stur, founders of the cultural as well as political Pan-Slavism of the last century . .Zarnov, to whom the national cause has always been a question of honor and personal dedication, addressed, in Mickiewicz's mordant verses, the new Muscovite rulers and sumoned Slovak youth to the dynamic faith which Mickiewicz, in the Ode to Youth, expressed for Poles under very similar circumstances. .Zarnov's translations were thus to serve after a century the same aim as Mickiewicz had assigned to his poetry. Through the literary works of Mickiewicz .Zarnov wished to teach the Slovaks, as Mickiewicz ha:d the Poles, "to regard as their personal affair the great questions of honor and dedication, truth and falsehood, nobility of ends and legitimacy of means for attaining them." .Zarnov attempted to convince his martyred people that "the national cause must become an autochthonous idea, the ultimate moral criterion around which the entire spiritual life of the nation is crystallized." The real function of .Zarnov's poetry and translation was, like that of Mickiewicz's, not "to provide artistic enjoyment or to refine aesthetic taste, but primarily to equip his people with the spiritual resources necessary to enable them to survive their enslavement and to fight for their freedom. (15) �40 · SLOVAKIA The Muscovite rulers in Slovakia grasped his intention and silenced the book. Zarnov, under constant threat of arrest and deportation, and many times in prison, made a dramatic flight from his country and now fights in exile for his ideas and those of Mickiewicz. (1) See Wladyslaw Bobek, Mickiewicz w literaturze slovackiej (Prague, 1931), pp. 9-10. (2) Ibid. (3) P. 0 . Hviezdoslav (1849-1921) is the pseudonym of Pavo! Orszagh. By occupation a lawyer, he published several volumes of lyrics, one of them (Bloody Sonnets) translated into English, dramas (Herodes a Herodias), epics (Hajnikova zena, Ezo Vlkolinsky, Gabor Vlkolinsky, Agar, Rachel, Kain), and four volumes of translations from world literature. Altogether his poetry was published in fifteen large volumes. (4) See W . Bobek, "Dzieje literatury slowackiej w zarysie," in Slowacja i Slowacy, edited by W. Semkowicz (Cracow, 1937), pp. 357 ff. (5) Among recent Slovak translations from Mickiewicz are his Books of the Polish Nation and Books of the Polish Pilgrimage, translated by Matus Zjara (Kosice, 1947). Jastrun's study of Mickiewicz, translated by Jan Holy, was published in 1950 by Tatran, in Bratislava. Professor R. Brtan has translated Pan Tadeusz, and Matus Zjara has published a penetrating study of Mickiewicz and his relations with Moscow. (6) Stefan Krcmery, outstanding essayist, translator, and poet, states that "Stu.r's group based its poetry on popular songs, Pushkin's and Mickiewicz's works" (Slovenske Pohl'ady, Vol. XLVII [1931], p. 132. W . Bobek has published a study on this subject in which he tries to prove that the metrics of Stu.r's group is based on the Polish poetry. See Kultura, Vol. V, No. 4, pp. 248-256. (7) See Otto Radl, in Handbook of Slavic Studies, edited by L I. Strakhovsky (Cambridge, Mass., 1949), p. 496. (8) See W. Bobek, Mickiewicz w literaturze slowackiej, p. 57. (9) Page 43. (10) Andrej Zarnov is the pseudonym of Frantisek Subik, former professor at the University of Bratislava, at present in Washington. He was born in 1903 in Slovakia. His main published works are Straz pri Morave (1925), Brazda cez Uhory (1929), Hlas krvi (1932), Stit (1940), and Mrtvy (1941). (11) Introduction to the volume Poezia, pp. 121-133. (12) Andreas Mraz, Die Literatur der Slowaken (Berlin-PragueVienna: Volk und Reich Verlag, 1943), pp. 187-188. �41 SLOVAKIA (13) See Waclaw Lednicki, Life and Culture of Poland (New York: Ray Publishers, 1944), p. 176 etc. (14) See Roman Dyboski, Poland in World Civilization (New York, 1950), p. 213. (15) See J . Nechon's essay on Stefan Zeronski in Harvard Slavic Studies, Vol. II, (Cambridge, Mass., 1954), pp. 323-324. • • • WF, MUST QUIT HELPING RED REGIMES (Address By Hon. William F. Knowland Before Inaugural Nationalities Banquet, January 20, 1957) It is most fitting that this banquet, held on the eve of the public inaugural ceremonies of the President and Vice President of the United States, should be under the sponsorship of the Nationalities Advisory Committee and the Inaugural Nationalities committee. Firstly, with the exception of American Indians, in this new world all of us ourse1ves or our parents, grandparent.a, or more distant forebears, came front the old worlds of Europe, Asia, or Africa. While as citizens of the United States our loyalty is to this great ·r epublic it is also natural that there remain ties of historic interests, family or racial connections, and religious beliefs, together with our natural humanitarian instincts, that makes what happens in Budapest, Berlin, London, Peiping, Cairo, or any other city large or small more than just newspaper datelines. Secondly, the naJtiona:lities groups throughout our country made notable contriibutions to the reelection of our great president Dwight D. Eisenhower a:nd our able and effective Vice President Rihard M. Nixon. Not only are you entitled to be here to witness the culmination of your individual and •c ollective constructive labors in the last campaign but you have earned the right to a respectful hearing to your recommendations. There are many great problems confronting our country domestic and foreign. The President in his address on the Middle East resolution, in his staite of ,t he Union message, in his inaugural address tomorrow, or in future special messaiges to the Congress will discuss them. � SLOVAKIA 32 1939; Vefka Morava a Pofsko, rn33. Ungarns Volkerschaften im XI. Jahrhundert, Dr. I. Kn iesza, 1938. Zur Geschichte der ungarisch-slowakischen ethnischen Grenze, Dr. I. K niezsa, 19 41. Slovanske starozitnosti, P avel J . Safa rik, Vol. II, 2nd ed., 1863. Slovenske starozitnosti, Dr. I'..ubor Niederle, 1906, 1910. Narodopisni mapa Uher podle ured. lexikonu osad z r. 1n3, A . P e trov , 1924. Pribinovi Vermozi , Dr. J an Stanislav, 1939-40. Nehai'ite l'ud moj, Dr. Jo zef Skult ety, 1928 . • • • MICKIEWICZ IN SLOVAK POETRY AND TRANSLATIONS JOSEPH KIRSCHBAUM Ph.D. The University of California recently published an excellent symposium on the great Polish poet and patriot, Adam Mickiewicz, whose centenary has been commemorated throughout the world since 1955. Altogether 30 scholars and experts in Slavistics, representing over 20 nations and universities, contributed to this remarkable volume, edited by the eminent Polish scholar, professor Waclaw Lednicki. The volume has been published under the impressive title "Adam Mickiewicz in World Literature," and the editor actually succeeded in presenting Mickiewicz's influence on World literatures. Slovakia is represented by two contributions and is also mentioned in an article of a Czech scholar, who quite sincerely tried not to make the usual mistake of confusing Slovak and Czech poets and writers. The main article on Slovak literature in connection with Mickiekicz was written by the known expert in Slavic studies, professor Dimitry Cizevsky from Harvard, who in his scholarly study deals mainly with the poetry of two outstanding Slovak romantics: r..udovit Stur and Janka KraP. Cizevsky admits "that Mickiewicz's influence on Slovak literature was undoubtedly significant," but he warns at the same time against the "parallels" which are not parallels at all. This remark refers mainly to a Polish expert on Slovak poetry, Wladyslaw Bobek, whose work twenty-five years ago aimed to demonstrate the part which the poetry of Mickiewicz played in the works of - out of the theo- �SLOVAKIA 33 retical basis and in the poetic practice of Slovak poets above all, the Slovak romantic poets. In this respect Bobek succeeded according to Cizevsky. The second article on Slovak literature is a note on two modern Slovak translators of Mickiewicz, Hviezdoslav and Zarnov, contributed by this writer. Since on the Polish side also professor M. Majowski of the University of Montreal published sometime ago an interesting study on Polish-Slovak cultural relations in "Zew mlodych," we should not miss this occasion to demonstrate on Mickiewicz's example how extensive and important the cultural ties between Poland and Slovakia already were in the past century. The impact of Mickiewicz on Slovak literature was so strong that the Slovaks have not only all his works translated into the Slovak language, but we find two or three various translations. Three Slovak generations attempted to transplant the beauty of Mickiewicz's poetry into Slovak literary life. Since the first Mickiewicz's poems appeared, the generation of I?,udovit Stur, (1815-1856) recited and drew enthusiasm for the Slovak national cause from Mickiewicz's works. Slovak poets of the nineteenth century (Jan Botto, Janko Matuska, K. Kuzmany, Peter Bella- Horal etc.) translated Mickiewicz's ballads, the Ode to the Youth, his Forefather's Eve, Konrad Wallenrod, and other verses, though they preferred to read and recite the Polish original, as we shall see further. The following generation produced an admirer and translator in the person of the great Slovak poet, Pavo! 0. Hviezdoslav, and contemporary Slovak poetry was enriched by masterful translations of Andrej Zarnov, Matus Zjara, Rudo Brtaii, and Jan Holy. While we shall speak of Hviezdoslav's and Zarnov's translations extensively, it is worthwhile to mention that even very recently, in the martyrized Slovakia, there were translations and adequate commentaries of Mickiewicz's Books of the Polish Nation and Books of the Polish Pilgrimage by a persecuted Catholic priest-poet hidden behind the pseudonym Matus Zjara. A new translation of "Pan �SLOVAKIA Tadeusz" was prepared by Rudo Brtaii, and professor Jan Holy translated Jastrun's essay on Mickiewicz. We have, however, to point out that the quantity of Slovak translations from the various Slavic literatures has never adequately reflected either the popularity of the great Slavic writers and poets in Slovakia or Slovak interest in them. From the second half of the nineteenth century, when Slovakia made her contribution to the PanSlavic idea by producing its most famous exponents in the persons of Jan Kollar, P. J. Safarik, and Eudovit Stur, the Slovak "intelligentsia" expressed their Pan-Slavic sympathy and tendencies by reading Russian, Polish, Ukrainian, Czech, and Jugoslav authors in the original. The geographic situation of Slovakia and the central position of Slovak among the Slavic languages account for this peculiar phenomenon in Slovak cultural life. Under these circumstances, until recently we have had in Slovak literature a larger number of translations from non-Slavic languages (German, French, English, and Scandinavian) than from the Slavic, and this in spite of the fact that Slovak literature, especially in the nineteenth century, developed under the strong influence of the outstanding works of Russian, Polish, and other Slav authors. Again, being fundamentally national and romantic, Slovak poetry and fiction were marked, like Polish and Russian literature, by an extensive use of folk tradition and regionalism, and Slovakia's greatest poets drew on folklore and legend in the same way and to the same extent as did the other Slavs. Adam Mickiewicz, who influenced Slovak literature and cultural efforts more than any other Pole, offers an excellent illustration of the situation we have just described. A whole generation of Slovak writers drew enthusiasm, inspiration, and incentive from Mickiewicz's Ode to Youth(l) and his ballads, as well as from his Konrad Walenrod, Pan Tadeusz, and the Crimean Sonnets. For the Slovak contemporaries of Mickiewicz, namely, the group of Eudovit Stur, the Ode became "an armory of maxims, slogans, and appeals, which were used as mottoes for their collections of poetry, individual works, and publications on every possible �SLOVAKIA 35 occasion," and, according to W. Bobek, "not even in Poland has the Ode been so enthusiastically received as in Slovakia. "(2) However, with the exception of the ballads, translations of the Ode, as well as of other works of Mickiewicz that enjoyed a wide popularity among the Slovak writers of the nineteenth century, began to appear only in the twentieth century. Artistically, the best of these translations are without doubt those made by two outstanding Slovak poets, Pavol Orszagh Hviezdoslav and Andrej Zarnov . • • • P. 0. Hviezdoslav,(3) who "elevated Slovak literature to its highest peak, and gave it a true greatness and depth, and who in his national note comes near to Mickiewicz, in his artistry to the poetry of Vrchlicky, and in his strong love for his people and popular art to the works of Shevchenko, "(4) translated not only Miskiewicz's Crimean Sonnets, but also his Faris, Sages, Out of My Sight, and Girl at the Crossroads (the last mistakingly ascribed to Mickiewicz; Bobek identifies the author as J. Jezowski), thus completing the series of translations done by P . Bella-Horal, Janko Matuska, Stefan Krcmery, Botto, and others.(5) Although at first glance the translation of Polish poetry into Slovak may seem an easy task, owing to the close relationship between the two languages, this is far from being so. One reason is that, while Slovak verse bases its rhythm on the accent, Polish verse is syllabic. Another is that similar words in both languages are often not semantically equivalent.(6) It is a further difficulty to the translator of Mickiewicz that the author is a man of genius, with a style of his own, and a special variety of metaphors and peculiarities of expression. Hviezdoslav more than anyone else had, however, all the gifts needed, not only to overcome these difficulties, but at the same time to master the poetic forms and apprehend the spiritual greatness of Mickiewicz's poetry. Hviezdoslav was not only "the most important personality among the Slovak poets representing the transition from romanticism to realism"(7) and, therefore, suited spiritually to i~NS£.~lt:IBR'Jmy'epresentative of Polish ro- ~ !~~~~~VILLE STATE CO.LLEGr �36 SLOVAKIA manticism and messianism, whom he resembled by force of his own poetic visioin and prophetic sense and by his attachment to the national cause and his oppressed Slovak people; his poetic language, too - rich and varied, weighty, and filled with dialectical expressior,is and metaphors was sufficiently plastic and mature to convey the artistic brilliance of Mickiewicz's poetry. Translator of Goethe's Faust, Shakespeare's Hamlet and Midsummer Night's Dream, of Lermontov, Schiller, and Slowacki, as well as of the monumental work of Mada.ch - The Tragedy of Man, - and, in his original verse, a master of the most complicated forms, from distich and sestina to ghazel and ritornello, Hviezdoslav also possessed full technical equipment for the task of translating the Polish classics. It is not, therefore, mere courtesy when Professor Bobek writes that Hviezdoslav's translation of the Crimean Sonnets is really "masterful" and adds that the Eastern coloring of the language, so characteristic of the Sonnets, was not only preserved by Hviezdoslav but sometimes actually enriched through the use, in the translation, of the Eastern terms which Mickiewicz cited in his explanatory notes. And Bobek concludes that "on the whole, the translation of the Crimean Sonnets stands on an equal footing with the original work and can be considered as one of Hviezdoslav's best translations," (8) an opinion that is fully shared by the present writer and by many literary critics. Although Hviezdoslav's translation of Faris differs slightly in form from the original, it is nevertheless equally faithful, and artistically thorough. A comparison of texts, which unfortunately is not practicable here, would supply ample proof. In comparison with the earlier translations from Mickiewicz, especially those of i:;tur's group, the translations made by Hviezdoslav are not so close to the Polish original either in means of expression or in meter; they are poetical interpretation s, done in acordance with the rules of Slovak prosody. No influence of Mickiewicz's poetry on the original creative work of Hviezdoslav has so far been detected by an.y literary analyst or critic. W. Bobek notes that theories �SLOVAKIA 37 kave been brought forth to the effect that Pan Thadeusz influenced the composition of Hviezdoslav's longer epic poems, but that there is no supporting evidence. He adds, kowever, that Hviezdoslav's epic poems, such as The Forester's Wife, Ezo Vlkolinsky, and Gabor Vlkolinsky, form a counterpart, on Slovak soil, of the Polish epic.(9) We may conclude the comparison by stating that there was a strong spiritual affinity between the two poets and that Hviezdoslav, like Mickiewicz, by his own poetry as well as by his translations gave his fellow countrymen a vision of what they might long for and accomplish, and implemented the vision with practical and profound Christian maxims . • • • In the turmoil of the Second World War, Andrej Zarnov, (10) one of the best modern Slovak poets, prepared an entire book of translations from Mickiewicz. The volume was published "in order to transplant Mickiewicz's works to Slovak soil and thereby strengthen the structure of Slavic brotherhood in the cultural sector," and because "in world literature there are only a few great poets who in the works of their genius accumulate and present so universally, profoundly, and magnificently the history of the efforts , failures , and spiritual achievements of their own people as does Adam Mickiewicz, the greatest Polish and allSlavic poet."(11) The book appeared in 1948, published by the Slovak Catholic cultural institution the "Society of St. Adalbert." A. Zarnov, who was awarded a silver wreath by the Polish Academy of Literature in recognition of his earlier translations from Polish poetry (published in a volume entitled U pofskych basnikov), is an outstanding translator of lyrics, epics, and dramas. Of his original works Andrej Mraz, Professor of Slovak Literature at the University of Bratislava, writes: "By its fiery words and resounding verses Zarnov's poetry became an efficacious instrument in the Slovak national struggle; events of major national importance, reminiscences of history and its tragedies, find in him a militant and inflamed interpreter of the national aspirations and will-power of his people. Yet he also arrived, in his effort to find a harmony between the individual and the universe, at a lyrical as well as philosophical �38 SLOVAKIA poetry."(12) Let us add that he in fact became one of the Slovak poets who penetrated and stirred to the depths the spirit of his generation and especially of the young intelligentsia, helped to bring them to a strong awareness of their spiritual and national individuality, and successfully summoned them to the struggle for justice and freedom. Without exaggeration we can assert that 2arnov has been, in his generation, artistically and spiritually the best prepared to transmit the heritage of Mickiewicz's greatest and most beautiful poems into Slovak literature. And he did it with great artistic skill and brilliance. His volume Poezia contains not only the eighteen Crimean Sonnets, but also Konrad Wallenrod, the Ode to Youth, To a Polish Mother, To My Muscovite Friends, Sages, A Vision, The Master of Masters, Flight, and Out of My Sight, thus present• ing some valuable lyrics along with his patriotic verse tale about his fatherland. The Crimean Sonnets in 2arnov's Slovak translation remain "a wonder" and "some of the most beautiful pages in all European poetry of the century," since he has preserved to a great degree the "richness of beauty of the poetic expression which always takes us by surprise and makes us marvel at the audacity of thought and the moral courage which produce the special splendor of this colleclection."(13) 2arnov's poetic language is, naturally. more modern, his verse and rhythm more vivid, and the whole translation more audacious even than that of Hviezdoslav. Where Hviezdoslav tried to preserve not only the images and metaphors but also the expressions and rhymes, using words from the dialect of his native region, 2arnov found in his own rich poetical invention the metaphors and poetic visions to express Mickiewicz's ideas and colorful images. The translation of Konrad Wallenrod can be considered as standing not far behind the original in many respects. This poem (which was translated for the first time into Slovak in 1907 by Peter Bella-Horal) made a strong impact on the group of Sh1r's followers , who recited and imitated especially the Song of the Wajdoleta. 2arnov's translation is a poetical and genuine interpretation, equaling in beauty Mickiewicz's own work. 2arnov is certainly no romantic �SLOVAKIA 39 in the pattern of the last century, but still an enthusiastic patriot who sings in his poetry a hymn to his crucified country, dooming its traitors and fighting for justice, one who has consecrated his life and his heart to his fatherland. More than anyone else among modern Slovak poets he was, therefore, predestined to enrich modern Slovak literature by this Byronic work of great charm and poetic vision, which "of the many and often highly inspired types of Byronism in Polish poetry ranks highest."(14) .Zarnov's versions of the Ode to Youth and To My Muscovite Friends are to be remembered not only for brilliance of translation (which could be demonstrated only by quotations and comparisons of texts), but also for the purpose which the translator wished to serve. The volume Poezia was published after the tragic experiences which the Russian occupation of Slovakia brought to the people of Jan Kollar, P. J. Safarik, and Ludovit Stur, founders of the cultural as well as political Pan-Slavism of the last century . .Zarnov, to whom the national cause has always been a question of honor and personal dedication, addressed, in Mickiewicz's mordant verses, the new Muscovite rulers and sumoned Slovak youth to the dynamic faith which Mickiewicz, in the Ode to Youth, expressed for Poles under very similar circumstances. .Zarnov's translations were thus to serve after a century the same aim as Mickiewicz had assigned to his poetry. Through the literary works of Mickiewicz .Zarnov wished to teach the Slovaks, as Mickiewicz ha:d the Poles, "to regard as their personal affair the great questions of honor and dedication, truth and falsehood, nobility of ends and legitimacy of means for attaining them." .Zarnov attempted to convince his martyred people that "the national cause must become an autochthonous idea, the ultimate moral criterion around which the entire spiritual life of the nation is crystallized." The real function of .Zarnov's poetry and translation was, like that of Mickiewicz's, not "to provide artistic enjoyment or to refine aesthetic taste, but primarily to equip his people with the spiritual resources necessary to enable them to survive their enslavement and to fight for their freedom. (15) �40 · SLOVAKIA The Muscovite rulers in Slovakia grasped his intention and silenced the book. Zarnov, under constant threat of arrest and deportation, and many times in prison, made a dramatic flight from his country and now fights in exile for his ideas and those of Mickiewicz. (1) See Wladyslaw Bobek, Mickiewicz w literaturze slovackiej (Prague, 1931), pp. 9-10. (2) Ibid. (3) P. 0 . Hviezdoslav (1849-1921) is the pseudonym of Pavo! Orszagh. By occupation a lawyer, he published several volumes of lyrics, one of them (Bloody Sonnets) translated into English, dramas (Herodes a Herodias), epics (Hajnikova zena, Ezo Vlkolinsky, Gabor Vlkolinsky, Agar, Rachel, Kain), and four volumes of translations from world literature. Altogether his poetry was published in fifteen large volumes. (4) See W . Bobek, "Dzieje literatury slowackiej w zarysie," in Slowacja i Slowacy, edited by W. Semkowicz (Cracow, 1937), pp. 357 ff. (5) Among recent Slovak translations from Mickiewicz are his Books of the Polish Nation and Books of the Polish Pilgrimage, translated by Matus Zjara (Kosice, 1947). Jastrun's study of Mickiewicz, translated by Jan Holy, was published in 1950 by Tatran, in Bratislava. Professor R. Brtan has translated Pan Tadeusz, and Matus Zjara has published a penetrating study of Mickiewicz and his relations with Moscow. (6) Stefan Krcmery, outstanding essayist, translator, and poet, states that "Stu.r's group based its poetry on popular songs, Pushkin's and Mickiewicz's works" (Slovenske Pohl'ady, Vol. XLVII [1931], p. 132. W . Bobek has published a study on this subject in which he tries to prove that the metrics of Stu.r's group is based on the Polish poetry. See Kultura, Vol. V, No. 4, pp. 248-256. (7) See Otto Radl, in Handbook of Slavic Studies, edited by L I. Strakhovsky (Cambridge, Mass., 1949), p. 496. (8) See W. Bobek, Mickiewicz w literaturze slowackiej, p. 57. (9) Page 43. (10) Andrej Zarnov is the pseudonym of Frantisek Subik, former professor at the University of Bratislava, at present in Washington. He was born in 1903 in Slovakia. His main published works are Straz pri Morave (1925), Brazda cez Uhory (1929), Hlas krvi (1932), Stit (1940), and Mrtvy (1941). (11) Introduction to the volume Poezia, pp. 121-133. (12) Andreas Mraz, Die Literatur der Slowaken (Berlin-PragueVienna: Volk und Reich Verlag, 1943), pp. 187-188. �41 SLOVAKIA (13) See Waclaw Lednicki, Life and Culture of Poland (New York: Ray Publishers, 1944), p. 176 etc. (14) See Roman Dyboski, Poland in World Civilization (New York, 1950), p. 213. (15) See J . Nechon's essay on Stefan Zeronski in Harvard Slavic Studies, Vol. II, (Cambridge, Mass., 1954), pp. 323-324. • • • WF, MUST QUIT HELPING RED REGIMES (Address By Hon. William F. Knowland Before Inaugural Nationalities Banquet, January 20, 1957) It is most fitting that this banquet, held on the eve of the public inaugural ceremonies of the President and Vice President of the United States, should be under the sponsorship of the Nationalities Advisory Committee and the Inaugural Nationalities committee. Firstly, with the exception of American Indians, in this new world all of us ourse1ves or our parents, grandparent.a, or more distant forebears, came front the old worlds of Europe, Asia, or Africa. While as citizens of the United States our loyalty is to this great ·r epublic it is also natural that there remain ties of historic interests, family or racial connections, and religious beliefs, together with our natural humanitarian instincts, that makes what happens in Budapest, Berlin, London, Peiping, Cairo, or any other city large or small more than just newspaper datelines. Secondly, the naJtiona:lities groups throughout our country made notable contriibutions to the reelection of our great president Dwight D. Eisenhower a:nd our able and effective Vice President Rihard M. Nixon. Not only are you entitled to be here to witness the culmination of your individual and •c ollective constructive labors in the last campaign but you have earned the right to a respectful hearing to your recommendations. There are many great problems confronting our country domestic and foreign. The President in his address on the Middle East resolution, in his staite of ,t he Union message, in his inaugural address tomorrow, or in future special messaiges to the Congress will discuss them. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1957, Vol. 7 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 22), March 1957.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 23), June 1957.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 24-25), September-December 1957.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1957 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 32 1939; Vefka Morava a Pofsko, rn33. Ungarns Volkerschaften im XI. Jahrhundert, Dr. I. Kn iesza, 1938. Zur Geschichte der ungarisch-slowakischen ethnischen Grenze, Dr. I. K niezsa, 19 41. Slovanske starozitnosti, P avel J . Safa rik, Vol. II, 2nd ed., 1863. Slovenske starozitnosti, Dr. I'..ubor Niederle, 1906, 1910. Narodopisni mapa Uher podle ured. lexikonu osad z r. 1n3, A . P e trov , 1924. Pribinovi Vermozi , Dr. J an Stanislav, 1939-40. Nehai'ite l'ud moj, Dr. Jo zef Skult ety, 1928 . • • • MICKIEWICZ IN SLOVAK POETRY AND TRANSLATIONS JOSEPH KIRSCHBAUM Ph.D. The University of California recently published an excellent symposium on the great Polish poet and patriot, Adam Mickiewicz, whose centenary has been commemorated throughout the world since 1955. Altogether 30 scholars and experts in Slavistics, representing over 20 nations and universities, contributed to this remarkable volume, edited by the eminent Polish scholar, professor Waclaw Lednicki. The volume has been published under the impressive title "Adam Mickiewicz in World Literature," and the editor actually succeeded in presenting Mickiewicz's influence on World literatures. Slovakia is represented by two contributions and is also mentioned in an article of a Czech scholar, who quite sincerely tried not to make the usual mistake of confusing Slovak and Czech poets and writers. The main article on Slovak literature in connection with Mickiekicz was written by the known expert in Slavic studies, professor Dimitry Cizevsky from Harvard, who in his scholarly study deals mainly with the poetry of two outstanding Slovak romantics: r..udovit Stur and Janka KraP. Cizevsky admits "that Mickiewicz's influence on Slovak literature was undoubtedly significant," but he warns at the same time against the "parallels" which are not parallels at all. This remark refers mainly to a Polish expert on Slovak poetry, Wladyslaw Bobek, whose work twenty-five years ago aimed to demonstrate the part which the poetry of Mickiewicz played in the works of - out of the theo- SLOVAKIA 33 retical basis and in the poetic practice of Slovak poets above all, the Slovak romantic poets. In this respect Bobek succeeded according to Cizevsky. The second article on Slovak literature is a note on two modern Slovak translators of Mickiewicz, Hviezdoslav and Zarnov, contributed by this writer. Since on the Polish side also professor M. Majowski of the University of Montreal published sometime ago an interesting study on Polish-Slovak cultural relations in "Zew mlodych," we should not miss this occasion to demonstrate on Mickiewicz's example how extensive and important the cultural ties between Poland and Slovakia already were in the past century. The impact of Mickiewicz on Slovak literature was so strong that the Slovaks have not only all his works translated into the Slovak language, but we find two or three various translations. Three Slovak generations attempted to transplant the beauty of Mickiewicz's poetry into Slovak literary life. Since the first Mickiewicz's poems appeared, the generation of I?,udovit Stur, (1815-1856) recited and drew enthusiasm for the Slovak national cause from Mickiewicz's works. Slovak poets of the nineteenth century (Jan Botto, Janko Matuska, K. Kuzmany, Peter Bella- Horal etc.) translated Mickiewicz's ballads, the Ode to the Youth, his Forefather's Eve, Konrad Wallenrod, and other verses, though they preferred to read and recite the Polish original, as we shall see further. The following generation produced an admirer and translator in the person of the great Slovak poet, Pavo! 0. Hviezdoslav, and contemporary Slovak poetry was enriched by masterful translations of Andrej Zarnov, Matus Zjara, Rudo Brtaii, and Jan Holy. While we shall speak of Hviezdoslav's and Zarnov's translations extensively, it is worthwhile to mention that even very recently, in the martyrized Slovakia, there were translations and adequate commentaries of Mickiewicz's Books of the Polish Nation and Books of the Polish Pilgrimage by a persecuted Catholic priest-poet hidden behind the pseudonym Matus Zjara. A new translation of "Pan SLOVAKIA Tadeusz" was prepared by Rudo Brtaii, and professor Jan Holy translated Jastrun's essay on Mickiewicz. We have, however, to point out that the quantity of Slovak translations from the various Slavic literatures has never adequately reflected either the popularity of the great Slavic writers and poets in Slovakia or Slovak interest in them. From the second half of the nineteenth century, when Slovakia made her contribution to the PanSlavic idea by producing its most famous exponents in the persons of Jan Kollar, P. J. Safarik, and Eudovit Stur, the Slovak "intelligentsia" expressed their Pan-Slavic sympathy and tendencies by reading Russian, Polish, Ukrainian, Czech, and Jugoslav authors in the original. The geographic situation of Slovakia and the central position of Slovak among the Slavic languages account for this peculiar phenomenon in Slovak cultural life. Under these circumstances, until recently we have had in Slovak literature a larger number of translations from non-Slavic languages (German, French, English, and Scandinavian) than from the Slavic, and this in spite of the fact that Slovak literature, especially in the nineteenth century, developed under the strong influence of the outstanding works of Russian, Polish, and other Slav authors. Again, being fundamentally national and romantic, Slovak poetry and fiction were marked, like Polish and Russian literature, by an extensive use of folk tradition and regionalism, and Slovakia's greatest poets drew on folklore and legend in the same way and to the same extent as did the other Slavs. Adam Mickiewicz, who influenced Slovak literature and cultural efforts more than any other Pole, offers an excellent illustration of the situation we have just described. A whole generation of Slovak writers drew enthusiasm, inspiration, and incentive from Mickiewicz's Ode to Youth(l) and his ballads, as well as from his Konrad Walenrod, Pan Tadeusz, and the Crimean Sonnets. For the Slovak contemporaries of Mickiewicz, namely, the group of Eudovit Stur, the Ode became "an armory of maxims, slogans, and appeals, which were used as mottoes for their collections of poetry, individual works, and publications on every possible SLOVAKIA 35 occasion," and, according to W. Bobek, "not even in Poland has the Ode been so enthusiastically received as in Slovakia. "(2) However, with the exception of the ballads, translations of the Ode, as well as of other works of Mickiewicz that enjoyed a wide popularity among the Slovak writers of the nineteenth century, began to appear only in the twentieth century. Artistically, the best of these translations are without doubt those made by two outstanding Slovak poets, Pavol Orszagh Hviezdoslav and Andrej Zarnov . • • • P. 0. Hviezdoslav,(3) who "elevated Slovak literature to its highest peak, and gave it a true greatness and depth, and who in his national note comes near to Mickiewicz, in his artistry to the poetry of Vrchlicky, and in his strong love for his people and popular art to the works of Shevchenko, "(4) translated not only Miskiewicz's Crimean Sonnets, but also his Faris, Sages, Out of My Sight, and Girl at the Crossroads (the last mistakingly ascribed to Mickiewicz; Bobek identifies the author as J. Jezowski), thus completing the series of translations done by P . Bella-Horal, Janko Matuska, Stefan Krcmery, Botto, and others.(5) Although at first glance the translation of Polish poetry into Slovak may seem an easy task, owing to the close relationship between the two languages, this is far from being so. One reason is that, while Slovak verse bases its rhythm on the accent, Polish verse is syllabic. Another is that similar words in both languages are often not semantically equivalent.(6) It is a further difficulty to the translator of Mickiewicz that the author is a man of genius, with a style of his own, and a special variety of metaphors and peculiarities of expression. Hviezdoslav more than anyone else had, however, all the gifts needed, not only to overcome these difficulties, but at the same time to master the poetic forms and apprehend the spiritual greatness of Mickiewicz's poetry. Hviezdoslav was not only "the most important personality among the Slovak poets representing the transition from romanticism to realism"(7) and, therefore, suited spiritually to i~NS£.~lt:IBR'Jmy'epresentative of Polish ro- ~ !~~~~~VILLE STATE CO.LLEGr 36 SLOVAKIA manticism and messianism, whom he resembled by force of his own poetic visioin and prophetic sense and by his attachment to the national cause and his oppressed Slovak people; his poetic language, too - rich and varied, weighty, and filled with dialectical expressior,is and metaphors was sufficiently plastic and mature to convey the artistic brilliance of Mickiewicz's poetry. Translator of Goethe's Faust, Shakespeare's Hamlet and Midsummer Night's Dream, of Lermontov, Schiller, and Slowacki, as well as of the monumental work of Mada.ch - The Tragedy of Man, - and, in his original verse, a master of the most complicated forms, from distich and sestina to ghazel and ritornello, Hviezdoslav also possessed full technical equipment for the task of translating the Polish classics. It is not, therefore, mere courtesy when Professor Bobek writes that Hviezdoslav's translation of the Crimean Sonnets is really "masterful" and adds that the Eastern coloring of the language, so characteristic of the Sonnets, was not only preserved by Hviezdoslav but sometimes actually enriched through the use, in the translation, of the Eastern terms which Mickiewicz cited in his explanatory notes. And Bobek concludes that "on the whole, the translation of the Crimean Sonnets stands on an equal footing with the original work and can be considered as one of Hviezdoslav's best translations," (8) an opinion that is fully shared by the present writer and by many literary critics. Although Hviezdoslav's translation of Faris differs slightly in form from the original, it is nevertheless equally faithful, and artistically thorough. A comparison of texts, which unfortunately is not practicable here, would supply ample proof. In comparison with the earlier translations from Mickiewicz, especially those of i:;tur's group, the translations made by Hviezdoslav are not so close to the Polish original either in means of expression or in meter; they are poetical interpretation s, done in acordance with the rules of Slovak prosody. No influence of Mickiewicz's poetry on the original creative work of Hviezdoslav has so far been detected by an.y literary analyst or critic. W. Bobek notes that theories SLOVAKIA 37 kave been brought forth to the effect that Pan Thadeusz influenced the composition of Hviezdoslav's longer epic poems, but that there is no supporting evidence. He adds, kowever, that Hviezdoslav's epic poems, such as The Forester's Wife, Ezo Vlkolinsky, and Gabor Vlkolinsky, form a counterpart, on Slovak soil, of the Polish epic.(9) We may conclude the comparison by stating that there was a strong spiritual affinity between the two poets and that Hviezdoslav, like Mickiewicz, by his own poetry as well as by his translations gave his fellow countrymen a vision of what they might long for and accomplish, and implemented the vision with practical and profound Christian maxims . • • • In the turmoil of the Second World War, Andrej Zarnov, (10) one of the best modern Slovak poets, prepared an entire book of translations from Mickiewicz. The volume was published "in order to transplant Mickiewicz's works to Slovak soil and thereby strengthen the structure of Slavic brotherhood in the cultural sector," and because "in world literature there are only a few great poets who in the works of their genius accumulate and present so universally, profoundly, and magnificently the history of the efforts , failures , and spiritual achievements of their own people as does Adam Mickiewicz, the greatest Polish and allSlavic poet."(11) The book appeared in 1948, published by the Slovak Catholic cultural institution the "Society of St. Adalbert." A. Zarnov, who was awarded a silver wreath by the Polish Academy of Literature in recognition of his earlier translations from Polish poetry (published in a volume entitled U pofskych basnikov), is an outstanding translator of lyrics, epics, and dramas. Of his original works Andrej Mraz, Professor of Slovak Literature at the University of Bratislava, writes: "By its fiery words and resounding verses Zarnov's poetry became an efficacious instrument in the Slovak national struggle; events of major national importance, reminiscences of history and its tragedies, find in him a militant and inflamed interpreter of the national aspirations and will-power of his people. Yet he also arrived, in his effort to find a harmony between the individual and the universe, at a lyrical as well as philosophical 38 SLOVAKIA poetry."(12) Let us add that he in fact became one of the Slovak poets who penetrated and stirred to the depths the spirit of his generation and especially of the young intelligentsia, helped to bring them to a strong awareness of their spiritual and national individuality, and successfully summoned them to the struggle for justice and freedom. Without exaggeration we can assert that 2arnov has been, in his generation, artistically and spiritually the best prepared to transmit the heritage of Mickiewicz's greatest and most beautiful poems into Slovak literature. And he did it with great artistic skill and brilliance. His volume Poezia contains not only the eighteen Crimean Sonnets, but also Konrad Wallenrod, the Ode to Youth, To a Polish Mother, To My Muscovite Friends, Sages, A Vision, The Master of Masters, Flight, and Out of My Sight, thus present• ing some valuable lyrics along with his patriotic verse tale about his fatherland. The Crimean Sonnets in 2arnov's Slovak translation remain "a wonder" and "some of the most beautiful pages in all European poetry of the century," since he has preserved to a great degree the "richness of beauty of the poetic expression which always takes us by surprise and makes us marvel at the audacity of thought and the moral courage which produce the special splendor of this colleclection."(13) 2arnov's poetic language is, naturally. more modern, his verse and rhythm more vivid, and the whole translation more audacious even than that of Hviezdoslav. Where Hviezdoslav tried to preserve not only the images and metaphors but also the expressions and rhymes, using words from the dialect of his native region, 2arnov found in his own rich poetical invention the metaphors and poetic visions to express Mickiewicz's ideas and colorful images. The translation of Konrad Wallenrod can be considered as standing not far behind the original in many respects. This poem (which was translated for the first time into Slovak in 1907 by Peter Bella-Horal) made a strong impact on the group of Sh1r's followers , who recited and imitated especially the Song of the Wajdoleta. 2arnov's translation is a poetical and genuine interpretation, equaling in beauty Mickiewicz's own work. 2arnov is certainly no romantic SLOVAKIA 39 in the pattern of the last century, but still an enthusiastic patriot who sings in his poetry a hymn to his crucified country, dooming its traitors and fighting for justice, one who has consecrated his life and his heart to his fatherland. More than anyone else among modern Slovak poets he was, therefore, predestined to enrich modern Slovak literature by this Byronic work of great charm and poetic vision, which "of the many and often highly inspired types of Byronism in Polish poetry ranks highest."(14) .Zarnov's versions of the Ode to Youth and To My Muscovite Friends are to be remembered not only for brilliance of translation (which could be demonstrated only by quotations and comparisons of texts), but also for the purpose which the translator wished to serve. The volume Poezia was published after the tragic experiences which the Russian occupation of Slovakia brought to the people of Jan Kollar, P. J. Safarik, and Ludovit Stur, founders of the cultural as well as political Pan-Slavism of the last century . .Zarnov, to whom the national cause has always been a question of honor and personal dedication, addressed, in Mickiewicz's mordant verses, the new Muscovite rulers and sumoned Slovak youth to the dynamic faith which Mickiewicz, in the Ode to Youth, expressed for Poles under very similar circumstances. .Zarnov's translations were thus to serve after a century the same aim as Mickiewicz had assigned to his poetry. Through the literary works of Mickiewicz .Zarnov wished to teach the Slovaks, as Mickiewicz ha:d the Poles, "to regard as their personal affair the great questions of honor and dedication, truth and falsehood, nobility of ends and legitimacy of means for attaining them." .Zarnov attempted to convince his martyred people that "the national cause must become an autochthonous idea, the ultimate moral criterion around which the entire spiritual life of the nation is crystallized." The real function of .Zarnov's poetry and translation was, like that of Mickiewicz's, not "to provide artistic enjoyment or to refine aesthetic taste, but primarily to equip his people with the spiritual resources necessary to enable them to survive their enslavement and to fight for their freedom. (15) 40 · SLOVAKIA The Muscovite rulers in Slovakia grasped his intention and silenced the book. Zarnov, under constant threat of arrest and deportation, and many times in prison, made a dramatic flight from his country and now fights in exile for his ideas and those of Mickiewicz. (1) See Wladyslaw Bobek, Mickiewicz w literaturze slovackiej (Prague, 1931), pp. 9-10. (2) Ibid. (3) P. 0 . Hviezdoslav (1849-1921) is the pseudonym of Pavo! Orszagh. By occupation a lawyer, he published several volumes of lyrics, one of them (Bloody Sonnets) translated into English, dramas (Herodes a Herodias), epics (Hajnikova zena, Ezo Vlkolinsky, Gabor Vlkolinsky, Agar, Rachel, Kain), and four volumes of translations from world literature. Altogether his poetry was published in fifteen large volumes. (4) See W . Bobek, "Dzieje literatury slowackiej w zarysie," in Slowacja i Slowacy, edited by W. Semkowicz (Cracow, 1937), pp. 357 ff. (5) Among recent Slovak translations from Mickiewicz are his Books of the Polish Nation and Books of the Polish Pilgrimage, translated by Matus Zjara (Kosice, 1947). Jastrun's study of Mickiewicz, translated by Jan Holy, was published in 1950 by Tatran, in Bratislava. Professor R. Brtan has translated Pan Tadeusz, and Matus Zjara has published a penetrating study of Mickiewicz and his relations with Moscow. (6) Stefan Krcmery, outstanding essayist, translator, and poet, states that "Stu.r's group based its poetry on popular songs, Pushkin's and Mickiewicz's works" (Slovenske Pohl'ady, Vol. XLVII [1931], p. 132. W . Bobek has published a study on this subject in which he tries to prove that the metrics of Stu.r's group is based on the Polish poetry. See Kultura, Vol. V, No. 4, pp. 248-256. (7) See Otto Radl, in Handbook of Slavic Studies, edited by L I. Strakhovsky (Cambridge, Mass., 1949), p. 496. (8) See W. Bobek, Mickiewicz w literaturze slowackiej, p. 57. (9) Page 43. (10) Andrej Zarnov is the pseudonym of Frantisek Subik, former professor at the University of Bratislava, at present in Washington. He was born in 1903 in Slovakia. His main published works are Straz pri Morave (1925), Brazda cez Uhory (1929), Hlas krvi (1932), Stit (1940), and Mrtvy (1941). (11) Introduction to the volume Poezia, pp. 121-133. (12) Andreas Mraz, Die Literatur der Slowaken (Berlin-PragueVienna: Volk und Reich Verlag, 1943), pp. 187-188. 41 SLOVAKIA (13) See Waclaw Lednicki, Life and Culture of Poland (New York: Ray Publishers, 1944), p. 176 etc. (14) See Roman Dyboski, Poland in World Civilization (New York, 1950), p. 213. (15) See J . Nechon's essay on Stefan Zeronski in Harvard Slavic Studies, Vol. II, (Cambridge, Mass., 1954), pp. 323-324. • • • WF, MUST QUIT HELPING RED REGIMES (Address By Hon. William F. Knowland Before Inaugural Nationalities Banquet, January 20, 1957) It is most fitting that this banquet, held on the eve of the public inaugural ceremonies of the President and Vice President of the United States, should be under the sponsorship of the Nationalities Advisory Committee and the Inaugural Nationalities committee. Firstly, with the exception of American Indians, in this new world all of us ourse1ves or our parents, grandparent.a, or more distant forebears, came front the old worlds of Europe, Asia, or Africa. While as citizens of the United States our loyalty is to this great ·r epublic it is also natural that there remain ties of historic interests, family or racial connections, and religious beliefs, together with our natural humanitarian instincts, that makes what happens in Budapest, Berlin, London, Peiping, Cairo, or any other city large or small more than just newspaper datelines. Secondly, the naJtiona:lities groups throughout our country made notable contriibutions to the reelection of our great president Dwight D. Eisenhower a:nd our able and effective Vice President Rihard M. Nixon. Not only are you entitled to be here to witness the culmination of your individual and •c ollective constructive labors in the last campaign but you have earned the right to a respectful hearing to your recommendations. There are many great problems confronting our country domestic and foreign. The President in his address on the Middle East resolution, in his staite of ,t he Union message, in his inaugural address tomorrow, or in future special messaiges to the Congress will discuss them.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Mickiewicz in Slovak Poetry and Translations Description An account of the resource Joseph Kirschbaum Ph.D. Slovakia, Vol. 7, No. 1 (22), March 1957 pp. 32-41 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Kirschbaum, Jozef M., 1913-2001 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource March 1957 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/4158c1b37feed48334f6b3974afaa39e.pdf d021647b2206e32781612172f4cb5cfe PDF Text Text 41 SLOVAKIA (13) See Waclaw Lednicki, Life and Culture of Poland (New York: Ray Publishers, 1944), p. 176 etc. (14) See Roman Dyboski, Poland in World Civilization (New York, 1950), p. 213. (15) See J . Nechon's essay on Stefan Zeronski in Harvard Slavic Studies, Vol. II, (Cambridge, Mass., 1954), pp. 323-324. • • • WF, MUST QUIT HELPING RED REGIMES (Address By Hon. William F. Knowland Before Inaugural Nationalities Banquet, January 20, 1957) It is most fitting that this banquet, held on the eve of the public inaugural ceremonies of the President and Vice President of the United States, should be under the sponsorship of the Nationalities Advisory Committee and the Inaugural Nationalities committee. Firstly, with the exception of American Indians, in this new world all of us ourse1ves or our parents, grandparent.a, or more distant forebears, came front the old worlds of Europe, Asia, or Africa. While as citizens of the United States our loyalty is to this great ·r epublic it is also natural that there remain ties of historic interests, family or racial connections, and religious beliefs, together with our natural humanitarian instincts, that makes what happens in Budapest, Berlin, London, Peiping, Cairo, or any other city large or small more than just newspaper datelines. Secondly, the naJtiona:lities groups throughout our country made notable contriibutions to the reelection of our great president Dwight D. Eisenhower a:nd our able and effective Vice President Rihard M. Nixon. Not only are you entitled to be here to witness the culmination of your individual and •c ollective constructive labors in the last campaign but you have earned the right to a respectful hearing to your recommendations. There are many great problems confronting our country domestic and foreign. The President in his address on the Middle East resolution, in his staite of ,t he Union message, in his inaugural address tomorrow, or in future special messaiges to the Congress will discuss them. �42 SLOVAKIA To me the greatest issue of the day is human freedom. Under either Republican or Democratic administra tions our foreign policy should be based 1.11pon it. What advances freedom we should surpport and what retards or endangers it we should oppose. There are principles that cannot be compromis ed without fatal effects on the compriser or on the sacrificial victim Czecho-Slovakia was a casualty of such a deal. Munich should have taught the world that appeaseme nt is not the road to peace but is only surrender on the installment plan. Communism is an evil thing. It is destructive of religion, freedom, family life, and other hum,a n rights that f.ree men honor and hold dear. Dare we forget the admonition in Second Corinthian s : "Do not bear the yoke with unbelievers . For what has justice in common with iniquity? Or what fellowship has light with darkness?" Kadar, Khrushche v, Gomulka, Chou en Lai are not to be trusted. The rpolicy of internation al communism has been, is, and will remain the destruction of freedom and national sovereignty . Any notion in Europe, Asia, or the Middle East that ignores this basic fact will do so at its peril. A propaganda barrage is developing here and ahroiad to give eCOIJlomic aid to the communist states of Eastern Europe. For what purpose? To lessen the drain on the Soviet Union so it will have more economic resources to use against the nations of the free world or to suibvert the uncommitte d countrit's outside the Iron Curtain? To sustain godless local communist chieftains who would not last a month were it not for the support of Soviet bayonets within their borders? To give character and prestige to men whose hands a:re red witih the blood of those patriots whose love of freedom for their countryme n was greater than their love of life? Are we to bolster sagging communim economies whose own workers by strikes, slow downs, or srubotage in rthe face of death penalties and pri.. ~on terms have contributed to the weakening of an important segment of the communist regime? �SLOVAKIA 43 None of these things make sense to me. I shall oppose the taking of a single, dollar from the over'burdened American ta~payer to build the economic strength of any communist coUJil.try behind the Soviet Tron Curtain or to give military aid to any communist state anywhere in the wodd. If the Sovielt Union wants peace there is an honm·aible proposal that could be made to that Government. Withdraw all Soviet forces from Poland, Albania, Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, Czecho-Slovakia, Hungary, and Bulgaria and ,gua•r antee free elections under United Nations supervision. Let the people decide, free from the farce of Gomulka counterfeit elections such as Poland was insulted with on Sunday, J ,a nuary 20, while Soviet troops still occupy that restless country. Let the great powers and the United Nations guarantee the neutrality of all of these eastern European states after the withdrawal of all Soviet troops and after the free elections under United Nati'Ons auspices have been held. Both the Soviet Union and the West could then be assured that these free states would ibe similar to the neutral position which is today existing in Austria, Switzerland, and Sweden. They could not ibe used as a springboard for invasion against the free world or against the Soviet Union. The free world has no quarrel with the people of Russia. They were the first victims of Communist aggression. It is not the Russian people ibut the Soviet Communist regime which has broken aU of its international agreements with non-Comrmunist powers and which has been a distur.. ber of the peace of the world and still threatens it. With such a settlement in Eastern Euro.pe the 'burdens of armaments could be lifted to a considerable extent from the backs of the people of the free world and the Soviet Union as well. 'l'hen the people of Russia who do not have the privileges of the small but relatively well off Communist Party hierarchy would 'be a:ble to enjoy during this lifetime better housing, more consumer goods and a certain amount of luxuries which are now enjoyed by urban and rural wo'I'kers in the free world. But let us not as a great Republic ever compromise �44 SLOVAKIA the basic principle of human freedom. Let us never give our moral or legal blessing to the enslavement oif millions behind the J.ron Curtain who long to be free. Nor should we permit any international organization of which we are a member to compromise us in this regard. How can any nation ignore the moral issue involved in Roviet destruction of freedom in Hungary and subsequently want sanctions applied in the case of trouble in the Middle East? What organization can survive such a double standard? Either we have a system of law and order or the doctrine of might makes right is recognized. Communism cannot 1b e allowed to place itself above international law or God-gi,v en moral law. Our first Republican President Abraham Lincoln, said: "Fellow citizens, we cannot escape history. • • • The fiery trial thvough which we pass will light us down to the latest generation. • • * We, yes even we, have the power and bear the responsibility. • • * In giving freedom to the slave we assure freedom to the free. * * • We shall nobly save or meanly lose this last best ho.p e on earth." • • • INDEPENDENCE AN D THE SLOVAK PAST ,Joseph Kirschbaum, LL. D., Ph. D. The question of the national existence of the Slovak nation, the efforts expended by the Slovaks for national and state independence, are treated in various works of political writers. In their analysis of the problems of Central Europe, writers try to be objective, but their literary efforts demonstrate that they answer the question only partially and usually incorr-ectly. Not taking into account the use of tendencious sources, it appears that the fault lies particularly in the approach to the problem of Slovak efforts for independence from the downfall of the first state of the Slovaks, Great Moravia. !Many political writers identify creations of dynasties with creations of nations, especially in multi--national states, and overlooik the universalistir tendencies of Europe in the early centuries of the Middle Ages and the Modern Age. � 41 SLOVAKIA (13) See Waclaw Lednicki, Life and Culture of Poland (New York: Ray Publishers, 1944), p. 176 etc. (14) See Roman Dyboski, Poland in World Civilization (New York, 1950), p. 213. (15) See J . Nechon's essay on Stefan Zeronski in Harvard Slavic Studies, Vol. II, (Cambridge, Mass., 1954), pp. 323-324. • • • WF, MUST QUIT HELPING RED REGIMES (Address By Hon. William F. Knowland Before Inaugural Nationalities Banquet, January 20, 1957) It is most fitting that this banquet, held on the eve of the public inaugural ceremonies of the President and Vice President of the United States, should be under the sponsorship of the Nationalities Advisory Committee and the Inaugural Nationalities committee. Firstly, with the exception of American Indians, in this new world all of us ourse1ves or our parents, grandparent.a, or more distant forebears, came front the old worlds of Europe, Asia, or Africa. While as citizens of the United States our loyalty is to this great ·r epublic it is also natural that there remain ties of historic interests, family or racial connections, and religious beliefs, together with our natural humanitarian instincts, that makes what happens in Budapest, Berlin, London, Peiping, Cairo, or any other city large or small more than just newspaper datelines. Secondly, the naJtiona:lities groups throughout our country made notable contriibutions to the reelection of our great president Dwight D. Eisenhower a:nd our able and effective Vice President Rihard M. Nixon. Not only are you entitled to be here to witness the culmination of your individual and •c ollective constructive labors in the last campaign but you have earned the right to a respectful hearing to your recommendations. There are many great problems confronting our country domestic and foreign. The President in his address on the Middle East resolution, in his staite of ,t he Union message, in his inaugural address tomorrow, or in future special messaiges to the Congress will discuss them. �42 SLOVAKIA To me the greatest issue of the day is human freedom. Under either Republican or Democratic administra tions our foreign policy should be based 1.11pon it. What advances freedom we should surpport and what retards or endangers it we should oppose. There are principles that cannot be compromis ed without fatal effects on the compriser or on the sacrificial victim Czecho-Slovakia was a casualty of such a deal. Munich should have taught the world that appeaseme nt is not the road to peace but is only surrender on the installment plan. Communism is an evil thing. It is destructive of religion, freedom, family life, and other hum,a n rights that f.ree men honor and hold dear. Dare we forget the admonition in Second Corinthian s : "Do not bear the yoke with unbelievers . For what has justice in common with iniquity? Or what fellowship has light with darkness?" Kadar, Khrushche v, Gomulka, Chou en Lai are not to be trusted. The rpolicy of internation al communism has been, is, and will remain the destruction of freedom and national sovereignty . Any notion in Europe, Asia, or the Middle East that ignores this basic fact will do so at its peril. A propaganda barrage is developing here and ahroiad to give eCOIJlomic aid to the communist states of Eastern Europe. For what purpose? To lessen the drain on the Soviet Union so it will have more economic resources to use against the nations of the free world or to suibvert the uncommitte d countrit's outside the Iron Curtain? To sustain godless local communist chieftains who would not last a month were it not for the support of Soviet bayonets within their borders? To give character and prestige to men whose hands a:re red witih the blood of those patriots whose love of freedom for their countryme n was greater than their love of life? Are we to bolster sagging communim economies whose own workers by strikes, slow downs, or srubotage in rthe face of death penalties and pri.. ~on terms have contributed to the weakening of an important segment of the communist regime? �SLOVAKIA 43 None of these things make sense to me. I shall oppose the taking of a single, dollar from the over'burdened American ta~payer to build the economic strength of any communist coUJil.try behind the Soviet Tron Curtain or to give military aid to any communist state anywhere in the wodd. If the Sovielt Union wants peace there is an honm·aible proposal that could be made to that Government. Withdraw all Soviet forces from Poland, Albania, Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, Czecho-Slovakia, Hungary, and Bulgaria and ,gua•r antee free elections under United Nations supervision. Let the people decide, free from the farce of Gomulka counterfeit elections such as Poland was insulted with on Sunday, J ,a nuary 20, while Soviet troops still occupy that restless country. Let the great powers and the United Nations guarantee the neutrality of all of these eastern European states after the withdrawal of all Soviet troops and after the free elections under United Nati'Ons auspices have been held. Both the Soviet Union and the West could then be assured that these free states would ibe similar to the neutral position which is today existing in Austria, Switzerland, and Sweden. They could not ibe used as a springboard for invasion against the free world or against the Soviet Union. The free world has no quarrel with the people of Russia. They were the first victims of Communist aggression. It is not the Russian people ibut the Soviet Communist regime which has broken aU of its international agreements with non-Comrmunist powers and which has been a distur.. ber of the peace of the world and still threatens it. With such a settlement in Eastern Euro.pe the 'burdens of armaments could be lifted to a considerable extent from the backs of the people of the free world and the Soviet Union as well. 'l'hen the people of Russia who do not have the privileges of the small but relatively well off Communist Party hierarchy would 'be a:ble to enjoy during this lifetime better housing, more consumer goods and a certain amount of luxuries which are now enjoyed by urban and rural wo'I'kers in the free world. But let us not as a great Republic ever compromise �44 SLOVAKIA the basic principle of human freedom. Let us never give our moral or legal blessing to the enslavement oif millions behind the J.ron Curtain who long to be free. Nor should we permit any international organization of which we are a member to compromise us in this regard. How can any nation ignore the moral issue involved in Roviet destruction of freedom in Hungary and subsequently want sanctions applied in the case of trouble in the Middle East? What organization can survive such a double standard? Either we have a system of law and order or the doctrine of might makes right is recognized. Communism cannot 1b e allowed to place itself above international law or God-gi,v en moral law. Our first Republican President Abraham Lincoln, said: "Fellow citizens, we cannot escape history. • • • The fiery trial thvough which we pass will light us down to the latest generation. • • * We, yes even we, have the power and bear the responsibility. • • * In giving freedom to the slave we assure freedom to the free. * * • We shall nobly save or meanly lose this last best ho.p e on earth." • • • INDEPENDENCE AN D THE SLOVAK PAST ,Joseph Kirschbaum, LL. D., Ph. D. The question of the national existence of the Slovak nation, the efforts expended by the Slovaks for national and state independence, are treated in various works of political writers. In their analysis of the problems of Central Europe, writers try to be objective, but their literary efforts demonstrate that they answer the question only partially and usually incorr-ectly. Not taking into account the use of tendencious sources, it appears that the fault lies particularly in the approach to the problem of Slovak efforts for independence from the downfall of the first state of the Slovaks, Great Moravia. !Many political writers identify creations of dynasties with creations of nations, especially in multi--national states, and overlooik the universalistir tendencies of Europe in the early centuries of the Middle Ages and the Modern Age. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1957, Vol. 7 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 22), March 1957.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 23), June 1957.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 24-25), September-December 1957.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1957 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 41 SLOVAKIA (13) See Waclaw Lednicki, Life and Culture of Poland (New York: Ray Publishers, 1944), p. 176 etc. (14) See Roman Dyboski, Poland in World Civilization (New York, 1950), p. 213. (15) See J . Nechon's essay on Stefan Zeronski in Harvard Slavic Studies, Vol. II, (Cambridge, Mass., 1954), pp. 323-324. • • • WF, MUST QUIT HELPING RED REGIMES (Address By Hon. William F. Knowland Before Inaugural Nationalities Banquet, January 20, 1957) It is most fitting that this banquet, held on the eve of the public inaugural ceremonies of the President and Vice President of the United States, should be under the sponsorship of the Nationalities Advisory Committee and the Inaugural Nationalities committee. Firstly, with the exception of American Indians, in this new world all of us ourse1ves or our parents, grandparent.a, or more distant forebears, came front the old worlds of Europe, Asia, or Africa. While as citizens of the United States our loyalty is to this great ·r epublic it is also natural that there remain ties of historic interests, family or racial connections, and religious beliefs, together with our natural humanitarian instincts, that makes what happens in Budapest, Berlin, London, Peiping, Cairo, or any other city large or small more than just newspaper datelines. Secondly, the naJtiona:lities groups throughout our country made notable contriibutions to the reelection of our great president Dwight D. Eisenhower a:nd our able and effective Vice President Rihard M. Nixon. Not only are you entitled to be here to witness the culmination of your individual and •c ollective constructive labors in the last campaign but you have earned the right to a respectful hearing to your recommendations. There are many great problems confronting our country domestic and foreign. The President in his address on the Middle East resolution, in his staite of ,t he Union message, in his inaugural address tomorrow, or in future special messaiges to the Congress will discuss them. 42 SLOVAKIA To me the greatest issue of the day is human freedom. Under either Republican or Democratic administra tions our foreign policy should be based 1.11pon it. What advances freedom we should surpport and what retards or endangers it we should oppose. There are principles that cannot be compromis ed without fatal effects on the compriser or on the sacrificial victim Czecho-Slovakia was a casualty of such a deal. Munich should have taught the world that appeaseme nt is not the road to peace but is only surrender on the installment plan. Communism is an evil thing. It is destructive of religion, freedom, family life, and other hum,a n rights that f.ree men honor and hold dear. Dare we forget the admonition in Second Corinthian s : "Do not bear the yoke with unbelievers . For what has justice in common with iniquity? Or what fellowship has light with darkness?" Kadar, Khrushche v, Gomulka, Chou en Lai are not to be trusted. The rpolicy of internation al communism has been, is, and will remain the destruction of freedom and national sovereignty . Any notion in Europe, Asia, or the Middle East that ignores this basic fact will do so at its peril. A propaganda barrage is developing here and ahroiad to give eCOIJlomic aid to the communist states of Eastern Europe. For what purpose? To lessen the drain on the Soviet Union so it will have more economic resources to use against the nations of the free world or to suibvert the uncommitte d countrit's outside the Iron Curtain? To sustain godless local communist chieftains who would not last a month were it not for the support of Soviet bayonets within their borders? To give character and prestige to men whose hands a:re red witih the blood of those patriots whose love of freedom for their countryme n was greater than their love of life? Are we to bolster sagging communim economies whose own workers by strikes, slow downs, or srubotage in rthe face of death penalties and pri.. ~on terms have contributed to the weakening of an important segment of the communist regime? SLOVAKIA 43 None of these things make sense to me. I shall oppose the taking of a single, dollar from the over'burdened American ta~payer to build the economic strength of any communist coUJil.try behind the Soviet Tron Curtain or to give military aid to any communist state anywhere in the wodd. If the Sovielt Union wants peace there is an honm·aible proposal that could be made to that Government. Withdraw all Soviet forces from Poland, Albania, Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, Czecho-Slovakia, Hungary, and Bulgaria and ,gua•r antee free elections under United Nations supervision. Let the people decide, free from the farce of Gomulka counterfeit elections such as Poland was insulted with on Sunday, J ,a nuary 20, while Soviet troops still occupy that restless country. Let the great powers and the United Nations guarantee the neutrality of all of these eastern European states after the withdrawal of all Soviet troops and after the free elections under United Nati'Ons auspices have been held. Both the Soviet Union and the West could then be assured that these free states would ibe similar to the neutral position which is today existing in Austria, Switzerland, and Sweden. They could not ibe used as a springboard for invasion against the free world or against the Soviet Union. The free world has no quarrel with the people of Russia. They were the first victims of Communist aggression. It is not the Russian people ibut the Soviet Communist regime which has broken aU of its international agreements with non-Comrmunist powers and which has been a distur.. ber of the peace of the world and still threatens it. With such a settlement in Eastern Euro.pe the 'burdens of armaments could be lifted to a considerable extent from the backs of the people of the free world and the Soviet Union as well. 'l'hen the people of Russia who do not have the privileges of the small but relatively well off Communist Party hierarchy would 'be a:ble to enjoy during this lifetime better housing, more consumer goods and a certain amount of luxuries which are now enjoyed by urban and rural wo'I'kers in the free world. But let us not as a great Republic ever compromise 44 SLOVAKIA the basic principle of human freedom. Let us never give our moral or legal blessing to the enslavement oif millions behind the J.ron Curtain who long to be free. Nor should we permit any international organization of which we are a member to compromise us in this regard. How can any nation ignore the moral issue involved in Roviet destruction of freedom in Hungary and subsequently want sanctions applied in the case of trouble in the Middle East? What organization can survive such a double standard? Either we have a system of law and order or the doctrine of might makes right is recognized. Communism cannot 1b e allowed to place itself above international law or God-gi,v en moral law. Our first Republican President Abraham Lincoln, said: "Fellow citizens, we cannot escape history. • • • The fiery trial thvough which we pass will light us down to the latest generation. • • * We, yes even we, have the power and bear the responsibility. • • * In giving freedom to the slave we assure freedom to the free. * * • We shall nobly save or meanly lose this last best ho.p e on earth." • • • INDEPENDENCE AN D THE SLOVAK PAST ,Joseph Kirschbaum, LL. D., Ph. D. The question of the national existence of the Slovak nation, the efforts expended by the Slovaks for national and state independence, are treated in various works of political writers. In their analysis of the problems of Central Europe, writers try to be objective, but their literary efforts demonstrate that they answer the question only partially and usually incorr-ectly. Not taking into account the use of tendencious sources, it appears that the fault lies particularly in the approach to the problem of Slovak efforts for independence from the downfall of the first state of the Slovaks, Great Moravia. !Many political writers identify creations of dynasties with creations of nations, especially in multi--national states, and overlooik the universalistir tendencies of Europe in the early centuries of the Middle Ages and the Modern Age.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource We Must Quit Helping Red Regimes Description An account of the resource Address by Hon. William F. Knowland Before Inaugural Nationalities Banquet, January 20, 1957 Slovakia, Vol. 7, No. 1 (22), March 1957 pp. 41-44 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource March 1957 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/da02577accbe70499210de9cbe8d3295.pdf 8f437d2b75d1c5147c376ac14c6e27f6 PDF Text Text 44 SLOVAKIA the basic principle of human freedom. Let us never give our moral or legal blessing to the enslavement oif millions behind the J.ron Curtain who long to be free. Nor should we permit any international organization of which we are a member to compromise us in this regard. How can any nation ignore the moral issue involved in Roviet destruction of freedom in Hungary and subsequently want sanctions applied in the case of trouble in the Middle East? What organization can survive such a double standard? Either we have a system of law and order or the doctrine of might makes right is recognized. Communism cannot 1b e allowed to place itself above international law or God-gi,v en moral law. Our first Republican President Abraham Lincoln, said: "Fellow citizens, we cannot escape history. • • • The fiery trial thvough which we pass will light us down to the latest generation. • • * We, yes even we, have the power and bear the responsibility. • • * In giving freedom to the slave we assure freedom to the free. * * • We shall nobly save or meanly lose this last best ho.p e on earth." • • • INDEPENDENCE AN D THE SLOVAK PAST ,Joseph Kirschbaum, LL. D., Ph. D. The question of the national existence of the Slovak nation, the efforts expended by the Slovaks for national and state independence, are treated in various works of political writers. In their analysis of the problems of Central Europe, writers try to be objective, but their literary efforts demonstrate that they answer the question only partially and usually incorr-ectly. Not taking into account the use of tendencious sources, it appears that the fault lies particularly in the approach to the problem of Slovak efforts for independence from the downfall of the first state of the Slovaks, Great Moravia. !Many political writers identify creations of dynasties with creations of nations, especially in multi--national states, and overlooik the universalistir tendencies of Europe in the early centuries of the Middle Ages and the Modern Age. �SLOVAKIA 45 Ailly search of the question of the efforts of the Slovaks :fior independence in the course of the centuries requires that we take into consideration the whole series of actualities, which directly or indirectly created or affected the destinies of the SlovaJk and had any influence on Slovak political tendencies. We must necessarily take into accownt especially the following actualities : 1. Slovakia was and still is a component part of the European continent ·and, therefore, the spiritual and political development in Slovakia can be judged only by comparing it with the over-all EU.Topean development or evolution. At the same time, of course, we must taike. into account the fact that the territory of the Slovaks in the past was situated more than it is now on the border of western civilization, and that with this border...position there occurred automatica!lly a definite retardation of the spiritual and political cur:rents which emanated from the centers of European ciivilization. 2. In judging Slovak political development of the past, it is no less important to be mindful of the fact that the Slovaks, after the downfall of Great Moravia, their first state, got themselves into a supranational and later into a multi-national Hungary and the Hlabsburg Empire, and that they got into these ,political creations or formations not as a ruling or co-governing element, or voluntarily, as was the case with the Croatians and Czechs, but as inhabitants of a territory that was overcome by arms. 3. We must also bear in mind the special historical, geopolitical, and social conditions prevailing in Central Europe which via facti brought the individual and substantially delayed development of the nations lirving there m the direction of national independence and state independenc~. It is only when we bear in mind these three actualities, which determined Slovak life m the past, that we can correctly comprehend and evaluate the political evolution of Slovakia and the Slovaks. And it is understandable because, while the adherence of the SlovaJks to western civilization ::toes determine the source and the ya'l'dstick for the spiritual and political devel'Olpment of the Slovaks in the past, �46 SLOVAKIA the fact of the adherence of the Sl01Vaks to the ~ulturalpolitical area of Central Europe and to the aibove- mentioned state formations Hungary, Austria, and AustriaHungary - eX!plains why the concept ·o f national and political independence was realized later by the Slovaks than by other European nations. So that we might avoid confusion and incorrect conclusions, it is further necessary to distinguish between the idea of independence and the concept of statehood, the ex,istence of a state in some nation, because the state in its development passed through staiges :in which it had nothmg in comm()IJl with the nation as a bearer or carrier of political tpower. By the concept of independence we understand a free political determination of a nation as an informed subject of political power about its own affairs. In view of the fact that a modern state today has a nation for iti:; substratum and is not the patrimony of a ruler or the joint property of Estates, as it rhaippened to be up to the French Revolution, the distinction between the concept of independence and statehood today in no way appears prominently in current language. But even today it can haippen that a nation enjoys independence, as it happens, for example, in the case of a federation .. In analyzing the idea of independence in the Slovak past it is necessary, therefore, to bear in mind the efforts of the Slovaks as a politic-ally informed individuality, to manage their own affairs, to live and develop their own cultural and political life, regarding the question of statehood as a modern form of realizing these efforts. By inquiring objectively into the Slovak past, even on the basis of only those sources which have thus far b.een unc()IVered, we can safely ascertain the fact that Slovakia and the Slovaiks, even after the ·l oss of their first state independence in the tenth century, did go through their own development and preserved, even in limited form , the character of a separate territorial and ethnic unit. The disappeaTance of the Great Moravian Empire of which Slovakia indisputably was the territorial nucleus 1 �SLOVAKIA 47 and its inhabitants were the forefathers of present-day Slovaks to such an extent that we can safely include this first Slovanic ( SlaJVic) state in the history of the Slovaksdid not mean, as unfavo.raible tendencies tried to persuade the Slovaks, also the disappearance of the individuality of Slovak territory and its inhabitants. From the relatively meagre historical sources, which have thusfar been unc01vered and investigated, we know that it took almost two centuries before Slovakia was incorporated organizationally into Hungary, Furthermore it is scientifically ascertained that, up to the fall of Matthew Cak of Trencin I 1821), even in the framework of Hungary, she remained more or less an independent administrative unit, with her own administration and military and financial autonomy. Matthew Cak himself acted as an independent ruler of the Slovak territory. If from that time Slovakia, the land of the Slovaks, was indicated by the label ''Partes regi superiores," later as "Pannonia superior" or "Hungaria superior," this also means that Slovakia was regarded as a separate administrative unit. In the fifteenth century and during the 1'50 years of Tu~kish hegemony in Central Europe this character of the individual administrative unit was strengthened to such an extent that the Czech historian, V. Chaloupecky, who is in no way inclined to the Slovak nation, said that Slovakia was in a certain sense an "independent state"(l). Of course, it would not be correct, already in this early period, to talk about the Slovak nation in a political sense and about any 'kind of national political endeavors of the Slovaks. The Medieval Age :knew no national individualities in the political sense and, threfo.re, there was neither a Slovak national, political individuality, which could have been the bearer of the national poiitical efforts of the Slovaks. In Europe this entire era was governed by Christian universalism and the bearer of political power was the rnlcr and the nobility, and not the "nation.'' A nation, in the political sense, is in Europe, and therefore even in Slovall da, a product of the French Revolution and German romanticism. Even Louis XIV thought and stated that the French nation "residait entierement en la �48 SLOVAKIA personne du roi" (was incorpora ted in the person oif the king). De Maistre defended the thesis that the naJtion was made up of the lking and the ndbililty ("la nation compren.tl le chef et la noblesse" ). Up to the nineteent h century the concept of "nation" denoted a "linguisti c and ethnic (racial) group and had no political significan ce; it was only from. the nineteent h century that the doctrine began to prevail that such groups had the right to be politically independe Rt and to create states"(2). Jean-Jacq ues Rousseau repudiate d the idea that the nation is incorpora ted in the person of the king or in thle nobility and identifies and places on an equal basis the "people" and the "nation." It was this identifica tion of the people and the nation which, on the one hand, made Rousseau the founder of modern nationalis m and, on the other, became the fundamen tal principle of the American and French revolutio ns, which out of the "people" as subjects of the king, and later of the king and the nobility - made the nation the subject of political power - for a time together with the king and the nobility, later more often wihout the king - in democrat ic republics. Up to the French Revolutio n we can speak about people and nation in a sociological, but not political sense. This importan t differenc e between the concept "people" and "nation" is frequentl y not distinguis hed; in some cases "nation" (natio) is taken in the political sense, or, as for example in the English language , it acquires a significan ce identical with the concept of "state." A far-reach ing change in the outlook on "people" and its political rights, brought about by the French Revolution, was carried over into the rest of Europe. From that time on, without exception , we can therefore talk about "nation" in the political sense even with regard to other countries. The French, Italians, Germans , and others, only from the French Revolutio n are, or began to develop into a nation, the same as the other smaller nations of Europe, and particula rly in Central Europe. In the latter, with regard to special historical and social condition s, this evolution was retarded and that not only centripeta lly, to the crystalizi ng of national conscious ness, but also centrifu- �SLOVAKIA. 49 gally, to the formation of proper national states, namely, toward statehood. In the analysis of the concept of independence with the Slovaks, its origin and evolution, we must unconditionally issue forth from this European ideological and political stream and, therefore, we must ask whether from the time of identifying people and nation, from the time when other nations, in the ethnic and sociological sense of the word, began to be conscious of their right to participate in political power and to create national states, whether any such endeavors manifested themselves among Slovak people. • • • In this regard, what does scientific research tell us about the Slovak past? By what documents can we support the thesis that the Slovaks simultaneously with the rest of the nations of Europe, and especially those of Central Europe, began to feel as a nation and fought for the recognition of their own national individuality, including political participation in power and self-administration? Scholars who have looked into the matter of national consciousness of the Slovak nation during the past twenty years have brought to light many notable findings. These definitely prove that all theses, scientific and pseudoscientific, which tend to demonstrate that the Slovaks were not nationally conscious are absurd. Recent findings of the University of Bratislava are notable too(3). On the other hand, there are so many proofs for the concept of independence that one must wonder how any one could doubt about it or support the opposite thesis in the twentieth century. Unbiased research of the Slovak past tells us that in the course of the centuries the Slovaks: 1. were conscious of the continuity with the Great Moravian Empire which they regarded as the first Slovak Kingdom. One of the significant proofs is the introduction to the "Canthus Catholici" (1655), in which the author, Benedict Sz616si, recalls with emphasis, after the Slovaks accepted Christianity, what had happened during the reign of King Svatopluk by the merit of Saints Cyril and Metho- �50 SLOVAKIA dius: that his nation excelled in piety and loved to sing religious hymns in its national tongue (4); 2. were conscious of not only their linguistic but also national individuality, about which there is a whole series of written documents especially from the 18th century (Macsay(5), Timon, Adam F. Kollar, Hadbavny, etc.), in first half, and the followers of Bernolak in the second half of the 18th century), of which noteworthy is particularly the work "Murices - sive Apologia" from J. B. Magin(6), published in 1728, in which the author shows that the Slovaks with their past in no respect were behind other nations of Hungary, that their history was just as great and respectable as that of others and, therefore, historical equality entitled the Slovaks to enjoy the same rights in Hungary as the other nations; 3. just about the same time as other nations of Central Europe, the Slovaks began to replace the Latin literary medium with their own literary Slovak language with the tendency stressing their national individuality and to create their own national literature and culture. This important step in Slovak national life, according to scientific workers of the present Bratislava University, is connected with the Catholic University of Trnava(7) from the 17th century (1635) and definitely with the end of the 18th century, because the often-referred to year 1842 is the year of the reform, that is the establishment of Central Slovak as a uniform literary medium and not the beginning of writing in Slovak; 4. at about the same time as the other nations of Central Europe, the Slovaks fought for the recognition of their national rights, including independence, not only with political means (memoranda and demands), but also with weapons. The fact that the Slovak language replaced Latin and "Biblical" Czech (used only by the Protestants for religious services), and then the fact that the Slovaks undertook political action systematically from 1848 to give expression to their national individuality, these are indisputably the most important circumstances for proving the concept of independence in the Slovak past. �SLOVAKIA 51 In the light of the idea of the era they mean the passage from "people" to "nation" in the political sense and, if the evolution of the Slovaks to statehood was retarded by special conditions, or if these manifestations for independence did not always have equal intensity, this does not substantially change anything in the matter. In Central Europe up to 1918 there were quite a few nations that did not have their own political state. And objective study leads to doubts whether, even in 1918, the multi-national Habsburg Monarchy was broken up by the will of the nations within it, or rather by foreign intervention. Of course, the question always remains whether it would not have been to the greater benefit of the nations concerned and all of Europe if the nations had been reorganized on a federative basis as national units instead of being more or less forced to become so-called "successor" states or members thereof. There are many proofs to back the claim that the Slovaks consciously fought for the recognition of national independence, including statehood, particularly from 1848, when the Slovaks resorted to arms and formally declared their independence from Hungary. Both in Slovakia itself, as well as in the United States (8), where political conditions permitted free expression. Louis Stur said: "So that we might take over the spot in history which belongs to us according to our strength and abilities, we must once and for all time free ourselves from this unbearable foreign thraldom and gain state independence for ourselves." When Stur made that declaration, he simply formulated the sentiments and thoughts of his contemporaries. In 1918, in the Budapest Parliament, Dr. F. Juriga proclaimed: "We demand the righ to organize our own and separate state community and territory which we inhabit." This, too, was a manifestation for the right of self-determination, which Juriga demanded to be applied in regard to the Slovak nation and which, later, Dr. Vojtech Tuka formulated even more clearly.(9). The fight of the Slovaks for political independence reached its climax in 1939 with the establishment of the independent Slovak Republic, which meant the logical con- �52 SLOVAKIA clusion of Slovak political development. The conditions or circumstances under which this happened can have only a subordinate significance, inasmuch as all the states of this and the past century originated in Central and Southeastern Europe only with the help of, if not by the will of, the great powers(lO). (1) V. Chaloupecky: STARE SLOVENSKO, p. 13. (2) E. H. Carr said that a nation denoted " un group racial ou linguistique et n'avait pas de signification politique avant le XIX-me siecle, quand commenca a prevaloir progressivement cette doctrine que de tels groups avaient un droit d'etre politiquement independants et de constituer des Etats" (Nationalisme et apres, p. 4). (3) Even though present professors of the Bratislava University use Marxistic terminology and endeavor to see the Slovak past from the viewpoint of historic materialism, it is significant that in the question of Slovakness they confirm and adopt the conclusions of the scientific researches of "bourgeois nationalists." Worthy of attention in this regard is especially the work of Dr. J . Dekan about the beginnings of Slovak history, who adopts the theses of Fr. Hrusovsky and others, and in literary history an interesting book is the one of prof. Andrew Mraz. The latter was extremely unjust to many living Slovak poets and writers (Hronsky, Zarnov, Culen, etc.), but even now when he deals with the Slovak past Mraz is amazingly objective in his views. (4) Andrew Mraz in his "Dejiny slovenskej literatury" (Bratislava, 1948) wrote that "it is safe to hold the opinion that the aim of Cantus Catholici was determined also by the traditional knowledge of the historical continuity of the Slovaks with the events of Great Moravia" (p. 44). (5) A. Macsay, in the introduction to his work which was published on 856 pages in 1718, wrote that he was publishing it because many Slovaks were complaining about the dirth of such books, while other nations had such books; among the "other nations" he mentioned the Czechs, Poles and Croatians. (6) A. A. Banik explained Magin's significance in several works; his most valuable contributions possibly are: "Jan Baltazar Magin a jeho politicka, narodna i kulturna obrana Slovakov r. 1728" (Trnava, 1936) and "Novsie udaje na poznanie J . B. Magina, jeho diela i doby" (Trnava, 1937). (7) A. Mraz highly evaluates the work of the University of Trnava in the field of education and Slovak culture, stating that it was "the support of the Slovak national renaissance" (p. 35). (8) Konstantin Culen: "DEJINY AMERICKYCH SLOVAKOV"; and his articles in the "JEDNOTA" (Middletown, Pa., Nov. 1946). �SLOVAKIA 53 (9) Dr. E. Zatko published three volumes regarding the endeavors of Tuka for Slovak independence. (10) About the origin of national states in Central Europe see: C. A. Macartney, " NATIONAL STATES AND NATIONAL MINORITIES" (London, 1935), also his "HUNGARY AND HER SUCCESSORS" (London, 1937), in which he devotes some 100 pages to Slovakia. • • • The History of Slovakia: By PHILIP A. HROBAK (Continued from last issue) ME'l'HODIUS AGAIN JiN ROME In the meantime Pope John VIII effected the liberation of Arclibishop Methodius and punished the Bavarian bishops. To put a stop to the wars between Germany and the Great Moravian Empire, the Pope forbade the use of the Slovanic liturgy and ordered Methodius to come to Rome. Methodius learned that the German hierarchy had accused him of preaching heresy. Svatopluk sent his personal messenger (Zemezizeii) along with Archbishop Methodius to Rome, because he wanted to place his country under the protection of the Holy See. When Methodius reached Rome, he proved to the Pope's satisfaction that the charges placed against him were without foundation. Pope John VIII approved the apostolic work of Methodius and his priests. He gave the Archbishop a letter for Svatopluk which stated that he again permits the use of the Slovanic liturgy in Svatopluk's country and accepted King Svatopluk and his whole nation under the protection of St. Peter. When Archbishop Methodius returned to the land of the Slovaks, he and his priests labored zealously in the vineyard of the Lord to gain all the people of Svatopluk's country for the kingdom of Christ. But this mission, as we shall see, was soon to be hindered by Svatopluk himself. Svatopluk had accepted Christianity and had begged the Pope to protect the territory of the Slovak people, yet his life was not that of a true Christian. Svatopluk was a � 44 SLOVAKIA the basic principle of human freedom. Let us never give our moral or legal blessing to the enslavement oif millions behind the J.ron Curtain who long to be free. Nor should we permit any international organization of which we are a member to compromise us in this regard. How can any nation ignore the moral issue involved in Roviet destruction of freedom in Hungary and subsequently want sanctions applied in the case of trouble in the Middle East? What organization can survive such a double standard? Either we have a system of law and order or the doctrine of might makes right is recognized. Communism cannot 1b e allowed to place itself above international law or God-gi,v en moral law. Our first Republican President Abraham Lincoln, said: "Fellow citizens, we cannot escape history. • • • The fiery trial thvough which we pass will light us down to the latest generation. • • * We, yes even we, have the power and bear the responsibility. • • * In giving freedom to the slave we assure freedom to the free. * * • We shall nobly save or meanly lose this last best ho.p e on earth." • • • INDEPENDENCE AN D THE SLOVAK PAST ,Joseph Kirschbaum, LL. D., Ph. D. The question of the national existence of the Slovak nation, the efforts expended by the Slovaks for national and state independence, are treated in various works of political writers. In their analysis of the problems of Central Europe, writers try to be objective, but their literary efforts demonstrate that they answer the question only partially and usually incorr-ectly. Not taking into account the use of tendencious sources, it appears that the fault lies particularly in the approach to the problem of Slovak efforts for independence from the downfall of the first state of the Slovaks, Great Moravia. !Many political writers identify creations of dynasties with creations of nations, especially in multi--national states, and overlooik the universalistir tendencies of Europe in the early centuries of the Middle Ages and the Modern Age. �SLOVAKIA 45 Ailly search of the question of the efforts of the Slovaks :fior independence in the course of the centuries requires that we take into consideration the whole series of actualities, which directly or indirectly created or affected the destinies of the SlovaJk and had any influence on Slovak political tendencies. We must necessarily take into accownt especially the following actualities : 1. Slovakia was and still is a component part of the European continent ·and, therefore, the spiritual and political development in Slovakia can be judged only by comparing it with the over-all EU.Topean development or evolution. At the same time, of course, we must taike. into account the fact that the territory of the Slovaks in the past was situated more than it is now on the border of western civilization, and that with this border...position there occurred automatica!lly a definite retardation of the spiritual and political cur:rents which emanated from the centers of European ciivilization. 2. In judging Slovak political development of the past, it is no less important to be mindful of the fact that the Slovaks, after the downfall of Great Moravia, their first state, got themselves into a supranational and later into a multi-national Hungary and the Hlabsburg Empire, and that they got into these ,political creations or formations not as a ruling or co-governing element, or voluntarily, as was the case with the Croatians and Czechs, but as inhabitants of a territory that was overcome by arms. 3. We must also bear in mind the special historical, geopolitical, and social conditions prevailing in Central Europe which via facti brought the individual and substantially delayed development of the nations lirving there m the direction of national independence and state independenc~. It is only when we bear in mind these three actualities, which determined Slovak life m the past, that we can correctly comprehend and evaluate the political evolution of Slovakia and the Slovaks. And it is understandable because, while the adherence of the SlovaJks to western civilization ::toes determine the source and the ya'l'dstick for the spiritual and political devel'Olpment of the Slovaks in the past, �46 SLOVAKIA the fact of the adherence of the Sl01Vaks to the ~ulturalpolitical area of Central Europe and to the aibove- mentioned state formations Hungary, Austria, and AustriaHungary - eX!plains why the concept ·o f national and political independence was realized later by the Slovaks than by other European nations. So that we might avoid confusion and incorrect conclusions, it is further necessary to distinguish between the idea of independence and the concept of statehood, the ex,istence of a state in some nation, because the state in its development passed through staiges :in which it had nothmg in comm()IJl with the nation as a bearer or carrier of political tpower. By the concept of independence we understand a free political determination of a nation as an informed subject of political power about its own affairs. In view of the fact that a modern state today has a nation for iti:; substratum and is not the patrimony of a ruler or the joint property of Estates, as it rhaippened to be up to the French Revolution, the distinction between the concept of independence and statehood today in no way appears prominently in current language. But even today it can haippen that a nation enjoys independence, as it happens, for example, in the case of a federation .. In analyzing the idea of independence in the Slovak past it is necessary, therefore, to bear in mind the efforts of the Slovaks as a politic-ally informed individuality, to manage their own affairs, to live and develop their own cultural and political life, regarding the question of statehood as a modern form of realizing these efforts. By inquiring objectively into the Slovak past, even on the basis of only those sources which have thus far b.een unc()IVered, we can safely ascertain the fact that Slovakia and the Slovaiks, even after the ·l oss of their first state independence in the tenth century, did go through their own development and preserved, even in limited form , the character of a separate territorial and ethnic unit. The disappeaTance of the Great Moravian Empire of which Slovakia indisputably was the territorial nucleus 1 �SLOVAKIA 47 and its inhabitants were the forefathers of present-day Slovaks to such an extent that we can safely include this first Slovanic ( SlaJVic) state in the history of the Slovaksdid not mean, as unfavo.raible tendencies tried to persuade the Slovaks, also the disappearance of the individuality of Slovak territory and its inhabitants. From the relatively meagre historical sources, which have thusfar been unc01vered and investigated, we know that it took almost two centuries before Slovakia was incorporated organizationally into Hungary, Furthermore it is scientifically ascertained that, up to the fall of Matthew Cak of Trencin I 1821), even in the framework of Hungary, she remained more or less an independent administrative unit, with her own administration and military and financial autonomy. Matthew Cak himself acted as an independent ruler of the Slovak territory. If from that time Slovakia, the land of the Slovaks, was indicated by the label ''Partes regi superiores," later as "Pannonia superior" or "Hungaria superior," this also means that Slovakia was regarded as a separate administrative unit. In the fifteenth century and during the 1'50 years of Tu~kish hegemony in Central Europe this character of the individual administrative unit was strengthened to such an extent that the Czech historian, V. Chaloupecky, who is in no way inclined to the Slovak nation, said that Slovakia was in a certain sense an "independent state"(l). Of course, it would not be correct, already in this early period, to talk about the Slovak nation in a political sense and about any 'kind of national political endeavors of the Slovaks. The Medieval Age :knew no national individualities in the political sense and, threfo.re, there was neither a Slovak national, political individuality, which could have been the bearer of the national poiitical efforts of the Slovaks. In Europe this entire era was governed by Christian universalism and the bearer of political power was the rnlcr and the nobility, and not the "nation.'' A nation, in the political sense, is in Europe, and therefore even in Slovall da, a product of the French Revolution and German romanticism. Even Louis XIV thought and stated that the French nation "residait entierement en la �48 SLOVAKIA personne du roi" (was incorpora ted in the person oif the king). De Maistre defended the thesis that the naJtion was made up of the lking and the ndbililty ("la nation compren.tl le chef et la noblesse" ). Up to the nineteent h century the concept of "nation" denoted a "linguisti c and ethnic (racial) group and had no political significan ce; it was only from. the nineteent h century that the doctrine began to prevail that such groups had the right to be politically independe Rt and to create states"(2). Jean-Jacq ues Rousseau repudiate d the idea that the nation is incorpora ted in the person of the king or in thle nobility and identifies and places on an equal basis the "people" and the "nation." It was this identifica tion of the people and the nation which, on the one hand, made Rousseau the founder of modern nationalis m and, on the other, became the fundamen tal principle of the American and French revolutio ns, which out of the "people" as subjects of the king, and later of the king and the nobility - made the nation the subject of political power - for a time together with the king and the nobility, later more often wihout the king - in democrat ic republics. Up to the French Revolutio n we can speak about people and nation in a sociological, but not political sense. This importan t differenc e between the concept "people" and "nation" is frequentl y not distinguis hed; in some cases "nation" (natio) is taken in the political sense, or, as for example in the English language , it acquires a significan ce identical with the concept of "state." A far-reach ing change in the outlook on "people" and its political rights, brought about by the French Revolution, was carried over into the rest of Europe. From that time on, without exception , we can therefore talk about "nation" in the political sense even with regard to other countries. The French, Italians, Germans , and others, only from the French Revolutio n are, or began to develop into a nation, the same as the other smaller nations of Europe, and particula rly in Central Europe. In the latter, with regard to special historical and social condition s, this evolution was retarded and that not only centripeta lly, to the crystalizi ng of national conscious ness, but also centrifu- �SLOVAKIA. 49 gally, to the formation of proper national states, namely, toward statehood. In the analysis of the concept of independence with the Slovaks, its origin and evolution, we must unconditionally issue forth from this European ideological and political stream and, therefore, we must ask whether from the time of identifying people and nation, from the time when other nations, in the ethnic and sociological sense of the word, began to be conscious of their right to participate in political power and to create national states, whether any such endeavors manifested themselves among Slovak people. • • • In this regard, what does scientific research tell us about the Slovak past? By what documents can we support the thesis that the Slovaks simultaneously with the rest of the nations of Europe, and especially those of Central Europe, began to feel as a nation and fought for the recognition of their own national individuality, including political participation in power and self-administration? Scholars who have looked into the matter of national consciousness of the Slovak nation during the past twenty years have brought to light many notable findings. These definitely prove that all theses, scientific and pseudoscientific, which tend to demonstrate that the Slovaks were not nationally conscious are absurd. Recent findings of the University of Bratislava are notable too(3). On the other hand, there are so many proofs for the concept of independence that one must wonder how any one could doubt about it or support the opposite thesis in the twentieth century. Unbiased research of the Slovak past tells us that in the course of the centuries the Slovaks: 1. were conscious of the continuity with the Great Moravian Empire which they regarded as the first Slovak Kingdom. One of the significant proofs is the introduction to the "Canthus Catholici" (1655), in which the author, Benedict Sz616si, recalls with emphasis, after the Slovaks accepted Christianity, what had happened during the reign of King Svatopluk by the merit of Saints Cyril and Metho- �50 SLOVAKIA dius: that his nation excelled in piety and loved to sing religious hymns in its national tongue (4); 2. were conscious of not only their linguistic but also national individuality, about which there is a whole series of written documents especially from the 18th century (Macsay(5), Timon, Adam F. Kollar, Hadbavny, etc.), in first half, and the followers of Bernolak in the second half of the 18th century), of which noteworthy is particularly the work "Murices - sive Apologia" from J. B. Magin(6), published in 1728, in which the author shows that the Slovaks with their past in no respect were behind other nations of Hungary, that their history was just as great and respectable as that of others and, therefore, historical equality entitled the Slovaks to enjoy the same rights in Hungary as the other nations; 3. just about the same time as other nations of Central Europe, the Slovaks began to replace the Latin literary medium with their own literary Slovak language with the tendency stressing their national individuality and to create their own national literature and culture. This important step in Slovak national life, according to scientific workers of the present Bratislava University, is connected with the Catholic University of Trnava(7) from the 17th century (1635) and definitely with the end of the 18th century, because the often-referred to year 1842 is the year of the reform, that is the establishment of Central Slovak as a uniform literary medium and not the beginning of writing in Slovak; 4. at about the same time as the other nations of Central Europe, the Slovaks fought for the recognition of their national rights, including independence, not only with political means (memoranda and demands), but also with weapons. The fact that the Slovak language replaced Latin and "Biblical" Czech (used only by the Protestants for religious services), and then the fact that the Slovaks undertook political action systematically from 1848 to give expression to their national individuality, these are indisputably the most important circumstances for proving the concept of independence in the Slovak past. �SLOVAKIA 51 In the light of the idea of the era they mean the passage from "people" to "nation" in the political sense and, if the evolution of the Slovaks to statehood was retarded by special conditions, or if these manifestations for independence did not always have equal intensity, this does not substantially change anything in the matter. In Central Europe up to 1918 there were quite a few nations that did not have their own political state. And objective study leads to doubts whether, even in 1918, the multi-national Habsburg Monarchy was broken up by the will of the nations within it, or rather by foreign intervention. Of course, the question always remains whether it would not have been to the greater benefit of the nations concerned and all of Europe if the nations had been reorganized on a federative basis as national units instead of being more or less forced to become so-called "successor" states or members thereof. There are many proofs to back the claim that the Slovaks consciously fought for the recognition of national independence, including statehood, particularly from 1848, when the Slovaks resorted to arms and formally declared their independence from Hungary. Both in Slovakia itself, as well as in the United States (8), where political conditions permitted free expression. Louis Stur said: "So that we might take over the spot in history which belongs to us according to our strength and abilities, we must once and for all time free ourselves from this unbearable foreign thraldom and gain state independence for ourselves." When Stur made that declaration, he simply formulated the sentiments and thoughts of his contemporaries. In 1918, in the Budapest Parliament, Dr. F. Juriga proclaimed: "We demand the righ to organize our own and separate state community and territory which we inhabit." This, too, was a manifestation for the right of self-determination, which Juriga demanded to be applied in regard to the Slovak nation and which, later, Dr. Vojtech Tuka formulated even more clearly.(9). The fight of the Slovaks for political independence reached its climax in 1939 with the establishment of the independent Slovak Republic, which meant the logical con- �52 SLOVAKIA clusion of Slovak political development. The conditions or circumstances under which this happened can have only a subordinate significance, inasmuch as all the states of this and the past century originated in Central and Southeastern Europe only with the help of, if not by the will of, the great powers(lO). (1) V. Chaloupecky: STARE SLOVENSKO, p. 13. (2) E. H. Carr said that a nation denoted " un group racial ou linguistique et n'avait pas de signification politique avant le XIX-me siecle, quand commenca a prevaloir progressivement cette doctrine que de tels groups avaient un droit d'etre politiquement independants et de constituer des Etats" (Nationalisme et apres, p. 4). (3) Even though present professors of the Bratislava University use Marxistic terminology and endeavor to see the Slovak past from the viewpoint of historic materialism, it is significant that in the question of Slovakness they confirm and adopt the conclusions of the scientific researches of "bourgeois nationalists." Worthy of attention in this regard is especially the work of Dr. J . Dekan about the beginnings of Slovak history, who adopts the theses of Fr. Hrusovsky and others, and in literary history an interesting book is the one of prof. Andrew Mraz. The latter was extremely unjust to many living Slovak poets and writers (Hronsky, Zarnov, Culen, etc.), but even now when he deals with the Slovak past Mraz is amazingly objective in his views. (4) Andrew Mraz in his "Dejiny slovenskej literatury" (Bratislava, 1948) wrote that "it is safe to hold the opinion that the aim of Cantus Catholici was determined also by the traditional knowledge of the historical continuity of the Slovaks with the events of Great Moravia" (p. 44). (5) A. Macsay, in the introduction to his work which was published on 856 pages in 1718, wrote that he was publishing it because many Slovaks were complaining about the dirth of such books, while other nations had such books; among the "other nations" he mentioned the Czechs, Poles and Croatians. (6) A. A. Banik explained Magin's significance in several works; his most valuable contributions possibly are: "Jan Baltazar Magin a jeho politicka, narodna i kulturna obrana Slovakov r. 1728" (Trnava, 1936) and "Novsie udaje na poznanie J . B. Magina, jeho diela i doby" (Trnava, 1937). (7) A. Mraz highly evaluates the work of the University of Trnava in the field of education and Slovak culture, stating that it was "the support of the Slovak national renaissance" (p. 35). (8) Konstantin Culen: "DEJINY AMERICKYCH SLOVAKOV"; and his articles in the "JEDNOTA" (Middletown, Pa., Nov. 1946). �SLOVAKIA 53 (9) Dr. E. Zatko published three volumes regarding the endeavors of Tuka for Slovak independence. (10) About the origin of national states in Central Europe see: C. A. Macartney, " NATIONAL STATES AND NATIONAL MINORITIES" (London, 1935), also his "HUNGARY AND HER SUCCESSORS" (London, 1937), in which he devotes some 100 pages to Slovakia. • • • The History of Slovakia: By PHILIP A. HROBAK (Continued from last issue) ME'l'HODIUS AGAIN JiN ROME In the meantime Pope John VIII effected the liberation of Arclibishop Methodius and punished the Bavarian bishops. To put a stop to the wars between Germany and the Great Moravian Empire, the Pope forbade the use of the Slovanic liturgy and ordered Methodius to come to Rome. Methodius learned that the German hierarchy had accused him of preaching heresy. Svatopluk sent his personal messenger (Zemezizeii) along with Archbishop Methodius to Rome, because he wanted to place his country under the protection of the Holy See. When Methodius reached Rome, he proved to the Pope's satisfaction that the charges placed against him were without foundation. Pope John VIII approved the apostolic work of Methodius and his priests. He gave the Archbishop a letter for Svatopluk which stated that he again permits the use of the Slovanic liturgy in Svatopluk's country and accepted King Svatopluk and his whole nation under the protection of St. Peter. When Archbishop Methodius returned to the land of the Slovaks, he and his priests labored zealously in the vineyard of the Lord to gain all the people of Svatopluk's country for the kingdom of Christ. But this mission, as we shall see, was soon to be hindered by Svatopluk himself. Svatopluk had accepted Christianity and had begged the Pope to protect the territory of the Slovak people, yet his life was not that of a true Christian. Svatopluk was a � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1957, Vol. 7 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 22), March 1957.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 23), June 1957.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 24-25), September-December 1957.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1957 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 44 SLOVAKIA the basic principle of human freedom. Let us never give our moral or legal blessing to the enslavement oif millions behind the J.ron Curtain who long to be free. Nor should we permit any international organization of which we are a member to compromise us in this regard. How can any nation ignore the moral issue involved in Roviet destruction of freedom in Hungary and subsequently want sanctions applied in the case of trouble in the Middle East? What organization can survive such a double standard? Either we have a system of law and order or the doctrine of might makes right is recognized. Communism cannot 1b e allowed to place itself above international law or God-gi,v en moral law. Our first Republican President Abraham Lincoln, said: "Fellow citizens, we cannot escape history. • • • The fiery trial thvough which we pass will light us down to the latest generation. • • * We, yes even we, have the power and bear the responsibility. • • * In giving freedom to the slave we assure freedom to the free. * * • We shall nobly save or meanly lose this last best ho.p e on earth." • • • INDEPENDENCE AN D THE SLOVAK PAST ,Joseph Kirschbaum, LL. D., Ph. D. The question of the national existence of the Slovak nation, the efforts expended by the Slovaks for national and state independence, are treated in various works of political writers. In their analysis of the problems of Central Europe, writers try to be objective, but their literary efforts demonstrate that they answer the question only partially and usually incorr-ectly. Not taking into account the use of tendencious sources, it appears that the fault lies particularly in the approach to the problem of Slovak efforts for independence from the downfall of the first state of the Slovaks, Great Moravia. !Many political writers identify creations of dynasties with creations of nations, especially in multi--national states, and overlooik the universalistir tendencies of Europe in the early centuries of the Middle Ages and the Modern Age. SLOVAKIA 45 Ailly search of the question of the efforts of the Slovaks :fior independence in the course of the centuries requires that we take into consideration the whole series of actualities, which directly or indirectly created or affected the destinies of the SlovaJk and had any influence on Slovak political tendencies. We must necessarily take into accownt especially the following actualities : 1. Slovakia was and still is a component part of the European continent ·and, therefore, the spiritual and political development in Slovakia can be judged only by comparing it with the over-all EU.Topean development or evolution. At the same time, of course, we must taike. into account the fact that the territory of the Slovaks in the past was situated more than it is now on the border of western civilization, and that with this border...position there occurred automatica!lly a definite retardation of the spiritual and political cur:rents which emanated from the centers of European ciivilization. 2. In judging Slovak political development of the past, it is no less important to be mindful of the fact that the Slovaks, after the downfall of Great Moravia, their first state, got themselves into a supranational and later into a multi-national Hungary and the Hlabsburg Empire, and that they got into these ,political creations or formations not as a ruling or co-governing element, or voluntarily, as was the case with the Croatians and Czechs, but as inhabitants of a territory that was overcome by arms. 3. We must also bear in mind the special historical, geopolitical, and social conditions prevailing in Central Europe which via facti brought the individual and substantially delayed development of the nations lirving there m the direction of national independence and state independenc~. It is only when we bear in mind these three actualities, which determined Slovak life m the past, that we can correctly comprehend and evaluate the political evolution of Slovakia and the Slovaks. And it is understandable because, while the adherence of the SlovaJks to western civilization ::toes determine the source and the ya'l'dstick for the spiritual and political devel'Olpment of the Slovaks in the past, 46 SLOVAKIA the fact of the adherence of the Sl01Vaks to the ~ulturalpolitical area of Central Europe and to the aibove- mentioned state formations Hungary, Austria, and AustriaHungary - eX!plains why the concept ·o f national and political independence was realized later by the Slovaks than by other European nations. So that we might avoid confusion and incorrect conclusions, it is further necessary to distinguish between the idea of independence and the concept of statehood, the ex,istence of a state in some nation, because the state in its development passed through staiges :in which it had nothmg in comm()IJl with the nation as a bearer or carrier of political tpower. By the concept of independence we understand a free political determination of a nation as an informed subject of political power about its own affairs. In view of the fact that a modern state today has a nation for iti:; substratum and is not the patrimony of a ruler or the joint property of Estates, as it rhaippened to be up to the French Revolution, the distinction between the concept of independence and statehood today in no way appears prominently in current language. But even today it can haippen that a nation enjoys independence, as it happens, for example, in the case of a federation .. In analyzing the idea of independence in the Slovak past it is necessary, therefore, to bear in mind the efforts of the Slovaks as a politic-ally informed individuality, to manage their own affairs, to live and develop their own cultural and political life, regarding the question of statehood as a modern form of realizing these efforts. By inquiring objectively into the Slovak past, even on the basis of only those sources which have thus far b.een unc()IVered, we can safely ascertain the fact that Slovakia and the Slovaiks, even after the ·l oss of their first state independence in the tenth century, did go through their own development and preserved, even in limited form , the character of a separate territorial and ethnic unit. The disappeaTance of the Great Moravian Empire of which Slovakia indisputably was the territorial nucleus 1 SLOVAKIA 47 and its inhabitants were the forefathers of present-day Slovaks to such an extent that we can safely include this first Slovanic ( SlaJVic) state in the history of the Slovaksdid not mean, as unfavo.raible tendencies tried to persuade the Slovaks, also the disappearance of the individuality of Slovak territory and its inhabitants. From the relatively meagre historical sources, which have thusfar been unc01vered and investigated, we know that it took almost two centuries before Slovakia was incorporated organizationally into Hungary, Furthermore it is scientifically ascertained that, up to the fall of Matthew Cak of Trencin I 1821), even in the framework of Hungary, she remained more or less an independent administrative unit, with her own administration and military and financial autonomy. Matthew Cak himself acted as an independent ruler of the Slovak territory. If from that time Slovakia, the land of the Slovaks, was indicated by the label ''Partes regi superiores," later as "Pannonia superior" or "Hungaria superior," this also means that Slovakia was regarded as a separate administrative unit. In the fifteenth century and during the 1'50 years of Tu~kish hegemony in Central Europe this character of the individual administrative unit was strengthened to such an extent that the Czech historian, V. Chaloupecky, who is in no way inclined to the Slovak nation, said that Slovakia was in a certain sense an "independent state"(l). Of course, it would not be correct, already in this early period, to talk about the Slovak nation in a political sense and about any 'kind of national political endeavors of the Slovaks. The Medieval Age :knew no national individualities in the political sense and, threfo.re, there was neither a Slovak national, political individuality, which could have been the bearer of the national poiitical efforts of the Slovaks. In Europe this entire era was governed by Christian universalism and the bearer of political power was the rnlcr and the nobility, and not the "nation.'' A nation, in the political sense, is in Europe, and therefore even in Slovall da, a product of the French Revolution and German romanticism. Even Louis XIV thought and stated that the French nation "residait entierement en la 48 SLOVAKIA personne du roi" (was incorpora ted in the person oif the king). De Maistre defended the thesis that the naJtion was made up of the lking and the ndbililty ("la nation compren.tl le chef et la noblesse" ). Up to the nineteent h century the concept of "nation" denoted a "linguisti c and ethnic (racial) group and had no political significan ce; it was only from. the nineteent h century that the doctrine began to prevail that such groups had the right to be politically independe Rt and to create states"(2). Jean-Jacq ues Rousseau repudiate d the idea that the nation is incorpora ted in the person of the king or in thle nobility and identifies and places on an equal basis the "people" and the "nation." It was this identifica tion of the people and the nation which, on the one hand, made Rousseau the founder of modern nationalis m and, on the other, became the fundamen tal principle of the American and French revolutio ns, which out of the "people" as subjects of the king, and later of the king and the nobility - made the nation the subject of political power - for a time together with the king and the nobility, later more often wihout the king - in democrat ic republics. Up to the French Revolutio n we can speak about people and nation in a sociological, but not political sense. This importan t differenc e between the concept "people" and "nation" is frequentl y not distinguis hed; in some cases "nation" (natio) is taken in the political sense, or, as for example in the English language , it acquires a significan ce identical with the concept of "state." A far-reach ing change in the outlook on "people" and its political rights, brought about by the French Revolution, was carried over into the rest of Europe. From that time on, without exception , we can therefore talk about "nation" in the political sense even with regard to other countries. The French, Italians, Germans , and others, only from the French Revolutio n are, or began to develop into a nation, the same as the other smaller nations of Europe, and particula rly in Central Europe. In the latter, with regard to special historical and social condition s, this evolution was retarded and that not only centripeta lly, to the crystalizi ng of national conscious ness, but also centrifu- SLOVAKIA. 49 gally, to the formation of proper national states, namely, toward statehood. In the analysis of the concept of independence with the Slovaks, its origin and evolution, we must unconditionally issue forth from this European ideological and political stream and, therefore, we must ask whether from the time of identifying people and nation, from the time when other nations, in the ethnic and sociological sense of the word, began to be conscious of their right to participate in political power and to create national states, whether any such endeavors manifested themselves among Slovak people. • • • In this regard, what does scientific research tell us about the Slovak past? By what documents can we support the thesis that the Slovaks simultaneously with the rest of the nations of Europe, and especially those of Central Europe, began to feel as a nation and fought for the recognition of their own national individuality, including political participation in power and self-administration? Scholars who have looked into the matter of national consciousness of the Slovak nation during the past twenty years have brought to light many notable findings. These definitely prove that all theses, scientific and pseudoscientific, which tend to demonstrate that the Slovaks were not nationally conscious are absurd. Recent findings of the University of Bratislava are notable too(3). On the other hand, there are so many proofs for the concept of independence that one must wonder how any one could doubt about it or support the opposite thesis in the twentieth century. Unbiased research of the Slovak past tells us that in the course of the centuries the Slovaks: 1. were conscious of the continuity with the Great Moravian Empire which they regarded as the first Slovak Kingdom. One of the significant proofs is the introduction to the "Canthus Catholici" (1655), in which the author, Benedict Sz616si, recalls with emphasis, after the Slovaks accepted Christianity, what had happened during the reign of King Svatopluk by the merit of Saints Cyril and Metho- 50 SLOVAKIA dius: that his nation excelled in piety and loved to sing religious hymns in its national tongue (4); 2. were conscious of not only their linguistic but also national individuality, about which there is a whole series of written documents especially from the 18th century (Macsay(5), Timon, Adam F. Kollar, Hadbavny, etc.), in first half, and the followers of Bernolak in the second half of the 18th century), of which noteworthy is particularly the work "Murices - sive Apologia" from J. B. Magin(6), published in 1728, in which the author shows that the Slovaks with their past in no respect were behind other nations of Hungary, that their history was just as great and respectable as that of others and, therefore, historical equality entitled the Slovaks to enjoy the same rights in Hungary as the other nations; 3. just about the same time as other nations of Central Europe, the Slovaks began to replace the Latin literary medium with their own literary Slovak language with the tendency stressing their national individuality and to create their own national literature and culture. This important step in Slovak national life, according to scientific workers of the present Bratislava University, is connected with the Catholic University of Trnava(7) from the 17th century (1635) and definitely with the end of the 18th century, because the often-referred to year 1842 is the year of the reform, that is the establishment of Central Slovak as a uniform literary medium and not the beginning of writing in Slovak; 4. at about the same time as the other nations of Central Europe, the Slovaks fought for the recognition of their national rights, including independence, not only with political means (memoranda and demands), but also with weapons. The fact that the Slovak language replaced Latin and "Biblical" Czech (used only by the Protestants for religious services), and then the fact that the Slovaks undertook political action systematically from 1848 to give expression to their national individuality, these are indisputably the most important circumstances for proving the concept of independence in the Slovak past. SLOVAKIA 51 In the light of the idea of the era they mean the passage from "people" to "nation" in the political sense and, if the evolution of the Slovaks to statehood was retarded by special conditions, or if these manifestations for independence did not always have equal intensity, this does not substantially change anything in the matter. In Central Europe up to 1918 there were quite a few nations that did not have their own political state. And objective study leads to doubts whether, even in 1918, the multi-national Habsburg Monarchy was broken up by the will of the nations within it, or rather by foreign intervention. Of course, the question always remains whether it would not have been to the greater benefit of the nations concerned and all of Europe if the nations had been reorganized on a federative basis as national units instead of being more or less forced to become so-called "successor" states or members thereof. There are many proofs to back the claim that the Slovaks consciously fought for the recognition of national independence, including statehood, particularly from 1848, when the Slovaks resorted to arms and formally declared their independence from Hungary. Both in Slovakia itself, as well as in the United States (8), where political conditions permitted free expression. Louis Stur said: "So that we might take over the spot in history which belongs to us according to our strength and abilities, we must once and for all time free ourselves from this unbearable foreign thraldom and gain state independence for ourselves." When Stur made that declaration, he simply formulated the sentiments and thoughts of his contemporaries. In 1918, in the Budapest Parliament, Dr. F. Juriga proclaimed: "We demand the righ to organize our own and separate state community and territory which we inhabit." This, too, was a manifestation for the right of self-determination, which Juriga demanded to be applied in regard to the Slovak nation and which, later, Dr. Vojtech Tuka formulated even more clearly.(9). The fight of the Slovaks for political independence reached its climax in 1939 with the establishment of the independent Slovak Republic, which meant the logical con- 52 SLOVAKIA clusion of Slovak political development. The conditions or circumstances under which this happened can have only a subordinate significance, inasmuch as all the states of this and the past century originated in Central and Southeastern Europe only with the help of, if not by the will of, the great powers(lO). (1) V. Chaloupecky: STARE SLOVENSKO, p. 13. (2) E. H. Carr said that a nation denoted " un group racial ou linguistique et n'avait pas de signification politique avant le XIX-me siecle, quand commenca a prevaloir progressivement cette doctrine que de tels groups avaient un droit d'etre politiquement independants et de constituer des Etats" (Nationalisme et apres, p. 4). (3) Even though present professors of the Bratislava University use Marxistic terminology and endeavor to see the Slovak past from the viewpoint of historic materialism, it is significant that in the question of Slovakness they confirm and adopt the conclusions of the scientific researches of "bourgeois nationalists." Worthy of attention in this regard is especially the work of Dr. J . Dekan about the beginnings of Slovak history, who adopts the theses of Fr. Hrusovsky and others, and in literary history an interesting book is the one of prof. Andrew Mraz. The latter was extremely unjust to many living Slovak poets and writers (Hronsky, Zarnov, Culen, etc.), but even now when he deals with the Slovak past Mraz is amazingly objective in his views. (4) Andrew Mraz in his "Dejiny slovenskej literatury" (Bratislava, 1948) wrote that "it is safe to hold the opinion that the aim of Cantus Catholici was determined also by the traditional knowledge of the historical continuity of the Slovaks with the events of Great Moravia" (p. 44). (5) A. Macsay, in the introduction to his work which was published on 856 pages in 1718, wrote that he was publishing it because many Slovaks were complaining about the dirth of such books, while other nations had such books; among the "other nations" he mentioned the Czechs, Poles and Croatians. (6) A. A. Banik explained Magin's significance in several works; his most valuable contributions possibly are: "Jan Baltazar Magin a jeho politicka, narodna i kulturna obrana Slovakov r. 1728" (Trnava, 1936) and "Novsie udaje na poznanie J . B. Magina, jeho diela i doby" (Trnava, 1937). (7) A. Mraz highly evaluates the work of the University of Trnava in the field of education and Slovak culture, stating that it was "the support of the Slovak national renaissance" (p. 35). (8) Konstantin Culen: "DEJINY AMERICKYCH SLOVAKOV"; and his articles in the "JEDNOTA" (Middletown, Pa., Nov. 1946). SLOVAKIA 53 (9) Dr. E. Zatko published three volumes regarding the endeavors of Tuka for Slovak independence. (10) About the origin of national states in Central Europe see: C. A. Macartney, " NATIONAL STATES AND NATIONAL MINORITIES" (London, 1935), also his "HUNGARY AND HER SUCCESSORS" (London, 1937), in which he devotes some 100 pages to Slovakia. • • • The History of Slovakia: By PHILIP A. HROBAK (Continued from last issue) ME'l'HODIUS AGAIN JiN ROME In the meantime Pope John VIII effected the liberation of Arclibishop Methodius and punished the Bavarian bishops. To put a stop to the wars between Germany and the Great Moravian Empire, the Pope forbade the use of the Slovanic liturgy and ordered Methodius to come to Rome. Methodius learned that the German hierarchy had accused him of preaching heresy. Svatopluk sent his personal messenger (Zemezizeii) along with Archbishop Methodius to Rome, because he wanted to place his country under the protection of the Holy See. When Methodius reached Rome, he proved to the Pope's satisfaction that the charges placed against him were without foundation. Pope John VIII approved the apostolic work of Methodius and his priests. He gave the Archbishop a letter for Svatopluk which stated that he again permits the use of the Slovanic liturgy in Svatopluk's country and accepted King Svatopluk and his whole nation under the protection of St. Peter. When Archbishop Methodius returned to the land of the Slovaks, he and his priests labored zealously in the vineyard of the Lord to gain all the people of Svatopluk's country for the kingdom of Christ. But this mission, as we shall see, was soon to be hindered by Svatopluk himself. Svatopluk had accepted Christianity and had begged the Pope to protect the territory of the Slovak people, yet his life was not that of a true Christian. Svatopluk was a  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Independence and the Slovak Past Description An account of the resource Joseph Kirschbaum, LL.D., Ph.D. Slovakia, Vol. 7, No. 1 (22), March 1957 pp. 44-53 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Kirschbaum, Jozef M., 1913-2001 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource March 1957 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/4629f4afa5a3b52f881ee535dd4c3deb.pdf 83b46dc762d873fd23cace63c438b140 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 53 (9) Dr. E. Zatko published three volumes regarding the endeavors of Tuka for Slovak independence. (10) About the origin of national states in Central Europe see: C. A. Macartney, " NATIONAL STATES AND NATIONAL MINORITIES" (London, 1935), also his "HUNGARY AND HER SUCCESSORS" (London, 1937), in which he devotes some 100 pages to Slovakia. • • • The History of Slovakia: By PHILIP A. HROBAK (Continued from last issue) ME'l'HODIUS AGAIN JiN ROME In the meantime Pope John VIII effected the liberation of Arclibishop Methodius and punished the Bavarian bishops. To put a stop to the wars between Germany and the Great Moravian Empire, the Pope forbade the use of the Slovanic liturgy and ordered Methodius to come to Rome. Methodius learned that the German hierarchy had accused him of preaching heresy. Svatopluk sent his personal messenger (Zemezizeii) along with Archbishop Methodius to Rome, because he wanted to place his country under the protection of the Holy See. When Methodius reached Rome, he proved to the Pope's satisfaction that the charges placed against him were without foundation. Pope John VIII approved the apostolic work of Methodius and his priests. He gave the Archbishop a letter for Svatopluk which stated that he again permits the use of the Slovanic liturgy in Svatopluk's country and accepted King Svatopluk and his whole nation under the protection of St. Peter. When Archbishop Methodius returned to the land of the Slovaks, he and his priests labored zealously in the vineyard of the Lord to gain all the people of Svatopluk's country for the kingdom of Christ. But this mission, as we shall see, was soon to be hindered by Svatopluk himself. Svatopluk had accepted Christianity and had begged the Pope to protect the territory of the Slovak people, yet his life was not that of a true Christian. Svatopluk was a �54 SLOVAKIA fearless wairrior; he used any and all means to extend his power and attain his ends. In his private life he followed some pagan practices. Because Archbishop Methodius reproached Sviitopluk for his sinful life, he fell into disfavor with the regent. The regent of Great Moravia hated the Germans, yet he preferred to support the German clergymen, especially Wiching the bishop of Nitra, who conveniently overlooked Sviitopluk's shortcomings and incited him against Methodius. The saintly archbishop was hurt deeply by Sviitopluk's conduct, but suffered the humiliation silently because he knew that open opposition would only threaten the future of his apostolic work and hasten the downfall of haughty Sviitopluk's Great Moravia. When Archbishop Methodius felt that his life was drawing to a close, he called his priests, magnates and people together and, pointing to the priest Gorazd, said: "He is a free man of your country, well versed in Latin books, and orthodox. May it be the will of God and your love as it is mine." With these words Methodius named Gorazd, the Slovak, as his successor and died in 885. After Methodius died, Sviitopluk was dominated completely by German clergymen. He persecuted Slovak priests and finally chased them out of his realm. But this did not enhance his position with the Germans. King Arnulf was determined to prevent the existence of a large Slovanic state as a neighbor of his empire. Secrety he sought allies against Sviitopluk to break him and destroy his kingdom . .Arnn.tlf succeeded in gaining the wild Magyairs who ha,d come over the Carpathians several years before and had begun to colonize the fertile plains of the Danube and the Tisa. Arnulf attacked Sviitopluk's stronghold on several occasions, but in vain. During Sviitopluk's lifetime Great Moravia successfully resisted all assaults of the Germans. One of the mightiest rulers of the land of the Slovaks passed on with the last years of his life shrouded in mystery, when Sviitopluk died in 894. One beautiful legend has it that Sviitopluk realized at the end Ot:f his days that power, glory and military suc~ses cannot -satisfy the soul of a man with a burdened conscience. So, he decided to spend the last years of his life �SLOVAKIA 55 doing penance in a monastery. Svatopluk left ho.s royal palace and went up to Zobor. There in the mountain he divested himself of his royal attire, killed his horse, and buried his sword. Then, dressed as a beggar, he knocked on the gate of the Zobor monastery and begged the monks to let him in. They did. Svatopluk spent the rest of his days in prayer, but nobody knew that he was the mighty ruler of Great Moravia. It was only at his death that Svatopluk revealed to the amazed monks his true identity. In 1885 - when Slavdom celebrated the millell!ial memorial of the death of Methodius - the Russian historian Konstantin Grot asked: "What was Slavdom prior to CyrJ and Methodius ?" and answered: "Scattered over the vast spaces of middle Europe, Russia and the Balkan Peninsula, among foreign and hostile nations, the Slovanic race, although gifted by nature with beautiful spiritual endowments, represented a torn, disjointed mass of different tribes without any consciousness of racial relationship ... " Cyril and Methodius unified the people of Rastislav, and their disciples brought Christian culture and national consciousness to the other Slovanic peoples in a comparatively short time thereafter. Saints Cyril and Methodius performed their mission, spreading the Gospel of Christ, within the territory settled by the ancient Slovaks. This has been well estab~hed by phuological analysis of the Cyrilo-Methodius texts, the Cividalian Gospel Book, legends and chronicles, names of people, rivers, mountains, c'hurches, and places, and, furthermore, ,b y scientific study of dialects am.d "bor.rowed" or foreign words. Dr. John Stanislav, Slovak historian and philologist, states with certainty that Met!hodius resided in Nitra and performed his mission in the land of the Slovaks. Dr. Francis Dvornik, Czech historian and rphilologist, confirmed this,. even though indirectly, when 'he wrote that "Slovanic liturgy in S'lovakia 01\ltlived the catastrophe of the Great Moravian IDmpire," and that the territory of present'day Slovakia was "in a definite sense the most cultured rpart of the Magyar empire" (more co'I'rectly: the Hungarian empire). Dvornik also noted that the Slovanic monks, after being e:,cpelled f:rom Czech lands, from the monastery of �56 SLOVAKIA Sazava, in 1055, found refuge in Slovakia, as well as the historical fact that Slovaikia rund her ancient Slovanic centers served as "half-way transmittin g centers" not only between Croatia, but even Kievian Russia. As far a:s the literary efforts of the Slovax .Aipostles and their immediate disciples are concerned, the document "Skazani" tells us that Constantin e (Cyril) and Methodius translated and wrote ma/Ily other books ( "i proceje knigy") . Dr. Stanislav wrote that "after his arrival in Great Mora,via, Oonstantin e translated abnost the entire ecclesia;stical ritual" and also completed the translation of the Gospel texts of all four evangelists , as well as the Acts of the Apostles and the Psalms. St. Methodius, according to Stanislav, continued in the woJ'lk !begun by his brother and, after the issuance of the glorious Bull, "Industriae tuae," by which the Slova;nic liturgy again was approved and permitted, "made a compendium of everything that was translated during the twelve years (869-881) of 'his independen t lea'dershi!p of t'he Great Moravian mission. He selected two priest 'rapidw,riters' and with them translated - probably dictated to them - the entire text of the Holy Bible - the Old and New Testaments , besides the books of the Maccrubees, within eight months." -Methodius also tra/Ilslated, or had translated, the Latin Missal, whrich is preserved as the so...called Kiev Missal; written in Gla,golic letters it is preserved in a copy from the tenth century with elements of the Great Mora,vian tongue. Stanislav also mentions the translation of the ri-. tual, the breviary and the oredo, which, according to the 'biogrruphy of Methodius, Svatopluk was swpposed to hruve prayed in the Slovak translation . Of the non-liturgic al books of the saintly brothers, Stanislav mentions the translation of the Nomocanon , or the Ko.rmcaja book, i.e., the collection of laws and regulations of the Byzantian rulers and Church Fathers, then Cyril's polemic treatise in Greek against the Jews which was translated by Methodius, and the original works "A P,reface to the Gospels" and "Writings About the True Faith," both written by Constantine . Among the original mementoes b,e- �SLOVAKIA 57 long the so--called Pannonian-Moravian Legends, "The Life of St. Cyril amd Methodius," written, according to Stanislav, without a doubt in Great Moravia, also the "Praises of Cyril and Methodius," a'lld "about the end of the ancient SloV'a!k epoch of Slovak culture" - the legend about Naurn. One of the "1Morarvian-1Slova.k sons," Stanislav claims, also com... posed the ancient Slovak legend about St. Wenceslaus around the year 935. Sltanis1'av states quite clearly that this literary activity developed on Slovak territory and that in the "great wora along with Oyril and Methodius undoubtedly other sons of the Slovaik nation had a part, especially Gorazd. Traces of this are found particularly in many words of these mementoes." And since "these memoiTs were written for the religious, i.e., the cultural needs of the Slovalk nation, and ,p rompted by it, the predecessors of the Sl01Vaks took part in this work passively and actively, and, therefore, this literary work belongs also to our (Slovaik) national treasure." As for the content and extent of the cultural mission of Cyril and Methodius, Slovak scholars of Slavistics agree with K. J. Grot that in Great Moravia was made not only "the most important attempt at a political unification of the Slovanic peoples" - the Greater Moravian Union - but also that: 1. there "were laid the foundations for a national Church and a national Christian education; 2. there originated the draft and the directive for the future, for the entire subsequent, historic development of Slavdom, its world role and relation to Roman-Oermanic Europe, to the West, and to the Asi·a tic question; 3. the foundation of ChurchSlovanic literature and education in the Slovaruc South among the Bu:lgars and Serbs, and in the East among the Russians, and partly also among other western Slavs, was only a continuation of that wo'.t1k which Cyril and Methodius had !begun in Great Moravia." THE FALL OF GRJEAT MORJAVIA The Great Moravian Empire was established after the Slovanic tribes in the Danube region became united to fight a common enemy that threatened their existence - �58 SLOVAKIA the aggressive Germans. The regents of the empire were often forced to take up arms· to safeguard their independ.. ence. The danger of German aggression, however, was never removed. Great Moravia was able to withstand German pressure only as long as she was united and had a strong ruler, a personality like Svatopluk. When the mighty Svatopluk died, the external danger that threatened Great Moravia increased and, at the same time, internal dissention hastened the downfall of the first independent state of central Europe. Svatopluk's eldest son, Mojmir II, succeeded him as ruler of Great Moravia. A younger son, Svatopluk II, received a grant principality which was subject to Mojmir's rule. Mojmir II was a wise ruler and possessed the fighting traits of his illustrious father. He wanted to secure the independence of his country, but the times were very difficult. The Slovanic tribes, which the great Svatopluk had conquered by force, anxiously awaited the first opportunity to secede from Great Moravia. Soon after his accession to the throne, Mojmir Il was forced to relinquish Pannonia. The Czechs had seceded from the empire already in 895, because they preferred to be vassals of the German king than to be subject to Mojmir's rule. Shortly thereafter, the Serbians and the Vislani fell away, so that the total area of the empire under Mojmir II was reduced to that once ruled over by Rastislav. It was a state inhabited only by the Slovaks who formed the nucleus of Great Moravia. After the other Slovanic tribes seceded from the empire, the Slovaks remained alone on the historical crossroads of Europe. Mojmir II used all means at his disposal to secure his country against attack from its neighbors. In the meantime, Mojmir's younger brother, Svatopluk II, dissatisfied with his brother's rule, was being prodded by the Germans to revolt. German armies invaded Slovakia three times and pillaged the border lands, but Mojmir II staunchly defended his domain and successfully repulsed the invading Germans and even took over his brother's domain. The Germans garve Srviitopluk ]I a title land in Bavaria. �SLOVAKIA 59 In 900 A. D. the Germans _again invaded Mojmir's territory, this time aided by the Czechs. After a terrific battle Mojmir II was forced to sue for peace, because his country was completely exhausted from constant warfare. After a peace was negotiated with the Germans, Mojmir sought to renew the church organization in the land of the Slovaks. After the expulsion of the disciples of Methodius and the death of Bishop Wiching, the Church was in a state of collapse. Mojmir II sent a special delegation to Rome with his request for aid. Pope John IX heard his plea and appointed an archbishop and two bishops to take over the burdens of the Church in the land of the Slovaks. Mojmir :LI worked assiduously and courageously to save his country from impending doom, but the odds were against him. To the danger from the west was added the menace from the east. The fierce Magyars, who from 896 had settled in the valley of the lower Danube and made continual attacks on their neighbors, tore into Slovakia in 902. Mojmir rallied his forces and successfully repulsed the Magyar hordes. But the nomadic Mongols were not to be denied. After every setback, they retreated and prepared for a new attack. The Slovaks defended the independence of their country heroically, but finally were overpowered by the overwhelming forces of their enemies. In 906 Moj.mir's state collapsed and the Slovak nation lost its independence. (Continu ed) • • • Kerner's "Czechoslovakia" (Cont'd.) HISTORY OR PROPAGANDA? P.A. HROBAK "The tragedy of Czecho-Slovakia's fate hinged, of course, not on whether this democracy treated her minorities 'justly' or not, but on the fact that the minorities were used as 'Trojan horses' for the aggressive policies of the neighboring Powers. After all, it is not even debatable that Germany's minorities, and particularly the Jews, have been treated with much less 'justice' than Czecho-Slovakia's minorities. The same statement applies to the fate of the minirities in Hungary and Poland. The Polish treatment of her minorities in � SLOVAKIA 53 (9) Dr. E. Zatko published three volumes regarding the endeavors of Tuka for Slovak independence. (10) About the origin of national states in Central Europe see: C. A. Macartney, " NATIONAL STATES AND NATIONAL MINORITIES" (London, 1935), also his "HUNGARY AND HER SUCCESSORS" (London, 1937), in which he devotes some 100 pages to Slovakia. • • • The History of Slovakia: By PHILIP A. HROBAK (Continued from last issue) ME'l'HODIUS AGAIN JiN ROME In the meantime Pope John VIII effected the liberation of Arclibishop Methodius and punished the Bavarian bishops. To put a stop to the wars between Germany and the Great Moravian Empire, the Pope forbade the use of the Slovanic liturgy and ordered Methodius to come to Rome. Methodius learned that the German hierarchy had accused him of preaching heresy. Svatopluk sent his personal messenger (Zemezizeii) along with Archbishop Methodius to Rome, because he wanted to place his country under the protection of the Holy See. When Methodius reached Rome, he proved to the Pope's satisfaction that the charges placed against him were without foundation. Pope John VIII approved the apostolic work of Methodius and his priests. He gave the Archbishop a letter for Svatopluk which stated that he again permits the use of the Slovanic liturgy in Svatopluk's country and accepted King Svatopluk and his whole nation under the protection of St. Peter. When Archbishop Methodius returned to the land of the Slovaks, he and his priests labored zealously in the vineyard of the Lord to gain all the people of Svatopluk's country for the kingdom of Christ. But this mission, as we shall see, was soon to be hindered by Svatopluk himself. Svatopluk had accepted Christianity and had begged the Pope to protect the territory of the Slovak people, yet his life was not that of a true Christian. Svatopluk was a �54 SLOVAKIA fearless wairrior; he used any and all means to extend his power and attain his ends. In his private life he followed some pagan practices. Because Archbishop Methodius reproached Sviitopluk for his sinful life, he fell into disfavor with the regent. The regent of Great Moravia hated the Germans, yet he preferred to support the German clergymen, especially Wiching the bishop of Nitra, who conveniently overlooked Sviitopluk's shortcomings and incited him against Methodius. The saintly archbishop was hurt deeply by Sviitopluk's conduct, but suffered the humiliation silently because he knew that open opposition would only threaten the future of his apostolic work and hasten the downfall of haughty Sviitopluk's Great Moravia. When Archbishop Methodius felt that his life was drawing to a close, he called his priests, magnates and people together and, pointing to the priest Gorazd, said: "He is a free man of your country, well versed in Latin books, and orthodox. May it be the will of God and your love as it is mine." With these words Methodius named Gorazd, the Slovak, as his successor and died in 885. After Methodius died, Sviitopluk was dominated completely by German clergymen. He persecuted Slovak priests and finally chased them out of his realm. But this did not enhance his position with the Germans. King Arnulf was determined to prevent the existence of a large Slovanic state as a neighbor of his empire. Secrety he sought allies against Sviitopluk to break him and destroy his kingdom . .Arnn.tlf succeeded in gaining the wild Magyairs who ha,d come over the Carpathians several years before and had begun to colonize the fertile plains of the Danube and the Tisa. Arnulf attacked Sviitopluk's stronghold on several occasions, but in vain. During Sviitopluk's lifetime Great Moravia successfully resisted all assaults of the Germans. One of the mightiest rulers of the land of the Slovaks passed on with the last years of his life shrouded in mystery, when Sviitopluk died in 894. One beautiful legend has it that Sviitopluk realized at the end Ot:f his days that power, glory and military suc~ses cannot -satisfy the soul of a man with a burdened conscience. So, he decided to spend the last years of his life �SLOVAKIA 55 doing penance in a monastery. Svatopluk left ho.s royal palace and went up to Zobor. There in the mountain he divested himself of his royal attire, killed his horse, and buried his sword. Then, dressed as a beggar, he knocked on the gate of the Zobor monastery and begged the monks to let him in. They did. Svatopluk spent the rest of his days in prayer, but nobody knew that he was the mighty ruler of Great Moravia. It was only at his death that Svatopluk revealed to the amazed monks his true identity. In 1885 - when Slavdom celebrated the millell!ial memorial of the death of Methodius - the Russian historian Konstantin Grot asked: "What was Slavdom prior to CyrJ and Methodius ?" and answered: "Scattered over the vast spaces of middle Europe, Russia and the Balkan Peninsula, among foreign and hostile nations, the Slovanic race, although gifted by nature with beautiful spiritual endowments, represented a torn, disjointed mass of different tribes without any consciousness of racial relationship ... " Cyril and Methodius unified the people of Rastislav, and their disciples brought Christian culture and national consciousness to the other Slovanic peoples in a comparatively short time thereafter. Saints Cyril and Methodius performed their mission, spreading the Gospel of Christ, within the territory settled by the ancient Slovaks. This has been well estab~hed by phuological analysis of the Cyrilo-Methodius texts, the Cividalian Gospel Book, legends and chronicles, names of people, rivers, mountains, c'hurches, and places, and, furthermore, ,b y scientific study of dialects am.d "bor.rowed" or foreign words. Dr. John Stanislav, Slovak historian and philologist, states with certainty that Met!hodius resided in Nitra and performed his mission in the land of the Slovaks. Dr. Francis Dvornik, Czech historian and rphilologist, confirmed this,. even though indirectly, when 'he wrote that "Slovanic liturgy in S'lovakia 01\ltlived the catastrophe of the Great Moravian IDmpire," and that the territory of present'day Slovakia was "in a definite sense the most cultured rpart of the Magyar empire" (more co'I'rectly: the Hungarian empire). Dvornik also noted that the Slovanic monks, after being e:,cpelled f:rom Czech lands, from the monastery of �56 SLOVAKIA Sazava, in 1055, found refuge in Slovakia, as well as the historical fact that Slovaikia rund her ancient Slovanic centers served as "half-way transmittin g centers" not only between Croatia, but even Kievian Russia. As far a:s the literary efforts of the Slovax .Aipostles and their immediate disciples are concerned, the document "Skazani" tells us that Constantin e (Cyril) and Methodius translated and wrote ma/Ily other books ( "i proceje knigy") . Dr. Stanislav wrote that "after his arrival in Great Mora,via, Oonstantin e translated abnost the entire ecclesia;stical ritual" and also completed the translation of the Gospel texts of all four evangelists , as well as the Acts of the Apostles and the Psalms. St. Methodius, according to Stanislav, continued in the woJ'lk !begun by his brother and, after the issuance of the glorious Bull, "Industriae tuae," by which the Slova;nic liturgy again was approved and permitted, "made a compendium of everything that was translated during the twelve years (869-881) of 'his independen t lea'dershi!p of t'he Great Moravian mission. He selected two priest 'rapidw,riters' and with them translated - probably dictated to them - the entire text of the Holy Bible - the Old and New Testaments , besides the books of the Maccrubees, within eight months." -Methodius also tra/Ilslated, or had translated, the Latin Missal, whrich is preserved as the so...called Kiev Missal; written in Gla,golic letters it is preserved in a copy from the tenth century with elements of the Great Mora,vian tongue. Stanislav also mentions the translation of the ri-. tual, the breviary and the oredo, which, according to the 'biogrruphy of Methodius, Svatopluk was swpposed to hruve prayed in the Slovak translation . Of the non-liturgic al books of the saintly brothers, Stanislav mentions the translation of the Nomocanon , or the Ko.rmcaja book, i.e., the collection of laws and regulations of the Byzantian rulers and Church Fathers, then Cyril's polemic treatise in Greek against the Jews which was translated by Methodius, and the original works "A P,reface to the Gospels" and "Writings About the True Faith," both written by Constantine . Among the original mementoes b,e- �SLOVAKIA 57 long the so--called Pannonian-Moravian Legends, "The Life of St. Cyril amd Methodius," written, according to Stanislav, without a doubt in Great Moravia, also the "Praises of Cyril and Methodius," a'lld "about the end of the ancient SloV'a!k epoch of Slovak culture" - the legend about Naurn. One of the "1Morarvian-1Slova.k sons," Stanislav claims, also com... posed the ancient Slovak legend about St. Wenceslaus around the year 935. Sltanis1'av states quite clearly that this literary activity developed on Slovak territory and that in the "great wora along with Oyril and Methodius undoubtedly other sons of the Slovaik nation had a part, especially Gorazd. Traces of this are found particularly in many words of these mementoes." And since "these memoiTs were written for the religious, i.e., the cultural needs of the Slovalk nation, and ,p rompted by it, the predecessors of the Sl01Vaks took part in this work passively and actively, and, therefore, this literary work belongs also to our (Slovaik) national treasure." As for the content and extent of the cultural mission of Cyril and Methodius, Slovak scholars of Slavistics agree with K. J. Grot that in Great Moravia was made not only "the most important attempt at a political unification of the Slovanic peoples" - the Greater Moravian Union - but also that: 1. there "were laid the foundations for a national Church and a national Christian education; 2. there originated the draft and the directive for the future, for the entire subsequent, historic development of Slavdom, its world role and relation to Roman-Oermanic Europe, to the West, and to the Asi·a tic question; 3. the foundation of ChurchSlovanic literature and education in the Slovaruc South among the Bu:lgars and Serbs, and in the East among the Russians, and partly also among other western Slavs, was only a continuation of that wo'.t1k which Cyril and Methodius had !begun in Great Moravia." THE FALL OF GRJEAT MORJAVIA The Great Moravian Empire was established after the Slovanic tribes in the Danube region became united to fight a common enemy that threatened their existence - �58 SLOVAKIA the aggressive Germans. The regents of the empire were often forced to take up arms· to safeguard their independ.. ence. The danger of German aggression, however, was never removed. Great Moravia was able to withstand German pressure only as long as she was united and had a strong ruler, a personality like Svatopluk. When the mighty Svatopluk died, the external danger that threatened Great Moravia increased and, at the same time, internal dissention hastened the downfall of the first independent state of central Europe. Svatopluk's eldest son, Mojmir II, succeeded him as ruler of Great Moravia. A younger son, Svatopluk II, received a grant principality which was subject to Mojmir's rule. Mojmir II was a wise ruler and possessed the fighting traits of his illustrious father. He wanted to secure the independence of his country, but the times were very difficult. The Slovanic tribes, which the great Svatopluk had conquered by force, anxiously awaited the first opportunity to secede from Great Moravia. Soon after his accession to the throne, Mojmir Il was forced to relinquish Pannonia. The Czechs had seceded from the empire already in 895, because they preferred to be vassals of the German king than to be subject to Mojmir's rule. Shortly thereafter, the Serbians and the Vislani fell away, so that the total area of the empire under Mojmir II was reduced to that once ruled over by Rastislav. It was a state inhabited only by the Slovaks who formed the nucleus of Great Moravia. After the other Slovanic tribes seceded from the empire, the Slovaks remained alone on the historical crossroads of Europe. Mojmir II used all means at his disposal to secure his country against attack from its neighbors. In the meantime, Mojmir's younger brother, Svatopluk II, dissatisfied with his brother's rule, was being prodded by the Germans to revolt. German armies invaded Slovakia three times and pillaged the border lands, but Mojmir II staunchly defended his domain and successfully repulsed the invading Germans and even took over his brother's domain. The Germans garve Srviitopluk ]I a title land in Bavaria. �SLOVAKIA 59 In 900 A. D. the Germans _again invaded Mojmir's territory, this time aided by the Czechs. After a terrific battle Mojmir II was forced to sue for peace, because his country was completely exhausted from constant warfare. After a peace was negotiated with the Germans, Mojmir sought to renew the church organization in the land of the Slovaks. After the expulsion of the disciples of Methodius and the death of Bishop Wiching, the Church was in a state of collapse. Mojmir II sent a special delegation to Rome with his request for aid. Pope John IX heard his plea and appointed an archbishop and two bishops to take over the burdens of the Church in the land of the Slovaks. Mojmir :LI worked assiduously and courageously to save his country from impending doom, but the odds were against him. To the danger from the west was added the menace from the east. The fierce Magyars, who from 896 had settled in the valley of the lower Danube and made continual attacks on their neighbors, tore into Slovakia in 902. Mojmir rallied his forces and successfully repulsed the Magyar hordes. But the nomadic Mongols were not to be denied. After every setback, they retreated and prepared for a new attack. The Slovaks defended the independence of their country heroically, but finally were overpowered by the overwhelming forces of their enemies. In 906 Moj.mir's state collapsed and the Slovak nation lost its independence. (Continu ed) • • • Kerner's "Czechoslovakia" (Cont'd.) HISTORY OR PROPAGANDA? P.A. HROBAK "The tragedy of Czecho-Slovakia's fate hinged, of course, not on whether this democracy treated her minorities 'justly' or not, but on the fact that the minorities were used as 'Trojan horses' for the aggressive policies of the neighboring Powers. After all, it is not even debatable that Germany's minorities, and particularly the Jews, have been treated with much less 'justice' than Czecho-Slovakia's minorities. The same statement applies to the fate of the minirities in Hungary and Poland. The Polish treatment of her minorities in � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1957, Vol. 7 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 22), March 1957.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 23), June 1957.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 24-25), September-December 1957.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1957 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 53 (9) Dr. E. Zatko published three volumes regarding the endeavors of Tuka for Slovak independence. (10) About the origin of national states in Central Europe see: C. A. Macartney, " NATIONAL STATES AND NATIONAL MINORITIES" (London, 1935), also his "HUNGARY AND HER SUCCESSORS" (London, 1937), in which he devotes some 100 pages to Slovakia. • • • The History of Slovakia: By PHILIP A. HROBAK (Continued from last issue) ME'l'HODIUS AGAIN JiN ROME In the meantime Pope John VIII effected the liberation of Arclibishop Methodius and punished the Bavarian bishops. To put a stop to the wars between Germany and the Great Moravian Empire, the Pope forbade the use of the Slovanic liturgy and ordered Methodius to come to Rome. Methodius learned that the German hierarchy had accused him of preaching heresy. Svatopluk sent his personal messenger (Zemezizeii) along with Archbishop Methodius to Rome, because he wanted to place his country under the protection of the Holy See. When Methodius reached Rome, he proved to the Pope's satisfaction that the charges placed against him were without foundation. Pope John VIII approved the apostolic work of Methodius and his priests. He gave the Archbishop a letter for Svatopluk which stated that he again permits the use of the Slovanic liturgy in Svatopluk's country and accepted King Svatopluk and his whole nation under the protection of St. Peter. When Archbishop Methodius returned to the land of the Slovaks, he and his priests labored zealously in the vineyard of the Lord to gain all the people of Svatopluk's country for the kingdom of Christ. But this mission, as we shall see, was soon to be hindered by Svatopluk himself. Svatopluk had accepted Christianity and had begged the Pope to protect the territory of the Slovak people, yet his life was not that of a true Christian. Svatopluk was a 54 SLOVAKIA fearless wairrior; he used any and all means to extend his power and attain his ends. In his private life he followed some pagan practices. Because Archbishop Methodius reproached Sviitopluk for his sinful life, he fell into disfavor with the regent. The regent of Great Moravia hated the Germans, yet he preferred to support the German clergymen, especially Wiching the bishop of Nitra, who conveniently overlooked Sviitopluk's shortcomings and incited him against Methodius. The saintly archbishop was hurt deeply by Sviitopluk's conduct, but suffered the humiliation silently because he knew that open opposition would only threaten the future of his apostolic work and hasten the downfall of haughty Sviitopluk's Great Moravia. When Archbishop Methodius felt that his life was drawing to a close, he called his priests, magnates and people together and, pointing to the priest Gorazd, said: "He is a free man of your country, well versed in Latin books, and orthodox. May it be the will of God and your love as it is mine." With these words Methodius named Gorazd, the Slovak, as his successor and died in 885. After Methodius died, Sviitopluk was dominated completely by German clergymen. He persecuted Slovak priests and finally chased them out of his realm. But this did not enhance his position with the Germans. King Arnulf was determined to prevent the existence of a large Slovanic state as a neighbor of his empire. Secrety he sought allies against Sviitopluk to break him and destroy his kingdom . .Arnn.tlf succeeded in gaining the wild Magyairs who ha,d come over the Carpathians several years before and had begun to colonize the fertile plains of the Danube and the Tisa. Arnulf attacked Sviitopluk's stronghold on several occasions, but in vain. During Sviitopluk's lifetime Great Moravia successfully resisted all assaults of the Germans. One of the mightiest rulers of the land of the Slovaks passed on with the last years of his life shrouded in mystery, when Sviitopluk died in 894. One beautiful legend has it that Sviitopluk realized at the end Ot:f his days that power, glory and military suc~ses cannot -satisfy the soul of a man with a burdened conscience. So, he decided to spend the last years of his life SLOVAKIA 55 doing penance in a monastery. Svatopluk left ho.s royal palace and went up to Zobor. There in the mountain he divested himself of his royal attire, killed his horse, and buried his sword. Then, dressed as a beggar, he knocked on the gate of the Zobor monastery and begged the monks to let him in. They did. Svatopluk spent the rest of his days in prayer, but nobody knew that he was the mighty ruler of Great Moravia. It was only at his death that Svatopluk revealed to the amazed monks his true identity. In 1885 - when Slavdom celebrated the millell!ial memorial of the death of Methodius - the Russian historian Konstantin Grot asked: "What was Slavdom prior to CyrJ and Methodius ?" and answered: "Scattered over the vast spaces of middle Europe, Russia and the Balkan Peninsula, among foreign and hostile nations, the Slovanic race, although gifted by nature with beautiful spiritual endowments, represented a torn, disjointed mass of different tribes without any consciousness of racial relationship ... " Cyril and Methodius unified the people of Rastislav, and their disciples brought Christian culture and national consciousness to the other Slovanic peoples in a comparatively short time thereafter. Saints Cyril and Methodius performed their mission, spreading the Gospel of Christ, within the territory settled by the ancient Slovaks. This has been well estab~hed by phuological analysis of the Cyrilo-Methodius texts, the Cividalian Gospel Book, legends and chronicles, names of people, rivers, mountains, c'hurches, and places, and, furthermore, ,b y scientific study of dialects am.d "bor.rowed" or foreign words. Dr. John Stanislav, Slovak historian and philologist, states with certainty that Met!hodius resided in Nitra and performed his mission in the land of the Slovaks. Dr. Francis Dvornik, Czech historian and rphilologist, confirmed this,. even though indirectly, when 'he wrote that "Slovanic liturgy in S'lovakia 01\ltlived the catastrophe of the Great Moravian IDmpire," and that the territory of present'day Slovakia was "in a definite sense the most cultured rpart of the Magyar empire" (more co'I'rectly: the Hungarian empire). Dvornik also noted that the Slovanic monks, after being e:,cpelled f:rom Czech lands, from the monastery of 56 SLOVAKIA Sazava, in 1055, found refuge in Slovakia, as well as the historical fact that Slovaikia rund her ancient Slovanic centers served as "half-way transmittin g centers" not only between Croatia, but even Kievian Russia. As far a:s the literary efforts of the Slovax .Aipostles and their immediate disciples are concerned, the document "Skazani" tells us that Constantin e (Cyril) and Methodius translated and wrote ma/Ily other books ( "i proceje knigy") . Dr. Stanislav wrote that "after his arrival in Great Mora,via, Oonstantin e translated abnost the entire ecclesia;stical ritual" and also completed the translation of the Gospel texts of all four evangelists , as well as the Acts of the Apostles and the Psalms. St. Methodius, according to Stanislav, continued in the woJ'lk !begun by his brother and, after the issuance of the glorious Bull, "Industriae tuae," by which the Slova;nic liturgy again was approved and permitted, "made a compendium of everything that was translated during the twelve years (869-881) of 'his independen t lea'dershi!p of t'he Great Moravian mission. He selected two priest 'rapidw,riters' and with them translated - probably dictated to them - the entire text of the Holy Bible - the Old and New Testaments , besides the books of the Maccrubees, within eight months." -Methodius also tra/Ilslated, or had translated, the Latin Missal, whrich is preserved as the so...called Kiev Missal; written in Gla,golic letters it is preserved in a copy from the tenth century with elements of the Great Mora,vian tongue. Stanislav also mentions the translation of the ri-. tual, the breviary and the oredo, which, according to the 'biogrruphy of Methodius, Svatopluk was swpposed to hruve prayed in the Slovak translation . Of the non-liturgic al books of the saintly brothers, Stanislav mentions the translation of the Nomocanon , or the Ko.rmcaja book, i.e., the collection of laws and regulations of the Byzantian rulers and Church Fathers, then Cyril's polemic treatise in Greek against the Jews which was translated by Methodius, and the original works "A P,reface to the Gospels" and "Writings About the True Faith," both written by Constantine . Among the original mementoes b,e- SLOVAKIA 57 long the so--called Pannonian-Moravian Legends, "The Life of St. Cyril amd Methodius," written, according to Stanislav, without a doubt in Great Moravia, also the "Praises of Cyril and Methodius," a'lld "about the end of the ancient SloV'a!k epoch of Slovak culture" - the legend about Naurn. One of the "1Morarvian-1Slova.k sons," Stanislav claims, also com... posed the ancient Slovak legend about St. Wenceslaus around the year 935. Sltanis1'av states quite clearly that this literary activity developed on Slovak territory and that in the "great wora along with Oyril and Methodius undoubtedly other sons of the Slovaik nation had a part, especially Gorazd. Traces of this are found particularly in many words of these mementoes." And since "these memoiTs were written for the religious, i.e., the cultural needs of the Slovalk nation, and ,p rompted by it, the predecessors of the Sl01Vaks took part in this work passively and actively, and, therefore, this literary work belongs also to our (Slovaik) national treasure." As for the content and extent of the cultural mission of Cyril and Methodius, Slovak scholars of Slavistics agree with K. J. Grot that in Great Moravia was made not only "the most important attempt at a political unification of the Slovanic peoples" - the Greater Moravian Union - but also that: 1. there "were laid the foundations for a national Church and a national Christian education; 2. there originated the draft and the directive for the future, for the entire subsequent, historic development of Slavdom, its world role and relation to Roman-Oermanic Europe, to the West, and to the Asi·a tic question; 3. the foundation of ChurchSlovanic literature and education in the Slovaruc South among the Bu:lgars and Serbs, and in the East among the Russians, and partly also among other western Slavs, was only a continuation of that wo'.t1k which Cyril and Methodius had !begun in Great Moravia." THE FALL OF GRJEAT MORJAVIA The Great Moravian Empire was established after the Slovanic tribes in the Danube region became united to fight a common enemy that threatened their existence - 58 SLOVAKIA the aggressive Germans. The regents of the empire were often forced to take up arms· to safeguard their independ.. ence. The danger of German aggression, however, was never removed. Great Moravia was able to withstand German pressure only as long as she was united and had a strong ruler, a personality like Svatopluk. When the mighty Svatopluk died, the external danger that threatened Great Moravia increased and, at the same time, internal dissention hastened the downfall of the first independent state of central Europe. Svatopluk's eldest son, Mojmir II, succeeded him as ruler of Great Moravia. A younger son, Svatopluk II, received a grant principality which was subject to Mojmir's rule. Mojmir II was a wise ruler and possessed the fighting traits of his illustrious father. He wanted to secure the independence of his country, but the times were very difficult. The Slovanic tribes, which the great Svatopluk had conquered by force, anxiously awaited the first opportunity to secede from Great Moravia. Soon after his accession to the throne, Mojmir Il was forced to relinquish Pannonia. The Czechs had seceded from the empire already in 895, because they preferred to be vassals of the German king than to be subject to Mojmir's rule. Shortly thereafter, the Serbians and the Vislani fell away, so that the total area of the empire under Mojmir II was reduced to that once ruled over by Rastislav. It was a state inhabited only by the Slovaks who formed the nucleus of Great Moravia. After the other Slovanic tribes seceded from the empire, the Slovaks remained alone on the historical crossroads of Europe. Mojmir II used all means at his disposal to secure his country against attack from its neighbors. In the meantime, Mojmir's younger brother, Svatopluk II, dissatisfied with his brother's rule, was being prodded by the Germans to revolt. German armies invaded Slovakia three times and pillaged the border lands, but Mojmir II staunchly defended his domain and successfully repulsed the invading Germans and even took over his brother's domain. The Germans garve Srviitopluk ]I a title land in Bavaria. SLOVAKIA 59 In 900 A. D. the Germans _again invaded Mojmir's territory, this time aided by the Czechs. After a terrific battle Mojmir II was forced to sue for peace, because his country was completely exhausted from constant warfare. After a peace was negotiated with the Germans, Mojmir sought to renew the church organization in the land of the Slovaks. After the expulsion of the disciples of Methodius and the death of Bishop Wiching, the Church was in a state of collapse. Mojmir II sent a special delegation to Rome with his request for aid. Pope John IX heard his plea and appointed an archbishop and two bishops to take over the burdens of the Church in the land of the Slovaks. Mojmir :LI worked assiduously and courageously to save his country from impending doom, but the odds were against him. To the danger from the west was added the menace from the east. The fierce Magyars, who from 896 had settled in the valley of the lower Danube and made continual attacks on their neighbors, tore into Slovakia in 902. Mojmir rallied his forces and successfully repulsed the Magyar hordes. But the nomadic Mongols were not to be denied. After every setback, they retreated and prepared for a new attack. The Slovaks defended the independence of their country heroically, but finally were overpowered by the overwhelming forces of their enemies. In 906 Moj.mir's state collapsed and the Slovak nation lost its independence. (Continu ed) • • • Kerner's "Czechoslovakia" (Cont'd.) HISTORY OR PROPAGANDA? P.A. HROBAK "The tragedy of Czecho-Slovakia's fate hinged, of course, not on whether this democracy treated her minorities 'justly' or not, but on the fact that the minorities were used as 'Trojan horses' for the aggressive policies of the neighboring Powers. After all, it is not even debatable that Germany's minorities, and particularly the Jews, have been treated with much less 'justice' than Czecho-Slovakia's minorities. The same statement applies to the fate of the minirities in Hungary and Poland. The Polish treatment of her minorities in  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The History of Slovakia (2/9) Description An account of the resource Philip A. Hrobak Slovakia, Vol. 7, No. 1 (22), March 1957 pp. 53-59 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Hrobak, Philip Anthony, 1904-1964 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource March 1957 Relation A related resource continued from <a href="https://slovakia.omeka.net/items/show/200">Vol. 6, No. 3-4 (20-21), pp. 63-83</a><br />continues in <a href="https://slovakia.omeka.net/items/show/241">Vol. 7, No. 2 (23), pp. 57-64</a> LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/56f2b6a27cb6faf1e9d6592a8ddd5f01.pdf 8259601ea19a53524701c45296a43eaf PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 59 In 900 A. D. the Germans _again invaded Mojmir's territory, this time aided by the Czechs. After a terrific battle Mojmir II was forced to sue for peace, because his country was completely exhausted from constant warfare. After a peace was negotiated with the Germans, Mojmir sought to renew the church organization in the land of the Slovaks. After the expulsion of the disciples of Methodius and the death of Bishop Wiching, the Church was in a state of collapse. Mojmir II sent a special delegation to Rome with his request for aid. Pope John IX heard his plea and appointed an archbishop and two bishops to take over the burdens of the Church in the land of the Slovaks. Mojmir :LI worked assiduously and courageously to save his country from impending doom, but the odds were against him. To the danger from the west was added the menace from the east. The fierce Magyars, who from 896 had settled in the valley of the lower Danube and made continual attacks on their neighbors, tore into Slovakia in 902. Mojmir rallied his forces and successfully repulsed the Magyar hordes. But the nomadic Mongols were not to be denied. After every setback, they retreated and prepared for a new attack. The Slovaks defended the independence of their country heroically, but finally were overpowered by the overwhelming forces of their enemies. In 906 Moj.mir's state collapsed and the Slovak nation lost its independence. (Continu ed) • • • Kerner's "Czechoslovakia" (Cont'd.) HISTORY OR PROPAGANDA? P.A. HROBAK "The tragedy of Czecho-Slovakia's fate hinged, of course, not on whether this democracy treated her minorities 'justly' or not, but on the fact that the minorities were used as 'Trojan horses' for the aggressive policies of the neighboring Powers. After all, it is not even debatable that Germany's minorities, and particularly the Jews, have been treated with much less 'justice' than Czecho-Slovakia's minorities. The same statement applies to the fate of the minirities in Hungary and Poland. The Polish treatment of her minorities in �60 SLOVAKIA particular appears paradoxical in relation to the demands that Warsaw made on Prague regarding the Polish minority in Teschen" - p. (188). It is hardly the task of an objective historian to act the role of apologist, but Roucek obviously seemed to forget that. The fact is that Czecho-Slovakia's fate was determined in a very large measure by the way the Masaryk and Benes regimes treated their minorities, and especially their "equal partners," the Slovaks. The "Czecho-Slovak" treatment of minorities and the Slovaks cannot be justified by the argument that the Germans and Poles treated their minorities less justly or more harshly. The historical fact remains that after twenty years of Czech rule, under Masaryk and Benes, all neighboring states hated Czecho-Slovakia, and her citizens, the Czechs included, refused to fire a single shot in her defense. And that tells us just about everything: Czecho-Slovakia was not worth fighting for! • • • "The only democratic country in a world of fascist and semifascist central and eastern European states, Czecho-Slovakia consistently suppressed ant-Jewish manifestations" - (p. 189). Roucek said it and Kerner published it in his "Czechoslovakia," but students of history should demand a bill of full particulars of at least some such actual manifestations. And, of course, we might also ask the "experts" on CzechoSlovakia whether the Masaryk-Benes "democracy" consistently suppressed anti-Christian and, particularly, anti-Catholic manifestations? Such manifestations evidently did not merit attention of Roucek and other pro-Czech historians. • • • After quoting statistics from "official" Czech sources t o explain population trends in Czecho-Slovakia, which, naturally, favored the Czechs at the expense of the minorities and the Slovaks, Mr. Roucek concludes his chapter (IX in Kerner's "Czechoslovakia") with this propagandistic extravaganza : "The inescapable conclusion is that the problem of Czecho-Slovakia's minorities was not so serious as the German and Magyar propaganda led others to believe; furthermore, that it could have been solved gradually and peacefully if Prague had been allowed to run its own affairs . . . . Did Czecho-Slovakia make a mistake in try- �SLOVAKIA 61 iing to solve her problem of minorities by de1T1ocratic, rather than by brutal and violent, methods, as her neighbors have done?" (p 192). • How naive can one get? We know that the Czechs (Prague) ran not only their own affairs, but also the affairs of the Slovaks, Magyars, Poles, Germans and Ruthenians, in the Czecho-Slovak Republic. The Masaryk-Benes regimes were anti-Slovak and anti-minority, but pro-Soviet at the same time. Hence, the problem of the minorities was more serious than pictured by Roucek, since, in the end, the Slovaks and all minorities were not willing to commit national suicide. The policies of Masaryk and Benes determined the fate of Czecho-Slovakia. By what "democratic" methods did the Masaryk-Benes regimes try to solve the problem of Czecho-Slovakia's minorities? Confiscation and censorship of the press, repudiation of natural rights and the right of free assembly, economic and political oppression - are these the "democratic" methods alluded to by Roucek? And what could have been more brutal and violent than the forced, inhumane expulsion of three and a half million Germans and hundreds of thousands of Magyars, and the complete sell-out of the Czech and Slovak nations by Benes to Stalin? • • • • • • Chapter X of Kerner's "Czechoslovakia" was contrib, uted by Lucy E. Textor (Vassar College); it is titled "Agriculture and Agrarian Reform." The biblography given at the end of the chapter is dominated by Czech authors. Scandals arising from the Land Reform act, as set up and executed by the Czechs, particularly by leading Czech politicians, are carefully omitted. "Czechoslovakia's Economic Development and Achievements" - Chapter XII of the book under consideration was written by Gerhard Schacher, member of the faculty of Medill School of Journalism, Northwestern University. There was no other country in central Europe which was to such a degree able and willing to modernize and rationalize its entire economic system by its own means and almost entirely without foreign support," says Schacher, and "that this was done in Czechoslovakia without aiming at �62 SLOVAKIA self-sufficiency was one of the greatest economic achievements in central Europe after the World War" - (p. 240). Just how Czecho-Slovakia was able to do that, however, is not clearly explained by Mr. Schacher. To him "Czechoslovakia" apparently means "Czech" (Czech: goods, labor, trade, imports, exports, manufacturers, businessmen, workers, armament, plants, crown, etc.). The rise of CZECH industry was phenomenal, indeed, but the professor somehow forgot to put down for the record what hapened to SLOVAK industry, which had existed in the land of the Slovaks during the Hungarian State. The tendency here, as elsewhere, is only too obvious . • • • • • • Brackett Lewis - A.B., Oberlin College; "engaged in war service with the Y. M. C. A. in Russia and in post-war service in central Russia, Archangel, Odessa, Vladivostok, Constantinople, and in Riga, Latvia, 1917-1928; director of the Y. M. C. A. of Czechoslovakia and secretary of the American Institute in Prague, 1928-1938" - wrote Chapter Xill entitled 'Social Reform and Social Legislation." He proves, even though I doubt he did it consciously, that Czecho-Slovkia was a socialistic state from the start. According to Lewis "a democratic outlook, which has been the characteristic of the Czechs since 1848, seemed to pervade all classes, and found expression in literature, education, and the professions, as well as in political life" (p. 253). While in Prague (1928-1938), Mr. Lewis was supposed to have made "special" studies of social and labor legislation and of the political system of the Republic, which resulted in his writing the book "Facts About Democray in Czechoslovakia" (Prague, 1938). The studies must have been "special," indeed, since Mr. Lewis apparently remained quite ignorant about the Slovaks and their country; his "facts" are for the most part Czech propaganda and not objective history. Chapter XIV - "Humanitarian Progress" - is the brain-child of Herbert Adolphus Miller (vd. Chapter V), according to whom: "The seeds that produced the social program of Czechoslovakia lie deep in history. The moral integrity of Hus and the democratic �SLOVAKIA 63 educational theories of Comenius (Komensky) were combined with many other forces through the ages to prepare the people for what they accomplished after 1918. The Declaration of Independence, written by Masaryk, not only embodied his own philosophy but also reflected the past and foreshadowed a future of which his countrymen approved" - (p. 271). But the fact is that "the seeds that produced the social program of Czechoslovakia" do not lie deep in SLOVAK history; the social program was strictly according to Masaryk and Benes and their followers, who tried even to "remake" Czech history. The "moral integrity" of Hus and the democratic educational theories" of Comenius, to: gether with "many other forces," may have prepared T. G. Masaryk, Edward Benes, and other Czech socialists for what they accomplished after 1918, and especially after 1945. We know what happened. Genuine Slovak patriots, however, preferred ta repudiate these "progressive" forces and were content to remain the nation of Sts. Cyril and Methodius. • • • "The Declaration of Independence," according to Miller in his Chapter on "Humanitarian Progress," was written by Masaryk, but what did this same Herbert Adolphus Miller say about this Declaration in a previous Chapter of the same book (pp. 83-86)? For the edification of present and future historians, and in the interest of historical truth, I believe a reproduction is in order. Mr. Miller said: "According to William E. Dodd" (Woodrow Wilson and His Work, p. 278), " 'on July 4, 1918, a mass meeting of the Czechoslovaks in Independence Hall in Philadelphia, issued a formal Declaration of Independence. President Wilson lent his support to this movement and finally announced American recognition of Czechoslovakia on September 2, 1918.' Mr. Dodd confused the frequent claims for independence by an unauthorized group with the official Declaration made by Masaryk, which was dated October 18, 1918. There is, however, a widespread and erroneous belief that Masaryk proclaimed it from Independence Hall. "The facts are as follows. Early in October, through the Swedish Minister, President Wilson had received a communication from Emperor Charles of Austria, proposing a reorganization of the empire. Wilson, as has been stated earlier, had told Masaryk that no decisions would be arrived at about Austria-Hungary without consult- �64 SLOVAKIA ing him. Wilson knew at this time that a Czechoslovak Declaration, of Independence was being prepared by Professor Masaryk. "About four o'clock on the afternoon of October 16, Mr. Cisar, Professor Masaryk's secretary, came to the room of the present writer (Herbert Adolphus Miller) in the Powhatan Hotel and, handing him an envelope, said: 'This is the Czechoslovak Declaration of Independence. The professor wants you to put it into good English.• On reading it over, the present writer decided that its style would be quite without appeal to the American public which it, in part, sought to influence, and that it needed complete revision. Accordingly, through chance assistance, he gathered together seven men,. including two lawyers and Mr. Cisar, and set to work. "Great care was taken to keep all the meaning of the original and at the same time to give a vigor of statement that would appeal to Americans. Every word and every sentence was weighed. The original typewritten copy was cut into more than a hundred pieces and pasted together in different order and then revised again and again. The group worked from seven-thirty in the evening until one- thirty in the morning of October 17, 1918. "Later in the forenoon, with Mr. Calfee, a Cleveland lawyer who had been present the previous evening, the present writer went to Professor Masaryk's residence, where again a detailed study was made of form and content, modifications being made wherever the meaning had been changed in the work of the night before. The rest of the day was spent in working on the text and about two o'clock on the morning of the eighteenth the Declaration was cabled to Dr. Benes in Paris. "In the forenoon of October 18, the present writer had a number of copies multigraphed and a special typewritten copy made for President Wilson. These are the only ORIGINAL copies of the Declaration that ever existed; even the copy that was given to the multigrapher has been lost. The question of when the Declaration should be published, whether in the morning or in the evening papers, was carefully weighed and it was finally decided to have it published in the morning papers, October 19. It was deliberately held until 4:00 P. M. of the eighteenth, for two reasons : that gave time enough for the Declaration to be cabled from Paris, where it was technically issued on October 18, and made its release too late for the evening papers. "In the meantime, President Wilson had been preparing his reply to Emperor Charles. Benes had feared some yielding, but, after receiving the Declaration from Masaryk, Wilson informed Benes in a letter that he was greatly touched by the proclamation and that Masaryk would be satisfied with the reply that was being sent to Austria-Hungary . ... (Continued) � SLOVAKIA 59 In 900 A. D. the Germans _again invaded Mojmir's territory, this time aided by the Czechs. After a terrific battle Mojmir II was forced to sue for peace, because his country was completely exhausted from constant warfare. After a peace was negotiated with the Germans, Mojmir sought to renew the church organization in the land of the Slovaks. After the expulsion of the disciples of Methodius and the death of Bishop Wiching, the Church was in a state of collapse. Mojmir II sent a special delegation to Rome with his request for aid. Pope John IX heard his plea and appointed an archbishop and two bishops to take over the burdens of the Church in the land of the Slovaks. Mojmir :LI worked assiduously and courageously to save his country from impending doom, but the odds were against him. To the danger from the west was added the menace from the east. The fierce Magyars, who from 896 had settled in the valley of the lower Danube and made continual attacks on their neighbors, tore into Slovakia in 902. Mojmir rallied his forces and successfully repulsed the Magyar hordes. But the nomadic Mongols were not to be denied. After every setback, they retreated and prepared for a new attack. The Slovaks defended the independence of their country heroically, but finally were overpowered by the overwhelming forces of their enemies. In 906 Moj.mir's state collapsed and the Slovak nation lost its independence. (Continu ed) • • • Kerner's "Czechoslovakia" (Cont'd.) HISTORY OR PROPAGANDA? P.A. HROBAK "The tragedy of Czecho-Slovakia's fate hinged, of course, not on whether this democracy treated her minorities 'justly' or not, but on the fact that the minorities were used as 'Trojan horses' for the aggressive policies of the neighboring Powers. After all, it is not even debatable that Germany's minorities, and particularly the Jews, have been treated with much less 'justice' than Czecho-Slovakia's minorities. The same statement applies to the fate of the minirities in Hungary and Poland. The Polish treatment of her minorities in �60 SLOVAKIA particular appears paradoxical in relation to the demands that Warsaw made on Prague regarding the Polish minority in Teschen" - p. (188). It is hardly the task of an objective historian to act the role of apologist, but Roucek obviously seemed to forget that. The fact is that Czecho-Slovakia's fate was determined in a very large measure by the way the Masaryk and Benes regimes treated their minorities, and especially their "equal partners," the Slovaks. The "Czecho-Slovak" treatment of minorities and the Slovaks cannot be justified by the argument that the Germans and Poles treated their minorities less justly or more harshly. The historical fact remains that after twenty years of Czech rule, under Masaryk and Benes, all neighboring states hated Czecho-Slovakia, and her citizens, the Czechs included, refused to fire a single shot in her defense. And that tells us just about everything: Czecho-Slovakia was not worth fighting for! • • • "The only democratic country in a world of fascist and semifascist central and eastern European states, Czecho-Slovakia consistently suppressed ant-Jewish manifestations" - (p. 189). Roucek said it and Kerner published it in his "Czechoslovakia," but students of history should demand a bill of full particulars of at least some such actual manifestations. And, of course, we might also ask the "experts" on CzechoSlovakia whether the Masaryk-Benes "democracy" consistently suppressed anti-Christian and, particularly, anti-Catholic manifestations? Such manifestations evidently did not merit attention of Roucek and other pro-Czech historians. • • • After quoting statistics from "official" Czech sources t o explain population trends in Czecho-Slovakia, which, naturally, favored the Czechs at the expense of the minorities and the Slovaks, Mr. Roucek concludes his chapter (IX in Kerner's "Czechoslovakia") with this propagandistic extravaganza : "The inescapable conclusion is that the problem of Czecho-Slovakia's minorities was not so serious as the German and Magyar propaganda led others to believe; furthermore, that it could have been solved gradually and peacefully if Prague had been allowed to run its own affairs . . . . Did Czecho-Slovakia make a mistake in try- �SLOVAKIA 61 iing to solve her problem of minorities by de1T1ocratic, rather than by brutal and violent, methods, as her neighbors have done?" (p 192). • How naive can one get? We know that the Czechs (Prague) ran not only their own affairs, but also the affairs of the Slovaks, Magyars, Poles, Germans and Ruthenians, in the Czecho-Slovak Republic. The Masaryk-Benes regimes were anti-Slovak and anti-minority, but pro-Soviet at the same time. Hence, the problem of the minorities was more serious than pictured by Roucek, since, in the end, the Slovaks and all minorities were not willing to commit national suicide. The policies of Masaryk and Benes determined the fate of Czecho-Slovakia. By what "democratic" methods did the Masaryk-Benes regimes try to solve the problem of Czecho-Slovakia's minorities? Confiscation and censorship of the press, repudiation of natural rights and the right of free assembly, economic and political oppression - are these the "democratic" methods alluded to by Roucek? And what could have been more brutal and violent than the forced, inhumane expulsion of three and a half million Germans and hundreds of thousands of Magyars, and the complete sell-out of the Czech and Slovak nations by Benes to Stalin? • • • • • • Chapter X of Kerner's "Czechoslovakia" was contrib, uted by Lucy E. Textor (Vassar College); it is titled "Agriculture and Agrarian Reform." The biblography given at the end of the chapter is dominated by Czech authors. Scandals arising from the Land Reform act, as set up and executed by the Czechs, particularly by leading Czech politicians, are carefully omitted. "Czechoslovakia's Economic Development and Achievements" - Chapter XII of the book under consideration was written by Gerhard Schacher, member of the faculty of Medill School of Journalism, Northwestern University. There was no other country in central Europe which was to such a degree able and willing to modernize and rationalize its entire economic system by its own means and almost entirely without foreign support," says Schacher, and "that this was done in Czechoslovakia without aiming at �62 SLOVAKIA self-sufficiency was one of the greatest economic achievements in central Europe after the World War" - (p. 240). Just how Czecho-Slovakia was able to do that, however, is not clearly explained by Mr. Schacher. To him "Czechoslovakia" apparently means "Czech" (Czech: goods, labor, trade, imports, exports, manufacturers, businessmen, workers, armament, plants, crown, etc.). The rise of CZECH industry was phenomenal, indeed, but the professor somehow forgot to put down for the record what hapened to SLOVAK industry, which had existed in the land of the Slovaks during the Hungarian State. The tendency here, as elsewhere, is only too obvious . • • • • • • Brackett Lewis - A.B., Oberlin College; "engaged in war service with the Y. M. C. A. in Russia and in post-war service in central Russia, Archangel, Odessa, Vladivostok, Constantinople, and in Riga, Latvia, 1917-1928; director of the Y. M. C. A. of Czechoslovakia and secretary of the American Institute in Prague, 1928-1938" - wrote Chapter Xill entitled 'Social Reform and Social Legislation." He proves, even though I doubt he did it consciously, that Czecho-Slovkia was a socialistic state from the start. According to Lewis "a democratic outlook, which has been the characteristic of the Czechs since 1848, seemed to pervade all classes, and found expression in literature, education, and the professions, as well as in political life" (p. 253). While in Prague (1928-1938), Mr. Lewis was supposed to have made "special" studies of social and labor legislation and of the political system of the Republic, which resulted in his writing the book "Facts About Democray in Czechoslovakia" (Prague, 1938). The studies must have been "special," indeed, since Mr. Lewis apparently remained quite ignorant about the Slovaks and their country; his "facts" are for the most part Czech propaganda and not objective history. Chapter XIV - "Humanitarian Progress" - is the brain-child of Herbert Adolphus Miller (vd. Chapter V), according to whom: "The seeds that produced the social program of Czechoslovakia lie deep in history. The moral integrity of Hus and the democratic �SLOVAKIA 63 educational theories of Comenius (Komensky) were combined with many other forces through the ages to prepare the people for what they accomplished after 1918. The Declaration of Independence, written by Masaryk, not only embodied his own philosophy but also reflected the past and foreshadowed a future of which his countrymen approved" - (p. 271). But the fact is that "the seeds that produced the social program of Czechoslovakia" do not lie deep in SLOVAK history; the social program was strictly according to Masaryk and Benes and their followers, who tried even to "remake" Czech history. The "moral integrity" of Hus and the democratic educational theories" of Comenius, to: gether with "many other forces," may have prepared T. G. Masaryk, Edward Benes, and other Czech socialists for what they accomplished after 1918, and especially after 1945. We know what happened. Genuine Slovak patriots, however, preferred ta repudiate these "progressive" forces and were content to remain the nation of Sts. Cyril and Methodius. • • • "The Declaration of Independence," according to Miller in his Chapter on "Humanitarian Progress," was written by Masaryk, but what did this same Herbert Adolphus Miller say about this Declaration in a previous Chapter of the same book (pp. 83-86)? For the edification of present and future historians, and in the interest of historical truth, I believe a reproduction is in order. Mr. Miller said: "According to William E. Dodd" (Woodrow Wilson and His Work, p. 278), " 'on July 4, 1918, a mass meeting of the Czechoslovaks in Independence Hall in Philadelphia, issued a formal Declaration of Independence. President Wilson lent his support to this movement and finally announced American recognition of Czechoslovakia on September 2, 1918.' Mr. Dodd confused the frequent claims for independence by an unauthorized group with the official Declaration made by Masaryk, which was dated October 18, 1918. There is, however, a widespread and erroneous belief that Masaryk proclaimed it from Independence Hall. "The facts are as follows. Early in October, through the Swedish Minister, President Wilson had received a communication from Emperor Charles of Austria, proposing a reorganization of the empire. Wilson, as has been stated earlier, had told Masaryk that no decisions would be arrived at about Austria-Hungary without consult- �64 SLOVAKIA ing him. Wilson knew at this time that a Czechoslovak Declaration, of Independence was being prepared by Professor Masaryk. "About four o'clock on the afternoon of October 16, Mr. Cisar, Professor Masaryk's secretary, came to the room of the present writer (Herbert Adolphus Miller) in the Powhatan Hotel and, handing him an envelope, said: 'This is the Czechoslovak Declaration of Independence. The professor wants you to put it into good English.• On reading it over, the present writer decided that its style would be quite without appeal to the American public which it, in part, sought to influence, and that it needed complete revision. Accordingly, through chance assistance, he gathered together seven men,. including two lawyers and Mr. Cisar, and set to work. "Great care was taken to keep all the meaning of the original and at the same time to give a vigor of statement that would appeal to Americans. Every word and every sentence was weighed. The original typewritten copy was cut into more than a hundred pieces and pasted together in different order and then revised again and again. The group worked from seven-thirty in the evening until one- thirty in the morning of October 17, 1918. "Later in the forenoon, with Mr. Calfee, a Cleveland lawyer who had been present the previous evening, the present writer went to Professor Masaryk's residence, where again a detailed study was made of form and content, modifications being made wherever the meaning had been changed in the work of the night before. The rest of the day was spent in working on the text and about two o'clock on the morning of the eighteenth the Declaration was cabled to Dr. Benes in Paris. "In the forenoon of October 18, the present writer had a number of copies multigraphed and a special typewritten copy made for President Wilson. These are the only ORIGINAL copies of the Declaration that ever existed; even the copy that was given to the multigrapher has been lost. The question of when the Declaration should be published, whether in the morning or in the evening papers, was carefully weighed and it was finally decided to have it published in the morning papers, October 19. It was deliberately held until 4:00 P. M. of the eighteenth, for two reasons : that gave time enough for the Declaration to be cabled from Paris, where it was technically issued on October 18, and made its release too late for the evening papers. "In the meantime, President Wilson had been preparing his reply to Emperor Charles. Benes had feared some yielding, but, after receiving the Declaration from Masaryk, Wilson informed Benes in a letter that he was greatly touched by the proclamation and that Masaryk would be satisfied with the reply that was being sent to Austria-Hungary . ... (Continued) � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1957, Vol. 7 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 22), March 1957.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 23), June 1957.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 24-25), September-December 1957.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1957 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 59 In 900 A. D. the Germans _again invaded Mojmir's territory, this time aided by the Czechs. After a terrific battle Mojmir II was forced to sue for peace, because his country was completely exhausted from constant warfare. After a peace was negotiated with the Germans, Mojmir sought to renew the church organization in the land of the Slovaks. After the expulsion of the disciples of Methodius and the death of Bishop Wiching, the Church was in a state of collapse. Mojmir II sent a special delegation to Rome with his request for aid. Pope John IX heard his plea and appointed an archbishop and two bishops to take over the burdens of the Church in the land of the Slovaks. Mojmir :LI worked assiduously and courageously to save his country from impending doom, but the odds were against him. To the danger from the west was added the menace from the east. The fierce Magyars, who from 896 had settled in the valley of the lower Danube and made continual attacks on their neighbors, tore into Slovakia in 902. Mojmir rallied his forces and successfully repulsed the Magyar hordes. But the nomadic Mongols were not to be denied. After every setback, they retreated and prepared for a new attack. The Slovaks defended the independence of their country heroically, but finally were overpowered by the overwhelming forces of their enemies. In 906 Moj.mir's state collapsed and the Slovak nation lost its independence. (Continu ed) • • • Kerner's "Czechoslovakia" (Cont'd.) HISTORY OR PROPAGANDA? P.A. HROBAK "The tragedy of Czecho-Slovakia's fate hinged, of course, not on whether this democracy treated her minorities 'justly' or not, but on the fact that the minorities were used as 'Trojan horses' for the aggressive policies of the neighboring Powers. After all, it is not even debatable that Germany's minorities, and particularly the Jews, have been treated with much less 'justice' than Czecho-Slovakia's minorities. The same statement applies to the fate of the minirities in Hungary and Poland. The Polish treatment of her minorities in 60 SLOVAKIA particular appears paradoxical in relation to the demands that Warsaw made on Prague regarding the Polish minority in Teschen" - p. (188). It is hardly the task of an objective historian to act the role of apologist, but Roucek obviously seemed to forget that. The fact is that Czecho-Slovakia's fate was determined in a very large measure by the way the Masaryk and Benes regimes treated their minorities, and especially their "equal partners," the Slovaks. The "Czecho-Slovak" treatment of minorities and the Slovaks cannot be justified by the argument that the Germans and Poles treated their minorities less justly or more harshly. The historical fact remains that after twenty years of Czech rule, under Masaryk and Benes, all neighboring states hated Czecho-Slovakia, and her citizens, the Czechs included, refused to fire a single shot in her defense. And that tells us just about everything: Czecho-Slovakia was not worth fighting for! • • • "The only democratic country in a world of fascist and semifascist central and eastern European states, Czecho-Slovakia consistently suppressed ant-Jewish manifestations" - (p. 189). Roucek said it and Kerner published it in his "Czechoslovakia," but students of history should demand a bill of full particulars of at least some such actual manifestations. And, of course, we might also ask the "experts" on CzechoSlovakia whether the Masaryk-Benes "democracy" consistently suppressed anti-Christian and, particularly, anti-Catholic manifestations? Such manifestations evidently did not merit attention of Roucek and other pro-Czech historians. • • • After quoting statistics from "official" Czech sources t o explain population trends in Czecho-Slovakia, which, naturally, favored the Czechs at the expense of the minorities and the Slovaks, Mr. Roucek concludes his chapter (IX in Kerner's "Czechoslovakia") with this propagandistic extravaganza : "The inescapable conclusion is that the problem of Czecho-Slovakia's minorities was not so serious as the German and Magyar propaganda led others to believe; furthermore, that it could have been solved gradually and peacefully if Prague had been allowed to run its own affairs . . . . Did Czecho-Slovakia make a mistake in try- SLOVAKIA 61 iing to solve her problem of minorities by de1T1ocratic, rather than by brutal and violent, methods, as her neighbors have done?" (p 192). • How naive can one get? We know that the Czechs (Prague) ran not only their own affairs, but also the affairs of the Slovaks, Magyars, Poles, Germans and Ruthenians, in the Czecho-Slovak Republic. The Masaryk-Benes regimes were anti-Slovak and anti-minority, but pro-Soviet at the same time. Hence, the problem of the minorities was more serious than pictured by Roucek, since, in the end, the Slovaks and all minorities were not willing to commit national suicide. The policies of Masaryk and Benes determined the fate of Czecho-Slovakia. By what "democratic" methods did the Masaryk-Benes regimes try to solve the problem of Czecho-Slovakia's minorities? Confiscation and censorship of the press, repudiation of natural rights and the right of free assembly, economic and political oppression - are these the "democratic" methods alluded to by Roucek? And what could have been more brutal and violent than the forced, inhumane expulsion of three and a half million Germans and hundreds of thousands of Magyars, and the complete sell-out of the Czech and Slovak nations by Benes to Stalin? • • • • • • Chapter X of Kerner's "Czechoslovakia" was contrib, uted by Lucy E. Textor (Vassar College); it is titled "Agriculture and Agrarian Reform." The biblography given at the end of the chapter is dominated by Czech authors. Scandals arising from the Land Reform act, as set up and executed by the Czechs, particularly by leading Czech politicians, are carefully omitted. "Czechoslovakia's Economic Development and Achievements" - Chapter XII of the book under consideration was written by Gerhard Schacher, member of the faculty of Medill School of Journalism, Northwestern University. There was no other country in central Europe which was to such a degree able and willing to modernize and rationalize its entire economic system by its own means and almost entirely without foreign support," says Schacher, and "that this was done in Czechoslovakia without aiming at 62 SLOVAKIA self-sufficiency was one of the greatest economic achievements in central Europe after the World War" - (p. 240). Just how Czecho-Slovakia was able to do that, however, is not clearly explained by Mr. Schacher. To him "Czechoslovakia" apparently means "Czech" (Czech: goods, labor, trade, imports, exports, manufacturers, businessmen, workers, armament, plants, crown, etc.). The rise of CZECH industry was phenomenal, indeed, but the professor somehow forgot to put down for the record what hapened to SLOVAK industry, which had existed in the land of the Slovaks during the Hungarian State. The tendency here, as elsewhere, is only too obvious . • • • • • • Brackett Lewis - A.B., Oberlin College; "engaged in war service with the Y. M. C. A. in Russia and in post-war service in central Russia, Archangel, Odessa, Vladivostok, Constantinople, and in Riga, Latvia, 1917-1928; director of the Y. M. C. A. of Czechoslovakia and secretary of the American Institute in Prague, 1928-1938" - wrote Chapter Xill entitled 'Social Reform and Social Legislation." He proves, even though I doubt he did it consciously, that Czecho-Slovkia was a socialistic state from the start. According to Lewis "a democratic outlook, which has been the characteristic of the Czechs since 1848, seemed to pervade all classes, and found expression in literature, education, and the professions, as well as in political life" (p. 253). While in Prague (1928-1938), Mr. Lewis was supposed to have made "special" studies of social and labor legislation and of the political system of the Republic, which resulted in his writing the book "Facts About Democray in Czechoslovakia" (Prague, 1938). The studies must have been "special," indeed, since Mr. Lewis apparently remained quite ignorant about the Slovaks and their country; his "facts" are for the most part Czech propaganda and not objective history. Chapter XIV - "Humanitarian Progress" - is the brain-child of Herbert Adolphus Miller (vd. Chapter V), according to whom: "The seeds that produced the social program of Czechoslovakia lie deep in history. The moral integrity of Hus and the democratic SLOVAKIA 63 educational theories of Comenius (Komensky) were combined with many other forces through the ages to prepare the people for what they accomplished after 1918. The Declaration of Independence, written by Masaryk, not only embodied his own philosophy but also reflected the past and foreshadowed a future of which his countrymen approved" - (p. 271). But the fact is that "the seeds that produced the social program of Czechoslovakia" do not lie deep in SLOVAK history; the social program was strictly according to Masaryk and Benes and their followers, who tried even to "remake" Czech history. The "moral integrity" of Hus and the democratic educational theories" of Comenius, to: gether with "many other forces," may have prepared T. G. Masaryk, Edward Benes, and other Czech socialists for what they accomplished after 1918, and especially after 1945. We know what happened. Genuine Slovak patriots, however, preferred ta repudiate these "progressive" forces and were content to remain the nation of Sts. Cyril and Methodius. • • • "The Declaration of Independence," according to Miller in his Chapter on "Humanitarian Progress," was written by Masaryk, but what did this same Herbert Adolphus Miller say about this Declaration in a previous Chapter of the same book (pp. 83-86)? For the edification of present and future historians, and in the interest of historical truth, I believe a reproduction is in order. Mr. Miller said: "According to William E. Dodd" (Woodrow Wilson and His Work, p. 278), " 'on July 4, 1918, a mass meeting of the Czechoslovaks in Independence Hall in Philadelphia, issued a formal Declaration of Independence. President Wilson lent his support to this movement and finally announced American recognition of Czechoslovakia on September 2, 1918.' Mr. Dodd confused the frequent claims for independence by an unauthorized group with the official Declaration made by Masaryk, which was dated October 18, 1918. There is, however, a widespread and erroneous belief that Masaryk proclaimed it from Independence Hall. "The facts are as follows. Early in October, through the Swedish Minister, President Wilson had received a communication from Emperor Charles of Austria, proposing a reorganization of the empire. Wilson, as has been stated earlier, had told Masaryk that no decisions would be arrived at about Austria-Hungary without consult- 64 SLOVAKIA ing him. Wilson knew at this time that a Czechoslovak Declaration, of Independence was being prepared by Professor Masaryk. "About four o'clock on the afternoon of October 16, Mr. Cisar, Professor Masaryk's secretary, came to the room of the present writer (Herbert Adolphus Miller) in the Powhatan Hotel and, handing him an envelope, said: 'This is the Czechoslovak Declaration of Independence. The professor wants you to put it into good English.• On reading it over, the present writer decided that its style would be quite without appeal to the American public which it, in part, sought to influence, and that it needed complete revision. Accordingly, through chance assistance, he gathered together seven men,. including two lawyers and Mr. Cisar, and set to work. "Great care was taken to keep all the meaning of the original and at the same time to give a vigor of statement that would appeal to Americans. Every word and every sentence was weighed. The original typewritten copy was cut into more than a hundred pieces and pasted together in different order and then revised again and again. The group worked from seven-thirty in the evening until one- thirty in the morning of October 17, 1918. "Later in the forenoon, with Mr. Calfee, a Cleveland lawyer who had been present the previous evening, the present writer went to Professor Masaryk's residence, where again a detailed study was made of form and content, modifications being made wherever the meaning had been changed in the work of the night before. The rest of the day was spent in working on the text and about two o'clock on the morning of the eighteenth the Declaration was cabled to Dr. Benes in Paris. "In the forenoon of October 18, the present writer had a number of copies multigraphed and a special typewritten copy made for President Wilson. These are the only ORIGINAL copies of the Declaration that ever existed; even the copy that was given to the multigrapher has been lost. The question of when the Declaration should be published, whether in the morning or in the evening papers, was carefully weighed and it was finally decided to have it published in the morning papers, October 19. It was deliberately held until 4:00 P. M. of the eighteenth, for two reasons : that gave time enough for the Declaration to be cabled from Paris, where it was technically issued on October 18, and made its release too late for the evening papers. "In the meantime, President Wilson had been preparing his reply to Emperor Charles. Benes had feared some yielding, but, after receiving the Declaration from Masaryk, Wilson informed Benes in a letter that he was greatly touched by the proclamation and that Masaryk would be satisfied with the reply that was being sent to Austria-Hungary . ... (Continued)  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Professor Kerner's "CZECHOSLOVAKIA": History or Propaganda? (6/8) Description An account of the resource P. A. Hrobak Slovakia, Vol. 7, No. 1 (22), March 1957 pp. 59-64 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Hrobak, Philip Anthony, 1904-1964 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource March 1957 Relation A related resource continued from <a href="/items/show/197">Vol. 6, No. 3-4 (20-21), pp. 88-96</a><br />continues in <a href="/items/show/242">Vol. 7, No. 2 (23), pp. 52-57</a> LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/1f0f9bc599dea6701063b4aebfa243bf.pdf 58cecf62a0a46d604e71bc2cd40df4c8 PDF Text Text Officers of the Slovak League of America (Organized May 26, 1907, Cleveland, Ohio) Honorary Presid ent Vice-President Dr. Peter P. Hletko Julia Krajcovic 19-13 W . 48th Street Chicago 9, Illinois 16-18 W. 18th St., Chicago 8, Ill. llecord ing Secretary President Philip Constantine Culen A. 2900 East Boulevard Cleveland 4, Ohio Hrob ak P. 0 . !:lox 150, .\liddl etown, Pa. Vice-President Secretary-Treasurer Jacob Kocis l\lilan V. 1517 -- lli7th Street Hammond, Ind. B lazek -1922 S. Leela.ire Avenue Chicago 38, Ill. EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE Paul Stephen J. Tkach P. Jamriska 173 N. Main Street Wilkes-Darre, Pa. SlO Montooth Street Pittsburgh 10, Pa. Andrew J. Hamrock Franc es L. Mize nko 61 Woodland Avenu e Campbell, Ohio 3756 Lee 'Road Cleveland 28, Ohio Jo seph Prusa 205 l\Iadison St., Passaic, N. J. ADVISORY COUNCIL Stephen J . Tkach l,lichael J. Vargovich National President Penna. Slovak Union :-.ational President First Catholic.: Slovak Union Anna Sotak Helen Kocan National President Ladies Pennsylvania Slovak Union National President First Catholic Slovak Ladies Union Paul Fallat John Rozboril National President Slovak Catholic Sokol National President Slovak Catholic Cadet Union SLOVAK NEWSPAPERS (Affiliated with the Slovak League of America ) JEDNOTA SLOVENSKA OBRANA ZENSKA JEONOTA Middletown, Pa. Scranton, Pa. Cleveland, Ohio BRATSTVO SLOVENSKE NOVINY ZORNICKA Cleveland, Ohio Chicago, Ill. KATOLICKY SOKOL SVORNOST OSADN E H LASY Passaic, N. J . Whitaker, Pa. Chicago, Ill. Wilkes-Barre, Pa. SL OVAK V AMERIKE Whiting, Ind. �Benes Defied Last Minute ,.o" 0 " Warning Not to Murder : President Dr. Tiso WHAT THEY SAY ABOUT TISO : . Tiso Exec1uion Shocks V. ahcan ,._o.,,,0.~ / ... • B eg Im e i en e 5 R ders Deat h r 0 \VSNY, Schenectady, N. Y.,:! • ;Jic Broadcasts About Tiso : ,- for Fr TI so London 1Pl' I - Edwar1' Bene.A. ~ C Z 10 0 Vat ican C i l ~ _ Jz:i &11 et• ro ~Rve the Rew Dr Joae pb I ► T l!lo " 'l\r -tt m" prP!lden t t>f Slo~ 1...,!orT 1.1un1,.,, _,11rta1or nr i\loarow-made z ('zPcbn-Slnv1'k111 ,..,., 1'Ptermlned lO ru 11rdPr Or J O!t'pb T iso, t be ~ 88 of April 1e Te ll e of An xltty or Slov a k ■ Over Tl ■ o Sbtement . 1so JAU.n'•~¥c;1iT ~ l e ~ t An atm oapberP- , 1N J:.i~ ,....Clf'IU 8U (WHO ~ D DR, 'n.80!) : nso m : MoRIAL MASS Jeolr ~o u,; LAKEWOOD, 1':fsolr.z./JJ:.n o. \]Pmonal Man fo r lb e -THE CAT H O UC UNIVERSE BU LLETIN- MURDER IN CZECHO-SLOVAKIA They Killed President Tiso v. ERN Y OLOVAK and Slovak communists dem .MASS FOR TISO ;:,or:;;:r ~~! ~:tec~~~01~~ 1'r d Dr Edward Bene§ obliged. Fa IN PH ILADELPHIA t the 001 of Dr T l10·1 de h PIDLIP JAMES ANTHO:>'Y ~s1dent of wartime ' S l'AUL KOTYA 4 Go • }A.ASS g,~~d...Par ··~:::i.. and··w ··IC."k-J People N HOL Y &EE u ~ CZECH PRESIOENT TO SPAR E HIS LIFS u ~ - : __, to"o and hamlet ot Slov': ·The Murder of Tiso Has Shocked i Tiso More Dangerous Dead Thao Alive; Writer Sums Up • ~ ~ ' ~ "' the Civilized World ..• " ,, 0 ~ 0 ~• , n0NoTA Feeling of Slovaks ~ ~ f c■ NTRAL Eu&~~~~~~a T~NRoauR~~~'~T ~~ pt;:iR~;MPATH v To • . ......... ,,, death WU prooouoced 011 preelden t 8 of Jews and othel"f 11 ~ Q O BY J ~ N E R, ~ By Our (Special CorrupondeP1t, N C. W. C. New, Servic e) Dratlsla \'I, Apri l :?1 . - ''Tiso lli.·i ll be mo re da nse rous dead than ~hl_a · ·.ru the opinion exprl'll~~ MURDER IN -stovAKIA :::;e,"L 01 •Benes Hangs ·Speech ather T•ISO Corre■p0Pldent and about Czech Arr Cen-1 I..o ndon, A pril l0. - The Court, tral European communit y In Great the lncreuett d th' ogance an e , Death of Rev. Joseph Tiso ; -- or HON. ALVIN E. O'ICONSKI of Wisconsin 1n the· -House of Re t&tt w-..1 ~ ·1 A . The r ecent waTe or pollUe&I Tpreeen ves cun~a.y, pril 23, 1947 k.Hl~cga In Eu~op! bu arouaed lh_!I < ' Mr. 0 KOMKI. Mr. Speaker, the NlCellt h&nglng by the E-< Commumsts of CzechoslO\•alda of the bra,•f) and gallant Monsignor J oseph Tiso wao murder In its moot ghaotly aod shameful fonn. Th e bra,·e and gallant Monsignor J oseph Q BRIDGEPORT SLOVAKS Tiso went the way of the immortal General i\liha.llo,;tch a.nd Mi,lrJl,.town, Pa - T he ward , ~ AT MASS FOR TISO the lmmortal Archbish op Stepinac, of Yugoslavia.. of J,ednota llome and the, SJ1uer1 exe< Tho F : 01 o z . . Memorial Mass for Tiso at Jednota Home Bars Mercy • .... .•"" Communist Executions in Slovakia I'••"~-;·•"'<;-.,._.,, ., th_, i,;Execulion of Father Tiso _ _ , Months Mmd Mass Fer """ "C0Sl BeneS ChaDCe l0 w·JD or ~hgr Jose ph Tl.!o. prealdei R_e pu_bl k durln PF:TF:·R p J 't·n'c 11 i K~ --- Tiso. JEO NOT.A. L It f SI k V ti I Th e cold·blood ed execution vak < r,:~lu~~s ~ 1 ;::~~~=c) : !.e_!l~d=?~ .. sio,\~~~...~~.11 g~i~. ,~r -~-~_;~ t:~ mule t.he 1e11tencf' oC death to ]Ur , ..... ~1o .... m,.nt Z ~ P11 tsburgb, 'T'h .. ~'- - .. Pa. Rei· M, B. 11\d eo t of tb ~ C' -~ }Al\SS Oya y O OVa S, Paper Says fOR a can · •!,11'},\0Rl JIL Vllil'l:l,!IQ,~ - ; Am • M ·a1 . .Dr. Tiso Hanged, Goes to.,Plttrr1s0 1N__.. Rome Apr il 19 (NC) The q I encan emon m Gallows in Calm Prayer !~.~:..~ .~~~· "-~~~ Ci:ech governmen~ of Pruldent ;::; Tribute to Tiso ,.oN oT• a Y , . " MAUTHNER "TISO ACTED AND WORKED IN THE INTEREST ~ NATIONAL ;:;;;;£ PLANNED B rat itl av, . ~ The Re, OF THE NATION AND WAS NEVER A TRAITOR.••" , IN HONOR OF SLOVAKIA'S Jo,cph T iso. wartime preside_ -Archbp. Kmetko i5 MARTYR .,,..,, •• to hl o .Administration Scored for .s: ~ Thi" propospd monutr ·- • •· .. . TI SO !IDAORIAL MASS tJ 00 Failure to Make Dr. Tiso IN PERTH AMBOY :;j ' ""' , , ... s,.,.,, , MD.IO RIAL MASS FOR In re\·ered memo ry o r >TI SO IN NEW YORK -=-"-=="-==-=-- 0 ,,,11 ,lwm •• • '"" . Execution Protest h th US What Happened Wit e SLOVAKIA VS. COMM NI M "'"''""'""· Ap, ,, ,sc, Body of Tiso? ;,,: I SPEECH e,:11,•,•:_n Europe to tnsun;:<:~~~~!~~YOUNGSTOWN SLOVAKS ~ 1 OF I• • .... , 'ATTEND MASS FOR TI SO V. ER NY SLOVAK ' ;.> HON. RAV J . !\1 .\DDEN Women Who Paraded for . · '" ~ Apr!! 20th, t he Commlaur!at /i' ~ 1:-1 TRI'. HO I -::-. 1:~~::~E~TU IHS Tiso to Be Sent to Slovak Police Confiscate ::un~~~tiCII ln Brat isl ava 12~: 194 ~ ,u, .. ,,.,y. Jfo,c/, ol. ~EONOT' Labor Camps Issue of Catholic Paper -· Dr. fj;~· ···- :' <I! .... '"' '" impon~"". lo ...... u 0 ~ ~ w,OI d I ;u ~ J~s~ph ,.!1:;icaM;~~D:~i Ub;~;~.\o~fnet::: Prl\gue. ( N ~lo,•ak ~ondi'~;t~~:\~v:~ (~;\\;71\ T:;;~o: h: Priu t, Tuche 0~dcnt ar,d &II· Na. Slovak Ministry to Suppress ; ~o ;~eF:;~ ll~lls:~l~~:r,~~m~a,;~cent _,ac tion by th e Pub_llc P ro! t lo l\.ll Hero o~lov.ak Nation • 0 D- Ji'. l'uto1 omre. J u~tlre or<ic!als co Dr J o11e_ph T iso, war,tlme pre• 0 z Demonstrations for Repertnss1ons n r. 1so;:~:ie~o~-i~~.~.p1;1:;~~~iu~lc~~~ ~ -~ TI SO ME.10RIAL MASS : Dr. Tiso Death Continue 'Czech Police Ape Nazis in ~ERS_,_li_•.x.,_ 1> T'r~guf". (:,; r) - Tb(' Slov;,k ~ Another &1ov.a k Luder Re portec Spying On Sermons . ''JED NOT A' t f 0 l!lfi lrr or the In ter ior, Gen. ,.., £ idled By Ru ul ane -C h Rd M Z 1: Jr nrik . h a11 be t•n ,i:-ranted 11per P rnirne. Though tbt P rague. {:,;'C) - Agent 11 or the zec e S aneUVef to [Tl ,..rr11 tn , 111,prr~JI '°i1\cg111 demi Rev. Or. Joseph Ti so, pres ident 01 Czech pol!ce, beaded by Commuo• K S . d Ca h I' 0 ~ slr:i1i11n•·· fa\nring the releas e ' • ,., ____ ,. ,_ ,. __ ,. ___ \st Minister or I nte rior VaclaT Noeep e1ze t O IC :I: 10 ~ ~~:s~r1: :r -~~~:.:~1 ~11!i1;~;-~~Pontiff Well Acquair.l'cd ~::1~t'.:~-ear~~p~:~1 ~«ee:;ft:~~cr: ~:~ Schools in Slovakia ~ C/l With Slovak Religious "~~;;:;;~; ~~~;~t• "c' _ T,, comm"' '" : 0 JI (A ! (t,.;(') _ 110 • a~ r ~t ;~~~--~;~:;~;;~•·~;;_-ss IN MI L'IIAUJ(E~ -c:i .AN~im.iion1 ~lrN-a~ _,,, AT ;:,:c:n Lllll"f.RrrT· ,.,...,, TISO MASS \loml"'"' T,·,d• u,10, "•"m'"' ,( or Czec hos\oukla bas come l1.P \il1Ll£RSVILLE STATE COLLEGE"' ·,,., fl_LERSVILLE. PA. 17551 � Officers of the Slovak League of America (Organized May 26, 1907, Cleveland, Ohio) Honorary Presid ent Vice-President Dr. Peter P. Hletko Julia Krajcovic 19-13 W . 48th Street Chicago 9, Illinois 16-18 W. 18th St., Chicago 8, Ill. llecord ing Secretary President Philip Constantine Culen A. 2900 East Boulevard Cleveland 4, Ohio Hrob ak P. 0 . !:lox 150, .\liddl etown, Pa. Vice-President Secretary-Treasurer Jacob Kocis l\lilan V. 1517 -- lli7th Street Hammond, Ind. B lazek -1922 S. Leela.ire Avenue Chicago 38, Ill. EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE Paul Stephen J. Tkach P. Jamriska 173 N. Main Street Wilkes-Darre, Pa. SlO Montooth Street Pittsburgh 10, Pa. Andrew J. Hamrock Franc es L. Mize nko 61 Woodland Avenu e Campbell, Ohio 3756 Lee 'Road Cleveland 28, Ohio Jo seph Prusa 205 l\Iadison St., Passaic, N. J. ADVISORY COUNCIL Stephen J . Tkach l,lichael J. Vargovich National President Penna. Slovak Union :-.ational President First Catholic.: Slovak Union Anna Sotak Helen Kocan National President Ladies Pennsylvania Slovak Union National President First Catholic Slovak Ladies Union Paul Fallat John Rozboril National President Slovak Catholic Sokol National President Slovak Catholic Cadet Union SLOVAK NEWSPAPERS (Affiliated with the Slovak League of America ) JEDNOTA SLOVENSKA OBRANA ZENSKA JEONOTA Middletown, Pa. Scranton, Pa. Cleveland, Ohio BRATSTVO SLOVENSKE NOVINY ZORNICKA Cleveland, Ohio Chicago, Ill. KATOLICKY SOKOL SVORNOST OSADN E H LASY Passaic, N. J . Whitaker, Pa. Chicago, Ill. Wilkes-Barre, Pa. SL OVAK V AMERIKE Whiting, Ind. �Benes Defied Last Minute ,.o" 0 " Warning Not to Murder : President Dr. Tiso WHAT THEY SAY ABOUT TISO : . Tiso Exec1uion Shocks V. ahcan ,._o.,,,0.~ / ... • B eg Im e i en e 5 R ders Deat h r 0 \VSNY, Schenectady, N. Y.,:! • ;Jic Broadcasts About Tiso : ,- for Fr TI so London 1Pl' I - Edwar1' Bene.A. ~ C Z 10 0 Vat ican C i l ~ _ Jz:i &11 et• ro ~Rve the Rew Dr Joae pb I ► T l!lo " 'l\r -tt m" prP!lden t t>f Slo~ 1...,!orT 1.1un1,.,, _,11rta1or nr i\loarow-made z ('zPcbn-Slnv1'k111 ,..,., 1'Ptermlned lO ru 11rdPr Or J O!t'pb T iso, t be ~ 88 of April 1e Te ll e of An xltty or Slov a k ■ Over Tl ■ o Sbtement . 1so JAU.n'•~¥c;1iT ~ l e ~ t An atm oapberP- , 1N J:.i~ ,....Clf'IU 8U (WHO ~ D DR, 'n.80!) : nso m : MoRIAL MASS Jeolr ~o u,; LAKEWOOD, 1':fsolr.z./JJ:.n o. \]Pmonal Man fo r lb e -THE CAT H O UC UNIVERSE BU LLETIN- MURDER IN CZECHO-SLOVAKIA They Killed President Tiso v. ERN Y OLOVAK and Slovak communists dem .MASS FOR TISO ;:,or:;;:r ~~! ~:tec~~~01~~ 1'r d Dr Edward Bene§ obliged. Fa IN PH ILADELPHIA t the 001 of Dr T l10·1 de h PIDLIP JAMES ANTHO:>'Y ~s1dent of wartime ' S l'AUL KOTYA 4 Go • }A.ASS g,~~d...Par ··~:::i.. and··w ··IC."k-J People N HOL Y &EE u ~ CZECH PRESIOENT TO SPAR E HIS LIFS u ~ - : __, to"o and hamlet ot Slov': ·The Murder of Tiso Has Shocked i Tiso More Dangerous Dead Thao Alive; Writer Sums Up • ~ ~ ' ~ "' the Civilized World ..• " ,, 0 ~ 0 ~• , n0NoTA Feeling of Slovaks ~ ~ f c■ NTRAL Eu&~~~~~~a T~NRoauR~~~'~T ~~ pt;:iR~;MPATH v To • . ......... ,,, death WU prooouoced 011 preelden t 8 of Jews and othel"f 11 ~ Q O BY J ~ N E R, ~ By Our (Special CorrupondeP1t, N C. W. C. New, Servic e) Dratlsla \'I, Apri l :?1 . - ''Tiso lli.·i ll be mo re da nse rous dead than ~hl_a · ·.ru the opinion exprl'll~~ MURDER IN -stovAKIA :::;e,"L 01 •Benes Hangs ·Speech ather T•ISO Corre■p0Pldent and about Czech Arr Cen-1 I..o ndon, A pril l0. - The Court, tral European communit y In Great the lncreuett d th' ogance an e , Death of Rev. Joseph Tiso ; -- or HON. ALVIN E. O'ICONSKI of Wisconsin 1n the· -House of Re t&tt w-..1 ~ ·1 A . The r ecent waTe or pollUe&I Tpreeen ves cun~a.y, pril 23, 1947 k.Hl~cga In Eu~op! bu arouaed lh_!I < ' Mr. 0 KOMKI. Mr. Speaker, the NlCellt h&nglng by the E-< Commumsts of CzechoslO\•alda of the bra,•f) and gallant Monsignor J oseph Tiso wao murder In its moot ghaotly aod shameful fonn. Th e bra,·e and gallant Monsignor J oseph Q BRIDGEPORT SLOVAKS Tiso went the way of the immortal General i\liha.llo,;tch a.nd Mi,lrJl,.town, Pa - T he ward , ~ AT MASS FOR TISO the lmmortal Archbish op Stepinac, of Yugoslavia.. of J,ednota llome and the, SJ1uer1 exe< Tho F : 01 o z . . Memorial Mass for Tiso at Jednota Home Bars Mercy • .... .•"" Communist Executions in Slovakia I'••"~-;·•"'<;-.,._.,, ., th_, i,;Execulion of Father Tiso _ _ , Months Mmd Mass Fer """ "C0Sl BeneS ChaDCe l0 w·JD or ~hgr Jose ph Tl.!o. prealdei R_e pu_bl k durln PF:TF:·R p J 't·n'c 11 i K~ --- Tiso. JEO NOT.A. L It f SI k V ti I Th e cold·blood ed execution vak < r,:~lu~~s ~ 1 ;::~~~=c) : !.e_!l~d=?~ .. sio,\~~~...~~.11 g~i~. ,~r -~-~_;~ t:~ mule t.he 1e11tencf' oC death to ]Ur , ..... ~1o .... m,.nt Z ~ P11 tsburgb, 'T'h .. ~'- - .. Pa. Rei· M, B. 11\d eo t of tb ~ C' -~ }Al\SS Oya y O OVa S, Paper Says fOR a can · •!,11'},\0Rl JIL Vllil'l:l,!IQ,~ - ; Am • M ·a1 . .Dr. Tiso Hanged, Goes to.,Plttrr1s0 1N__.. Rome Apr il 19 (NC) The q I encan emon m Gallows in Calm Prayer !~.~:..~ .~~~· "-~~~ Ci:ech governmen~ of Pruldent ;::; Tribute to Tiso ,.oN oT• a Y , . " MAUTHNER "TISO ACTED AND WORKED IN THE INTEREST ~ NATIONAL ;:;;;;£ PLANNED B rat itl av, . ~ The Re, OF THE NATION AND WAS NEVER A TRAITOR.••" , IN HONOR OF SLOVAKIA'S Jo,cph T iso. wartime preside_ -Archbp. Kmetko i5 MARTYR .,,..,, •• to hl o .Administration Scored for .s: ~ Thi" propospd monutr ·- • •· .. . TI SO !IDAORIAL MASS tJ 00 Failure to Make Dr. Tiso IN PERTH AMBOY :;j ' ""' , , ... s,.,.,, , MD.IO RIAL MASS FOR In re\·ered memo ry o r >TI SO IN NEW YORK -=-"-=="-==-=-- 0 ,,,11 ,lwm •• • '"" . Execution Protest h th US What Happened Wit e SLOVAKIA VS. COMM NI M "'"''""'""· Ap, ,, ,sc, Body of Tiso? ;,,: I SPEECH e,:11,•,•:_n Europe to tnsun;:<:~~~~!~~YOUNGSTOWN SLOVAKS ~ 1 OF I• • .... , 'ATTEND MASS FOR TI SO V. ER NY SLOVAK ' ;.> HON. RAV J . !\1 .\DDEN Women Who Paraded for . · '" ~ Apr!! 20th, t he Commlaur!at /i' ~ 1:-1 TRI'. HO I -::-. 1:~~::~E~TU IHS Tiso to Be Sent to Slovak Police Confiscate ::un~~~tiCII ln Brat isl ava 12~: 194 ~ ,u, .. ,,.,y. Jfo,c/, ol. ~EONOT' Labor Camps Issue of Catholic Paper -· Dr. fj;~· ···- :' <I! .... '"' '" impon~"". lo ...... u 0 ~ ~ w,OI d I ;u ~ J~s~ph ,.!1:;icaM;~~D:~i Ub;~;~.\o~fnet::: Prl\gue. ( N ~lo,•ak ~ondi'~;t~~:\~v:~ (~;\\;71\ T:;;~o: h: Priu t, Tuche 0~dcnt ar,d &II· Na. Slovak Ministry to Suppress ; ~o ;~eF:;~ ll~lls:~l~~:r,~~m~a,;~cent _,ac tion by th e Pub_llc P ro! t lo l\.ll Hero o~lov.ak Nation • 0 D- Ji'. l'uto1 omre. J u~tlre or<ic!als co Dr J o11e_ph T iso, war,tlme pre• 0 z Demonstrations for Repertnss1ons n r. 1so;:~:ie~o~-i~~.~.p1;1:;~~~iu~lc~~~ ~ -~ TI SO ME.10RIAL MASS : Dr. Tiso Death Continue 'Czech Police Ape Nazis in ~ERS_,_li_•.x.,_ 1> T'r~guf". (:,; r) - Tb(' Slov;,k ~ Another &1ov.a k Luder Re portec Spying On Sermons . ''JED NOT A' t f 0 l!lfi lrr or the In ter ior, Gen. ,.., £ idled By Ru ul ane -C h Rd M Z 1: Jr nrik . h a11 be t•n ,i:-ranted 11per P rnirne. Though tbt P rague. {:,;'C) - Agent 11 or the zec e S aneUVef to [Tl ,..rr11 tn , 111,prr~JI '°i1\cg111 demi Rev. Or. Joseph Ti so, pres ident 01 Czech pol!ce, beaded by Commuo• K S . d Ca h I' 0 ~ slr:i1i11n•·· fa\nring the releas e ' • ,., ____ ,. ,_ ,. __ ,. ___ \st Minister or I nte rior VaclaT Noeep e1ze t O IC :I: 10 ~ ~~:s~r1: :r -~~~:.:~1 ~11!i1;~;-~~Pontiff Well Acquair.l'cd ~::1~t'.:~-ear~~p~:~1 ~«ee:;ft:~~cr: ~:~ Schools in Slovakia ~ C/l With Slovak Religious "~~;;:;;~; ~~~;~t• "c' _ T,, comm"' '" : 0 JI (A ! (t,.;(') _ 110 • a~ r ~t ;~~~--~;~:;~;;~•·~;;_-ss IN MI L'IIAUJ(E~ -c:i .AN~im.iion1 ~lrN-a~ _,,, AT ;:,:c:n Lllll"f.RrrT· ,.,...,, TISO MASS \loml"'"' T,·,d• u,10, "•"m'"' ,( or Czec hos\oukla bas come l1.P \il1Ll£RSVILLE STATE COLLEGE"' ·,,., fl_LERSVILLE. PA. 17551 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1957, Vol. 7 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 22), March 1957.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 23), June 1957.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 24-25), September-December 1957.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1957 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document Officers of the Slovak League of America (Organized May 26, 1907, Cleveland, Ohio) Honorary Presid ent Vice-President Dr. Peter P. Hletko Julia Krajcovic 19-13 W . 48th Street Chicago 9, Illinois 16-18 W. 18th St., Chicago 8, Ill. llecord ing Secretary President Philip Constantine Culen A. 2900 East Boulevard Cleveland 4, Ohio Hrob ak P. 0 . !:lox 150, .\liddl etown, Pa. Vice-President Secretary-Treasurer Jacob Kocis l\lilan V. 1517 -- lli7th Street Hammond, Ind. B lazek -1922 S. Leela.ire Avenue Chicago 38, Ill. EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE Paul Stephen J. Tkach P. Jamriska 173 N. Main Street Wilkes-Darre, Pa. SlO Montooth Street Pittsburgh 10, Pa. Andrew J. Hamrock Franc es L. Mize nko 61 Woodland Avenu e Campbell, Ohio 3756 Lee 'Road Cleveland 28, Ohio Jo seph Prusa 205 l\Iadison St., Passaic, N. J. ADVISORY COUNCIL Stephen J . Tkach l,lichael J. Vargovich National President Penna. Slovak Union :-.ational President First Catholic.: Slovak Union Anna Sotak Helen Kocan National President Ladies Pennsylvania Slovak Union National President First Catholic Slovak Ladies Union Paul Fallat John Rozboril National President Slovak Catholic Sokol National President Slovak Catholic Cadet Union SLOVAK NEWSPAPERS (Affiliated with the Slovak League of America ) JEDNOTA SLOVENSKA OBRANA ZENSKA JEONOTA Middletown, Pa. Scranton, Pa. Cleveland, Ohio BRATSTVO SLOVENSKE NOVINY ZORNICKA Cleveland, Ohio Chicago, Ill. KATOLICKY SOKOL SVORNOST OSADN E H LASY Passaic, N. J . Whitaker, Pa. Chicago, Ill. Wilkes-Barre, Pa. SL OVAK V AMERIKE Whiting, Ind. Benes Defied Last Minute ,.o" 0 " Warning Not to Murder : President Dr. Tiso WHAT THEY SAY ABOUT TISO : . Tiso Exec1uion Shocks V. ahcan ,._o.,,,0.~ / ... • B eg Im e i en e 5 R ders Deat h r 0 \VSNY, Schenectady, N. Y.,:! • ;Jic Broadcasts About Tiso : ,- for Fr TI so London 1Pl' I - Edwar1' Bene.A. ~ C Z 10 0 Vat ican C i l ~ _ Jz:i &11 et• ro ~Rve the Rew Dr Joae pb I ► T l!lo " 'l\r -tt m" prP!lden t t>f Slo~ 1...,!orT 1.1un1,.,, _,11rta1or nr i\loarow-made z ('zPcbn-Slnv1'k111 ,..,., 1'Ptermlned lO ru 11rdPr Or J O!t'pb T iso, t be ~ 88 of April 1e Te ll e of An xltty or Slov a k ■ Over Tl ■ o Sbtement . 1so JAU.n'•~¥c;1iT ~ l e ~ t An atm oapberP- , 1N J:.i~ ,....Clf'IU 8U (WHO ~ D DR, 'n.80!) : nso m : MoRIAL MASS Jeolr ~o u,; LAKEWOOD, 1':fsolr.z./JJ:.n o. \]Pmonal Man fo r lb e -THE CAT H O UC UNIVERSE BU LLETIN- MURDER IN CZECHO-SLOVAKIA They Killed President Tiso v. ERN Y OLOVAK and Slovak communists dem .MASS FOR TISO ;:,or:;;:r ~~! ~:tec~~~01~~ 1'r d Dr Edward Bene§ obliged. Fa IN PH ILADELPHIA t the 001 of Dr T l10·1 de h PIDLIP JAMES ANTHO:>'Y ~s1dent of wartime ' S l'AUL KOTYA 4 Go • }A.ASS g,~~d...Par ··~:::i.. and··w ··IC."k-J People N HOL Y &EE u ~ CZECH PRESIOENT TO SPAR E HIS LIFS u ~ - : __, to"o and hamlet ot Slov': ·The Murder of Tiso Has Shocked i Tiso More Dangerous Dead Thao Alive; Writer Sums Up • ~ ~ ' ~ "' the Civilized World ..• " ,, 0 ~ 0 ~• , n0NoTA Feeling of Slovaks ~ ~ f c■ NTRAL Eu&~~~~~~a T~NRoauR~~~'~T ~~ pt;:iR~;MPATH v To • . ......... ,,, death WU prooouoced 011 preelden t 8 of Jews and othel"f 11 ~ Q O BY J ~ N E R, ~ By Our (Special CorrupondeP1t, N C. W. C. New, Servic e) Dratlsla \'I, Apri l :?1 . - ''Tiso lli.·i ll be mo re da nse rous dead than ~hl_a · ·.ru the opinion exprl'll~~ MURDER IN -stovAKIA :::;e,"L 01 •Benes Hangs ·Speech ather T•ISO Corre■p0Pldent and about Czech Arr Cen-1 I..o ndon, A pril l0. - The Court, tral European communit y In Great the lncreuett d th' ogance an e , Death of Rev. Joseph Tiso ; -- or HON. ALVIN E. O'ICONSKI of Wisconsin 1n the· -House of Re t&tt w-..1 ~ ·1 A . The r ecent waTe or pollUe&I Tpreeen ves cun~a.y, pril 23, 1947 k.Hl~cga In Eu~op! bu arouaed lh_!I < ' Mr. 0 KOMKI. Mr. Speaker, the NlCellt h&nglng by the E-< Commumsts of CzechoslO\•alda of the bra,•f) and gallant Monsignor J oseph Tiso wao murder In its moot ghaotly aod shameful fonn. Th e bra,·e and gallant Monsignor J oseph Q BRIDGEPORT SLOVAKS Tiso went the way of the immortal General i\liha.llo,;tch a.nd Mi,lrJl,.town, Pa - T he ward , ~ AT MASS FOR TISO the lmmortal Archbish op Stepinac, of Yugoslavia.. of J,ednota llome and the, SJ1uer1 exe< Tho F : 01 o z . . Memorial Mass for Tiso at Jednota Home Bars Mercy • .... .•"" Communist Executions in Slovakia I'••"~-;·•"'<;-.,._.,, ., th_, i,;Execulion of Father Tiso _ _ , Months Mmd Mass Fer """ "C0Sl BeneS ChaDCe l0 w·JD or ~hgr Jose ph Tl.!o. prealdei R_e pu_bl k durln PF:TF:·R p J 't·n'c 11 i K~ --- Tiso. JEO NOT.A. L It f SI k V ti I Th e cold·blood ed execution vak < r,:~lu~~s ~ 1 ;::~~~=c) : !.e_!l~d=?~ .. sio,\~~~...~~.11 g~i~. ,~r -~-~_;~ t:~ mule t.he 1e11tencf' oC death to ]Ur , ..... ~1o .... m,.nt Z ~ P11 tsburgb, 'T'h .. ~'- - .. Pa. Rei· M, B. 11\d eo t of tb ~ C' -~ }Al\SS Oya y O OVa S, Paper Says fOR a can · •!,11'},\0Rl JIL Vllil'l:l,!IQ,~ - ; Am • M ·a1 . .Dr. Tiso Hanged, Goes to.,Plttrr1s0 1N__.. Rome Apr il 19 (NC) The q I encan emon m Gallows in Calm Prayer !~.~:..~ .~~~· "-~~~ Ci:ech governmen~ of Pruldent ;::; Tribute to Tiso ,.oN oT• a Y , . " MAUTHNER "TISO ACTED AND WORKED IN THE INTEREST ~ NATIONAL ;:;;;;£ PLANNED B rat itl av, . ~ The Re, OF THE NATION AND WAS NEVER A TRAITOR.••" , IN HONOR OF SLOVAKIA'S Jo,cph T iso. wartime preside_ -Archbp. Kmetko i5 MARTYR .,,..,, •• to hl o .Administration Scored for .s: ~ Thi" propospd monutr ·- • •· .. . TI SO !IDAORIAL MASS tJ 00 Failure to Make Dr. Tiso IN PERTH AMBOY :;j ' ""' , , ... s,.,.,, , MD.IO RIAL MASS FOR In re\·ered memo ry o r >TI SO IN NEW YORK -=-"-=="-==-=-- 0 ,,,11 ,lwm •• • '"" . Execution Protest h th US What Happened Wit e SLOVAKIA VS. COMM NI M "'"''""'""· Ap, ,, ,sc, Body of Tiso? ;,,: I SPEECH e,:11,•,•:_n Europe to tnsun;:<:~~~~!~~YOUNGSTOWN SLOVAKS ~ 1 OF I• • .... , 'ATTEND MASS FOR TI SO V. ER NY SLOVAK ' ;.> HON. RAV J . !\1 .\DDEN Women Who Paraded for . · '" ~ Apr!! 20th, t he Commlaur!at /i' ~ 1:-1 TRI'. HO I -::-. 1:~~::~E~TU IHS Tiso to Be Sent to Slovak Police Confiscate ::un~~~tiCII ln Brat isl ava 12~: 194 ~ ,u, .. ,,.,y. Jfo,c/, ol. ~EONOT' Labor Camps Issue of Catholic Paper -· Dr. fj;~· ···- :' <I! .... '"' '" impon~"". lo ...... u 0 ~ ~ w,OI d I ;u ~ J~s~ph ,.!1:;icaM;~~D:~i Ub;~;~.\o~fnet::: Prl\gue. ( N ~lo,•ak ~ondi'~;t~~:\~v:~ (~;\\;71\ T:;;~o: h: Priu t, Tuche 0~dcnt ar,d &II· Na. Slovak Ministry to Suppress ; ~o ;~eF:;~ ll~lls:~l~~:r,~~m~a,;~cent _,ac tion by th e Pub_llc P ro! t lo l\.ll Hero o~lov.ak Nation • 0 D- Ji'. l'uto1 omre. J u~tlre or<ic!als co Dr J o11e_ph T iso, war,tlme pre• 0 z Demonstrations for Repertnss1ons n r. 1so;:~:ie~o~-i~~.~.p1;1:;~~~iu~lc~~~ ~ -~ TI SO ME.10RIAL MASS : Dr. Tiso Death Continue 'Czech Police Ape Nazis in ~ERS_,_li_•.x.,_ 1> T'r~guf". (:,; r) - Tb(' Slov;,k ~ Another &1ov.a k Luder Re portec Spying On Sermons . ''JED NOT A' t f 0 l!lfi lrr or the In ter ior, Gen. ,.., £ idled By Ru ul ane -C h Rd M Z 1: Jr nrik . h a11 be t•n ,i:-ranted 11per P rnirne. Though tbt P rague. {:,;'C) - Agent 11 or the zec e S aneUVef to [Tl ,..rr11 tn , 111,prr~JI '°i1\cg111 demi Rev. Or. Joseph Ti so, pres ident 01 Czech pol!ce, beaded by Commuo• K S . d Ca h I' 0 ~ slr:i1i11n•·· fa\nring the releas e ' • ,., ____ ,. ,_ ,. __ ,. ___ \st Minister or I nte rior VaclaT Noeep e1ze t O IC :I: 10 ~ ~~:s~r1: :r -~~~:.:~1 ~11!i1;~;-~~Pontiff Well Acquair.l'cd ~::1~t'.:~-ear~~p~:~1 ~«ee:;ft:~~cr: ~:~ Schools in Slovakia ~ C/l With Slovak Religious "~~;;:;;~; ~~~;~t• "c' _ T,, comm"' '" : 0 JI (A ! (t,.;(') _ 110 • a~ r ~t ;~~~--~;~:;~;;~•·~;;_-ss IN MI L'IIAUJ(E~ -c:i .AN~im.iion1 ~lrN-a~ _,,, AT ;:,:c:n Lllll"f.RrrT· ,.,...,, TISO MASS \loml"'"' T,·,d• u,10, "•"m'"' ,( or Czec hos\oukla bas come l1.P \il1Ll£RSVILLE STATE COLLEGE"' ·,,., fl_LERSVILLE. PA. 17551  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Back Matter, Slovakia, Vol. 7, No. 1 (22) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource March 1957 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/6c8e85ccf28e2e9343fa98a9898adbcc.pdf e8ee58f42542840053bc8b204cc579f4 PDF Text Text JUNE, 1957 VOL. VII NO. 2 (23) IN TIDS ISSUE: C. I. A. DULLES AND THE BENES CZECHS 50 YEARS OF THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA ANALYZING THE ANALYSTS: IS THE SOVIET UNION DOOMED? A BELATED REPORT DR. JOSEPH TISO: CHRISTIAN DEMOCRAT CASTLES OF SLOVAKIA: ILAVA KERNER'S "CZECHOSLOVAKIA": HISTORY OR PROPAGANDA? (Cont'd.) THE HISTORY OF SLOVAKIA: CHAPTER THREE WHO SAID IT?: 9, 18, 64. Edited and compiled by PHILIP A. HROBAK SLOVAKIA Box 150 · Middletown, Pa. • • • Published by THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERI.CA GANSER LIBRARY .. MfUERSVILLE STATE COLLEGE . MILLERSVtlJ:.E'. , PA: 17551 �SLOVAKIA is published periodically by the Slovak League of America, a cultural and civic federation of Americans of Slovak descent. The chief purpose of SLOVAKIA is to promote a better understanding and appreciation of the Slovak nation and its long struggle for freedom and independence. As Americans, members of the Slovak League of America firmly believe that the Slovak nation, just as all nations, has an inherent and God-given right to freedom and independence. They are dedicated to the cause of the American way of life, Slovak freedom and world peace and are determined to oppose the plague of Communism and all other totalitarian political systems. Subscription to Slovakia $1.00 per year in the U. S. A. - $2.00 elsewhere. Send subscriptions to: SLOVAKIA Box 150 Middletown, Pa. --------------------------------Printed i~ the U. S. A. JEDNOTA PRE SS M idd!etown, Pa. � JUNE, 1957 VOL. VII NO. 2 (23) IN TIDS ISSUE: C. I. A. DULLES AND THE BENES CZECHS 50 YEARS OF THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA ANALYZING THE ANALYSTS: IS THE SOVIET UNION DOOMED? A BELATED REPORT DR. JOSEPH TISO: CHRISTIAN DEMOCRAT CASTLES OF SLOVAKIA: ILAVA KERNER'S "CZECHOSLOVAKIA": HISTORY OR PROPAGANDA? (Cont'd.) THE HISTORY OF SLOVAKIA: CHAPTER THREE WHO SAID IT?: 9, 18, 64. Edited and compiled by PHILIP A. HROBAK SLOVAKIA Box 150 · Middletown, Pa. • • • Published by THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERI.CA GANSER LIBRARY .. MfUERSVILLE STATE COLLEGE . MILLERSVtlJ:.E'. , PA: 17551 �SLOVAKIA is published periodically by the Slovak League of America, a cultural and civic federation of Americans of Slovak descent. The chief purpose of SLOVAKIA is to promote a better understanding and appreciation of the Slovak nation and its long struggle for freedom and independence. As Americans, members of the Slovak League of America firmly believe that the Slovak nation, just as all nations, has an inherent and God-given right to freedom and independence. They are dedicated to the cause of the American way of life, Slovak freedom and world peace and are determined to oppose the plague of Communism and all other totalitarian political systems. Subscription to Slovakia $1.00 per year in the U. S. A. - $2.00 elsewhere. Send subscriptions to: SLOVAKIA Box 150 Middletown, Pa. --------------------------------Printed i~ the U. S. A. JEDNOTA PRE SS M idd!etown, Pa. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1957, Vol. 7 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 22), March 1957.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 23), June 1957.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 24-25), September-December 1957.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1957 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document JUNE, 1957 VOL. VII NO. 2 (23) IN TIDS ISSUE: C. I. A. DULLES AND THE BENES CZECHS 50 YEARS OF THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA ANALYZING THE ANALYSTS: IS THE SOVIET UNION DOOMED? A BELATED REPORT DR. JOSEPH TISO: CHRISTIAN DEMOCRAT CASTLES OF SLOVAKIA: ILAVA KERNER'S "CZECHOSLOVAKIA": HISTORY OR PROPAGANDA? (Cont'd.) THE HISTORY OF SLOVAKIA: CHAPTER THREE WHO SAID IT?: 9, 18, 64. Edited and compiled by PHILIP A. HROBAK SLOVAKIA Box 150 · Middletown, Pa. • • • Published by THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERI.CA GANSER LIBRARY .. MfUERSVILLE STATE COLLEGE . MILLERSVtlJ:.E'. , PA: 17551 SLOVAKIA is published periodically by the Slovak League of America, a cultural and civic federation of Americans of Slovak descent. The chief purpose of SLOVAKIA is to promote a better understanding and appreciation of the Slovak nation and its long struggle for freedom and independence. As Americans, members of the Slovak League of America firmly believe that the Slovak nation, just as all nations, has an inherent and God-given right to freedom and independence. They are dedicated to the cause of the American way of life, Slovak freedom and world peace and are determined to oppose the plague of Communism and all other totalitarian political systems. Subscription to Slovakia $1.00 per year in the U. S. A. - $2.00 elsewhere. Send subscriptions to: SLOVAKIA Box 150 Middletown, Pa. --------------------------------Printed i~ the U. S. A. JEDNOTA PRE SS M idd!etown, Pa.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Front Matter, Slovakia, Vol. 7, No. 2 (23) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource June 1957 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/e8393482d575f457cb49b6fe42559817.pdf 37eac43278d2e84137b9438dc839665f PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA Published quarterly by the Slovak VOL. VII League of America JUNE, 1957 NO. 2 (23) C. I. A. DULLES AND THE BENES CZECHS Philip A. Hrobak The House Committee on Un-American Activities prepared and released, in September, 1956, a two-volume symposium on the technique of Soviet cold-warfare which it called: "Soviet Total War - 'Historic Mission' of Violence and Deceit." Besides Mr. Allen W. Dulles, Director of the Central Intelligence Agency, more than 120 other prominent United States Government officials, military leaders, labor officials, business executives, educators, journalists, and political scientists contributed statements for the symposium. The analysis of current Communist tactics submitted by Mr. Allen Dulles ("The Communist Attack Upon Parliamentary Government," Vol. II, pp. 423-430) is interesting, indeed, even though it only repeats what others already had said and written on so many other occasions and, in spots, betrays a certain tendency. This tendency is particularly noticeable in Dulles' reference to Czecho-Slovakia, with which I am quite familiar. How the Reds take over a country is a pet subject of the C. I. A. Director; he has talked about it on many occasions, and we read about one such occasion in June, 1956, shortly after Mr. Dulles, at a dinner of the University of Pennsylvania "Law Review," described the methods by which Communists can gain control of a country's parliament. His contribution to the symposium, published by the House Committee on UnAmerican Activities, is for the most part a repeat of that address. Mr. Allen Dulles says that in the Soviet process of subverting the "free" governments of Hungary, Romania, Poland and Bulgaria, "the actual presence of Soviet forces on the spot played a decisive role," though he does not elaborate on how it came about that Soviet forces happened to �2 SLOVAKIA be "on the spot," or just how "free" the governments of the countries mentioned were at the time. In Czecho-Slovakia, however, according to Mr. Dulles, "some of the same effect was obtained by the presence, just across the border, of strong Soviet forces and by the fact that the Soviet had previously occupied Prague and many other important Czech centers and had been able, by their terrorist and infiltration methods, to gain a position of strength which far exceed the numerical representation in the population at large. "In fact, they prepared the way for the coup before they evacuated their troops in 1945. Beginning in 1945, Moscow exercised heavy pressure on the free Czech government headed by President Benes. "Hoping to be able to work with the Kremlin and anxious to insure the quick withdrawal of Russian troops, Benes went to Moscow in March of that year. He sought agreement on the forming of a coalition government acceptable to the Soviet, which would include some of the proCommunist emigres who had been collected in Moscow during the war and who flooded back to their home country to play roles preassigned to them by the Kremlin." It is significant that this is the same story which the Benes Czechs ( Czech socialists of all shades now organized in the so-called "Council of Free Czechoslovakia") tell us today, the story which did not exist until after the Reds took over all power in Czecho-Slovakia, that is, until after February 25, 1948. If Moscow exercised "heavy pressure" on what Mr. Dulles calls "the free Czech government headed by president Benes," why did Benes and the members of his handpicked political entourage tell the world in 1945, and as late as the end of 1947, that there was no Iron Curtain in Czecho-Slovakia, that the Soviet Union was not intervening in the internal affairs of that hapless country? Furthermore, why did Laurence A. Steinhardt, U. S. Ambassador to Czecho-Slovakia, tell the American public that "there is definitely no iron curtain in Czechoslovakia" (The New York Times, 2-1-47)? It is significant, too, that the C.I.A. Director seems to know nothing about what happened to Slovakia and its �SLOVAKIA 3 people in 1945, when Benes and his Moscow-formed "free Czech government" - supported by the Red Army - returned as "liberators"! And why did Mr. Dulles completely ignore the long record of collaboration of the once-resigned president of Czecho-Slovakia with the Soviet Union - a collaboration that went back to at least 1922? What about the Benes-Soviet Treaty of December 12, 1943? BENE~ DID WORK WITH THE REDS Benes did not only "hope" to be able to work with the Kremlin, as Dulles states, but he actually did work with the men of the Kremlin for many years. How else could he have become president again after he resigned "voluntarily" - as he himself admitted - and Ha.cha was duly elected in his place by the Prague Parliament according to the Czecho-Slovak Constitution? The fact is that Benes already knew in London, as head of the so-called "Czecho-Slovak government-in-exile," the conditions under which he could return as "president" of the country which he had first cowardly abandoned to Hitler in 1938, and then formally to Stalin in 1943. And what does Mr. Dulles mean by saying that "some" pro-Communist emigres "flooded" back to their home country? All of them, including Benes and his band-picked political entourage, "flooded" back only because all were proSoviet and pro-Communist, and all had agreed to play the roles "pre-assigned to them by the Kremlin," as Dulles tells it. "When the parliamentary government of President Benes was actually reconstituted," Mr. Dulles continues, "the anti-Communist forces were badly divided among four or more parties. The Communist Party, as usual, presented a monolithic front." But the fact is that no anti-Communist and anti-Socialist forces were allowed· to organize in a political party by Benes and his government. The national Front Government of the Benes-Gottwald coalition was dominated by the Czech Nazis of Benes (Czech National Socialists) and the Czech Communists headed by Gottwald, the former collaborating wholeheartedly with the latter to suppress and �4 SLOVAKIA liquidate all anti-Communist and anti-Socialist elements in the country. The Benes Czechs might be called non-Communist forces, but never "anti-Communist." The same applies to the so-called Slovak "democrats" - the Judas Slovaks headed by Dr. Joseph Lettrich who collaborated so closely with the Communists and the Benes Czechs. The vast majority of the Slovak nation, however, which was not permitted to organize in a political party but was forced to join either the Communists or the Lettrich "democrats," was truly anti-Communist and not merely nonCommunist. "Under these conditions," Mr. Dulles continues, "the elections of 1946 gave the Communists 38 percent of the votes. Thus they became the largest single party, their leader Gottwald was named Prime Minister, and the Communists were able to take over key ministries, including Interior, Information and Finance, with a crypto-Communjst in charge of Defense." SLOVAKS VOTED ANTI-RED Mr. Dulles, however, does not explain who gave the Communists the votes: the people of the Czech lands (Behemia and Moravia), or the people of Slovakia? Of course, informed persons know that the votes of the Czech lands did - and they gave more than 38 percent of the total number of votes to the Communists. In Slovakia the Communists were decisively beaten, getting less than 30 percent of the votes cast, despite the fact that thousands of patriotic Slovaks were not permitted to vote while some 200,000 Czech army and administrative personnel in Slovakia did vote. And another thing, Mr. Allen Dulles states that as a result of the 1946 elections "the Communists were able to take over key ministries" in Czecho-Slovakia. Informed persons, including the Benes Czechs- themselves, however, know that the Czech Reds had already taken over "key ministries" in 1945, as agreed upon by Benes and Stalin in Moscow. Is it possible that the director of our Central Intelligence Agency did not know this, that even today he does �SLOVAKIA 5 not understand the difference between a Slovak and a Czech? Or that the Reds, even though they were thoroughly trounced in Slovakia in the May, 1946, elections, nevertheless retained all key positions in that country, thanks to Benes and his government and the weakness and cowardly behavior of Dr. Joseph Lettrich and his "democratic" lieutenants? "During all this period," Mr. Dulles rambles on, "Stalin had cultivated President Benes and lulled him into a feeling of security as to Moscow's intentions. Meanwhile the Communists were building up their control of the Czech military forces, the trade unions, and the internal security policy. "Finally, one of Moscow's principal 'expediters,' Valerian Zarin, now Soviet ambassador to Bonn, was sent to Prague, and the minority Communist Party seized power in February, 1948, without firing a shot." Dr. Edward Benes - frequently hailed as "the smartest statesman in Europe - the world's foremost democrat - Europe's wisest politician" and "brilliant diplomat" - the man who was supposed to know Stalin and Soviet Russia better than any man in Europe, the man who saw what the USSR did in Hungary, Poland, Bulgaria, Latvia, Estonia, Lithuania, and other countries, was, we are supposed to believe, "lulled into a feeling of security as to Moscow's intentions by Stalin! The fact is that the Reds were in control of the key posts in Czecho-Slovakia before the elections of 1946; the latter made them more secure and, hence, more aggressive. GAVE UP WITHOUT A SHOT T. G. Masaryk and Dr. Edward Benes were largely responsible for the conduct of the Czechs in regard to the Soviet Union and materialistic Communism; Dr. Edward Benes and his political clique had lulled the Czech people into a feeling of security as to Moscow's intentions. Even many Czechs admit this today. The Czechs, who controlled government in Czech-Slovakia, promoted materialistic Socialism and the pro-Soviet policy of Benes and, hence, Czecho-Slovakia could wind up only as she did: The Czechs did not fire a shot at Hitler �ti SLOVAKIA in 1938, and they gave up to the Communists without firing a shot in 1948. C. L. Sulzberger's article in The New York Times of March 10, 1956, based on information received from Czechs in Prague, aptly described the Czechs: The Czech people under T. G. Masaryk and Dr. Edward Benes, had been transformed into a nation of 'Schweiks' ( clowns or buffoons). The Czechs never had to fight for anything, everything being handed to them on a platter, including CzechoSlovakia, and hence, had no real sense of appreciation for freedom. "The · principal Czech anti-Communist leaders," according to Dulles, "either escaped abroad, committed suicide, or were eliminated by arrest. Non-Communist parties were liquidated by the armed seizure of their headquarters and newspapers. A purge commission dealt with all so-called ' unreliable political leaders." leaders" that esanti-Communist Who the "principal It is generally say. not caped abroad were, Mr. Dulles does anti"principal" any, if known, however, that very few, CommunCommunist leaders are able to escape from any ist-controlled country. Does Mr. Dulles mean the members of Dr. Benes's political family, who escaped "wholesale" from Czecho-Slovakia in 1948 and today form the so-called "Council of Free Czecho-Slovakia" and are regarded as The New York Times stated, as a sort of "Czecho-Slovak government-inexile" by official Washington, "reliable enough to exercise significant influence in and on various United States Government agencies (USIA, State Department, Army, C.I.C., C.I.A., etc.), and even on Congress and the White House? If he does, he is dead wrong in applying the appellation "principal Czech anti-Communist leaders" to them. They promoted the pro-Soviet policy of Dr. Edward Benes and collaborated with the Communists: some of them have frankly admitted this regretfully, most of them have not, and all of them would rather not be questioned about it. We know that non-Communist, and particularly antiOommunist, parties are generally liquidated in every coun- �SLOVAKIA 7 try in which Communists gain control. We know, too, that Reds sometimes purge Reds themselves: everi in CzechoSlovakia the Czech Reds liquidated or rendered useless leading Slovak Reds and then even purged their own ranks. Who liquidated the anti-Communist and anti-Socialist parties in Czecho-Slovakia? Benes and his handpicked and Moscow-blessed government and, mind you, after - as Mr. Dulles puts it - "the parliamentary government of President Benes was actually reconstituted" in 1945 ! The Benes-Gottwald regime controlled everything in CzechoSlovakia: political parties, the press, radio, army, etc. In the lands of the Czechs four political parties were permitted by the government to exist, while only two were allowed in Slovakia (later, just before the 1946 elections, two more were permitted to help the Reds). So, in CzechoSlovakia, anti-Soviet and anti-Red elements and parties were liquidated by both the "non-Communist" and also the "Communist" parties which were allowed to organize by the Prague government of the Benes-Gottwald coalition of 1945. BENl!S FORCED TO DO EVERYTHING "President Benes," Mr. Dulles states categorically, "was forced to resign in June, 1948, and the Communists took over and ever since have maintained supreme control." Benes, according to his apologists, C. I. A. Director Allen Dulles included, was always "forced" to do things: he was forced to give in to England and France and surrender to Hitler in Munich; he was forced to take on the presidency after he had resigned; he was forced to go to Moscow and sign a treaty, without a mandate from the Slovaks and the Czechs, whereby he formally sold out the peoples of Czecho-Slovakia to Stalin; he was forced to return to Czecho-Slovakia behind the Red Army after he had cowardly fled the country in 1938; he was forced to surrender the great Skoda Works to the Nazis and then to the Communists; he was forced to hoodwink President Roosevelt, convincing him that Stalin was "a good old Joe" and really a democrat at heart; he was forced to hang Dr. Joseph Tiso, president of the Slovak Republic (1939-1945), and to imprison and put to trial all his Czech and Slovak �8 SLOVAKIA political opponents, including President Ha.cha, whom he had -congratulated after he was elected his successor; he was forced to eliminate all anti-Communist and anti-Socialist leaders in post-war Czecho-Slovakia; he was forced to decree the establishment of "people's courts" in CzechoSlovakia; he was forced to nationalize just about everything, including ecclesiastical property; he was forced to dispossess and deport some 3,500,000 Germans and 500,000 Magyars; he was forced to accept the resignation of nonCommunist ministers in February 1948; he was forced to consent to the creation of a Cabinet under full control of the Communist Party; he was forced to resign in June, 1948; and in September, 1948, he was forced to die! In 1945, after the end of the war in Europe, the world press told us that Dr. Edward Benes had the backing of all the people of Czecho-Slovakia and that on his return to that country he was joyously and wildly acclaimed by Slovaks and Czechs. And yet, we are supposed to believe that this man Benes was forced to do practically everything during his political life, except possibly to promote socialism and friendship for the Soviet Union in his country! C. I. A. DULLES IS BADLY INFORMED Mr. Dulles concludes his commentary on Czecho-Slovakia with these obfuscated words of wisdom: "There are many lessons to be learned from this historical precedent. When the Communists obtain an effective minority position in any parliamentary body, it is a sign of danger. "If, in addition to that, they have important places in the government and, in particular, control of the ministries of defense and interior, then that danger is greatly augmented and the country in question is ripe for a Communist take-over." The director of the C. I. A. undoubtedly could have done better, if he were better informed. How did the Communists in Czecho-Slovakia obtain "an effective minority position" in the government or the Prague parliament? How did they happen to be in "important places" and, in particular, in control of the Ministries of Defense and Interior? �SLOVAKIA 9 Benes we were told, had everything under control. The Communists, we know, could not obtain an "effective minority position" and control of any ministry in the wartime Slovak Republic, for example, because they were outlawed by the Slovak government under Dr. Joseph Tiso. Benes, on the other hand, after his return to Czecho-Slovakia, stated unequivocally that he would not govern the state without the Communists. The world knows what happened - and at this late date, so should the head of our Central Intelligence Agency. If Mr. Dulles is thoroughly informed on the subject, he could have pointed out the one lesson to be learned from Czecho-Slovakia, or rather from the conduct of the Benes Czechs: you cannot tolerate Communism, you cannot collaborate with Communists and expect to retain the blessings of freedom. It appears that what Mr. Allen W. Dulles said about Czecho-Slovakia was prepared by a Benes apologist, probably a Benes Czech of the so-called "Council of Free Czecho-Slovakia," and, possibly, by a Benes Czech employed by him in the C. I. A. itself. The Benes Czechs have prepared many speeches and briefs for men in the United States Government and its various agencies. And that probably explains why the American public is so misinformed on Czecho-Slovakia. • • • WHO SAID IT? "Today, in vain are the followers of Benes trying to justify thei:r coHalb.oraJbion with the Bolsh0V.iiks and their crimes a:gainst humarrtty during 1945-1948 with the desperate claim that they did so !because the USA wanted them to do it. That is not only a lie, ,b ut a coarse and ibase insult to the government and the naition of the US·A. The freedom and laiw-aJbiding democratic American peo,ple hitherto had no idea of the terrible crimes the Bolsheviks with their collrubo-rator;s had committed in our country. Only now is the American people slowly learning the truth, that terrible truth and ma•k ing itself heard. It does not want criminals and the agents of Moscow in its country." - (J. Horny, BOHEMIA, Dec. 1952). � SLOVAKIA Published quarterly by the Slovak VOL. VII League of America JUNE, 1957 NO. 2 (23) C. I. A. DULLES AND THE BENES CZECHS Philip A. Hrobak The House Committee on Un-American Activities prepared and released, in September, 1956, a two-volume symposium on the technique of Soviet cold-warfare which it called: "Soviet Total War - 'Historic Mission' of Violence and Deceit." Besides Mr. Allen W. Dulles, Director of the Central Intelligence Agency, more than 120 other prominent United States Government officials, military leaders, labor officials, business executives, educators, journalists, and political scientists contributed statements for the symposium. The analysis of current Communist tactics submitted by Mr. Allen Dulles ("The Communist Attack Upon Parliamentary Government," Vol. II, pp. 423-430) is interesting, indeed, even though it only repeats what others already had said and written on so many other occasions and, in spots, betrays a certain tendency. This tendency is particularly noticeable in Dulles' reference to Czecho-Slovakia, with which I am quite familiar. How the Reds take over a country is a pet subject of the C. I. A. Director; he has talked about it on many occasions, and we read about one such occasion in June, 1956, shortly after Mr. Dulles, at a dinner of the University of Pennsylvania "Law Review," described the methods by which Communists can gain control of a country's parliament. His contribution to the symposium, published by the House Committee on UnAmerican Activities, is for the most part a repeat of that address. Mr. Allen Dulles says that in the Soviet process of subverting the "free" governments of Hungary, Romania, Poland and Bulgaria, "the actual presence of Soviet forces on the spot played a decisive role," though he does not elaborate on how it came about that Soviet forces happened to �2 SLOVAKIA be "on the spot," or just how "free" the governments of the countries mentioned were at the time. In Czecho-Slovakia, however, according to Mr. Dulles, "some of the same effect was obtained by the presence, just across the border, of strong Soviet forces and by the fact that the Soviet had previously occupied Prague and many other important Czech centers and had been able, by their terrorist and infiltration methods, to gain a position of strength which far exceed the numerical representation in the population at large. "In fact, they prepared the way for the coup before they evacuated their troops in 1945. Beginning in 1945, Moscow exercised heavy pressure on the free Czech government headed by President Benes. "Hoping to be able to work with the Kremlin and anxious to insure the quick withdrawal of Russian troops, Benes went to Moscow in March of that year. He sought agreement on the forming of a coalition government acceptable to the Soviet, which would include some of the proCommunist emigres who had been collected in Moscow during the war and who flooded back to their home country to play roles preassigned to them by the Kremlin." It is significant that this is the same story which the Benes Czechs ( Czech socialists of all shades now organized in the so-called "Council of Free Czechoslovakia") tell us today, the story which did not exist until after the Reds took over all power in Czecho-Slovakia, that is, until after February 25, 1948. If Moscow exercised "heavy pressure" on what Mr. Dulles calls "the free Czech government headed by president Benes," why did Benes and the members of his handpicked political entourage tell the world in 1945, and as late as the end of 1947, that there was no Iron Curtain in Czecho-Slovakia, that the Soviet Union was not intervening in the internal affairs of that hapless country? Furthermore, why did Laurence A. Steinhardt, U. S. Ambassador to Czecho-Slovakia, tell the American public that "there is definitely no iron curtain in Czechoslovakia" (The New York Times, 2-1-47)? It is significant, too, that the C.I.A. Director seems to know nothing about what happened to Slovakia and its �SLOVAKIA 3 people in 1945, when Benes and his Moscow-formed "free Czech government" - supported by the Red Army - returned as "liberators"! And why did Mr. Dulles completely ignore the long record of collaboration of the once-resigned president of Czecho-Slovakia with the Soviet Union - a collaboration that went back to at least 1922? What about the Benes-Soviet Treaty of December 12, 1943? BENE~ DID WORK WITH THE REDS Benes did not only "hope" to be able to work with the Kremlin, as Dulles states, but he actually did work with the men of the Kremlin for many years. How else could he have become president again after he resigned "voluntarily" - as he himself admitted - and Ha.cha was duly elected in his place by the Prague Parliament according to the Czecho-Slovak Constitution? The fact is that Benes already knew in London, as head of the so-called "Czecho-Slovak government-in-exile," the conditions under which he could return as "president" of the country which he had first cowardly abandoned to Hitler in 1938, and then formally to Stalin in 1943. And what does Mr. Dulles mean by saying that "some" pro-Communist emigres "flooded" back to their home country? All of them, including Benes and his band-picked political entourage, "flooded" back only because all were proSoviet and pro-Communist, and all had agreed to play the roles "pre-assigned to them by the Kremlin," as Dulles tells it. "When the parliamentary government of President Benes was actually reconstituted," Mr. Dulles continues, "the anti-Communist forces were badly divided among four or more parties. The Communist Party, as usual, presented a monolithic front." But the fact is that no anti-Communist and anti-Socialist forces were allowed· to organize in a political party by Benes and his government. The national Front Government of the Benes-Gottwald coalition was dominated by the Czech Nazis of Benes (Czech National Socialists) and the Czech Communists headed by Gottwald, the former collaborating wholeheartedly with the latter to suppress and �4 SLOVAKIA liquidate all anti-Communist and anti-Socialist elements in the country. The Benes Czechs might be called non-Communist forces, but never "anti-Communist." The same applies to the so-called Slovak "democrats" - the Judas Slovaks headed by Dr. Joseph Lettrich who collaborated so closely with the Communists and the Benes Czechs. The vast majority of the Slovak nation, however, which was not permitted to organize in a political party but was forced to join either the Communists or the Lettrich "democrats," was truly anti-Communist and not merely nonCommunist. "Under these conditions," Mr. Dulles continues, "the elections of 1946 gave the Communists 38 percent of the votes. Thus they became the largest single party, their leader Gottwald was named Prime Minister, and the Communists were able to take over key ministries, including Interior, Information and Finance, with a crypto-Communjst in charge of Defense." SLOVAKS VOTED ANTI-RED Mr. Dulles, however, does not explain who gave the Communists the votes: the people of the Czech lands (Behemia and Moravia), or the people of Slovakia? Of course, informed persons know that the votes of the Czech lands did - and they gave more than 38 percent of the total number of votes to the Communists. In Slovakia the Communists were decisively beaten, getting less than 30 percent of the votes cast, despite the fact that thousands of patriotic Slovaks were not permitted to vote while some 200,000 Czech army and administrative personnel in Slovakia did vote. And another thing, Mr. Allen Dulles states that as a result of the 1946 elections "the Communists were able to take over key ministries" in Czecho-Slovakia. Informed persons, including the Benes Czechs- themselves, however, know that the Czech Reds had already taken over "key ministries" in 1945, as agreed upon by Benes and Stalin in Moscow. Is it possible that the director of our Central Intelligence Agency did not know this, that even today he does �SLOVAKIA 5 not understand the difference between a Slovak and a Czech? Or that the Reds, even though they were thoroughly trounced in Slovakia in the May, 1946, elections, nevertheless retained all key positions in that country, thanks to Benes and his government and the weakness and cowardly behavior of Dr. Joseph Lettrich and his "democratic" lieutenants? "During all this period," Mr. Dulles rambles on, "Stalin had cultivated President Benes and lulled him into a feeling of security as to Moscow's intentions. Meanwhile the Communists were building up their control of the Czech military forces, the trade unions, and the internal security policy. "Finally, one of Moscow's principal 'expediters,' Valerian Zarin, now Soviet ambassador to Bonn, was sent to Prague, and the minority Communist Party seized power in February, 1948, without firing a shot." Dr. Edward Benes - frequently hailed as "the smartest statesman in Europe - the world's foremost democrat - Europe's wisest politician" and "brilliant diplomat" - the man who was supposed to know Stalin and Soviet Russia better than any man in Europe, the man who saw what the USSR did in Hungary, Poland, Bulgaria, Latvia, Estonia, Lithuania, and other countries, was, we are supposed to believe, "lulled into a feeling of security as to Moscow's intentions by Stalin! The fact is that the Reds were in control of the key posts in Czecho-Slovakia before the elections of 1946; the latter made them more secure and, hence, more aggressive. GAVE UP WITHOUT A SHOT T. G. Masaryk and Dr. Edward Benes were largely responsible for the conduct of the Czechs in regard to the Soviet Union and materialistic Communism; Dr. Edward Benes and his political clique had lulled the Czech people into a feeling of security as to Moscow's intentions. Even many Czechs admit this today. The Czechs, who controlled government in Czech-Slovakia, promoted materialistic Socialism and the pro-Soviet policy of Benes and, hence, Czecho-Slovakia could wind up only as she did: The Czechs did not fire a shot at Hitler �ti SLOVAKIA in 1938, and they gave up to the Communists without firing a shot in 1948. C. L. Sulzberger's article in The New York Times of March 10, 1956, based on information received from Czechs in Prague, aptly described the Czechs: The Czech people under T. G. Masaryk and Dr. Edward Benes, had been transformed into a nation of 'Schweiks' ( clowns or buffoons). The Czechs never had to fight for anything, everything being handed to them on a platter, including CzechoSlovakia, and hence, had no real sense of appreciation for freedom. "The · principal Czech anti-Communist leaders," according to Dulles, "either escaped abroad, committed suicide, or were eliminated by arrest. Non-Communist parties were liquidated by the armed seizure of their headquarters and newspapers. A purge commission dealt with all so-called ' unreliable political leaders." leaders" that esanti-Communist Who the "principal It is generally say. not caped abroad were, Mr. Dulles does anti"principal" any, if known, however, that very few, CommunCommunist leaders are able to escape from any ist-controlled country. Does Mr. Dulles mean the members of Dr. Benes's political family, who escaped "wholesale" from Czecho-Slovakia in 1948 and today form the so-called "Council of Free Czecho-Slovakia" and are regarded as The New York Times stated, as a sort of "Czecho-Slovak government-inexile" by official Washington, "reliable enough to exercise significant influence in and on various United States Government agencies (USIA, State Department, Army, C.I.C., C.I.A., etc.), and even on Congress and the White House? If he does, he is dead wrong in applying the appellation "principal Czech anti-Communist leaders" to them. They promoted the pro-Soviet policy of Dr. Edward Benes and collaborated with the Communists: some of them have frankly admitted this regretfully, most of them have not, and all of them would rather not be questioned about it. We know that non-Communist, and particularly antiOommunist, parties are generally liquidated in every coun- �SLOVAKIA 7 try in which Communists gain control. We know, too, that Reds sometimes purge Reds themselves: everi in CzechoSlovakia the Czech Reds liquidated or rendered useless leading Slovak Reds and then even purged their own ranks. Who liquidated the anti-Communist and anti-Socialist parties in Czecho-Slovakia? Benes and his handpicked and Moscow-blessed government and, mind you, after - as Mr. Dulles puts it - "the parliamentary government of President Benes was actually reconstituted" in 1945 ! The Benes-Gottwald regime controlled everything in CzechoSlovakia: political parties, the press, radio, army, etc. In the lands of the Czechs four political parties were permitted by the government to exist, while only two were allowed in Slovakia (later, just before the 1946 elections, two more were permitted to help the Reds). So, in CzechoSlovakia, anti-Soviet and anti-Red elements and parties were liquidated by both the "non-Communist" and also the "Communist" parties which were allowed to organize by the Prague government of the Benes-Gottwald coalition of 1945. BENl!S FORCED TO DO EVERYTHING "President Benes," Mr. Dulles states categorically, "was forced to resign in June, 1948, and the Communists took over and ever since have maintained supreme control." Benes, according to his apologists, C. I. A. Director Allen Dulles included, was always "forced" to do things: he was forced to give in to England and France and surrender to Hitler in Munich; he was forced to take on the presidency after he had resigned; he was forced to go to Moscow and sign a treaty, without a mandate from the Slovaks and the Czechs, whereby he formally sold out the peoples of Czecho-Slovakia to Stalin; he was forced to return to Czecho-Slovakia behind the Red Army after he had cowardly fled the country in 1938; he was forced to surrender the great Skoda Works to the Nazis and then to the Communists; he was forced to hoodwink President Roosevelt, convincing him that Stalin was "a good old Joe" and really a democrat at heart; he was forced to hang Dr. Joseph Tiso, president of the Slovak Republic (1939-1945), and to imprison and put to trial all his Czech and Slovak �8 SLOVAKIA political opponents, including President Ha.cha, whom he had -congratulated after he was elected his successor; he was forced to eliminate all anti-Communist and anti-Socialist leaders in post-war Czecho-Slovakia; he was forced to decree the establishment of "people's courts" in CzechoSlovakia; he was forced to nationalize just about everything, including ecclesiastical property; he was forced to dispossess and deport some 3,500,000 Germans and 500,000 Magyars; he was forced to accept the resignation of nonCommunist ministers in February 1948; he was forced to consent to the creation of a Cabinet under full control of the Communist Party; he was forced to resign in June, 1948; and in September, 1948, he was forced to die! In 1945, after the end of the war in Europe, the world press told us that Dr. Edward Benes had the backing of all the people of Czecho-Slovakia and that on his return to that country he was joyously and wildly acclaimed by Slovaks and Czechs. And yet, we are supposed to believe that this man Benes was forced to do practically everything during his political life, except possibly to promote socialism and friendship for the Soviet Union in his country! C. I. A. DULLES IS BADLY INFORMED Mr. Dulles concludes his commentary on Czecho-Slovakia with these obfuscated words of wisdom: "There are many lessons to be learned from this historical precedent. When the Communists obtain an effective minority position in any parliamentary body, it is a sign of danger. "If, in addition to that, they have important places in the government and, in particular, control of the ministries of defense and interior, then that danger is greatly augmented and the country in question is ripe for a Communist take-over." The director of the C. I. A. undoubtedly could have done better, if he were better informed. How did the Communists in Czecho-Slovakia obtain "an effective minority position" in the government or the Prague parliament? How did they happen to be in "important places" and, in particular, in control of the Ministries of Defense and Interior? �SLOVAKIA 9 Benes we were told, had everything under control. The Communists, we know, could not obtain an "effective minority position" and control of any ministry in the wartime Slovak Republic, for example, because they were outlawed by the Slovak government under Dr. Joseph Tiso. Benes, on the other hand, after his return to Czecho-Slovakia, stated unequivocally that he would not govern the state without the Communists. The world knows what happened - and at this late date, so should the head of our Central Intelligence Agency. If Mr. Dulles is thoroughly informed on the subject, he could have pointed out the one lesson to be learned from Czecho-Slovakia, or rather from the conduct of the Benes Czechs: you cannot tolerate Communism, you cannot collaborate with Communists and expect to retain the blessings of freedom. It appears that what Mr. Allen W. Dulles said about Czecho-Slovakia was prepared by a Benes apologist, probably a Benes Czech of the so-called "Council of Free Czecho-Slovakia," and, possibly, by a Benes Czech employed by him in the C. I. A. itself. The Benes Czechs have prepared many speeches and briefs for men in the United States Government and its various agencies. And that probably explains why the American public is so misinformed on Czecho-Slovakia. • • • WHO SAID IT? "Today, in vain are the followers of Benes trying to justify thei:r coHalb.oraJbion with the Bolsh0V.iiks and their crimes a:gainst humarrtty during 1945-1948 with the desperate claim that they did so !because the USA wanted them to do it. That is not only a lie, ,b ut a coarse and ibase insult to the government and the naition of the US·A. The freedom and laiw-aJbiding democratic American peo,ple hitherto had no idea of the terrible crimes the Bolsheviks with their collrubo-rator;s had committed in our country. Only now is the American people slowly learning the truth, that terrible truth and ma•k ing itself heard. It does not want criminals and the agents of Moscow in its country." - (J. Horny, BOHEMIA, Dec. 1952). � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1957, Vol. 7 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 22), March 1957.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 23), June 1957.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 24-25), September-December 1957.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1957 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA Published quarterly by the Slovak VOL. VII League of America JUNE, 1957 NO. 2 (23) C. I. A. DULLES AND THE BENES CZECHS Philip A. Hrobak The House Committee on Un-American Activities prepared and released, in September, 1956, a two-volume symposium on the technique of Soviet cold-warfare which it called: "Soviet Total War - 'Historic Mission' of Violence and Deceit." Besides Mr. Allen W. Dulles, Director of the Central Intelligence Agency, more than 120 other prominent United States Government officials, military leaders, labor officials, business executives, educators, journalists, and political scientists contributed statements for the symposium. The analysis of current Communist tactics submitted by Mr. Allen Dulles ("The Communist Attack Upon Parliamentary Government," Vol. II, pp. 423-430) is interesting, indeed, even though it only repeats what others already had said and written on so many other occasions and, in spots, betrays a certain tendency. This tendency is particularly noticeable in Dulles' reference to Czecho-Slovakia, with which I am quite familiar. How the Reds take over a country is a pet subject of the C. I. A. Director; he has talked about it on many occasions, and we read about one such occasion in June, 1956, shortly after Mr. Dulles, at a dinner of the University of Pennsylvania "Law Review," described the methods by which Communists can gain control of a country's parliament. His contribution to the symposium, published by the House Committee on UnAmerican Activities, is for the most part a repeat of that address. Mr. Allen Dulles says that in the Soviet process of subverting the "free" governments of Hungary, Romania, Poland and Bulgaria, "the actual presence of Soviet forces on the spot played a decisive role," though he does not elaborate on how it came about that Soviet forces happened to 2 SLOVAKIA be "on the spot," or just how "free" the governments of the countries mentioned were at the time. In Czecho-Slovakia, however, according to Mr. Dulles, "some of the same effect was obtained by the presence, just across the border, of strong Soviet forces and by the fact that the Soviet had previously occupied Prague and many other important Czech centers and had been able, by their terrorist and infiltration methods, to gain a position of strength which far exceed the numerical representation in the population at large. "In fact, they prepared the way for the coup before they evacuated their troops in 1945. Beginning in 1945, Moscow exercised heavy pressure on the free Czech government headed by President Benes. "Hoping to be able to work with the Kremlin and anxious to insure the quick withdrawal of Russian troops, Benes went to Moscow in March of that year. He sought agreement on the forming of a coalition government acceptable to the Soviet, which would include some of the proCommunist emigres who had been collected in Moscow during the war and who flooded back to their home country to play roles preassigned to them by the Kremlin." It is significant that this is the same story which the Benes Czechs ( Czech socialists of all shades now organized in the so-called "Council of Free Czechoslovakia") tell us today, the story which did not exist until after the Reds took over all power in Czecho-Slovakia, that is, until after February 25, 1948. If Moscow exercised "heavy pressure" on what Mr. Dulles calls "the free Czech government headed by president Benes," why did Benes and the members of his handpicked political entourage tell the world in 1945, and as late as the end of 1947, that there was no Iron Curtain in Czecho-Slovakia, that the Soviet Union was not intervening in the internal affairs of that hapless country? Furthermore, why did Laurence A. Steinhardt, U. S. Ambassador to Czecho-Slovakia, tell the American public that "there is definitely no iron curtain in Czechoslovakia" (The New York Times, 2-1-47)? It is significant, too, that the C.I.A. Director seems to know nothing about what happened to Slovakia and its SLOVAKIA 3 people in 1945, when Benes and his Moscow-formed "free Czech government" - supported by the Red Army - returned as "liberators"! And why did Mr. Dulles completely ignore the long record of collaboration of the once-resigned president of Czecho-Slovakia with the Soviet Union - a collaboration that went back to at least 1922? What about the Benes-Soviet Treaty of December 12, 1943? BENE~ DID WORK WITH THE REDS Benes did not only "hope" to be able to work with the Kremlin, as Dulles states, but he actually did work with the men of the Kremlin for many years. How else could he have become president again after he resigned "voluntarily" - as he himself admitted - and Ha.cha was duly elected in his place by the Prague Parliament according to the Czecho-Slovak Constitution? The fact is that Benes already knew in London, as head of the so-called "Czecho-Slovak government-in-exile," the conditions under which he could return as "president" of the country which he had first cowardly abandoned to Hitler in 1938, and then formally to Stalin in 1943. And what does Mr. Dulles mean by saying that "some" pro-Communist emigres "flooded" back to their home country? All of them, including Benes and his band-picked political entourage, "flooded" back only because all were proSoviet and pro-Communist, and all had agreed to play the roles "pre-assigned to them by the Kremlin," as Dulles tells it. "When the parliamentary government of President Benes was actually reconstituted," Mr. Dulles continues, "the anti-Communist forces were badly divided among four or more parties. The Communist Party, as usual, presented a monolithic front." But the fact is that no anti-Communist and anti-Socialist forces were allowed· to organize in a political party by Benes and his government. The national Front Government of the Benes-Gottwald coalition was dominated by the Czech Nazis of Benes (Czech National Socialists) and the Czech Communists headed by Gottwald, the former collaborating wholeheartedly with the latter to suppress and 4 SLOVAKIA liquidate all anti-Communist and anti-Socialist elements in the country. The Benes Czechs might be called non-Communist forces, but never "anti-Communist." The same applies to the so-called Slovak "democrats" - the Judas Slovaks headed by Dr. Joseph Lettrich who collaborated so closely with the Communists and the Benes Czechs. The vast majority of the Slovak nation, however, which was not permitted to organize in a political party but was forced to join either the Communists or the Lettrich "democrats," was truly anti-Communist and not merely nonCommunist. "Under these conditions," Mr. Dulles continues, "the elections of 1946 gave the Communists 38 percent of the votes. Thus they became the largest single party, their leader Gottwald was named Prime Minister, and the Communists were able to take over key ministries, including Interior, Information and Finance, with a crypto-Communjst in charge of Defense." SLOVAKS VOTED ANTI-RED Mr. Dulles, however, does not explain who gave the Communists the votes: the people of the Czech lands (Behemia and Moravia), or the people of Slovakia? Of course, informed persons know that the votes of the Czech lands did - and they gave more than 38 percent of the total number of votes to the Communists. In Slovakia the Communists were decisively beaten, getting less than 30 percent of the votes cast, despite the fact that thousands of patriotic Slovaks were not permitted to vote while some 200,000 Czech army and administrative personnel in Slovakia did vote. And another thing, Mr. Allen Dulles states that as a result of the 1946 elections "the Communists were able to take over key ministries" in Czecho-Slovakia. Informed persons, including the Benes Czechs- themselves, however, know that the Czech Reds had already taken over "key ministries" in 1945, as agreed upon by Benes and Stalin in Moscow. Is it possible that the director of our Central Intelligence Agency did not know this, that even today he does SLOVAKIA 5 not understand the difference between a Slovak and a Czech? Or that the Reds, even though they were thoroughly trounced in Slovakia in the May, 1946, elections, nevertheless retained all key positions in that country, thanks to Benes and his government and the weakness and cowardly behavior of Dr. Joseph Lettrich and his "democratic" lieutenants? "During all this period," Mr. Dulles rambles on, "Stalin had cultivated President Benes and lulled him into a feeling of security as to Moscow's intentions. Meanwhile the Communists were building up their control of the Czech military forces, the trade unions, and the internal security policy. "Finally, one of Moscow's principal 'expediters,' Valerian Zarin, now Soviet ambassador to Bonn, was sent to Prague, and the minority Communist Party seized power in February, 1948, without firing a shot." Dr. Edward Benes - frequently hailed as "the smartest statesman in Europe - the world's foremost democrat - Europe's wisest politician" and "brilliant diplomat" - the man who was supposed to know Stalin and Soviet Russia better than any man in Europe, the man who saw what the USSR did in Hungary, Poland, Bulgaria, Latvia, Estonia, Lithuania, and other countries, was, we are supposed to believe, "lulled into a feeling of security as to Moscow's intentions by Stalin! The fact is that the Reds were in control of the key posts in Czecho-Slovakia before the elections of 1946; the latter made them more secure and, hence, more aggressive. GAVE UP WITHOUT A SHOT T. G. Masaryk and Dr. Edward Benes were largely responsible for the conduct of the Czechs in regard to the Soviet Union and materialistic Communism; Dr. Edward Benes and his political clique had lulled the Czech people into a feeling of security as to Moscow's intentions. Even many Czechs admit this today. The Czechs, who controlled government in Czech-Slovakia, promoted materialistic Socialism and the pro-Soviet policy of Benes and, hence, Czecho-Slovakia could wind up only as she did: The Czechs did not fire a shot at Hitler ti SLOVAKIA in 1938, and they gave up to the Communists without firing a shot in 1948. C. L. Sulzberger's article in The New York Times of March 10, 1956, based on information received from Czechs in Prague, aptly described the Czechs: The Czech people under T. G. Masaryk and Dr. Edward Benes, had been transformed into a nation of 'Schweiks' ( clowns or buffoons). The Czechs never had to fight for anything, everything being handed to them on a platter, including CzechoSlovakia, and hence, had no real sense of appreciation for freedom. "The · principal Czech anti-Communist leaders," according to Dulles, "either escaped abroad, committed suicide, or were eliminated by arrest. Non-Communist parties were liquidated by the armed seizure of their headquarters and newspapers. A purge commission dealt with all so-called ' unreliable political leaders." leaders" that esanti-Communist Who the "principal It is generally say. not caped abroad were, Mr. Dulles does anti"principal" any, if known, however, that very few, CommunCommunist leaders are able to escape from any ist-controlled country. Does Mr. Dulles mean the members of Dr. Benes's political family, who escaped "wholesale" from Czecho-Slovakia in 1948 and today form the so-called "Council of Free Czecho-Slovakia" and are regarded as The New York Times stated, as a sort of "Czecho-Slovak government-inexile" by official Washington, "reliable enough to exercise significant influence in and on various United States Government agencies (USIA, State Department, Army, C.I.C., C.I.A., etc.), and even on Congress and the White House? If he does, he is dead wrong in applying the appellation "principal Czech anti-Communist leaders" to them. They promoted the pro-Soviet policy of Dr. Edward Benes and collaborated with the Communists: some of them have frankly admitted this regretfully, most of them have not, and all of them would rather not be questioned about it. We know that non-Communist, and particularly antiOommunist, parties are generally liquidated in every coun- SLOVAKIA 7 try in which Communists gain control. We know, too, that Reds sometimes purge Reds themselves: everi in CzechoSlovakia the Czech Reds liquidated or rendered useless leading Slovak Reds and then even purged their own ranks. Who liquidated the anti-Communist and anti-Socialist parties in Czecho-Slovakia? Benes and his handpicked and Moscow-blessed government and, mind you, after - as Mr. Dulles puts it - "the parliamentary government of President Benes was actually reconstituted" in 1945 ! The Benes-Gottwald regime controlled everything in CzechoSlovakia: political parties, the press, radio, army, etc. In the lands of the Czechs four political parties were permitted by the government to exist, while only two were allowed in Slovakia (later, just before the 1946 elections, two more were permitted to help the Reds). So, in CzechoSlovakia, anti-Soviet and anti-Red elements and parties were liquidated by both the "non-Communist" and also the "Communist" parties which were allowed to organize by the Prague government of the Benes-Gottwald coalition of 1945. BENl!S FORCED TO DO EVERYTHING "President Benes," Mr. Dulles states categorically, "was forced to resign in June, 1948, and the Communists took over and ever since have maintained supreme control." Benes, according to his apologists, C. I. A. Director Allen Dulles included, was always "forced" to do things: he was forced to give in to England and France and surrender to Hitler in Munich; he was forced to take on the presidency after he had resigned; he was forced to go to Moscow and sign a treaty, without a mandate from the Slovaks and the Czechs, whereby he formally sold out the peoples of Czecho-Slovakia to Stalin; he was forced to return to Czecho-Slovakia behind the Red Army after he had cowardly fled the country in 1938; he was forced to surrender the great Skoda Works to the Nazis and then to the Communists; he was forced to hoodwink President Roosevelt, convincing him that Stalin was "a good old Joe" and really a democrat at heart; he was forced to hang Dr. Joseph Tiso, president of the Slovak Republic (1939-1945), and to imprison and put to trial all his Czech and Slovak 8 SLOVAKIA political opponents, including President Ha.cha, whom he had -congratulated after he was elected his successor; he was forced to eliminate all anti-Communist and anti-Socialist leaders in post-war Czecho-Slovakia; he was forced to decree the establishment of "people's courts" in CzechoSlovakia; he was forced to nationalize just about everything, including ecclesiastical property; he was forced to dispossess and deport some 3,500,000 Germans and 500,000 Magyars; he was forced to accept the resignation of nonCommunist ministers in February 1948; he was forced to consent to the creation of a Cabinet under full control of the Communist Party; he was forced to resign in June, 1948; and in September, 1948, he was forced to die! In 1945, after the end of the war in Europe, the world press told us that Dr. Edward Benes had the backing of all the people of Czecho-Slovakia and that on his return to that country he was joyously and wildly acclaimed by Slovaks and Czechs. And yet, we are supposed to believe that this man Benes was forced to do practically everything during his political life, except possibly to promote socialism and friendship for the Soviet Union in his country! C. I. A. DULLES IS BADLY INFORMED Mr. Dulles concludes his commentary on Czecho-Slovakia with these obfuscated words of wisdom: "There are many lessons to be learned from this historical precedent. When the Communists obtain an effective minority position in any parliamentary body, it is a sign of danger. "If, in addition to that, they have important places in the government and, in particular, control of the ministries of defense and interior, then that danger is greatly augmented and the country in question is ripe for a Communist take-over." The director of the C. I. A. undoubtedly could have done better, if he were better informed. How did the Communists in Czecho-Slovakia obtain "an effective minority position" in the government or the Prague parliament? How did they happen to be in "important places" and, in particular, in control of the Ministries of Defense and Interior? SLOVAKIA 9 Benes we were told, had everything under control. The Communists, we know, could not obtain an "effective minority position" and control of any ministry in the wartime Slovak Republic, for example, because they were outlawed by the Slovak government under Dr. Joseph Tiso. Benes, on the other hand, after his return to Czecho-Slovakia, stated unequivocally that he would not govern the state without the Communists. The world knows what happened - and at this late date, so should the head of our Central Intelligence Agency. If Mr. Dulles is thoroughly informed on the subject, he could have pointed out the one lesson to be learned from Czecho-Slovakia, or rather from the conduct of the Benes Czechs: you cannot tolerate Communism, you cannot collaborate with Communists and expect to retain the blessings of freedom. It appears that what Mr. Allen W. Dulles said about Czecho-Slovakia was prepared by a Benes apologist, probably a Benes Czech of the so-called "Council of Free Czecho-Slovakia," and, possibly, by a Benes Czech employed by him in the C. I. A. itself. The Benes Czechs have prepared many speeches and briefs for men in the United States Government and its various agencies. And that probably explains why the American public is so misinformed on Czecho-Slovakia. • • • WHO SAID IT? "Today, in vain are the followers of Benes trying to justify thei:r coHalb.oraJbion with the Bolsh0V.iiks and their crimes a:gainst humarrtty during 1945-1948 with the desperate claim that they did so !because the USA wanted them to do it. That is not only a lie, ,b ut a coarse and ibase insult to the government and the naition of the US·A. The freedom and laiw-aJbiding democratic American peo,ple hitherto had no idea of the terrible crimes the Bolsheviks with their collrubo-rator;s had committed in our country. Only now is the American people slowly learning the truth, that terrible truth and ma•k ing itself heard. It does not want criminals and the agents of Moscow in its country." - (J. Horny, BOHEMIA, Dec. 1952).  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource C. I. A. Dulles and the Beneš Czechs Description An account of the resource Philip A. Hrobak Slovakia, Vol. 7, No. 2 (23), June 1957 pp. 1-9 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Hrobak, Philip Anthony, 1904-1964 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource June 1957 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/d0577842868b7d94615309287fb336e5.pdf 05d5ff1a6e3261b78b698b582b6de0f5 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 10 "FOR GOD AND NATION" 50 YEARS OF THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA PHILIP A. HROBAK After greater numbers of Slovaks had settled in the United States of America during the last quarter of the past century, Slovak newspapers, fraternal benefit societies, churches and schools soon came into being. The Slovaks took to American democracy like fish to water, enjoying fully every moment of their existence in their "new" homeland. In America they had the very thing that souls of men everywhere thirst for: freedom. The liberties and God-given rights so freely and thoroughly pursued and enjoyed in America electrified the minds and hearts of the Slovaks and inspired them to work for the freedom and independence of their own homeland, where natural rights had been denied their people for a thousand years. Of course, their interest in the "old" homeland was only natural. Political persecution and economic suppression were the daily lot of the Slovaks under the Magyars of Hungary. It was evident that the Magyars, after their settlement with Vienna in 1867, were determined to liquidate the Slovaks as a national entity. The Matica Slovenska (Slovak Institute) was taken over by Budapest and its assets confiscated, students were thrown out of secondary schools, professors were fired or transferred to Magyar regions for their Slovak convictions, and Slovak intellectuals and professionals were deprived of the opportunity of making a livelihood in their own homeland. "Extra Hungariam non est vita" ( outside Hungary there is no life), the Magyars used to say, but this applied only to them, while the Slovaks were forced to leave their homeland by the hundreds of thousands to keep their bodies and souls together. The incident that fired the Slovaks both at home and in America to do something about the unfortunate lot of their homeland was the Cernova Massacre of October 26, 1907. Cernova was the birthplace of Andrew Hlinka, beloved priest and ardent patriot, who had been sentenced to �SLOVAKIA 11 two years in jail in 1906 by the Magyars for his active opposition to Magyarizat ion. The good Slovaks of Cernova, in the meantime, having completed the building of their new church with funds collected by Hlinka, entreated the Ordinary of the diocese, Bishop Parvy, who had suspended Hlinka because of his political activity, to reinstate and allow 'our Father Hlinka' to perform the ceremonies of dedication. The bishop refused, appointing another priest for the task. The people resented this decision of the bishop On October 26, 1907, the date of the dedication, the Slovaks of Cernova blocked the priest's entrance to their new church; hard words led to turmoil; the Magyar gendarmes on hand for the occasion fired into the mass of the people. When the smoke cleared nine were dead, three were dying, twelve were seriously and 80 less seriously injured. Before the night was over five more succumbed to their injuries: fourteen dead, fourteen martyrs of Magyar chauvinism. And numerous Slovaks were jailed as "instigator s" of the Cernova incident. The Slovaks in America swung into action; mass meetings of protest organized by the Slovak clergy and Slovak newsmen followed; articles in Slovak and English flooded every Slovak center to spotlight the attention of the world on Magyar brutalities. Thousands of dollars were collected and sent to the homeland for the defense and support of patriotic Slovaks. Cernova, above all else, w1doubtedly motivated the Slovaks of America to join the Slovak League of America, to form a united front against Magyar tyranny. It was on April 4, 1907, at the invitation of the Rev. Stephen Furdek of Cleveland, Ohio, that representat ives of the Slovak Press in America met in Pittsburgh, Pa., to deliberate how they might best help their wretched brethren beneath the Tatras. All recognized the fact that the time was ripe to organize all Slovaks in America into one union for the defense of everything past Slovak generations had built and fought for in Slovakia. Adopting the slogan "For Our Slovak Heritage" (Za tu nasu Slovencinu ), the meeting adopted a two-plank program: 1. To care for and support Slovak cultural and political life at home (in Slovakia); 2. �12 SLOVAKIA To care for and support Slovak cultural and political life in America. Furthermore, it was decided that a mass meeting of American Slovaks would be held at Cleveland, Ohio, on May 26, 1907. Soon after the Pittsburgh meeting, all Slovak newspapers in America publicized the proposed mass rally in Cleveland, inviting all Slovaks interested in the righteous cause of the Slovak nation to attend the "Slovak Congress" on May 26, 1907. It was undersigned by representatives of all Slovak fraternal organizations and newspapers. "The purpose of the Congress," the announcement said, "is to unite all Slovak organizations in systematic national work. ... Our old country is turning to us, let us help it. We must present a united front." Over 7000 of them, representing all Slovak societies and newspapers, fraternal benefit organizations and parishes, clergy and laity of various religious and political convictions, met in Cleveland, Ohio, where they more than filled the spacious Gray's Armory. On that day the Slovak League of America was founded to unite all Slovaks in America to fight for the inherent, God-given rights of the Slovak nation which was doomed to national extinction by the Magyars of Hungary. On that day Americans of Slovak descent resolved in the spirit of America that the nation they are descended from shall be free and independent of alien rule, that it shall be the master of its own household and work out its own destiny as an equal among nations. Under the leadership of the great and immortal Rev. Stephen Furdek, the founder and first president of the Slovak League of America, the League made America known to the Slovaks at home, and Slovakia and her people known to Americans. The seed of freedom and independence, which had taken a solid hold in the fertile soil of America, was now planted by Americans of Slovak descent in the land of their forefathers, Slovakia. Throughout the past fifty years, the Slovak League of America has remained faithful to its mission. It united the Slovaks in America to work for a better America by becoming alert citizens and to work for the liberation of their brethren in Slovakia from hostile, alien domination. The �SLOVAKIA 13 League has made America and the rest of the world aware of the fact that the Slovak nation does exist and demands recognition of and respect for its natural rights. But the Slovak League of America also inspired and gave strength to the Slovaks at home not to abandon the uneven struggle for freedom and independence. It was, in fact, the Slovak League of America that made it possible for the Slovak nation to liberate itself from Magyar tyranny. The fatal shot that started the world conflagration and massacre in 1914 had not yet been fired in Sarajevo, when the Slovak League of America prepared a Memorandum addressed "to all just and truth-respecting nations," demanding complete autonomy for the Slovaks on the basis of the right of self-determination. After the Sarajevo incident, the Slovaks were faced with the question: We are through with the Magyars, but now with whom shall we join up to gain what is rightfully ours? With the Russians? The Czechs? The Poles? After due consideration, the Slovaks decided to go along with the Czechs. The decision was greatly influenced by the Slovak League of America. But it was only after T. G. Masaryk, first president and one of the founders of the Czecho-Slovak Republic, drafted and signed the Pittsburgh Agreement on May 30, 1918, that the Slovaks really joined with the Czechs to work for the establishment of a common political state. The Agreement guaranteed complete autonomy (states' rights) to Slovakia within the framework of Czecho-Slovakia, which was to be patterned after Switzerland and the United States. Unfortunately, T. G. Masaryk failed to keep his word. Advised by Dr. Edward Benes and other "progressive" chauvinistic Czech socialists, Masaryk repudiated the Pittsburgh Pact, calling it a "scrap of paper." The Slovaks, however, never let up in their clamor for the incorporation of the Pittsburgh Pact into the Constitution of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. But to no avail: the Masaryk-Benes Czechs in Prague subbornly refused to listen to reason. After twenty years of Czecho-Slovakia under Masaryk and Benes, the Slovaks were ready to break with the Czechs. After twenty years of Masaryk-Benes pro-Soviet and antiSlovak policies, the Slovaks and Czechs were farther apart �14 SLOVAKIA than they ever had been. Dr. Edward Benes pursued his ruinous policy to the very bitter end, refusing to recognize and respect the inherent right of the Slovak nation to have something to say about its own destiny. Within a week after accepting the Munich verdict, without consulting the parliament or the Slovak and Czech people, he simply resigned and later left the country. The day following Benes' resignation, the Prague Parliament belatedly and begrudgingly granted autonomy to Slovakia and later had the law incorporated into the Czecho-Slovak Constitution. Hitler and his Nazis started their mad race to destruction; there was no one to stop them at that time. And the Czechs, apparently regretting that they had granted autonomy to Slovakia, placed Slovakia under martial law on March 10, 1939, and occupied Slovakia. Hitler, of course, exploited the situation. Without mincing words, he told the Slovaks to proclaim their independence or else. Under the circumstances, the duly elected representatives of the Slovak people proclaimed the independnce of Slovakia on March 14, 1939. The independent Republic of Slovakia was soon recognized by twenty-seven countries. Slovakia was not too badly off during the war; as far as their internal affairs were concerned, the Slovaks managed their country well under President Joseph Tiso. They were better off than most neutral countries and enjoyed more freedom than they ever did under Masaryk and Benes. Why Hitler left them alone and did not bother to take them over completely, as he did the Czechs and so many other nations, still remains unexplained. But the fact is that the Slovaks were doing right well until the end of August 1944, when Moscow agents and the Benes proSoviet clique engineered the so-called "Slovak National Uprising." The story of Warsaw was repeated. Hitler's hordes poured into Slovakia "to restore order" - and the Slovaks were on the receiving end of both sides, the Reds and the Nazis. Over 70,000 Slovaks were killed in the slaughter. We know what happened at the end of World War IT. Benes sold out Czecho-Slovakia to Hitler in 1938 without firing a shot; he repeated the performance in 1943 by for- �SLOVAKIA 15 mally selling out the Slovaks and Czechs to Stalin with a treaty. Benes' pro-Soviet policy paid off temporarily: with Stalin's blessing he became president of Czecho-Slovakia again, this time the head man of the new "people's" Republic. To show his gratefulness, Dr. Benes and his Reddominated Prague government immediately began to liquidate all anti-Communist and anti-Socialistic elements in the "new" Czecho-Slovakia. But finally Benes himself was destroyed by the monster he had nurtured to prove again that Communism devours its own children! The Slovak nation was consistently vilified and misrepresented by the nations which dominated and exploited it. As far as the Magyars and Czechs were concerned, there was no Slovak nation, there was no Slovak language. T. G. Masaryk and Dr. Edward Benes told the Paris Peace Conference in 1919 that the Slovaks were but a branch of the Czech nation and their language was but a dialect of the Czech. In old Hungary, the Magyars boasted that they were the "natio hungarica" ; after 1918, the Czechs beat their chests that they were the "state-nation" - the "Czechoslovak" nation. The Magyars accused the Slovaks of being anti-State and pro-Slav; the Czechs under Masaryk and Benes accused them of being anti-State and pro-Magyar. Both Magyars and Czechs agreed that the Slovaks were "separatists." And their propaganda in America blasted the Slovaks who worked for the liberation of their old homeland from alien domination. The Slovak League of America was the prime target of both the Magyars and the Czechs. During the last war, the Slovak League of America was the main target of attack of Dr. Benes' smear and vilification campaign. Dr. Benes knew the right people in Washington, Paris, London, and Moscow. Americans of Slovak descent could not prevail on their own government to save the Republic of Slovakia for the West; official Washington, in 1945, brushed them off when they begged that Dr. Tiso and the members of the Slovak Government, who had surrendered to the American Army in Austria, be offered political asylum and not handed over to the vengeful Dr. Benes; and two million Americans of Slovak descent �16 SLOVAKIA could not prevail on the President and the Government of the United States to request Benes to spare Dr. Tiso from the gallows in 1947. And today, ten years later, we find that the Benes Czechs still carry some weight in official Washington circles. The Slovak League of America has lost several skirmishes and battles, but it still is carrying on the fight for the reeognition of the natural rights of the Slovak nation. It is only natural that the League is vitally interested in this all-important question, because the existence of the Slovak people is at stake. Since the Slovak nation has not been given an opportunity to speak freely for itself and never had been actually free and independent to work out its own destiny, the Slovak League of America has taken upon itself the obligation of pleading for the realization of the fundamental rights of the Slovak people. As loyal Americans, we are firmly convinced that those rights are predicated on the elementary principle that all peoples are morally entitled to speak in the United Nations, there to defend their rights to survival and self-fulfillment. Liberty cannot be exercised by proxy, and the Slovak people, like all other nations on the earth, must have a voice in the determination of their own destiny. Being American institutions, the Slovak League of America and the Slovak organizations affiliated with it are primarily interested in the welfare and security of the United States of America. They sincerely believe that it is in the highest interest of America and the rest of the free world that the Slovak nation be free and independent. Therefore, they cannot sit idly by while foreign political opportunists of the Benes stripe, discredited and cursed by their own people, exploit and compromise the good name of America, while given the opportunity to use American tax dollars to prolong the fiction of a united "Czechoslovak" nation and to promote the political, pseudo-democratic conceptions of Masaryk and Benes which led to the destruction of Czecho-Slovakia and the utter enslavement of the Slovak and Czech nations by the Communists. It is, the Slovaks believe, contrary to justice and morals to recognize and give moral and material aid to individuals and �SLOVAKIA 17 organizations that seek the destruction of the Slovak nation by promoting the big lie of a "united Czechoslovak nation." The truth is that the Slovaks never were, nor do they wish to be Czechs; and, on the other hand, the Czechs never were, nor do they desire to be Slovaki:i. Americans of Slovak descent, organized in the Slovak League of America, are loyal to America, because to them America is an ideal, a living symbol of freedom, tolerance, and justice. They seek no special favors for the nation they are descended from, but only recognition of and respect for the inherent, natural rights of the Slovak nation. The Slovaks learned about freedom and democracy from America. They know that they can best secure and safeguard their national existence only if they manage their own household. America has no cause to deny the Slovaks their rights to freedom and independence; this the American people as a whole understand well, but it seems that people making up our Government do not. This undoubtedly is due to the influence of the Benes Czechs who collaborated with the Reds and the Soviet Union until February 1948, when they suddenly became "democratic" exiles. As in the past, so in the future, the Slovak League must expend every effort to correct the situation. Administrations • of the United States Government, no matter what their political beliefs, must be convinced that the righteous cause of the Slovak nation deserves the support of all Americans. Americans of Slovak descent, we trust, are not overly presumptuous in assuming that they merit at least the same measure of favor and trust from their Government as does the bankrupt, pro-Soviet political clique of the late Dr. Edward Benes, which today is operating in America as the "Council of Free Czechoslovakia." Rebuffed and humbled on so many occasions, the Slovak League continues stubbornly and courageously in the work of liberating the Slovaks from all foreign domination. The existence of the Slovak nation can never be secured unless the Slovaks are masters of their own destiny. The Slovaks must not be denied the right to organize their own state, an independent Slovak Republic. The Slovaks are not against a federation or confederation of European �18 SLOVAKIA states, but rather for it. But into such a federation they want to enter not as an appendage of the Czech nation, but as a nation no less sovereign than the rest of the nations of any such proposed European federation. Today the Slovaks look to America for liberation and salvation more than they ever did; the Slovak nation needs encouragement and inspiration in this its darkest hour. After the great onslaught of World War II, the Slovaks were thrown to the Red wolves of the Kremlin and their stooges in Prague, and yet they have never let up in their fight against Communism. They fought against this scourge of humanity in and out of season for the past 100 years and are determined, with God's help, to keep fighting it until the Red plague is wiped off the face of the earth. The work of the Slovak League of America will never be finished until this happens and the Slovak nation at last takes its rightful place in the family of free nations, there to share the burdens and blessings of free men under God, all laboring toward one end: a just and lasting peace, based on the love of man for God and for his fellowman . • • . WHO SAID IT? ' ~Prague, Budapest, Zagreb, Brno, Bratislaiva were as German a'S Linz or Innsbruck, so much so they had German names: Brague (for Praha), Ofon, Agrrum, Brlinn, Pressburg. In Prague in 181'5 there were 50,000 Germam.s and only 15,000 Czechs; even in 1848 respectrubie people spoke only German in the streets, and to ask the way in Czech would provoke an offensive reply . . . . The smaller towns remained German far longer, ,some, such as Brno, until the twentieth century .... The German character of the towns (in the HaJbsbur,g Monarchy) had little or nothing to do with race . . . The enterp:r,ising son of a peasant, Czech, Roumaniian, or &rob, who entered a town, learned a German art and spoke Geiiman to his fellow shopkeepers; his children despised their father',s peasant dialect, am.d his grandcihildren, sa.fuly arrived in staJte j'dbs, forgot that they had ever been am.ytlling but German and town-dwellers." - (A. J. P. Taylor, THE HiABSBURG MONARJOHY, London, 1948; ,pp. 24-25). � SLOVAKIA 10 "FOR GOD AND NATION" 50 YEARS OF THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA PHILIP A. HROBAK After greater numbers of Slovaks had settled in the United States of America during the last quarter of the past century, Slovak newspapers, fraternal benefit societies, churches and schools soon came into being. The Slovaks took to American democracy like fish to water, enjoying fully every moment of their existence in their "new" homeland. In America they had the very thing that souls of men everywhere thirst for: freedom. The liberties and God-given rights so freely and thoroughly pursued and enjoyed in America electrified the minds and hearts of the Slovaks and inspired them to work for the freedom and independence of their own homeland, where natural rights had been denied their people for a thousand years. Of course, their interest in the "old" homeland was only natural. Political persecution and economic suppression were the daily lot of the Slovaks under the Magyars of Hungary. It was evident that the Magyars, after their settlement with Vienna in 1867, were determined to liquidate the Slovaks as a national entity. The Matica Slovenska (Slovak Institute) was taken over by Budapest and its assets confiscated, students were thrown out of secondary schools, professors were fired or transferred to Magyar regions for their Slovak convictions, and Slovak intellectuals and professionals were deprived of the opportunity of making a livelihood in their own homeland. "Extra Hungariam non est vita" ( outside Hungary there is no life), the Magyars used to say, but this applied only to them, while the Slovaks were forced to leave their homeland by the hundreds of thousands to keep their bodies and souls together. The incident that fired the Slovaks both at home and in America to do something about the unfortunate lot of their homeland was the Cernova Massacre of October 26, 1907. Cernova was the birthplace of Andrew Hlinka, beloved priest and ardent patriot, who had been sentenced to �SLOVAKIA 11 two years in jail in 1906 by the Magyars for his active opposition to Magyarizat ion. The good Slovaks of Cernova, in the meantime, having completed the building of their new church with funds collected by Hlinka, entreated the Ordinary of the diocese, Bishop Parvy, who had suspended Hlinka because of his political activity, to reinstate and allow 'our Father Hlinka' to perform the ceremonies of dedication. The bishop refused, appointing another priest for the task. The people resented this decision of the bishop On October 26, 1907, the date of the dedication, the Slovaks of Cernova blocked the priest's entrance to their new church; hard words led to turmoil; the Magyar gendarmes on hand for the occasion fired into the mass of the people. When the smoke cleared nine were dead, three were dying, twelve were seriously and 80 less seriously injured. Before the night was over five more succumbed to their injuries: fourteen dead, fourteen martyrs of Magyar chauvinism. And numerous Slovaks were jailed as "instigator s" of the Cernova incident. The Slovaks in America swung into action; mass meetings of protest organized by the Slovak clergy and Slovak newsmen followed; articles in Slovak and English flooded every Slovak center to spotlight the attention of the world on Magyar brutalities. Thousands of dollars were collected and sent to the homeland for the defense and support of patriotic Slovaks. Cernova, above all else, w1doubtedly motivated the Slovaks of America to join the Slovak League of America, to form a united front against Magyar tyranny. It was on April 4, 1907, at the invitation of the Rev. Stephen Furdek of Cleveland, Ohio, that representat ives of the Slovak Press in America met in Pittsburgh, Pa., to deliberate how they might best help their wretched brethren beneath the Tatras. All recognized the fact that the time was ripe to organize all Slovaks in America into one union for the defense of everything past Slovak generations had built and fought for in Slovakia. Adopting the slogan "For Our Slovak Heritage" (Za tu nasu Slovencinu ), the meeting adopted a two-plank program: 1. To care for and support Slovak cultural and political life at home (in Slovakia); 2. �12 SLOVAKIA To care for and support Slovak cultural and political life in America. Furthermore, it was decided that a mass meeting of American Slovaks would be held at Cleveland, Ohio, on May 26, 1907. Soon after the Pittsburgh meeting, all Slovak newspapers in America publicized the proposed mass rally in Cleveland, inviting all Slovaks interested in the righteous cause of the Slovak nation to attend the "Slovak Congress" on May 26, 1907. It was undersigned by representatives of all Slovak fraternal organizations and newspapers. "The purpose of the Congress," the announcement said, "is to unite all Slovak organizations in systematic national work. ... Our old country is turning to us, let us help it. We must present a united front." Over 7000 of them, representing all Slovak societies and newspapers, fraternal benefit organizations and parishes, clergy and laity of various religious and political convictions, met in Cleveland, Ohio, where they more than filled the spacious Gray's Armory. On that day the Slovak League of America was founded to unite all Slovaks in America to fight for the inherent, God-given rights of the Slovak nation which was doomed to national extinction by the Magyars of Hungary. On that day Americans of Slovak descent resolved in the spirit of America that the nation they are descended from shall be free and independent of alien rule, that it shall be the master of its own household and work out its own destiny as an equal among nations. Under the leadership of the great and immortal Rev. Stephen Furdek, the founder and first president of the Slovak League of America, the League made America known to the Slovaks at home, and Slovakia and her people known to Americans. The seed of freedom and independence, which had taken a solid hold in the fertile soil of America, was now planted by Americans of Slovak descent in the land of their forefathers, Slovakia. Throughout the past fifty years, the Slovak League of America has remained faithful to its mission. It united the Slovaks in America to work for a better America by becoming alert citizens and to work for the liberation of their brethren in Slovakia from hostile, alien domination. The �SLOVAKIA 13 League has made America and the rest of the world aware of the fact that the Slovak nation does exist and demands recognition of and respect for its natural rights. But the Slovak League of America also inspired and gave strength to the Slovaks at home not to abandon the uneven struggle for freedom and independence. It was, in fact, the Slovak League of America that made it possible for the Slovak nation to liberate itself from Magyar tyranny. The fatal shot that started the world conflagration and massacre in 1914 had not yet been fired in Sarajevo, when the Slovak League of America prepared a Memorandum addressed "to all just and truth-respecting nations," demanding complete autonomy for the Slovaks on the basis of the right of self-determination. After the Sarajevo incident, the Slovaks were faced with the question: We are through with the Magyars, but now with whom shall we join up to gain what is rightfully ours? With the Russians? The Czechs? The Poles? After due consideration, the Slovaks decided to go along with the Czechs. The decision was greatly influenced by the Slovak League of America. But it was only after T. G. Masaryk, first president and one of the founders of the Czecho-Slovak Republic, drafted and signed the Pittsburgh Agreement on May 30, 1918, that the Slovaks really joined with the Czechs to work for the establishment of a common political state. The Agreement guaranteed complete autonomy (states' rights) to Slovakia within the framework of Czecho-Slovakia, which was to be patterned after Switzerland and the United States. Unfortunately, T. G. Masaryk failed to keep his word. Advised by Dr. Edward Benes and other "progressive" chauvinistic Czech socialists, Masaryk repudiated the Pittsburgh Pact, calling it a "scrap of paper." The Slovaks, however, never let up in their clamor for the incorporation of the Pittsburgh Pact into the Constitution of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. But to no avail: the Masaryk-Benes Czechs in Prague subbornly refused to listen to reason. After twenty years of Czecho-Slovakia under Masaryk and Benes, the Slovaks were ready to break with the Czechs. After twenty years of Masaryk-Benes pro-Soviet and antiSlovak policies, the Slovaks and Czechs were farther apart �14 SLOVAKIA than they ever had been. Dr. Edward Benes pursued his ruinous policy to the very bitter end, refusing to recognize and respect the inherent right of the Slovak nation to have something to say about its own destiny. Within a week after accepting the Munich verdict, without consulting the parliament or the Slovak and Czech people, he simply resigned and later left the country. The day following Benes' resignation, the Prague Parliament belatedly and begrudgingly granted autonomy to Slovakia and later had the law incorporated into the Czecho-Slovak Constitution. Hitler and his Nazis started their mad race to destruction; there was no one to stop them at that time. And the Czechs, apparently regretting that they had granted autonomy to Slovakia, placed Slovakia under martial law on March 10, 1939, and occupied Slovakia. Hitler, of course, exploited the situation. Without mincing words, he told the Slovaks to proclaim their independence or else. Under the circumstances, the duly elected representatives of the Slovak people proclaimed the independnce of Slovakia on March 14, 1939. The independent Republic of Slovakia was soon recognized by twenty-seven countries. Slovakia was not too badly off during the war; as far as their internal affairs were concerned, the Slovaks managed their country well under President Joseph Tiso. They were better off than most neutral countries and enjoyed more freedom than they ever did under Masaryk and Benes. Why Hitler left them alone and did not bother to take them over completely, as he did the Czechs and so many other nations, still remains unexplained. But the fact is that the Slovaks were doing right well until the end of August 1944, when Moscow agents and the Benes proSoviet clique engineered the so-called "Slovak National Uprising." The story of Warsaw was repeated. Hitler's hordes poured into Slovakia "to restore order" - and the Slovaks were on the receiving end of both sides, the Reds and the Nazis. Over 70,000 Slovaks were killed in the slaughter. We know what happened at the end of World War IT. Benes sold out Czecho-Slovakia to Hitler in 1938 without firing a shot; he repeated the performance in 1943 by for- �SLOVAKIA 15 mally selling out the Slovaks and Czechs to Stalin with a treaty. Benes' pro-Soviet policy paid off temporarily: with Stalin's blessing he became president of Czecho-Slovakia again, this time the head man of the new "people's" Republic. To show his gratefulness, Dr. Benes and his Reddominated Prague government immediately began to liquidate all anti-Communist and anti-Socialistic elements in the "new" Czecho-Slovakia. But finally Benes himself was destroyed by the monster he had nurtured to prove again that Communism devours its own children! The Slovak nation was consistently vilified and misrepresented by the nations which dominated and exploited it. As far as the Magyars and Czechs were concerned, there was no Slovak nation, there was no Slovak language. T. G. Masaryk and Dr. Edward Benes told the Paris Peace Conference in 1919 that the Slovaks were but a branch of the Czech nation and their language was but a dialect of the Czech. In old Hungary, the Magyars boasted that they were the "natio hungarica" ; after 1918, the Czechs beat their chests that they were the "state-nation" - the "Czechoslovak" nation. The Magyars accused the Slovaks of being anti-State and pro-Slav; the Czechs under Masaryk and Benes accused them of being anti-State and pro-Magyar. Both Magyars and Czechs agreed that the Slovaks were "separatists." And their propaganda in America blasted the Slovaks who worked for the liberation of their old homeland from alien domination. The Slovak League of America was the prime target of both the Magyars and the Czechs. During the last war, the Slovak League of America was the main target of attack of Dr. Benes' smear and vilification campaign. Dr. Benes knew the right people in Washington, Paris, London, and Moscow. Americans of Slovak descent could not prevail on their own government to save the Republic of Slovakia for the West; official Washington, in 1945, brushed them off when they begged that Dr. Tiso and the members of the Slovak Government, who had surrendered to the American Army in Austria, be offered political asylum and not handed over to the vengeful Dr. Benes; and two million Americans of Slovak descent �16 SLOVAKIA could not prevail on the President and the Government of the United States to request Benes to spare Dr. Tiso from the gallows in 1947. And today, ten years later, we find that the Benes Czechs still carry some weight in official Washington circles. The Slovak League of America has lost several skirmishes and battles, but it still is carrying on the fight for the reeognition of the natural rights of the Slovak nation. It is only natural that the League is vitally interested in this all-important question, because the existence of the Slovak people is at stake. Since the Slovak nation has not been given an opportunity to speak freely for itself and never had been actually free and independent to work out its own destiny, the Slovak League of America has taken upon itself the obligation of pleading for the realization of the fundamental rights of the Slovak people. As loyal Americans, we are firmly convinced that those rights are predicated on the elementary principle that all peoples are morally entitled to speak in the United Nations, there to defend their rights to survival and self-fulfillment. Liberty cannot be exercised by proxy, and the Slovak people, like all other nations on the earth, must have a voice in the determination of their own destiny. Being American institutions, the Slovak League of America and the Slovak organizations affiliated with it are primarily interested in the welfare and security of the United States of America. They sincerely believe that it is in the highest interest of America and the rest of the free world that the Slovak nation be free and independent. Therefore, they cannot sit idly by while foreign political opportunists of the Benes stripe, discredited and cursed by their own people, exploit and compromise the good name of America, while given the opportunity to use American tax dollars to prolong the fiction of a united "Czechoslovak" nation and to promote the political, pseudo-democratic conceptions of Masaryk and Benes which led to the destruction of Czecho-Slovakia and the utter enslavement of the Slovak and Czech nations by the Communists. It is, the Slovaks believe, contrary to justice and morals to recognize and give moral and material aid to individuals and �SLOVAKIA 17 organizations that seek the destruction of the Slovak nation by promoting the big lie of a "united Czechoslovak nation." The truth is that the Slovaks never were, nor do they wish to be Czechs; and, on the other hand, the Czechs never were, nor do they desire to be Slovaki:i. Americans of Slovak descent, organized in the Slovak League of America, are loyal to America, because to them America is an ideal, a living symbol of freedom, tolerance, and justice. They seek no special favors for the nation they are descended from, but only recognition of and respect for the inherent, natural rights of the Slovak nation. The Slovaks learned about freedom and democracy from America. They know that they can best secure and safeguard their national existence only if they manage their own household. America has no cause to deny the Slovaks their rights to freedom and independence; this the American people as a whole understand well, but it seems that people making up our Government do not. This undoubtedly is due to the influence of the Benes Czechs who collaborated with the Reds and the Soviet Union until February 1948, when they suddenly became "democratic" exiles. As in the past, so in the future, the Slovak League must expend every effort to correct the situation. Administrations • of the United States Government, no matter what their political beliefs, must be convinced that the righteous cause of the Slovak nation deserves the support of all Americans. Americans of Slovak descent, we trust, are not overly presumptuous in assuming that they merit at least the same measure of favor and trust from their Government as does the bankrupt, pro-Soviet political clique of the late Dr. Edward Benes, which today is operating in America as the "Council of Free Czechoslovakia." Rebuffed and humbled on so many occasions, the Slovak League continues stubbornly and courageously in the work of liberating the Slovaks from all foreign domination. The existence of the Slovak nation can never be secured unless the Slovaks are masters of their own destiny. The Slovaks must not be denied the right to organize their own state, an independent Slovak Republic. The Slovaks are not against a federation or confederation of European �18 SLOVAKIA states, but rather for it. But into such a federation they want to enter not as an appendage of the Czech nation, but as a nation no less sovereign than the rest of the nations of any such proposed European federation. Today the Slovaks look to America for liberation and salvation more than they ever did; the Slovak nation needs encouragement and inspiration in this its darkest hour. After the great onslaught of World War II, the Slovaks were thrown to the Red wolves of the Kremlin and their stooges in Prague, and yet they have never let up in their fight against Communism. They fought against this scourge of humanity in and out of season for the past 100 years and are determined, with God's help, to keep fighting it until the Red plague is wiped off the face of the earth. The work of the Slovak League of America will never be finished until this happens and the Slovak nation at last takes its rightful place in the family of free nations, there to share the burdens and blessings of free men under God, all laboring toward one end: a just and lasting peace, based on the love of man for God and for his fellowman . • • . WHO SAID IT? ' ~Prague, Budapest, Zagreb, Brno, Bratislaiva were as German a'S Linz or Innsbruck, so much so they had German names: Brague (for Praha), Ofon, Agrrum, Brlinn, Pressburg. In Prague in 181'5 there were 50,000 Germam.s and only 15,000 Czechs; even in 1848 respectrubie people spoke only German in the streets, and to ask the way in Czech would provoke an offensive reply . . . . The smaller towns remained German far longer, ,some, such as Brno, until the twentieth century .... The German character of the towns (in the HaJbsbur,g Monarchy) had little or nothing to do with race . . . The enterp:r,ising son of a peasant, Czech, Roumaniian, or &rob, who entered a town, learned a German art and spoke Geiiman to his fellow shopkeepers; his children despised their father',s peasant dialect, am.d his grandcihildren, sa.fuly arrived in staJte j'dbs, forgot that they had ever been am.ytlling but German and town-dwellers." - (A. J. P. Taylor, THE HiABSBURG MONARJOHY, London, 1948; ,pp. 24-25). � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1957, Vol. 7 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 22), March 1957.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 23), June 1957.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 24-25), September-December 1957.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1957 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 10 "FOR GOD AND NATION" 50 YEARS OF THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA PHILIP A. HROBAK After greater numbers of Slovaks had settled in the United States of America during the last quarter of the past century, Slovak newspapers, fraternal benefit societies, churches and schools soon came into being. The Slovaks took to American democracy like fish to water, enjoying fully every moment of their existence in their "new" homeland. In America they had the very thing that souls of men everywhere thirst for: freedom. The liberties and God-given rights so freely and thoroughly pursued and enjoyed in America electrified the minds and hearts of the Slovaks and inspired them to work for the freedom and independence of their own homeland, where natural rights had been denied their people for a thousand years. Of course, their interest in the "old" homeland was only natural. Political persecution and economic suppression were the daily lot of the Slovaks under the Magyars of Hungary. It was evident that the Magyars, after their settlement with Vienna in 1867, were determined to liquidate the Slovaks as a national entity. The Matica Slovenska (Slovak Institute) was taken over by Budapest and its assets confiscated, students were thrown out of secondary schools, professors were fired or transferred to Magyar regions for their Slovak convictions, and Slovak intellectuals and professionals were deprived of the opportunity of making a livelihood in their own homeland. "Extra Hungariam non est vita" ( outside Hungary there is no life), the Magyars used to say, but this applied only to them, while the Slovaks were forced to leave their homeland by the hundreds of thousands to keep their bodies and souls together. The incident that fired the Slovaks both at home and in America to do something about the unfortunate lot of their homeland was the Cernova Massacre of October 26, 1907. Cernova was the birthplace of Andrew Hlinka, beloved priest and ardent patriot, who had been sentenced to SLOVAKIA 11 two years in jail in 1906 by the Magyars for his active opposition to Magyarizat ion. The good Slovaks of Cernova, in the meantime, having completed the building of their new church with funds collected by Hlinka, entreated the Ordinary of the diocese, Bishop Parvy, who had suspended Hlinka because of his political activity, to reinstate and allow 'our Father Hlinka' to perform the ceremonies of dedication. The bishop refused, appointing another priest for the task. The people resented this decision of the bishop On October 26, 1907, the date of the dedication, the Slovaks of Cernova blocked the priest's entrance to their new church; hard words led to turmoil; the Magyar gendarmes on hand for the occasion fired into the mass of the people. When the smoke cleared nine were dead, three were dying, twelve were seriously and 80 less seriously injured. Before the night was over five more succumbed to their injuries: fourteen dead, fourteen martyrs of Magyar chauvinism. And numerous Slovaks were jailed as "instigator s" of the Cernova incident. The Slovaks in America swung into action; mass meetings of protest organized by the Slovak clergy and Slovak newsmen followed; articles in Slovak and English flooded every Slovak center to spotlight the attention of the world on Magyar brutalities. Thousands of dollars were collected and sent to the homeland for the defense and support of patriotic Slovaks. Cernova, above all else, w1doubtedly motivated the Slovaks of America to join the Slovak League of America, to form a united front against Magyar tyranny. It was on April 4, 1907, at the invitation of the Rev. Stephen Furdek of Cleveland, Ohio, that representat ives of the Slovak Press in America met in Pittsburgh, Pa., to deliberate how they might best help their wretched brethren beneath the Tatras. All recognized the fact that the time was ripe to organize all Slovaks in America into one union for the defense of everything past Slovak generations had built and fought for in Slovakia. Adopting the slogan "For Our Slovak Heritage" (Za tu nasu Slovencinu ), the meeting adopted a two-plank program: 1. To care for and support Slovak cultural and political life at home (in Slovakia); 2. 12 SLOVAKIA To care for and support Slovak cultural and political life in America. Furthermore, it was decided that a mass meeting of American Slovaks would be held at Cleveland, Ohio, on May 26, 1907. Soon after the Pittsburgh meeting, all Slovak newspapers in America publicized the proposed mass rally in Cleveland, inviting all Slovaks interested in the righteous cause of the Slovak nation to attend the "Slovak Congress" on May 26, 1907. It was undersigned by representatives of all Slovak fraternal organizations and newspapers. "The purpose of the Congress," the announcement said, "is to unite all Slovak organizations in systematic national work. ... Our old country is turning to us, let us help it. We must present a united front." Over 7000 of them, representing all Slovak societies and newspapers, fraternal benefit organizations and parishes, clergy and laity of various religious and political convictions, met in Cleveland, Ohio, where they more than filled the spacious Gray's Armory. On that day the Slovak League of America was founded to unite all Slovaks in America to fight for the inherent, God-given rights of the Slovak nation which was doomed to national extinction by the Magyars of Hungary. On that day Americans of Slovak descent resolved in the spirit of America that the nation they are descended from shall be free and independent of alien rule, that it shall be the master of its own household and work out its own destiny as an equal among nations. Under the leadership of the great and immortal Rev. Stephen Furdek, the founder and first president of the Slovak League of America, the League made America known to the Slovaks at home, and Slovakia and her people known to Americans. The seed of freedom and independence, which had taken a solid hold in the fertile soil of America, was now planted by Americans of Slovak descent in the land of their forefathers, Slovakia. Throughout the past fifty years, the Slovak League of America has remained faithful to its mission. It united the Slovaks in America to work for a better America by becoming alert citizens and to work for the liberation of their brethren in Slovakia from hostile, alien domination. The SLOVAKIA 13 League has made America and the rest of the world aware of the fact that the Slovak nation does exist and demands recognition of and respect for its natural rights. But the Slovak League of America also inspired and gave strength to the Slovaks at home not to abandon the uneven struggle for freedom and independence. It was, in fact, the Slovak League of America that made it possible for the Slovak nation to liberate itself from Magyar tyranny. The fatal shot that started the world conflagration and massacre in 1914 had not yet been fired in Sarajevo, when the Slovak League of America prepared a Memorandum addressed "to all just and truth-respecting nations," demanding complete autonomy for the Slovaks on the basis of the right of self-determination. After the Sarajevo incident, the Slovaks were faced with the question: We are through with the Magyars, but now with whom shall we join up to gain what is rightfully ours? With the Russians? The Czechs? The Poles? After due consideration, the Slovaks decided to go along with the Czechs. The decision was greatly influenced by the Slovak League of America. But it was only after T. G. Masaryk, first president and one of the founders of the Czecho-Slovak Republic, drafted and signed the Pittsburgh Agreement on May 30, 1918, that the Slovaks really joined with the Czechs to work for the establishment of a common political state. The Agreement guaranteed complete autonomy (states' rights) to Slovakia within the framework of Czecho-Slovakia, which was to be patterned after Switzerland and the United States. Unfortunately, T. G. Masaryk failed to keep his word. Advised by Dr. Edward Benes and other "progressive" chauvinistic Czech socialists, Masaryk repudiated the Pittsburgh Pact, calling it a "scrap of paper." The Slovaks, however, never let up in their clamor for the incorporation of the Pittsburgh Pact into the Constitution of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. But to no avail: the Masaryk-Benes Czechs in Prague subbornly refused to listen to reason. After twenty years of Czecho-Slovakia under Masaryk and Benes, the Slovaks were ready to break with the Czechs. After twenty years of Masaryk-Benes pro-Soviet and antiSlovak policies, the Slovaks and Czechs were farther apart 14 SLOVAKIA than they ever had been. Dr. Edward Benes pursued his ruinous policy to the very bitter end, refusing to recognize and respect the inherent right of the Slovak nation to have something to say about its own destiny. Within a week after accepting the Munich verdict, without consulting the parliament or the Slovak and Czech people, he simply resigned and later left the country. The day following Benes' resignation, the Prague Parliament belatedly and begrudgingly granted autonomy to Slovakia and later had the law incorporated into the Czecho-Slovak Constitution. Hitler and his Nazis started their mad race to destruction; there was no one to stop them at that time. And the Czechs, apparently regretting that they had granted autonomy to Slovakia, placed Slovakia under martial law on March 10, 1939, and occupied Slovakia. Hitler, of course, exploited the situation. Without mincing words, he told the Slovaks to proclaim their independence or else. Under the circumstances, the duly elected representatives of the Slovak people proclaimed the independnce of Slovakia on March 14, 1939. The independent Republic of Slovakia was soon recognized by twenty-seven countries. Slovakia was not too badly off during the war; as far as their internal affairs were concerned, the Slovaks managed their country well under President Joseph Tiso. They were better off than most neutral countries and enjoyed more freedom than they ever did under Masaryk and Benes. Why Hitler left them alone and did not bother to take them over completely, as he did the Czechs and so many other nations, still remains unexplained. But the fact is that the Slovaks were doing right well until the end of August 1944, when Moscow agents and the Benes proSoviet clique engineered the so-called "Slovak National Uprising." The story of Warsaw was repeated. Hitler's hordes poured into Slovakia "to restore order" - and the Slovaks were on the receiving end of both sides, the Reds and the Nazis. Over 70,000 Slovaks were killed in the slaughter. We know what happened at the end of World War IT. Benes sold out Czecho-Slovakia to Hitler in 1938 without firing a shot; he repeated the performance in 1943 by for- SLOVAKIA 15 mally selling out the Slovaks and Czechs to Stalin with a treaty. Benes' pro-Soviet policy paid off temporarily: with Stalin's blessing he became president of Czecho-Slovakia again, this time the head man of the new "people's" Republic. To show his gratefulness, Dr. Benes and his Reddominated Prague government immediately began to liquidate all anti-Communist and anti-Socialistic elements in the "new" Czecho-Slovakia. But finally Benes himself was destroyed by the monster he had nurtured to prove again that Communism devours its own children! The Slovak nation was consistently vilified and misrepresented by the nations which dominated and exploited it. As far as the Magyars and Czechs were concerned, there was no Slovak nation, there was no Slovak language. T. G. Masaryk and Dr. Edward Benes told the Paris Peace Conference in 1919 that the Slovaks were but a branch of the Czech nation and their language was but a dialect of the Czech. In old Hungary, the Magyars boasted that they were the "natio hungarica" ; after 1918, the Czechs beat their chests that they were the "state-nation" - the "Czechoslovak" nation. The Magyars accused the Slovaks of being anti-State and pro-Slav; the Czechs under Masaryk and Benes accused them of being anti-State and pro-Magyar. Both Magyars and Czechs agreed that the Slovaks were "separatists." And their propaganda in America blasted the Slovaks who worked for the liberation of their old homeland from alien domination. The Slovak League of America was the prime target of both the Magyars and the Czechs. During the last war, the Slovak League of America was the main target of attack of Dr. Benes' smear and vilification campaign. Dr. Benes knew the right people in Washington, Paris, London, and Moscow. Americans of Slovak descent could not prevail on their own government to save the Republic of Slovakia for the West; official Washington, in 1945, brushed them off when they begged that Dr. Tiso and the members of the Slovak Government, who had surrendered to the American Army in Austria, be offered political asylum and not handed over to the vengeful Dr. Benes; and two million Americans of Slovak descent 16 SLOVAKIA could not prevail on the President and the Government of the United States to request Benes to spare Dr. Tiso from the gallows in 1947. And today, ten years later, we find that the Benes Czechs still carry some weight in official Washington circles. The Slovak League of America has lost several skirmishes and battles, but it still is carrying on the fight for the reeognition of the natural rights of the Slovak nation. It is only natural that the League is vitally interested in this all-important question, because the existence of the Slovak people is at stake. Since the Slovak nation has not been given an opportunity to speak freely for itself and never had been actually free and independent to work out its own destiny, the Slovak League of America has taken upon itself the obligation of pleading for the realization of the fundamental rights of the Slovak people. As loyal Americans, we are firmly convinced that those rights are predicated on the elementary principle that all peoples are morally entitled to speak in the United Nations, there to defend their rights to survival and self-fulfillment. Liberty cannot be exercised by proxy, and the Slovak people, like all other nations on the earth, must have a voice in the determination of their own destiny. Being American institutions, the Slovak League of America and the Slovak organizations affiliated with it are primarily interested in the welfare and security of the United States of America. They sincerely believe that it is in the highest interest of America and the rest of the free world that the Slovak nation be free and independent. Therefore, they cannot sit idly by while foreign political opportunists of the Benes stripe, discredited and cursed by their own people, exploit and compromise the good name of America, while given the opportunity to use American tax dollars to prolong the fiction of a united "Czechoslovak" nation and to promote the political, pseudo-democratic conceptions of Masaryk and Benes which led to the destruction of Czecho-Slovakia and the utter enslavement of the Slovak and Czech nations by the Communists. It is, the Slovaks believe, contrary to justice and morals to recognize and give moral and material aid to individuals and SLOVAKIA 17 organizations that seek the destruction of the Slovak nation by promoting the big lie of a "united Czechoslovak nation." The truth is that the Slovaks never were, nor do they wish to be Czechs; and, on the other hand, the Czechs never were, nor do they desire to be Slovaki:i. Americans of Slovak descent, organized in the Slovak League of America, are loyal to America, because to them America is an ideal, a living symbol of freedom, tolerance, and justice. They seek no special favors for the nation they are descended from, but only recognition of and respect for the inherent, natural rights of the Slovak nation. The Slovaks learned about freedom and democracy from America. They know that they can best secure and safeguard their national existence only if they manage their own household. America has no cause to deny the Slovaks their rights to freedom and independence; this the American people as a whole understand well, but it seems that people making up our Government do not. This undoubtedly is due to the influence of the Benes Czechs who collaborated with the Reds and the Soviet Union until February 1948, when they suddenly became "democratic" exiles. As in the past, so in the future, the Slovak League must expend every effort to correct the situation. Administrations • of the United States Government, no matter what their political beliefs, must be convinced that the righteous cause of the Slovak nation deserves the support of all Americans. Americans of Slovak descent, we trust, are not overly presumptuous in assuming that they merit at least the same measure of favor and trust from their Government as does the bankrupt, pro-Soviet political clique of the late Dr. Edward Benes, which today is operating in America as the "Council of Free Czechoslovakia." Rebuffed and humbled on so many occasions, the Slovak League continues stubbornly and courageously in the work of liberating the Slovaks from all foreign domination. The existence of the Slovak nation can never be secured unless the Slovaks are masters of their own destiny. The Slovaks must not be denied the right to organize their own state, an independent Slovak Republic. The Slovaks are not against a federation or confederation of European 18 SLOVAKIA states, but rather for it. But into such a federation they want to enter not as an appendage of the Czech nation, but as a nation no less sovereign than the rest of the nations of any such proposed European federation. Today the Slovaks look to America for liberation and salvation more than they ever did; the Slovak nation needs encouragement and inspiration in this its darkest hour. After the great onslaught of World War II, the Slovaks were thrown to the Red wolves of the Kremlin and their stooges in Prague, and yet they have never let up in their fight against Communism. They fought against this scourge of humanity in and out of season for the past 100 years and are determined, with God's help, to keep fighting it until the Red plague is wiped off the face of the earth. The work of the Slovak League of America will never be finished until this happens and the Slovak nation at last takes its rightful place in the family of free nations, there to share the burdens and blessings of free men under God, all laboring toward one end: a just and lasting peace, based on the love of man for God and for his fellowman . • • . WHO SAID IT? ' ~Prague, Budapest, Zagreb, Brno, Bratislaiva were as German a'S Linz or Innsbruck, so much so they had German names: Brague (for Praha), Ofon, Agrrum, Brlinn, Pressburg. In Prague in 181'5 there were 50,000 Germam.s and only 15,000 Czechs; even in 1848 respectrubie people spoke only German in the streets, and to ask the way in Czech would provoke an offensive reply . . . . The smaller towns remained German far longer, ,some, such as Brno, until the twentieth century .... The German character of the towns (in the HaJbsbur,g Monarchy) had little or nothing to do with race . . . The enterp:r,ising son of a peasant, Czech, Roumaniian, or &rob, who entered a town, learned a German art and spoke Geiiman to his fellow shopkeepers; his children despised their father',s peasant dialect, am.d his grandcihildren, sa.fuly arrived in staJte j'dbs, forgot that they had ever been am.ytlling but German and town-dwellers." - (A. J. P. Taylor, THE HiABSBURG MONARJOHY, London, 1948; ,pp. 24-25).  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 50 Years of the Slovak League of America Description An account of the resource Philip A. Hrobak Slovakia, Vol. 7, No. 2 (23), June 1957 pp. 10-18 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Hrobak, Philip Anthony, 1904-1964 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource June 1957 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/f8066c33951e2700b471ba9f96d5ab49.pdf afd0299df80e4d64bee7c61dd5fb7c03 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 19 ANALYZING THE ANALYSTS: IS THE SOVIET UNION DOOMED? PHILIP A. HROBAK According to a number of Western "expert" analysts, correspondents, and "top" diplomats, there are many signs pointing to the "fact" that the Soviet Union is doomed. They say that many things have happened in the various satellite countries, even in the Soviet Union itself, which definitely are unmistakable signs of the failure of the Communists to convert their subjects to the doctrines of Marx and Engels and "to sell their ideas to their own youth." To the "experts" this means the eventual doom for the Communist empire," the collapse of the political system of Communism in the "foreseeable future." Such is the apparent conclusion of analyst Howard Randleman of the International News Service, whose series of articles, published early in January, 1957, I have taken the liberty to scrutinize. Is the Soviet Union really doomed? The vast majority of the nations of the free world undoubtedly wish that it were; and the sooner the Communist political system collapses, the better - but, unfortunately, wishing alone will not make it so. As long as Western political leaders, "expert" analysts and commentators, "top" diplomats and "distinguished" diplomatic correspondents follow the path which the Communists want anti-Communists to follow - the path of "peaceful coexistence," the support of "nationalist" or Titoist Communism which is supposed to be "different" than the Soviet "international" brand of Communism, while the Communists of all countries under the leadership of the men in the Kremlin are busy conquering the world - America and the rest of the free world are in mortal danger. Under the prevailing conditions, it is not the Soviet Union and the Communist political system that is doomed, but the democratic west and all free democratic political systems. Of course, the West still has time to meet the danger with �20 SLOVAKIA effective countermeasures, but it's later than most of us think. Substituting wishful thinking and arbitrary theorizing, and completely ignoring the Communist "guide to action" which is necessary for the understanding of Communist policies, techniques and tactics, did not and will not contribute to the downfall of Communism. Neither will irresponsible vagaries of Western Titoists, who glorify and idolize Tito, Gomulka, and Kadar - the old stalwarts of international Communism, but now the proponents of "naas champions of democracy. To tional" Communism promote "national" Communism (Titoism), that is, a policy of helping a Communist regin1e, for the sake of a Communist conquest of the world, makes sense. To promote it for the sake of freedom, does not. Events behind the Iron Curtain - as noted by the EVENING NEWS (Harrisburg, Pa.), January 7, 1957, in its introduction to the first of a series of six articles by Howard Randleman, " distinguished diplomatic and foreign correspondent" - have indeed moved with swift and startling speed in recent months. However, whether the analysis or interpretation of these events by the "Chief European Correspondent of the International News Service" is reasonably correct is, in my mind, highly questionable, the views of the "West's top diplomats" and the "daily headlines" on the future of the Soviet Empire to the contrary notwithstanding. After reading the articles carefully several times, I had been left with the impression that the Soviet Union really was in serious trouble and might be expected to fold up within the next five years even without any armed intervention by the West. Undoubtedly other readers of the paper had been similarly impressed. But thoroughly informed persons on the Soviet Union and Communist techniques and tactics know that this is only wishful thinking. The analysis tendered by Mr. Randleman has, I am afraid, only added to the heaps of misinformation so generously propagated even by so-called "Western experts" on Communism and the Soviet Union. The men in the Kremlin thrive on confusion and cha<!>s; they promote ,it assiduously, (. �SLOVAKIA 21 though they prefer that the West does the promoting for them, wittingly or unwittingly, for the edification of satellites and potential satellites. Strangely enough, the West thus far has done a remarkable job in that respect, and Mr. Handleman's effort, in my opinion not the least of the contributions, was appreciated by the Kremlin goons. According to Randleman: "The handwriting is on the wall for the Communist Empire. Western diplomatic authorities see it. They say the men in the Kremlin must see it." Was this a warranted or unwarranted assumption? Even if it were warranted, can any "expert" or "Western diplomatic authority" tell us with certitude that the hand½Titing on the wall is seen and interpreted by the men in he Kremlin in he same light as it is by any Western experts or diplomats? Of course not! The job of busting up the empire of Lenin and Stalin, we are told, will not be easy and may take time, but "Western experts" - whoever they are - "believe the Communist Empire will break up without a major war. They also believe, according to Randleman, that if the West can hold fast for another four or five years, "the Soviet rulers in the end will offer an acceptable formula for security in Europe and the world." But, Mr. Randleman hedged, "it is also recognized that, although the present signs point to the dissolution of the power of the Soviet Empire, the trend could be reversed." And, when it comes to the Soviet Union, there are always "too many unpredictables," according to one highly placed diplomat, "but certainly from everything we know now, the most likely trend over the next few years is one in which the Kremlin leaders will be pushed towards a realistic negotiation by their own peoples." History, however, tells us in no uncertain terms that any such "trend" not only could be, but always had been reversed in the past. It also tells us that, whenever the Kremlin leaders were "pushed" towards a realistic negotiation by their own peoples, the negotiation never actually benefitted the West and the peoples concerned, but only the Soviet Union and Communist regimes. "Weste@A~516~aUB'RM'f Randleman, "bank heavily MILLERSVILLE STATE COLLEGE �22 SLOVAKIA on the common sense of the Russian leaders." One of the "best informed, who has served in the Soviet Union," said the Kremlin leaders might make war if things get worse, "but the best safeguard against war, perhaps, is that leaders in the Kremlin are pretty level headed: they do not want to commit suicide." So, if it does come to the worst, the Kremlin leaders, we are supposed to believe, will yield "what they must" to satellite pressure and, in the end, instead of busting out with atomic war, "it seems more likely they will make a realistic and acceptable offer to the West for a workable security system." It is obvious that what Randleman referred to as the "best informed" diplomat does not necessarily mean that a diplomat so qualified is in fact too well informed on the Soviet or Communist business. It certainly is most unfortunate for the West that its diplomats bank so heavily on the "common sense" of the men in the Kremlin and consider them "pretty level headed," because Soviet leaders are not just ordinary men with "common sense." They are madmen. Hence, if it is in the Soviet interest, they will commit suicide, because they know that the slightest indication to refuse to make the supreme sacrifice at any time means a betrayal of that interest, and the penalty for betrayal is death. Communism always has and always will continue to devour its own children. The Kremlin leaders cannot ever be honestly interested in any "workable security system" with the West, because they are dedicated to the destruction of western civilization and all systems of government opposed to the Soviet system. What did the West really gain by what recently transpired in Poland and Hungary? Let's be honest and face it: nothing but the scorn and curses of the terribly disappointed wretches - the "heroic fighters for freedom" as the West called them - who certainly expected a lot more than pious platitudes, sympathy, and resolutions of protest from the Western democracies which, they swear before God and all men, are in fact responsible for their brutal enslavement by the Soviet Union and its stooges. On the other hand, what did Communism and/ or the Soviet Union actually lose by what happened in those hap- �SLOVAKIA 23 less, brutally tyrannized countries? Let us be equally honest and openly admit that the Soviet Union lost nothing. And judging by past history, the Reds even stand to gain more power and prestige ! Having assumed that the Soviet Empire is collapsing, Haqdleman continued to babble, saying that "the Soviet rulers have embarked on a monumental and desperate operation to salvage what they can of the power of their empire." But the odds "among Western diplomats" are that the operation will fail because the Kremlin moved too late. In the light of reality, however, it is rather naive, if not downright silly, to assume that the Soviet Empire is collapsing and then to declare that the Soviet rulers, therefore, have embarked on a "monumental and desperate" operation to salvage the power, which they still held firmly in their hands, but which the West hopefully wished was actually threatened. Once he was captivated by his assumption, the Chief European Correspondent of the INS looked for support of his thesis to the view taken by Secretary of State Dulles at the recent NATO conference: satellite unrest carries with it the danger of a general war, but it is still to be welcomed greatly as foreshadowing the collapse of the Soviet Empire or a fundamental change in its character; and the "desperation in the Kremlin is reflected in the various means it has used to salvage power." Now, what were some of those various means? He told us that in Hungary "there were tanks and guns, and concession . .. Chou En-Lai of Red China was invited to Moscow for talks. . . . Radio Budapest broadcast Christmas hymns and carols for the first time in eight years .... In Poland there were concessions ... : On Christmas Eve radio Warsaw broadcast a message by Stefan Cardinal Wyszynski." Concessions? If that's what the above might be called, yes, but only temporary. After devoting one installment to the "various means" the Kremlin used to "salvage" its power in the satellites, Randleman then told us in the next: "The Kremlin leadership appears secure, however, within the Soviet Union and in the other satellites for the time �24 SLOVAKIA being." Quite a let-down, indeed! But there is more; the situation may not be such as reported: "The best diplomatic brains in Paris and other West European capitals decry what they call a tendency to sensationalize reports of unrest within the Soviet Union." On the other hand, however, "there have been enough reports to convince the experts that satellite people no longer are sheep who accept whatever they are told." What the 'experts" mean by "whatever they are told," is anybody's guess. We know, however, that if satellite people do not keep in line with the regime that is totally subservient to the Kremlin, they may be slaughtered, as they were in Hungary. But then, if there is a tendency to "sensationalize" reports of unrest within the Soviet Union, what was there to prevent readers of Handleman's "analysis" from suspecting that possibly even the Hungarian reports were sensationalized? And what was the net result in Hungary and Poland? Were not those satellite peoples, in the end, "sheep" who had to accept whatever they were told by the Kremlin and its agents? Youth revolts in Poland and Hungary, and other satellites, also forecast the doom of the Soviet Empire, according to Randleman, who based his conclusion on the views of Western "experts and diplomats." Even students of Moscow and Leningrad "suddenly" have begun to question and "to criticize the results of Communist rule - if not yet the very tenets of Communism." Accepting this behavior of the students as a "failure of the Communists to sell their ideas to their own youth," Western diplomats figure, according to Randleman, that this "alone means the eventual doom for the Communist Empire." Randleman himself, however, had stated in a previous chapter that "there has been no confirmed report of basic criticism of the system of Soviet rule." And we know that it will take more than criticism to knock Communism out. But does it? Youth generally is highly emotional, impatient, and fickle; it is easily swayed from one ideology to another, taking little account of principles. We read of student demonstrations in Slovakia, Ukrainia, Poland, Bohemia and Hungary against oppressions of Red regimes; �SLOVAKIA 25 in some places these demonstrations resulted in violence. The net result usually was frustration: their own people would not support their "revolts" - and the West was unwilling to intervene, because that might have meant war. Youth wants war in the satellites, but the oldsters do not and Western democracies do not, either. After a couple of setbacks, satellite youth tends to accept its fate with resignation, like the oldsters do. Of course, that is unfortunate, because in the end it means a stronger and more powerful Soviet Union. Now, in Moscow itself, did the students really question the infallibility of the Red Party, as Randleman told us? Did they really criticize "the results" of Communist rule, or possibly just some of its methods and techniques? What percentage of the students of Moscow and Leningrad dared to question "the results" of Communist rule? I believe it is safe to say that no one knows not even the "experts." Furthermore, is it not possible that some of the students, who did the questioning and criticizing, were trained agents of the men in the Kremlin? Unless Western "experts and diplomats," ordinary and "distinguished" reporters, take these and similar questions into account in their reports and statements, I believe we have reason to suspect that they are not objective, but more or less superficial and tendencious. In the last of the series of articles by Randleman in the EVENING NEWS, we read that "the American dream of a Russia strong, healthy and friendly goes way back." That may be so, but does that necessarily apply to our dream of the Soviet Union? Or does Russia and the Soviet Union mean one and the same thing to Western "expert" diplomats and correspondents? George Kennan, former ambassador to the Soviet Union and "one of the two or three best American experts on the Soviet Union," according to Randleman, "forecast bluntly in 1951 that the satellites would win their independence." Of course, he did not forecast exactly from whom or what, or how and when that would happen, but, behold what the same Mr. Kennan said on May 3, 1956: "What we must recognize today, in the case of the sa- �26 SLOVAKIA tellites, is that evil like good, produces its own vested interests. Where regimes of this nature have been in power for more than a decade, there can be no question of putting Humpty Dumpty (i.e., a relative condition of freedom) together again and restoring the status quo ante ... there is a finality, for better or worse, about what has now occurred in Eastern Europe. . . . Whether we like it or not, the gradual evolution of these Communist regimes to a position of greater independence and greater responsiveness to domestic opinion is the best we can hope for as the next phase of development in that area." However, according to the SATURDAY EVENING POST of November 24, 1956, Mr. Kennan, "our No. 1 expert on the Soviet Union," knew right along that satellite rebellions were going to take place, and actually predicted, in 1945 that they would. Then he predicted still further uprisings because "the same fundamental forces are at work throughout the whole area." What these "fundamental forces" were, however, Mr. Kennan did not spell out. On May 3, 1956, according to Mr. Kennan, there was a "finality" about Red regimes, but some seven months later he knew that there was no "finality" about those regimes at all. That, of course, brings us to the question: Did Mr. Kennan, "our No. 1 expert on the Soviet Union," have the vaguest idea of what he was talking about on May 3, 1956? We remember Mr. Kennan as the promoter of the "containment" policy of our State Department. When the Soviet "de-Stalinization" campaign erupted last winter, the same Mr. Kennan wrote many articles and spoke many speeches to explain "the meaning of the change." The central idea in all of these manifestations of Kennan is the same: "The Russians have changed" since the death and renunciation of Stalin. That, of course, was exactly what the men of the Kremlin wanted the West to believe! Then came the Hungarian massacre! It is obvious that Randleman attempted to demonstrate, with the help of "the best diplomatic brains in Paris and other West European capitals": 1. that the "normal logic" of Communist leaders is precisely the same as that of a representative Western mind (his own and the "ex- �SLOVAKIA 27 perts' " he relies upon) ; and, 2. that within the next "three, four or five years," with the United States making a strenuous effort to stop Communism in its tracks by appealing to "common sense," the men in the Kremlin, Russians or whatever they are, will come around to the point of "offering a realistic and acceptable formula by which the two worlds of the cold war era can live together in peace and later in friendship." This is muddled thinking and tragic nonsense. The thesis is built on false premises. Many of our policymakers and writers, rather than being guided by a correct picture of what is going on in Communist minds, have tended to interpret these minds in our own image. They know that all decent people would like to have the cold war ended and a lasting peace established. But they know, too, that peace can come about only by "understanding." The chief function of our policies, therefore, should be to overcome "misunderstanding" between America and the Soviet Union, with the U. S. appealing to "common purposes"! This reasoning derives from the assumption that the Soviet system is basically a national political system devoted to the pursuits of reasonable social goals. But a closer, better look at that system reveals that it is no different basically than the Nazi system. Because the Nazi features were widely accepted as evidence of irrationality, we called the followers of Hitler "crazy, dangerous madmen." What then are the followers of Marx, Lenin, Stalin and Co.? It is well to remember that, by virtue of their belief in Marxist dogma, Communists live in a mental world that is essentially hostile to the mental world of the West. From the very beginning, Marxism-Leninism has conceived the relation between itself and the rest of the world as one of destruction. The program of the Reds never changes: they are dedicated to our destruction; they will destroy us, if we do not destroy them first. In Soviet foreign relations there is no intellectual or emotional basis for reasonableness, as non-Soviet countries understand it. "Reasonable Communism" is a contradiction in terms. The Communist mind, as the record shows, has so defined its world that it shares neither truth nor logic nor moral- �28 SLOVAKIA ity with the rest of mankind. It is, therefore, senseless to talk about establishing peace with the Communists. Temporary truce, yes, if it suits the Soviet Union and the ultimate aim of Comunism, but not peace. Peace, in the sense of international order based on a minimum of common values, is not possible with an adversary who rejects the very right of other societies to exist. Furthermore, Communists tend to develop the psychological tendency to engage in self-contradictory actions. It is not easy for most Westerners, even many Western "experts and diplomats," to grasp that Communists manage to be for and against something at the same time. Handleman's articles, though he did not bring the thought out, have many evidences of this. The Communists were for the Russian people, so they executed more than fifteen million Russians from 1917 to 1938; they were for the Ukrainians, so they starved over 20 million of them to death in one year when there was no war; they claimed they were for a strong, democratic, independent Poland and then proceeded to knock the tar out of them, butchering over 10,000 Polish Army officers in the Katyn Forest for good measure; Moscow supported the parties allied with the Reds in the French Popular Front and simultaneously sought to split and weaken them from within; the Kremlin worked for Hitler's destruction at Geneva and in the capitals of Western Europe, but it also conducted negotiations with Berlin aiming at increasing Nazi strength; Tito, a most valuable product of the Kremlin, fought the Germans in Yugoslavia and also used their help to fight his civil war; Slovak Reds were for an independent Slovak Republic, but at the same time they collaborated with the Czech Reds and Benes Czechs to restore CzechoSlovakia; Stalin helped Benes and his Czech Nazis back into power in the "new" Czecho-Slovakia, while his stooge Gottwald was under orders to speed up the complete takeover the power by the Reds; the Kremlin is for peace and order in the world, but at the same time is fomenting throuble just about everywhere. And Stalin recommended democratic tactics as the surest way to achieve Communist aims. Communist dialectics! �SLOVAKIA 29 Handleman's articles gave the impression that the recent disturbances in Poland and Hungary had weakened the Soviet Empire ("Prophecy of Doom Heard by the Kremlin, Observer Believes" - "Red Rulers Face Desepration Drive to Save Empire"). But is it not a fact that the entire history of Communism is practically an uninterrupted sequence of bloody convulsions? And yet we know that the Communist world is stronger today than it ever was. What is more, the record shows that factional feuds within the Communist Empire do not help the West and the enslaved peoples, but ultimately only strengthen Communism. The anti-Communists of Europe apparently have learned one lesson from history: no totalitarian regime, once it was established, has ever broken down because of internal disruptions; a totalitarian regime collapses only when external powers intervene. In the face of the recent Hungarian slaughter, the "democratic" West now should be definitely convinced that even the most fantastic courage of a suppressed people cannot overthrow a determined totalitarian regime which always has the backing of the Kremlin. Of course, rebellions and convulsions within the Communist-dominated countries are exceptional opportunities for the West to thrust into the Red orbit, but, if the opportunity is wasted by a West enchanted by or petrified with pacifism, the inescapable result of such historic frustration is a further triumph of Communism. In November 1917, one regiment could have stopped the Bolsheviks, led by non-Russians, in their tracks. A year later, perhaps a division of Allied troops would have knocked them out, but a small army would have been needed in 1920. The Red Empire was always mortally vulnerable to a determined attack by organized external forces, but as the years rolled by the required effort increased both in size and also in risk. Today the men of the Kremlin are convinced that the West does not want war - that it prefers to fight with words. Randleman reported: "the chief of these problems, staggering problems for the United States, will be to prevent a third world war from erupting." In the last of his �30 SLOVAKIA series of six articles (Jan. 12, 1957), he added: "the threat of a major war being triggered in this way (by the satellites) ... was the reason Dulles had to make the painful announcement during the December meeting of NATO foreign ministers that the U. S. would not be able to intervene to help any satellite revolt with arms." That is what the poor wretches in the satellite countries did not want to hear, but that is precisely what the men of the Kremlin did want to hear: the Reds are now determined more than ever to intervene anywhere at any time in the interest of the Soviet Union, the homeland of all Communists, with impunity. The Kremlin can always take care of revolts in the satellite countries and at the same time start trouble for the West elsewhere - and its stooges in the satellites know that. The men in the Kremlin and all Reds agree with Dulles on one point he made at the NATO meeting in December: Soviet rulers shall never give up their dream of world conquest voluntarily! Freedom and Communism are irreconcilable. Coexistence is the complete denial of this fundamental fact of the present international situation. The Communist policy of "peaceful coexistence" is aimed at the moral, political, and military disarmament of the West. At present it is the main Communist vehicle to destroy the will of the free world to live and fight. Ever since the first Communist seizure of power, the Communists have amply demonstrated that they meant business and used power with utter contempt for human lives, moral scruples, and democratic principles. Since the free world has 'coexisted" with Communism for some 39 years (one generation) , Communism has grown from 200 to over 800 million people and now rules one-third of the globe. Another generation of such "coexistence" and ... ? The situation becomes all the more tragic and alarming when we recall that ten European countries were harnessed with Communist regimes by the Western democracies to appease the high-priests of Communism, the men of the Kremlin. What America and the rest of the free world really �SLOVAKIA 31 need right now is a large, stiff dose of "Knowlandism" for the brain to clear our thinking so that we might resolve: NO MORAL AND/ OR MATERIAL AID FOR THE SOVIET UNION AND ITS SATELLITES! • • • A BELATED REPORT By CHARLES MURIN, Ph.D., LL.D. It seems to be inevitable during a war, when the stakes are high, that people reduce their thinking to two categories only: my side is identified with the good and moral purely and simply, the enemy, or the other side. is the embodiment pure of the principle of evil which is the root of all disorder in the world. It is understandable that this psychological attitude belongs to war, because one has to know what he is offering his life for. However, if this psychological factor seems to belong to the conditions required for the winning of a war, the same attitude is a disturbing factor when it enters among the considerations how to win the peace. This is exactly what we experienced after World War II in regard to the organization of post-war Europe. Besides this, Slovak refugees, among many others, have experienced in their own personal destinies the drawbacks in the application of the above-mentioned psychological attitude to the period immediately following the war. It took about two years until an about face had been brought about, and the writer of these lines had the peculiar opportunity of being personally involved in both stages of mind; the one that is supposed to win the war, and the one which aims at winning the peace. It goes without saying that the latter was infinitely more in accordance with common sense and reason and with what can be called the moral principles in politics. The psychological attitude of seeing only black and white becomes a real disaster when it is adopted by responsible statesmen and politicians. As a direct consequence, this attitude inevitably involves political and moral contradictions that do not fail to give, with on unerring � SLOVAKIA 19 ANALYZING THE ANALYSTS: IS THE SOVIET UNION DOOMED? PHILIP A. HROBAK According to a number of Western "expert" analysts, correspondents, and "top" diplomats, there are many signs pointing to the "fact" that the Soviet Union is doomed. They say that many things have happened in the various satellite countries, even in the Soviet Union itself, which definitely are unmistakable signs of the failure of the Communists to convert their subjects to the doctrines of Marx and Engels and "to sell their ideas to their own youth." To the "experts" this means the eventual doom for the Communist empire," the collapse of the political system of Communism in the "foreseeable future." Such is the apparent conclusion of analyst Howard Randleman of the International News Service, whose series of articles, published early in January, 1957, I have taken the liberty to scrutinize. Is the Soviet Union really doomed? The vast majority of the nations of the free world undoubtedly wish that it were; and the sooner the Communist political system collapses, the better - but, unfortunately, wishing alone will not make it so. As long as Western political leaders, "expert" analysts and commentators, "top" diplomats and "distinguished" diplomatic correspondents follow the path which the Communists want anti-Communists to follow - the path of "peaceful coexistence," the support of "nationalist" or Titoist Communism which is supposed to be "different" than the Soviet "international" brand of Communism, while the Communists of all countries under the leadership of the men in the Kremlin are busy conquering the world - America and the rest of the free world are in mortal danger. Under the prevailing conditions, it is not the Soviet Union and the Communist political system that is doomed, but the democratic west and all free democratic political systems. Of course, the West still has time to meet the danger with �20 SLOVAKIA effective countermeasures, but it's later than most of us think. Substituting wishful thinking and arbitrary theorizing, and completely ignoring the Communist "guide to action" which is necessary for the understanding of Communist policies, techniques and tactics, did not and will not contribute to the downfall of Communism. Neither will irresponsible vagaries of Western Titoists, who glorify and idolize Tito, Gomulka, and Kadar - the old stalwarts of international Communism, but now the proponents of "naas champions of democracy. To tional" Communism promote "national" Communism (Titoism), that is, a policy of helping a Communist regin1e, for the sake of a Communist conquest of the world, makes sense. To promote it for the sake of freedom, does not. Events behind the Iron Curtain - as noted by the EVENING NEWS (Harrisburg, Pa.), January 7, 1957, in its introduction to the first of a series of six articles by Howard Randleman, " distinguished diplomatic and foreign correspondent" - have indeed moved with swift and startling speed in recent months. However, whether the analysis or interpretation of these events by the "Chief European Correspondent of the International News Service" is reasonably correct is, in my mind, highly questionable, the views of the "West's top diplomats" and the "daily headlines" on the future of the Soviet Empire to the contrary notwithstanding. After reading the articles carefully several times, I had been left with the impression that the Soviet Union really was in serious trouble and might be expected to fold up within the next five years even without any armed intervention by the West. Undoubtedly other readers of the paper had been similarly impressed. But thoroughly informed persons on the Soviet Union and Communist techniques and tactics know that this is only wishful thinking. The analysis tendered by Mr. Randleman has, I am afraid, only added to the heaps of misinformation so generously propagated even by so-called "Western experts" on Communism and the Soviet Union. The men in the Kremlin thrive on confusion and cha<!>s; they promote ,it assiduously, (. �SLOVAKIA 21 though they prefer that the West does the promoting for them, wittingly or unwittingly, for the edification of satellites and potential satellites. Strangely enough, the West thus far has done a remarkable job in that respect, and Mr. Handleman's effort, in my opinion not the least of the contributions, was appreciated by the Kremlin goons. According to Randleman: "The handwriting is on the wall for the Communist Empire. Western diplomatic authorities see it. They say the men in the Kremlin must see it." Was this a warranted or unwarranted assumption? Even if it were warranted, can any "expert" or "Western diplomatic authority" tell us with certitude that the hand½Titing on the wall is seen and interpreted by the men in he Kremlin in he same light as it is by any Western experts or diplomats? Of course not! The job of busting up the empire of Lenin and Stalin, we are told, will not be easy and may take time, but "Western experts" - whoever they are - "believe the Communist Empire will break up without a major war. They also believe, according to Randleman, that if the West can hold fast for another four or five years, "the Soviet rulers in the end will offer an acceptable formula for security in Europe and the world." But, Mr. Randleman hedged, "it is also recognized that, although the present signs point to the dissolution of the power of the Soviet Empire, the trend could be reversed." And, when it comes to the Soviet Union, there are always "too many unpredictables," according to one highly placed diplomat, "but certainly from everything we know now, the most likely trend over the next few years is one in which the Kremlin leaders will be pushed towards a realistic negotiation by their own peoples." History, however, tells us in no uncertain terms that any such "trend" not only could be, but always had been reversed in the past. It also tells us that, whenever the Kremlin leaders were "pushed" towards a realistic negotiation by their own peoples, the negotiation never actually benefitted the West and the peoples concerned, but only the Soviet Union and Communist regimes. "Weste@A~516~aUB'RM'f Randleman, "bank heavily MILLERSVILLE STATE COLLEGE �22 SLOVAKIA on the common sense of the Russian leaders." One of the "best informed, who has served in the Soviet Union," said the Kremlin leaders might make war if things get worse, "but the best safeguard against war, perhaps, is that leaders in the Kremlin are pretty level headed: they do not want to commit suicide." So, if it does come to the worst, the Kremlin leaders, we are supposed to believe, will yield "what they must" to satellite pressure and, in the end, instead of busting out with atomic war, "it seems more likely they will make a realistic and acceptable offer to the West for a workable security system." It is obvious that what Randleman referred to as the "best informed" diplomat does not necessarily mean that a diplomat so qualified is in fact too well informed on the Soviet or Communist business. It certainly is most unfortunate for the West that its diplomats bank so heavily on the "common sense" of the men in the Kremlin and consider them "pretty level headed," because Soviet leaders are not just ordinary men with "common sense." They are madmen. Hence, if it is in the Soviet interest, they will commit suicide, because they know that the slightest indication to refuse to make the supreme sacrifice at any time means a betrayal of that interest, and the penalty for betrayal is death. Communism always has and always will continue to devour its own children. The Kremlin leaders cannot ever be honestly interested in any "workable security system" with the West, because they are dedicated to the destruction of western civilization and all systems of government opposed to the Soviet system. What did the West really gain by what recently transpired in Poland and Hungary? Let's be honest and face it: nothing but the scorn and curses of the terribly disappointed wretches - the "heroic fighters for freedom" as the West called them - who certainly expected a lot more than pious platitudes, sympathy, and resolutions of protest from the Western democracies which, they swear before God and all men, are in fact responsible for their brutal enslavement by the Soviet Union and its stooges. On the other hand, what did Communism and/ or the Soviet Union actually lose by what happened in those hap- �SLOVAKIA 23 less, brutally tyrannized countries? Let us be equally honest and openly admit that the Soviet Union lost nothing. And judging by past history, the Reds even stand to gain more power and prestige ! Having assumed that the Soviet Empire is collapsing, Haqdleman continued to babble, saying that "the Soviet rulers have embarked on a monumental and desperate operation to salvage what they can of the power of their empire." But the odds "among Western diplomats" are that the operation will fail because the Kremlin moved too late. In the light of reality, however, it is rather naive, if not downright silly, to assume that the Soviet Empire is collapsing and then to declare that the Soviet rulers, therefore, have embarked on a "monumental and desperate" operation to salvage the power, which they still held firmly in their hands, but which the West hopefully wished was actually threatened. Once he was captivated by his assumption, the Chief European Correspondent of the INS looked for support of his thesis to the view taken by Secretary of State Dulles at the recent NATO conference: satellite unrest carries with it the danger of a general war, but it is still to be welcomed greatly as foreshadowing the collapse of the Soviet Empire or a fundamental change in its character; and the "desperation in the Kremlin is reflected in the various means it has used to salvage power." Now, what were some of those various means? He told us that in Hungary "there were tanks and guns, and concession . .. Chou En-Lai of Red China was invited to Moscow for talks. . . . Radio Budapest broadcast Christmas hymns and carols for the first time in eight years .... In Poland there were concessions ... : On Christmas Eve radio Warsaw broadcast a message by Stefan Cardinal Wyszynski." Concessions? If that's what the above might be called, yes, but only temporary. After devoting one installment to the "various means" the Kremlin used to "salvage" its power in the satellites, Randleman then told us in the next: "The Kremlin leadership appears secure, however, within the Soviet Union and in the other satellites for the time �24 SLOVAKIA being." Quite a let-down, indeed! But there is more; the situation may not be such as reported: "The best diplomatic brains in Paris and other West European capitals decry what they call a tendency to sensationalize reports of unrest within the Soviet Union." On the other hand, however, "there have been enough reports to convince the experts that satellite people no longer are sheep who accept whatever they are told." What the 'experts" mean by "whatever they are told," is anybody's guess. We know, however, that if satellite people do not keep in line with the regime that is totally subservient to the Kremlin, they may be slaughtered, as they were in Hungary. But then, if there is a tendency to "sensationalize" reports of unrest within the Soviet Union, what was there to prevent readers of Handleman's "analysis" from suspecting that possibly even the Hungarian reports were sensationalized? And what was the net result in Hungary and Poland? Were not those satellite peoples, in the end, "sheep" who had to accept whatever they were told by the Kremlin and its agents? Youth revolts in Poland and Hungary, and other satellites, also forecast the doom of the Soviet Empire, according to Randleman, who based his conclusion on the views of Western "experts and diplomats." Even students of Moscow and Leningrad "suddenly" have begun to question and "to criticize the results of Communist rule - if not yet the very tenets of Communism." Accepting this behavior of the students as a "failure of the Communists to sell their ideas to their own youth," Western diplomats figure, according to Randleman, that this "alone means the eventual doom for the Communist Empire." Randleman himself, however, had stated in a previous chapter that "there has been no confirmed report of basic criticism of the system of Soviet rule." And we know that it will take more than criticism to knock Communism out. But does it? Youth generally is highly emotional, impatient, and fickle; it is easily swayed from one ideology to another, taking little account of principles. We read of student demonstrations in Slovakia, Ukrainia, Poland, Bohemia and Hungary against oppressions of Red regimes; �SLOVAKIA 25 in some places these demonstrations resulted in violence. The net result usually was frustration: their own people would not support their "revolts" - and the West was unwilling to intervene, because that might have meant war. Youth wants war in the satellites, but the oldsters do not and Western democracies do not, either. After a couple of setbacks, satellite youth tends to accept its fate with resignation, like the oldsters do. Of course, that is unfortunate, because in the end it means a stronger and more powerful Soviet Union. Now, in Moscow itself, did the students really question the infallibility of the Red Party, as Randleman told us? Did they really criticize "the results" of Communist rule, or possibly just some of its methods and techniques? What percentage of the students of Moscow and Leningrad dared to question "the results" of Communist rule? I believe it is safe to say that no one knows not even the "experts." Furthermore, is it not possible that some of the students, who did the questioning and criticizing, were trained agents of the men in the Kremlin? Unless Western "experts and diplomats," ordinary and "distinguished" reporters, take these and similar questions into account in their reports and statements, I believe we have reason to suspect that they are not objective, but more or less superficial and tendencious. In the last of the series of articles by Randleman in the EVENING NEWS, we read that "the American dream of a Russia strong, healthy and friendly goes way back." That may be so, but does that necessarily apply to our dream of the Soviet Union? Or does Russia and the Soviet Union mean one and the same thing to Western "expert" diplomats and correspondents? George Kennan, former ambassador to the Soviet Union and "one of the two or three best American experts on the Soviet Union," according to Randleman, "forecast bluntly in 1951 that the satellites would win their independence." Of course, he did not forecast exactly from whom or what, or how and when that would happen, but, behold what the same Mr. Kennan said on May 3, 1956: "What we must recognize today, in the case of the sa- �26 SLOVAKIA tellites, is that evil like good, produces its own vested interests. Where regimes of this nature have been in power for more than a decade, there can be no question of putting Humpty Dumpty (i.e., a relative condition of freedom) together again and restoring the status quo ante ... there is a finality, for better or worse, about what has now occurred in Eastern Europe. . . . Whether we like it or not, the gradual evolution of these Communist regimes to a position of greater independence and greater responsiveness to domestic opinion is the best we can hope for as the next phase of development in that area." However, according to the SATURDAY EVENING POST of November 24, 1956, Mr. Kennan, "our No. 1 expert on the Soviet Union," knew right along that satellite rebellions were going to take place, and actually predicted, in 1945 that they would. Then he predicted still further uprisings because "the same fundamental forces are at work throughout the whole area." What these "fundamental forces" were, however, Mr. Kennan did not spell out. On May 3, 1956, according to Mr. Kennan, there was a "finality" about Red regimes, but some seven months later he knew that there was no "finality" about those regimes at all. That, of course, brings us to the question: Did Mr. Kennan, "our No. 1 expert on the Soviet Union," have the vaguest idea of what he was talking about on May 3, 1956? We remember Mr. Kennan as the promoter of the "containment" policy of our State Department. When the Soviet "de-Stalinization" campaign erupted last winter, the same Mr. Kennan wrote many articles and spoke many speeches to explain "the meaning of the change." The central idea in all of these manifestations of Kennan is the same: "The Russians have changed" since the death and renunciation of Stalin. That, of course, was exactly what the men of the Kremlin wanted the West to believe! Then came the Hungarian massacre! It is obvious that Randleman attempted to demonstrate, with the help of "the best diplomatic brains in Paris and other West European capitals": 1. that the "normal logic" of Communist leaders is precisely the same as that of a representative Western mind (his own and the "ex- �SLOVAKIA 27 perts' " he relies upon) ; and, 2. that within the next "three, four or five years," with the United States making a strenuous effort to stop Communism in its tracks by appealing to "common sense," the men in the Kremlin, Russians or whatever they are, will come around to the point of "offering a realistic and acceptable formula by which the two worlds of the cold war era can live together in peace and later in friendship." This is muddled thinking and tragic nonsense. The thesis is built on false premises. Many of our policymakers and writers, rather than being guided by a correct picture of what is going on in Communist minds, have tended to interpret these minds in our own image. They know that all decent people would like to have the cold war ended and a lasting peace established. But they know, too, that peace can come about only by "understanding." The chief function of our policies, therefore, should be to overcome "misunderstanding" between America and the Soviet Union, with the U. S. appealing to "common purposes"! This reasoning derives from the assumption that the Soviet system is basically a national political system devoted to the pursuits of reasonable social goals. But a closer, better look at that system reveals that it is no different basically than the Nazi system. Because the Nazi features were widely accepted as evidence of irrationality, we called the followers of Hitler "crazy, dangerous madmen." What then are the followers of Marx, Lenin, Stalin and Co.? It is well to remember that, by virtue of their belief in Marxist dogma, Communists live in a mental world that is essentially hostile to the mental world of the West. From the very beginning, Marxism-Leninism has conceived the relation between itself and the rest of the world as one of destruction. The program of the Reds never changes: they are dedicated to our destruction; they will destroy us, if we do not destroy them first. In Soviet foreign relations there is no intellectual or emotional basis for reasonableness, as non-Soviet countries understand it. "Reasonable Communism" is a contradiction in terms. The Communist mind, as the record shows, has so defined its world that it shares neither truth nor logic nor moral- �28 SLOVAKIA ity with the rest of mankind. It is, therefore, senseless to talk about establishing peace with the Communists. Temporary truce, yes, if it suits the Soviet Union and the ultimate aim of Comunism, but not peace. Peace, in the sense of international order based on a minimum of common values, is not possible with an adversary who rejects the very right of other societies to exist. Furthermore, Communists tend to develop the psychological tendency to engage in self-contradictory actions. It is not easy for most Westerners, even many Western "experts and diplomats," to grasp that Communists manage to be for and against something at the same time. Handleman's articles, though he did not bring the thought out, have many evidences of this. The Communists were for the Russian people, so they executed more than fifteen million Russians from 1917 to 1938; they were for the Ukrainians, so they starved over 20 million of them to death in one year when there was no war; they claimed they were for a strong, democratic, independent Poland and then proceeded to knock the tar out of them, butchering over 10,000 Polish Army officers in the Katyn Forest for good measure; Moscow supported the parties allied with the Reds in the French Popular Front and simultaneously sought to split and weaken them from within; the Kremlin worked for Hitler's destruction at Geneva and in the capitals of Western Europe, but it also conducted negotiations with Berlin aiming at increasing Nazi strength; Tito, a most valuable product of the Kremlin, fought the Germans in Yugoslavia and also used their help to fight his civil war; Slovak Reds were for an independent Slovak Republic, but at the same time they collaborated with the Czech Reds and Benes Czechs to restore CzechoSlovakia; Stalin helped Benes and his Czech Nazis back into power in the "new" Czecho-Slovakia, while his stooge Gottwald was under orders to speed up the complete takeover the power by the Reds; the Kremlin is for peace and order in the world, but at the same time is fomenting throuble just about everywhere. And Stalin recommended democratic tactics as the surest way to achieve Communist aims. Communist dialectics! �SLOVAKIA 29 Handleman's articles gave the impression that the recent disturbances in Poland and Hungary had weakened the Soviet Empire ("Prophecy of Doom Heard by the Kremlin, Observer Believes" - "Red Rulers Face Desepration Drive to Save Empire"). But is it not a fact that the entire history of Communism is practically an uninterrupted sequence of bloody convulsions? And yet we know that the Communist world is stronger today than it ever was. What is more, the record shows that factional feuds within the Communist Empire do not help the West and the enslaved peoples, but ultimately only strengthen Communism. The anti-Communists of Europe apparently have learned one lesson from history: no totalitarian regime, once it was established, has ever broken down because of internal disruptions; a totalitarian regime collapses only when external powers intervene. In the face of the recent Hungarian slaughter, the "democratic" West now should be definitely convinced that even the most fantastic courage of a suppressed people cannot overthrow a determined totalitarian regime which always has the backing of the Kremlin. Of course, rebellions and convulsions within the Communist-dominated countries are exceptional opportunities for the West to thrust into the Red orbit, but, if the opportunity is wasted by a West enchanted by or petrified with pacifism, the inescapable result of such historic frustration is a further triumph of Communism. In November 1917, one regiment could have stopped the Bolsheviks, led by non-Russians, in their tracks. A year later, perhaps a division of Allied troops would have knocked them out, but a small army would have been needed in 1920. The Red Empire was always mortally vulnerable to a determined attack by organized external forces, but as the years rolled by the required effort increased both in size and also in risk. Today the men of the Kremlin are convinced that the West does not want war - that it prefers to fight with words. Randleman reported: "the chief of these problems, staggering problems for the United States, will be to prevent a third world war from erupting." In the last of his �30 SLOVAKIA series of six articles (Jan. 12, 1957), he added: "the threat of a major war being triggered in this way (by the satellites) ... was the reason Dulles had to make the painful announcement during the December meeting of NATO foreign ministers that the U. S. would not be able to intervene to help any satellite revolt with arms." That is what the poor wretches in the satellite countries did not want to hear, but that is precisely what the men of the Kremlin did want to hear: the Reds are now determined more than ever to intervene anywhere at any time in the interest of the Soviet Union, the homeland of all Communists, with impunity. The Kremlin can always take care of revolts in the satellite countries and at the same time start trouble for the West elsewhere - and its stooges in the satellites know that. The men in the Kremlin and all Reds agree with Dulles on one point he made at the NATO meeting in December: Soviet rulers shall never give up their dream of world conquest voluntarily! Freedom and Communism are irreconcilable. Coexistence is the complete denial of this fundamental fact of the present international situation. The Communist policy of "peaceful coexistence" is aimed at the moral, political, and military disarmament of the West. At present it is the main Communist vehicle to destroy the will of the free world to live and fight. Ever since the first Communist seizure of power, the Communists have amply demonstrated that they meant business and used power with utter contempt for human lives, moral scruples, and democratic principles. Since the free world has 'coexisted" with Communism for some 39 years (one generation) , Communism has grown from 200 to over 800 million people and now rules one-third of the globe. Another generation of such "coexistence" and ... ? The situation becomes all the more tragic and alarming when we recall that ten European countries were harnessed with Communist regimes by the Western democracies to appease the high-priests of Communism, the men of the Kremlin. What America and the rest of the free world really �SLOVAKIA 31 need right now is a large, stiff dose of "Knowlandism" for the brain to clear our thinking so that we might resolve: NO MORAL AND/ OR MATERIAL AID FOR THE SOVIET UNION AND ITS SATELLITES! • • • A BELATED REPORT By CHARLES MURIN, Ph.D., LL.D. It seems to be inevitable during a war, when the stakes are high, that people reduce their thinking to two categories only: my side is identified with the good and moral purely and simply, the enemy, or the other side. is the embodiment pure of the principle of evil which is the root of all disorder in the world. It is understandable that this psychological attitude belongs to war, because one has to know what he is offering his life for. However, if this psychological factor seems to belong to the conditions required for the winning of a war, the same attitude is a disturbing factor when it enters among the considerations how to win the peace. This is exactly what we experienced after World War II in regard to the organization of post-war Europe. Besides this, Slovak refugees, among many others, have experienced in their own personal destinies the drawbacks in the application of the above-mentioned psychological attitude to the period immediately following the war. It took about two years until an about face had been brought about, and the writer of these lines had the peculiar opportunity of being personally involved in both stages of mind; the one that is supposed to win the war, and the one which aims at winning the peace. It goes without saying that the latter was infinitely more in accordance with common sense and reason and with what can be called the moral principles in politics. The psychological attitude of seeing only black and white becomes a real disaster when it is adopted by responsible statesmen and politicians. As a direct consequence, this attitude inevitably involves political and moral contradictions that do not fail to give, with on unerring � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1957, Vol. 7 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 22), March 1957.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 23), June 1957.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 24-25), September-December 1957.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1957 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 19 ANALYZING THE ANALYSTS: IS THE SOVIET UNION DOOMED? PHILIP A. HROBAK According to a number of Western "expert" analysts, correspondents, and "top" diplomats, there are many signs pointing to the "fact" that the Soviet Union is doomed. They say that many things have happened in the various satellite countries, even in the Soviet Union itself, which definitely are unmistakable signs of the failure of the Communists to convert their subjects to the doctrines of Marx and Engels and "to sell their ideas to their own youth." To the "experts" this means the eventual doom for the Communist empire," the collapse of the political system of Communism in the "foreseeable future." Such is the apparent conclusion of analyst Howard Randleman of the International News Service, whose series of articles, published early in January, 1957, I have taken the liberty to scrutinize. Is the Soviet Union really doomed? The vast majority of the nations of the free world undoubtedly wish that it were; and the sooner the Communist political system collapses, the better - but, unfortunately, wishing alone will not make it so. As long as Western political leaders, "expert" analysts and commentators, "top" diplomats and "distinguished" diplomatic correspondents follow the path which the Communists want anti-Communists to follow - the path of "peaceful coexistence," the support of "nationalist" or Titoist Communism which is supposed to be "different" than the Soviet "international" brand of Communism, while the Communists of all countries under the leadership of the men in the Kremlin are busy conquering the world - America and the rest of the free world are in mortal danger. Under the prevailing conditions, it is not the Soviet Union and the Communist political system that is doomed, but the democratic west and all free democratic political systems. Of course, the West still has time to meet the danger with 20 SLOVAKIA effective countermeasures, but it's later than most of us think. Substituting wishful thinking and arbitrary theorizing, and completely ignoring the Communist "guide to action" which is necessary for the understanding of Communist policies, techniques and tactics, did not and will not contribute to the downfall of Communism. Neither will irresponsible vagaries of Western Titoists, who glorify and idolize Tito, Gomulka, and Kadar - the old stalwarts of international Communism, but now the proponents of "naas champions of democracy. To tional" Communism promote "national" Communism (Titoism), that is, a policy of helping a Communist regin1e, for the sake of a Communist conquest of the world, makes sense. To promote it for the sake of freedom, does not. Events behind the Iron Curtain - as noted by the EVENING NEWS (Harrisburg, Pa.), January 7, 1957, in its introduction to the first of a series of six articles by Howard Randleman, " distinguished diplomatic and foreign correspondent" - have indeed moved with swift and startling speed in recent months. However, whether the analysis or interpretation of these events by the "Chief European Correspondent of the International News Service" is reasonably correct is, in my mind, highly questionable, the views of the "West's top diplomats" and the "daily headlines" on the future of the Soviet Empire to the contrary notwithstanding. After reading the articles carefully several times, I had been left with the impression that the Soviet Union really was in serious trouble and might be expected to fold up within the next five years even without any armed intervention by the West. Undoubtedly other readers of the paper had been similarly impressed. But thoroughly informed persons on the Soviet Union and Communist techniques and tactics know that this is only wishful thinking. The analysis tendered by Mr. Randleman has, I am afraid, only added to the heaps of misinformation so generously propagated even by so-called "Western experts" on Communism and the Soviet Union. The men in the Kremlin thrive on confusion and cha<!>s; they promote ,it assiduously, (. SLOVAKIA 21 though they prefer that the West does the promoting for them, wittingly or unwittingly, for the edification of satellites and potential satellites. Strangely enough, the West thus far has done a remarkable job in that respect, and Mr. Handleman's effort, in my opinion not the least of the contributions, was appreciated by the Kremlin goons. According to Randleman: "The handwriting is on the wall for the Communist Empire. Western diplomatic authorities see it. They say the men in the Kremlin must see it." Was this a warranted or unwarranted assumption? Even if it were warranted, can any "expert" or "Western diplomatic authority" tell us with certitude that the hand½Titing on the wall is seen and interpreted by the men in he Kremlin in he same light as it is by any Western experts or diplomats? Of course not! The job of busting up the empire of Lenin and Stalin, we are told, will not be easy and may take time, but "Western experts" - whoever they are - "believe the Communist Empire will break up without a major war. They also believe, according to Randleman, that if the West can hold fast for another four or five years, "the Soviet rulers in the end will offer an acceptable formula for security in Europe and the world." But, Mr. Randleman hedged, "it is also recognized that, although the present signs point to the dissolution of the power of the Soviet Empire, the trend could be reversed." And, when it comes to the Soviet Union, there are always "too many unpredictables," according to one highly placed diplomat, "but certainly from everything we know now, the most likely trend over the next few years is one in which the Kremlin leaders will be pushed towards a realistic negotiation by their own peoples." History, however, tells us in no uncertain terms that any such "trend" not only could be, but always had been reversed in the past. It also tells us that, whenever the Kremlin leaders were "pushed" towards a realistic negotiation by their own peoples, the negotiation never actually benefitted the West and the peoples concerned, but only the Soviet Union and Communist regimes. "Weste@A~516~aUB'RM'f Randleman, "bank heavily MILLERSVILLE STATE COLLEGE 22 SLOVAKIA on the common sense of the Russian leaders." One of the "best informed, who has served in the Soviet Union," said the Kremlin leaders might make war if things get worse, "but the best safeguard against war, perhaps, is that leaders in the Kremlin are pretty level headed: they do not want to commit suicide." So, if it does come to the worst, the Kremlin leaders, we are supposed to believe, will yield "what they must" to satellite pressure and, in the end, instead of busting out with atomic war, "it seems more likely they will make a realistic and acceptable offer to the West for a workable security system." It is obvious that what Randleman referred to as the "best informed" diplomat does not necessarily mean that a diplomat so qualified is in fact too well informed on the Soviet or Communist business. It certainly is most unfortunate for the West that its diplomats bank so heavily on the "common sense" of the men in the Kremlin and consider them "pretty level headed," because Soviet leaders are not just ordinary men with "common sense." They are madmen. Hence, if it is in the Soviet interest, they will commit suicide, because they know that the slightest indication to refuse to make the supreme sacrifice at any time means a betrayal of that interest, and the penalty for betrayal is death. Communism always has and always will continue to devour its own children. The Kremlin leaders cannot ever be honestly interested in any "workable security system" with the West, because they are dedicated to the destruction of western civilization and all systems of government opposed to the Soviet system. What did the West really gain by what recently transpired in Poland and Hungary? Let's be honest and face it: nothing but the scorn and curses of the terribly disappointed wretches - the "heroic fighters for freedom" as the West called them - who certainly expected a lot more than pious platitudes, sympathy, and resolutions of protest from the Western democracies which, they swear before God and all men, are in fact responsible for their brutal enslavement by the Soviet Union and its stooges. On the other hand, what did Communism and/ or the Soviet Union actually lose by what happened in those hap- SLOVAKIA 23 less, brutally tyrannized countries? Let us be equally honest and openly admit that the Soviet Union lost nothing. And judging by past history, the Reds even stand to gain more power and prestige ! Having assumed that the Soviet Empire is collapsing, Haqdleman continued to babble, saying that "the Soviet rulers have embarked on a monumental and desperate operation to salvage what they can of the power of their empire." But the odds "among Western diplomats" are that the operation will fail because the Kremlin moved too late. In the light of reality, however, it is rather naive, if not downright silly, to assume that the Soviet Empire is collapsing and then to declare that the Soviet rulers, therefore, have embarked on a "monumental and desperate" operation to salvage the power, which they still held firmly in their hands, but which the West hopefully wished was actually threatened. Once he was captivated by his assumption, the Chief European Correspondent of the INS looked for support of his thesis to the view taken by Secretary of State Dulles at the recent NATO conference: satellite unrest carries with it the danger of a general war, but it is still to be welcomed greatly as foreshadowing the collapse of the Soviet Empire or a fundamental change in its character; and the "desperation in the Kremlin is reflected in the various means it has used to salvage power." Now, what were some of those various means? He told us that in Hungary "there were tanks and guns, and concession . .. Chou En-Lai of Red China was invited to Moscow for talks. . . . Radio Budapest broadcast Christmas hymns and carols for the first time in eight years .... In Poland there were concessions ... : On Christmas Eve radio Warsaw broadcast a message by Stefan Cardinal Wyszynski." Concessions? If that's what the above might be called, yes, but only temporary. After devoting one installment to the "various means" the Kremlin used to "salvage" its power in the satellites, Randleman then told us in the next: "The Kremlin leadership appears secure, however, within the Soviet Union and in the other satellites for the time 24 SLOVAKIA being." Quite a let-down, indeed! But there is more; the situation may not be such as reported: "The best diplomatic brains in Paris and other West European capitals decry what they call a tendency to sensationalize reports of unrest within the Soviet Union." On the other hand, however, "there have been enough reports to convince the experts that satellite people no longer are sheep who accept whatever they are told." What the 'experts" mean by "whatever they are told," is anybody's guess. We know, however, that if satellite people do not keep in line with the regime that is totally subservient to the Kremlin, they may be slaughtered, as they were in Hungary. But then, if there is a tendency to "sensationalize" reports of unrest within the Soviet Union, what was there to prevent readers of Handleman's "analysis" from suspecting that possibly even the Hungarian reports were sensationalized? And what was the net result in Hungary and Poland? Were not those satellite peoples, in the end, "sheep" who had to accept whatever they were told by the Kremlin and its agents? Youth revolts in Poland and Hungary, and other satellites, also forecast the doom of the Soviet Empire, according to Randleman, who based his conclusion on the views of Western "experts and diplomats." Even students of Moscow and Leningrad "suddenly" have begun to question and "to criticize the results of Communist rule - if not yet the very tenets of Communism." Accepting this behavior of the students as a "failure of the Communists to sell their ideas to their own youth," Western diplomats figure, according to Randleman, that this "alone means the eventual doom for the Communist Empire." Randleman himself, however, had stated in a previous chapter that "there has been no confirmed report of basic criticism of the system of Soviet rule." And we know that it will take more than criticism to knock Communism out. But does it? Youth generally is highly emotional, impatient, and fickle; it is easily swayed from one ideology to another, taking little account of principles. We read of student demonstrations in Slovakia, Ukrainia, Poland, Bohemia and Hungary against oppressions of Red regimes; SLOVAKIA 25 in some places these demonstrations resulted in violence. The net result usually was frustration: their own people would not support their "revolts" - and the West was unwilling to intervene, because that might have meant war. Youth wants war in the satellites, but the oldsters do not and Western democracies do not, either. After a couple of setbacks, satellite youth tends to accept its fate with resignation, like the oldsters do. Of course, that is unfortunate, because in the end it means a stronger and more powerful Soviet Union. Now, in Moscow itself, did the students really question the infallibility of the Red Party, as Randleman told us? Did they really criticize "the results" of Communist rule, or possibly just some of its methods and techniques? What percentage of the students of Moscow and Leningrad dared to question "the results" of Communist rule? I believe it is safe to say that no one knows not even the "experts." Furthermore, is it not possible that some of the students, who did the questioning and criticizing, were trained agents of the men in the Kremlin? Unless Western "experts and diplomats," ordinary and "distinguished" reporters, take these and similar questions into account in their reports and statements, I believe we have reason to suspect that they are not objective, but more or less superficial and tendencious. In the last of the series of articles by Randleman in the EVENING NEWS, we read that "the American dream of a Russia strong, healthy and friendly goes way back." That may be so, but does that necessarily apply to our dream of the Soviet Union? Or does Russia and the Soviet Union mean one and the same thing to Western "expert" diplomats and correspondents? George Kennan, former ambassador to the Soviet Union and "one of the two or three best American experts on the Soviet Union," according to Randleman, "forecast bluntly in 1951 that the satellites would win their independence." Of course, he did not forecast exactly from whom or what, or how and when that would happen, but, behold what the same Mr. Kennan said on May 3, 1956: "What we must recognize today, in the case of the sa- 26 SLOVAKIA tellites, is that evil like good, produces its own vested interests. Where regimes of this nature have been in power for more than a decade, there can be no question of putting Humpty Dumpty (i.e., a relative condition of freedom) together again and restoring the status quo ante ... there is a finality, for better or worse, about what has now occurred in Eastern Europe. . . . Whether we like it or not, the gradual evolution of these Communist regimes to a position of greater independence and greater responsiveness to domestic opinion is the best we can hope for as the next phase of development in that area." However, according to the SATURDAY EVENING POST of November 24, 1956, Mr. Kennan, "our No. 1 expert on the Soviet Union," knew right along that satellite rebellions were going to take place, and actually predicted, in 1945 that they would. Then he predicted still further uprisings because "the same fundamental forces are at work throughout the whole area." What these "fundamental forces" were, however, Mr. Kennan did not spell out. On May 3, 1956, according to Mr. Kennan, there was a "finality" about Red regimes, but some seven months later he knew that there was no "finality" about those regimes at all. That, of course, brings us to the question: Did Mr. Kennan, "our No. 1 expert on the Soviet Union," have the vaguest idea of what he was talking about on May 3, 1956? We remember Mr. Kennan as the promoter of the "containment" policy of our State Department. When the Soviet "de-Stalinization" campaign erupted last winter, the same Mr. Kennan wrote many articles and spoke many speeches to explain "the meaning of the change." The central idea in all of these manifestations of Kennan is the same: "The Russians have changed" since the death and renunciation of Stalin. That, of course, was exactly what the men of the Kremlin wanted the West to believe! Then came the Hungarian massacre! It is obvious that Randleman attempted to demonstrate, with the help of "the best diplomatic brains in Paris and other West European capitals": 1. that the "normal logic" of Communist leaders is precisely the same as that of a representative Western mind (his own and the "ex- SLOVAKIA 27 perts' " he relies upon) ; and, 2. that within the next "three, four or five years," with the United States making a strenuous effort to stop Communism in its tracks by appealing to "common sense," the men in the Kremlin, Russians or whatever they are, will come around to the point of "offering a realistic and acceptable formula by which the two worlds of the cold war era can live together in peace and later in friendship." This is muddled thinking and tragic nonsense. The thesis is built on false premises. Many of our policymakers and writers, rather than being guided by a correct picture of what is going on in Communist minds, have tended to interpret these minds in our own image. They know that all decent people would like to have the cold war ended and a lasting peace established. But they know, too, that peace can come about only by "understanding." The chief function of our policies, therefore, should be to overcome "misunderstanding" between America and the Soviet Union, with the U. S. appealing to "common purposes"! This reasoning derives from the assumption that the Soviet system is basically a national political system devoted to the pursuits of reasonable social goals. But a closer, better look at that system reveals that it is no different basically than the Nazi system. Because the Nazi features were widely accepted as evidence of irrationality, we called the followers of Hitler "crazy, dangerous madmen." What then are the followers of Marx, Lenin, Stalin and Co.? It is well to remember that, by virtue of their belief in Marxist dogma, Communists live in a mental world that is essentially hostile to the mental world of the West. From the very beginning, Marxism-Leninism has conceived the relation between itself and the rest of the world as one of destruction. The program of the Reds never changes: they are dedicated to our destruction; they will destroy us, if we do not destroy them first. In Soviet foreign relations there is no intellectual or emotional basis for reasonableness, as non-Soviet countries understand it. "Reasonable Communism" is a contradiction in terms. The Communist mind, as the record shows, has so defined its world that it shares neither truth nor logic nor moral- 28 SLOVAKIA ity with the rest of mankind. It is, therefore, senseless to talk about establishing peace with the Communists. Temporary truce, yes, if it suits the Soviet Union and the ultimate aim of Comunism, but not peace. Peace, in the sense of international order based on a minimum of common values, is not possible with an adversary who rejects the very right of other societies to exist. Furthermore, Communists tend to develop the psychological tendency to engage in self-contradictory actions. It is not easy for most Westerners, even many Western "experts and diplomats," to grasp that Communists manage to be for and against something at the same time. Handleman's articles, though he did not bring the thought out, have many evidences of this. The Communists were for the Russian people, so they executed more than fifteen million Russians from 1917 to 1938; they were for the Ukrainians, so they starved over 20 million of them to death in one year when there was no war; they claimed they were for a strong, democratic, independent Poland and then proceeded to knock the tar out of them, butchering over 10,000 Polish Army officers in the Katyn Forest for good measure; Moscow supported the parties allied with the Reds in the French Popular Front and simultaneously sought to split and weaken them from within; the Kremlin worked for Hitler's destruction at Geneva and in the capitals of Western Europe, but it also conducted negotiations with Berlin aiming at increasing Nazi strength; Tito, a most valuable product of the Kremlin, fought the Germans in Yugoslavia and also used their help to fight his civil war; Slovak Reds were for an independent Slovak Republic, but at the same time they collaborated with the Czech Reds and Benes Czechs to restore CzechoSlovakia; Stalin helped Benes and his Czech Nazis back into power in the "new" Czecho-Slovakia, while his stooge Gottwald was under orders to speed up the complete takeover the power by the Reds; the Kremlin is for peace and order in the world, but at the same time is fomenting throuble just about everywhere. And Stalin recommended democratic tactics as the surest way to achieve Communist aims. Communist dialectics! SLOVAKIA 29 Handleman's articles gave the impression that the recent disturbances in Poland and Hungary had weakened the Soviet Empire ("Prophecy of Doom Heard by the Kremlin, Observer Believes" - "Red Rulers Face Desepration Drive to Save Empire"). But is it not a fact that the entire history of Communism is practically an uninterrupted sequence of bloody convulsions? And yet we know that the Communist world is stronger today than it ever was. What is more, the record shows that factional feuds within the Communist Empire do not help the West and the enslaved peoples, but ultimately only strengthen Communism. The anti-Communists of Europe apparently have learned one lesson from history: no totalitarian regime, once it was established, has ever broken down because of internal disruptions; a totalitarian regime collapses only when external powers intervene. In the face of the recent Hungarian slaughter, the "democratic" West now should be definitely convinced that even the most fantastic courage of a suppressed people cannot overthrow a determined totalitarian regime which always has the backing of the Kremlin. Of course, rebellions and convulsions within the Communist-dominated countries are exceptional opportunities for the West to thrust into the Red orbit, but, if the opportunity is wasted by a West enchanted by or petrified with pacifism, the inescapable result of such historic frustration is a further triumph of Communism. In November 1917, one regiment could have stopped the Bolsheviks, led by non-Russians, in their tracks. A year later, perhaps a division of Allied troops would have knocked them out, but a small army would have been needed in 1920. The Red Empire was always mortally vulnerable to a determined attack by organized external forces, but as the years rolled by the required effort increased both in size and also in risk. Today the men of the Kremlin are convinced that the West does not want war - that it prefers to fight with words. Randleman reported: "the chief of these problems, staggering problems for the United States, will be to prevent a third world war from erupting." In the last of his 30 SLOVAKIA series of six articles (Jan. 12, 1957), he added: "the threat of a major war being triggered in this way (by the satellites) ... was the reason Dulles had to make the painful announcement during the December meeting of NATO foreign ministers that the U. S. would not be able to intervene to help any satellite revolt with arms." That is what the poor wretches in the satellite countries did not want to hear, but that is precisely what the men of the Kremlin did want to hear: the Reds are now determined more than ever to intervene anywhere at any time in the interest of the Soviet Union, the homeland of all Communists, with impunity. The Kremlin can always take care of revolts in the satellite countries and at the same time start trouble for the West elsewhere - and its stooges in the satellites know that. The men in the Kremlin and all Reds agree with Dulles on one point he made at the NATO meeting in December: Soviet rulers shall never give up their dream of world conquest voluntarily! Freedom and Communism are irreconcilable. Coexistence is the complete denial of this fundamental fact of the present international situation. The Communist policy of "peaceful coexistence" is aimed at the moral, political, and military disarmament of the West. At present it is the main Communist vehicle to destroy the will of the free world to live and fight. Ever since the first Communist seizure of power, the Communists have amply demonstrated that they meant business and used power with utter contempt for human lives, moral scruples, and democratic principles. Since the free world has 'coexisted" with Communism for some 39 years (one generation) , Communism has grown from 200 to over 800 million people and now rules one-third of the globe. Another generation of such "coexistence" and ... ? The situation becomes all the more tragic and alarming when we recall that ten European countries were harnessed with Communist regimes by the Western democracies to appease the high-priests of Communism, the men of the Kremlin. What America and the rest of the free world really SLOVAKIA 31 need right now is a large, stiff dose of "Knowlandism" for the brain to clear our thinking so that we might resolve: NO MORAL AND/ OR MATERIAL AID FOR THE SOVIET UNION AND ITS SATELLITES! • • • A BELATED REPORT By CHARLES MURIN, Ph.D., LL.D. It seems to be inevitable during a war, when the stakes are high, that people reduce their thinking to two categories only: my side is identified with the good and moral purely and simply, the enemy, or the other side. is the embodiment pure of the principle of evil which is the root of all disorder in the world. It is understandable that this psychological attitude belongs to war, because one has to know what he is offering his life for. However, if this psychological factor seems to belong to the conditions required for the winning of a war, the same attitude is a disturbing factor when it enters among the considerations how to win the peace. This is exactly what we experienced after World War II in regard to the organization of post-war Europe. Besides this, Slovak refugees, among many others, have experienced in their own personal destinies the drawbacks in the application of the above-mentioned psychological attitude to the period immediately following the war. It took about two years until an about face had been brought about, and the writer of these lines had the peculiar opportunity of being personally involved in both stages of mind; the one that is supposed to win the war, and the one which aims at winning the peace. It goes without saying that the latter was infinitely more in accordance with common sense and reason and with what can be called the moral principles in politics. The psychological attitude of seeing only black and white becomes a real disaster when it is adopted by responsible statesmen and politicians. As a direct consequence, this attitude inevitably involves political and moral contradictions that do not fail to give, with on unerring  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Analyzing the Analysts: Is the Soviet Union Doomed? Description An account of the resource Philip A. Hrobak Slovakia, Vol. 7, No. 2 (23), June 1957 pp. 19-31 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Hrobak, Philip Anthony, 1904-1964 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource June 1957 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/2a7db42a0de7e82305e7938edaf41f12.pdf d0d8d20af77aa5ed8a55583d38826676 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 31 need right now is a large, stiff dose of "Knowlandism" for the brain to clear our thinking so that we might resolve: NO MORAL AND/ OR MATERIAL AID FOR THE SOVIET UNION AND ITS SATELLITES! • • • A BELATED REPORT By CHARLES MURIN, Ph.D., LL.D. It seems to be inevitable during a war, when the stakes are high, that people reduce their thinking to two categories only: my side is identified with the good and moral purely and simply, the enemy, or the other side. is the embodiment pure of the principle of evil which is the root of all disorder in the world. It is understandable that this psychological attitude belongs to war, because one has to know what he is offering his life for. However, if this psychological factor seems to belong to the conditions required for the winning of a war, the same attitude is a disturbing factor when it enters among the considerations how to win the peace. This is exactly what we experienced after World War II in regard to the organization of post-war Europe. Besides this, Slovak refugees, among many others, have experienced in their own personal destinies the drawbacks in the application of the above-mentioned psychological attitude to the period immediately following the war. It took about two years until an about face had been brought about, and the writer of these lines had the peculiar opportunity of being personally involved in both stages of mind; the one that is supposed to win the war, and the one which aims at winning the peace. It goes without saying that the latter was infinitely more in accordance with common sense and reason and with what can be called the moral principles in politics. The psychological attitude of seeing only black and white becomes a real disaster when it is adopted by responsible statesmen and politicians. As a direct consequence, this attitude inevitably involves political and moral contradictions that do not fail to give, with on unerring �32 SLOVAKIA exactitude, the results of which are best illustrated by the present state of affairs in Europe. It is our intention to point out one instance of the application of the black and/ or white psychological attitude in connection with the conditions in the Danube valley and particularly in connection with the late President of the Slovak Republic, Msgr. Dr. Joseph Tiso. We shall not go into the analysis of the causes of this attitude in our case even though they can be, without any doubt, revealed quite easily. The Munich Agreement of 1938 was an affair of the big European powers of that time. The small nations could not help but take notice of the agreement by which Central Europe became the zone of influence of Germany. Since the great powers knew that it was a Nazi Germany, the small nations were compelled to take notice of this fact and steer the destiny of their respective nations through the troubled waters of the years to come. It is a curious fact, unfortunately not a unique one in the political history, that the same great powers, or more exactly a part of them, did not mind the putting to trial and sentencing of people, after World War II, simply because they had to accept what the great powers had agreed upon in Munich. Either they must concede that they were not able to see the immediate geopolitical consequence of what they were doing, or they must admit that they accepted a multiplicity of rights to life and rights to survive: one code for me, another, a modified one, to suit my interests for the others. First they objected to Nazi-Germany and later on - grace a Dieu to the Soviet Union. It is not difficult to see that a contradiction in regard to fundamental moral principles is involved in this case. However, let us look into the case which applies this time not directly to the whole area of Central Europe but specifically to Slovakia and only indirectly, though not less vitally, to the whole area of Central Europe. We are going to mention three instances of a public address of the late President Dr. Joseph Tiso which should not have escaped the attention of the people in charge of Central European affairs in respective Departments of Foreign Affairs in the Western World. The more so, since the Germans' reaction :n all the three cases was utterly hostile. �SLO\',\KIA 33 1. In the Western-Slovakia town of Trnava, some 30 miles from the capital of Slovakia, Dr. Tiso said in August 1939: "Slovaks, do not think that what the Germans are doing for us they do because of their love for us (literally, "because of our beautiful blue eyes" - this expression comes from a Slovak proverb). They do it because it is in their interest to do so." 2. In speaking to the District Governors of Slovakia, Dr. Tiso said in the Redoute Hall in Bratislava: "Our participation in the present war is but a symbolic one." 3. On the occasion of the opening of the new Strazske-Vranov rail line, Dr. Tiso proclaimed in Presov, a town situated in Eastern Slovakia: "The Slovak people will display more loyalty to the one who will help us to a more free life" (Not having the original texts at hand, the writer guarantees for the fidelity of the quoted sentences only as far as their genuine meaning is concerned). In all the three instances, the President's speeches were broadcast throughout the whole territory of the Slovak Republic and to the personal knowledge of the writer the last two quotations were objected to in strong terms by the Germans. The meaning of these speeches was clear to all concerned, including the Germans, and to the Benes clique at that time preparing its comeback via Moscow. What was the reaction to these speeches in Slovakia? What we were interested in was whether these speeches will be noticed by those in charge of Central Europe in the State Department of the United States. Confidence towards the Americans of Slovak origin was in the eyes of Slovaks extended to the whole of the United States. Even towards the end of the war, when the present writer discussed with President Tiso his preferences of the then unknown zones of occupation of Germany and of Austria, in the opinion of the President it was the American zone of occupation that he wished for in the first place. In reality, however, the facts have shown that the French have manifested more understanding for the complexities of the Central European politics than did the military administration of the United States. �34 SLOVAKIA There were two points around which revolved the thinking of Dr. Joseph Tiso as regards the future of the Slovak people. First, it was the confidence in the United States as to the country of Washington, Lincoln, etc., and, last but not least, as to the country of the American Slovaks. In other words, the Slovaks had expected that the Government of the United States would not oppose the will of a nation to freedom. Secondly, Dr. Tiso ruled out in his thinking the possibility of creating a political vacuum in Europe after the war, because he knew that any political vacuum would be but an invitation to the Soviets who would not fail to intervene if not opposed by a military force superior to their own. Now let us recall what was the situation during the war in Slovakia and what moves were expected by the Slovaks in regard to their political future. Call it whatever you want, call it unjustly a German protectorate or a German appendix, or call it according to no matter which names given to the Slovak Republic by the Benes people and the Communists, the fact remains that the Slovak people, during the short period of the Slovak Republic, made greater progress in all fields of their national existence than during any period of time, entirely out of proportion with the six years, in the last centuries. On the other hand, the Slovak nation was very much aware of the fact that the conditions of their freedom were rather precarious in more than one regard, concerning both some of the internal and also international factors. The only positive approach to the Slovak people leads through what hindered their freedom and not through questioning their right to fredom. This was the meaning of the above messages of President Joseph Tiso to the Western World and in particular to the United States. On the other hand, what was the political formula offered 'by the United Nations to the Slovak people? To put it bluntly, it can be briefly resumed in the following sentence: give up your freedom. Or in a more explicit way: if you want to get rid of what contradicts the way of life you are striving for, get rid of freedom. Or: there is no other way to cut loose from the accompanying phenomena that �SLOVAKIA 35 hinder your freedom than to kill the whole thing, which is tantamount to the advice: throw out the child together with the bath water. There was an inherent contradiction in this attitude that can be summed up as follows: in order to be free you must renounce freedom. In itself, this is a perfectly coherent assertion under the condition one qualifies the two meanings of freedom in a due way. Yet historically speaking the conditions were set either by the Nazis, on the one side, or by the Benes people and the Communists, on the other side. President Tiso hoped that there might be a third condition, that is, that of the Slovak people, and that the United States might understand this. Dr. Tiso's political vision aimed at the transition from freedom conditioned by Nazi Germany {the history of this condition is not a univocal one; there were changes for better and for worse) to the freedom conditioned by the Slovak people. Contrary to this legitimate expectation, on the Slovak people was imposed the Communist and the Benes version of freedom which by no means was lacking an univocal significance whose depth of cruelty the Western World seems to be grasping only after the Hungarian tragedy of last Fall. In Slovakia we had a chance to see this version of freedom i.n an extremely lucid way during the so-called August "uprising" of 1944. This political movement might pass into history as the most curious and most ineffective and futile piece of political thinking. Ill-timed, wrongly executed, without any real significance as to war operations, its only result was to bring the war on the territory of Slovakia and to help Benes to sell his version of "freedom" by building Potemkin villages to the West, yet replacing the rather humorous deceit of the famous Russian deceiver by the cruelty of the present-day power-holders of Russia. What about the Slovak version of their freedom? For the time being its highest symbol is President Dr. Joseph Tiso. Historical events have imposed upon him this significance. The German military police {Sicherheitsdienst) gathered material towards the end of the war for a process against Dr. Joseph Tiso. The forecluded result of his show process would have been most probably the last and the definite qualification of the Nazi-Germany version of the �36 SLOVAKIA Slovak freedom. Where the Germans were stopped by the victory of the United Nations, the Benes government faithfully carried on. The execution of the President of the Slovak Republic, the 10th anniversary of which the free Slovaks commemorated this year, was supposed to put an end to Slovak freedom. It would seem that there can be no freedom for this people at all; that the Slovaks have to choose between the two or more pseudo-versions of freedom which must be always conditioned for the benefit of one of their neighbors, not in the sense of a loyal cooperation as might be arranged with justice in a federation of nations, but in the sense of being politically, economically, and culturally subjected by one of its neighbors. The Slovaks are not shocked to hear this. Yet they beg to differ radically from this opinion, both because of their conviction that they have the moral and political right to live freely, the Slovak way of life, in full respect of other peoples, and because they trust that the vitality of the American spirit of freedom is keen and strong enough to overcome the contradiction implied in the wartime pattern of political thinking concerning the Slovaks. Western wartime reporters had failed to report the above-mentioned messages of the late Msgr. Dr. Joseph Tiso to the responsible personalities of the U. S. Government. I am using the opportunity to do this on the tenth anniversary of the death on the gallows of the priest of whom his ecclesiastical superior, Archbishop Dr. Kmefko, said: "It is because we knew him always as an exemplary priest that we wished him to accept the nomination for the Presidency of the Slovak Republic; he was a guarantee against the intrusion of Nazi ideology." Thus I am drawing attention of the United States Government to the political vision of Dr. Joseph Tiso, the vision of his Slovak people, i.e., not a Nazi version, nor a Comunist one, nor a Czech version of Slovak freedom, but an honest-to-goodness Washington version of freedom which is a human one. By .this I believe, I am only fulfilling, though somewhat belatedly, my duty connected with my being the former "personal secretary" of the late President of the Slovak Republic, Dr. Joseph Tiso. � SLOVAKIA 31 need right now is a large, stiff dose of "Knowlandism" for the brain to clear our thinking so that we might resolve: NO MORAL AND/ OR MATERIAL AID FOR THE SOVIET UNION AND ITS SATELLITES! • • • A BELATED REPORT By CHARLES MURIN, Ph.D., LL.D. It seems to be inevitable during a war, when the stakes are high, that people reduce their thinking to two categories only: my side is identified with the good and moral purely and simply, the enemy, or the other side. is the embodiment pure of the principle of evil which is the root of all disorder in the world. It is understandable that this psychological attitude belongs to war, because one has to know what he is offering his life for. However, if this psychological factor seems to belong to the conditions required for the winning of a war, the same attitude is a disturbing factor when it enters among the considerations how to win the peace. This is exactly what we experienced after World War II in regard to the organization of post-war Europe. Besides this, Slovak refugees, among many others, have experienced in their own personal destinies the drawbacks in the application of the above-mentioned psychological attitude to the period immediately following the war. It took about two years until an about face had been brought about, and the writer of these lines had the peculiar opportunity of being personally involved in both stages of mind; the one that is supposed to win the war, and the one which aims at winning the peace. It goes without saying that the latter was infinitely more in accordance with common sense and reason and with what can be called the moral principles in politics. The psychological attitude of seeing only black and white becomes a real disaster when it is adopted by responsible statesmen and politicians. As a direct consequence, this attitude inevitably involves political and moral contradictions that do not fail to give, with on unerring �32 SLOVAKIA exactitude, the results of which are best illustrated by the present state of affairs in Europe. It is our intention to point out one instance of the application of the black and/ or white psychological attitude in connection with the conditions in the Danube valley and particularly in connection with the late President of the Slovak Republic, Msgr. Dr. Joseph Tiso. We shall not go into the analysis of the causes of this attitude in our case even though they can be, without any doubt, revealed quite easily. The Munich Agreement of 1938 was an affair of the big European powers of that time. The small nations could not help but take notice of the agreement by which Central Europe became the zone of influence of Germany. Since the great powers knew that it was a Nazi Germany, the small nations were compelled to take notice of this fact and steer the destiny of their respective nations through the troubled waters of the years to come. It is a curious fact, unfortunately not a unique one in the political history, that the same great powers, or more exactly a part of them, did not mind the putting to trial and sentencing of people, after World War II, simply because they had to accept what the great powers had agreed upon in Munich. Either they must concede that they were not able to see the immediate geopolitical consequence of what they were doing, or they must admit that they accepted a multiplicity of rights to life and rights to survive: one code for me, another, a modified one, to suit my interests for the others. First they objected to Nazi-Germany and later on - grace a Dieu to the Soviet Union. It is not difficult to see that a contradiction in regard to fundamental moral principles is involved in this case. However, let us look into the case which applies this time not directly to the whole area of Central Europe but specifically to Slovakia and only indirectly, though not less vitally, to the whole area of Central Europe. We are going to mention three instances of a public address of the late President Dr. Joseph Tiso which should not have escaped the attention of the people in charge of Central European affairs in respective Departments of Foreign Affairs in the Western World. The more so, since the Germans' reaction :n all the three cases was utterly hostile. �SLO\',\KIA 33 1. In the Western-Slovakia town of Trnava, some 30 miles from the capital of Slovakia, Dr. Tiso said in August 1939: "Slovaks, do not think that what the Germans are doing for us they do because of their love for us (literally, "because of our beautiful blue eyes" - this expression comes from a Slovak proverb). They do it because it is in their interest to do so." 2. In speaking to the District Governors of Slovakia, Dr. Tiso said in the Redoute Hall in Bratislava: "Our participation in the present war is but a symbolic one." 3. On the occasion of the opening of the new Strazske-Vranov rail line, Dr. Tiso proclaimed in Presov, a town situated in Eastern Slovakia: "The Slovak people will display more loyalty to the one who will help us to a more free life" (Not having the original texts at hand, the writer guarantees for the fidelity of the quoted sentences only as far as their genuine meaning is concerned). In all the three instances, the President's speeches were broadcast throughout the whole territory of the Slovak Republic and to the personal knowledge of the writer the last two quotations were objected to in strong terms by the Germans. The meaning of these speeches was clear to all concerned, including the Germans, and to the Benes clique at that time preparing its comeback via Moscow. What was the reaction to these speeches in Slovakia? What we were interested in was whether these speeches will be noticed by those in charge of Central Europe in the State Department of the United States. Confidence towards the Americans of Slovak origin was in the eyes of Slovaks extended to the whole of the United States. Even towards the end of the war, when the present writer discussed with President Tiso his preferences of the then unknown zones of occupation of Germany and of Austria, in the opinion of the President it was the American zone of occupation that he wished for in the first place. In reality, however, the facts have shown that the French have manifested more understanding for the complexities of the Central European politics than did the military administration of the United States. �34 SLOVAKIA There were two points around which revolved the thinking of Dr. Joseph Tiso as regards the future of the Slovak people. First, it was the confidence in the United States as to the country of Washington, Lincoln, etc., and, last but not least, as to the country of the American Slovaks. In other words, the Slovaks had expected that the Government of the United States would not oppose the will of a nation to freedom. Secondly, Dr. Tiso ruled out in his thinking the possibility of creating a political vacuum in Europe after the war, because he knew that any political vacuum would be but an invitation to the Soviets who would not fail to intervene if not opposed by a military force superior to their own. Now let us recall what was the situation during the war in Slovakia and what moves were expected by the Slovaks in regard to their political future. Call it whatever you want, call it unjustly a German protectorate or a German appendix, or call it according to no matter which names given to the Slovak Republic by the Benes people and the Communists, the fact remains that the Slovak people, during the short period of the Slovak Republic, made greater progress in all fields of their national existence than during any period of time, entirely out of proportion with the six years, in the last centuries. On the other hand, the Slovak nation was very much aware of the fact that the conditions of their freedom were rather precarious in more than one regard, concerning both some of the internal and also international factors. The only positive approach to the Slovak people leads through what hindered their freedom and not through questioning their right to fredom. This was the meaning of the above messages of President Joseph Tiso to the Western World and in particular to the United States. On the other hand, what was the political formula offered 'by the United Nations to the Slovak people? To put it bluntly, it can be briefly resumed in the following sentence: give up your freedom. Or in a more explicit way: if you want to get rid of what contradicts the way of life you are striving for, get rid of freedom. Or: there is no other way to cut loose from the accompanying phenomena that �SLOVAKIA 35 hinder your freedom than to kill the whole thing, which is tantamount to the advice: throw out the child together with the bath water. There was an inherent contradiction in this attitude that can be summed up as follows: in order to be free you must renounce freedom. In itself, this is a perfectly coherent assertion under the condition one qualifies the two meanings of freedom in a due way. Yet historically speaking the conditions were set either by the Nazis, on the one side, or by the Benes people and the Communists, on the other side. President Tiso hoped that there might be a third condition, that is, that of the Slovak people, and that the United States might understand this. Dr. Tiso's political vision aimed at the transition from freedom conditioned by Nazi Germany {the history of this condition is not a univocal one; there were changes for better and for worse) to the freedom conditioned by the Slovak people. Contrary to this legitimate expectation, on the Slovak people was imposed the Communist and the Benes version of freedom which by no means was lacking an univocal significance whose depth of cruelty the Western World seems to be grasping only after the Hungarian tragedy of last Fall. In Slovakia we had a chance to see this version of freedom i.n an extremely lucid way during the so-called August "uprising" of 1944. This political movement might pass into history as the most curious and most ineffective and futile piece of political thinking. Ill-timed, wrongly executed, without any real significance as to war operations, its only result was to bring the war on the territory of Slovakia and to help Benes to sell his version of "freedom" by building Potemkin villages to the West, yet replacing the rather humorous deceit of the famous Russian deceiver by the cruelty of the present-day power-holders of Russia. What about the Slovak version of their freedom? For the time being its highest symbol is President Dr. Joseph Tiso. Historical events have imposed upon him this significance. The German military police {Sicherheitsdienst) gathered material towards the end of the war for a process against Dr. Joseph Tiso. The forecluded result of his show process would have been most probably the last and the definite qualification of the Nazi-Germany version of the �36 SLOVAKIA Slovak freedom. Where the Germans were stopped by the victory of the United Nations, the Benes government faithfully carried on. The execution of the President of the Slovak Republic, the 10th anniversary of which the free Slovaks commemorated this year, was supposed to put an end to Slovak freedom. It would seem that there can be no freedom for this people at all; that the Slovaks have to choose between the two or more pseudo-versions of freedom which must be always conditioned for the benefit of one of their neighbors, not in the sense of a loyal cooperation as might be arranged with justice in a federation of nations, but in the sense of being politically, economically, and culturally subjected by one of its neighbors. The Slovaks are not shocked to hear this. Yet they beg to differ radically from this opinion, both because of their conviction that they have the moral and political right to live freely, the Slovak way of life, in full respect of other peoples, and because they trust that the vitality of the American spirit of freedom is keen and strong enough to overcome the contradiction implied in the wartime pattern of political thinking concerning the Slovaks. Western wartime reporters had failed to report the above-mentioned messages of the late Msgr. Dr. Joseph Tiso to the responsible personalities of the U. S. Government. I am using the opportunity to do this on the tenth anniversary of the death on the gallows of the priest of whom his ecclesiastical superior, Archbishop Dr. Kmefko, said: "It is because we knew him always as an exemplary priest that we wished him to accept the nomination for the Presidency of the Slovak Republic; he was a guarantee against the intrusion of Nazi ideology." Thus I am drawing attention of the United States Government to the political vision of Dr. Joseph Tiso, the vision of his Slovak people, i.e., not a Nazi version, nor a Comunist one, nor a Czech version of Slovak freedom, but an honest-to-goodness Washington version of freedom which is a human one. By .this I believe, I am only fulfilling, though somewhat belatedly, my duty connected with my being the former "personal secretary" of the late President of the Slovak Republic, Dr. Joseph Tiso. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1957, Vol. 7 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 22), March 1957.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 23), June 1957.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 24-25), September-December 1957.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1957 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 31 need right now is a large, stiff dose of "Knowlandism" for the brain to clear our thinking so that we might resolve: NO MORAL AND/ OR MATERIAL AID FOR THE SOVIET UNION AND ITS SATELLITES! • • • A BELATED REPORT By CHARLES MURIN, Ph.D., LL.D. It seems to be inevitable during a war, when the stakes are high, that people reduce their thinking to two categories only: my side is identified with the good and moral purely and simply, the enemy, or the other side. is the embodiment pure of the principle of evil which is the root of all disorder in the world. It is understandable that this psychological attitude belongs to war, because one has to know what he is offering his life for. However, if this psychological factor seems to belong to the conditions required for the winning of a war, the same attitude is a disturbing factor when it enters among the considerations how to win the peace. This is exactly what we experienced after World War II in regard to the organization of post-war Europe. Besides this, Slovak refugees, among many others, have experienced in their own personal destinies the drawbacks in the application of the above-mentioned psychological attitude to the period immediately following the war. It took about two years until an about face had been brought about, and the writer of these lines had the peculiar opportunity of being personally involved in both stages of mind; the one that is supposed to win the war, and the one which aims at winning the peace. It goes without saying that the latter was infinitely more in accordance with common sense and reason and with what can be called the moral principles in politics. The psychological attitude of seeing only black and white becomes a real disaster when it is adopted by responsible statesmen and politicians. As a direct consequence, this attitude inevitably involves political and moral contradictions that do not fail to give, with on unerring 32 SLOVAKIA exactitude, the results of which are best illustrated by the present state of affairs in Europe. It is our intention to point out one instance of the application of the black and/ or white psychological attitude in connection with the conditions in the Danube valley and particularly in connection with the late President of the Slovak Republic, Msgr. Dr. Joseph Tiso. We shall not go into the analysis of the causes of this attitude in our case even though they can be, without any doubt, revealed quite easily. The Munich Agreement of 1938 was an affair of the big European powers of that time. The small nations could not help but take notice of the agreement by which Central Europe became the zone of influence of Germany. Since the great powers knew that it was a Nazi Germany, the small nations were compelled to take notice of this fact and steer the destiny of their respective nations through the troubled waters of the years to come. It is a curious fact, unfortunately not a unique one in the political history, that the same great powers, or more exactly a part of them, did not mind the putting to trial and sentencing of people, after World War II, simply because they had to accept what the great powers had agreed upon in Munich. Either they must concede that they were not able to see the immediate geopolitical consequence of what they were doing, or they must admit that they accepted a multiplicity of rights to life and rights to survive: one code for me, another, a modified one, to suit my interests for the others. First they objected to Nazi-Germany and later on - grace a Dieu to the Soviet Union. It is not difficult to see that a contradiction in regard to fundamental moral principles is involved in this case. However, let us look into the case which applies this time not directly to the whole area of Central Europe but specifically to Slovakia and only indirectly, though not less vitally, to the whole area of Central Europe. We are going to mention three instances of a public address of the late President Dr. Joseph Tiso which should not have escaped the attention of the people in charge of Central European affairs in respective Departments of Foreign Affairs in the Western World. The more so, since the Germans' reaction :n all the three cases was utterly hostile. SLO\',\KIA 33 1. In the Western-Slovakia town of Trnava, some 30 miles from the capital of Slovakia, Dr. Tiso said in August 1939: "Slovaks, do not think that what the Germans are doing for us they do because of their love for us (literally, "because of our beautiful blue eyes" - this expression comes from a Slovak proverb). They do it because it is in their interest to do so." 2. In speaking to the District Governors of Slovakia, Dr. Tiso said in the Redoute Hall in Bratislava: "Our participation in the present war is but a symbolic one." 3. On the occasion of the opening of the new Strazske-Vranov rail line, Dr. Tiso proclaimed in Presov, a town situated in Eastern Slovakia: "The Slovak people will display more loyalty to the one who will help us to a more free life" (Not having the original texts at hand, the writer guarantees for the fidelity of the quoted sentences only as far as their genuine meaning is concerned). In all the three instances, the President's speeches were broadcast throughout the whole territory of the Slovak Republic and to the personal knowledge of the writer the last two quotations were objected to in strong terms by the Germans. The meaning of these speeches was clear to all concerned, including the Germans, and to the Benes clique at that time preparing its comeback via Moscow. What was the reaction to these speeches in Slovakia? What we were interested in was whether these speeches will be noticed by those in charge of Central Europe in the State Department of the United States. Confidence towards the Americans of Slovak origin was in the eyes of Slovaks extended to the whole of the United States. Even towards the end of the war, when the present writer discussed with President Tiso his preferences of the then unknown zones of occupation of Germany and of Austria, in the opinion of the President it was the American zone of occupation that he wished for in the first place. In reality, however, the facts have shown that the French have manifested more understanding for the complexities of the Central European politics than did the military administration of the United States. 34 SLOVAKIA There were two points around which revolved the thinking of Dr. Joseph Tiso as regards the future of the Slovak people. First, it was the confidence in the United States as to the country of Washington, Lincoln, etc., and, last but not least, as to the country of the American Slovaks. In other words, the Slovaks had expected that the Government of the United States would not oppose the will of a nation to freedom. Secondly, Dr. Tiso ruled out in his thinking the possibility of creating a political vacuum in Europe after the war, because he knew that any political vacuum would be but an invitation to the Soviets who would not fail to intervene if not opposed by a military force superior to their own. Now let us recall what was the situation during the war in Slovakia and what moves were expected by the Slovaks in regard to their political future. Call it whatever you want, call it unjustly a German protectorate or a German appendix, or call it according to no matter which names given to the Slovak Republic by the Benes people and the Communists, the fact remains that the Slovak people, during the short period of the Slovak Republic, made greater progress in all fields of their national existence than during any period of time, entirely out of proportion with the six years, in the last centuries. On the other hand, the Slovak nation was very much aware of the fact that the conditions of their freedom were rather precarious in more than one regard, concerning both some of the internal and also international factors. The only positive approach to the Slovak people leads through what hindered their freedom and not through questioning their right to fredom. This was the meaning of the above messages of President Joseph Tiso to the Western World and in particular to the United States. On the other hand, what was the political formula offered 'by the United Nations to the Slovak people? To put it bluntly, it can be briefly resumed in the following sentence: give up your freedom. Or in a more explicit way: if you want to get rid of what contradicts the way of life you are striving for, get rid of freedom. Or: there is no other way to cut loose from the accompanying phenomena that SLOVAKIA 35 hinder your freedom than to kill the whole thing, which is tantamount to the advice: throw out the child together with the bath water. There was an inherent contradiction in this attitude that can be summed up as follows: in order to be free you must renounce freedom. In itself, this is a perfectly coherent assertion under the condition one qualifies the two meanings of freedom in a due way. Yet historically speaking the conditions were set either by the Nazis, on the one side, or by the Benes people and the Communists, on the other side. President Tiso hoped that there might be a third condition, that is, that of the Slovak people, and that the United States might understand this. Dr. Tiso's political vision aimed at the transition from freedom conditioned by Nazi Germany {the history of this condition is not a univocal one; there were changes for better and for worse) to the freedom conditioned by the Slovak people. Contrary to this legitimate expectation, on the Slovak people was imposed the Communist and the Benes version of freedom which by no means was lacking an univocal significance whose depth of cruelty the Western World seems to be grasping only after the Hungarian tragedy of last Fall. In Slovakia we had a chance to see this version of freedom i.n an extremely lucid way during the so-called August "uprising" of 1944. This political movement might pass into history as the most curious and most ineffective and futile piece of political thinking. Ill-timed, wrongly executed, without any real significance as to war operations, its only result was to bring the war on the territory of Slovakia and to help Benes to sell his version of "freedom" by building Potemkin villages to the West, yet replacing the rather humorous deceit of the famous Russian deceiver by the cruelty of the present-day power-holders of Russia. What about the Slovak version of their freedom? For the time being its highest symbol is President Dr. Joseph Tiso. Historical events have imposed upon him this significance. The German military police {Sicherheitsdienst) gathered material towards the end of the war for a process against Dr. Joseph Tiso. The forecluded result of his show process would have been most probably the last and the definite qualification of the Nazi-Germany version of the 36 SLOVAKIA Slovak freedom. Where the Germans were stopped by the victory of the United Nations, the Benes government faithfully carried on. The execution of the President of the Slovak Republic, the 10th anniversary of which the free Slovaks commemorated this year, was supposed to put an end to Slovak freedom. It would seem that there can be no freedom for this people at all; that the Slovaks have to choose between the two or more pseudo-versions of freedom which must be always conditioned for the benefit of one of their neighbors, not in the sense of a loyal cooperation as might be arranged with justice in a federation of nations, but in the sense of being politically, economically, and culturally subjected by one of its neighbors. The Slovaks are not shocked to hear this. Yet they beg to differ radically from this opinion, both because of their conviction that they have the moral and political right to live freely, the Slovak way of life, in full respect of other peoples, and because they trust that the vitality of the American spirit of freedom is keen and strong enough to overcome the contradiction implied in the wartime pattern of political thinking concerning the Slovaks. Western wartime reporters had failed to report the above-mentioned messages of the late Msgr. Dr. Joseph Tiso to the responsible personalities of the U. S. Government. I am using the opportunity to do this on the tenth anniversary of the death on the gallows of the priest of whom his ecclesiastical superior, Archbishop Dr. Kmefko, said: "It is because we knew him always as an exemplary priest that we wished him to accept the nomination for the Presidency of the Slovak Republic; he was a guarantee against the intrusion of Nazi ideology." Thus I am drawing attention of the United States Government to the political vision of Dr. Joseph Tiso, the vision of his Slovak people, i.e., not a Nazi version, nor a Comunist one, nor a Czech version of Slovak freedom, but an honest-to-goodness Washington version of freedom which is a human one. By .this I believe, I am only fulfilling, though somewhat belatedly, my duty connected with my being the former "personal secretary" of the late President of the Slovak Republic, Dr. Joseph Tiso.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource A Belated Report Description An account of the resource Charles Murin, Ph.D., LL.D. Slovakia, Vol. 7, No. 2 (23), June 1957 pp. 31-36 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Murín, Karol, 1913-1998 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource June 1957 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/82be9684b63163d7ebd33f880bcd018b.pdf 7c970814af7f74bde39e8c666f1cb284 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 37 DR. JOSEPH TISO: CHRISTIAN DEMOCRAT Dr. Joseph Pauco The President of the Slovak Republic (1939-1945), who was executed by a pro-Communist regime on April 18, 1947, ranks among the outstanding figures of the centralEuropean Christian Democratic movement. He was Dr. Joseph Tiso, ideologist of the Slovak Populist Party, which fought for the independence of Slovakia and since 1925 represented the majority of Slovak voting power. The philosophy motivating the Slovak Populist Party was For God and Nation, and it was in the spirit of this principle that Dr. Tiso embodied all his Christian Democratic politics. "Let no one pause to wonder," he wrote, "that we work with God for the nation. God does not need the nation. God will be God even without a nation whether we admit the fact or not, but without God there can be no nation .... There is no sinful failing against God in allying the concepts 'For God, For Nation.' It means the binding of human values to values that are eternal, that are divine."(!) Dr. Tiso affirmed that this clarion call "For God, for Nation" should intensify Christian idealism. His own words are: "Putting it in a practical way, this simply means that one (who cultivates Christian idealism) will not frustrate the influence of Christianity upon the life of a nation in its schools, its literature, its parliament; he will, on the contrary, use every opportunity to help Christianity enter more and more significantly into classrooms and lecture halls, into family life and into public life, for it is Christianity alone that can preserve the roots of idealism without which no nation can survive.''(2) Idealism and Christian morality are the sine qua non of the life of nations and society. "I rely on a weak analogy," declared Dr. Tiso, "when I say that if nature cannot survive without the beneficence of heat and sun, neither can human life endure without faith, without moral philosophy. The histories of nations and our personal experiences furnish evidence to substantiate the fact that whatever the light of faith and Christian morals was extinguished, there followed not only a decline in culture, truth and art, but also �38 SLOVAKIA a decay that affected the nation's economic system as well. A social order grounded in gross materialism, devoid of Christian idealism, cannot long endure, and a nation bred in materialism, grasping for matter alone, becomes like a withered shrub that stands in the midst of luxuriant verdure, a thing alien and repulsive to other nations."(3) Christianity imposes the obligation of love for one's nation. "Love for the nation is a religious precept, and anyone who does not foster a love for his nation violates the fourth commandment. He is branded not only as an earthly traitor, but also as a transgressor who profanes the law of God."(4) Chauvinism, on the other hand, he denounced as can be seen from these extracts: "A regulated love of self is the foundation of Christian charity. From this basic tenet there also evolves the proper concept of Christian nationalism. First comes love of one's own nation, then an extension of charity to others. Non-Christian nationalism is of an entirely different stock, loving self and hybridizing into chauvinism. " (5) "Nationalism, a kind of centering on self diffused on a national scale, is not only the indispensable drive in service for the nation, it is also the natural measure of obligation on the part of one nation toward other nations, just as love of self becomes the stimulating force or the incentive for self-improvement and the gauge of human relations. But in order to prevent self-love as well as nationalism from degenerating into formidable media of destruction, there must be an obligation which is expressed in the universally known precept: Love thy neighbor as thyself."(6) According to the teaching of the Church, "nationalism loves its own but it must not hate what is other than its own; it builds its own but it may not destroy another's; it strengthens its own but it does not divide the whole."(7) One who is a believing Christian and a patriot works for the freedom of his nation because "the independence of a nation is a natural good which substantially affects not only the individual and his material and spiritual interests, but it concerns the entire national commonwealth. Since national freedom is then such a natural good that affects the �SLOVAKIA individual, the family and the entire national community, there can be nothing inappropriate in the gratitude which is shown to God in return for it.... "For a nation to exist and yet not be independent means sentencing it to its extinction. If a nation is to exist, and there is proof of this in the fact that it now does exist, then that nation, by the will of God, must be free .... "A nation must be granted its freedom, for without liberty it would in vain have the God-given gift of language; it would be unable to use it. In vain would it have a Godgiven territory; it would be unable to cultivate its land and make a living on it. Consequently if a nation is to live according to its intellectual endowments and character, it must be free in order to fulfill its destiny. The Divine Will, therefore, is for a nation to be independent and free."(8) The liberty of a nation is protected by the State. As Tiso sees it, "The State is an organized body established for the welfare of the citizens. It is founded on the natural law, therefore on the will of the Creator, Who so created man that he can live and develop his mental and moral faculties only in association with other men. The State is a means to an end and not the end of man. It is for the State to serve the welfare of man, not for man to serve the State. This is the original design of the Creator from which, however, the developmental periphery of human society has steadily departed more and more. "The State is founded on the individuality of its citizens whose interests it promotes rather than absorbs. The State does not assume the obligations of individuals but it discharges those functions that are essential for the life of all, tasks for which the capacities of the individual alone are not commensurate. Always and everywhere it must be the individual first and as far as his abilities can reach and only beyond that point may the State enter as a collective unit of strength. It is for the State to serve society, not society the State. The organization of the State is determined by the moral disposition, the physical capacity and the material potential of the nation. What holds in regard to the relationship of the individual to the State, likewise holds in regard to the family and the nation as a biological unit and �40 SLOVAKIA of the Church as a supernatur al institution. The State does not assume and absorb their rights and their functioning ; contrarywis e, it reinforces and as a collective organism it merely supplement s whatever the family or the nation alone cannot provide or whatever would hinder the Church from attaining her mission. The State therefore should be the organ of the nation and not a medium of the arrogance, aggressiven ess and violence of its representat ives in authority. By its collective instrument ality it should promote individual enterprise and not thwart the developmen t of the vigor of the nation by imposing excessive financial burdens. It is an institution of temporal welfare which does not interfere with supernatur al aspirations but respects them because of their delicate bearing on the temporal wellbeing of society."(9) The State should respect the natural law and should not interfere in Church matters: "God is a power greater than man; the Church is more than the State. The State may not meddle in ecclesiastic al affairs."(10 ) The State must submit to Christian ideals. "We subordinate the powers of the State to the laws of morality and justice. In keeping with this principle, the State must respect the rights of individuals, of families, of society and of local self-govern ing entities. It regards as sacred the right of parents to educate their children and the privilege of free religious profession. It guarantees the right of private ownership and insures the peaceful co-existenc e of empolyer and employee."(11) It was only natural for Dr. Tiso as the ideologist of the Slovak Populist Party to conceive of the democratic structure of the State. "Just as it is an axiom for political activity to be concerned above all about the public good and about the common welfare," writes Dr. Tiso, "so it is likewise true that political activity of such a nature is carried on more successfull y on a democratic basis than on any other kind of foundation. The very root of the word, demos - people, signifies the universalit y of all the members of a nation, incidentally of a State, who are to be not merely passive but truly active in this common functioning . A democratic system brings up people for universality , for it �SLOVAKIA 41 draws the widest possible public to share in the governing of the State, and thereby more and more come to be identified with the State. Consequently there is not only an awakening of responsibility in wide circles, but there is also established a definite degree of confidence in the directives that are promulgated, for in them the citizens see an expression of their will and of their effort to attain a better future. It is true that democracy presupposes a people educated for public service lest it degenerate into a mass easily swayed in the hands of oligarchs or political parties. Hence democracy can thrive only under Utopian or eminently ideal conditions. A foundation based on materialism will educe class struggle incited by selfishness and before long it will evolve into a dictatorship. In a democracy, however, this counterbalanc e of an ideally educated people insures a rich burgeoning of life and secures the firm consolidation of the State. "(12) In defining the duties of a democratic government, Dr. Tiso stated: "A democracy is a regime according to the will of the people. It is a regime which makes it possible for the will of the people to be manifest in all that affects public life. Democracy in this sense implies that the citizens do not merely express their will or their preferences in regard to organization and government at election time or in various types of balloting, but in the interests of the people and in the spirit of true democracy as such, the educated stratum, the intellectuals, fully explain to the people the program proposed and the objectives of the political party and thus instruct the citizens."(13) "Democracy means putting into effective use every creative force in the State as well as appraising its every component unit according to its moral worth even in the event that the ruling power does not demand this."(14) Dr. Tiso dedicated himself to service in a Christian democracy: "We uphold the principle of democracy because democracy is consonant with Christian teaching and we will not permit it to become corrupted with Marixist and socialistic appendages."(15) "We Slovaks are from our very souls adherents to this Christian democracy and we condemn every form of dictatorship regardless of the label under �42 SLOVAKIA . which it may try to hide its true nature or identity. We pledge ourselves to stand for democracy but for democracy of the proper stamp." Not a mystified or mystifying democracy. "In the maelstrom of views and opinions on democracy, it seems that there is developing a conscious tendency. Out of an indefinite conception of democracy there is being shaped a mystique of democracy which would affect people and command their reluctant respect; none may dare to voice any question or to protest once the statement is made that democracy requires this or that; none may presume to question an arrangement, for if it is a democratic arrangement, it is the best possible arrangement. And thus there is fabricated the mystique of democracy."(16) In a Christian democracy whatever holds in general extends also into individual departments, branches of public service and activity. Nor is it otherwise in the Christian democracy of Tiso. It may be helpful to examine in this connection a matter as weighty as the social problem. For the Slovak nation which had been so long the victim of foreign exploitation, this question bearing on the disposition of social affairs has been, and even after the overthrow of Communism it will still remain, a vital issue. Prime importance attaches especially to the relation between worker and employer; to the valuation attached not merely to property worth but also to labor; to the extent to which the government will identify itself with private initiative, and similar matters. The Church has long since made a clear pronouncement on this subject. Both the Rerum Novarum and the Quadragesimo Anno are well known encyclicals containing for modern Christian democracy the entire teaching of the Church on socio-economic affairs. Slovak Populists have likewise built on these social encyclicals of the Popes. Hence it was but natural that Dr. Tiso made application from these documents of the Church in the light of Christian philosophy rather than from any other sources when he set about his task of settling the long neglected problem of economics and social justice in Slovakia. He opposed class struggle and class hatred. "Instead of class warfare, we must. cultivate mutual and national �SLOVAKIA 43 Christian charity; by humility, simplicity and industry we must supplant rapaciousness, materialism and voluptousness. "(17) "To every man his due and injustice to none! That is our watchword - no hollow-sounding catchword but an honored principle. If we do not wish to violate tradition, we must tolerate no privileged classes, no privileges of any kind whatever, no indulgence of prerogatives, whatever their origin may have been."(18) Dr. Tiso interprets Christian social politics as "founded on realistic assumption: it takes into account the nature of man composed of body and soul and conscious of this dual basis it classifies among the most potent agencies of the social order not mere material forces but rather spiritual and moral incentives, giving these precedence, in fact. Hence, it is not concerned solely about a crust of bread; it cares also for every man's spirit, for sheer materialism can never satisfy man completely."(19) Christian socialism has always defended man's right to own private property. Dr. Tiso realized that sometimes capitalism can go to extremes, since capitalists are in the money and on occasion "they use wealth only for self aggrandizement and not for the general good."(20) On the other hand, although Dr. Tiso appreciated the deficiencies of capitalism, he consistently defended the principle of private ownership because he knew that the abrogation of ownership "would endanger both economic and cultural progress to a greater extent than does the capitalistic system, hedged about as it is by social policies.' (21) "In regard to the great question of individual ownership, considering it, for example, from the one extreme of liberalism to the opposite extreme of socialist communism," Dr. Tiso emphasized, "we juxtapose our principle which asserts the sacredness of private ownership and the uninviolable right of the individual."(22) On the other hand, however, "let him who has capital make just returns; let him distribute it with labor, and satisfy labor with decent civic gain." (23) A Christian view of capital and the income derived from it differs from that of other systems. "Former systems of liberalism and capitalism," Tiso wrote, "were al- �44 SLOVAKIA ways ready to calculate the profit trhat would accrue from an enterprise or a plant. Superficially it appears that income is the natural end of enterprise, but Catholic morality has long since taught that all the estates and properties of this world exist for man, for life. This truth is supported by the natural law also. Life is of higher value than gain. The theory that gain is of utmost value and importance must be invalidated. What is the world and everything in it for? For life, not for gain. Gain is subordinated to life and it may become an end only to the extent that it promotes life." (24) And where is capital to be sought? "Out of the strong spiritual resources of our national character," declared Dr. Tiso, "not by any exploitation of those who are socially weaker than we ourselves. It is not an international capital, not impersonalized, not embodied in the worship of gold, but the capital of individuals happily at work in the interests of their nation and their State; a capital which is evidenced in morally strong individuals, in numerous families socially secure, in a contented society united in social justice, in the harmonious commerce of all the citizens who work under the aegis of an organized State."(25) Capital and income are not produced except as the fruit of the laborer's toil. "We look upon work in an enlightened manner," Dr. Tiso asserted. "In it we see not only the creative force of economic values but the animate expression of human personality which has moral and social obligations; which a workingman therefore performs as his required contribution for the communal good and for which a wage is paid not only as the countervalue of energy expended or economic income achieved, but rather as a medium which in turn enables the laborer to satisfy all his obligations."(26) "In the light of Christian teaching, work is not a burden; it is not a means for effecting gain; it is rather the life expression of a man who is the inevitable agent under all circumstances. Christianity proceeds from man and says 'God endowed you with physical, spiritual, and intellectual powers and faculties so that you might use them to advantage.' This is a noble and holy thought. Work is a requisite �SLOVAKIA 45 for man even when he is already provided with sufficient resources for his livelihood."(27) He who works is entitled to a just wage. Humanity, in Dr. Tiso's words, "drew out of our venerable Christian socio-national spirit many a fresh impetus for fulfilling the words of Scripture 'The laborer is worthy of his hire'; to abide by the dictum of the same Scripture, 'He who does not work, let him not eat'; to demolish the idol of the golden calf in imitation of the example of Scripture; to measure with the same measure of justice to all, as the Scripture commands for we are all the children of one Father Who is in heaven."(28) Everyone has a claim to work. And "we shall distribute pay only for work." Dr. Tiso stresses this point, adding however, "We shall tolerate no unreasonable fomenting against capital. A workingman must not regard the capitalist as his enemy; on the other hand, a capitalist must realize that the capital, over which he is in reality only an administrator, essentially belongs to the nation in order to provide work and sustenance for all."(29) In short, the Christian-democratic system really "unites all - employers arnd workers - on the groundwork of a common interest: the material and moral well-being of the Slovak nation." (30) In all undertakings there must be effected an attitude in which "each one, regardless of what type of work he does, will come to regard the work as his own and will perform it with that devotion which he would lavish on his own."(31) It is the Christian democracy more than any other political system that cares for "the fundamental cell of the State and of society in general: the family," for the family "is the source from which all life is derived; it is the first school which educates one to think; it is the first temple which teaches one to pray; it is the first workshop which trains one to work; and it is also the first social bond which instructs one to live in the company of others in the spirit of love and equity. For this reason we must resist anything that may tend to ruin or impair the family and we must support everything that shall contribute to its unity and solidarity.... �46 SLOVAKIA "Therefore one prime concern shall be to foster the establishment of the family and to insure the material prerequisites for its existence. For the benefit of every type of employee, then, but especially for the laborer, measures must be taken to legislate a so-called family wage or familial pay to enable a young man to contract marriage and by a suitable scale of subsidies for wife and children (a scale graduated acording to their number) be assured a decent livelihood and proper education. Obviously this measure is also intended to provide a solution to the problem of married women now under employment. The ideal is to return married women to the family circle, for they are called to manage and maintain the government of the household and their proper place is the home."(32) Mankind as a Christian-democratic entity requires for its social security not only a family wage but also a settlement of housing policies. On this score Dr. Tiso observed, "Family life must be encouraged also by providing healthful and reasonably priced living quarters ... . A reasonable and hygienic housing unit is just as essential to family life as a decent income earned by the breadwinner."(33) "A family will be placed on the foundations where it properly belongs only when it has respectable quarters. When I say 'respectable quarters,' I mean that the home must qualify for the occupation of a family. . . . A guiding principle must be: to have a home in keeping with one's social standing."(34) "We must devote considerable attention to educate our people in regard to housing culture. The general cultural level of a nation is often judged by its housing culture and this also enters into the reasons why we are concerned about the living conditions of our Slovak residents in small towns and in the suburbs. Without improving housing conditions, one can hardly raise the level of the population or improve the position of the family."(35) In a Christian State, the family must be an exemplary unit in every respect. That is the reason why so much attention is devoted to preparation for family living. This was Dr. Tiso's attitude on the subject: "We shall provide for the family by supporting the �SLOVAKIA 47 education of youth designedly for family living, by providing moral safeguards for children and by arranging sociomedical conferences for those contemplating marriage as well as for those who are married, especially mothers."(36) Also: "We regard solicitude for the Slovak child as the most .s ublime aspect of social care."(37) The Christian-democratic State watchfully takes note -0f all social problems. It resolves difficulties and extends help to every level of its inhabitants that may require the support of State authority. In this manner it seems even to encroach upon private ownership. But this is really no encroachment in the usually accepted sense of the word; it is rather a kind of mediation and vigilance. Dr. Tiso advocates, fo rexample, that the government "should provide for the unemployed by creating jobs for them" or even by "introducing a working obligation." "The government considers it a duty to feel responsible for the employed as well as for the unemployed. Protection for the workers will be perfected by more thorough supervision in regard to the wage claims of employees as well as in the matter of safety and security measures to safeguard the health and the lives of the workers, but, above all, in provisions to protect the existence of the employees .... "(38) If projects are not managed in accordance with the natural law, the government calls for mediation or collective bargaining. "True, it is not easy to translate the natural law into action. Herein devolves a difficult assignment for the State. The State must put the natural law into concrete expression, an application appropriate to prevailing circumstances. Allow me to illustrate this point by an example: A family wage is obligatory under the natural law. Realizing this and anxious to secure the greatest possible success in his business, a manufacturer plans to hire single men only. This amounts to cudgelling life. The State must find a remedy for such a situation, some means by which to help large families and likewise to secure the prosperity of enterprising business. In some states all the workers are allotted the same pay but a definite portion of their earnings is withheld. Out of this reserve, compensation is then distributed to workers with large families. In other states, a �48 SLOVAKIA financing administration supplements the work of the laborers to effect a family wage. It covers its own replacement for this outlay out of taxes that accrue from the entire ., national collective."(39) In a word, the role of a Christian democracy - according to Dr. Tiso - is to build "a State of Christian order in which laws are carried out in spirit of responsibility to the supreme authority of God; in which Christian thoughts of justice and charity are the basic pillars of social and moral order; in which the training of children is carried out in keeping with the eternal principles of Christ, the supreme Pedagogue; in which the fundamental cell of social life, the family, is protected by the defense of unity and indissolubility; in which there reigns not the terror of brute force and physical violence, but the spirit of true moral liberty. "(40) Dr. Tiso ardently promoted a Christian democracy which was supported by both of the Christian components of the Slovak nation, for he was convinced that "along with Catholic universality and Catholic idealism, Lutheran individualism and realism can be used beneficially in politics. When all these attributes are combined then not even the gates of hell can prevail against our common front. Catholic populists and Lutheran Nationalists, we must cooperate and neither covet nor seize. Let us not forget that we are allying ourselves in the cause of national politics and that there is here no possibility of joining with Catholics of other nationalities."(41) What motives prompted this alliance and this insistence that the independent Slovak Republic be organized on Christian-democratic principles? This alone that a Christian world-view and Christian democracy contain lasting values. Dr. Tiso declared: "We do not design our ideological activity for a week or for a month, but we come and we look always - and this is our peculiar characteristic - in a manner which is intended for the ages - eternally. Eternally, as the Slovak nation is to last, and from this eternal existence of the Slovak nation we derive practical applications for our temporal problems and tasks .... Whoever prides himself on being a �SLOVAKIA 49 loyal son of the nation must also consider what he contributes to the nation: whether it is an infection which induces fever, or germs which destroy and can bring the nation to its grave, or labor which abides in the nation eternally like a cell of healthy social and cultural development."( 42) Because of this peculiar feature of Christian democracy, we must return to it repeatedly and draw upon it always. Naturally, the Communists regarded a political leader of this caliber as their key enemy and, consequently, Msgr. Joseph Tiso was the first Catholic prelate from behind the Iron Curtain singled out to make the supreme sacrifice in the struggle with Communism. However, "as a martyr to his love for the nation, Dr. Tiso will continue to live in the nation."(43) Dr. Tiso is a martyr for the cause of freedom and fittingly he ranks with Washington and many other great men of history."(44) ( 1) Daily "Slovak" 1939, No. 189, Bratislava, Slovakia. ( 2) "Slovak" 1924, 92. ( 3) "Tatransky Orol", Vol. VI, No. 4. ( 4) "Slovak" 1939, 197. ( 5) "Slovak" 1934, 113. ( 6) Ideol6gia Slovenskej :Uudovej Strany, pg. 25. ( 7) "Kult ura" 1933, No. 9, Trnava, Slovakia. ( 8) " Slovak" 1940, 227. ( 9) "Slovak" 1938, 293. (10) "Slovak" 1934, 221. (11) "Slovak" 1939, 44. (12) Ideol6gia, pg. 123-124. (13) "Slovak" 1935, 150. (14) "Slovenska Pravda" 1937, No. 74, Bratislava. (15) "Slovak" 1938, 243. (16) "Slovak" 1936, 178. (17) "Slovak" 1924, 92. (18) "Slovak" 1938, 249. (19) Ideol6gia, pg. 118-119. (20) "Slovak" 1938, 283. (21) Ideol6gia, p. 118. (22) "Slovak" 1925, 278. (23) "Slovak" 1938, 283. (24) "Slovak" 1941, 13. (25) Prve Posolstvo. (26) Posolstvo. �SLOVAKIA 50 (27) (28) (29) (30) (31) (32) (33) (34) (35) (36) (37) (38) (39) (40) (41) (42) (43) (44) "Slovak" 1941, 105. "Slovak" 1940, 186. "Slovak" 1938, 243. "Slovak" 1938, 283. "Slovak" 1940, 186. "Slovak" 1939, 44. "Slovak" 1939, 44. "Slovak" 1941, 37. "Slovak" 1939, 44. Ibidem. Ibidem. Ibidem. "Slovak" 1941, 37. "Kultura" 1933, 9. "Slovak" 1932, 237. "Slovak" 1941, 17. Vatican Radio April 28, 1947. Congressman Alvin O'Konski May 31, 1948, at Bedford, 0 . • • Castles of Slovakia: ILA VA The name Ila va may be more familar to the outside world, because it has been mentioned more frequently than names of other castles and citadels of Slovakia. Political prisoners, "enemies of the state," are confined within its walls today by the communist regime of Prague. Just when the Ilava Castle was built is not definitely known; but we do know that it already existed at the end of the twelfth century. The first known written account of Ilava from that time states that "Castrum Ilava" was the property of the Knights Templars, who also occupied other castles in the Vah Valley. Ilava (Trencin County) was held by the Templars until the Order was abolished in 1312. The castle is situated on the left bank of the Vah near the railroad station. Its origin may go back to the times of the Great Moravian Empire. After the dissolution of the Knights Templars, Ilava Castle passed into the hands of the "mighty Lord of the Vah and the Tatras," Matthew Cak (Tchak) of Trencin, who made of it a mighty fortress. It remained in his possession to his death, when all of Ca.k's holdings were seized by the � SLOVAKIA 37 DR. JOSEPH TISO: CHRISTIAN DEMOCRAT Dr. Joseph Pauco The President of the Slovak Republic (1939-1945), who was executed by a pro-Communist regime on April 18, 1947, ranks among the outstanding figures of the centralEuropean Christian Democratic movement. He was Dr. Joseph Tiso, ideologist of the Slovak Populist Party, which fought for the independence of Slovakia and since 1925 represented the majority of Slovak voting power. The philosophy motivating the Slovak Populist Party was For God and Nation, and it was in the spirit of this principle that Dr. Tiso embodied all his Christian Democratic politics. "Let no one pause to wonder," he wrote, "that we work with God for the nation. God does not need the nation. God will be God even without a nation whether we admit the fact or not, but without God there can be no nation .... There is no sinful failing against God in allying the concepts 'For God, For Nation.' It means the binding of human values to values that are eternal, that are divine."(!) Dr. Tiso affirmed that this clarion call "For God, for Nation" should intensify Christian idealism. His own words are: "Putting it in a practical way, this simply means that one (who cultivates Christian idealism) will not frustrate the influence of Christianity upon the life of a nation in its schools, its literature, its parliament; he will, on the contrary, use every opportunity to help Christianity enter more and more significantly into classrooms and lecture halls, into family life and into public life, for it is Christianity alone that can preserve the roots of idealism without which no nation can survive.''(2) Idealism and Christian morality are the sine qua non of the life of nations and society. "I rely on a weak analogy," declared Dr. Tiso, "when I say that if nature cannot survive without the beneficence of heat and sun, neither can human life endure without faith, without moral philosophy. The histories of nations and our personal experiences furnish evidence to substantiate the fact that whatever the light of faith and Christian morals was extinguished, there followed not only a decline in culture, truth and art, but also �38 SLOVAKIA a decay that affected the nation's economic system as well. A social order grounded in gross materialism, devoid of Christian idealism, cannot long endure, and a nation bred in materialism, grasping for matter alone, becomes like a withered shrub that stands in the midst of luxuriant verdure, a thing alien and repulsive to other nations."(3) Christianity imposes the obligation of love for one's nation. "Love for the nation is a religious precept, and anyone who does not foster a love for his nation violates the fourth commandment. He is branded not only as an earthly traitor, but also as a transgressor who profanes the law of God."(4) Chauvinism, on the other hand, he denounced as can be seen from these extracts: "A regulated love of self is the foundation of Christian charity. From this basic tenet there also evolves the proper concept of Christian nationalism. First comes love of one's own nation, then an extension of charity to others. Non-Christian nationalism is of an entirely different stock, loving self and hybridizing into chauvinism. " (5) "Nationalism, a kind of centering on self diffused on a national scale, is not only the indispensable drive in service for the nation, it is also the natural measure of obligation on the part of one nation toward other nations, just as love of self becomes the stimulating force or the incentive for self-improvement and the gauge of human relations. But in order to prevent self-love as well as nationalism from degenerating into formidable media of destruction, there must be an obligation which is expressed in the universally known precept: Love thy neighbor as thyself."(6) According to the teaching of the Church, "nationalism loves its own but it must not hate what is other than its own; it builds its own but it may not destroy another's; it strengthens its own but it does not divide the whole."(7) One who is a believing Christian and a patriot works for the freedom of his nation because "the independence of a nation is a natural good which substantially affects not only the individual and his material and spiritual interests, but it concerns the entire national commonwealth. Since national freedom is then such a natural good that affects the �SLOVAKIA individual, the family and the entire national community, there can be nothing inappropriate in the gratitude which is shown to God in return for it.... "For a nation to exist and yet not be independent means sentencing it to its extinction. If a nation is to exist, and there is proof of this in the fact that it now does exist, then that nation, by the will of God, must be free .... "A nation must be granted its freedom, for without liberty it would in vain have the God-given gift of language; it would be unable to use it. In vain would it have a Godgiven territory; it would be unable to cultivate its land and make a living on it. Consequently if a nation is to live according to its intellectual endowments and character, it must be free in order to fulfill its destiny. The Divine Will, therefore, is for a nation to be independent and free."(8) The liberty of a nation is protected by the State. As Tiso sees it, "The State is an organized body established for the welfare of the citizens. It is founded on the natural law, therefore on the will of the Creator, Who so created man that he can live and develop his mental and moral faculties only in association with other men. The State is a means to an end and not the end of man. It is for the State to serve the welfare of man, not for man to serve the State. This is the original design of the Creator from which, however, the developmental periphery of human society has steadily departed more and more. "The State is founded on the individuality of its citizens whose interests it promotes rather than absorbs. The State does not assume the obligations of individuals but it discharges those functions that are essential for the life of all, tasks for which the capacities of the individual alone are not commensurate. Always and everywhere it must be the individual first and as far as his abilities can reach and only beyond that point may the State enter as a collective unit of strength. It is for the State to serve society, not society the State. The organization of the State is determined by the moral disposition, the physical capacity and the material potential of the nation. What holds in regard to the relationship of the individual to the State, likewise holds in regard to the family and the nation as a biological unit and �40 SLOVAKIA of the Church as a supernatur al institution. The State does not assume and absorb their rights and their functioning ; contrarywis e, it reinforces and as a collective organism it merely supplement s whatever the family or the nation alone cannot provide or whatever would hinder the Church from attaining her mission. The State therefore should be the organ of the nation and not a medium of the arrogance, aggressiven ess and violence of its representat ives in authority. By its collective instrument ality it should promote individual enterprise and not thwart the developmen t of the vigor of the nation by imposing excessive financial burdens. It is an institution of temporal welfare which does not interfere with supernatur al aspirations but respects them because of their delicate bearing on the temporal wellbeing of society."(9) The State should respect the natural law and should not interfere in Church matters: "God is a power greater than man; the Church is more than the State. The State may not meddle in ecclesiastic al affairs."(10 ) The State must submit to Christian ideals. "We subordinate the powers of the State to the laws of morality and justice. In keeping with this principle, the State must respect the rights of individuals, of families, of society and of local self-govern ing entities. It regards as sacred the right of parents to educate their children and the privilege of free religious profession. It guarantees the right of private ownership and insures the peaceful co-existenc e of empolyer and employee."(11) It was only natural for Dr. Tiso as the ideologist of the Slovak Populist Party to conceive of the democratic structure of the State. "Just as it is an axiom for political activity to be concerned above all about the public good and about the common welfare," writes Dr. Tiso, "so it is likewise true that political activity of such a nature is carried on more successfull y on a democratic basis than on any other kind of foundation. The very root of the word, demos - people, signifies the universalit y of all the members of a nation, incidentally of a State, who are to be not merely passive but truly active in this common functioning . A democratic system brings up people for universality , for it �SLOVAKIA 41 draws the widest possible public to share in the governing of the State, and thereby more and more come to be identified with the State. Consequently there is not only an awakening of responsibility in wide circles, but there is also established a definite degree of confidence in the directives that are promulgated, for in them the citizens see an expression of their will and of their effort to attain a better future. It is true that democracy presupposes a people educated for public service lest it degenerate into a mass easily swayed in the hands of oligarchs or political parties. Hence democracy can thrive only under Utopian or eminently ideal conditions. A foundation based on materialism will educe class struggle incited by selfishness and before long it will evolve into a dictatorship. In a democracy, however, this counterbalanc e of an ideally educated people insures a rich burgeoning of life and secures the firm consolidation of the State. "(12) In defining the duties of a democratic government, Dr. Tiso stated: "A democracy is a regime according to the will of the people. It is a regime which makes it possible for the will of the people to be manifest in all that affects public life. Democracy in this sense implies that the citizens do not merely express their will or their preferences in regard to organization and government at election time or in various types of balloting, but in the interests of the people and in the spirit of true democracy as such, the educated stratum, the intellectuals, fully explain to the people the program proposed and the objectives of the political party and thus instruct the citizens."(13) "Democracy means putting into effective use every creative force in the State as well as appraising its every component unit according to its moral worth even in the event that the ruling power does not demand this."(14) Dr. Tiso dedicated himself to service in a Christian democracy: "We uphold the principle of democracy because democracy is consonant with Christian teaching and we will not permit it to become corrupted with Marixist and socialistic appendages."(15) "We Slovaks are from our very souls adherents to this Christian democracy and we condemn every form of dictatorship regardless of the label under �42 SLOVAKIA . which it may try to hide its true nature or identity. We pledge ourselves to stand for democracy but for democracy of the proper stamp." Not a mystified or mystifying democracy. "In the maelstrom of views and opinions on democracy, it seems that there is developing a conscious tendency. Out of an indefinite conception of democracy there is being shaped a mystique of democracy which would affect people and command their reluctant respect; none may dare to voice any question or to protest once the statement is made that democracy requires this or that; none may presume to question an arrangement, for if it is a democratic arrangement, it is the best possible arrangement. And thus there is fabricated the mystique of democracy."(16) In a Christian democracy whatever holds in general extends also into individual departments, branches of public service and activity. Nor is it otherwise in the Christian democracy of Tiso. It may be helpful to examine in this connection a matter as weighty as the social problem. For the Slovak nation which had been so long the victim of foreign exploitation, this question bearing on the disposition of social affairs has been, and even after the overthrow of Communism it will still remain, a vital issue. Prime importance attaches especially to the relation between worker and employer; to the valuation attached not merely to property worth but also to labor; to the extent to which the government will identify itself with private initiative, and similar matters. The Church has long since made a clear pronouncement on this subject. Both the Rerum Novarum and the Quadragesimo Anno are well known encyclicals containing for modern Christian democracy the entire teaching of the Church on socio-economic affairs. Slovak Populists have likewise built on these social encyclicals of the Popes. Hence it was but natural that Dr. Tiso made application from these documents of the Church in the light of Christian philosophy rather than from any other sources when he set about his task of settling the long neglected problem of economics and social justice in Slovakia. He opposed class struggle and class hatred. "Instead of class warfare, we must. cultivate mutual and national �SLOVAKIA 43 Christian charity; by humility, simplicity and industry we must supplant rapaciousness, materialism and voluptousness. "(17) "To every man his due and injustice to none! That is our watchword - no hollow-sounding catchword but an honored principle. If we do not wish to violate tradition, we must tolerate no privileged classes, no privileges of any kind whatever, no indulgence of prerogatives, whatever their origin may have been."(18) Dr. Tiso interprets Christian social politics as "founded on realistic assumption: it takes into account the nature of man composed of body and soul and conscious of this dual basis it classifies among the most potent agencies of the social order not mere material forces but rather spiritual and moral incentives, giving these precedence, in fact. Hence, it is not concerned solely about a crust of bread; it cares also for every man's spirit, for sheer materialism can never satisfy man completely."(19) Christian socialism has always defended man's right to own private property. Dr. Tiso realized that sometimes capitalism can go to extremes, since capitalists are in the money and on occasion "they use wealth only for self aggrandizement and not for the general good."(20) On the other hand, although Dr. Tiso appreciated the deficiencies of capitalism, he consistently defended the principle of private ownership because he knew that the abrogation of ownership "would endanger both economic and cultural progress to a greater extent than does the capitalistic system, hedged about as it is by social policies.' (21) "In regard to the great question of individual ownership, considering it, for example, from the one extreme of liberalism to the opposite extreme of socialist communism," Dr. Tiso emphasized, "we juxtapose our principle which asserts the sacredness of private ownership and the uninviolable right of the individual."(22) On the other hand, however, "let him who has capital make just returns; let him distribute it with labor, and satisfy labor with decent civic gain." (23) A Christian view of capital and the income derived from it differs from that of other systems. "Former systems of liberalism and capitalism," Tiso wrote, "were al- �44 SLOVAKIA ways ready to calculate the profit trhat would accrue from an enterprise or a plant. Superficially it appears that income is the natural end of enterprise, but Catholic morality has long since taught that all the estates and properties of this world exist for man, for life. This truth is supported by the natural law also. Life is of higher value than gain. The theory that gain is of utmost value and importance must be invalidated. What is the world and everything in it for? For life, not for gain. Gain is subordinated to life and it may become an end only to the extent that it promotes life." (24) And where is capital to be sought? "Out of the strong spiritual resources of our national character," declared Dr. Tiso, "not by any exploitation of those who are socially weaker than we ourselves. It is not an international capital, not impersonalized, not embodied in the worship of gold, but the capital of individuals happily at work in the interests of their nation and their State; a capital which is evidenced in morally strong individuals, in numerous families socially secure, in a contented society united in social justice, in the harmonious commerce of all the citizens who work under the aegis of an organized State."(25) Capital and income are not produced except as the fruit of the laborer's toil. "We look upon work in an enlightened manner," Dr. Tiso asserted. "In it we see not only the creative force of economic values but the animate expression of human personality which has moral and social obligations; which a workingman therefore performs as his required contribution for the communal good and for which a wage is paid not only as the countervalue of energy expended or economic income achieved, but rather as a medium which in turn enables the laborer to satisfy all his obligations."(26) "In the light of Christian teaching, work is not a burden; it is not a means for effecting gain; it is rather the life expression of a man who is the inevitable agent under all circumstances. Christianity proceeds from man and says 'God endowed you with physical, spiritual, and intellectual powers and faculties so that you might use them to advantage.' This is a noble and holy thought. Work is a requisite �SLOVAKIA 45 for man even when he is already provided with sufficient resources for his livelihood."(27) He who works is entitled to a just wage. Humanity, in Dr. Tiso's words, "drew out of our venerable Christian socio-national spirit many a fresh impetus for fulfilling the words of Scripture 'The laborer is worthy of his hire'; to abide by the dictum of the same Scripture, 'He who does not work, let him not eat'; to demolish the idol of the golden calf in imitation of the example of Scripture; to measure with the same measure of justice to all, as the Scripture commands for we are all the children of one Father Who is in heaven."(28) Everyone has a claim to work. And "we shall distribute pay only for work." Dr. Tiso stresses this point, adding however, "We shall tolerate no unreasonable fomenting against capital. A workingman must not regard the capitalist as his enemy; on the other hand, a capitalist must realize that the capital, over which he is in reality only an administrator, essentially belongs to the nation in order to provide work and sustenance for all."(29) In short, the Christian-democratic system really "unites all - employers arnd workers - on the groundwork of a common interest: the material and moral well-being of the Slovak nation." (30) In all undertakings there must be effected an attitude in which "each one, regardless of what type of work he does, will come to regard the work as his own and will perform it with that devotion which he would lavish on his own."(31) It is the Christian democracy more than any other political system that cares for "the fundamental cell of the State and of society in general: the family," for the family "is the source from which all life is derived; it is the first school which educates one to think; it is the first temple which teaches one to pray; it is the first workshop which trains one to work; and it is also the first social bond which instructs one to live in the company of others in the spirit of love and equity. For this reason we must resist anything that may tend to ruin or impair the family and we must support everything that shall contribute to its unity and solidarity.... �46 SLOVAKIA "Therefore one prime concern shall be to foster the establishment of the family and to insure the material prerequisites for its existence. For the benefit of every type of employee, then, but especially for the laborer, measures must be taken to legislate a so-called family wage or familial pay to enable a young man to contract marriage and by a suitable scale of subsidies for wife and children (a scale graduated acording to their number) be assured a decent livelihood and proper education. Obviously this measure is also intended to provide a solution to the problem of married women now under employment. The ideal is to return married women to the family circle, for they are called to manage and maintain the government of the household and their proper place is the home."(32) Mankind as a Christian-democratic entity requires for its social security not only a family wage but also a settlement of housing policies. On this score Dr. Tiso observed, "Family life must be encouraged also by providing healthful and reasonably priced living quarters ... . A reasonable and hygienic housing unit is just as essential to family life as a decent income earned by the breadwinner."(33) "A family will be placed on the foundations where it properly belongs only when it has respectable quarters. When I say 'respectable quarters,' I mean that the home must qualify for the occupation of a family. . . . A guiding principle must be: to have a home in keeping with one's social standing."(34) "We must devote considerable attention to educate our people in regard to housing culture. The general cultural level of a nation is often judged by its housing culture and this also enters into the reasons why we are concerned about the living conditions of our Slovak residents in small towns and in the suburbs. Without improving housing conditions, one can hardly raise the level of the population or improve the position of the family."(35) In a Christian State, the family must be an exemplary unit in every respect. That is the reason why so much attention is devoted to preparation for family living. This was Dr. Tiso's attitude on the subject: "We shall provide for the family by supporting the �SLOVAKIA 47 education of youth designedly for family living, by providing moral safeguards for children and by arranging sociomedical conferences for those contemplating marriage as well as for those who are married, especially mothers."(36) Also: "We regard solicitude for the Slovak child as the most .s ublime aspect of social care."(37) The Christian-democratic State watchfully takes note -0f all social problems. It resolves difficulties and extends help to every level of its inhabitants that may require the support of State authority. In this manner it seems even to encroach upon private ownership. But this is really no encroachment in the usually accepted sense of the word; it is rather a kind of mediation and vigilance. Dr. Tiso advocates, fo rexample, that the government "should provide for the unemployed by creating jobs for them" or even by "introducing a working obligation." "The government considers it a duty to feel responsible for the employed as well as for the unemployed. Protection for the workers will be perfected by more thorough supervision in regard to the wage claims of employees as well as in the matter of safety and security measures to safeguard the health and the lives of the workers, but, above all, in provisions to protect the existence of the employees .... "(38) If projects are not managed in accordance with the natural law, the government calls for mediation or collective bargaining. "True, it is not easy to translate the natural law into action. Herein devolves a difficult assignment for the State. The State must put the natural law into concrete expression, an application appropriate to prevailing circumstances. Allow me to illustrate this point by an example: A family wage is obligatory under the natural law. Realizing this and anxious to secure the greatest possible success in his business, a manufacturer plans to hire single men only. This amounts to cudgelling life. The State must find a remedy for such a situation, some means by which to help large families and likewise to secure the prosperity of enterprising business. In some states all the workers are allotted the same pay but a definite portion of their earnings is withheld. Out of this reserve, compensation is then distributed to workers with large families. In other states, a �48 SLOVAKIA financing administration supplements the work of the laborers to effect a family wage. It covers its own replacement for this outlay out of taxes that accrue from the entire ., national collective."(39) In a word, the role of a Christian democracy - according to Dr. Tiso - is to build "a State of Christian order in which laws are carried out in spirit of responsibility to the supreme authority of God; in which Christian thoughts of justice and charity are the basic pillars of social and moral order; in which the training of children is carried out in keeping with the eternal principles of Christ, the supreme Pedagogue; in which the fundamental cell of social life, the family, is protected by the defense of unity and indissolubility; in which there reigns not the terror of brute force and physical violence, but the spirit of true moral liberty. "(40) Dr. Tiso ardently promoted a Christian democracy which was supported by both of the Christian components of the Slovak nation, for he was convinced that "along with Catholic universality and Catholic idealism, Lutheran individualism and realism can be used beneficially in politics. When all these attributes are combined then not even the gates of hell can prevail against our common front. Catholic populists and Lutheran Nationalists, we must cooperate and neither covet nor seize. Let us not forget that we are allying ourselves in the cause of national politics and that there is here no possibility of joining with Catholics of other nationalities."(41) What motives prompted this alliance and this insistence that the independent Slovak Republic be organized on Christian-democratic principles? This alone that a Christian world-view and Christian democracy contain lasting values. Dr. Tiso declared: "We do not design our ideological activity for a week or for a month, but we come and we look always - and this is our peculiar characteristic - in a manner which is intended for the ages - eternally. Eternally, as the Slovak nation is to last, and from this eternal existence of the Slovak nation we derive practical applications for our temporal problems and tasks .... Whoever prides himself on being a �SLOVAKIA 49 loyal son of the nation must also consider what he contributes to the nation: whether it is an infection which induces fever, or germs which destroy and can bring the nation to its grave, or labor which abides in the nation eternally like a cell of healthy social and cultural development."( 42) Because of this peculiar feature of Christian democracy, we must return to it repeatedly and draw upon it always. Naturally, the Communists regarded a political leader of this caliber as their key enemy and, consequently, Msgr. Joseph Tiso was the first Catholic prelate from behind the Iron Curtain singled out to make the supreme sacrifice in the struggle with Communism. However, "as a martyr to his love for the nation, Dr. Tiso will continue to live in the nation."(43) Dr. Tiso is a martyr for the cause of freedom and fittingly he ranks with Washington and many other great men of history."(44) ( 1) Daily "Slovak" 1939, No. 189, Bratislava, Slovakia. ( 2) "Slovak" 1924, 92. ( 3) "Tatransky Orol", Vol. VI, No. 4. ( 4) "Slovak" 1939, 197. ( 5) "Slovak" 1934, 113. ( 6) Ideol6gia Slovenskej :Uudovej Strany, pg. 25. ( 7) "Kult ura" 1933, No. 9, Trnava, Slovakia. ( 8) " Slovak" 1940, 227. ( 9) "Slovak" 1938, 293. (10) "Slovak" 1934, 221. (11) "Slovak" 1939, 44. (12) Ideol6gia, pg. 123-124. (13) "Slovak" 1935, 150. (14) "Slovenska Pravda" 1937, No. 74, Bratislava. (15) "Slovak" 1938, 243. (16) "Slovak" 1936, 178. (17) "Slovak" 1924, 92. (18) "Slovak" 1938, 249. (19) Ideol6gia, pg. 118-119. (20) "Slovak" 1938, 283. (21) Ideol6gia, p. 118. (22) "Slovak" 1925, 278. (23) "Slovak" 1938, 283. (24) "Slovak" 1941, 13. (25) Prve Posolstvo. (26) Posolstvo. �SLOVAKIA 50 (27) (28) (29) (30) (31) (32) (33) (34) (35) (36) (37) (38) (39) (40) (41) (42) (43) (44) "Slovak" 1941, 105. "Slovak" 1940, 186. "Slovak" 1938, 243. "Slovak" 1938, 283. "Slovak" 1940, 186. "Slovak" 1939, 44. "Slovak" 1939, 44. "Slovak" 1941, 37. "Slovak" 1939, 44. Ibidem. Ibidem. Ibidem. "Slovak" 1941, 37. "Kultura" 1933, 9. "Slovak" 1932, 237. "Slovak" 1941, 17. Vatican Radio April 28, 1947. Congressman Alvin O'Konski May 31, 1948, at Bedford, 0 . • • Castles of Slovakia: ILA VA The name Ila va may be more familar to the outside world, because it has been mentioned more frequently than names of other castles and citadels of Slovakia. Political prisoners, "enemies of the state," are confined within its walls today by the communist regime of Prague. Just when the Ilava Castle was built is not definitely known; but we do know that it already existed at the end of the twelfth century. The first known written account of Ilava from that time states that "Castrum Ilava" was the property of the Knights Templars, who also occupied other castles in the Vah Valley. Ilava (Trencin County) was held by the Templars until the Order was abolished in 1312. The castle is situated on the left bank of the Vah near the railroad station. Its origin may go back to the times of the Great Moravian Empire. After the dissolution of the Knights Templars, Ilava Castle passed into the hands of the "mighty Lord of the Vah and the Tatras," Matthew Cak (Tchak) of Trencin, who made of it a mighty fortress. It remained in his possession to his death, when all of Ca.k's holdings were seized by the � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1957, Vol. 7 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 22), March 1957.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 23), June 1957.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 24-25), September-December 1957.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1957 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 37 DR. JOSEPH TISO: CHRISTIAN DEMOCRAT Dr. Joseph Pauco The President of the Slovak Republic (1939-1945), who was executed by a pro-Communist regime on April 18, 1947, ranks among the outstanding figures of the centralEuropean Christian Democratic movement. He was Dr. Joseph Tiso, ideologist of the Slovak Populist Party, which fought for the independence of Slovakia and since 1925 represented the majority of Slovak voting power. The philosophy motivating the Slovak Populist Party was For God and Nation, and it was in the spirit of this principle that Dr. Tiso embodied all his Christian Democratic politics. "Let no one pause to wonder," he wrote, "that we work with God for the nation. God does not need the nation. God will be God even without a nation whether we admit the fact or not, but without God there can be no nation .... There is no sinful failing against God in allying the concepts 'For God, For Nation.' It means the binding of human values to values that are eternal, that are divine."(!) Dr. Tiso affirmed that this clarion call "For God, for Nation" should intensify Christian idealism. His own words are: "Putting it in a practical way, this simply means that one (who cultivates Christian idealism) will not frustrate the influence of Christianity upon the life of a nation in its schools, its literature, its parliament; he will, on the contrary, use every opportunity to help Christianity enter more and more significantly into classrooms and lecture halls, into family life and into public life, for it is Christianity alone that can preserve the roots of idealism without which no nation can survive.''(2) Idealism and Christian morality are the sine qua non of the life of nations and society. "I rely on a weak analogy," declared Dr. Tiso, "when I say that if nature cannot survive without the beneficence of heat and sun, neither can human life endure without faith, without moral philosophy. The histories of nations and our personal experiences furnish evidence to substantiate the fact that whatever the light of faith and Christian morals was extinguished, there followed not only a decline in culture, truth and art, but also 38 SLOVAKIA a decay that affected the nation's economic system as well. A social order grounded in gross materialism, devoid of Christian idealism, cannot long endure, and a nation bred in materialism, grasping for matter alone, becomes like a withered shrub that stands in the midst of luxuriant verdure, a thing alien and repulsive to other nations."(3) Christianity imposes the obligation of love for one's nation. "Love for the nation is a religious precept, and anyone who does not foster a love for his nation violates the fourth commandment. He is branded not only as an earthly traitor, but also as a transgressor who profanes the law of God."(4) Chauvinism, on the other hand, he denounced as can be seen from these extracts: "A regulated love of self is the foundation of Christian charity. From this basic tenet there also evolves the proper concept of Christian nationalism. First comes love of one's own nation, then an extension of charity to others. Non-Christian nationalism is of an entirely different stock, loving self and hybridizing into chauvinism. " (5) "Nationalism, a kind of centering on self diffused on a national scale, is not only the indispensable drive in service for the nation, it is also the natural measure of obligation on the part of one nation toward other nations, just as love of self becomes the stimulating force or the incentive for self-improvement and the gauge of human relations. But in order to prevent self-love as well as nationalism from degenerating into formidable media of destruction, there must be an obligation which is expressed in the universally known precept: Love thy neighbor as thyself."(6) According to the teaching of the Church, "nationalism loves its own but it must not hate what is other than its own; it builds its own but it may not destroy another's; it strengthens its own but it does not divide the whole."(7) One who is a believing Christian and a patriot works for the freedom of his nation because "the independence of a nation is a natural good which substantially affects not only the individual and his material and spiritual interests, but it concerns the entire national commonwealth. Since national freedom is then such a natural good that affects the SLOVAKIA individual, the family and the entire national community, there can be nothing inappropriate in the gratitude which is shown to God in return for it.... "For a nation to exist and yet not be independent means sentencing it to its extinction. If a nation is to exist, and there is proof of this in the fact that it now does exist, then that nation, by the will of God, must be free .... "A nation must be granted its freedom, for without liberty it would in vain have the God-given gift of language; it would be unable to use it. In vain would it have a Godgiven territory; it would be unable to cultivate its land and make a living on it. Consequently if a nation is to live according to its intellectual endowments and character, it must be free in order to fulfill its destiny. The Divine Will, therefore, is for a nation to be independent and free."(8) The liberty of a nation is protected by the State. As Tiso sees it, "The State is an organized body established for the welfare of the citizens. It is founded on the natural law, therefore on the will of the Creator, Who so created man that he can live and develop his mental and moral faculties only in association with other men. The State is a means to an end and not the end of man. It is for the State to serve the welfare of man, not for man to serve the State. This is the original design of the Creator from which, however, the developmental periphery of human society has steadily departed more and more. "The State is founded on the individuality of its citizens whose interests it promotes rather than absorbs. The State does not assume the obligations of individuals but it discharges those functions that are essential for the life of all, tasks for which the capacities of the individual alone are not commensurate. Always and everywhere it must be the individual first and as far as his abilities can reach and only beyond that point may the State enter as a collective unit of strength. It is for the State to serve society, not society the State. The organization of the State is determined by the moral disposition, the physical capacity and the material potential of the nation. What holds in regard to the relationship of the individual to the State, likewise holds in regard to the family and the nation as a biological unit and 40 SLOVAKIA of the Church as a supernatur al institution. The State does not assume and absorb their rights and their functioning ; contrarywis e, it reinforces and as a collective organism it merely supplement s whatever the family or the nation alone cannot provide or whatever would hinder the Church from attaining her mission. The State therefore should be the organ of the nation and not a medium of the arrogance, aggressiven ess and violence of its representat ives in authority. By its collective instrument ality it should promote individual enterprise and not thwart the developmen t of the vigor of the nation by imposing excessive financial burdens. It is an institution of temporal welfare which does not interfere with supernatur al aspirations but respects them because of their delicate bearing on the temporal wellbeing of society."(9) The State should respect the natural law and should not interfere in Church matters: "God is a power greater than man; the Church is more than the State. The State may not meddle in ecclesiastic al affairs."(10 ) The State must submit to Christian ideals. "We subordinate the powers of the State to the laws of morality and justice. In keeping with this principle, the State must respect the rights of individuals, of families, of society and of local self-govern ing entities. It regards as sacred the right of parents to educate their children and the privilege of free religious profession. It guarantees the right of private ownership and insures the peaceful co-existenc e of empolyer and employee."(11) It was only natural for Dr. Tiso as the ideologist of the Slovak Populist Party to conceive of the democratic structure of the State. "Just as it is an axiom for political activity to be concerned above all about the public good and about the common welfare," writes Dr. Tiso, "so it is likewise true that political activity of such a nature is carried on more successfull y on a democratic basis than on any other kind of foundation. The very root of the word, demos - people, signifies the universalit y of all the members of a nation, incidentally of a State, who are to be not merely passive but truly active in this common functioning . A democratic system brings up people for universality , for it SLOVAKIA 41 draws the widest possible public to share in the governing of the State, and thereby more and more come to be identified with the State. Consequently there is not only an awakening of responsibility in wide circles, but there is also established a definite degree of confidence in the directives that are promulgated, for in them the citizens see an expression of their will and of their effort to attain a better future. It is true that democracy presupposes a people educated for public service lest it degenerate into a mass easily swayed in the hands of oligarchs or political parties. Hence democracy can thrive only under Utopian or eminently ideal conditions. A foundation based on materialism will educe class struggle incited by selfishness and before long it will evolve into a dictatorship. In a democracy, however, this counterbalanc e of an ideally educated people insures a rich burgeoning of life and secures the firm consolidation of the State. "(12) In defining the duties of a democratic government, Dr. Tiso stated: "A democracy is a regime according to the will of the people. It is a regime which makes it possible for the will of the people to be manifest in all that affects public life. Democracy in this sense implies that the citizens do not merely express their will or their preferences in regard to organization and government at election time or in various types of balloting, but in the interests of the people and in the spirit of true democracy as such, the educated stratum, the intellectuals, fully explain to the people the program proposed and the objectives of the political party and thus instruct the citizens."(13) "Democracy means putting into effective use every creative force in the State as well as appraising its every component unit according to its moral worth even in the event that the ruling power does not demand this."(14) Dr. Tiso dedicated himself to service in a Christian democracy: "We uphold the principle of democracy because democracy is consonant with Christian teaching and we will not permit it to become corrupted with Marixist and socialistic appendages."(15) "We Slovaks are from our very souls adherents to this Christian democracy and we condemn every form of dictatorship regardless of the label under 42 SLOVAKIA . which it may try to hide its true nature or identity. We pledge ourselves to stand for democracy but for democracy of the proper stamp." Not a mystified or mystifying democracy. "In the maelstrom of views and opinions on democracy, it seems that there is developing a conscious tendency. Out of an indefinite conception of democracy there is being shaped a mystique of democracy which would affect people and command their reluctant respect; none may dare to voice any question or to protest once the statement is made that democracy requires this or that; none may presume to question an arrangement, for if it is a democratic arrangement, it is the best possible arrangement. And thus there is fabricated the mystique of democracy."(16) In a Christian democracy whatever holds in general extends also into individual departments, branches of public service and activity. Nor is it otherwise in the Christian democracy of Tiso. It may be helpful to examine in this connection a matter as weighty as the social problem. For the Slovak nation which had been so long the victim of foreign exploitation, this question bearing on the disposition of social affairs has been, and even after the overthrow of Communism it will still remain, a vital issue. Prime importance attaches especially to the relation between worker and employer; to the valuation attached not merely to property worth but also to labor; to the extent to which the government will identify itself with private initiative, and similar matters. The Church has long since made a clear pronouncement on this subject. Both the Rerum Novarum and the Quadragesimo Anno are well known encyclicals containing for modern Christian democracy the entire teaching of the Church on socio-economic affairs. Slovak Populists have likewise built on these social encyclicals of the Popes. Hence it was but natural that Dr. Tiso made application from these documents of the Church in the light of Christian philosophy rather than from any other sources when he set about his task of settling the long neglected problem of economics and social justice in Slovakia. He opposed class struggle and class hatred. "Instead of class warfare, we must. cultivate mutual and national SLOVAKIA 43 Christian charity; by humility, simplicity and industry we must supplant rapaciousness, materialism and voluptousness. "(17) "To every man his due and injustice to none! That is our watchword - no hollow-sounding catchword but an honored principle. If we do not wish to violate tradition, we must tolerate no privileged classes, no privileges of any kind whatever, no indulgence of prerogatives, whatever their origin may have been."(18) Dr. Tiso interprets Christian social politics as "founded on realistic assumption: it takes into account the nature of man composed of body and soul and conscious of this dual basis it classifies among the most potent agencies of the social order not mere material forces but rather spiritual and moral incentives, giving these precedence, in fact. Hence, it is not concerned solely about a crust of bread; it cares also for every man's spirit, for sheer materialism can never satisfy man completely."(19) Christian socialism has always defended man's right to own private property. Dr. Tiso realized that sometimes capitalism can go to extremes, since capitalists are in the money and on occasion "they use wealth only for self aggrandizement and not for the general good."(20) On the other hand, although Dr. Tiso appreciated the deficiencies of capitalism, he consistently defended the principle of private ownership because he knew that the abrogation of ownership "would endanger both economic and cultural progress to a greater extent than does the capitalistic system, hedged about as it is by social policies.' (21) "In regard to the great question of individual ownership, considering it, for example, from the one extreme of liberalism to the opposite extreme of socialist communism," Dr. Tiso emphasized, "we juxtapose our principle which asserts the sacredness of private ownership and the uninviolable right of the individual."(22) On the other hand, however, "let him who has capital make just returns; let him distribute it with labor, and satisfy labor with decent civic gain." (23) A Christian view of capital and the income derived from it differs from that of other systems. "Former systems of liberalism and capitalism," Tiso wrote, "were al- 44 SLOVAKIA ways ready to calculate the profit trhat would accrue from an enterprise or a plant. Superficially it appears that income is the natural end of enterprise, but Catholic morality has long since taught that all the estates and properties of this world exist for man, for life. This truth is supported by the natural law also. Life is of higher value than gain. The theory that gain is of utmost value and importance must be invalidated. What is the world and everything in it for? For life, not for gain. Gain is subordinated to life and it may become an end only to the extent that it promotes life." (24) And where is capital to be sought? "Out of the strong spiritual resources of our national character," declared Dr. Tiso, "not by any exploitation of those who are socially weaker than we ourselves. It is not an international capital, not impersonalized, not embodied in the worship of gold, but the capital of individuals happily at work in the interests of their nation and their State; a capital which is evidenced in morally strong individuals, in numerous families socially secure, in a contented society united in social justice, in the harmonious commerce of all the citizens who work under the aegis of an organized State."(25) Capital and income are not produced except as the fruit of the laborer's toil. "We look upon work in an enlightened manner," Dr. Tiso asserted. "In it we see not only the creative force of economic values but the animate expression of human personality which has moral and social obligations; which a workingman therefore performs as his required contribution for the communal good and for which a wage is paid not only as the countervalue of energy expended or economic income achieved, but rather as a medium which in turn enables the laborer to satisfy all his obligations."(26) "In the light of Christian teaching, work is not a burden; it is not a means for effecting gain; it is rather the life expression of a man who is the inevitable agent under all circumstances. Christianity proceeds from man and says 'God endowed you with physical, spiritual, and intellectual powers and faculties so that you might use them to advantage.' This is a noble and holy thought. Work is a requisite SLOVAKIA 45 for man even when he is already provided with sufficient resources for his livelihood."(27) He who works is entitled to a just wage. Humanity, in Dr. Tiso's words, "drew out of our venerable Christian socio-national spirit many a fresh impetus for fulfilling the words of Scripture 'The laborer is worthy of his hire'; to abide by the dictum of the same Scripture, 'He who does not work, let him not eat'; to demolish the idol of the golden calf in imitation of the example of Scripture; to measure with the same measure of justice to all, as the Scripture commands for we are all the children of one Father Who is in heaven."(28) Everyone has a claim to work. And "we shall distribute pay only for work." Dr. Tiso stresses this point, adding however, "We shall tolerate no unreasonable fomenting against capital. A workingman must not regard the capitalist as his enemy; on the other hand, a capitalist must realize that the capital, over which he is in reality only an administrator, essentially belongs to the nation in order to provide work and sustenance for all."(29) In short, the Christian-democratic system really "unites all - employers arnd workers - on the groundwork of a common interest: the material and moral well-being of the Slovak nation." (30) In all undertakings there must be effected an attitude in which "each one, regardless of what type of work he does, will come to regard the work as his own and will perform it with that devotion which he would lavish on his own."(31) It is the Christian democracy more than any other political system that cares for "the fundamental cell of the State and of society in general: the family," for the family "is the source from which all life is derived; it is the first school which educates one to think; it is the first temple which teaches one to pray; it is the first workshop which trains one to work; and it is also the first social bond which instructs one to live in the company of others in the spirit of love and equity. For this reason we must resist anything that may tend to ruin or impair the family and we must support everything that shall contribute to its unity and solidarity.... 46 SLOVAKIA "Therefore one prime concern shall be to foster the establishment of the family and to insure the material prerequisites for its existence. For the benefit of every type of employee, then, but especially for the laborer, measures must be taken to legislate a so-called family wage or familial pay to enable a young man to contract marriage and by a suitable scale of subsidies for wife and children (a scale graduated acording to their number) be assured a decent livelihood and proper education. Obviously this measure is also intended to provide a solution to the problem of married women now under employment. The ideal is to return married women to the family circle, for they are called to manage and maintain the government of the household and their proper place is the home."(32) Mankind as a Christian-democratic entity requires for its social security not only a family wage but also a settlement of housing policies. On this score Dr. Tiso observed, "Family life must be encouraged also by providing healthful and reasonably priced living quarters ... . A reasonable and hygienic housing unit is just as essential to family life as a decent income earned by the breadwinner."(33) "A family will be placed on the foundations where it properly belongs only when it has respectable quarters. When I say 'respectable quarters,' I mean that the home must qualify for the occupation of a family. . . . A guiding principle must be: to have a home in keeping with one's social standing."(34) "We must devote considerable attention to educate our people in regard to housing culture. The general cultural level of a nation is often judged by its housing culture and this also enters into the reasons why we are concerned about the living conditions of our Slovak residents in small towns and in the suburbs. Without improving housing conditions, one can hardly raise the level of the population or improve the position of the family."(35) In a Christian State, the family must be an exemplary unit in every respect. That is the reason why so much attention is devoted to preparation for family living. This was Dr. Tiso's attitude on the subject: "We shall provide for the family by supporting the SLOVAKIA 47 education of youth designedly for family living, by providing moral safeguards for children and by arranging sociomedical conferences for those contemplating marriage as well as for those who are married, especially mothers."(36) Also: "We regard solicitude for the Slovak child as the most .s ublime aspect of social care."(37) The Christian-democratic State watchfully takes note -0f all social problems. It resolves difficulties and extends help to every level of its inhabitants that may require the support of State authority. In this manner it seems even to encroach upon private ownership. But this is really no encroachment in the usually accepted sense of the word; it is rather a kind of mediation and vigilance. Dr. Tiso advocates, fo rexample, that the government "should provide for the unemployed by creating jobs for them" or even by "introducing a working obligation." "The government considers it a duty to feel responsible for the employed as well as for the unemployed. Protection for the workers will be perfected by more thorough supervision in regard to the wage claims of employees as well as in the matter of safety and security measures to safeguard the health and the lives of the workers, but, above all, in provisions to protect the existence of the employees .... "(38) If projects are not managed in accordance with the natural law, the government calls for mediation or collective bargaining. "True, it is not easy to translate the natural law into action. Herein devolves a difficult assignment for the State. The State must put the natural law into concrete expression, an application appropriate to prevailing circumstances. Allow me to illustrate this point by an example: A family wage is obligatory under the natural law. Realizing this and anxious to secure the greatest possible success in his business, a manufacturer plans to hire single men only. This amounts to cudgelling life. The State must find a remedy for such a situation, some means by which to help large families and likewise to secure the prosperity of enterprising business. In some states all the workers are allotted the same pay but a definite portion of their earnings is withheld. Out of this reserve, compensation is then distributed to workers with large families. In other states, a 48 SLOVAKIA financing administration supplements the work of the laborers to effect a family wage. It covers its own replacement for this outlay out of taxes that accrue from the entire ., national collective."(39) In a word, the role of a Christian democracy - according to Dr. Tiso - is to build "a State of Christian order in which laws are carried out in spirit of responsibility to the supreme authority of God; in which Christian thoughts of justice and charity are the basic pillars of social and moral order; in which the training of children is carried out in keeping with the eternal principles of Christ, the supreme Pedagogue; in which the fundamental cell of social life, the family, is protected by the defense of unity and indissolubility; in which there reigns not the terror of brute force and physical violence, but the spirit of true moral liberty. "(40) Dr. Tiso ardently promoted a Christian democracy which was supported by both of the Christian components of the Slovak nation, for he was convinced that "along with Catholic universality and Catholic idealism, Lutheran individualism and realism can be used beneficially in politics. When all these attributes are combined then not even the gates of hell can prevail against our common front. Catholic populists and Lutheran Nationalists, we must cooperate and neither covet nor seize. Let us not forget that we are allying ourselves in the cause of national politics and that there is here no possibility of joining with Catholics of other nationalities."(41) What motives prompted this alliance and this insistence that the independent Slovak Republic be organized on Christian-democratic principles? This alone that a Christian world-view and Christian democracy contain lasting values. Dr. Tiso declared: "We do not design our ideological activity for a week or for a month, but we come and we look always - and this is our peculiar characteristic - in a manner which is intended for the ages - eternally. Eternally, as the Slovak nation is to last, and from this eternal existence of the Slovak nation we derive practical applications for our temporal problems and tasks .... Whoever prides himself on being a SLOVAKIA 49 loyal son of the nation must also consider what he contributes to the nation: whether it is an infection which induces fever, or germs which destroy and can bring the nation to its grave, or labor which abides in the nation eternally like a cell of healthy social and cultural development."( 42) Because of this peculiar feature of Christian democracy, we must return to it repeatedly and draw upon it always. Naturally, the Communists regarded a political leader of this caliber as their key enemy and, consequently, Msgr. Joseph Tiso was the first Catholic prelate from behind the Iron Curtain singled out to make the supreme sacrifice in the struggle with Communism. However, "as a martyr to his love for the nation, Dr. Tiso will continue to live in the nation."(43) Dr. Tiso is a martyr for the cause of freedom and fittingly he ranks with Washington and many other great men of history."(44) ( 1) Daily "Slovak" 1939, No. 189, Bratislava, Slovakia. ( 2) "Slovak" 1924, 92. ( 3) "Tatransky Orol", Vol. VI, No. 4. ( 4) "Slovak" 1939, 197. ( 5) "Slovak" 1934, 113. ( 6) Ideol6gia Slovenskej :Uudovej Strany, pg. 25. ( 7) "Kult ura" 1933, No. 9, Trnava, Slovakia. ( 8) " Slovak" 1940, 227. ( 9) "Slovak" 1938, 293. (10) "Slovak" 1934, 221. (11) "Slovak" 1939, 44. (12) Ideol6gia, pg. 123-124. (13) "Slovak" 1935, 150. (14) "Slovenska Pravda" 1937, No. 74, Bratislava. (15) "Slovak" 1938, 243. (16) "Slovak" 1936, 178. (17) "Slovak" 1924, 92. (18) "Slovak" 1938, 249. (19) Ideol6gia, pg. 118-119. (20) "Slovak" 1938, 283. (21) Ideol6gia, p. 118. (22) "Slovak" 1925, 278. (23) "Slovak" 1938, 283. (24) "Slovak" 1941, 13. (25) Prve Posolstvo. (26) Posolstvo. SLOVAKIA 50 (27) (28) (29) (30) (31) (32) (33) (34) (35) (36) (37) (38) (39) (40) (41) (42) (43) (44) "Slovak" 1941, 105. "Slovak" 1940, 186. "Slovak" 1938, 243. "Slovak" 1938, 283. "Slovak" 1940, 186. "Slovak" 1939, 44. "Slovak" 1939, 44. "Slovak" 1941, 37. "Slovak" 1939, 44. Ibidem. Ibidem. Ibidem. "Slovak" 1941, 37. "Kultura" 1933, 9. "Slovak" 1932, 237. "Slovak" 1941, 17. Vatican Radio April 28, 1947. Congressman Alvin O'Konski May 31, 1948, at Bedford, 0 . • • Castles of Slovakia: ILA VA The name Ila va may be more familar to the outside world, because it has been mentioned more frequently than names of other castles and citadels of Slovakia. Political prisoners, "enemies of the state," are confined within its walls today by the communist regime of Prague. Just when the Ilava Castle was built is not definitely known; but we do know that it already existed at the end of the twelfth century. The first known written account of Ilava from that time states that "Castrum Ilava" was the property of the Knights Templars, who also occupied other castles in the Vah Valley. Ilava (Trencin County) was held by the Templars until the Order was abolished in 1312. The castle is situated on the left bank of the Vah near the railroad station. Its origin may go back to the times of the Great Moravian Empire. After the dissolution of the Knights Templars, Ilava Castle passed into the hands of the "mighty Lord of the Vah and the Tatras," Matthew Cak (Tchak) of Trencin, who made of it a mighty fortress. It remained in his possession to his death, when all of Ca.k's holdings were seized by the  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Dr. Joseph Tiso: Christian Democrat Description An account of the resource Dr. Joseph Paučo Slovakia, Vol. 7, No. 2 (23), June 1957 pp. 37-50 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Paučo, Jozef, 1914-1975 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource June 1957 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/1780c8c8875468092d608726118d7938.pdf 79be0422d89a74320eb8e0e71e5d30a9 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 50 (27) (28) (29) (30) (31) (32) (33) (34) (35) (36) (37) (38) (39) (40) (41) (42) (43) (44) "Slovak" 1941, 105. "Slovak" 1940, 186. "Slovak" 1938, 243. "Slovak" 1938, 283. "Slovak" 1940, 186. "Slovak" 1939, 44. "Slovak" 1939, 44. "Slovak" 1941, 37. "Slovak" 1939, 44. Ibidem. Ibidem. Ibidem. "Slovak" 1941, 37. "Kultura" 1933, 9. "Slovak" 1932, 237. "Slovak" 1941, 17. Vatican Radio April 28, 1947. Congressman Alvin O'Konski May 31, 1948, at Bedford, 0 . • • Castles of Slovakia: ILA VA The name Ila va may be more familar to the outside world, because it has been mentioned more frequently than names of other castles and citadels of Slovakia. Political prisoners, "enemies of the state," are confined within its walls today by the communist regime of Prague. Just when the Ilava Castle was built is not definitely known; but we do know that it already existed at the end of the twelfth century. The first known written account of Ilava from that time states that "Castrum Ilava" was the property of the Knights Templars, who also occupied other castles in the Vah Valley. Ilava (Trencin County) was held by the Templars until the Order was abolished in 1312. The castle is situated on the left bank of the Vah near the railroad station. Its origin may go back to the times of the Great Moravian Empire. After the dissolution of the Knights Templars, Ilava Castle passed into the hands of the "mighty Lord of the Vah and the Tatras," Matthew Cak (Tchak) of Trencin, who made of it a mighty fortress. It remained in his possession to his death, when all of Ca.k's holdings were seized by the �51 SLOVAKIA king. Thomas Transilvanus, one of the imperial "castle captains," resided in Ilava in about 1339, according to historical records, which also state that about fifty years later, the king donated Ilava to one Bukovec, whose son Henry (Imrich) joined up with Ladislaus of Naples against the king. As a result, the king seized all of Henry's holdings, including !lava. The Hussites under Procopius Holy plundered northern sections of Slovakia and took !lava, but did not hold it long. The army of King Sigmond under Nicholas Rozhanovsky stormed the castle and seized it after a bloody battle in which 5000 men perished. Sigmond ordered !lava demolished. Several years later, however, the !lava Castale was rebuilt and presented to Queen Barbara; after her Queen Elizabeth resided there. During the second invasion of Slovakia by the Hussites, under John Jiskra of Brandys, !lava was besieged and then taken. The Hussites, however, were again evicted and !lava enjoyed a comparatively peaceful time even though its owners were changed often. Ladislaus Hunady, Blaze Mad'ar and Stephen Zapol'sky occupied it in that order. At the end of the 15th century, angered at John Zapol'sky, Stephen's son, the king sent General Katzianer to take over !lava. After a short siege !lava fell. In 1571, Ilava and its suroundings were given to the Ostrozic brothers, who were of Croatian origin; the king, however, won this back after the rebellion in which the Ostrozic brothers participated was squelched. General Heister of the imperial army stormed !lava in 1670 and shortly thereafter sold it to Count Braeuner for 80,00 Goldens. The Count added a twin-towered church and had the upper part of !lava rebuilt into a monastery and then called in the Trinitarian Monks to occupy it, keeping the lower part of the castle for himself. The Trinitarians resided in the !lava Castle until their Order was dissolved in 1725. After the defeat of Count Braeuner, his heirs sold Ilava to the Hungarian State, which converted it into a state prison; more additions to !lava have been made since that time. Ilava is the "Alcatraz" of Slovakia . • • • � SLOVAKIA 50 (27) (28) (29) (30) (31) (32) (33) (34) (35) (36) (37) (38) (39) (40) (41) (42) (43) (44) "Slovak" 1941, 105. "Slovak" 1940, 186. "Slovak" 1938, 243. "Slovak" 1938, 283. "Slovak" 1940, 186. "Slovak" 1939, 44. "Slovak" 1939, 44. "Slovak" 1941, 37. "Slovak" 1939, 44. Ibidem. Ibidem. Ibidem. "Slovak" 1941, 37. "Kultura" 1933, 9. "Slovak" 1932, 237. "Slovak" 1941, 17. Vatican Radio April 28, 1947. Congressman Alvin O'Konski May 31, 1948, at Bedford, 0 . • • Castles of Slovakia: ILA VA The name Ila va may be more familar to the outside world, because it has been mentioned more frequently than names of other castles and citadels of Slovakia. Political prisoners, "enemies of the state," are confined within its walls today by the communist regime of Prague. Just when the Ilava Castle was built is not definitely known; but we do know that it already existed at the end of the twelfth century. The first known written account of Ilava from that time states that "Castrum Ilava" was the property of the Knights Templars, who also occupied other castles in the Vah Valley. Ilava (Trencin County) was held by the Templars until the Order was abolished in 1312. The castle is situated on the left bank of the Vah near the railroad station. Its origin may go back to the times of the Great Moravian Empire. After the dissolution of the Knights Templars, Ilava Castle passed into the hands of the "mighty Lord of the Vah and the Tatras," Matthew Cak (Tchak) of Trencin, who made of it a mighty fortress. It remained in his possession to his death, when all of Ca.k's holdings were seized by the �51 SLOVAKIA king. Thomas Transilvanus, one of the imperial "castle captains," resided in Ilava in about 1339, according to historical records, which also state that about fifty years later, the king donated Ilava to one Bukovec, whose son Henry (Imrich) joined up with Ladislaus of Naples against the king. As a result, the king seized all of Henry's holdings, including !lava. The Hussites under Procopius Holy plundered northern sections of Slovakia and took !lava, but did not hold it long. The army of King Sigmond under Nicholas Rozhanovsky stormed the castle and seized it after a bloody battle in which 5000 men perished. Sigmond ordered !lava demolished. Several years later, however, the !lava Castale was rebuilt and presented to Queen Barbara; after her Queen Elizabeth resided there. During the second invasion of Slovakia by the Hussites, under John Jiskra of Brandys, !lava was besieged and then taken. The Hussites, however, were again evicted and !lava enjoyed a comparatively peaceful time even though its owners were changed often. Ladislaus Hunady, Blaze Mad'ar and Stephen Zapol'sky occupied it in that order. At the end of the 15th century, angered at John Zapol'sky, Stephen's son, the king sent General Katzianer to take over !lava. After a short siege !lava fell. In 1571, Ilava and its suroundings were given to the Ostrozic brothers, who were of Croatian origin; the king, however, won this back after the rebellion in which the Ostrozic brothers participated was squelched. General Heister of the imperial army stormed !lava in 1670 and shortly thereafter sold it to Count Braeuner for 80,00 Goldens. The Count added a twin-towered church and had the upper part of !lava rebuilt into a monastery and then called in the Trinitarian Monks to occupy it, keeping the lower part of the castle for himself. The Trinitarians resided in the !lava Castle until their Order was dissolved in 1725. After the defeat of Count Braeuner, his heirs sold Ilava to the Hungarian State, which converted it into a state prison; more additions to !lava have been made since that time. Ilava is the "Alcatraz" of Slovakia . • • • � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1957, Vol. 7 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 22), March 1957.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 23), June 1957.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 24-25), September-December 1957.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1957 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 50 (27) (28) (29) (30) (31) (32) (33) (34) (35) (36) (37) (38) (39) (40) (41) (42) (43) (44) "Slovak" 1941, 105. "Slovak" 1940, 186. "Slovak" 1938, 243. "Slovak" 1938, 283. "Slovak" 1940, 186. "Slovak" 1939, 44. "Slovak" 1939, 44. "Slovak" 1941, 37. "Slovak" 1939, 44. Ibidem. Ibidem. Ibidem. "Slovak" 1941, 37. "Kultura" 1933, 9. "Slovak" 1932, 237. "Slovak" 1941, 17. Vatican Radio April 28, 1947. Congressman Alvin O'Konski May 31, 1948, at Bedford, 0 . • • Castles of Slovakia: ILA VA The name Ila va may be more familar to the outside world, because it has been mentioned more frequently than names of other castles and citadels of Slovakia. Political prisoners, "enemies of the state," are confined within its walls today by the communist regime of Prague. Just when the Ilava Castle was built is not definitely known; but we do know that it already existed at the end of the twelfth century. The first known written account of Ilava from that time states that "Castrum Ilava" was the property of the Knights Templars, who also occupied other castles in the Vah Valley. Ilava (Trencin County) was held by the Templars until the Order was abolished in 1312. The castle is situated on the left bank of the Vah near the railroad station. Its origin may go back to the times of the Great Moravian Empire. After the dissolution of the Knights Templars, Ilava Castle passed into the hands of the "mighty Lord of the Vah and the Tatras," Matthew Cak (Tchak) of Trencin, who made of it a mighty fortress. It remained in his possession to his death, when all of Ca.k's holdings were seized by the 51 SLOVAKIA king. Thomas Transilvanus, one of the imperial "castle captains," resided in Ilava in about 1339, according to historical records, which also state that about fifty years later, the king donated Ilava to one Bukovec, whose son Henry (Imrich) joined up with Ladislaus of Naples against the king. As a result, the king seized all of Henry's holdings, including !lava. The Hussites under Procopius Holy plundered northern sections of Slovakia and took !lava, but did not hold it long. The army of King Sigmond under Nicholas Rozhanovsky stormed the castle and seized it after a bloody battle in which 5000 men perished. Sigmond ordered !lava demolished. Several years later, however, the !lava Castale was rebuilt and presented to Queen Barbara; after her Queen Elizabeth resided there. During the second invasion of Slovakia by the Hussites, under John Jiskra of Brandys, !lava was besieged and then taken. The Hussites, however, were again evicted and !lava enjoyed a comparatively peaceful time even though its owners were changed often. Ladislaus Hunady, Blaze Mad'ar and Stephen Zapol'sky occupied it in that order. At the end of the 15th century, angered at John Zapol'sky, Stephen's son, the king sent General Katzianer to take over !lava. After a short siege !lava fell. In 1571, Ilava and its suroundings were given to the Ostrozic brothers, who were of Croatian origin; the king, however, won this back after the rebellion in which the Ostrozic brothers participated was squelched. General Heister of the imperial army stormed !lava in 1670 and shortly thereafter sold it to Count Braeuner for 80,00 Goldens. The Count added a twin-towered church and had the upper part of !lava rebuilt into a monastery and then called in the Trinitarian Monks to occupy it, keeping the lower part of the castle for himself. The Trinitarians resided in the !lava Castle until their Order was dissolved in 1725. After the defeat of Count Braeuner, his heirs sold Ilava to the Hungarian State, which converted it into a state prison; more additions to !lava have been made since that time. Ilava is the "Alcatraz" of Slovakia . • • •  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Castles of Slovakia: Ilava Description An account of the resource Slovakia, Vol. 7, No. 2 (23), June 1957 pp. 50-51 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource June 1957 castles https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/91797ad8dc1a42a6d66cf715ce19aa5d.pdf 4ee80f354a36993b46b464a98aa44135 PDF Text Text 52 SLOVAKIA Kerner's "Czechoslovakia" (Cont'd.) IDSTORY OR PROPAGANDA? P.A. HROBAK "The Czechoslovak Declaration and the letter to Emperor Charles were published in the Saturday morning papers, October 19, 1918, the two appearing in many papers in parallel columns; the reply of President Wilson quoted above came on the Monday following. "It was still thought that American public opinion was not sufficiently informed; while the men mentioned above were trying to devise what to do next, the suggestion was made that, if a declaration were issued from Independence Hall in Philadelphia, it would make a striking impression on the American people. They immediately consulted the State Department and obtained its approval, provided Professor Masaryk took the leadership. The members of the Mid-European Union were immediately summoned on Saturday morning, the nineteenth, and a preliminary draft of a declaration was made. The following Wednesday, the Union met in Independence Hall and continued in session until Saturday noon, with Masaryk as chairman. The discussion, which was heated at times, was concentrated on controversies between the various groups. "Because of the prominence attained by Professor Masaryk through the Declaration on Saturday, the press gave the meeting much space, and minimized the often bitter discussion. Saturday noon a Declaration of Common Aims was read by Professor Masaryk in the courtyard back of Independence Hall. This Declaration was realJy the first statement leading to the Little Entente." It would be interesting, indeed, if a copy of Masaryk's "original" draft of the Declaration were available. It is significant, however, that many less valuable and important documents were preserved and recorded by T. G. Masaryk in their original forms. Masaryk made less of the Declaration than did Mr. Miller. Referring to it in his "SVETOVA REVOLUCE" (p. 364), Masaryk said: " ... the form was chosen in such a way as to remind Americans -of their own beautiful Declaration; ultimately its value was tactical . ... In the Declaration, I repudiated Charles' late attempt to promote an Austrian pseudo-federation and outlined the essential principles on which the Provisional Government was building the foundations of the new state. The first outline I gave to read to a group ~f my own friends (among them Brandeis and editor Bennet); an objective and formal criticism of it was undertaken by a small com- �SLOVAKIA 53 mittee, which made the final revision along formal and legal lines (Mr. Calffee, a remarkable expert and lawyer, was a member of it); this was a nice example of harmonious cooperation and, at the /same time, the first state act of great style, made under my direction. I delivered the Declaration to State Secretary Lansing so that I might insure agreement of the American Government beforehand; •lso so that even at the last moment before his reply to Austria I might remind Wilson of our stand." Who was right: Masaryk or Miller? Of course, they could both be right - each in his own way: the main thing was to sell Masaryk and Czecho-Slovakia to the American public, and especially to President Wilson and his advisers. Masaryk's draft of the "Czechoslovak Declaration of Independence," according to Mr. Miller, was scrapped - "the original typewritten copy was cut into more than a hundred pieces and pasted together in different order and then revised again and again" - but "great care was taken to keep all the meaning of the original"! And great care was taken to destroy Masaryk's original, of course! From all this it is obvious that Masaryk, despite arguments to the contrary notwithstanding, knew little about American democracy, which he wanted to exploit so that he might create his own special brand of "Czechoslovak" democracy. But why did Mr. Herbert Adolphus Miller, in the light of statements above, state categorically: "The Declaration of Independence, written by Masaryk, not only embodied his own philosophy but also reflected the past and foreshadowed a future of which his countrymen approved"? Are we to believe that is why Masaryk's version was scrapped and the committee's accepted?? CHAPTER XV - "The Religious Situation in Czechoslovakia" - by Matthew Spinka, B.D., Ph.D., "Associate Professor of Church History in the Chicago Theological Seminary and in the Divinity School of the University of Chicago; editor of Church History, published by the American Society of Church History, and the Society's Studies in Church History; author of: The Church and the Russian Revolution (1927); A History of Christianity in the Balkans (1933); Christianity Confronts Communism (1936-1938); Chronicle of John Malalas (1940); and numerous articles." Spinka's account, partial and notoriously biased against �SLOVAKIA 54 the Catholic Church, is not a true account of "the religious situation in Czecho-Slovakia." In it one finds, for the most part, the Protestant or "Hussite" version of the "progressive" CZECHS, which purposefully tends to falsify and confuse the true picture. In the entire 18 pages of the chapter, Slovakia and the Slovaks are limited to several sentences, which clearly indicate that the author was not interested in presenting a factual account. In reading this chapter, readers should bear this in mind, otherwise they may fall for a distorted and biased version of a situation that did not prevail even in the Czech lands, and so much the less in Slovakia. "Furthermore, there was likewise a considerable difference In the character of Slovak and Czech Catholicism, which manifested itself in the continuous and sometimes violent political opposition to the Czechs. This opposition was led chiefly by the priesthood, with the famous Msgr. Andrej Hlinka, the papal prothonotary and a member of the Czechoslovak Senate at their head. It is significant that the instrument of the violent rupture between Slovakia and Bohemia-Moravia which occurred in March, 1939, was a Roman Catholic priest, Dr. Tiso" - (p. 289). Indeed, it is significant, that Spinka conveniently forgot to back this statement with proof of the "violence" resorted to by the Slovaks. The tendency is only too obvious. The fact is that Msgr. Hlinka and Msgr. Tiso, were not the instruments of the "violent" rupture between Slovakia and Bohemia-Moravia in 1939. But even if we grant that they were, who was more responsible for the situation that obtained in Czecho-Slovakia in 1939 than the Benes Czechs? • • • "When the Pact of Munich delivered the CZECH nation into the hands of the Nazi regime of the Reich, unfortunately a faction within the Catholic Church thought it an opportune moment to further their program. This was a militant, aggressive group of Catholics, with Jaroslav Durych as one of their leaders, who once more identified their cause with the opposition to the democratic Masaryk orientation of CZECH culture. This noisy, denunciatory, fanatical faction tried to substitute the ultramontane policies symbolized in CZECH history by St. Vaclav for the liberal, Protestant-inspired poli• cies represented by the tradition of Jan Hus, and Jan Amos Comenius, AS REPRESENTED BY PRESIDENT MASARYK. But with the setting up of the "Protectorate" in March, 1939, the momentary flare-up of religious intolerance subsided. It should be stressed that the responsible political leaders of the Catholics, such as Msgr. Dr. �SLOVAKIA 55 ~ramek, did not share the views of the militant group, and remained loyal and faithful to the Masaryk-Benes orientation" - (p. 292). Please note well: The CZECHS, including "responsible political leaders of the Catholics, SUCH AS MSGR. DR. SRAMEK," scrapped the traditions of St. Wenceslaus for the policies of Hus and Comenius, "AS INTERPRETED BY PRESIDENT MASARYK"! What, then, does non-Catholic Spinka use as a yardstick for "responsible political leaders" of CZECH Catholics? • • • "Of those (CZECHS) who seceded from the Roman Church after the setting up of the Republic, the majority organized themselves into an anti-papal, nationalistic Czechoslovak Church. This body had its inception in the efforts of the "Unity of (CZECH) Catholic Clergy," which in 1919 undertook to wrest from the papal curia certain reforms which had been formulated two years earlier. . . . Seeing the hopelessness of the task of obtaining their demands, the (CZECH) leaders of the reformists decided upon the radical measure of setting up a new (CZECH) national church. At the convention of the (CZECH) reformist clergy held on January 8, 1920, the Czechoslovak Church was organized" - (p. 293). This paragraph and others following on the "Czechoslovak National Church" significantly lack the qualification "CZECH" for reasons best known to Mr. Spinka. The parenthetical inclusions here and below ( CZECH) are not Spinka's, but mine, to indicate clearly that the "Czechoslovak National Church" - which had the blessing of Masaryk and Benes and their socialistic followers was strictly a CZECH venture, nothing SLOVAK about it. • • • "The new (CZECH) Czechoslovak Church grew with astonishing rapidity. . . . The movement at first was (CZECH) Catholic, even though modernist and nationalist in character, but distinctly and bitterly anti-papal and anti-Roman. It was in no sense a Protestant body, and at first did not wish to be so considered, although in the course of time it joined the ranks of Protestant communions" (p. 294-295). • I • • "As for the cultural and religious life of the nation, despite its relative numerical inferiority, the Protestant element has played a role far beyond its strength in numbers. The president-liberator, Thomas G. Masaryk, had become early in life, a convert to Protestantism, and remained a member of the Czech Brethren Church to the end. A large number of other political leaders were and are �56 SLOVAKIA likewise members of one or another Protestant communion: Stefanik, the leader of the Slovaks during the struggle for independence; Premier Hodia, who served during the critical period in 1938; and Ivan Derer, who was minister of education in the Hodfa cabinet; in this group also are to be found ministers Slavik, Hurban, and Osusky all of whom are grouped about Dr. Eduard Benes in his struggle for the restoration of Czechoslovak independence" - (p. 300). If the "Protestant element" played "a role far beyond its strength in numbers" in a country that was predominantly Catholic (over 75 percent). there must have been some reason for it. The same element practically had a monopoly on political life. Masaryk, Spinka told us, was a member of the CZECH Brethren, while the Slovaks mentioned were Protestants, but he conveniently forgot to tell us just what Freemason Benes was. According to Spinka, Slovak Catholicism manifested itself in "violent" opposition, but he failed to mention the fact that the MasarykBenes Czechs, sworn enemies of the Roman Catholic Church, the faith of the vast majority of the population of CzechoSlovakia, were also "violent" in their opposition. In his blinded hatred for the Catholic population, especially the Slovaks, Benes, sold out Czecho-Slovakia to Hitler in 1938 and to Stalin in 1943. The Slovaks, as a nation, were opposed to the restoration of "Czechoslovak" independence, because it meant enslavement by the Marxist Czechs. It was thoughtful of Mr. Spinka to mention the fact that "the two outstanding CZECH philosophers, both pupils and disciples of Masaryk" also are Protestants: "Professor E. Ra.di, whose originality in the treatment of ideas has made him justly famous; and Professor Jan B. Kozak, the son of an outstanding minister and himself formerly a minister of the Czech Brethren Church, who was until recently the leading member of the philosophical faculty of the University of Prague. He is at present teaching at Oberlin College." Likewise that "among the theologians, none is more outstanding than Professor J. L. Hromadka, of the Jan Hus Theological Faculty, at present a member of the faculty of Princeton Theological Seminary.... " All these "outstanding CZECH philosophers" - pupils and disciples of Hus and Masaryk - are doing nicely, thank you, under the �57 SLOVAKIA Red Czech regime of Prague. Hromadka returned to Prague ten years ago to head the "Czechoslovak National Church; when the Czech Reds took over all power in February 1948, Hromadka and his Czech church voluntarily offered to co·Operate 100 percent! It would seem that the Czech "reformers" are continually reforming against Christianity! (Continued) • • • The History of Slovakia: By PHILIP A. HROBAK . CHAPTER THREE AFTER THE FALL OF GREAT MORAVIA There are no clear and reliable reports in historical sources to tell us when and under what circumstances Mojmir's country lost its independence. It is possible that the Slovak army, which clashed with the enemy so frequently, together with courageous Mojmir II, the last of the early Slovak rulers, perished in a final battle for the freedom of Slovakland. However, it is also possible that Mojmir IT, exhausted by constant warfare and without outside help in sight, did not venture into another war which he could not possibly win. Mojmir Il in his ten-year reign proved on more than one occasion that he was a sagacious ruler, and we can be certain that in those trying times he did what he deemed best for his country. From reliable sources we can learn only that in 906 A. D. Mojmir's country no longer was an independent state, because the Magyars marched through Slovakia in that year to aid the Slovanic Glomaches in their fight against the Saxons. Slovakia did not immediately fall prey to the Magyars who passed through it into neighboring countries on foraging expeditions. Slovakia only ceased to be an independent state. She no longer had her own ruler and could no longer defend herself, but she did not as yet belong under the rule of a foreign state. The German empire, exposed to the at- � 52 SLOVAKIA Kerner's "Czechoslovakia" (Cont'd.) IDSTORY OR PROPAGANDA? P.A. HROBAK "The Czechoslovak Declaration and the letter to Emperor Charles were published in the Saturday morning papers, October 19, 1918, the two appearing in many papers in parallel columns; the reply of President Wilson quoted above came on the Monday following. "It was still thought that American public opinion was not sufficiently informed; while the men mentioned above were trying to devise what to do next, the suggestion was made that, if a declaration were issued from Independence Hall in Philadelphia, it would make a striking impression on the American people. They immediately consulted the State Department and obtained its approval, provided Professor Masaryk took the leadership. The members of the Mid-European Union were immediately summoned on Saturday morning, the nineteenth, and a preliminary draft of a declaration was made. The following Wednesday, the Union met in Independence Hall and continued in session until Saturday noon, with Masaryk as chairman. The discussion, which was heated at times, was concentrated on controversies between the various groups. "Because of the prominence attained by Professor Masaryk through the Declaration on Saturday, the press gave the meeting much space, and minimized the often bitter discussion. Saturday noon a Declaration of Common Aims was read by Professor Masaryk in the courtyard back of Independence Hall. This Declaration was realJy the first statement leading to the Little Entente." It would be interesting, indeed, if a copy of Masaryk's "original" draft of the Declaration were available. It is significant, however, that many less valuable and important documents were preserved and recorded by T. G. Masaryk in their original forms. Masaryk made less of the Declaration than did Mr. Miller. Referring to it in his "SVETOVA REVOLUCE" (p. 364), Masaryk said: " ... the form was chosen in such a way as to remind Americans -of their own beautiful Declaration; ultimately its value was tactical . ... In the Declaration, I repudiated Charles' late attempt to promote an Austrian pseudo-federation and outlined the essential principles on which the Provisional Government was building the foundations of the new state. The first outline I gave to read to a group ~f my own friends (among them Brandeis and editor Bennet); an objective and formal criticism of it was undertaken by a small com- �SLOVAKIA 53 mittee, which made the final revision along formal and legal lines (Mr. Calffee, a remarkable expert and lawyer, was a member of it); this was a nice example of harmonious cooperation and, at the /same time, the first state act of great style, made under my direction. I delivered the Declaration to State Secretary Lansing so that I might insure agreement of the American Government beforehand; •lso so that even at the last moment before his reply to Austria I might remind Wilson of our stand." Who was right: Masaryk or Miller? Of course, they could both be right - each in his own way: the main thing was to sell Masaryk and Czecho-Slovakia to the American public, and especially to President Wilson and his advisers. Masaryk's draft of the "Czechoslovak Declaration of Independence," according to Mr. Miller, was scrapped - "the original typewritten copy was cut into more than a hundred pieces and pasted together in different order and then revised again and again" - but "great care was taken to keep all the meaning of the original"! And great care was taken to destroy Masaryk's original, of course! From all this it is obvious that Masaryk, despite arguments to the contrary notwithstanding, knew little about American democracy, which he wanted to exploit so that he might create his own special brand of "Czechoslovak" democracy. But why did Mr. Herbert Adolphus Miller, in the light of statements above, state categorically: "The Declaration of Independence, written by Masaryk, not only embodied his own philosophy but also reflected the past and foreshadowed a future of which his countrymen approved"? Are we to believe that is why Masaryk's version was scrapped and the committee's accepted?? CHAPTER XV - "The Religious Situation in Czechoslovakia" - by Matthew Spinka, B.D., Ph.D., "Associate Professor of Church History in the Chicago Theological Seminary and in the Divinity School of the University of Chicago; editor of Church History, published by the American Society of Church History, and the Society's Studies in Church History; author of: The Church and the Russian Revolution (1927); A History of Christianity in the Balkans (1933); Christianity Confronts Communism (1936-1938); Chronicle of John Malalas (1940); and numerous articles." Spinka's account, partial and notoriously biased against �SLOVAKIA 54 the Catholic Church, is not a true account of "the religious situation in Czecho-Slovakia." In it one finds, for the most part, the Protestant or "Hussite" version of the "progressive" CZECHS, which purposefully tends to falsify and confuse the true picture. In the entire 18 pages of the chapter, Slovakia and the Slovaks are limited to several sentences, which clearly indicate that the author was not interested in presenting a factual account. In reading this chapter, readers should bear this in mind, otherwise they may fall for a distorted and biased version of a situation that did not prevail even in the Czech lands, and so much the less in Slovakia. "Furthermore, there was likewise a considerable difference In the character of Slovak and Czech Catholicism, which manifested itself in the continuous and sometimes violent political opposition to the Czechs. This opposition was led chiefly by the priesthood, with the famous Msgr. Andrej Hlinka, the papal prothonotary and a member of the Czechoslovak Senate at their head. It is significant that the instrument of the violent rupture between Slovakia and Bohemia-Moravia which occurred in March, 1939, was a Roman Catholic priest, Dr. Tiso" - (p. 289). Indeed, it is significant, that Spinka conveniently forgot to back this statement with proof of the "violence" resorted to by the Slovaks. The tendency is only too obvious. The fact is that Msgr. Hlinka and Msgr. Tiso, were not the instruments of the "violent" rupture between Slovakia and Bohemia-Moravia in 1939. But even if we grant that they were, who was more responsible for the situation that obtained in Czecho-Slovakia in 1939 than the Benes Czechs? • • • "When the Pact of Munich delivered the CZECH nation into the hands of the Nazi regime of the Reich, unfortunately a faction within the Catholic Church thought it an opportune moment to further their program. This was a militant, aggressive group of Catholics, with Jaroslav Durych as one of their leaders, who once more identified their cause with the opposition to the democratic Masaryk orientation of CZECH culture. This noisy, denunciatory, fanatical faction tried to substitute the ultramontane policies symbolized in CZECH history by St. Vaclav for the liberal, Protestant-inspired poli• cies represented by the tradition of Jan Hus, and Jan Amos Comenius, AS REPRESENTED BY PRESIDENT MASARYK. But with the setting up of the "Protectorate" in March, 1939, the momentary flare-up of religious intolerance subsided. It should be stressed that the responsible political leaders of the Catholics, such as Msgr. Dr. �SLOVAKIA 55 ~ramek, did not share the views of the militant group, and remained loyal and faithful to the Masaryk-Benes orientation" - (p. 292). Please note well: The CZECHS, including "responsible political leaders of the Catholics, SUCH AS MSGR. DR. SRAMEK," scrapped the traditions of St. Wenceslaus for the policies of Hus and Comenius, "AS INTERPRETED BY PRESIDENT MASARYK"! What, then, does non-Catholic Spinka use as a yardstick for "responsible political leaders" of CZECH Catholics? • • • "Of those (CZECHS) who seceded from the Roman Church after the setting up of the Republic, the majority organized themselves into an anti-papal, nationalistic Czechoslovak Church. This body had its inception in the efforts of the "Unity of (CZECH) Catholic Clergy," which in 1919 undertook to wrest from the papal curia certain reforms which had been formulated two years earlier. . . . Seeing the hopelessness of the task of obtaining their demands, the (CZECH) leaders of the reformists decided upon the radical measure of setting up a new (CZECH) national church. At the convention of the (CZECH) reformist clergy held on January 8, 1920, the Czechoslovak Church was organized" - (p. 293). This paragraph and others following on the "Czechoslovak National Church" significantly lack the qualification "CZECH" for reasons best known to Mr. Spinka. The parenthetical inclusions here and below ( CZECH) are not Spinka's, but mine, to indicate clearly that the "Czechoslovak National Church" - which had the blessing of Masaryk and Benes and their socialistic followers was strictly a CZECH venture, nothing SLOVAK about it. • • • "The new (CZECH) Czechoslovak Church grew with astonishing rapidity. . . . The movement at first was (CZECH) Catholic, even though modernist and nationalist in character, but distinctly and bitterly anti-papal and anti-Roman. It was in no sense a Protestant body, and at first did not wish to be so considered, although in the course of time it joined the ranks of Protestant communions" (p. 294-295). • I • • "As for the cultural and religious life of the nation, despite its relative numerical inferiority, the Protestant element has played a role far beyond its strength in numbers. The president-liberator, Thomas G. Masaryk, had become early in life, a convert to Protestantism, and remained a member of the Czech Brethren Church to the end. A large number of other political leaders were and are �56 SLOVAKIA likewise members of one or another Protestant communion: Stefanik, the leader of the Slovaks during the struggle for independence; Premier Hodia, who served during the critical period in 1938; and Ivan Derer, who was minister of education in the Hodfa cabinet; in this group also are to be found ministers Slavik, Hurban, and Osusky all of whom are grouped about Dr. Eduard Benes in his struggle for the restoration of Czechoslovak independence" - (p. 300). If the "Protestant element" played "a role far beyond its strength in numbers" in a country that was predominantly Catholic (over 75 percent). there must have been some reason for it. The same element practically had a monopoly on political life. Masaryk, Spinka told us, was a member of the CZECH Brethren, while the Slovaks mentioned were Protestants, but he conveniently forgot to tell us just what Freemason Benes was. According to Spinka, Slovak Catholicism manifested itself in "violent" opposition, but he failed to mention the fact that the MasarykBenes Czechs, sworn enemies of the Roman Catholic Church, the faith of the vast majority of the population of CzechoSlovakia, were also "violent" in their opposition. In his blinded hatred for the Catholic population, especially the Slovaks, Benes, sold out Czecho-Slovakia to Hitler in 1938 and to Stalin in 1943. The Slovaks, as a nation, were opposed to the restoration of "Czechoslovak" independence, because it meant enslavement by the Marxist Czechs. It was thoughtful of Mr. Spinka to mention the fact that "the two outstanding CZECH philosophers, both pupils and disciples of Masaryk" also are Protestants: "Professor E. Ra.di, whose originality in the treatment of ideas has made him justly famous; and Professor Jan B. Kozak, the son of an outstanding minister and himself formerly a minister of the Czech Brethren Church, who was until recently the leading member of the philosophical faculty of the University of Prague. He is at present teaching at Oberlin College." Likewise that "among the theologians, none is more outstanding than Professor J. L. Hromadka, of the Jan Hus Theological Faculty, at present a member of the faculty of Princeton Theological Seminary.... " All these "outstanding CZECH philosophers" - pupils and disciples of Hus and Masaryk - are doing nicely, thank you, under the �57 SLOVAKIA Red Czech regime of Prague. Hromadka returned to Prague ten years ago to head the "Czechoslovak National Church; when the Czech Reds took over all power in February 1948, Hromadka and his Czech church voluntarily offered to co·Operate 100 percent! It would seem that the Czech "reformers" are continually reforming against Christianity! (Continued) • • • The History of Slovakia: By PHILIP A. HROBAK . CHAPTER THREE AFTER THE FALL OF GREAT MORAVIA There are no clear and reliable reports in historical sources to tell us when and under what circumstances Mojmir's country lost its independence. It is possible that the Slovak army, which clashed with the enemy so frequently, together with courageous Mojmir II, the last of the early Slovak rulers, perished in a final battle for the freedom of Slovakland. However, it is also possible that Mojmir IT, exhausted by constant warfare and without outside help in sight, did not venture into another war which he could not possibly win. Mojmir Il in his ten-year reign proved on more than one occasion that he was a sagacious ruler, and we can be certain that in those trying times he did what he deemed best for his country. From reliable sources we can learn only that in 906 A. D. Mojmir's country no longer was an independent state, because the Magyars marched through Slovakia in that year to aid the Slovanic Glomaches in their fight against the Saxons. Slovakia did not immediately fall prey to the Magyars who passed through it into neighboring countries on foraging expeditions. Slovakia only ceased to be an independent state. She no longer had her own ruler and could no longer defend herself, but she did not as yet belong under the rule of a foreign state. The German empire, exposed to the at- � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1957, Vol. 7 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 22), March 1957.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 23), June 1957.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 24-25), September-December 1957.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1957 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 52 SLOVAKIA Kerner's "Czechoslovakia" (Cont'd.) IDSTORY OR PROPAGANDA? P.A. HROBAK "The Czechoslovak Declaration and the letter to Emperor Charles were published in the Saturday morning papers, October 19, 1918, the two appearing in many papers in parallel columns; the reply of President Wilson quoted above came on the Monday following. "It was still thought that American public opinion was not sufficiently informed; while the men mentioned above were trying to devise what to do next, the suggestion was made that, if a declaration were issued from Independence Hall in Philadelphia, it would make a striking impression on the American people. They immediately consulted the State Department and obtained its approval, provided Professor Masaryk took the leadership. The members of the Mid-European Union were immediately summoned on Saturday morning, the nineteenth, and a preliminary draft of a declaration was made. The following Wednesday, the Union met in Independence Hall and continued in session until Saturday noon, with Masaryk as chairman. The discussion, which was heated at times, was concentrated on controversies between the various groups. "Because of the prominence attained by Professor Masaryk through the Declaration on Saturday, the press gave the meeting much space, and minimized the often bitter discussion. Saturday noon a Declaration of Common Aims was read by Professor Masaryk in the courtyard back of Independence Hall. This Declaration was realJy the first statement leading to the Little Entente." It would be interesting, indeed, if a copy of Masaryk's "original" draft of the Declaration were available. It is significant, however, that many less valuable and important documents were preserved and recorded by T. G. Masaryk in their original forms. Masaryk made less of the Declaration than did Mr. Miller. Referring to it in his "SVETOVA REVOLUCE" (p. 364), Masaryk said: " ... the form was chosen in such a way as to remind Americans -of their own beautiful Declaration; ultimately its value was tactical . ... In the Declaration, I repudiated Charles' late attempt to promote an Austrian pseudo-federation and outlined the essential principles on which the Provisional Government was building the foundations of the new state. The first outline I gave to read to a group ~f my own friends (among them Brandeis and editor Bennet); an objective and formal criticism of it was undertaken by a small com- SLOVAKIA 53 mittee, which made the final revision along formal and legal lines (Mr. Calffee, a remarkable expert and lawyer, was a member of it); this was a nice example of harmonious cooperation and, at the /same time, the first state act of great style, made under my direction. I delivered the Declaration to State Secretary Lansing so that I might insure agreement of the American Government beforehand; •lso so that even at the last moment before his reply to Austria I might remind Wilson of our stand." Who was right: Masaryk or Miller? Of course, they could both be right - each in his own way: the main thing was to sell Masaryk and Czecho-Slovakia to the American public, and especially to President Wilson and his advisers. Masaryk's draft of the "Czechoslovak Declaration of Independence," according to Mr. Miller, was scrapped - "the original typewritten copy was cut into more than a hundred pieces and pasted together in different order and then revised again and again" - but "great care was taken to keep all the meaning of the original"! And great care was taken to destroy Masaryk's original, of course! From all this it is obvious that Masaryk, despite arguments to the contrary notwithstanding, knew little about American democracy, which he wanted to exploit so that he might create his own special brand of "Czechoslovak" democracy. But why did Mr. Herbert Adolphus Miller, in the light of statements above, state categorically: "The Declaration of Independence, written by Masaryk, not only embodied his own philosophy but also reflected the past and foreshadowed a future of which his countrymen approved"? Are we to believe that is why Masaryk's version was scrapped and the committee's accepted?? CHAPTER XV - "The Religious Situation in Czechoslovakia" - by Matthew Spinka, B.D., Ph.D., "Associate Professor of Church History in the Chicago Theological Seminary and in the Divinity School of the University of Chicago; editor of Church History, published by the American Society of Church History, and the Society's Studies in Church History; author of: The Church and the Russian Revolution (1927); A History of Christianity in the Balkans (1933); Christianity Confronts Communism (1936-1938); Chronicle of John Malalas (1940); and numerous articles." Spinka's account, partial and notoriously biased against SLOVAKIA 54 the Catholic Church, is not a true account of "the religious situation in Czecho-Slovakia." In it one finds, for the most part, the Protestant or "Hussite" version of the "progressive" CZECHS, which purposefully tends to falsify and confuse the true picture. In the entire 18 pages of the chapter, Slovakia and the Slovaks are limited to several sentences, which clearly indicate that the author was not interested in presenting a factual account. In reading this chapter, readers should bear this in mind, otherwise they may fall for a distorted and biased version of a situation that did not prevail even in the Czech lands, and so much the less in Slovakia. "Furthermore, there was likewise a considerable difference In the character of Slovak and Czech Catholicism, which manifested itself in the continuous and sometimes violent political opposition to the Czechs. This opposition was led chiefly by the priesthood, with the famous Msgr. Andrej Hlinka, the papal prothonotary and a member of the Czechoslovak Senate at their head. It is significant that the instrument of the violent rupture between Slovakia and Bohemia-Moravia which occurred in March, 1939, was a Roman Catholic priest, Dr. Tiso" - (p. 289). Indeed, it is significant, that Spinka conveniently forgot to back this statement with proof of the "violence" resorted to by the Slovaks. The tendency is only too obvious. The fact is that Msgr. Hlinka and Msgr. Tiso, were not the instruments of the "violent" rupture between Slovakia and Bohemia-Moravia in 1939. But even if we grant that they were, who was more responsible for the situation that obtained in Czecho-Slovakia in 1939 than the Benes Czechs? • • • "When the Pact of Munich delivered the CZECH nation into the hands of the Nazi regime of the Reich, unfortunately a faction within the Catholic Church thought it an opportune moment to further their program. This was a militant, aggressive group of Catholics, with Jaroslav Durych as one of their leaders, who once more identified their cause with the opposition to the democratic Masaryk orientation of CZECH culture. This noisy, denunciatory, fanatical faction tried to substitute the ultramontane policies symbolized in CZECH history by St. Vaclav for the liberal, Protestant-inspired poli• cies represented by the tradition of Jan Hus, and Jan Amos Comenius, AS REPRESENTED BY PRESIDENT MASARYK. But with the setting up of the "Protectorate" in March, 1939, the momentary flare-up of religious intolerance subsided. It should be stressed that the responsible political leaders of the Catholics, such as Msgr. Dr. SLOVAKIA 55 ~ramek, did not share the views of the militant group, and remained loyal and faithful to the Masaryk-Benes orientation" - (p. 292). Please note well: The CZECHS, including "responsible political leaders of the Catholics, SUCH AS MSGR. DR. SRAMEK," scrapped the traditions of St. Wenceslaus for the policies of Hus and Comenius, "AS INTERPRETED BY PRESIDENT MASARYK"! What, then, does non-Catholic Spinka use as a yardstick for "responsible political leaders" of CZECH Catholics? • • • "Of those (CZECHS) who seceded from the Roman Church after the setting up of the Republic, the majority organized themselves into an anti-papal, nationalistic Czechoslovak Church. This body had its inception in the efforts of the "Unity of (CZECH) Catholic Clergy," which in 1919 undertook to wrest from the papal curia certain reforms which had been formulated two years earlier. . . . Seeing the hopelessness of the task of obtaining their demands, the (CZECH) leaders of the reformists decided upon the radical measure of setting up a new (CZECH) national church. At the convention of the (CZECH) reformist clergy held on January 8, 1920, the Czechoslovak Church was organized" - (p. 293). This paragraph and others following on the "Czechoslovak National Church" significantly lack the qualification "CZECH" for reasons best known to Mr. Spinka. The parenthetical inclusions here and below ( CZECH) are not Spinka's, but mine, to indicate clearly that the "Czechoslovak National Church" - which had the blessing of Masaryk and Benes and their socialistic followers was strictly a CZECH venture, nothing SLOVAK about it. • • • "The new (CZECH) Czechoslovak Church grew with astonishing rapidity. . . . The movement at first was (CZECH) Catholic, even though modernist and nationalist in character, but distinctly and bitterly anti-papal and anti-Roman. It was in no sense a Protestant body, and at first did not wish to be so considered, although in the course of time it joined the ranks of Protestant communions" (p. 294-295). • I • • "As for the cultural and religious life of the nation, despite its relative numerical inferiority, the Protestant element has played a role far beyond its strength in numbers. The president-liberator, Thomas G. Masaryk, had become early in life, a convert to Protestantism, and remained a member of the Czech Brethren Church to the end. A large number of other political leaders were and are 56 SLOVAKIA likewise members of one or another Protestant communion: Stefanik, the leader of the Slovaks during the struggle for independence; Premier Hodia, who served during the critical period in 1938; and Ivan Derer, who was minister of education in the Hodfa cabinet; in this group also are to be found ministers Slavik, Hurban, and Osusky all of whom are grouped about Dr. Eduard Benes in his struggle for the restoration of Czechoslovak independence" - (p. 300). If the "Protestant element" played "a role far beyond its strength in numbers" in a country that was predominantly Catholic (over 75 percent). there must have been some reason for it. The same element practically had a monopoly on political life. Masaryk, Spinka told us, was a member of the CZECH Brethren, while the Slovaks mentioned were Protestants, but he conveniently forgot to tell us just what Freemason Benes was. According to Spinka, Slovak Catholicism manifested itself in "violent" opposition, but he failed to mention the fact that the MasarykBenes Czechs, sworn enemies of the Roman Catholic Church, the faith of the vast majority of the population of CzechoSlovakia, were also "violent" in their opposition. In his blinded hatred for the Catholic population, especially the Slovaks, Benes, sold out Czecho-Slovakia to Hitler in 1938 and to Stalin in 1943. The Slovaks, as a nation, were opposed to the restoration of "Czechoslovak" independence, because it meant enslavement by the Marxist Czechs. It was thoughtful of Mr. Spinka to mention the fact that "the two outstanding CZECH philosophers, both pupils and disciples of Masaryk" also are Protestants: "Professor E. Ra.di, whose originality in the treatment of ideas has made him justly famous; and Professor Jan B. Kozak, the son of an outstanding minister and himself formerly a minister of the Czech Brethren Church, who was until recently the leading member of the philosophical faculty of the University of Prague. He is at present teaching at Oberlin College." Likewise that "among the theologians, none is more outstanding than Professor J. L. Hromadka, of the Jan Hus Theological Faculty, at present a member of the faculty of Princeton Theological Seminary.... " All these "outstanding CZECH philosophers" - pupils and disciples of Hus and Masaryk - are doing nicely, thank you, under the 57 SLOVAKIA Red Czech regime of Prague. Hromadka returned to Prague ten years ago to head the "Czechoslovak National Church; when the Czech Reds took over all power in February 1948, Hromadka and his Czech church voluntarily offered to co·Operate 100 percent! It would seem that the Czech "reformers" are continually reforming against Christianity! (Continued) • • • The History of Slovakia: By PHILIP A. HROBAK . CHAPTER THREE AFTER THE FALL OF GREAT MORAVIA There are no clear and reliable reports in historical sources to tell us when and under what circumstances Mojmir's country lost its independence. It is possible that the Slovak army, which clashed with the enemy so frequently, together with courageous Mojmir II, the last of the early Slovak rulers, perished in a final battle for the freedom of Slovakland. However, it is also possible that Mojmir IT, exhausted by constant warfare and without outside help in sight, did not venture into another war which he could not possibly win. Mojmir Il in his ten-year reign proved on more than one occasion that he was a sagacious ruler, and we can be certain that in those trying times he did what he deemed best for his country. From reliable sources we can learn only that in 906 A. D. Mojmir's country no longer was an independent state, because the Magyars marched through Slovakia in that year to aid the Slovanic Glomaches in their fight against the Saxons. Slovakia did not immediately fall prey to the Magyars who passed through it into neighboring countries on foraging expeditions. Slovakia only ceased to be an independent state. She no longer had her own ruler and could no longer defend herself, but she did not as yet belong under the rule of a foreign state. The German empire, exposed to the at-  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Professor Kerner's "CZECHOSLOVAKIA": History or Propaganda? (7/8) Description An account of the resource P. A. Hrobak Slovakia, Vol. 7, No. 2 (23), June 1957 pp. 52-57 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Hrobak, Philip Anthony, 1904-1964 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource June 1957 Relation A related resource continued from <a href="/items/show/251">Vol. 7, No. 1 (22), pp. 59-64</a><br />continues in <a href="/items/show/231">Vol. 7, No. 3-4 (24-25), pp. 69-83</a> LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/2ec1d8d8e06dc222f3bc60fea84e770e.pdf c4d0ffaba97ff359ac0b327c65bede8a PDF Text Text 57 SLOVAKIA Red Czech regime of Prague. Hromadka returned to Prague ten years ago to head the "Czechoslovak National Church; when the Czech Reds took over all power in February 1948, Hromadka and his Czech church voluntarily offered to co·Operate 100 percent! It would seem that the Czech "reformers" are continually reforming against Christianity! (Continued) • • • The History of Slovakia: By PHILIP A. HROBAK . CHAPTER THREE AFTER THE FALL OF GREAT MORAVIA There are no clear and reliable reports in historical sources to tell us when and under what circumstances Mojmir's country lost its independence. It is possible that the Slovak army, which clashed with the enemy so frequently, together with courageous Mojmir II, the last of the early Slovak rulers, perished in a final battle for the freedom of Slovakland. However, it is also possible that Mojmir IT, exhausted by constant warfare and without outside help in sight, did not venture into another war which he could not possibly win. Mojmir Il in his ten-year reign proved on more than one occasion that he was a sagacious ruler, and we can be certain that in those trying times he did what he deemed best for his country. From reliable sources we can learn only that in 906 A. D. Mojmir's country no longer was an independent state, because the Magyars marched through Slovakia in that year to aid the Slovanic Glomaches in their fight against the Saxons. Slovakia did not immediately fall prey to the Magyars who passed through it into neighboring countries on foraging expeditions. Slovakia only ceased to be an independent state. She no longer had her own ruler and could no longer defend herself, but she did not as yet belong under the rule of a foreign state. The German empire, exposed to the at- �58 SLOVAKIA tacks of Magyar hordes, could not take possesion of Slovakia, and the nomadic Magyars did not establish any kind of state for quite some time. The Slovaks, then, lost their state, but did not lose or abandon the country which they already had occupied for several centuries and, therefore, regarded it as their own homeland. The Slovaks retreated gradually from the open valleys near the Danube and the Tisa rivers to the North and settled in the hilly areas of Slovakia where they were relatively safe. Slovak geographical names along the banks of the Danube and 'l'isa show how far the land of the Slovaks extended in the tenth century. Despite all the calamities that befell Slovakia, her people preserved itself on her soil. At the foot of mountains, in the extensive valleys and deep gorges of Slovakland, that people safeguard€d its language, its time-honored customs and its Slovanic nature. The people of Slovakia did not mingle with other nations and, therefore, did not succumb to foreign influences. At the beginning of the tenth century, when the Slovak nation lost its political independence, Slovakia had behind it a full century of cultural development which began during the reign of Prince Pribina. Christian culture, which came to the Slovaks from Bavarian Passau (Pasov), Regensburg (Rezno), and Salzburg (Sol'nohrad) and met with the Christian culture of Byzantium, sank such deep roots in Slovakia that it sprea:d from the Slovaks, with the help of Slovak princes and priests, even to the neighboring nations. And this Christian culture outlived the fall of Great Moravia, became the permanent heritage of the Slovak nation, and gave the Slovaks a cultural and moral precedence over their eastern conquerors. With this heritage the Slovak nation placed itself firmly and for all time among the cultured nations of Europe. Even at the height of Magyar aggression, the ecclesiactical organization of Slovakland did not vanish completely. Nitra continued to be the center of religious life .Jt is possible that even after Wiching's death the bishopric was preserved in Nitra, and it is probable that even the Zobor monastery, in which, according to legend, King Sva- �SLOVAKIA 59 topluk died, survived all storms and was the center of Christian culture in the tenth century. The rulers of Great Moravia established in Slovakia a good state organization along western lines. The whole country was divided into smaller districts, called counties ("zupy" or "stolice"), which were governed by commissioners ("zupani"), who resided in castles or citadels ("hrady"). Some of these counties constituted a geographical unit with natural boundries and undoubtedly originated from territories of tribal ,principalities. These counties retained their .significance even after the fall of Great Moravia. The most ancient Slovak castles or citadels, which served as places of refuge for inhabitants of the respective counties, date from this period. The Slovaks had been farmers and husbandmen for several centuries and, therefore, knew how to till the soil and raise livestock. Besides the old . Slovanic art, which they brought from their old home beyond, the Carpathian Mountains, they lean1ed new trades from their neighbors, as is attested to by relics found in old Slovak castles and graves. The people of Slovakia did business with their neighbors; foreign merchants frequently came into Slovakia, bringing with them various commodities, and established places of business beneath the walls of Slovak citadels where marketplaces sprang up in the ninth and tenth centuries. The Slovak nation, therefore, possessed all the prerequisites to live in its own country even without a state of its own. SLOVAKIA ANN E XED BY HU N GA R Y Two states originated in the tenth century on the territory which once belonged under the rule of King Svatopluk: the Czech State in the west, and the Hungarian State in the east. These states, heirs to Great Moravia, developed gradually over the years. About fifteen various Czech tribes inhabited the territory known as Bohemia, which were being united under the rule of the princes of the Pfemysl clan. Prague became the main stronghold of Bohemia in the tenth century. The Pfemysl rulers broke with the Moravian kingdom soon after Svatopluk's death, recognized the supremacy of the �60 SLOVAKIA German empire, accepted Christianity, and began to build a united state on both banks of the Vltava river. Eventually the Czech nation evolved from the union of these tribes in the land of the Boii, Bohemia. One of the outstanding rulers of early Bohemia was Saint Wenceslaus (920-929 A.D.), who concerned himself with consolidating Christianity and living in peace with the Germans to spare his country and nation from a catastrophe that would have resulted from a war with them. Wenceslaus' friendly attitude with the Germans made his. brother Boleslav furious. His plan to put Wenceslaus out of the way was successful, and Boleslav took 9ver the reigns of government after Wenceslaus' murder. But even Boleslav had to yield to the Germans and pay them annual tribute. Succeeding Czech rulers also recognized their dependency on the German empire and helped the German emperors in their frequent wars with their neighbors. The Czech ruler Borivoj was baptized by St. Methodius during King Svatopluk's reign. When St. Methodius died, many of the Slovanic priests persecuted by Svatopluk escaped from Great Moravia into Bohemia. Thus it happened that the Slovanic liturgy was spread throughout Bohemia where it was used along with the Latin liturgy in the tenth century. Among the Slovanic priests who spread Christianity in Bohemia were also a number of Slovaks. It is very likely that Gorazd, successor to St. Methodius, lived in Bohemia and continued in the work which he was forced to abandon in Slovakia. Thus it was that the young Czech state became heir to the territory and the Christian culture of Great Moravia. In the second half of the tenth century the Czech rulers succeeded in uniting all the Czech tribes to build up a comparatively strong state, which--even though dependent on the German empire-made its own expeditions into neighboring countries and extended its boundaries eastward. In 973 A. D. a bishopric was established in Prague, which helped to unify and strenghten the Czech state. But the Hungarian state - which in the later half of the tenth century gradually developed on the territories once ruled by Prince Pribina and his son Kocel (Transda- �SLO\'AK!A 61 nubia)-also became partial heir to Svatopluk's empire and the Christian culture of Great Moravia. The new state inherited not only the lands once governed by the Slovak rulers, but also the culture which had been developed in those lands during the reign of Slovak rulers. The builders of this new state became the Magyars who settled in the fertile Transdanubian territory of Pannonia at the close of the ninth century, after the wild Huns and the bellicose Avars had abandoned the territory. The Magyars were of Turkish-Tartar (Mongolian) origin. Their ancient homeland was somewhere in southern Russia, north of the Black Sea. Like other nations of those times, the Magyars, too, were divided into several tribes until Arpad united them. Because they were exposed to frequent attacks of wild nomadic tribes, the Magyar tribes near the Black Sea began to migrate westward. Under Arpad's leadership they crossed the Carpathian Mountains and, during Svatopluk's reign in Great Moravia, conquered Pannonia, whence they menaced all neighboring nations. The Magyars fought on the side of the Germans against Svatopluk and Mojmir II and, therefore, contributed to the downfall of the Great Moravian Empire at the opening of the tenth century. Nomadic and bellicose in their habits, the Magyars spent most of their lives in the saddle. They were renowned horsemen who specialized in surprise raids on their neighbors. Their swift cavalry units pierced far into foreign lands, swooped down upon rich towns and monasteries to raid them and then, laden with spoils, returned to their encampments. They destroyed whatever they could not haul away. Like all nomads they avoided hard work, spent their time in roisterous living, ate raw meat, drank soured mare's milk, shaved most of their heads and braided the rest of their hair into queues. The Magyars were exceptionally bold and cruel. Their depredatory expeditions took them into the Balkan states, Italy and France, but they looted Germany more often than any other European country. The Magyars suffered a serious setback in 955, when King Otto crushed their forces near Augsburg. Otto's army �62 SLOVAKIA also had a well equipped Czech division. Most of the Magyar invaders perished in battle, but many drowned in the river Lech. After this catastrophe, the Magyars abandoned their predatory expeditions and changed their manner of living. To save themselves they had to settle down and live in peace with the nE:ighbors. In time the adventurous warriors became shepherds and farmers who learned to till the soil from their Slovanic neighbors. Bavarian missionaries came to the Magyars to instruct them in the Christian faith with which they already had become acquainted through their Slovanic neighbors. At the same time missionaries came also from the East so that the currents of western and eastern culture met on the territory of the rising state of Hungary. But Christianity took hold with difficulty among th Magyars who, by their very nature, did not know how to orientate themselves ot Christian teaching. At the close of the tenth century, St. Adalbert, Bishop of Prague, came to Hungary and labored vlith his band of missionaries to convert the Magyars to Christianity. At that time Hungary was ruled by Geza (972-997), who was building a new state in the territory of Pribina's and Kocel's principality. Geza already was a Christian, but still followed many pagan customs. His son Vajk took the name of Stephen at baptism and very zealously continued in the work of consolidating Christianity and building the Hungarian State. The nucleus of the political organization of the Hungarian State was Pannonia, the country which already during the reign of the Slovak princes in the ninth century had played a prominent role in the political and cultural history of central Europe. Slovakia, however, became the nucleus of the ecclesiastical organization of Hungary. It was the same Slovakia which already from the times of Pribina was a Christian country, the land which already during the reign of King Svatopluk had its own bishop and which, at the beginning of the 11th century, became the territory of the first and most significant Hungarian archbishopric, that of Ostrihom (Esztergom). The greater part of the territory, inhabited from time �SLOVAKIA 63 immemorial by the Slovaks, lying east of the Moravia river and north of the Danube, namely, Slovakia, became a part of the Hungarian state sometime at the end of the tenth .and the beginning of the eleventh century. But the western part of the Slovak land, which extended along the central flow of the Moravian river - from which it received its name Moravia (Morava)- seceded from Slovakia during those turbulant times. After losing its independence and a part of its territory, the Slovak nation, pressed on all sides by its stronger neighbors, did not have sufficient space to increase numerically and use all its energy to contribute to the building of its own life. Under such conditions the Slovaks remained a small nation, but even as such, they did not perish amidst the turbulant currents of history which swept over their country for long centuries. Into the new state, which was to be the home of the Slovak people for almost a thousand years, the Slovaks brought everything they had inherited from the times of their state independence. First of all, they excelled over the rest of the nations living in Hungary with their Christian culture. As has been frequently demonstrated in history, so even in this case it was proven tha.t a nation's culture is far more important than its numerical strength and military might. Slovakia, with the remnants of her ecclesiastical organization and state administration from the times of her political independence, preserved her individual status even in the new state of Hungary. After Slovakland was annexed to Hungary, it played a significant role in the building of the new state. This role was especially useful during the formation of international relations between Hungary and the German Empire, Bohemia and Poland, and in the building of internal relationships within the Hungarian state as well. When Hungary was on friendly terms with her western and northern neighbors, Slovakia served as a bridge for making friendly contacts. However, when Hungary was at odds with her neighbors, Slovakia became the battlefield on which issues were settled. The armies of the German Emperor, who wanted to establish his rule over Hun- �64 SLOVAKIA gary, the Czech armies which helped the German Emperor, and the army of the Polish king who became unfriendly with the Hungarian ruler, often tore into Slovakia, devastated the land and killed its people. At the very beginning of the 11th century, St. Stephen of Hungary quarreled with the mighty Polish ruler, Boleslaw the Brave (Chrabry). Polish troops invaded Hungary and occupied the whole of Slovakia as far as the Danube. The Polish occupation of Slovakia, however, was shortlived, because Boleslaw had other wars on his hands at that time and, therefore, was glad to give up Slovakia and conclude a peace pact with King St. Stephen. St. Stephen was an outstanding ruler ; he vanquished his enemies and, by propagating Christianity, fought against the paganism which still prevailed among the Magyars. He founded several Episcopal Sees and monasteries in order to strengthen the unity of the Hungarian State with the aid of ecclesiastical organizations. But pagan chieftains in the southern and eastern regions of his domain revolted against the zealous Christian king. During these crises Stephen found aid and succor in Slovakia. The Slovak magnates Hunt and Poznan gave the King military aid against the pagan rebels and helped to safeguard the integrity of the Hungarian State and Christianity in the Danube basin. Stephen, aware of the fact that various nations inhabited the territory of the Hungarian State, wanted each nation to regard Hungary as its homeland. He trained his son and successor Emery accordingly, that he, too, might rule wisely and justly all the nations of his kingdom. To St. Stephen is ascribed the dictum: A state with only one language is weak. (To be continued) • • • WHO SAID IT? "Some pussy-footing ostriches criticirze the treaty between Soviet Russia aind Ozeohoslovakia. Our close collaboration with the Soviet Union needs no explanation. We do not want anything from the Russia,ns e~cept protection frOiID the Germruns, and the Russians want nothlrng whatsoever from us." - (Jan Masaryk, BUSINESS WEEK, May 13, 1944). � 57 SLOVAKIA Red Czech regime of Prague. Hromadka returned to Prague ten years ago to head the "Czechoslovak National Church; when the Czech Reds took over all power in February 1948, Hromadka and his Czech church voluntarily offered to co·Operate 100 percent! It would seem that the Czech "reformers" are continually reforming against Christianity! (Continued) • • • The History of Slovakia: By PHILIP A. HROBAK . CHAPTER THREE AFTER THE FALL OF GREAT MORAVIA There are no clear and reliable reports in historical sources to tell us when and under what circumstances Mojmir's country lost its independence. It is possible that the Slovak army, which clashed with the enemy so frequently, together with courageous Mojmir II, the last of the early Slovak rulers, perished in a final battle for the freedom of Slovakland. However, it is also possible that Mojmir IT, exhausted by constant warfare and without outside help in sight, did not venture into another war which he could not possibly win. Mojmir Il in his ten-year reign proved on more than one occasion that he was a sagacious ruler, and we can be certain that in those trying times he did what he deemed best for his country. From reliable sources we can learn only that in 906 A. D. Mojmir's country no longer was an independent state, because the Magyars marched through Slovakia in that year to aid the Slovanic Glomaches in their fight against the Saxons. Slovakia did not immediately fall prey to the Magyars who passed through it into neighboring countries on foraging expeditions. Slovakia only ceased to be an independent state. She no longer had her own ruler and could no longer defend herself, but she did not as yet belong under the rule of a foreign state. The German empire, exposed to the at- �58 SLOVAKIA tacks of Magyar hordes, could not take possesion of Slovakia, and the nomadic Magyars did not establish any kind of state for quite some time. The Slovaks, then, lost their state, but did not lose or abandon the country which they already had occupied for several centuries and, therefore, regarded it as their own homeland. The Slovaks retreated gradually from the open valleys near the Danube and the Tisa rivers to the North and settled in the hilly areas of Slovakia where they were relatively safe. Slovak geographical names along the banks of the Danube and 'l'isa show how far the land of the Slovaks extended in the tenth century. Despite all the calamities that befell Slovakia, her people preserved itself on her soil. At the foot of mountains, in the extensive valleys and deep gorges of Slovakland, that people safeguard€d its language, its time-honored customs and its Slovanic nature. The people of Slovakia did not mingle with other nations and, therefore, did not succumb to foreign influences. At the beginning of the tenth century, when the Slovak nation lost its political independence, Slovakia had behind it a full century of cultural development which began during the reign of Prince Pribina. Christian culture, which came to the Slovaks from Bavarian Passau (Pasov), Regensburg (Rezno), and Salzburg (Sol'nohrad) and met with the Christian culture of Byzantium, sank such deep roots in Slovakia that it sprea:d from the Slovaks, with the help of Slovak princes and priests, even to the neighboring nations. And this Christian culture outlived the fall of Great Moravia, became the permanent heritage of the Slovak nation, and gave the Slovaks a cultural and moral precedence over their eastern conquerors. With this heritage the Slovak nation placed itself firmly and for all time among the cultured nations of Europe. Even at the height of Magyar aggression, the ecclesiactical organization of Slovakland did not vanish completely. Nitra continued to be the center of religious life .Jt is possible that even after Wiching's death the bishopric was preserved in Nitra, and it is probable that even the Zobor monastery, in which, according to legend, King Sva- �SLOVAKIA 59 topluk died, survived all storms and was the center of Christian culture in the tenth century. The rulers of Great Moravia established in Slovakia a good state organization along western lines. The whole country was divided into smaller districts, called counties ("zupy" or "stolice"), which were governed by commissioners ("zupani"), who resided in castles or citadels ("hrady"). Some of these counties constituted a geographical unit with natural boundries and undoubtedly originated from territories of tribal ,principalities. These counties retained their .significance even after the fall of Great Moravia. The most ancient Slovak castles or citadels, which served as places of refuge for inhabitants of the respective counties, date from this period. The Slovaks had been farmers and husbandmen for several centuries and, therefore, knew how to till the soil and raise livestock. Besides the old . Slovanic art, which they brought from their old home beyond, the Carpathian Mountains, they lean1ed new trades from their neighbors, as is attested to by relics found in old Slovak castles and graves. The people of Slovakia did business with their neighbors; foreign merchants frequently came into Slovakia, bringing with them various commodities, and established places of business beneath the walls of Slovak citadels where marketplaces sprang up in the ninth and tenth centuries. The Slovak nation, therefore, possessed all the prerequisites to live in its own country even without a state of its own. SLOVAKIA ANN E XED BY HU N GA R Y Two states originated in the tenth century on the territory which once belonged under the rule of King Svatopluk: the Czech State in the west, and the Hungarian State in the east. These states, heirs to Great Moravia, developed gradually over the years. About fifteen various Czech tribes inhabited the territory known as Bohemia, which were being united under the rule of the princes of the Pfemysl clan. Prague became the main stronghold of Bohemia in the tenth century. The Pfemysl rulers broke with the Moravian kingdom soon after Svatopluk's death, recognized the supremacy of the �60 SLOVAKIA German empire, accepted Christianity, and began to build a united state on both banks of the Vltava river. Eventually the Czech nation evolved from the union of these tribes in the land of the Boii, Bohemia. One of the outstanding rulers of early Bohemia was Saint Wenceslaus (920-929 A.D.), who concerned himself with consolidating Christianity and living in peace with the Germans to spare his country and nation from a catastrophe that would have resulted from a war with them. Wenceslaus' friendly attitude with the Germans made his. brother Boleslav furious. His plan to put Wenceslaus out of the way was successful, and Boleslav took 9ver the reigns of government after Wenceslaus' murder. But even Boleslav had to yield to the Germans and pay them annual tribute. Succeeding Czech rulers also recognized their dependency on the German empire and helped the German emperors in their frequent wars with their neighbors. The Czech ruler Borivoj was baptized by St. Methodius during King Svatopluk's reign. When St. Methodius died, many of the Slovanic priests persecuted by Svatopluk escaped from Great Moravia into Bohemia. Thus it happened that the Slovanic liturgy was spread throughout Bohemia where it was used along with the Latin liturgy in the tenth century. Among the Slovanic priests who spread Christianity in Bohemia were also a number of Slovaks. It is very likely that Gorazd, successor to St. Methodius, lived in Bohemia and continued in the work which he was forced to abandon in Slovakia. Thus it was that the young Czech state became heir to the territory and the Christian culture of Great Moravia. In the second half of the tenth century the Czech rulers succeeded in uniting all the Czech tribes to build up a comparatively strong state, which--even though dependent on the German empire-made its own expeditions into neighboring countries and extended its boundaries eastward. In 973 A. D. a bishopric was established in Prague, which helped to unify and strenghten the Czech state. But the Hungarian state - which in the later half of the tenth century gradually developed on the territories once ruled by Prince Pribina and his son Kocel (Transda- �SLO\'AK!A 61 nubia)-also became partial heir to Svatopluk's empire and the Christian culture of Great Moravia. The new state inherited not only the lands once governed by the Slovak rulers, but also the culture which had been developed in those lands during the reign of Slovak rulers. The builders of this new state became the Magyars who settled in the fertile Transdanubian territory of Pannonia at the close of the ninth century, after the wild Huns and the bellicose Avars had abandoned the territory. The Magyars were of Turkish-Tartar (Mongolian) origin. Their ancient homeland was somewhere in southern Russia, north of the Black Sea. Like other nations of those times, the Magyars, too, were divided into several tribes until Arpad united them. Because they were exposed to frequent attacks of wild nomadic tribes, the Magyar tribes near the Black Sea began to migrate westward. Under Arpad's leadership they crossed the Carpathian Mountains and, during Svatopluk's reign in Great Moravia, conquered Pannonia, whence they menaced all neighboring nations. The Magyars fought on the side of the Germans against Svatopluk and Mojmir II and, therefore, contributed to the downfall of the Great Moravian Empire at the opening of the tenth century. Nomadic and bellicose in their habits, the Magyars spent most of their lives in the saddle. They were renowned horsemen who specialized in surprise raids on their neighbors. Their swift cavalry units pierced far into foreign lands, swooped down upon rich towns and monasteries to raid them and then, laden with spoils, returned to their encampments. They destroyed whatever they could not haul away. Like all nomads they avoided hard work, spent their time in roisterous living, ate raw meat, drank soured mare's milk, shaved most of their heads and braided the rest of their hair into queues. The Magyars were exceptionally bold and cruel. Their depredatory expeditions took them into the Balkan states, Italy and France, but they looted Germany more often than any other European country. The Magyars suffered a serious setback in 955, when King Otto crushed their forces near Augsburg. Otto's army �62 SLOVAKIA also had a well equipped Czech division. Most of the Magyar invaders perished in battle, but many drowned in the river Lech. After this catastrophe, the Magyars abandoned their predatory expeditions and changed their manner of living. To save themselves they had to settle down and live in peace with the nE:ighbors. In time the adventurous warriors became shepherds and farmers who learned to till the soil from their Slovanic neighbors. Bavarian missionaries came to the Magyars to instruct them in the Christian faith with which they already had become acquainted through their Slovanic neighbors. At the same time missionaries came also from the East so that the currents of western and eastern culture met on the territory of the rising state of Hungary. But Christianity took hold with difficulty among th Magyars who, by their very nature, did not know how to orientate themselves ot Christian teaching. At the close of the tenth century, St. Adalbert, Bishop of Prague, came to Hungary and labored vlith his band of missionaries to convert the Magyars to Christianity. At that time Hungary was ruled by Geza (972-997), who was building a new state in the territory of Pribina's and Kocel's principality. Geza already was a Christian, but still followed many pagan customs. His son Vajk took the name of Stephen at baptism and very zealously continued in the work of consolidating Christianity and building the Hungarian State. The nucleus of the political organization of the Hungarian State was Pannonia, the country which already during the reign of the Slovak princes in the ninth century had played a prominent role in the political and cultural history of central Europe. Slovakia, however, became the nucleus of the ecclesiastical organization of Hungary. It was the same Slovakia which already from the times of Pribina was a Christian country, the land which already during the reign of King Svatopluk had its own bishop and which, at the beginning of the 11th century, became the territory of the first and most significant Hungarian archbishopric, that of Ostrihom (Esztergom). The greater part of the territory, inhabited from time �SLOVAKIA 63 immemorial by the Slovaks, lying east of the Moravia river and north of the Danube, namely, Slovakia, became a part of the Hungarian state sometime at the end of the tenth .and the beginning of the eleventh century. But the western part of the Slovak land, which extended along the central flow of the Moravian river - from which it received its name Moravia (Morava)- seceded from Slovakia during those turbulant times. After losing its independence and a part of its territory, the Slovak nation, pressed on all sides by its stronger neighbors, did not have sufficient space to increase numerically and use all its energy to contribute to the building of its own life. Under such conditions the Slovaks remained a small nation, but even as such, they did not perish amidst the turbulant currents of history which swept over their country for long centuries. Into the new state, which was to be the home of the Slovak people for almost a thousand years, the Slovaks brought everything they had inherited from the times of their state independence. First of all, they excelled over the rest of the nations living in Hungary with their Christian culture. As has been frequently demonstrated in history, so even in this case it was proven tha.t a nation's culture is far more important than its numerical strength and military might. Slovakia, with the remnants of her ecclesiastical organization and state administration from the times of her political independence, preserved her individual status even in the new state of Hungary. After Slovakland was annexed to Hungary, it played a significant role in the building of the new state. This role was especially useful during the formation of international relations between Hungary and the German Empire, Bohemia and Poland, and in the building of internal relationships within the Hungarian state as well. When Hungary was on friendly terms with her western and northern neighbors, Slovakia served as a bridge for making friendly contacts. However, when Hungary was at odds with her neighbors, Slovakia became the battlefield on which issues were settled. The armies of the German Emperor, who wanted to establish his rule over Hun- �64 SLOVAKIA gary, the Czech armies which helped the German Emperor, and the army of the Polish king who became unfriendly with the Hungarian ruler, often tore into Slovakia, devastated the land and killed its people. At the very beginning of the 11th century, St. Stephen of Hungary quarreled with the mighty Polish ruler, Boleslaw the Brave (Chrabry). Polish troops invaded Hungary and occupied the whole of Slovakia as far as the Danube. The Polish occupation of Slovakia, however, was shortlived, because Boleslaw had other wars on his hands at that time and, therefore, was glad to give up Slovakia and conclude a peace pact with King St. Stephen. St. Stephen was an outstanding ruler ; he vanquished his enemies and, by propagating Christianity, fought against the paganism which still prevailed among the Magyars. He founded several Episcopal Sees and monasteries in order to strengthen the unity of the Hungarian State with the aid of ecclesiastical organizations. But pagan chieftains in the southern and eastern regions of his domain revolted against the zealous Christian king. During these crises Stephen found aid and succor in Slovakia. The Slovak magnates Hunt and Poznan gave the King military aid against the pagan rebels and helped to safeguard the integrity of the Hungarian State and Christianity in the Danube basin. Stephen, aware of the fact that various nations inhabited the territory of the Hungarian State, wanted each nation to regard Hungary as its homeland. He trained his son and successor Emery accordingly, that he, too, might rule wisely and justly all the nations of his kingdom. To St. Stephen is ascribed the dictum: A state with only one language is weak. (To be continued) • • • WHO SAID IT? "Some pussy-footing ostriches criticirze the treaty between Soviet Russia aind Ozeohoslovakia. Our close collaboration with the Soviet Union needs no explanation. We do not want anything from the Russia,ns e~cept protection frOiID the Germruns, and the Russians want nothlrng whatsoever from us." - (Jan Masaryk, BUSINESS WEEK, May 13, 1944). � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1957, Vol. 7 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 22), March 1957.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 23), June 1957.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 24-25), September-December 1957.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1957 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 57 SLOVAKIA Red Czech regime of Prague. Hromadka returned to Prague ten years ago to head the "Czechoslovak National Church; when the Czech Reds took over all power in February 1948, Hromadka and his Czech church voluntarily offered to co·Operate 100 percent! It would seem that the Czech "reformers" are continually reforming against Christianity! (Continued) • • • The History of Slovakia: By PHILIP A. HROBAK . CHAPTER THREE AFTER THE FALL OF GREAT MORAVIA There are no clear and reliable reports in historical sources to tell us when and under what circumstances Mojmir's country lost its independence. It is possible that the Slovak army, which clashed with the enemy so frequently, together with courageous Mojmir II, the last of the early Slovak rulers, perished in a final battle for the freedom of Slovakland. However, it is also possible that Mojmir IT, exhausted by constant warfare and without outside help in sight, did not venture into another war which he could not possibly win. Mojmir Il in his ten-year reign proved on more than one occasion that he was a sagacious ruler, and we can be certain that in those trying times he did what he deemed best for his country. From reliable sources we can learn only that in 906 A. D. Mojmir's country no longer was an independent state, because the Magyars marched through Slovakia in that year to aid the Slovanic Glomaches in their fight against the Saxons. Slovakia did not immediately fall prey to the Magyars who passed through it into neighboring countries on foraging expeditions. Slovakia only ceased to be an independent state. She no longer had her own ruler and could no longer defend herself, but she did not as yet belong under the rule of a foreign state. The German empire, exposed to the at- 58 SLOVAKIA tacks of Magyar hordes, could not take possesion of Slovakia, and the nomadic Magyars did not establish any kind of state for quite some time. The Slovaks, then, lost their state, but did not lose or abandon the country which they already had occupied for several centuries and, therefore, regarded it as their own homeland. The Slovaks retreated gradually from the open valleys near the Danube and the Tisa rivers to the North and settled in the hilly areas of Slovakia where they were relatively safe. Slovak geographical names along the banks of the Danube and 'l'isa show how far the land of the Slovaks extended in the tenth century. Despite all the calamities that befell Slovakia, her people preserved itself on her soil. At the foot of mountains, in the extensive valleys and deep gorges of Slovakland, that people safeguard€d its language, its time-honored customs and its Slovanic nature. The people of Slovakia did not mingle with other nations and, therefore, did not succumb to foreign influences. At the beginning of the tenth century, when the Slovak nation lost its political independence, Slovakia had behind it a full century of cultural development which began during the reign of Prince Pribina. Christian culture, which came to the Slovaks from Bavarian Passau (Pasov), Regensburg (Rezno), and Salzburg (Sol'nohrad) and met with the Christian culture of Byzantium, sank such deep roots in Slovakia that it sprea:d from the Slovaks, with the help of Slovak princes and priests, even to the neighboring nations. And this Christian culture outlived the fall of Great Moravia, became the permanent heritage of the Slovak nation, and gave the Slovaks a cultural and moral precedence over their eastern conquerors. With this heritage the Slovak nation placed itself firmly and for all time among the cultured nations of Europe. Even at the height of Magyar aggression, the ecclesiactical organization of Slovakland did not vanish completely. Nitra continued to be the center of religious life .Jt is possible that even after Wiching's death the bishopric was preserved in Nitra, and it is probable that even the Zobor monastery, in which, according to legend, King Sva- SLOVAKIA 59 topluk died, survived all storms and was the center of Christian culture in the tenth century. The rulers of Great Moravia established in Slovakia a good state organization along western lines. The whole country was divided into smaller districts, called counties ("zupy" or "stolice"), which were governed by commissioners ("zupani"), who resided in castles or citadels ("hrady"). Some of these counties constituted a geographical unit with natural boundries and undoubtedly originated from territories of tribal ,principalities. These counties retained their .significance even after the fall of Great Moravia. The most ancient Slovak castles or citadels, which served as places of refuge for inhabitants of the respective counties, date from this period. The Slovaks had been farmers and husbandmen for several centuries and, therefore, knew how to till the soil and raise livestock. Besides the old . Slovanic art, which they brought from their old home beyond, the Carpathian Mountains, they lean1ed new trades from their neighbors, as is attested to by relics found in old Slovak castles and graves. The people of Slovakia did business with their neighbors; foreign merchants frequently came into Slovakia, bringing with them various commodities, and established places of business beneath the walls of Slovak citadels where marketplaces sprang up in the ninth and tenth centuries. The Slovak nation, therefore, possessed all the prerequisites to live in its own country even without a state of its own. SLOVAKIA ANN E XED BY HU N GA R Y Two states originated in the tenth century on the territory which once belonged under the rule of King Svatopluk: the Czech State in the west, and the Hungarian State in the east. These states, heirs to Great Moravia, developed gradually over the years. About fifteen various Czech tribes inhabited the territory known as Bohemia, which were being united under the rule of the princes of the Pfemysl clan. Prague became the main stronghold of Bohemia in the tenth century. The Pfemysl rulers broke with the Moravian kingdom soon after Svatopluk's death, recognized the supremacy of the 60 SLOVAKIA German empire, accepted Christianity, and began to build a united state on both banks of the Vltava river. Eventually the Czech nation evolved from the union of these tribes in the land of the Boii, Bohemia. One of the outstanding rulers of early Bohemia was Saint Wenceslaus (920-929 A.D.), who concerned himself with consolidating Christianity and living in peace with the Germans to spare his country and nation from a catastrophe that would have resulted from a war with them. Wenceslaus' friendly attitude with the Germans made his. brother Boleslav furious. His plan to put Wenceslaus out of the way was successful, and Boleslav took 9ver the reigns of government after Wenceslaus' murder. But even Boleslav had to yield to the Germans and pay them annual tribute. Succeeding Czech rulers also recognized their dependency on the German empire and helped the German emperors in their frequent wars with their neighbors. The Czech ruler Borivoj was baptized by St. Methodius during King Svatopluk's reign. When St. Methodius died, many of the Slovanic priests persecuted by Svatopluk escaped from Great Moravia into Bohemia. Thus it happened that the Slovanic liturgy was spread throughout Bohemia where it was used along with the Latin liturgy in the tenth century. Among the Slovanic priests who spread Christianity in Bohemia were also a number of Slovaks. It is very likely that Gorazd, successor to St. Methodius, lived in Bohemia and continued in the work which he was forced to abandon in Slovakia. Thus it was that the young Czech state became heir to the territory and the Christian culture of Great Moravia. In the second half of the tenth century the Czech rulers succeeded in uniting all the Czech tribes to build up a comparatively strong state, which--even though dependent on the German empire-made its own expeditions into neighboring countries and extended its boundaries eastward. In 973 A. D. a bishopric was established in Prague, which helped to unify and strenghten the Czech state. But the Hungarian state - which in the later half of the tenth century gradually developed on the territories once ruled by Prince Pribina and his son Kocel (Transda- SLO\'AK!A 61 nubia)-also became partial heir to Svatopluk's empire and the Christian culture of Great Moravia. The new state inherited not only the lands once governed by the Slovak rulers, but also the culture which had been developed in those lands during the reign of Slovak rulers. The builders of this new state became the Magyars who settled in the fertile Transdanubian territory of Pannonia at the close of the ninth century, after the wild Huns and the bellicose Avars had abandoned the territory. The Magyars were of Turkish-Tartar (Mongolian) origin. Their ancient homeland was somewhere in southern Russia, north of the Black Sea. Like other nations of those times, the Magyars, too, were divided into several tribes until Arpad united them. Because they were exposed to frequent attacks of wild nomadic tribes, the Magyar tribes near the Black Sea began to migrate westward. Under Arpad's leadership they crossed the Carpathian Mountains and, during Svatopluk's reign in Great Moravia, conquered Pannonia, whence they menaced all neighboring nations. The Magyars fought on the side of the Germans against Svatopluk and Mojmir II and, therefore, contributed to the downfall of the Great Moravian Empire at the opening of the tenth century. Nomadic and bellicose in their habits, the Magyars spent most of their lives in the saddle. They were renowned horsemen who specialized in surprise raids on their neighbors. Their swift cavalry units pierced far into foreign lands, swooped down upon rich towns and monasteries to raid them and then, laden with spoils, returned to their encampments. They destroyed whatever they could not haul away. Like all nomads they avoided hard work, spent their time in roisterous living, ate raw meat, drank soured mare's milk, shaved most of their heads and braided the rest of their hair into queues. The Magyars were exceptionally bold and cruel. Their depredatory expeditions took them into the Balkan states, Italy and France, but they looted Germany more often than any other European country. The Magyars suffered a serious setback in 955, when King Otto crushed their forces near Augsburg. Otto's army 62 SLOVAKIA also had a well equipped Czech division. Most of the Magyar invaders perished in battle, but many drowned in the river Lech. After this catastrophe, the Magyars abandoned their predatory expeditions and changed their manner of living. To save themselves they had to settle down and live in peace with the nE:ighbors. In time the adventurous warriors became shepherds and farmers who learned to till the soil from their Slovanic neighbors. Bavarian missionaries came to the Magyars to instruct them in the Christian faith with which they already had become acquainted through their Slovanic neighbors. At the same time missionaries came also from the East so that the currents of western and eastern culture met on the territory of the rising state of Hungary. But Christianity took hold with difficulty among th Magyars who, by their very nature, did not know how to orientate themselves ot Christian teaching. At the close of the tenth century, St. Adalbert, Bishop of Prague, came to Hungary and labored vlith his band of missionaries to convert the Magyars to Christianity. At that time Hungary was ruled by Geza (972-997), who was building a new state in the territory of Pribina's and Kocel's principality. Geza already was a Christian, but still followed many pagan customs. His son Vajk took the name of Stephen at baptism and very zealously continued in the work of consolidating Christianity and building the Hungarian State. The nucleus of the political organization of the Hungarian State was Pannonia, the country which already during the reign of the Slovak princes in the ninth century had played a prominent role in the political and cultural history of central Europe. Slovakia, however, became the nucleus of the ecclesiastical organization of Hungary. It was the same Slovakia which already from the times of Pribina was a Christian country, the land which already during the reign of King Svatopluk had its own bishop and which, at the beginning of the 11th century, became the territory of the first and most significant Hungarian archbishopric, that of Ostrihom (Esztergom). The greater part of the territory, inhabited from time SLOVAKIA 63 immemorial by the Slovaks, lying east of the Moravia river and north of the Danube, namely, Slovakia, became a part of the Hungarian state sometime at the end of the tenth .and the beginning of the eleventh century. But the western part of the Slovak land, which extended along the central flow of the Moravian river - from which it received its name Moravia (Morava)- seceded from Slovakia during those turbulant times. After losing its independence and a part of its territory, the Slovak nation, pressed on all sides by its stronger neighbors, did not have sufficient space to increase numerically and use all its energy to contribute to the building of its own life. Under such conditions the Slovaks remained a small nation, but even as such, they did not perish amidst the turbulant currents of history which swept over their country for long centuries. Into the new state, which was to be the home of the Slovak people for almost a thousand years, the Slovaks brought everything they had inherited from the times of their state independence. First of all, they excelled over the rest of the nations living in Hungary with their Christian culture. As has been frequently demonstrated in history, so even in this case it was proven tha.t a nation's culture is far more important than its numerical strength and military might. Slovakia, with the remnants of her ecclesiastical organization and state administration from the times of her political independence, preserved her individual status even in the new state of Hungary. After Slovakland was annexed to Hungary, it played a significant role in the building of the new state. This role was especially useful during the formation of international relations between Hungary and the German Empire, Bohemia and Poland, and in the building of internal relationships within the Hungarian state as well. When Hungary was on friendly terms with her western and northern neighbors, Slovakia served as a bridge for making friendly contacts. However, when Hungary was at odds with her neighbors, Slovakia became the battlefield on which issues were settled. The armies of the German Emperor, who wanted to establish his rule over Hun- 64 SLOVAKIA gary, the Czech armies which helped the German Emperor, and the army of the Polish king who became unfriendly with the Hungarian ruler, often tore into Slovakia, devastated the land and killed its people. At the very beginning of the 11th century, St. Stephen of Hungary quarreled with the mighty Polish ruler, Boleslaw the Brave (Chrabry). Polish troops invaded Hungary and occupied the whole of Slovakia as far as the Danube. The Polish occupation of Slovakia, however, was shortlived, because Boleslaw had other wars on his hands at that time and, therefore, was glad to give up Slovakia and conclude a peace pact with King St. Stephen. St. Stephen was an outstanding ruler ; he vanquished his enemies and, by propagating Christianity, fought against the paganism which still prevailed among the Magyars. He founded several Episcopal Sees and monasteries in order to strengthen the unity of the Hungarian State with the aid of ecclesiastical organizations. But pagan chieftains in the southern and eastern regions of his domain revolted against the zealous Christian king. During these crises Stephen found aid and succor in Slovakia. The Slovak magnates Hunt and Poznan gave the King military aid against the pagan rebels and helped to safeguard the integrity of the Hungarian State and Christianity in the Danube basin. Stephen, aware of the fact that various nations inhabited the territory of the Hungarian State, wanted each nation to regard Hungary as its homeland. He trained his son and successor Emery accordingly, that he, too, might rule wisely and justly all the nations of his kingdom. To St. Stephen is ascribed the dictum: A state with only one language is weak. (To be continued) • • • WHO SAID IT? "Some pussy-footing ostriches criticirze the treaty between Soviet Russia aind Ozeohoslovakia. Our close collaboration with the Soviet Union needs no explanation. We do not want anything from the Russia,ns e~cept protection frOiID the Germruns, and the Russians want nothlrng whatsoever from us." - (Jan Masaryk, BUSINESS WEEK, May 13, 1944).  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The History of Slovakia (3/9) Description An account of the resource Philip A. Hrobak Slovakia, Vol. 7, No. 2 (23), June 1957 pp. 57-64 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Hrobak, Philip Anthony, 1904-1964 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource June 1957 Relation A related resource continued from <a href="https://slovakia.omeka.net/items/show/252">Vol. 7, No. 1 (22), pp. 53-59</a><br />continues in <a href="https://slovakia.omeka.net/items/show/229">Vol. 7, No. 3-4 (24-25), pp. 88-96</a> LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/efd60932b6a13855399f17a83d34ef80.pdf db6a35610dfc14b132e6358980f88b3c PDF Text Text Officers of the Slovak League of America (Organized May 26, 1907, Cleveland, Ohio) Andrew J . Hamrock Honorary P r esidents Dr. Pet er P. H letko 61 Woodland Avenue Campbell, Ohio Batavia Rd., Box 17 Warrenville, Ill. ' Stephen Dubi el Msgr. F. J. Dubosh, P.A. 12210 Detroit Avenue Lakewood, Ohio 12608 Madison Avenue Lakewood 7, Ohio Elizab eth Andr ejko President 551 Grove Avenue Johnstown, Pa. Ph i l i p A . Hrobak P. 0. Box 150 Midd letown, Pa. ADVISORY COUNCIL Vice-Presidents Michael J. Rev. John W. Kr i spinsky 2425 W. 11 th Street Cleveland, Ohio Julia Vargovic National President First Catholic Slovak Union Krajcovic H e l en Kocan 1648 W. 18th Street Chicago 8, Ill. National President First Catholic Slovak Lad ies Union Recor'ding Secretary Constantine Culen Paul Fallat 2900 East Boulevard Cleveland 4, Ohio National President Slovak Catholic Sokol Secretary-Treasurer Stephen J. Tkach Mi Ian V. Blazek 4922 S. Leclaire Avenue Chicago 38, Ill. National President Penna. Slovak Union EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE Paul Anna Sotak National President Ladies Pennsylvania Slovak Union P. Jamriska 810 Montooth Street Pittsburgh 10, Pa. Joseph <.. Prusa John Rozboril National President Slovak Catholic Cadet Union 205 Madison Street Passaic, N . J. SLOVAK NEWSPAPERS (Affiliated with the Slovak League of America) JEDNOTA SLOVENSKA OBRANA ZENSKA JEDNOTA Middl et own, P a . Scranton, Pa. Cleveland, Ohio BRATSTVO SLOVENSKE NOVINY ZORNICKA Wilkes-Ba rre, Pa. Cl evel and, Ohio Chicago, Ill. KATOLiC"KY SOKOL P as saic, N. J. SVORNOST OSADN E H LASY Whitaker, Pa. Chtca.go, Ill. SLOVAK V AMERIKE Whiting, Ind. �s:tg; rr;;z: rrGn fT1 f'T1 (Tl ~~;o <<r rra5 rr;;:o rr1f'TI):> ~ CJ)~ ~i! ...... -I -...J fTI CJ1-n (Jlo 1-'rr- 8 rr, SLOVAK.IA: General view of Bratislava, Capital of Slovakia, with the Bratislava. Castle in foreground � Officers of the Slovak League of America (Organized May 26, 1907, Cleveland, Ohio) Andrew J . Hamrock Honorary P r esidents Dr. Pet er P. H letko 61 Woodland Avenue Campbell, Ohio Batavia Rd., Box 17 Warrenville, Ill. ' Stephen Dubi el Msgr. F. J. Dubosh, P.A. 12210 Detroit Avenue Lakewood, Ohio 12608 Madison Avenue Lakewood 7, Ohio Elizab eth Andr ejko President 551 Grove Avenue Johnstown, Pa. Ph i l i p A . Hrobak P. 0. Box 150 Midd letown, Pa. ADVISORY COUNCIL Vice-Presidents Michael J. Rev. John W. Kr i spinsky 2425 W. 11 th Street Cleveland, Ohio Julia Vargovic National President First Catholic Slovak Union Krajcovic H e l en Kocan 1648 W. 18th Street Chicago 8, Ill. National President First Catholic Slovak Lad ies Union Recor'ding Secretary Constantine Culen Paul Fallat 2900 East Boulevard Cleveland 4, Ohio National President Slovak Catholic Sokol Secretary-Treasurer Stephen J. Tkach Mi Ian V. Blazek 4922 S. Leclaire Avenue Chicago 38, Ill. National President Penna. Slovak Union EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE Paul Anna Sotak National President Ladies Pennsylvania Slovak Union P. Jamriska 810 Montooth Street Pittsburgh 10, Pa. Joseph <.. Prusa John Rozboril National President Slovak Catholic Cadet Union 205 Madison Street Passaic, N . J. SLOVAK NEWSPAPERS (Affiliated with the Slovak League of America) JEDNOTA SLOVENSKA OBRANA ZENSKA JEDNOTA Middl et own, P a . Scranton, Pa. Cleveland, Ohio BRATSTVO SLOVENSKE NOVINY ZORNICKA Wilkes-Ba rre, Pa. Cl evel and, Ohio Chicago, Ill. KATOLiC"KY SOKOL P as saic, N. J. SVORNOST OSADN E H LASY Whitaker, Pa. Chtca.go, Ill. SLOVAK V AMERIKE Whiting, Ind. �s:tg; rr;;z: rrGn fT1 f'T1 (Tl ~~;o <<r rra5 rr;;:o rr1f'TI):> ~ CJ)~ ~i! ...... -I -...J fTI CJ1-n (Jlo 1-'rr- 8 rr, SLOVAK.IA: General view of Bratislava, Capital of Slovakia, with the Bratislava. Castle in foreground � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1957, Vol. 7 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 22), March 1957.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 23), June 1957.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 24-25), September-December 1957.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1957 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document Officers of the Slovak League of America (Organized May 26, 1907, Cleveland, Ohio) Andrew J . Hamrock Honorary P r esidents Dr. Pet er P. H letko 61 Woodland Avenue Campbell, Ohio Batavia Rd., Box 17 Warrenville, Ill. ' Stephen Dubi el Msgr. F. J. Dubosh, P.A. 12210 Detroit Avenue Lakewood, Ohio 12608 Madison Avenue Lakewood 7, Ohio Elizab eth Andr ejko President 551 Grove Avenue Johnstown, Pa. Ph i l i p A . Hrobak P. 0. Box 150 Midd letown, Pa. ADVISORY COUNCIL Vice-Presidents Michael J. Rev. John W. Kr i spinsky 2425 W. 11 th Street Cleveland, Ohio Julia Vargovic National President First Catholic Slovak Union Krajcovic H e l en Kocan 1648 W. 18th Street Chicago 8, Ill. National President First Catholic Slovak Lad ies Union Recor'ding Secretary Constantine Culen Paul Fallat 2900 East Boulevard Cleveland 4, Ohio National President Slovak Catholic Sokol Secretary-Treasurer Stephen J. Tkach Mi Ian V. Blazek 4922 S. Leclaire Avenue Chicago 38, Ill. National President Penna. Slovak Union EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE Paul Anna Sotak National President Ladies Pennsylvania Slovak Union P. Jamriska 810 Montooth Street Pittsburgh 10, Pa. Joseph <.. Prusa John Rozboril National President Slovak Catholic Cadet Union 205 Madison Street Passaic, N . J. SLOVAK NEWSPAPERS (Affiliated with the Slovak League of America) JEDNOTA SLOVENSKA OBRANA ZENSKA JEDNOTA Middl et own, P a . Scranton, Pa. Cleveland, Ohio BRATSTVO SLOVENSKE NOVINY ZORNICKA Wilkes-Ba rre, Pa. Cl evel and, Ohio Chicago, Ill. KATOLiC"KY SOKOL P as saic, N. J. SVORNOST OSADN E H LASY Whitaker, Pa. Chtca.go, Ill. SLOVAK V AMERIKE Whiting, Ind. s:tg; rr;;z: rrGn fT1 f'T1 (Tl ~~;o <<r rra5 rr;;:o rr1f'TI):> ~ CJ)~ ~i! ...... -I -...J fTI CJ1-n (Jlo 1-'rr- 8 rr, SLOVAK.IA: General view of Bratislava, Capital of Slovakia, with the Bratislava. Castle in foreground  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Back Matter, Slovakia, Vol. 7, No. 2 (23) Description An account of the resource includes photo of Bratislava with the Bratislava Castle in foreground Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource June 1957 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/161eeb4a05cda6e30f3a2efb39852a23.pdf 7fd68aaa2ee2486c25b21bf8d23bc37d PDF Text Text VOL. VII SEPTEMBER-DECEMBER, 1957 NO. 3-4(24-25) IN TIDS ISSUE: DR. TISO AND THE JEWISH PROBL EM MEMORIES OF KUNERAD THE 1944 COMMUNIST REVOLT IN SLOVAKIA " EDVARD BENES ON MUNICH DAY S" MARTIN RAZUS CAS T LES OF SLOVAKIA : GELNICA - BACKOV - JELSAVA MEMORANDUM: 35th CONGRESS, SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA KERNER'S "CZECHOSLOVAKIA" : HISTORY OR PROPAGANDA? (Conclusion ) THE SLOVAKS WERE THERE: MAJOR POLERECKY FOUGHT FOR AMERICA'S INDEPENDENCE THE HISTORY OF SLOVAKIA (Continued ) Edited and compiled by PHILIP A. HROBAK SLOVAKIA Box 150 Middletown, Pa . • • • Published by THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA �SLOVAK.IA is published periodically by the Slovak League of America, a cultural and civic federation of .Americans of Slovak descent. rrhe chief purpose of SLOVAK.IA is to promote a better understanding and appreciation of the Slovak nation and its long struggle for freedom and independence. As Americans: members of the Slovak League of America firmly believe that the Slovak nation, just as all nations, has an inherent and God-given right to freedom and independence. They are dedicated to the cause of the American way of life, Slovak freedom and world peace and are determined to oppose the plague of Communism and all other totalitarian political systems. Subscription to Slovakia $1.00 per year in the lJ. S. A. - $2.00 elsewhere. Send subscript ions to: SLOVAKIA Box 150 Middletown, Pa. Printed in the U. S. A. JEDNOTA PRESS Mldd!etown, Pa. � VOL. VII SEPTEMBER-DECEMBER, 1957 NO. 3-4(24-25) IN TIDS ISSUE: DR. TISO AND THE JEWISH PROBL EM MEMORIES OF KUNERAD THE 1944 COMMUNIST REVOLT IN SLOVAKIA " EDVARD BENES ON MUNICH DAY S" MARTIN RAZUS CAS T LES OF SLOVAKIA : GELNICA - BACKOV - JELSAVA MEMORANDUM: 35th CONGRESS, SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA KERNER'S "CZECHOSLOVAKIA" : HISTORY OR PROPAGANDA? (Conclusion ) THE SLOVAKS WERE THERE: MAJOR POLERECKY FOUGHT FOR AMERICA'S INDEPENDENCE THE HISTORY OF SLOVAKIA (Continued ) Edited and compiled by PHILIP A. HROBAK SLOVAKIA Box 150 Middletown, Pa . • • • Published by THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA �SLOVAK.IA is published periodically by the Slovak League of America, a cultural and civic federation of .Americans of Slovak descent. rrhe chief purpose of SLOVAK.IA is to promote a better understanding and appreciation of the Slovak nation and its long struggle for freedom and independence. As Americans: members of the Slovak League of America firmly believe that the Slovak nation, just as all nations, has an inherent and God-given right to freedom and independence. They are dedicated to the cause of the American way of life, Slovak freedom and world peace and are determined to oppose the plague of Communism and all other totalitarian political systems. Subscription to Slovakia $1.00 per year in the lJ. S. A. - $2.00 elsewhere. Send subscript ions to: SLOVAKIA Box 150 Middletown, Pa. Printed in the U. S. A. JEDNOTA PRESS Mldd!etown, Pa. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1957, Vol. 7 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 22), March 1957.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 23), June 1957.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 24-25), September-December 1957.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1957 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document VOL. VII SEPTEMBER-DECEMBER, 1957 NO. 3-4(24-25) IN TIDS ISSUE: DR. TISO AND THE JEWISH PROBL EM MEMORIES OF KUNERAD THE 1944 COMMUNIST REVOLT IN SLOVAKIA " EDVARD BENES ON MUNICH DAY S" MARTIN RAZUS CAS T LES OF SLOVAKIA : GELNICA - BACKOV - JELSAVA MEMORANDUM: 35th CONGRESS, SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA KERNER'S "CZECHOSLOVAKIA" : HISTORY OR PROPAGANDA? (Conclusion ) THE SLOVAKS WERE THERE: MAJOR POLERECKY FOUGHT FOR AMERICA'S INDEPENDENCE THE HISTORY OF SLOVAKIA (Continued ) Edited and compiled by PHILIP A. HROBAK SLOVAKIA Box 150 Middletown, Pa . • • • Published by THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA SLOVAK.IA is published periodically by the Slovak League of America, a cultural and civic federation of .Americans of Slovak descent. rrhe chief purpose of SLOVAK.IA is to promote a better understanding and appreciation of the Slovak nation and its long struggle for freedom and independence. As Americans: members of the Slovak League of America firmly believe that the Slovak nation, just as all nations, has an inherent and God-given right to freedom and independence. They are dedicated to the cause of the American way of life, Slovak freedom and world peace and are determined to oppose the plague of Communism and all other totalitarian political systems. Subscription to Slovakia $1.00 per year in the lJ. S. A. - $2.00 elsewhere. Send subscript ions to: SLOVAKIA Box 150 Middletown, Pa. Printed in the U. S. A. JEDNOTA PRESS Mldd!etown, Pa.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Front Matter, Slovakia, Vol. 7, No. 3-4 (24-25) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource September-December 1957 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/7b2aec6cfb355c412f5c2249098659fc.pdf 5b181452e9a4fd694829f643e849b9c1 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA Pub I ished VOL. V II quart erly by the Slovak League SEPTEMBER- DECEMBER, 195 7 of America NO. 3-4(24-25) DR. JOSEPH TISO AND THE JEWISH PROBLEM IN SLOVAKIA MILAN S. DURI CA The fact that, during the period when Dr. Joseph Tiso was at the head of the Slova)k Republic as its president, there ,w ere "liqttidated" in an inhumane manner, in Nazi concentration camps, per.haps also severa1 tens of thousands of Jews from Slovakia, has tempted many authors either to hold Dr. Tiso directly responsible for these crimes, or at -least to consider this point as t,h e real weaJkness of Tiso's policy and his defense< 1 >. We are convinced that the so1ution of the Jewish problem in Slovakia is a very complicated proiblem and, therefore, it is necessary to gather in an objective study all existing documents so that the _true state of affairs might become known (2) . While awaiting the results of such a study, we are attempting here to focalize some of the actualities which already h ave been documented - facts which can put some light on definite, shadowy sides of this problem and also note in what direction it is necessary to move in making a further study so that we might arrive at an objective statement of the facts that had taken iplace and thus also at a correct moral evaluation of them. J EW RY IN S LOVAK IA Already in the past century, native and foreign observers were stunned by the great influx of Jews to Hungary and especially to the part of Hungary inhabited by the Slovaks from time immemorial. While Caplovic noted 6,850 J ews in the Trencin area h efore 1829, according to. the census of 1869 there already were 13,365 of them among 237,702 SlavaJks. Sveto,z ar Hurban, writing in 1881, said: A hundred years ago, there were 75,098 Jews in Hun- �2 SLOVAKJA gary; 55 years later there were already 241,632 of them (the increase burdened Slovakia mostly); in 1'870 they numbered 552,133 and now there are more than 600,000 of them in Hungary!" (Slovenske Pohl'ady, 1881, p. 291). The Czech writer Rudolph Pokorny, who reproduces these figures from direct eX:perience, describes the methods of Jewish immigrants in SlovaJkia as parasitical and exploitative (3). It would be very interesting to study in detaril the relations between the influx of Jews to Slovakia by the strengthening of their economic position and the economic decline orf the Slovak in1halbitants which resulted in an increasing exodus of Slovaks into foreign lands especially to the United States. According to our impressions from Hterature already reviewed, such a study would most li!kely lead to the conclusion that the exodus of the Sl()IVaks was in part caused by the great influx of Jews into rSl()IVaJkia. The strengthened economic positions of t:he Jews in Slovakia gave them the opportunity to exert stronger politicai influence and to propagate their ideology. A Polish observer A:gaton GiHer, ,w riting in 1876, described how the Jews in Slovalkia systematically worked against the Catholic Church and against Christianity in general( 4) under the aegis of the liberalism that was preached lby t:he Hungarian government ,o f the same Colman Tisza who, at the same time (1875) , denied the fact that the Slovak nation existed.(5). Jif we bear in mind the eX:tent and the constant increase of these mentioned effects of the Jewish minority in Slovak,ia, we shall more readily understand the spontaneous psychological reaction of the intelligentsia and the broad masses of the SloviaJk people. This reaction expressed itself, first of aill, in response to the tolerant nature of the SlovaJks and the fact that they laciked means of -power, in a blood-perspir~ng effort to save their own economic situation, ( with dollars made in American mines, the Slovak peasant tried to secure his livelihood in his native 'land) , then in t:he effort to emancipate themselves from dependence on the Jews in commerce to provide the daily necessities of life (by establishnig self-help cooperatives), amd also by an intensive building of institutions to preserve �SLOVAKIA 3 and •f .urther their original national culture both in a general and also in a specifically Christian sense (it suffices to mention the -Matica .Slovenska •a nd the Society of St. Adalbert). The situation did not change substantially even after the c,r eation oif the Czecho-Slova:k Republic in 1918(6). In 1923, a !French observer wa'S amazed \by the dis:proportion., ate preponderance of Jewish students in the universities and trade schools(7) and he foresaw that the Jews would thus soon capture the best positions in the new State(8). This prediction was if'll'lfilled, especiaUy a'S far as Slovakia was concerned. After the Vienna Arbitration, when the Jews constituted only 3.3'5 % of the population in S1ov,alkia(9), they owned almost one-half of the entire nation.a{ wealth(l0) and occupied most of the econ.omicaHy and civically important pwbl:i!c functionsO1). That this fact influenced the daily press and cultural production in general is evidence which needs no special proof(J2). It was only natural that the Slovak with all his legendary peace-loving characteristics, lbore the situation with difficulty; and the :Slovalk demands for autonomy, whicih characterized Slovak activities in the twenties and thirties of thi:s century, were accompanied by demands for a solution of the Jewish !problem. The current of anti-Semitism, which had overtalken many countries on the initiative of German Nazism, even such countries in whi·c h objectively suppositions fo'!" anti-Jew,i sh feeling were really insignificant if not directly fictitious, definitely did 1ha;ve some inf1uence even in 'Slova;kia(13). But who could stop Hitler at that time? It is not the fau~t •o f the Slovalks that many arguments of anti-Jewish :propaganda, originating outside of Slovalkia but ascribed to ,Slovakia, found at iJeast partial su!bstantiation in fact. THE JEWISH PROBLEM AND THE SLOVAK REPUBLIC Dr. Joseph Tiso took over the government of Sl01Vakia under the most difficult circumstances. His first worry was to preserve order and to prevent arbitray acts of usurpers even in the so,l ution of the Jewish .problem<14). Conscious of his responsibility to the nation, whose public opinion 1 �SLOVAKIA already for a longer time impatiently demanded radical regulations with regard to the privileged Czec,h and Jewish minority in Slovarkia(15), Dr. Tiso sought a legal solution of the matter already in federated Czecho-Slovakia(l6), as well as after March 14, 1919, in the Slova;k Republic. For an objectively moral evaluation of Tiso's conduct in the solution of the Jewish problem in .Slovakia, is is necessary to clearly distinguish ,various time periods, during which the legal and practical possibilities of Dr. Tiso to decide this question personally changed substantially. 1. From October 6, 1938, to October 26, 1939: Dr. Joseph Tiso, as Prime Mini:ster of the Slo,vaJk Go,vernment, had broad ;possiibilities oif legislative and executive intrative and, therefore, also dir,e ct, personal responsibility in this regard(17 ). 2. From October 26, 1939, to July 28, 1940: As President of the Slova:k Republic, Dr. Joseph Tiso could intervene in the legislative acti,viby of the Assembly and influence the executive power reserived to the government, which was responsible to the Assembly and not to the President, only within the limits prescribed by the Constitution of the S'lovaJk Republic(18) . During this ,p eriod, we cannot regard Dr. Tiso directly res,ponsible for the various initiatives in the solution of the Jewis'h problem, but only for the acts of his office as prescrilbed by the Constitution: whether and how he used the rights of intervention., ·a s defined 'by the Constitution, in regard to legislative and exec,utirve acts which required his appm,val. For the latter, as head of the State, Dr. Tiso carries the responsibility, dividing it with the respective Constitutional organs. 3. From July 28, 1940, to August 30, 1944: at the Salziburg meeting with Germany's intervention in the internal affairs of 'Slova'kia(19) - Dr. Tiso lost a definite part of the effective possibilities to exercise his Constitutional rights in regard to persons who were forced by Hitler into the Slovaik Government, especially with regard to expressed demands of the Germans upon the Slova;k Government(20). Such was the problem of e~pelling or liquidating the Jew:? <21) . In this period we can hold Tiso as responsible, as in the previous period, only in proportion 1 1 �SLOVAKIA 5 to the effective possibilities of free action which remained open to him after !Hitler's intervention at Salzburg. 4. From August 30, 1944, to April 5, 1945: Slovakia was to a great extent a battleground, where actual governmental power was exercised by various fighting units, most of the time completely independent of civil governmental organs, nay even expressly in opposition to them. (22). Here the responsibility of Dr. Tiso is limited to those acts, which - aliWays within the extent of this Constitutional rights and duties - took ·p lace on the territory and at ra time when the Government of the SlovaJk Republic still go;verned there and had effective 1possibility to exercise its power. TISO'S SOLUTION Despite the critical political - internal and international - situation and the revolutionary events of October, 1938, and of March, 1939, with his resolute influence, Dr. Joseph Tiso checked all violent intervention of incited masses of ,people in the solution of the Jewish problem (23) and consistently in;volked a legal courne to- solve this problem. Such a course, while it secured for the Slovaks time for the necessary study of the various aspects of the complicated situation and for a democratic negotation .o f various motions, with regard to the Jews themselves, it eliminated the typically Nazi factor of surprise(2-!), giving them time and opportunity to prepare themselves psychologically and to make necessary provisions, including financial(25) in the face of the new situation. After such a preliminary preparation, the first Slo;vruk governmental regulation was issued April 30, 1939, with the force of law, the object of which was to solve the Jewish pro1blem (26). This regulation defined the concept of a confessional and civic viewpoint, without considering racial motives at all. Its aim was to reduce the disproportionate preponderance of Jews in the economic life of Slovakia. The Jews could continue to manage their enterprises if they allowed a 51 % per cent ,participation of Slovaks the 51 % not being confiscated, but lbought in a regular manner by Slovak participants (shareholders). The participation of Jews in the legal, medical, and other important �6 SLOVAKIA and profitable professions was to be regulated gradually in proportion to the total number of the Jewish minority. Besides this, the Slovak Government of Dr. Joseph Tiso supported. the voluntary emigration of Jews to Palestine in all possible ways< 27) . If we consider all the facts of the matter objecttvely, we must admit that in these regulations there really was nothing w'hich, under the given circumstances, would exceed the normal competency of a legislator that did not emanate from the natural law itself, or that would be opposed to the principles of justice and humanity(28). The first 'S lovak resolution of the J ewish question - and tihe only one which, in the full sense, we can call Tiso's solution - contained and realized the attributes proposed by Tiso when he ,proclaimed. that "t'he Jewish question in Slovakia shall be solved justly, socially, and humanly"( 29) . THE SLOVAK "JEWISH LAW" These :provisions clearly, but not altogether effectively because they left wide possibilities to evade the law(30), proved to be insufficient in attaining their aim. 'Dherefore, but probably also under German pressure(31), the Slovak Parliament prepared. a new so-catled "Jewish Law," which was approved on iFeb11uary 29, 1940(32). Fundamentally, this law differed little from the previous provision; it defined more accurately many details and fixed the principle of participation o.f the Jews in economic, civic, and cultural life in proportion to their number of the tdtal population, that is, 4 percent(33) . The confessional and civic principle remained in force, therefore not that of racial discrimination; so did the principle of selling 51 % of the shares of Jewish ente11prises to companion SloJVaks freely chosen lby them. This .principle of "Aryani:zation" Dr. Tiso defended consistently, even by using his constitutional authority as President(34) . GERMAN INTERVENTION AND THE "JEWISH CODE" It aippears t'hat even these new legal dispositions were not sufficient in practice to attain the goal. Several loopholes were left open for escape from the consequences of �SLOVAKIA 7 the [aw - and those affected naturally did not hesitate to use them in every way(35) - so t:Jhat the more radical circles in Slovakia expressed their dissatisfaction with such a solution. However, it was chiefly in Germany that the Slovak solution of the Jewish question was bitterly criticized as being basiically in conflict with the German Jewish !aws(36). It was this consistent originality and independence of Dr. Tiso and his government in regard to the so1ution of the Jewish question that was one of the reasons for intervention o,f Adol'ph Hitler in the internal affairs of the Slovak Republic at SalzJburg on July 28, 1940(37). There Dr. Tiso was forced to drop Dr. Ferdinand :Durcansky, Minister of the Interior and Foreign Affairs, who collorborated with him in the independent solution of the Jewish question. Dr. Vojtech T,uik,a, who was ,g reatly influenced by the Germans, was forced on tJhe Slova,k Government as Minister of Fo·r eign Affairs against the will of President Tiso(38), as was journalist Alexander Mach, who became the executor of German dictates especially in the Jewish question as Minister of the Interior(39) . For Dr. Joseph Tiso, Salzburg meant personally such a blow that he was determined to, tender his resignation( 40). It was only at the insistence of moderate SloivaJk ciroles, nay, even the Jews themselves, that he remained at his post to use his authority to check the radical group which was under the influence of the Germans(41). Tiso's position after SalaJbur,g, therefore, became substantially a defensi'Ve one: not only did he lose in notable measure the possibility of concrete intiative in regard to the Jewish question, but also his constitutional authority of intervention was ,partially reduced by t:Jhe facts of this new political situation. Thus it happened that on September 10, Prime Minister Tuika could force the parliament to pass an enabling law for the solution of the Jewish question by the government. This "emandpated" ,goivernment of Dr. T,uka issued in the form of a goivernment regulation - without the signature of the President of the Republic, Dr. Joseph Tiso - the so-called "Jewish Code"< 42 >, Wihich copied the Ger~ man Nuremberg Laiw. Apparently the Germans were de- �8 SLOVAKIA termined to impose Hitler's order in SlovaJkia - the same imperial imposition of Hitler's Germaniy to which all the governments of states in the German sphere of influence had succumbed. In comparison with the Jewish laws of Germany and the other States (iltaly, France, Hungary, Rumania, Bulgaria, Holland, Denmark, Norway - and even annexed Austria, the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, and the General Governorship of Poland), the "Jewish Code" of S1ovakia contained two lucid points which were hers exclusive ly: the first reserved to the Preside nt of the Repulblic the right of direct administrational "exception" of anyone from the power of this law <43), while the second confirmed the validity of all exce ptions alre ady granted according to the aforementioned Slovak law(44 ). These two paragraphs, leaving tJhe head of the State an open possibility to protect in the face of an avalanche of force which evidently it was impossible to oppose, were the motive why Dr. Joseiph Tiso finally decided not to resign his office after the .promulgation of the "Jewish Code"< 45 ). PRESIDENT TISO'S STAND The question was a real "ca:sus conscientiae," which today ,w e can reconstruct in its main outlines. Dr. Tiso was opposed to any violent solution of the Jewish question; he was ready to .p rotest against it by resigning his office. The following realities, however , came into ,c onsideration: if Tiso did resign, it was c ertain that Tu.ka would be put into his office - and it was generally !known that Tu!ka was strongly under German influences. I,f this would have happened, not only all the Jews of SlovaJkia would ha'Ve been completely subject to German inte:vventions, but even government power of all Slovakia would practically have passed ()IVer completely into German hands and this w·o uld have had catastrophic consequences for the entire nation. Let it suffice here to mention the forced participation in the war and the system of National 1Socialism promoted b.y Dr. Tutka. Under such circumstances, the resignation o;f Dr. Tiso would have meant deserting from a position of responsi- �SLOVAKIA 9 bility, disappointing the h0ipes of all the people who sa,w in him the salvation of the nation in a critical world situation and a ,g uarantee aigainst the 'Very actual ideological danger of Nazi,sm(46). By retaining t:Jhe funcUon o.f the President of the Republic, Dr. Tiso had a hoipe not only of continuing the defensive policy of Slova!kia a,gainst Nazism, but a:lso to sarve, if not all, at least as many as possible Jews of Slovakia who were persecuted by Nazism. Were these ihoipes however, sUJbstantiated? The answer to this question is very impo,r tant for the moral qualification of the stand of Dr. Joseph Tiso and thereby of his entire relationship to the proiblem orf the Jews in SlovaJkia. It is not difficult to answer the first part of the question: It has been proved that by remaining President of the Republic, Dr. Tiso not only sruved the SlovaJk nation from threatened occupation and division, from the flood of Nazi ideolo,gy, from most of the economic and social consequences of the world rwar, but, despite the exceptional circumstances, he also organized Slovakia legally, culturally and economically as an independent State and thereby demonstrated t:Jhat Sloiva,kia had all the ;prerequisites orf developmernt as an independent State. Under his guidance Slovalk ia attained "brilliant results and the elan of autonomous life was reaHy wonderful"< 47). So that we could answer the second part of the question, we must objecti'Ve1y examine the cause of Jewish provisions and their exeoution in Slovakia in the third and fourth periods (1941-1945). After the promulgation of the "Jewish Code," the Jews were supposed to be transferred from Slovakia to the territory between the Visla and t:Jhe Bug in former Poland, where there was to be found some kind of state creation reserved for them. Here it is necessary to, note that the project of a separate territory for European Jews presented a solution which was seriously studied not only in Ckrmany( 48), but ,a iso iby other powers, such as, for example, the United States (4 9). To:l. order to ascertain the situation the SlovaJk Gov•e rnment sent to Poland a representatiive of the Ministry of the Interior, Isidore Koso, to whom they 1, 1 �10 SLOVAKIA actually did show the Jewish city of Sosnowitz, Oppel, with its own administration, police, etc. Well, even .after this the SlovaJk Government did not begin to transfer Jews, but arranged labor camps for them in Slovakia, where they were to be gradually concentrated. This course, which Reitlinger explains as motivated by economy(50), is apparently 1b etter ex.plained as a reaction of the Slovak Government to the Memorandum of the Slovak Catholic Bishops of October 7, 1941(51), and to the reminders of the Holy See of Novemfber 12, 1941 (52). In both these doouments ecclesiastical representatives protested against the racist principle which inspired governmentrul regulation No. 198--1941 of the Slova!k Code, especiaUy however rugainst those ,p oints which were out of line with the teachings of the Church (outlawing mixed marriages, ex:pulsion from schools) and called upon the SlovaJk G()IVernment to recall or at least change the mentioned regulations in this seinse. The Holy See, wihich was for apparent reasons generally regarded as "the best informed political center of the world"(53 ), at the same time manifested its understanding for the situation of the ,Slov,a;k Government when it concluded its note with these words,: "The Holy See hopes that the Slovak Government, as long as the government regulations are not repealed or amended, will try to ex;plain and to validate the issued regulations in suoh a measUTe and in such a manner so that they mig1ht become as far as is possible least harmful to the needs (demands) of Catholic conscience"(54). These words appear to be the norm and therefore the explanation of the course not only of Dr. Tiso, but also that of the :SloIVaJk gOIVemment followed in practice until the end of their activities. Thus it was that despite the Nuremberg t01J1e of the "Jewish Code," the f,unda:mental :points of that code were not practically applied until March 10, 1942. Thus far it has not been conclusively ascertained, whether under German pressure or not(5,5), Minister of the Interior Alexander Mach issued the decree on March 7, 1942, which confined all the Jews of Slovakia to their homes until their transfer to the East(5&) . This provision, which was soon followed by the first transports of Jews from Slo- �SLOVAKIA 11 vakia to Galicia (March 10, 1942), inspired a strong opposition of public opinion, new protests of ecclesiastical circles (.57), nay, even dissent of the rest of the members of the government.(5<8). But it has been safely ascertained that Germany did pressure the Slovak Government to adopt the solution of the Jewish question in the form of transferring the Jews which had been accepted by the other States (Germany, France, Holland, Belgium, Hungary). To this end Heydrich himself came to Bratislava on April 10, 1942, to tell Tuka that the Jews of Slovakia would be transferred to the Lublin area where they would be settled permanently. Separate settlements were to be arranged for baptized Jews (59). After repeated insistence and assurances from the German side that Jewish families would be respected and that they would be dealt with decently(·60), the Slovak Government began to send to the East the members of the families of those young, able-to-work Jews who had been transported the previous month. In this second intervention of the Slovak Government, it is possible to see an effort to correct in some way the mistake of the first transfer by which many Jewish families were broken up. It became tragic that the promises of Heydrich and Eichmann were the treacherous trap which was not without effect(&l). At that time the Slovak Government could not know about the real intentions of the Nazis: Wisliceny himself found this out, as we shall see, only several months later. Nevertheless Dr. Tuka insisted that he might send an inspection mission to ascertain on the spot just how the transferred Jews were being dealt with. The Slovak Government presented this demand also formally in the form of a note addressed to the German Government(,62) - but received only an evasive reply. It was this, most likely, that roused suspicions on the Slovak side. Therefore already on May 15, 1942, the Slovak parliament approved a constitutional law by which it practically repealed the power given the government in September, 1941, and legally set the course for the problem of emigration. The substance of this law was, however, the practical cessation of deportations; the law, that is, sanctioned all the previously granted presidential and minis- �12 SLOVAKIA terial "exceptions" and established a new general exception for Jews baptized before March 14, 1939(63) . Furthermore, it established that Jews, affected by the law, would be concentrated in labor camps in Slovakia. In July, 1942, when the representative of the Holy See in Bratislava notified President Tiso that the Jews in the Lublin area were being murdered, Dr. Tiso with absolute determination insisted on the realization of a Slovak inspection mission - or else there would be no further transfer of Jews from Slovakia. In August, Wisliceny went to Berlin with the matter. There Eichmann told him that Tiso was asking an impossible thing because those Jews were no longer alive. Thereupon he showed him a secret order, issued by the will of Hitler and signed by Himmler, according to which the entire Jewish race was to be gradually destroyed(64). Wisliceny returned to Bratislava again with an evasive reply. After this deportations from Slovakia were completely stopped. From what has been said it is quite clear that the Slovak Government allowed the transfer of a part of the Jews from Slovakia under the imperialistic pressure of Germany - in the face of guarantees to respect basic human rights and humanitarian treatment. As soon as there arose a reason to doubt that the Nazis were fulfilling the guarantees given, the parliament of the Slovak Republic with the strength of a constitutional law stood up to protect the Jewish citizens of Slovakia. The fact that it is necessary to explain the law of May 15, 1942, in this maner, is also supported by the following realities : 1. The motive for voting this law was the merciless exportation of the Jews on the basis of the decree of Minister Mach of March 7, 1942 (65). 2. By this law, constitutionally, were sanctioned all the exceptions granted by the President of the Republic and the resort Ministers ; also a new general exception was established by which a confessional criterion was given priority - which the Germans sharply criticized already in 1940 as opposed to the racist principles of Nuremberg. 3. The real aim of concentrating the Jews, who did not have the mentioned exceptions, in Slovak labor camps was �SLOVAKIA 13 to save them from possible transfer elsewhere on the initiative of radical circles around Minister Mach behind which stood the power of Germany. This was evident from the way these camps were set up - the living conditions of which were but little different from complete freedom(66). 4. Despite repeated insistence from the side of the Germans, nay, even despite the intervention of Hitler himself with President Tiso(67), Slovakia did not retreat from her position and protected the Jews with all means of political tactics(68) and her own State power. 5. After September 1, 1944, when Slovakia became a battlefield and governmental power was factually exercised by the fighting armies, despite German occupation of practically the whole of Slovakia, the new Minister of National Defense and State Security of the Slovak Republic, Stephen Hrussik, ordered the abolishment of all concentration camps and of all anti-Jewish administrational regulations(69). 6. When German army commanders defied the above order and by force transported to Germany all Jews that fell into their hands during military operations, the new Prime Minister of the Slovak Republic, Dr. Stephen Tiso, energetically protested to the German Government(70). 7. Later, when the commander of the occupation army and "the only representative of the Reich in Slovakia"(71), SS-General Berger forced the Slovak Government regulation in regard to concentrating the Jews (Nov. 16, 1944), the provision had practically no effect because the Slovak Government and Slovak officials silently agreed that the Jews be free to hide themselves(72). From the given facts it is quite clear that despite some drastic interventions of the Nazis and their several Slovak collaborators in the spring of 1942, for which they gained partial accord of the Slovak Government by cunning, the great part of the Jewish minority could remain in Slovakia and there be effectively protected to such an extent that the Slovak Republic in certain periods was regarded as a relative asylum even for the Jews from other countries, especially those from Poland and Hungary(73). The stand of the Slovak Republic in regard to the "definite solution" (Endlosung) of the Jewish question, pres- �14 SLOVAKIA sured by the Nazis, immediately from the first moments of suspicion about the real aim of these " regulations," was unanimously and consistently so rejective that it really presents "the story of the first outright failure of the 'Final Solution' and a failure at a time when there was no glimmer of hope for Jewry in Axis-controlled Europe" (74). The fact that the small Slovak State, even though it could not prevent all violence, knew how to stand up against it - and with such a determination that an objective historian can today talk about "a challenge to war" and about "a revolt" of the Slovak Government(75) - proves t hat t he Slovak Government even in this r egard not only did not accept without reservations the principles of Hitler's National Socialism, but even knew how to defend itself against them, nay, even to repudiate them forcefully, as long as it was not completely overpowered by the brutal preponderance of military occupation and frontal operations. This important fact has thus far not been properly evaluated in world literature which concerns itself with this historical period. If we pause now in our search for the reasons of the described facts, we shall come to the conclusion that one of the most decisive factors in the course of events in Slovakia was the personality of President Dr. Joseph Tiso. To this conclusion we are led by the following facts: 1. While Dr. Joseph Tiso held the initiative of solving the Jewish question in Slovakia( we saw that he solved it in a sense of strict justice, in a legal way, and in a most human manner. 2. As President of the Republic he used his constitutional right in order that the laws proposed by the parliament remained within the confines of the same principles which were in opposition to the Nazi anti-Jewish laws( 7,6). 3. When he could not prevent the issuance of the "Jewish Codex," he reserved the right for himself to limit its effectiveness as much as possible by personal "exceptions." That this was the intent of the mentioned paragraph 225 is confirmed by the fact ascertained by the court that Dr. Joseph Tiso used his authority as a matter of principle for every case placed before him, by which in a short time he �SLOVAKIA 15 liberated a great part of the Jewish inhabitants of Slovakia from the "Jewish Codex"(77). 4. It was generally known that the initiative of proGerman politics was held by the ministers forced on Tiso (Dr. Tuka and A. Mach) - and that there were basic conflicts between them and President Tiso. If, therefore, the Slovak parliament could pass the constitutional law of May 15, 1942 - which was in fact aimed against German Nazis and the executors of their influence in Slovakia this is understandable only if we allow that it did so not only within the support of the authority of the President of the Republic and the chairman of the Hlinka Slovak People's Party, Dr. Joseph Tiso, but, as it has been safely ascertained: directly on his initiative (78) . 5. Finally, only such a consistently anti-Nazi stand of President Tiso in regard to the Jewish question can explain the fact that, even despite the regulations of the government and the Minister of the Interior, some of the regional representatives of state power could during that entire time take positions of open protection of the Jewish inhabitants, nay, even actually intervene in the initiative of government trustees in the Jewish question on territory administered by them( 79) . CONCLUSION As we emphasized at the outset, in this study we were interested in focalizing some of the facts that are important and pertinent for a correct evaluation of the relationship of Dr. Joseph Tiso to the Jewish problem in Slovakia. Intentionally we have not touched upon some undoubtedly interesting and relatively important aspects of this complicated problem which require a separate study (e.g., the question of statistical data, the question of the legal and moral side of the individual regulations and respective responsibilities, etc.) . This study, we believe, does prove that we cannot honestly regard Dr. Joseph Tiso as a persecutor of the Jews or as a collaborator of the Nazis in their inhuman work of genocide of the Jewish nation. It is necessary, however, to acknowledge that the President of the Slovak Republic did prove himself an eminent opponent of every injustice against the Jews, whether perpetrated by �16 SLOVAKIA the German Nazis or by others in their service. Dr. Tiso did everything in his power to save them - and we say, without fear of contradiction, that he did for the Jews what no other statesman dared to do in the Europe controlled by Hitler at that time. If, despite this, a part of the Jews of Slovakia was taken out of Slovakia by violent intervention of brute force, it is certain that this happened without any direct participation of Dr. Joseph Tiso - nay, against his will - and, hence, we cannot hold him responsible for it. Dr. Tiso found himself face to face with a current "which it was possible to impede and probably even to influence, but not stop," as he himself had said during his trial in Bratislava <SO) . There is no evidence to prove that Dr. Tiso aided or abetted, motivated or approved in any way, the brutal treatment of Jews in Slovakia or anywhere else. To lie in the face of death is not easy. So much the less can we allow that Dr. Joseph Tiso could do so - the same Dr. Tiso who could proclaim before the entire nation that never in his life did he utter an untruth intentionally. And he did not fear that someone might be able to prove the opposite. Would that the world were managed by politicians and statesmen who would follow the noble example of the President of the Slovak Republic, Dr. Joseph Tiso! REFERENCES: 1. The first opm10n is practically current in encyclopedic and scientific literature; some Slovak authors are inclined to the second; e.g., Th. J. Zubek ("Monsignor Jozef Tiso - Controversial Personality" - The Homiletic and Pastoral Review, Nov. 1955, p. 125). 2. Dr. Joseph Pauco: Dr. Jozef Tiso o sebe, Passaic, N. J ., 1952; pp. 323-323. 3. R. Pokorny: Z potulek po Slovensku, Prague, 1884, Vol. I, pp. 56-. 4. It was not by accident that the German translation of Rabbi Benjamin Halvey's Hebrew pasquinade "Das leben Jesu. Zurn ersten Male historisch bearbeitet nach neuentdeckten jiidisch orientalischen Quellen" was published in Bratislava (Pressburg) in 1875. According to the translator, who personally offered it to Giller in Trencianske Teplice, it surpassed by far the dilettante attempts of Strauss, Voltaire and other blasphemous pseudo-historians. See A. Giller - Z podrozy po kraju slowackim" - Lw6w, -876; pp. 197-. 5. Th. G. Locher: Die nationale Differenzeirung und lntegrie• rung der Slowaken und Tschechen in ihren geschichtlichen Verlauf bis 1848 - Haarlem, 1931; p. 196. 6. J. A. Mikus: La Slovaquie dans le drame de l'Europe - Paris, 1955; p. 133. 7. While Hungary, for example, had a "numerus clausus" estab- �SLOVAKIA 17 lished by law, in Czecho-Slova kia, where the number of J ews was estimated at 3--4 percent of the population, the secondary schools became practically the exclusive domain of the Jews. In Prague itself over half the students were Jewish; the State Gymnazium for girls bad 163 Jewish pupils out of a total of 248; in several gymnaziums for boys the relationship of Jews to non-Jews was: 116 out of 254; 123 out of 250; 185 out of 240. At the university for every three nonJewish professors there was one Jewish professor. See: J. Boubee Tcheco-Slova quie - in "ETUDES," Paris, Vol. 60, No. 174, 1923; pp. 225-. 8. Ibidem. 9. G. Reitlinger: The Final Solution - London, 1953; p. 386. 10. The value of Jewish properties was evaluated at 3,150 million Slovak Crowns; besides this, the Jews controlled over 12,000 industrial enterprises with a capital of 1,250 million Slovak Crowns, especially the textile industry where they controlled 90 percent oi the production. The situation was much the same in the wood and alcohol industries. See the article "La Slovacchia e gli Ebrei" in the periodical RELAZIONI INTERNAZIONALI, Milan, Vol. 8, No. 34, 1942; p , 902. 11. Ibidem: 72 percent of the lawyers and 64 percent of the medics were Jews, while 58 percent of all restaurant and liquor concessions was in their hands. 12. See the statement, e.g., of P . R. Mikus in the SLOVAK, Bratislava, Vol. XXI, No. 34, February 10, 1939; p. 1. 13. Here we do not have in mind only States, such as Italy, for example, which did adopt various anti-Jewish regulations. Count Ciano noted that on January 13, 1939, in a conversation with Mussolini, Chamberlain expressed grave fears that "further immigration of Jews into England would incite anti-Semitism which is already being planned in many sectors of the country." Besides the Jewish minority in England was negligible: according to Chamberlain , 60,000 (Mussolini stated that it was over 200,000) - G. Ciano, "Diario, 1939-1940," Milan, 1946; p. 22. - In regard to the anti-Jewish mood in other States, see "Les archives secre de la Wilhelmstras se" - Vol V, Book II, Paris, 1954, Documents Nos. 469-493, pp. 113-. 14. Dr. Tiso stressed this in general in his first speech after taking over government in Slovakia, Oct. 8, 1938 (K. Culen: Po Svatoplukovi druha nasa hlava," Middletown, Pa., 1948; p. 215). Later, on March 15, 1939, in a broadcast he warned all who would be guilty of such acts and threatened that the government would prosecute all culprits ("SLOVAK" - Bratislava, Vol. XXI, No. 63, 1939; p . 4). 15. "SLOVAK" - Vol. XXI, No. 25, Jan. 31, 1939. 16. "SLOVAK" - Vol XXI, No. 28, Feb. 3, 1939; p. 3. Compare also the government declaration of Feb. 22, 1939 ("SLOVAK," Vol. XXI, Nos. 44-45, Feb. 22-23, 1939). 17. Speech of Dr. Tiso at the Eighth Convention of the Hlinka Slovak People's Party at Trencin, Oct. 1, 1939 ("SLOVAK" - Vol. XXI, No. 227, Oct. 3, 1939; pp. 3-4). 18. An analysis of the Constitution of the Slovak Republic by H. Schimani: "Die Verfassun~ der Slowakischen Republik" - Vienna, 1947. 19. Dr. Ferdinand Durcansky: Pravo Slovakov na samostatnost' vo svetle dokumentov - Vol. I, Buenos Aires, 1954; p. 196. 20. Dr. J. Pauco: op. cit., p. 55. �18 SLOVAKIA Dr. F. Durcansky: op. cit., p. 237. J. A. Mikus: op. cit., pp. 185-; F. Durcansky: op. cit.; pp. 475: In an official pronouncement, Feb. 21, 1939, Tiso declared: "It is proof of the maturity of our nation that despite all incitements the Slovak nation waited for the legal solution of the Jewish question" (stenographic report of the second meeting of the Slovak Assembly, Bratislava, Feb. 21-23, 1939, p. 9). 24. That this was the expressed intention of Dr. Tiso is attested to by his statement to the correspondent of the Jewish Telegraph Agency, J. Frankel, Feb. 8, 1939: "The coming Jewish law will certainly serve the purpose that the Jews might not be caught by surprises and would know just how far they will be able to go in economic life" (SLOVAK, Feb. 10, 1939, p. 3). 25. Memorandum of the British Consul in Bratislava, Mr. P. Pares, Feb. 3, 1939, in the "DOCUMENTS ON BRITISH FOREIGN POLICY 1919-1939" - Third Series, Vol. IV, No. 97, 1951, London; p. 96. 26. No. 63-39 SLOVAK CODE; No. 102-39 Ur. nov. (Official News). 27. It approved the transfer and emigration plan of Dr. S. E. Soskin (SLOVAK, Feb. 10, 1939, p. 3). Innsbruck28. Compare, e.g., J. Messner: Das Naturrecht Vienna, 1950, pp. 365-366 - and: P. Pavan: l.'.uomo nella communita internazionale - Rome, s.d., p. 47. 29. SLOVAK, Feb. 10, 1939, p. 3. 30. RELAZIONI INTERNAZIONALI, op. cit., p. 902. 31. We did not find documents which would definitely confirm such pressure in this period, but the testimony of F. Durcansky inclines us to believe that pressures were exercised. He said: "secret influences of the Germans did not validate themselves anywhere to such an extent as they did in the attempt to attain the solution of the Jewish question in Slovakia according to the desires of the National Socialistic circles. . . . " (Speaking of the period prior to July 28, 1940) - F. Durcansky, op. cit., p. 237. 32. No. 46-40, SLOVAK CODE. 33. Commenting on this law on March 10, 1940, Tiso stressed that we are here concerned "with our own reasonable course. This is not an imitation of foreign patterns." - (SLOVAK, March 13, 21. 22. 23. 1940, p. 3). 34. Thus, e.g., in April, 1940, he returned to the Parliament for renewed debate on the draft of the law about Jewish enterprises with his own remarks and reminders; the parliament then approved the law with Tiso's recommendations on April 25, 1940 (SLOVAK, April 26, 1940), p. 2). 35. The amount which the Jews transferred abroad at that time was estimated at 2,000 million Slovak Crowns. Even in the "Aryan- only ized" enterprises "the Jews frequently remained bosses names changed on paper" (GARDISTA, June 14, 1941, p. 3). 36. Compare the study of the German legal expert for Slovak affairs, K. 0. Rabl, "Verfassungsrecht und Verfassungsleben in der neuen Slowakei" (in the periodical: ZEITSCHRIFT fur auslandisches offentliches Recht und Volkerrecht - Berlin, Vol. IX, No. 4, 1940), which concludes categorically: "The Jewish problem in Slovakia is practically, therefore, according to previous provisions, not solved at all. Mainly the economic and imperial position of Jewry remains the same as it was before" (p. 867). �SLOVAKIA 37. 38. 39. 40, 41. l!} F. Durcansky, op. cit., p. 237. K. Culen, op. cit., pp. 263-; p. 480; J . A. Mikus, op. cit. p. 163. G. Reitlinger, op. cit., p. 386. J. Pauco, op. cit., p. 35; K. Culen, op. cit., p. 380. Minister Gejza Medricky's testimony during the Tiso trial ; this is reproduced by K. Culen, op. cit., p. 480. 42. SLOVAK CODE, part 52, No. 198, September 10, 1941. 43. "Jewish Codex" - part X, par. 255. 44. Ibidem, par. 256. 45. J . Pauco, op. cit., footnote 92, p. 323. 46. Compare the testimony of Archbishop Kmet'ko before the National Court in Bratislava, January 6, 1947; K. Culen, op. cit. pp. 369-370. 47. A. Giannini: Monsignor Tiso (in "Rivista di studi politici internazionali" - Firenze, Vol. XIX, No. 3, 1952, p. 451); a wealth of documentaton is produced also by F . Durcansky, op. cit., pp. 166-169, 190-248. 48. Dr. Ley, German Minister, informed Count Ciano about the project in Rome, Dec. 6, 1939. In 1940, Ribbentrop told Ciano about Hitler's plan to create a Jewish free state on the island of Madagascar, where all the Jews of Europe were supposed to be concentrated. (l!Europa verso la catastrofe - Verona, 1948; G. Ciano, Diario 19391943, Milan, 1946, Vol. I, p. 280). 49. On December 7, 1938, President Roosevelt sent Mussolini a personal letter in which he proposed that a part of the south and southwest territory of Abyssinia be reserved for the Jews. Mussolini declared that personally he sympathized with the idea of creating a Jewish state, but decidely not in Abyssinia, nor anywhere in Africa. He proposed Russia, Brazil or the United States of America (Les Archives Secretes de la Wilhelmstrasse, Vol. IV, Les suites de Munich, Paris, 1953, doc. No. 341, pp. 498-500; compare also Vol. V, Book II, Paris, 1954, doc. Nos. 469-493, pp. 113-158). 50. G. Reitlinger, op. cit., p. -387. 51. Partially reproduced in K. Sidor's "~est' rokov pri Vatik'• ne" - Scranton, Pa., 1947, pp. 135-138. 52. In the note of the State Secretariate to His Holiness, No. 8355-41 , published in Sidor's op. cit., pp. 138-140. 53. W. Theimer: Lexicon der Politik, Bern, 1947, under "Vatikan" - p. 482. 54. K. Sidor, op. cit., p. 140. Sidor used the Slovak word "potrebam" (needs) in translating the Italian "esigenze," but the latter would probably be better expressed by "poziadavkam" (demands). 55. G. Reitlinger, op. cit. , p. 387. 56. At a press conference, March 27, 1942, Minister A. Mach declared that "the ultimate aim is to transfer all Jews to a territory, which would be ordered for the settlement within the framework of a new European order" (SLOVAK, March 28, 1942, p. 3). 57. The Vatican protested with the note of the State Secretariate of His Holiness, No. 2027-42 ,dated March 14, 1942. At the end of March, the Slovak Minister at the Vatican, Karol Sidor, personally was in Bratislava with a demand to stop deportations (K. Sidor, op. cit., pp. 141-142). 58. G. Reitlinger, op. cit. , p. 388; from this reaction, as well as from the declaration of Minister A. Mach at the press conference �20 SLOVAKIA mentioned above (56), it is apparent that the personal intervention of the minister forced by Ribbentrop on Tiso was concerned and/ or his group of Slovak extremists. Mach publicly repudiated "speeches (which implied) that we had been somehow asked from the outside or forced to this solution. We ourselves have undertaken everything possible to have the opportunity to get rid of the Jews" (SLOVAK, March 28, 1942). According to the note of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Bratislava, No. 8.325/ 1/ 42, of May 8, 1942, addressed to the Slovak Embassy at the Vatican (concerning the reply to the mentioned interventions of the Vatican of Nov. 12, 1941, and March 14, 1942), at that time " there were negotiations between the factors of the Slovak Republic and the Greman Reich in regard to the problem of the European Jews," in the sense of which "the Jews of Slovakia would be placed in several areas in the vicinity of Lublin ... where they would remain permanently" (K. Sidor, op. cit., pp. 142-143). This connection of matters appears to be more probable. 59. F . Steiner: Tragedy of Slovak Jewry - Bratislava, 1949, p. 6; reprod. from G. Reitlinger, op. cit. 60. At the beginning of May, Eichmann negotiated in this sense with Dr. Tuka and A. Mach. 61. G. Reitlinger, op. cit., p. 388. 62. Wisliceny admitted this before the Nuremberg Court The Trial of the Major War Criminals - Vol. ill, pp. 276-278; reprod . .bY G. Reitlinger, op. cit. , p. 390). 63. "In practice the way was open in this intensely Catholic country for any professed convert to demand protection" (B. Shub: Hitler's Ten-Year War on the Jews, New York, 1943, p . 54;reprod. by G. Reitlingeh ,op. cit. , p. 390). 64. G. Reitlinger, op. cit. , p. 390. 65. Compare the testimony of Minister G. Medricky before the National Court in Bratislava, Feb. 21, 1947; K. Culen, op. cit., p . 482. 66. The official report of the International Red Cross describes them thusly: " ... les camps qui presentaient des conditions de nouriture et de logement passables, les internes etaient admis a travailler moyennant salaire dans des conditio se rapprochant de :Ueconomie libre" (Rapport du Comite international de la Croix-Rouge sur son action pendant la seconde guerre mondiale, Geneve, 1948, p. 674). 67. After various messengers and plenipotentiaries had pressured Tiso and the Slovak Government, Tiso was called to Salzburg in May, 1943, where Hitler angrily marked the Slovak resolution of the Jewish question 'insufficient." 68. In the light of realities, such would appear to be the various public manifestations (as, e.g., the anti-Jewish speech of Min. A. Mach in Ruzomberok, Feb. 7, 1943) and the conditioned promises of President Tiso (in December, 1943, to Himmler's special agent E. Weesenmayer) which, however, were never fulfilled . Compare Sidor's account, op. cit., pp. 146-147, and G. Reitlinger, op. cit., p. 390. 69. According to unpublished testimonies in manuscript which are in the hands of the author. 70. K. Sidor, op. cit., p. 148. 71. It was thus that he presented himself to President Tiso on his arrival to Bratislava "as the accredited agent of Hitler" at the end of August, 1944. See: J . Pauco, op. cit., p. 293. 72. The regulation was formulated as a summons to come to a �SLOVAKIA 21 definite place on Nov. 24. A delegate of the International Red Cr oss ascertained on the spot that the summons was answered only by about 50 Jews: "Comme les Autorites slovaques l'avaient d'ailleurs prevu" he relates literally - "les Israelites se cachaient" (Rapport du Comite .. . . op. cit., p. 674). The hidden Jews could be aided not only by the population, but also by the International Red Cross with the help of the Slovak Red Cross and the Catholic Church (p. 675). 73. Intern. Red Cross Report, op. cit., p. 674; F. Durcansky, op. cit., p. 239. 74. G. Reitlinger, op. cit. , p. 385. 75. "Yet as early as July, 1942, this Government rebelled" writes G. Reitlinger (op. cit., p. 385). We note, apparent as it is from the foregoing, that it is necessary to see this "rebellion" already in the constitutional law of May 15, 1942. The same autor says in another place: "We have seen in the case of Slovakia, how a Government which defied German pressure and abandoned the Final Solution, was forced to return to it, when, on the eve of capitulation to the enemy, the country was occupied by German troops" (p. 412). 76. It is worthy of note here that Tiso's insistence on a per centual participation of the Jews in the economy of Slovakia in relation to their number of the entire population could in no way be regarded as a repressive regulation, inasmuch as the principle concerned here was the same as that which Tiso ordered to be applied even in regards to the other minorities, not even excluding the Germans themselves. It has been ascertained, e.g. , that in official State positions the Germans could not occupy more than 5 percent of them (K. Culen , op. cit., p. 432); the same applied in regards to the "aryanization" of Jewish enterprises - their participation was limited percentually (J. Pauco, op. cit., p. 238). 77. The actual number of "Presidential exceptions" granted by Tiso has thus far not been accurately ascertained. Some authors estimate the number "above 9,000" (J. Pauco, who bases his account on the statements of lawyers during the Tiso trial; op. cit., p. 323); Dr. J. A. Mikus gives the figure 9,964 without, however, quoting any document or source (op . cit., p. 135); Minister Stephen Hassik estimated "about 15,000" (manuscript in author's possession). The report of J. Luther to Ribbentrop, August 17, 1942, indicates a greater number; according to that report, at that time 35,000 Jews in Slovakia were already safeguarded "by special legitimation" (G. Reitlinger, op. cit., p. 390); a greater number is also indicated by the fact that the presiding judge of the National Court in Bratislava, Dr. Igor Daxner, in the trial against Dr. Tiso and his associates, did not allow an accurate ascertainment of the number of "exceptions"; he did this as a rule whenever it came to ascertaining matters that were favorable for Dr. Tiso (compare K. Culen, op. cit.). 78. Already on March 23, 1942, Dr. Tiso had Monsignor John Postenyi present the question to the State Council to sound out the ground and to gain a basis for his further intervention, which he later realized by means of the parliament (Dr. Zabkaj, in the National Court in Bratislava, March 15, 1947, according to mimeographed reports of the Slovak Press Bureau, Bratislava). 79. Typical is the example of Nitra Province, which in 1940-1944 was administered by Stephen Hassik, where the Jews were consistently protected and where, in 1943, the administrator, even though �22 SLOVAKIA not present, was able to obstruct the transfer of a certain number of Jews into Germany even after the action had begun (Manuscript in author's hands). 80. J. Pauco Dr. Jozef Tiso o sebe), op. cit., p. 322. SOURCES: CIANO, Galeazzo: Diario - Volume primo, 1939-1940; Milano, Rizzoli, 1946; L'Europa verso la catastrofe; 184 colloqui con Mussolini, Hitler, Franco, Sumner Welles, Rustu Aras, Stoiadinovic, Goring, Zog, Francois-Poncet ecc. verbalizzati da Galeazzo Ciano, con 40 documenti diplomatici inediti; (Verona), A. Mondadori, 1948. CULEN, Konstantin: Po Svatoplukovi druha nasa hlava (Zivot Dr. Jozefa Tisu); Middletown, Pa. , Prva Katolicka Slovenska Jednota, 1947-1948; 2Vols. DOCUMENTS ON BRITISH FOREIGN :POLICY 1919--1939, Third Series; London, His Majesty's Stationery Office, 1951. DURCANSKY, Ferdinand: Pravo Slovakov na samostatnost' vo svetle dokumentov, Vol. 1, Biela kniha; Buenos Aires, Slovensky Oslobodzovaci Vybor, 1954. GILLER, Agaton, Z podr6zy po kraju slowackim; Lw6w, Gubrynowicz and Schmidt, 1876. ·HAssiK, Stefan: Prispevok O rieseni iidovskej otazky V Sloven• skei republike (unpublished manuscript). INSTITUTE OF JEWISH AFFAffiS: Hitler's Ten-Year War on the Jews; New York, 1943. LES ARCHIVES SECRETES DE LA WILHELMSTRASSE: Documents traduits de l' allemand par Michael TOURNIER; Paris, Librairie Plon, 1950. Les Juives en Europe 1939-1945; Paris, CDJC, 1947. MIKUS, Joseph A., La Slovaquie dans le drame de I' Europe (Histoire politique de 1918 a 1950); Paris, Les Iles d' Or, 1955. POKORNY, Rudolf: Z potulek po Slovensku; Praha, 1884-1885, 2 Vols .. RAPPORT DU COMITE INTERNATIONAL DE LA CROIXROUGE sur son activite pendant la seconde guerre mondiale (ler septembre 1939 - 30 juin 1947); Geneve, 1948. REITLINGER, Gerald: The Final Solution. The Attempt to Ex• ter~inate the Jews of Europe 1939-1945; London, Vallentine-Mitchell, 1953. SIDOR, Karol: ~est' rokov pri Vatikane; Scranton, Pa., Obrana Press, Inc., 1947. STEINER, Frederick: The Tragedy of Slovak Jewry; Bratislava, 1949; (Documentation Centre CUJCR). TISO, Jozef : Obhajobna rec pred Narodnym sudom v Bratislave dna 17. a 18. marca 1947; edited by Dr. Jozef PAUCO : Dr. Jozef Tiso o sebe; Passaic, N. J ., Slovensky Katolicky Sokol, 1952. PERIODICALS: ETUDES, Paris. GARDISTA, Bratislava-Zilina. RELAZIONI INTERNAZIONALI, Milano. RIVISTA DI STUD! POLITIC! INTERNAZIONALI, Firenze. SLOVAK, Bratislava. ZEITSCHRIFT FUR AUSLANDISCHES OFFENTLICHES RECHT UND VOLKERRECHT, Berlin. � SLOVAKIA Pub I ished VOL. V II quart erly by the Slovak League SEPTEMBER- DECEMBER, 195 7 of America NO. 3-4(24-25) DR. JOSEPH TISO AND THE JEWISH PROBLEM IN SLOVAKIA MILAN S. DURI CA The fact that, during the period when Dr. Joseph Tiso was at the head of the Slova)k Republic as its president, there ,w ere "liqttidated" in an inhumane manner, in Nazi concentration camps, per.haps also severa1 tens of thousands of Jews from Slovakia, has tempted many authors either to hold Dr. Tiso directly responsible for these crimes, or at -least to consider this point as t,h e real weaJkness of Tiso's policy and his defense< 1 >. We are convinced that the so1ution of the Jewish problem in Slovakia is a very complicated proiblem and, therefore, it is necessary to gather in an objective study all existing documents so that the _true state of affairs might become known (2) . While awaiting the results of such a study, we are attempting here to focalize some of the actualities which already h ave been documented - facts which can put some light on definite, shadowy sides of this problem and also note in what direction it is necessary to move in making a further study so that we might arrive at an objective statement of the facts that had taken iplace and thus also at a correct moral evaluation of them. J EW RY IN S LOVAK IA Already in the past century, native and foreign observers were stunned by the great influx of Jews to Hungary and especially to the part of Hungary inhabited by the Slovaks from time immemorial. While Caplovic noted 6,850 J ews in the Trencin area h efore 1829, according to. the census of 1869 there already were 13,365 of them among 237,702 SlavaJks. Sveto,z ar Hurban, writing in 1881, said: A hundred years ago, there were 75,098 Jews in Hun- �2 SLOVAKJA gary; 55 years later there were already 241,632 of them (the increase burdened Slovakia mostly); in 1'870 they numbered 552,133 and now there are more than 600,000 of them in Hungary!" (Slovenske Pohl'ady, 1881, p. 291). The Czech writer Rudolph Pokorny, who reproduces these figures from direct eX:perience, describes the methods of Jewish immigrants in SlovaJkia as parasitical and exploitative (3). It would be very interesting to study in detaril the relations between the influx of Jews to Slovakia by the strengthening of their economic position and the economic decline orf the Slovak in1halbitants which resulted in an increasing exodus of Slovaks into foreign lands especially to the United States. According to our impressions from Hterature already reviewed, such a study would most li!kely lead to the conclusion that the exodus of the Sl()IVaks was in part caused by the great influx of Jews into rSl()IVaJkia. The strengthened economic positions of t:he Jews in Slovakia gave them the opportunity to exert stronger politicai influence and to propagate their ideology. A Polish observer A:gaton GiHer, ,w riting in 1876, described how the Jews in Slovalkia systematically worked against the Catholic Church and against Christianity in general( 4) under the aegis of the liberalism that was preached lby t:he Hungarian government ,o f the same Colman Tisza who, at the same time (1875) , denied the fact that the Slovak nation existed.(5). Jif we bear in mind the eX:tent and the constant increase of these mentioned effects of the Jewish minority in Slovak,ia, we shall more readily understand the spontaneous psychological reaction of the intelligentsia and the broad masses of the SloviaJk people. This reaction expressed itself, first of aill, in response to the tolerant nature of the SlovaJks and the fact that they laciked means of -power, in a blood-perspir~ng effort to save their own economic situation, ( with dollars made in American mines, the Slovak peasant tried to secure his livelihood in his native 'land) , then in t:he effort to emancipate themselves from dependence on the Jews in commerce to provide the daily necessities of life (by establishnig self-help cooperatives), amd also by an intensive building of institutions to preserve �SLOVAKIA 3 and •f .urther their original national culture both in a general and also in a specifically Christian sense (it suffices to mention the -Matica .Slovenska •a nd the Society of St. Adalbert). The situation did not change substantially even after the c,r eation oif the Czecho-Slova:k Republic in 1918(6). In 1923, a !French observer wa'S amazed \by the dis:proportion., ate preponderance of Jewish students in the universities and trade schools(7) and he foresaw that the Jews would thus soon capture the best positions in the new State(8). This prediction was if'll'lfilled, especiaUy a'S far as Slovakia was concerned. After the Vienna Arbitration, when the Jews constituted only 3.3'5 % of the population in S1ov,alkia(9), they owned almost one-half of the entire nation.a{ wealth(l0) and occupied most of the econ.omicaHy and civically important pwbl:i!c functionsO1). That this fact influenced the daily press and cultural production in general is evidence which needs no special proof(J2). It was only natural that the Slovak with all his legendary peace-loving characteristics, lbore the situation with difficulty; and the :Slovalk demands for autonomy, whicih characterized Slovak activities in the twenties and thirties of thi:s century, were accompanied by demands for a solution of the Jewish !problem. The current of anti-Semitism, which had overtalken many countries on the initiative of German Nazism, even such countries in whi·c h objectively suppositions fo'!" anti-Jew,i sh feeling were really insignificant if not directly fictitious, definitely did 1ha;ve some inf1uence even in 'Slova;kia(13). But who could stop Hitler at that time? It is not the fau~t •o f the Slovalks that many arguments of anti-Jewish :propaganda, originating outside of Slovalkia but ascribed to ,Slovakia, found at iJeast partial su!bstantiation in fact. THE JEWISH PROBLEM AND THE SLOVAK REPUBLIC Dr. Joseph Tiso took over the government of Sl01Vakia under the most difficult circumstances. His first worry was to preserve order and to prevent arbitray acts of usurpers even in the so,l ution of the Jewish .problem<14). Conscious of his responsibility to the nation, whose public opinion 1 �SLOVAKIA already for a longer time impatiently demanded radical regulations with regard to the privileged Czec,h and Jewish minority in Slovarkia(15), Dr. Tiso sought a legal solution of the matter already in federated Czecho-Slovakia(l6), as well as after March 14, 1919, in the Slova;k Republic. For an objectively moral evaluation of Tiso's conduct in the solution of the Jewish problem in .Slovakia, is is necessary to clearly distinguish ,various time periods, during which the legal and practical possibilities of Dr. Tiso to decide this question personally changed substantially. 1. From October 6, 1938, to October 26, 1939: Dr. Joseph Tiso, as Prime Mini:ster of the Slo,vaJk Go,vernment, had broad ;possiibilities oif legislative and executive intrative and, therefore, also dir,e ct, personal responsibility in this regard(17 ). 2. From October 26, 1939, to July 28, 1940: As President of the Slova:k Republic, Dr. Joseph Tiso could intervene in the legislative acti,viby of the Assembly and influence the executive power reserived to the government, which was responsible to the Assembly and not to the President, only within the limits prescribed by the Constitution of the S'lovaJk Republic(18) . During this ,p eriod, we cannot regard Dr. Tiso directly res,ponsible for the various initiatives in the solution of the Jewis'h problem, but only for the acts of his office as prescrilbed by the Constitution: whether and how he used the rights of intervention., ·a s defined 'by the Constitution, in regard to legislative and exec,utirve acts which required his appm,val. For the latter, as head of the State, Dr. Tiso carries the responsibility, dividing it with the respective Constitutional organs. 3. From July 28, 1940, to August 30, 1944: at the Salziburg meeting with Germany's intervention in the internal affairs of 'Slova'kia(19) - Dr. Tiso lost a definite part of the effective possibilities to exercise his Constitutional rights in regard to persons who were forced by Hitler into the Slovaik Government, especially with regard to expressed demands of the Germans upon the Slova;k Government(20). Such was the problem of e~pelling or liquidating the Jew:? <21) . In this period we can hold Tiso as responsible, as in the previous period, only in proportion 1 1 �SLOVAKIA 5 to the effective possibilities of free action which remained open to him after !Hitler's intervention at Salzburg. 4. From August 30, 1944, to April 5, 1945: Slovakia was to a great extent a battleground, where actual governmental power was exercised by various fighting units, most of the time completely independent of civil governmental organs, nay even expressly in opposition to them. (22). Here the responsibility of Dr. Tiso is limited to those acts, which - aliWays within the extent of this Constitutional rights and duties - took ·p lace on the territory and at ra time when the Government of the SlovaJk Republic still go;verned there and had effective 1possibility to exercise its power. TISO'S SOLUTION Despite the critical political - internal and international - situation and the revolutionary events of October, 1938, and of March, 1939, with his resolute influence, Dr. Joseph Tiso checked all violent intervention of incited masses of ,people in the solution of the Jewish problem (23) and consistently in;volked a legal courne to- solve this problem. Such a course, while it secured for the Slovaks time for the necessary study of the various aspects of the complicated situation and for a democratic negotation .o f various motions, with regard to the Jews themselves, it eliminated the typically Nazi factor of surprise(2-!), giving them time and opportunity to prepare themselves psychologically and to make necessary provisions, including financial(25) in the face of the new situation. After such a preliminary preparation, the first Slo;vruk governmental regulation was issued April 30, 1939, with the force of law, the object of which was to solve the Jewish pro1blem (26). This regulation defined the concept of a confessional and civic viewpoint, without considering racial motives at all. Its aim was to reduce the disproportionate preponderance of Jews in the economic life of Slovakia. The Jews could continue to manage their enterprises if they allowed a 51 % per cent ,participation of Slovaks the 51 % not being confiscated, but lbought in a regular manner by Slovak participants (shareholders). The participation of Jews in the legal, medical, and other important �6 SLOVAKIA and profitable professions was to be regulated gradually in proportion to the total number of the Jewish minority. Besides this, the Slovak Government of Dr. Joseph Tiso supported. the voluntary emigration of Jews to Palestine in all possible ways< 27) . If we consider all the facts of the matter objecttvely, we must admit that in these regulations there really was nothing w'hich, under the given circumstances, would exceed the normal competency of a legislator that did not emanate from the natural law itself, or that would be opposed to the principles of justice and humanity(28). The first 'S lovak resolution of the J ewish question - and tihe only one which, in the full sense, we can call Tiso's solution - contained and realized the attributes proposed by Tiso when he ,proclaimed. that "t'he Jewish question in Slovakia shall be solved justly, socially, and humanly"( 29) . THE SLOVAK "JEWISH LAW" These :provisions clearly, but not altogether effectively because they left wide possibilities to evade the law(30), proved to be insufficient in attaining their aim. 'Dherefore, but probably also under German pressure(31), the Slovak Parliament prepared. a new so-catled "Jewish Law," which was approved on iFeb11uary 29, 1940(32). Fundamentally, this law differed little from the previous provision; it defined more accurately many details and fixed the principle of participation o.f the Jews in economic, civic, and cultural life in proportion to their number of the tdtal population, that is, 4 percent(33) . The confessional and civic principle remained in force, therefore not that of racial discrimination; so did the principle of selling 51 % of the shares of Jewish ente11prises to companion SloJVaks freely chosen lby them. This .principle of "Aryani:zation" Dr. Tiso defended consistently, even by using his constitutional authority as President(34) . GERMAN INTERVENTION AND THE "JEWISH CODE" It aippears t'hat even these new legal dispositions were not sufficient in practice to attain the goal. Several loopholes were left open for escape from the consequences of �SLOVAKIA 7 the [aw - and those affected naturally did not hesitate to use them in every way(35) - so t:Jhat the more radical circles in Slovakia expressed their dissatisfaction with such a solution. However, it was chiefly in Germany that the Slovak solution of the Jewish question was bitterly criticized as being basiically in conflict with the German Jewish !aws(36). It was this consistent originality and independence of Dr. Tiso and his government in regard to the so1ution of the Jewish question that was one of the reasons for intervention o,f Adol'ph Hitler in the internal affairs of the Slovak Republic at SalzJburg on July 28, 1940(37). There Dr. Tiso was forced to drop Dr. Ferdinand :Durcansky, Minister of the Interior and Foreign Affairs, who collorborated with him in the independent solution of the Jewish question. Dr. Vojtech T,uik,a, who was ,g reatly influenced by the Germans, was forced on tJhe Slova,k Government as Minister of Fo·r eign Affairs against the will of President Tiso(38), as was journalist Alexander Mach, who became the executor of German dictates especially in the Jewish question as Minister of the Interior(39) . For Dr. Joseph Tiso, Salzburg meant personally such a blow that he was determined to, tender his resignation( 40). It was only at the insistence of moderate SloivaJk ciroles, nay, even the Jews themselves, that he remained at his post to use his authority to check the radical group which was under the influence of the Germans(41). Tiso's position after SalaJbur,g, therefore, became substantially a defensi'Ve one: not only did he lose in notable measure the possibility of concrete intiative in regard to the Jewish question, but also his constitutional authority of intervention was ,partially reduced by t:Jhe facts of this new political situation. Thus it happened that on September 10, Prime Minister Tuika could force the parliament to pass an enabling law for the solution of the Jewish question by the government. This "emandpated" ,goivernment of Dr. T,uka issued in the form of a goivernment regulation - without the signature of the President of the Republic, Dr. Joseph Tiso - the so-called "Jewish Code"< 42 >, Wihich copied the Ger~ man Nuremberg Laiw. Apparently the Germans were de- �8 SLOVAKIA termined to impose Hitler's order in SlovaJkia - the same imperial imposition of Hitler's Germaniy to which all the governments of states in the German sphere of influence had succumbed. In comparison with the Jewish laws of Germany and the other States (iltaly, France, Hungary, Rumania, Bulgaria, Holland, Denmark, Norway - and even annexed Austria, the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, and the General Governorship of Poland), the "Jewish Code" of S1ovakia contained two lucid points which were hers exclusive ly: the first reserved to the Preside nt of the Repulblic the right of direct administrational "exception" of anyone from the power of this law <43), while the second confirmed the validity of all exce ptions alre ady granted according to the aforementioned Slovak law(44 ). These two paragraphs, leaving tJhe head of the State an open possibility to protect in the face of an avalanche of force which evidently it was impossible to oppose, were the motive why Dr. Joseiph Tiso finally decided not to resign his office after the .promulgation of the "Jewish Code"< 45 ). PRESIDENT TISO'S STAND The question was a real "ca:sus conscientiae," which today ,w e can reconstruct in its main outlines. Dr. Tiso was opposed to any violent solution of the Jewish question; he was ready to .p rotest against it by resigning his office. The following realities, however , came into ,c onsideration: if Tiso did resign, it was c ertain that Tu.ka would be put into his office - and it was generally !known that Tu!ka was strongly under German influences. I,f this would have happened, not only all the Jews of SlovaJkia would ha'Ve been completely subject to German inte:vventions, but even government power of all Slovakia would practically have passed ()IVer completely into German hands and this w·o uld have had catastrophic consequences for the entire nation. Let it suffice here to mention the forced participation in the war and the system of National 1Socialism promoted b.y Dr. Tutka. Under such circumstances, the resignation o;f Dr. Tiso would have meant deserting from a position of responsi- �SLOVAKIA 9 bility, disappointing the h0ipes of all the people who sa,w in him the salvation of the nation in a critical world situation and a ,g uarantee aigainst the 'Very actual ideological danger of Nazi,sm(46). By retaining t:Jhe funcUon o.f the President of the Republic, Dr. Tiso had a hoipe not only of continuing the defensive policy of Slova!kia a,gainst Nazism, but a:lso to sarve, if not all, at least as many as possible Jews of Slovakia who were persecuted by Nazism. Were these ihoipes however, sUJbstantiated? The answer to this question is very impo,r tant for the moral qualification of the stand of Dr. Joseph Tiso and thereby of his entire relationship to the proiblem orf the Jews in SlovaJkia. It is not difficult to answer the first part of the question: It has been proved that by remaining President of the Republic, Dr. Tiso not only sruved the SlovaJk nation from threatened occupation and division, from the flood of Nazi ideolo,gy, from most of the economic and social consequences of the world rwar, but, despite the exceptional circumstances, he also organized Slovakia legally, culturally and economically as an independent State and thereby demonstrated t:Jhat Sloiva,kia had all the ;prerequisites orf developmernt as an independent State. Under his guidance Slovalk ia attained "brilliant results and the elan of autonomous life was reaHy wonderful"< 47). So that we could answer the second part of the question, we must objecti'Ve1y examine the cause of Jewish provisions and their exeoution in Slovakia in the third and fourth periods (1941-1945). After the promulgation of the "Jewish Code," the Jews were supposed to be transferred from Slovakia to the territory between the Visla and t:Jhe Bug in former Poland, where there was to be found some kind of state creation reserved for them. Here it is necessary to, note that the project of a separate territory for European Jews presented a solution which was seriously studied not only in Ckrmany( 48), but ,a iso iby other powers, such as, for example, the United States (4 9). To:l. order to ascertain the situation the SlovaJk Gov•e rnment sent to Poland a representatiive of the Ministry of the Interior, Isidore Koso, to whom they 1, 1 �10 SLOVAKIA actually did show the Jewish city of Sosnowitz, Oppel, with its own administration, police, etc. Well, even .after this the SlovaJk Government did not begin to transfer Jews, but arranged labor camps for them in Slovakia, where they were to be gradually concentrated. This course, which Reitlinger explains as motivated by economy(50), is apparently 1b etter ex.plained as a reaction of the Slovak Government to the Memorandum of the Slovak Catholic Bishops of October 7, 1941(51), and to the reminders of the Holy See of Novemfber 12, 1941 (52). In both these doouments ecclesiastical representatives protested against the racist principle which inspired governmentrul regulation No. 198--1941 of the Slova!k Code, especiaUy however rugainst those ,p oints which were out of line with the teachings of the Church (outlawing mixed marriages, ex:pulsion from schools) and called upon the SlovaJk G()IVernment to recall or at least change the mentioned regulations in this seinse. The Holy See, wihich was for apparent reasons generally regarded as "the best informed political center of the world"(53 ), at the same time manifested its understanding for the situation of the ,Slov,a;k Government when it concluded its note with these words,: "The Holy See hopes that the Slovak Government, as long as the government regulations are not repealed or amended, will try to ex;plain and to validate the issued regulations in suoh a measUTe and in such a manner so that they mig1ht become as far as is possible least harmful to the needs (demands) of Catholic conscience"(54). These words appear to be the norm and therefore the explanation of the course not only of Dr. Tiso, but also that of the :SloIVaJk gOIVemment followed in practice until the end of their activities. Thus it was that despite the Nuremberg t01J1e of the "Jewish Code," the f,unda:mental :points of that code were not practically applied until March 10, 1942. Thus far it has not been conclusively ascertained, whether under German pressure or not(5,5), Minister of the Interior Alexander Mach issued the decree on March 7, 1942, which confined all the Jews of Slovakia to their homes until their transfer to the East(5&) . This provision, which was soon followed by the first transports of Jews from Slo- �SLOVAKIA 11 vakia to Galicia (March 10, 1942), inspired a strong opposition of public opinion, new protests of ecclesiastical circles (.57), nay, even dissent of the rest of the members of the government.(5<8). But it has been safely ascertained that Germany did pressure the Slovak Government to adopt the solution of the Jewish question in the form of transferring the Jews which had been accepted by the other States (Germany, France, Holland, Belgium, Hungary). To this end Heydrich himself came to Bratislava on April 10, 1942, to tell Tuka that the Jews of Slovakia would be transferred to the Lublin area where they would be settled permanently. Separate settlements were to be arranged for baptized Jews (59). After repeated insistence and assurances from the German side that Jewish families would be respected and that they would be dealt with decently(·60), the Slovak Government began to send to the East the members of the families of those young, able-to-work Jews who had been transported the previous month. In this second intervention of the Slovak Government, it is possible to see an effort to correct in some way the mistake of the first transfer by which many Jewish families were broken up. It became tragic that the promises of Heydrich and Eichmann were the treacherous trap which was not without effect(&l). At that time the Slovak Government could not know about the real intentions of the Nazis: Wisliceny himself found this out, as we shall see, only several months later. Nevertheless Dr. Tuka insisted that he might send an inspection mission to ascertain on the spot just how the transferred Jews were being dealt with. The Slovak Government presented this demand also formally in the form of a note addressed to the German Government(,62) - but received only an evasive reply. It was this, most likely, that roused suspicions on the Slovak side. Therefore already on May 15, 1942, the Slovak parliament approved a constitutional law by which it practically repealed the power given the government in September, 1941, and legally set the course for the problem of emigration. The substance of this law was, however, the practical cessation of deportations; the law, that is, sanctioned all the previously granted presidential and minis- �12 SLOVAKIA terial "exceptions" and established a new general exception for Jews baptized before March 14, 1939(63) . Furthermore, it established that Jews, affected by the law, would be concentrated in labor camps in Slovakia. In July, 1942, when the representative of the Holy See in Bratislava notified President Tiso that the Jews in the Lublin area were being murdered, Dr. Tiso with absolute determination insisted on the realization of a Slovak inspection mission - or else there would be no further transfer of Jews from Slovakia. In August, Wisliceny went to Berlin with the matter. There Eichmann told him that Tiso was asking an impossible thing because those Jews were no longer alive. Thereupon he showed him a secret order, issued by the will of Hitler and signed by Himmler, according to which the entire Jewish race was to be gradually destroyed(64). Wisliceny returned to Bratislava again with an evasive reply. After this deportations from Slovakia were completely stopped. From what has been said it is quite clear that the Slovak Government allowed the transfer of a part of the Jews from Slovakia under the imperialistic pressure of Germany - in the face of guarantees to respect basic human rights and humanitarian treatment. As soon as there arose a reason to doubt that the Nazis were fulfilling the guarantees given, the parliament of the Slovak Republic with the strength of a constitutional law stood up to protect the Jewish citizens of Slovakia. The fact that it is necessary to explain the law of May 15, 1942, in this maner, is also supported by the following realities : 1. The motive for voting this law was the merciless exportation of the Jews on the basis of the decree of Minister Mach of March 7, 1942 (65). 2. By this law, constitutionally, were sanctioned all the exceptions granted by the President of the Republic and the resort Ministers ; also a new general exception was established by which a confessional criterion was given priority - which the Germans sharply criticized already in 1940 as opposed to the racist principles of Nuremberg. 3. The real aim of concentrating the Jews, who did not have the mentioned exceptions, in Slovak labor camps was �SLOVAKIA 13 to save them from possible transfer elsewhere on the initiative of radical circles around Minister Mach behind which stood the power of Germany. This was evident from the way these camps were set up - the living conditions of which were but little different from complete freedom(66). 4. Despite repeated insistence from the side of the Germans, nay, even despite the intervention of Hitler himself with President Tiso(67), Slovakia did not retreat from her position and protected the Jews with all means of political tactics(68) and her own State power. 5. After September 1, 1944, when Slovakia became a battlefield and governmental power was factually exercised by the fighting armies, despite German occupation of practically the whole of Slovakia, the new Minister of National Defense and State Security of the Slovak Republic, Stephen Hrussik, ordered the abolishment of all concentration camps and of all anti-Jewish administrational regulations(69). 6. When German army commanders defied the above order and by force transported to Germany all Jews that fell into their hands during military operations, the new Prime Minister of the Slovak Republic, Dr. Stephen Tiso, energetically protested to the German Government(70). 7. Later, when the commander of the occupation army and "the only representative of the Reich in Slovakia"(71), SS-General Berger forced the Slovak Government regulation in regard to concentrating the Jews (Nov. 16, 1944), the provision had practically no effect because the Slovak Government and Slovak officials silently agreed that the Jews be free to hide themselves(72). From the given facts it is quite clear that despite some drastic interventions of the Nazis and their several Slovak collaborators in the spring of 1942, for which they gained partial accord of the Slovak Government by cunning, the great part of the Jewish minority could remain in Slovakia and there be effectively protected to such an extent that the Slovak Republic in certain periods was regarded as a relative asylum even for the Jews from other countries, especially those from Poland and Hungary(73). The stand of the Slovak Republic in regard to the "definite solution" (Endlosung) of the Jewish question, pres- �14 SLOVAKIA sured by the Nazis, immediately from the first moments of suspicion about the real aim of these " regulations," was unanimously and consistently so rejective that it really presents "the story of the first outright failure of the 'Final Solution' and a failure at a time when there was no glimmer of hope for Jewry in Axis-controlled Europe" (74). The fact that the small Slovak State, even though it could not prevent all violence, knew how to stand up against it - and with such a determination that an objective historian can today talk about "a challenge to war" and about "a revolt" of the Slovak Government(75) - proves t hat t he Slovak Government even in this r egard not only did not accept without reservations the principles of Hitler's National Socialism, but even knew how to defend itself against them, nay, even to repudiate them forcefully, as long as it was not completely overpowered by the brutal preponderance of military occupation and frontal operations. This important fact has thus far not been properly evaluated in world literature which concerns itself with this historical period. If we pause now in our search for the reasons of the described facts, we shall come to the conclusion that one of the most decisive factors in the course of events in Slovakia was the personality of President Dr. Joseph Tiso. To this conclusion we are led by the following facts: 1. While Dr. Joseph Tiso held the initiative of solving the Jewish question in Slovakia( we saw that he solved it in a sense of strict justice, in a legal way, and in a most human manner. 2. As President of the Republic he used his constitutional right in order that the laws proposed by the parliament remained within the confines of the same principles which were in opposition to the Nazi anti-Jewish laws( 7,6). 3. When he could not prevent the issuance of the "Jewish Codex," he reserved the right for himself to limit its effectiveness as much as possible by personal "exceptions." That this was the intent of the mentioned paragraph 225 is confirmed by the fact ascertained by the court that Dr. Joseph Tiso used his authority as a matter of principle for every case placed before him, by which in a short time he �SLOVAKIA 15 liberated a great part of the Jewish inhabitants of Slovakia from the "Jewish Codex"(77). 4. It was generally known that the initiative of proGerman politics was held by the ministers forced on Tiso (Dr. Tuka and A. Mach) - and that there were basic conflicts between them and President Tiso. If, therefore, the Slovak parliament could pass the constitutional law of May 15, 1942 - which was in fact aimed against German Nazis and the executors of their influence in Slovakia this is understandable only if we allow that it did so not only within the support of the authority of the President of the Republic and the chairman of the Hlinka Slovak People's Party, Dr. Joseph Tiso, but, as it has been safely ascertained: directly on his initiative (78) . 5. Finally, only such a consistently anti-Nazi stand of President Tiso in regard to the Jewish question can explain the fact that, even despite the regulations of the government and the Minister of the Interior, some of the regional representatives of state power could during that entire time take positions of open protection of the Jewish inhabitants, nay, even actually intervene in the initiative of government trustees in the Jewish question on territory administered by them( 79) . CONCLUSION As we emphasized at the outset, in this study we were interested in focalizing some of the facts that are important and pertinent for a correct evaluation of the relationship of Dr. Joseph Tiso to the Jewish problem in Slovakia. Intentionally we have not touched upon some undoubtedly interesting and relatively important aspects of this complicated problem which require a separate study (e.g., the question of statistical data, the question of the legal and moral side of the individual regulations and respective responsibilities, etc.) . This study, we believe, does prove that we cannot honestly regard Dr. Joseph Tiso as a persecutor of the Jews or as a collaborator of the Nazis in their inhuman work of genocide of the Jewish nation. It is necessary, however, to acknowledge that the President of the Slovak Republic did prove himself an eminent opponent of every injustice against the Jews, whether perpetrated by �16 SLOVAKIA the German Nazis or by others in their service. Dr. Tiso did everything in his power to save them - and we say, without fear of contradiction, that he did for the Jews what no other statesman dared to do in the Europe controlled by Hitler at that time. If, despite this, a part of the Jews of Slovakia was taken out of Slovakia by violent intervention of brute force, it is certain that this happened without any direct participation of Dr. Joseph Tiso - nay, against his will - and, hence, we cannot hold him responsible for it. Dr. Tiso found himself face to face with a current "which it was possible to impede and probably even to influence, but not stop," as he himself had said during his trial in Bratislava <SO) . There is no evidence to prove that Dr. Tiso aided or abetted, motivated or approved in any way, the brutal treatment of Jews in Slovakia or anywhere else. To lie in the face of death is not easy. So much the less can we allow that Dr. Joseph Tiso could do so - the same Dr. Tiso who could proclaim before the entire nation that never in his life did he utter an untruth intentionally. And he did not fear that someone might be able to prove the opposite. Would that the world were managed by politicians and statesmen who would follow the noble example of the President of the Slovak Republic, Dr. Joseph Tiso! REFERENCES: 1. The first opm10n is practically current in encyclopedic and scientific literature; some Slovak authors are inclined to the second; e.g., Th. J. Zubek ("Monsignor Jozef Tiso - Controversial Personality" - The Homiletic and Pastoral Review, Nov. 1955, p. 125). 2. Dr. Joseph Pauco: Dr. Jozef Tiso o sebe, Passaic, N. J ., 1952; pp. 323-323. 3. R. Pokorny: Z potulek po Slovensku, Prague, 1884, Vol. I, pp. 56-. 4. It was not by accident that the German translation of Rabbi Benjamin Halvey's Hebrew pasquinade "Das leben Jesu. Zurn ersten Male historisch bearbeitet nach neuentdeckten jiidisch orientalischen Quellen" was published in Bratislava (Pressburg) in 1875. According to the translator, who personally offered it to Giller in Trencianske Teplice, it surpassed by far the dilettante attempts of Strauss, Voltaire and other blasphemous pseudo-historians. See A. Giller - Z podrozy po kraju slowackim" - Lw6w, -876; pp. 197-. 5. Th. G. Locher: Die nationale Differenzeirung und lntegrie• rung der Slowaken und Tschechen in ihren geschichtlichen Verlauf bis 1848 - Haarlem, 1931; p. 196. 6. J. A. Mikus: La Slovaquie dans le drame de l'Europe - Paris, 1955; p. 133. 7. While Hungary, for example, had a "numerus clausus" estab- �SLOVAKIA 17 lished by law, in Czecho-Slova kia, where the number of J ews was estimated at 3--4 percent of the population, the secondary schools became practically the exclusive domain of the Jews. In Prague itself over half the students were Jewish; the State Gymnazium for girls bad 163 Jewish pupils out of a total of 248; in several gymnaziums for boys the relationship of Jews to non-Jews was: 116 out of 254; 123 out of 250; 185 out of 240. At the university for every three nonJewish professors there was one Jewish professor. See: J. Boubee Tcheco-Slova quie - in "ETUDES," Paris, Vol. 60, No. 174, 1923; pp. 225-. 8. Ibidem. 9. G. Reitlinger: The Final Solution - London, 1953; p. 386. 10. The value of Jewish properties was evaluated at 3,150 million Slovak Crowns; besides this, the Jews controlled over 12,000 industrial enterprises with a capital of 1,250 million Slovak Crowns, especially the textile industry where they controlled 90 percent oi the production. The situation was much the same in the wood and alcohol industries. See the article "La Slovacchia e gli Ebrei" in the periodical RELAZIONI INTERNAZIONALI, Milan, Vol. 8, No. 34, 1942; p , 902. 11. Ibidem: 72 percent of the lawyers and 64 percent of the medics were Jews, while 58 percent of all restaurant and liquor concessions was in their hands. 12. See the statement, e.g., of P . R. Mikus in the SLOVAK, Bratislava, Vol. XXI, No. 34, February 10, 1939; p. 1. 13. Here we do not have in mind only States, such as Italy, for example, which did adopt various anti-Jewish regulations. Count Ciano noted that on January 13, 1939, in a conversation with Mussolini, Chamberlain expressed grave fears that "further immigration of Jews into England would incite anti-Semitism which is already being planned in many sectors of the country." Besides the Jewish minority in England was negligible: according to Chamberlain , 60,000 (Mussolini stated that it was over 200,000) - G. Ciano, "Diario, 1939-1940," Milan, 1946; p. 22. - In regard to the anti-Jewish mood in other States, see "Les archives secre de la Wilhelmstras se" - Vol V, Book II, Paris, 1954, Documents Nos. 469-493, pp. 113-. 14. Dr. Tiso stressed this in general in his first speech after taking over government in Slovakia, Oct. 8, 1938 (K. Culen: Po Svatoplukovi druha nasa hlava," Middletown, Pa., 1948; p. 215). Later, on March 15, 1939, in a broadcast he warned all who would be guilty of such acts and threatened that the government would prosecute all culprits ("SLOVAK" - Bratislava, Vol. XXI, No. 63, 1939; p . 4). 15. "SLOVAK" - Vol. XXI, No. 25, Jan. 31, 1939. 16. "SLOVAK" - Vol XXI, No. 28, Feb. 3, 1939; p. 3. Compare also the government declaration of Feb. 22, 1939 ("SLOVAK," Vol. XXI, Nos. 44-45, Feb. 22-23, 1939). 17. Speech of Dr. Tiso at the Eighth Convention of the Hlinka Slovak People's Party at Trencin, Oct. 1, 1939 ("SLOVAK" - Vol. XXI, No. 227, Oct. 3, 1939; pp. 3-4). 18. An analysis of the Constitution of the Slovak Republic by H. Schimani: "Die Verfassun~ der Slowakischen Republik" - Vienna, 1947. 19. Dr. Ferdinand Durcansky: Pravo Slovakov na samostatnost' vo svetle dokumentov - Vol. I, Buenos Aires, 1954; p. 196. 20. Dr. J. Pauco: op. cit., p. 55. �18 SLOVAKIA Dr. F. Durcansky: op. cit., p. 237. J. A. Mikus: op. cit., pp. 185-; F. Durcansky: op. cit.; pp. 475: In an official pronouncement, Feb. 21, 1939, Tiso declared: "It is proof of the maturity of our nation that despite all incitements the Slovak nation waited for the legal solution of the Jewish question" (stenographic report of the second meeting of the Slovak Assembly, Bratislava, Feb. 21-23, 1939, p. 9). 24. That this was the expressed intention of Dr. Tiso is attested to by his statement to the correspondent of the Jewish Telegraph Agency, J. Frankel, Feb. 8, 1939: "The coming Jewish law will certainly serve the purpose that the Jews might not be caught by surprises and would know just how far they will be able to go in economic life" (SLOVAK, Feb. 10, 1939, p. 3). 25. Memorandum of the British Consul in Bratislava, Mr. P. Pares, Feb. 3, 1939, in the "DOCUMENTS ON BRITISH FOREIGN POLICY 1919-1939" - Third Series, Vol. IV, No. 97, 1951, London; p. 96. 26. No. 63-39 SLOVAK CODE; No. 102-39 Ur. nov. (Official News). 27. It approved the transfer and emigration plan of Dr. S. E. Soskin (SLOVAK, Feb. 10, 1939, p. 3). Innsbruck28. Compare, e.g., J. Messner: Das Naturrecht Vienna, 1950, pp. 365-366 - and: P. Pavan: l.'.uomo nella communita internazionale - Rome, s.d., p. 47. 29. SLOVAK, Feb. 10, 1939, p. 3. 30. RELAZIONI INTERNAZIONALI, op. cit., p. 902. 31. We did not find documents which would definitely confirm such pressure in this period, but the testimony of F. Durcansky inclines us to believe that pressures were exercised. He said: "secret influences of the Germans did not validate themselves anywhere to such an extent as they did in the attempt to attain the solution of the Jewish question in Slovakia according to the desires of the National Socialistic circles. . . . " (Speaking of the period prior to July 28, 1940) - F. Durcansky, op. cit., p. 237. 32. No. 46-40, SLOVAK CODE. 33. Commenting on this law on March 10, 1940, Tiso stressed that we are here concerned "with our own reasonable course. This is not an imitation of foreign patterns." - (SLOVAK, March 13, 21. 22. 23. 1940, p. 3). 34. Thus, e.g., in April, 1940, he returned to the Parliament for renewed debate on the draft of the law about Jewish enterprises with his own remarks and reminders; the parliament then approved the law with Tiso's recommendations on April 25, 1940 (SLOVAK, April 26, 1940), p. 2). 35. The amount which the Jews transferred abroad at that time was estimated at 2,000 million Slovak Crowns. Even in the "Aryan- only ized" enterprises "the Jews frequently remained bosses names changed on paper" (GARDISTA, June 14, 1941, p. 3). 36. Compare the study of the German legal expert for Slovak affairs, K. 0. Rabl, "Verfassungsrecht und Verfassungsleben in der neuen Slowakei" (in the periodical: ZEITSCHRIFT fur auslandisches offentliches Recht und Volkerrecht - Berlin, Vol. IX, No. 4, 1940), which concludes categorically: "The Jewish problem in Slovakia is practically, therefore, according to previous provisions, not solved at all. Mainly the economic and imperial position of Jewry remains the same as it was before" (p. 867). �SLOVAKIA 37. 38. 39. 40, 41. l!} F. Durcansky, op. cit., p. 237. K. Culen, op. cit., pp. 263-; p. 480; J . A. Mikus, op. cit. p. 163. G. Reitlinger, op. cit., p. 386. J. Pauco, op. cit., p. 35; K. Culen, op. cit., p. 380. Minister Gejza Medricky's testimony during the Tiso trial ; this is reproduced by K. Culen, op. cit., p. 480. 42. SLOVAK CODE, part 52, No. 198, September 10, 1941. 43. "Jewish Codex" - part X, par. 255. 44. Ibidem, par. 256. 45. J . Pauco, op. cit., footnote 92, p. 323. 46. Compare the testimony of Archbishop Kmet'ko before the National Court in Bratislava, January 6, 1947; K. Culen, op. cit. pp. 369-370. 47. A. Giannini: Monsignor Tiso (in "Rivista di studi politici internazionali" - Firenze, Vol. XIX, No. 3, 1952, p. 451); a wealth of documentaton is produced also by F . Durcansky, op. cit., pp. 166-169, 190-248. 48. Dr. Ley, German Minister, informed Count Ciano about the project in Rome, Dec. 6, 1939. In 1940, Ribbentrop told Ciano about Hitler's plan to create a Jewish free state on the island of Madagascar, where all the Jews of Europe were supposed to be concentrated. (l!Europa verso la catastrofe - Verona, 1948; G. Ciano, Diario 19391943, Milan, 1946, Vol. I, p. 280). 49. On December 7, 1938, President Roosevelt sent Mussolini a personal letter in which he proposed that a part of the south and southwest territory of Abyssinia be reserved for the Jews. Mussolini declared that personally he sympathized with the idea of creating a Jewish state, but decidely not in Abyssinia, nor anywhere in Africa. He proposed Russia, Brazil or the United States of America (Les Archives Secretes de la Wilhelmstrasse, Vol. IV, Les suites de Munich, Paris, 1953, doc. No. 341, pp. 498-500; compare also Vol. V, Book II, Paris, 1954, doc. Nos. 469-493, pp. 113-158). 50. G. Reitlinger, op. cit., p. -387. 51. Partially reproduced in K. Sidor's "~est' rokov pri Vatik'• ne" - Scranton, Pa., 1947, pp. 135-138. 52. In the note of the State Secretariate to His Holiness, No. 8355-41 , published in Sidor's op. cit., pp. 138-140. 53. W. Theimer: Lexicon der Politik, Bern, 1947, under "Vatikan" - p. 482. 54. K. Sidor, op. cit., p. 140. Sidor used the Slovak word "potrebam" (needs) in translating the Italian "esigenze," but the latter would probably be better expressed by "poziadavkam" (demands). 55. G. Reitlinger, op. cit. , p. 387. 56. At a press conference, March 27, 1942, Minister A. Mach declared that "the ultimate aim is to transfer all Jews to a territory, which would be ordered for the settlement within the framework of a new European order" (SLOVAK, March 28, 1942, p. 3). 57. The Vatican protested with the note of the State Secretariate of His Holiness, No. 2027-42 ,dated March 14, 1942. At the end of March, the Slovak Minister at the Vatican, Karol Sidor, personally was in Bratislava with a demand to stop deportations (K. Sidor, op. cit., pp. 141-142). 58. G. Reitlinger, op. cit. , p. 388; from this reaction, as well as from the declaration of Minister A. Mach at the press conference �20 SLOVAKIA mentioned above (56), it is apparent that the personal intervention of the minister forced by Ribbentrop on Tiso was concerned and/ or his group of Slovak extremists. Mach publicly repudiated "speeches (which implied) that we had been somehow asked from the outside or forced to this solution. We ourselves have undertaken everything possible to have the opportunity to get rid of the Jews" (SLOVAK, March 28, 1942). According to the note of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Bratislava, No. 8.325/ 1/ 42, of May 8, 1942, addressed to the Slovak Embassy at the Vatican (concerning the reply to the mentioned interventions of the Vatican of Nov. 12, 1941, and March 14, 1942), at that time " there were negotiations between the factors of the Slovak Republic and the Greman Reich in regard to the problem of the European Jews," in the sense of which "the Jews of Slovakia would be placed in several areas in the vicinity of Lublin ... where they would remain permanently" (K. Sidor, op. cit., pp. 142-143). This connection of matters appears to be more probable. 59. F . Steiner: Tragedy of Slovak Jewry - Bratislava, 1949, p. 6; reprod. from G. Reitlinger, op. cit. 60. At the beginning of May, Eichmann negotiated in this sense with Dr. Tuka and A. Mach. 61. G. Reitlinger, op. cit., p. 388. 62. Wisliceny admitted this before the Nuremberg Court The Trial of the Major War Criminals - Vol. ill, pp. 276-278; reprod . .bY G. Reitlinger, op. cit. , p. 390). 63. "In practice the way was open in this intensely Catholic country for any professed convert to demand protection" (B. Shub: Hitler's Ten-Year War on the Jews, New York, 1943, p . 54;reprod. by G. Reitlingeh ,op. cit. , p. 390). 64. G. Reitlinger, op. cit. , p. 390. 65. Compare the testimony of Minister G. Medricky before the National Court in Bratislava, Feb. 21, 1947; K. Culen, op. cit., p . 482. 66. The official report of the International Red Cross describes them thusly: " ... les camps qui presentaient des conditions de nouriture et de logement passables, les internes etaient admis a travailler moyennant salaire dans des conditio se rapprochant de :Ueconomie libre" (Rapport du Comite international de la Croix-Rouge sur son action pendant la seconde guerre mondiale, Geneve, 1948, p. 674). 67. After various messengers and plenipotentiaries had pressured Tiso and the Slovak Government, Tiso was called to Salzburg in May, 1943, where Hitler angrily marked the Slovak resolution of the Jewish question 'insufficient." 68. In the light of realities, such would appear to be the various public manifestations (as, e.g., the anti-Jewish speech of Min. A. Mach in Ruzomberok, Feb. 7, 1943) and the conditioned promises of President Tiso (in December, 1943, to Himmler's special agent E. Weesenmayer) which, however, were never fulfilled . Compare Sidor's account, op. cit., pp. 146-147, and G. Reitlinger, op. cit., p. 390. 69. According to unpublished testimonies in manuscript which are in the hands of the author. 70. K. Sidor, op. cit., p. 148. 71. It was thus that he presented himself to President Tiso on his arrival to Bratislava "as the accredited agent of Hitler" at the end of August, 1944. See: J . Pauco, op. cit., p. 293. 72. The regulation was formulated as a summons to come to a �SLOVAKIA 21 definite place on Nov. 24. A delegate of the International Red Cr oss ascertained on the spot that the summons was answered only by about 50 Jews: "Comme les Autorites slovaques l'avaient d'ailleurs prevu" he relates literally - "les Israelites se cachaient" (Rapport du Comite .. . . op. cit., p. 674). The hidden Jews could be aided not only by the population, but also by the International Red Cross with the help of the Slovak Red Cross and the Catholic Church (p. 675). 73. Intern. Red Cross Report, op. cit., p. 674; F. Durcansky, op. cit., p. 239. 74. G. Reitlinger, op. cit. , p. 385. 75. "Yet as early as July, 1942, this Government rebelled" writes G. Reitlinger (op. cit., p. 385). We note, apparent as it is from the foregoing, that it is necessary to see this "rebellion" already in the constitutional law of May 15, 1942. The same autor says in another place: "We have seen in the case of Slovakia, how a Government which defied German pressure and abandoned the Final Solution, was forced to return to it, when, on the eve of capitulation to the enemy, the country was occupied by German troops" (p. 412). 76. It is worthy of note here that Tiso's insistence on a per centual participation of the Jews in the economy of Slovakia in relation to their number of the entire population could in no way be regarded as a repressive regulation, inasmuch as the principle concerned here was the same as that which Tiso ordered to be applied even in regards to the other minorities, not even excluding the Germans themselves. It has been ascertained, e.g. , that in official State positions the Germans could not occupy more than 5 percent of them (K. Culen , op. cit., p. 432); the same applied in regards to the "aryanization" of Jewish enterprises - their participation was limited percentually (J. Pauco, op. cit., p. 238). 77. The actual number of "Presidential exceptions" granted by Tiso has thus far not been accurately ascertained. Some authors estimate the number "above 9,000" (J. Pauco, who bases his account on the statements of lawyers during the Tiso trial; op. cit., p. 323); Dr. J. A. Mikus gives the figure 9,964 without, however, quoting any document or source (op . cit., p. 135); Minister Stephen Hassik estimated "about 15,000" (manuscript in author's possession). The report of J. Luther to Ribbentrop, August 17, 1942, indicates a greater number; according to that report, at that time 35,000 Jews in Slovakia were already safeguarded "by special legitimation" (G. Reitlinger, op. cit., p. 390); a greater number is also indicated by the fact that the presiding judge of the National Court in Bratislava, Dr. Igor Daxner, in the trial against Dr. Tiso and his associates, did not allow an accurate ascertainment of the number of "exceptions"; he did this as a rule whenever it came to ascertaining matters that were favorable for Dr. Tiso (compare K. Culen, op. cit.). 78. Already on March 23, 1942, Dr. Tiso had Monsignor John Postenyi present the question to the State Council to sound out the ground and to gain a basis for his further intervention, which he later realized by means of the parliament (Dr. Zabkaj, in the National Court in Bratislava, March 15, 1947, according to mimeographed reports of the Slovak Press Bureau, Bratislava). 79. Typical is the example of Nitra Province, which in 1940-1944 was administered by Stephen Hassik, where the Jews were consistently protected and where, in 1943, the administrator, even though �22 SLOVAKIA not present, was able to obstruct the transfer of a certain number of Jews into Germany even after the action had begun (Manuscript in author's hands). 80. J. Pauco Dr. Jozef Tiso o sebe), op. cit., p. 322. SOURCES: CIANO, Galeazzo: Diario - Volume primo, 1939-1940; Milano, Rizzoli, 1946; L'Europa verso la catastrofe; 184 colloqui con Mussolini, Hitler, Franco, Sumner Welles, Rustu Aras, Stoiadinovic, Goring, Zog, Francois-Poncet ecc. verbalizzati da Galeazzo Ciano, con 40 documenti diplomatici inediti; (Verona), A. Mondadori, 1948. CULEN, Konstantin: Po Svatoplukovi druha nasa hlava (Zivot Dr. Jozefa Tisu); Middletown, Pa. , Prva Katolicka Slovenska Jednota, 1947-1948; 2Vols. DOCUMENTS ON BRITISH FOREIGN :POLICY 1919--1939, Third Series; London, His Majesty's Stationery Office, 1951. DURCANSKY, Ferdinand: Pravo Slovakov na samostatnost' vo svetle dokumentov, Vol. 1, Biela kniha; Buenos Aires, Slovensky Oslobodzovaci Vybor, 1954. GILLER, Agaton, Z podr6zy po kraju slowackim; Lw6w, Gubrynowicz and Schmidt, 1876. ·HAssiK, Stefan: Prispevok O rieseni iidovskej otazky V Sloven• skei republike (unpublished manuscript). INSTITUTE OF JEWISH AFFAffiS: Hitler's Ten-Year War on the Jews; New York, 1943. LES ARCHIVES SECRETES DE LA WILHELMSTRASSE: Documents traduits de l' allemand par Michael TOURNIER; Paris, Librairie Plon, 1950. Les Juives en Europe 1939-1945; Paris, CDJC, 1947. MIKUS, Joseph A., La Slovaquie dans le drame de I' Europe (Histoire politique de 1918 a 1950); Paris, Les Iles d' Or, 1955. POKORNY, Rudolf: Z potulek po Slovensku; Praha, 1884-1885, 2 Vols .. RAPPORT DU COMITE INTERNATIONAL DE LA CROIXROUGE sur son activite pendant la seconde guerre mondiale (ler septembre 1939 - 30 juin 1947); Geneve, 1948. REITLINGER, Gerald: The Final Solution. The Attempt to Ex• ter~inate the Jews of Europe 1939-1945; London, Vallentine-Mitchell, 1953. SIDOR, Karol: ~est' rokov pri Vatikane; Scranton, Pa., Obrana Press, Inc., 1947. STEINER, Frederick: The Tragedy of Slovak Jewry; Bratislava, 1949; (Documentation Centre CUJCR). TISO, Jozef : Obhajobna rec pred Narodnym sudom v Bratislave dna 17. a 18. marca 1947; edited by Dr. Jozef PAUCO : Dr. Jozef Tiso o sebe; Passaic, N. J ., Slovensky Katolicky Sokol, 1952. PERIODICALS: ETUDES, Paris. GARDISTA, Bratislava-Zilina. RELAZIONI INTERNAZIONALI, Milano. RIVISTA DI STUD! POLITIC! INTERNAZIONALI, Firenze. SLOVAK, Bratislava. ZEITSCHRIFT FUR AUSLANDISCHES OFFENTLICHES RECHT UND VOLKERRECHT, Berlin. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1957, Vol. 7 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 22), March 1957.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 23), June 1957.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 24-25), September-December 1957.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1957 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA Pub I ished VOL. V II quart erly by the Slovak League SEPTEMBER- DECEMBER, 195 7 of America NO. 3-4(24-25) DR. JOSEPH TISO AND THE JEWISH PROBLEM IN SLOVAKIA MILAN S. DURI CA The fact that, during the period when Dr. Joseph Tiso was at the head of the Slova)k Republic as its president, there ,w ere "liqttidated" in an inhumane manner, in Nazi concentration camps, per.haps also severa1 tens of thousands of Jews from Slovakia, has tempted many authors either to hold Dr. Tiso directly responsible for these crimes, or at -least to consider this point as t,h e real weaJkness of Tiso's policy and his defense< 1 >. We are convinced that the so1ution of the Jewish problem in Slovakia is a very complicated proiblem and, therefore, it is necessary to gather in an objective study all existing documents so that the _true state of affairs might become known (2) . While awaiting the results of such a study, we are attempting here to focalize some of the actualities which already h ave been documented - facts which can put some light on definite, shadowy sides of this problem and also note in what direction it is necessary to move in making a further study so that we might arrive at an objective statement of the facts that had taken iplace and thus also at a correct moral evaluation of them. J EW RY IN S LOVAK IA Already in the past century, native and foreign observers were stunned by the great influx of Jews to Hungary and especially to the part of Hungary inhabited by the Slovaks from time immemorial. While Caplovic noted 6,850 J ews in the Trencin area h efore 1829, according to. the census of 1869 there already were 13,365 of them among 237,702 SlavaJks. Sveto,z ar Hurban, writing in 1881, said: A hundred years ago, there were 75,098 Jews in Hun- 2 SLOVAKJA gary; 55 years later there were already 241,632 of them (the increase burdened Slovakia mostly); in 1'870 they numbered 552,133 and now there are more than 600,000 of them in Hungary!" (Slovenske Pohl'ady, 1881, p. 291). The Czech writer Rudolph Pokorny, who reproduces these figures from direct eX:perience, describes the methods of Jewish immigrants in SlovaJkia as parasitical and exploitative (3). It would be very interesting to study in detaril the relations between the influx of Jews to Slovakia by the strengthening of their economic position and the economic decline orf the Slovak in1halbitants which resulted in an increasing exodus of Slovaks into foreign lands especially to the United States. According to our impressions from Hterature already reviewed, such a study would most li!kely lead to the conclusion that the exodus of the Sl()IVaks was in part caused by the great influx of Jews into rSl()IVaJkia. The strengthened economic positions of t:he Jews in Slovakia gave them the opportunity to exert stronger politicai influence and to propagate their ideology. A Polish observer A:gaton GiHer, ,w riting in 1876, described how the Jews in Slovalkia systematically worked against the Catholic Church and against Christianity in general( 4) under the aegis of the liberalism that was preached lby t:he Hungarian government ,o f the same Colman Tisza who, at the same time (1875) , denied the fact that the Slovak nation existed.(5). Jif we bear in mind the eX:tent and the constant increase of these mentioned effects of the Jewish minority in Slovak,ia, we shall more readily understand the spontaneous psychological reaction of the intelligentsia and the broad masses of the SloviaJk people. This reaction expressed itself, first of aill, in response to the tolerant nature of the SlovaJks and the fact that they laciked means of -power, in a blood-perspir~ng effort to save their own economic situation, ( with dollars made in American mines, the Slovak peasant tried to secure his livelihood in his native 'land) , then in t:he effort to emancipate themselves from dependence on the Jews in commerce to provide the daily necessities of life (by establishnig self-help cooperatives), amd also by an intensive building of institutions to preserve SLOVAKIA 3 and •f .urther their original national culture both in a general and also in a specifically Christian sense (it suffices to mention the -Matica .Slovenska •a nd the Society of St. Adalbert). The situation did not change substantially even after the c,r eation oif the Czecho-Slova:k Republic in 1918(6). In 1923, a !French observer wa'S amazed \by the dis:proportion., ate preponderance of Jewish students in the universities and trade schools(7) and he foresaw that the Jews would thus soon capture the best positions in the new State(8). This prediction was if'll'lfilled, especiaUy a'S far as Slovakia was concerned. After the Vienna Arbitration, when the Jews constituted only 3.3'5 % of the population in S1ov,alkia(9), they owned almost one-half of the entire nation.a{ wealth(l0) and occupied most of the econ.omicaHy and civically important pwbl:i!c functionsO1). That this fact influenced the daily press and cultural production in general is evidence which needs no special proof(J2). It was only natural that the Slovak with all his legendary peace-loving characteristics, lbore the situation with difficulty; and the :Slovalk demands for autonomy, whicih characterized Slovak activities in the twenties and thirties of thi:s century, were accompanied by demands for a solution of the Jewish !problem. The current of anti-Semitism, which had overtalken many countries on the initiative of German Nazism, even such countries in whi·c h objectively suppositions fo'!" anti-Jew,i sh feeling were really insignificant if not directly fictitious, definitely did 1ha;ve some inf1uence even in 'Slova;kia(13). But who could stop Hitler at that time? It is not the fau~t •o f the Slovalks that many arguments of anti-Jewish :propaganda, originating outside of Slovalkia but ascribed to ,Slovakia, found at iJeast partial su!bstantiation in fact. THE JEWISH PROBLEM AND THE SLOVAK REPUBLIC Dr. Joseph Tiso took over the government of Sl01Vakia under the most difficult circumstances. His first worry was to preserve order and to prevent arbitray acts of usurpers even in the so,l ution of the Jewish .problem<14). Conscious of his responsibility to the nation, whose public opinion 1 SLOVAKIA already for a longer time impatiently demanded radical regulations with regard to the privileged Czec,h and Jewish minority in Slovarkia(15), Dr. Tiso sought a legal solution of the matter already in federated Czecho-Slovakia(l6), as well as after March 14, 1919, in the Slova;k Republic. For an objectively moral evaluation of Tiso's conduct in the solution of the Jewish problem in .Slovakia, is is necessary to clearly distinguish ,various time periods, during which the legal and practical possibilities of Dr. Tiso to decide this question personally changed substantially. 1. From October 6, 1938, to October 26, 1939: Dr. Joseph Tiso, as Prime Mini:ster of the Slo,vaJk Go,vernment, had broad ;possiibilities oif legislative and executive intrative and, therefore, also dir,e ct, personal responsibility in this regard(17 ). 2. From October 26, 1939, to July 28, 1940: As President of the Slova:k Republic, Dr. Joseph Tiso could intervene in the legislative acti,viby of the Assembly and influence the executive power reserived to the government, which was responsible to the Assembly and not to the President, only within the limits prescribed by the Constitution of the S'lovaJk Republic(18) . During this ,p eriod, we cannot regard Dr. Tiso directly res,ponsible for the various initiatives in the solution of the Jewis'h problem, but only for the acts of his office as prescrilbed by the Constitution: whether and how he used the rights of intervention., ·a s defined 'by the Constitution, in regard to legislative and exec,utirve acts which required his appm,val. For the latter, as head of the State, Dr. Tiso carries the responsibility, dividing it with the respective Constitutional organs. 3. From July 28, 1940, to August 30, 1944: at the Salziburg meeting with Germany's intervention in the internal affairs of 'Slova'kia(19) - Dr. Tiso lost a definite part of the effective possibilities to exercise his Constitutional rights in regard to persons who were forced by Hitler into the Slovaik Government, especially with regard to expressed demands of the Germans upon the Slova;k Government(20). Such was the problem of e~pelling or liquidating the Jew:? <21) . In this period we can hold Tiso as responsible, as in the previous period, only in proportion 1 1 SLOVAKIA 5 to the effective possibilities of free action which remained open to him after !Hitler's intervention at Salzburg. 4. From August 30, 1944, to April 5, 1945: Slovakia was to a great extent a battleground, where actual governmental power was exercised by various fighting units, most of the time completely independent of civil governmental organs, nay even expressly in opposition to them. (22). Here the responsibility of Dr. Tiso is limited to those acts, which - aliWays within the extent of this Constitutional rights and duties - took ·p lace on the territory and at ra time when the Government of the SlovaJk Republic still go;verned there and had effective 1possibility to exercise its power. TISO'S SOLUTION Despite the critical political - internal and international - situation and the revolutionary events of October, 1938, and of March, 1939, with his resolute influence, Dr. Joseph Tiso checked all violent intervention of incited masses of ,people in the solution of the Jewish problem (23) and consistently in;volked a legal courne to- solve this problem. Such a course, while it secured for the Slovaks time for the necessary study of the various aspects of the complicated situation and for a democratic negotation .o f various motions, with regard to the Jews themselves, it eliminated the typically Nazi factor of surprise(2-!), giving them time and opportunity to prepare themselves psychologically and to make necessary provisions, including financial(25) in the face of the new situation. After such a preliminary preparation, the first Slo;vruk governmental regulation was issued April 30, 1939, with the force of law, the object of which was to solve the Jewish pro1blem (26). This regulation defined the concept of a confessional and civic viewpoint, without considering racial motives at all. Its aim was to reduce the disproportionate preponderance of Jews in the economic life of Slovakia. The Jews could continue to manage their enterprises if they allowed a 51 % per cent ,participation of Slovaks the 51 % not being confiscated, but lbought in a regular manner by Slovak participants (shareholders). The participation of Jews in the legal, medical, and other important 6 SLOVAKIA and profitable professions was to be regulated gradually in proportion to the total number of the Jewish minority. Besides this, the Slovak Government of Dr. Joseph Tiso supported. the voluntary emigration of Jews to Palestine in all possible ways< 27) . If we consider all the facts of the matter objecttvely, we must admit that in these regulations there really was nothing w'hich, under the given circumstances, would exceed the normal competency of a legislator that did not emanate from the natural law itself, or that would be opposed to the principles of justice and humanity(28). The first 'S lovak resolution of the J ewish question - and tihe only one which, in the full sense, we can call Tiso's solution - contained and realized the attributes proposed by Tiso when he ,proclaimed. that "t'he Jewish question in Slovakia shall be solved justly, socially, and humanly"( 29) . THE SLOVAK "JEWISH LAW" These :provisions clearly, but not altogether effectively because they left wide possibilities to evade the law(30), proved to be insufficient in attaining their aim. 'Dherefore, but probably also under German pressure(31), the Slovak Parliament prepared. a new so-catled "Jewish Law," which was approved on iFeb11uary 29, 1940(32). Fundamentally, this law differed little from the previous provision; it defined more accurately many details and fixed the principle of participation o.f the Jews in economic, civic, and cultural life in proportion to their number of the tdtal population, that is, 4 percent(33) . The confessional and civic principle remained in force, therefore not that of racial discrimination; so did the principle of selling 51 % of the shares of Jewish ente11prises to companion SloJVaks freely chosen lby them. This .principle of "Aryani:zation" Dr. Tiso defended consistently, even by using his constitutional authority as President(34) . GERMAN INTERVENTION AND THE "JEWISH CODE" It aippears t'hat even these new legal dispositions were not sufficient in practice to attain the goal. Several loopholes were left open for escape from the consequences of SLOVAKIA 7 the [aw - and those affected naturally did not hesitate to use them in every way(35) - so t:Jhat the more radical circles in Slovakia expressed their dissatisfaction with such a solution. However, it was chiefly in Germany that the Slovak solution of the Jewish question was bitterly criticized as being basiically in conflict with the German Jewish !aws(36). It was this consistent originality and independence of Dr. Tiso and his government in regard to the so1ution of the Jewish question that was one of the reasons for intervention o,f Adol'ph Hitler in the internal affairs of the Slovak Republic at SalzJburg on July 28, 1940(37). There Dr. Tiso was forced to drop Dr. Ferdinand :Durcansky, Minister of the Interior and Foreign Affairs, who collorborated with him in the independent solution of the Jewish question. Dr. Vojtech T,uik,a, who was ,g reatly influenced by the Germans, was forced on tJhe Slova,k Government as Minister of Fo·r eign Affairs against the will of President Tiso(38), as was journalist Alexander Mach, who became the executor of German dictates especially in the Jewish question as Minister of the Interior(39) . For Dr. Joseph Tiso, Salzburg meant personally such a blow that he was determined to, tender his resignation( 40). It was only at the insistence of moderate SloivaJk ciroles, nay, even the Jews themselves, that he remained at his post to use his authority to check the radical group which was under the influence of the Germans(41). Tiso's position after SalaJbur,g, therefore, became substantially a defensi'Ve one: not only did he lose in notable measure the possibility of concrete intiative in regard to the Jewish question, but also his constitutional authority of intervention was ,partially reduced by t:Jhe facts of this new political situation. Thus it happened that on September 10, Prime Minister Tuika could force the parliament to pass an enabling law for the solution of the Jewish question by the government. This "emandpated" ,goivernment of Dr. T,uka issued in the form of a goivernment regulation - without the signature of the President of the Republic, Dr. Joseph Tiso - the so-called "Jewish Code"< 42 >, Wihich copied the Ger~ man Nuremberg Laiw. Apparently the Germans were de- 8 SLOVAKIA termined to impose Hitler's order in SlovaJkia - the same imperial imposition of Hitler's Germaniy to which all the governments of states in the German sphere of influence had succumbed. In comparison with the Jewish laws of Germany and the other States (iltaly, France, Hungary, Rumania, Bulgaria, Holland, Denmark, Norway - and even annexed Austria, the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, and the General Governorship of Poland), the "Jewish Code" of S1ovakia contained two lucid points which were hers exclusive ly: the first reserved to the Preside nt of the Repulblic the right of direct administrational "exception" of anyone from the power of this law <43), while the second confirmed the validity of all exce ptions alre ady granted according to the aforementioned Slovak law(44 ). These two paragraphs, leaving tJhe head of the State an open possibility to protect in the face of an avalanche of force which evidently it was impossible to oppose, were the motive why Dr. Joseiph Tiso finally decided not to resign his office after the .promulgation of the "Jewish Code"< 45 ). PRESIDENT TISO'S STAND The question was a real "ca:sus conscientiae," which today ,w e can reconstruct in its main outlines. Dr. Tiso was opposed to any violent solution of the Jewish question; he was ready to .p rotest against it by resigning his office. The following realities, however , came into ,c onsideration: if Tiso did resign, it was c ertain that Tu.ka would be put into his office - and it was generally !known that Tu!ka was strongly under German influences. I,f this would have happened, not only all the Jews of SlovaJkia would ha'Ve been completely subject to German inte:vventions, but even government power of all Slovakia would practically have passed ()IVer completely into German hands and this w·o uld have had catastrophic consequences for the entire nation. Let it suffice here to mention the forced participation in the war and the system of National 1Socialism promoted b.y Dr. Tutka. Under such circumstances, the resignation o;f Dr. Tiso would have meant deserting from a position of responsi- SLOVAKIA 9 bility, disappointing the h0ipes of all the people who sa,w in him the salvation of the nation in a critical world situation and a ,g uarantee aigainst the 'Very actual ideological danger of Nazi,sm(46). By retaining t:Jhe funcUon o.f the President of the Republic, Dr. Tiso had a hoipe not only of continuing the defensive policy of Slova!kia a,gainst Nazism, but a:lso to sarve, if not all, at least as many as possible Jews of Slovakia who were persecuted by Nazism. Were these ihoipes however, sUJbstantiated? The answer to this question is very impo,r tant for the moral qualification of the stand of Dr. Joseph Tiso and thereby of his entire relationship to the proiblem orf the Jews in SlovaJkia. It is not difficult to answer the first part of the question: It has been proved that by remaining President of the Republic, Dr. Tiso not only sruved the SlovaJk nation from threatened occupation and division, from the flood of Nazi ideolo,gy, from most of the economic and social consequences of the world rwar, but, despite the exceptional circumstances, he also organized Slovakia legally, culturally and economically as an independent State and thereby demonstrated t:Jhat Sloiva,kia had all the ;prerequisites orf developmernt as an independent State. Under his guidance Slovalk ia attained "brilliant results and the elan of autonomous life was reaHy wonderful"< 47). So that we could answer the second part of the question, we must objecti'Ve1y examine the cause of Jewish provisions and their exeoution in Slovakia in the third and fourth periods (1941-1945). After the promulgation of the "Jewish Code," the Jews were supposed to be transferred from Slovakia to the territory between the Visla and t:Jhe Bug in former Poland, where there was to be found some kind of state creation reserved for them. Here it is necessary to, note that the project of a separate territory for European Jews presented a solution which was seriously studied not only in Ckrmany( 48), but ,a iso iby other powers, such as, for example, the United States (4 9). To:l. order to ascertain the situation the SlovaJk Gov•e rnment sent to Poland a representatiive of the Ministry of the Interior, Isidore Koso, to whom they 1, 1 10 SLOVAKIA actually did show the Jewish city of Sosnowitz, Oppel, with its own administration, police, etc. Well, even .after this the SlovaJk Government did not begin to transfer Jews, but arranged labor camps for them in Slovakia, where they were to be gradually concentrated. This course, which Reitlinger explains as motivated by economy(50), is apparently 1b etter ex.plained as a reaction of the Slovak Government to the Memorandum of the Slovak Catholic Bishops of October 7, 1941(51), and to the reminders of the Holy See of Novemfber 12, 1941 (52). In both these doouments ecclesiastical representatives protested against the racist principle which inspired governmentrul regulation No. 198--1941 of the Slova!k Code, especiaUy however rugainst those ,p oints which were out of line with the teachings of the Church (outlawing mixed marriages, ex:pulsion from schools) and called upon the SlovaJk G()IVernment to recall or at least change the mentioned regulations in this seinse. The Holy See, wihich was for apparent reasons generally regarded as "the best informed political center of the world"(53 ), at the same time manifested its understanding for the situation of the ,Slov,a;k Government when it concluded its note with these words,: "The Holy See hopes that the Slovak Government, as long as the government regulations are not repealed or amended, will try to ex;plain and to validate the issued regulations in suoh a measUTe and in such a manner so that they mig1ht become as far as is possible least harmful to the needs (demands) of Catholic conscience"(54). These words appear to be the norm and therefore the explanation of the course not only of Dr. Tiso, but also that of the :SloIVaJk gOIVemment followed in practice until the end of their activities. Thus it was that despite the Nuremberg t01J1e of the "Jewish Code," the f,unda:mental :points of that code were not practically applied until March 10, 1942. Thus far it has not been conclusively ascertained, whether under German pressure or not(5,5), Minister of the Interior Alexander Mach issued the decree on March 7, 1942, which confined all the Jews of Slovakia to their homes until their transfer to the East(5&) . This provision, which was soon followed by the first transports of Jews from Slo- SLOVAKIA 11 vakia to Galicia (March 10, 1942), inspired a strong opposition of public opinion, new protests of ecclesiastical circles (.57), nay, even dissent of the rest of the members of the government.(5<8). But it has been safely ascertained that Germany did pressure the Slovak Government to adopt the solution of the Jewish question in the form of transferring the Jews which had been accepted by the other States (Germany, France, Holland, Belgium, Hungary). To this end Heydrich himself came to Bratislava on April 10, 1942, to tell Tuka that the Jews of Slovakia would be transferred to the Lublin area where they would be settled permanently. Separate settlements were to be arranged for baptized Jews (59). After repeated insistence and assurances from the German side that Jewish families would be respected and that they would be dealt with decently(·60), the Slovak Government began to send to the East the members of the families of those young, able-to-work Jews who had been transported the previous month. In this second intervention of the Slovak Government, it is possible to see an effort to correct in some way the mistake of the first transfer by which many Jewish families were broken up. It became tragic that the promises of Heydrich and Eichmann were the treacherous trap which was not without effect(&l). At that time the Slovak Government could not know about the real intentions of the Nazis: Wisliceny himself found this out, as we shall see, only several months later. Nevertheless Dr. Tuka insisted that he might send an inspection mission to ascertain on the spot just how the transferred Jews were being dealt with. The Slovak Government presented this demand also formally in the form of a note addressed to the German Government(,62) - but received only an evasive reply. It was this, most likely, that roused suspicions on the Slovak side. Therefore already on May 15, 1942, the Slovak parliament approved a constitutional law by which it practically repealed the power given the government in September, 1941, and legally set the course for the problem of emigration. The substance of this law was, however, the practical cessation of deportations; the law, that is, sanctioned all the previously granted presidential and minis- 12 SLOVAKIA terial "exceptions" and established a new general exception for Jews baptized before March 14, 1939(63) . Furthermore, it established that Jews, affected by the law, would be concentrated in labor camps in Slovakia. In July, 1942, when the representative of the Holy See in Bratislava notified President Tiso that the Jews in the Lublin area were being murdered, Dr. Tiso with absolute determination insisted on the realization of a Slovak inspection mission - or else there would be no further transfer of Jews from Slovakia. In August, Wisliceny went to Berlin with the matter. There Eichmann told him that Tiso was asking an impossible thing because those Jews were no longer alive. Thereupon he showed him a secret order, issued by the will of Hitler and signed by Himmler, according to which the entire Jewish race was to be gradually destroyed(64). Wisliceny returned to Bratislava again with an evasive reply. After this deportations from Slovakia were completely stopped. From what has been said it is quite clear that the Slovak Government allowed the transfer of a part of the Jews from Slovakia under the imperialistic pressure of Germany - in the face of guarantees to respect basic human rights and humanitarian treatment. As soon as there arose a reason to doubt that the Nazis were fulfilling the guarantees given, the parliament of the Slovak Republic with the strength of a constitutional law stood up to protect the Jewish citizens of Slovakia. The fact that it is necessary to explain the law of May 15, 1942, in this maner, is also supported by the following realities : 1. The motive for voting this law was the merciless exportation of the Jews on the basis of the decree of Minister Mach of March 7, 1942 (65). 2. By this law, constitutionally, were sanctioned all the exceptions granted by the President of the Republic and the resort Ministers ; also a new general exception was established by which a confessional criterion was given priority - which the Germans sharply criticized already in 1940 as opposed to the racist principles of Nuremberg. 3. The real aim of concentrating the Jews, who did not have the mentioned exceptions, in Slovak labor camps was SLOVAKIA 13 to save them from possible transfer elsewhere on the initiative of radical circles around Minister Mach behind which stood the power of Germany. This was evident from the way these camps were set up - the living conditions of which were but little different from complete freedom(66). 4. Despite repeated insistence from the side of the Germans, nay, even despite the intervention of Hitler himself with President Tiso(67), Slovakia did not retreat from her position and protected the Jews with all means of political tactics(68) and her own State power. 5. After September 1, 1944, when Slovakia became a battlefield and governmental power was factually exercised by the fighting armies, despite German occupation of practically the whole of Slovakia, the new Minister of National Defense and State Security of the Slovak Republic, Stephen Hrussik, ordered the abolishment of all concentration camps and of all anti-Jewish administrational regulations(69). 6. When German army commanders defied the above order and by force transported to Germany all Jews that fell into their hands during military operations, the new Prime Minister of the Slovak Republic, Dr. Stephen Tiso, energetically protested to the German Government(70). 7. Later, when the commander of the occupation army and "the only representative of the Reich in Slovakia"(71), SS-General Berger forced the Slovak Government regulation in regard to concentrating the Jews (Nov. 16, 1944), the provision had practically no effect because the Slovak Government and Slovak officials silently agreed that the Jews be free to hide themselves(72). From the given facts it is quite clear that despite some drastic interventions of the Nazis and their several Slovak collaborators in the spring of 1942, for which they gained partial accord of the Slovak Government by cunning, the great part of the Jewish minority could remain in Slovakia and there be effectively protected to such an extent that the Slovak Republic in certain periods was regarded as a relative asylum even for the Jews from other countries, especially those from Poland and Hungary(73). The stand of the Slovak Republic in regard to the "definite solution" (Endlosung) of the Jewish question, pres- 14 SLOVAKIA sured by the Nazis, immediately from the first moments of suspicion about the real aim of these " regulations," was unanimously and consistently so rejective that it really presents "the story of the first outright failure of the 'Final Solution' and a failure at a time when there was no glimmer of hope for Jewry in Axis-controlled Europe" (74). The fact that the small Slovak State, even though it could not prevent all violence, knew how to stand up against it - and with such a determination that an objective historian can today talk about "a challenge to war" and about "a revolt" of the Slovak Government(75) - proves t hat t he Slovak Government even in this r egard not only did not accept without reservations the principles of Hitler's National Socialism, but even knew how to defend itself against them, nay, even to repudiate them forcefully, as long as it was not completely overpowered by the brutal preponderance of military occupation and frontal operations. This important fact has thus far not been properly evaluated in world literature which concerns itself with this historical period. If we pause now in our search for the reasons of the described facts, we shall come to the conclusion that one of the most decisive factors in the course of events in Slovakia was the personality of President Dr. Joseph Tiso. To this conclusion we are led by the following facts: 1. While Dr. Joseph Tiso held the initiative of solving the Jewish question in Slovakia( we saw that he solved it in a sense of strict justice, in a legal way, and in a most human manner. 2. As President of the Republic he used his constitutional right in order that the laws proposed by the parliament remained within the confines of the same principles which were in opposition to the Nazi anti-Jewish laws( 7,6). 3. When he could not prevent the issuance of the "Jewish Codex," he reserved the right for himself to limit its effectiveness as much as possible by personal "exceptions." That this was the intent of the mentioned paragraph 225 is confirmed by the fact ascertained by the court that Dr. Joseph Tiso used his authority as a matter of principle for every case placed before him, by which in a short time he SLOVAKIA 15 liberated a great part of the Jewish inhabitants of Slovakia from the "Jewish Codex"(77). 4. It was generally known that the initiative of proGerman politics was held by the ministers forced on Tiso (Dr. Tuka and A. Mach) - and that there were basic conflicts between them and President Tiso. If, therefore, the Slovak parliament could pass the constitutional law of May 15, 1942 - which was in fact aimed against German Nazis and the executors of their influence in Slovakia this is understandable only if we allow that it did so not only within the support of the authority of the President of the Republic and the chairman of the Hlinka Slovak People's Party, Dr. Joseph Tiso, but, as it has been safely ascertained: directly on his initiative (78) . 5. Finally, only such a consistently anti-Nazi stand of President Tiso in regard to the Jewish question can explain the fact that, even despite the regulations of the government and the Minister of the Interior, some of the regional representatives of state power could during that entire time take positions of open protection of the Jewish inhabitants, nay, even actually intervene in the initiative of government trustees in the Jewish question on territory administered by them( 79) . CONCLUSION As we emphasized at the outset, in this study we were interested in focalizing some of the facts that are important and pertinent for a correct evaluation of the relationship of Dr. Joseph Tiso to the Jewish problem in Slovakia. Intentionally we have not touched upon some undoubtedly interesting and relatively important aspects of this complicated problem which require a separate study (e.g., the question of statistical data, the question of the legal and moral side of the individual regulations and respective responsibilities, etc.) . This study, we believe, does prove that we cannot honestly regard Dr. Joseph Tiso as a persecutor of the Jews or as a collaborator of the Nazis in their inhuman work of genocide of the Jewish nation. It is necessary, however, to acknowledge that the President of the Slovak Republic did prove himself an eminent opponent of every injustice against the Jews, whether perpetrated by 16 SLOVAKIA the German Nazis or by others in their service. Dr. Tiso did everything in his power to save them - and we say, without fear of contradiction, that he did for the Jews what no other statesman dared to do in the Europe controlled by Hitler at that time. If, despite this, a part of the Jews of Slovakia was taken out of Slovakia by violent intervention of brute force, it is certain that this happened without any direct participation of Dr. Joseph Tiso - nay, against his will - and, hence, we cannot hold him responsible for it. Dr. Tiso found himself face to face with a current "which it was possible to impede and probably even to influence, but not stop," as he himself had said during his trial in Bratislava <SO) . There is no evidence to prove that Dr. Tiso aided or abetted, motivated or approved in any way, the brutal treatment of Jews in Slovakia or anywhere else. To lie in the face of death is not easy. So much the less can we allow that Dr. Joseph Tiso could do so - the same Dr. Tiso who could proclaim before the entire nation that never in his life did he utter an untruth intentionally. And he did not fear that someone might be able to prove the opposite. Would that the world were managed by politicians and statesmen who would follow the noble example of the President of the Slovak Republic, Dr. Joseph Tiso! REFERENCES: 1. The first opm10n is practically current in encyclopedic and scientific literature; some Slovak authors are inclined to the second; e.g., Th. J. Zubek ("Monsignor Jozef Tiso - Controversial Personality" - The Homiletic and Pastoral Review, Nov. 1955, p. 125). 2. Dr. Joseph Pauco: Dr. Jozef Tiso o sebe, Passaic, N. J ., 1952; pp. 323-323. 3. R. Pokorny: Z potulek po Slovensku, Prague, 1884, Vol. I, pp. 56-. 4. It was not by accident that the German translation of Rabbi Benjamin Halvey's Hebrew pasquinade "Das leben Jesu. Zurn ersten Male historisch bearbeitet nach neuentdeckten jiidisch orientalischen Quellen" was published in Bratislava (Pressburg) in 1875. According to the translator, who personally offered it to Giller in Trencianske Teplice, it surpassed by far the dilettante attempts of Strauss, Voltaire and other blasphemous pseudo-historians. See A. Giller - Z podrozy po kraju slowackim" - Lw6w, -876; pp. 197-. 5. Th. G. Locher: Die nationale Differenzeirung und lntegrie• rung der Slowaken und Tschechen in ihren geschichtlichen Verlauf bis 1848 - Haarlem, 1931; p. 196. 6. J. A. Mikus: La Slovaquie dans le drame de l'Europe - Paris, 1955; p. 133. 7. While Hungary, for example, had a "numerus clausus" estab- SLOVAKIA 17 lished by law, in Czecho-Slova kia, where the number of J ews was estimated at 3--4 percent of the population, the secondary schools became practically the exclusive domain of the Jews. In Prague itself over half the students were Jewish; the State Gymnazium for girls bad 163 Jewish pupils out of a total of 248; in several gymnaziums for boys the relationship of Jews to non-Jews was: 116 out of 254; 123 out of 250; 185 out of 240. At the university for every three nonJewish professors there was one Jewish professor. See: J. Boubee Tcheco-Slova quie - in "ETUDES," Paris, Vol. 60, No. 174, 1923; pp. 225-. 8. Ibidem. 9. G. Reitlinger: The Final Solution - London, 1953; p. 386. 10. The value of Jewish properties was evaluated at 3,150 million Slovak Crowns; besides this, the Jews controlled over 12,000 industrial enterprises with a capital of 1,250 million Slovak Crowns, especially the textile industry where they controlled 90 percent oi the production. The situation was much the same in the wood and alcohol industries. See the article "La Slovacchia e gli Ebrei" in the periodical RELAZIONI INTERNAZIONALI, Milan, Vol. 8, No. 34, 1942; p , 902. 11. Ibidem: 72 percent of the lawyers and 64 percent of the medics were Jews, while 58 percent of all restaurant and liquor concessions was in their hands. 12. See the statement, e.g., of P . R. Mikus in the SLOVAK, Bratislava, Vol. XXI, No. 34, February 10, 1939; p. 1. 13. Here we do not have in mind only States, such as Italy, for example, which did adopt various anti-Jewish regulations. Count Ciano noted that on January 13, 1939, in a conversation with Mussolini, Chamberlain expressed grave fears that "further immigration of Jews into England would incite anti-Semitism which is already being planned in many sectors of the country." Besides the Jewish minority in England was negligible: according to Chamberlain , 60,000 (Mussolini stated that it was over 200,000) - G. Ciano, "Diario, 1939-1940," Milan, 1946; p. 22. - In regard to the anti-Jewish mood in other States, see "Les archives secre de la Wilhelmstras se" - Vol V, Book II, Paris, 1954, Documents Nos. 469-493, pp. 113-. 14. Dr. Tiso stressed this in general in his first speech after taking over government in Slovakia, Oct. 8, 1938 (K. Culen: Po Svatoplukovi druha nasa hlava," Middletown, Pa., 1948; p. 215). Later, on March 15, 1939, in a broadcast he warned all who would be guilty of such acts and threatened that the government would prosecute all culprits ("SLOVAK" - Bratislava, Vol. XXI, No. 63, 1939; p . 4). 15. "SLOVAK" - Vol. XXI, No. 25, Jan. 31, 1939. 16. "SLOVAK" - Vol XXI, No. 28, Feb. 3, 1939; p. 3. Compare also the government declaration of Feb. 22, 1939 ("SLOVAK," Vol. XXI, Nos. 44-45, Feb. 22-23, 1939). 17. Speech of Dr. Tiso at the Eighth Convention of the Hlinka Slovak People's Party at Trencin, Oct. 1, 1939 ("SLOVAK" - Vol. XXI, No. 227, Oct. 3, 1939; pp. 3-4). 18. An analysis of the Constitution of the Slovak Republic by H. Schimani: "Die Verfassun~ der Slowakischen Republik" - Vienna, 1947. 19. Dr. Ferdinand Durcansky: Pravo Slovakov na samostatnost' vo svetle dokumentov - Vol. I, Buenos Aires, 1954; p. 196. 20. Dr. J. Pauco: op. cit., p. 55. 18 SLOVAKIA Dr. F. Durcansky: op. cit., p. 237. J. A. Mikus: op. cit., pp. 185-; F. Durcansky: op. cit.; pp. 475: In an official pronouncement, Feb. 21, 1939, Tiso declared: "It is proof of the maturity of our nation that despite all incitements the Slovak nation waited for the legal solution of the Jewish question" (stenographic report of the second meeting of the Slovak Assembly, Bratislava, Feb. 21-23, 1939, p. 9). 24. That this was the expressed intention of Dr. Tiso is attested to by his statement to the correspondent of the Jewish Telegraph Agency, J. Frankel, Feb. 8, 1939: "The coming Jewish law will certainly serve the purpose that the Jews might not be caught by surprises and would know just how far they will be able to go in economic life" (SLOVAK, Feb. 10, 1939, p. 3). 25. Memorandum of the British Consul in Bratislava, Mr. P. Pares, Feb. 3, 1939, in the "DOCUMENTS ON BRITISH FOREIGN POLICY 1919-1939" - Third Series, Vol. IV, No. 97, 1951, London; p. 96. 26. No. 63-39 SLOVAK CODE; No. 102-39 Ur. nov. (Official News). 27. It approved the transfer and emigration plan of Dr. S. E. Soskin (SLOVAK, Feb. 10, 1939, p. 3). Innsbruck28. Compare, e.g., J. Messner: Das Naturrecht Vienna, 1950, pp. 365-366 - and: P. Pavan: l.'.uomo nella communita internazionale - Rome, s.d., p. 47. 29. SLOVAK, Feb. 10, 1939, p. 3. 30. RELAZIONI INTERNAZIONALI, op. cit., p. 902. 31. We did not find documents which would definitely confirm such pressure in this period, but the testimony of F. Durcansky inclines us to believe that pressures were exercised. He said: "secret influences of the Germans did not validate themselves anywhere to such an extent as they did in the attempt to attain the solution of the Jewish question in Slovakia according to the desires of the National Socialistic circles. . . . " (Speaking of the period prior to July 28, 1940) - F. Durcansky, op. cit., p. 237. 32. No. 46-40, SLOVAK CODE. 33. Commenting on this law on March 10, 1940, Tiso stressed that we are here concerned "with our own reasonable course. This is not an imitation of foreign patterns." - (SLOVAK, March 13, 21. 22. 23. 1940, p. 3). 34. Thus, e.g., in April, 1940, he returned to the Parliament for renewed debate on the draft of the law about Jewish enterprises with his own remarks and reminders; the parliament then approved the law with Tiso's recommendations on April 25, 1940 (SLOVAK, April 26, 1940), p. 2). 35. The amount which the Jews transferred abroad at that time was estimated at 2,000 million Slovak Crowns. Even in the "Aryan- only ized" enterprises "the Jews frequently remained bosses names changed on paper" (GARDISTA, June 14, 1941, p. 3). 36. Compare the study of the German legal expert for Slovak affairs, K. 0. Rabl, "Verfassungsrecht und Verfassungsleben in der neuen Slowakei" (in the periodical: ZEITSCHRIFT fur auslandisches offentliches Recht und Volkerrecht - Berlin, Vol. IX, No. 4, 1940), which concludes categorically: "The Jewish problem in Slovakia is practically, therefore, according to previous provisions, not solved at all. Mainly the economic and imperial position of Jewry remains the same as it was before" (p. 867). SLOVAKIA 37. 38. 39. 40, 41. l!} F. Durcansky, op. cit., p. 237. K. Culen, op. cit., pp. 263-; p. 480; J . A. Mikus, op. cit. p. 163. G. Reitlinger, op. cit., p. 386. J. Pauco, op. cit., p. 35; K. Culen, op. cit., p. 380. Minister Gejza Medricky's testimony during the Tiso trial ; this is reproduced by K. Culen, op. cit., p. 480. 42. SLOVAK CODE, part 52, No. 198, September 10, 1941. 43. "Jewish Codex" - part X, par. 255. 44. Ibidem, par. 256. 45. J . Pauco, op. cit., footnote 92, p. 323. 46. Compare the testimony of Archbishop Kmet'ko before the National Court in Bratislava, January 6, 1947; K. Culen, op. cit. pp. 369-370. 47. A. Giannini: Monsignor Tiso (in "Rivista di studi politici internazionali" - Firenze, Vol. XIX, No. 3, 1952, p. 451); a wealth of documentaton is produced also by F . Durcansky, op. cit., pp. 166-169, 190-248. 48. Dr. Ley, German Minister, informed Count Ciano about the project in Rome, Dec. 6, 1939. In 1940, Ribbentrop told Ciano about Hitler's plan to create a Jewish free state on the island of Madagascar, where all the Jews of Europe were supposed to be concentrated. (l!Europa verso la catastrofe - Verona, 1948; G. Ciano, Diario 19391943, Milan, 1946, Vol. I, p. 280). 49. On December 7, 1938, President Roosevelt sent Mussolini a personal letter in which he proposed that a part of the south and southwest territory of Abyssinia be reserved for the Jews. Mussolini declared that personally he sympathized with the idea of creating a Jewish state, but decidely not in Abyssinia, nor anywhere in Africa. He proposed Russia, Brazil or the United States of America (Les Archives Secretes de la Wilhelmstrasse, Vol. IV, Les suites de Munich, Paris, 1953, doc. No. 341, pp. 498-500; compare also Vol. V, Book II, Paris, 1954, doc. Nos. 469-493, pp. 113-158). 50. G. Reitlinger, op. cit., p. -387. 51. Partially reproduced in K. Sidor's "~est' rokov pri Vatik'• ne" - Scranton, Pa., 1947, pp. 135-138. 52. In the note of the State Secretariate to His Holiness, No. 8355-41 , published in Sidor's op. cit., pp. 138-140. 53. W. Theimer: Lexicon der Politik, Bern, 1947, under "Vatikan" - p. 482. 54. K. Sidor, op. cit., p. 140. Sidor used the Slovak word "potrebam" (needs) in translating the Italian "esigenze," but the latter would probably be better expressed by "poziadavkam" (demands). 55. G. Reitlinger, op. cit. , p. 387. 56. At a press conference, March 27, 1942, Minister A. Mach declared that "the ultimate aim is to transfer all Jews to a territory, which would be ordered for the settlement within the framework of a new European order" (SLOVAK, March 28, 1942, p. 3). 57. The Vatican protested with the note of the State Secretariate of His Holiness, No. 2027-42 ,dated March 14, 1942. At the end of March, the Slovak Minister at the Vatican, Karol Sidor, personally was in Bratislava with a demand to stop deportations (K. Sidor, op. cit., pp. 141-142). 58. G. Reitlinger, op. cit. , p. 388; from this reaction, as well as from the declaration of Minister A. Mach at the press conference 20 SLOVAKIA mentioned above (56), it is apparent that the personal intervention of the minister forced by Ribbentrop on Tiso was concerned and/ or his group of Slovak extremists. Mach publicly repudiated "speeches (which implied) that we had been somehow asked from the outside or forced to this solution. We ourselves have undertaken everything possible to have the opportunity to get rid of the Jews" (SLOVAK, March 28, 1942). According to the note of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Bratislava, No. 8.325/ 1/ 42, of May 8, 1942, addressed to the Slovak Embassy at the Vatican (concerning the reply to the mentioned interventions of the Vatican of Nov. 12, 1941, and March 14, 1942), at that time " there were negotiations between the factors of the Slovak Republic and the Greman Reich in regard to the problem of the European Jews," in the sense of which "the Jews of Slovakia would be placed in several areas in the vicinity of Lublin ... where they would remain permanently" (K. Sidor, op. cit., pp. 142-143). This connection of matters appears to be more probable. 59. F . Steiner: Tragedy of Slovak Jewry - Bratislava, 1949, p. 6; reprod. from G. Reitlinger, op. cit. 60. At the beginning of May, Eichmann negotiated in this sense with Dr. Tuka and A. Mach. 61. G. Reitlinger, op. cit., p. 388. 62. Wisliceny admitted this before the Nuremberg Court The Trial of the Major War Criminals - Vol. ill, pp. 276-278; reprod . .bY G. Reitlinger, op. cit. , p. 390). 63. "In practice the way was open in this intensely Catholic country for any professed convert to demand protection" (B. Shub: Hitler's Ten-Year War on the Jews, New York, 1943, p . 54;reprod. by G. Reitlingeh ,op. cit. , p. 390). 64. G. Reitlinger, op. cit. , p. 390. 65. Compare the testimony of Minister G. Medricky before the National Court in Bratislava, Feb. 21, 1947; K. Culen, op. cit., p . 482. 66. The official report of the International Red Cross describes them thusly: " ... les camps qui presentaient des conditions de nouriture et de logement passables, les internes etaient admis a travailler moyennant salaire dans des conditio se rapprochant de :Ueconomie libre" (Rapport du Comite international de la Croix-Rouge sur son action pendant la seconde guerre mondiale, Geneve, 1948, p. 674). 67. After various messengers and plenipotentiaries had pressured Tiso and the Slovak Government, Tiso was called to Salzburg in May, 1943, where Hitler angrily marked the Slovak resolution of the Jewish question 'insufficient." 68. In the light of realities, such would appear to be the various public manifestations (as, e.g., the anti-Jewish speech of Min. A. Mach in Ruzomberok, Feb. 7, 1943) and the conditioned promises of President Tiso (in December, 1943, to Himmler's special agent E. Weesenmayer) which, however, were never fulfilled . Compare Sidor's account, op. cit., pp. 146-147, and G. Reitlinger, op. cit., p. 390. 69. According to unpublished testimonies in manuscript which are in the hands of the author. 70. K. Sidor, op. cit., p. 148. 71. It was thus that he presented himself to President Tiso on his arrival to Bratislava "as the accredited agent of Hitler" at the end of August, 1944. See: J . Pauco, op. cit., p. 293. 72. The regulation was formulated as a summons to come to a SLOVAKIA 21 definite place on Nov. 24. A delegate of the International Red Cr oss ascertained on the spot that the summons was answered only by about 50 Jews: "Comme les Autorites slovaques l'avaient d'ailleurs prevu" he relates literally - "les Israelites se cachaient" (Rapport du Comite .. . . op. cit., p. 674). The hidden Jews could be aided not only by the population, but also by the International Red Cross with the help of the Slovak Red Cross and the Catholic Church (p. 675). 73. Intern. Red Cross Report, op. cit., p. 674; F. Durcansky, op. cit., p. 239. 74. G. Reitlinger, op. cit. , p. 385. 75. "Yet as early as July, 1942, this Government rebelled" writes G. Reitlinger (op. cit., p. 385). We note, apparent as it is from the foregoing, that it is necessary to see this "rebellion" already in the constitutional law of May 15, 1942. The same autor says in another place: "We have seen in the case of Slovakia, how a Government which defied German pressure and abandoned the Final Solution, was forced to return to it, when, on the eve of capitulation to the enemy, the country was occupied by German troops" (p. 412). 76. It is worthy of note here that Tiso's insistence on a per centual participation of the Jews in the economy of Slovakia in relation to their number of the entire population could in no way be regarded as a repressive regulation, inasmuch as the principle concerned here was the same as that which Tiso ordered to be applied even in regards to the other minorities, not even excluding the Germans themselves. It has been ascertained, e.g. , that in official State positions the Germans could not occupy more than 5 percent of them (K. Culen , op. cit., p. 432); the same applied in regards to the "aryanization" of Jewish enterprises - their participation was limited percentually (J. Pauco, op. cit., p. 238). 77. The actual number of "Presidential exceptions" granted by Tiso has thus far not been accurately ascertained. Some authors estimate the number "above 9,000" (J. Pauco, who bases his account on the statements of lawyers during the Tiso trial; op. cit., p. 323); Dr. J. A. Mikus gives the figure 9,964 without, however, quoting any document or source (op . cit., p. 135); Minister Stephen Hassik estimated "about 15,000" (manuscript in author's possession). The report of J. Luther to Ribbentrop, August 17, 1942, indicates a greater number; according to that report, at that time 35,000 Jews in Slovakia were already safeguarded "by special legitimation" (G. Reitlinger, op. cit., p. 390); a greater number is also indicated by the fact that the presiding judge of the National Court in Bratislava, Dr. Igor Daxner, in the trial against Dr. Tiso and his associates, did not allow an accurate ascertainment of the number of "exceptions"; he did this as a rule whenever it came to ascertaining matters that were favorable for Dr. Tiso (compare K. Culen, op. cit.). 78. Already on March 23, 1942, Dr. Tiso had Monsignor John Postenyi present the question to the State Council to sound out the ground and to gain a basis for his further intervention, which he later realized by means of the parliament (Dr. Zabkaj, in the National Court in Bratislava, March 15, 1947, according to mimeographed reports of the Slovak Press Bureau, Bratislava). 79. Typical is the example of Nitra Province, which in 1940-1944 was administered by Stephen Hassik, where the Jews were consistently protected and where, in 1943, the administrator, even though 22 SLOVAKIA not present, was able to obstruct the transfer of a certain number of Jews into Germany even after the action had begun (Manuscript in author's hands). 80. J. Pauco Dr. Jozef Tiso o sebe), op. cit., p. 322. SOURCES: CIANO, Galeazzo: Diario - Volume primo, 1939-1940; Milano, Rizzoli, 1946; L'Europa verso la catastrofe; 184 colloqui con Mussolini, Hitler, Franco, Sumner Welles, Rustu Aras, Stoiadinovic, Goring, Zog, Francois-Poncet ecc. verbalizzati da Galeazzo Ciano, con 40 documenti diplomatici inediti; (Verona), A. Mondadori, 1948. CULEN, Konstantin: Po Svatoplukovi druha nasa hlava (Zivot Dr. Jozefa Tisu); Middletown, Pa. , Prva Katolicka Slovenska Jednota, 1947-1948; 2Vols. DOCUMENTS ON BRITISH FOREIGN :POLICY 1919--1939, Third Series; London, His Majesty's Stationery Office, 1951. DURCANSKY, Ferdinand: Pravo Slovakov na samostatnost' vo svetle dokumentov, Vol. 1, Biela kniha; Buenos Aires, Slovensky Oslobodzovaci Vybor, 1954. GILLER, Agaton, Z podr6zy po kraju slowackim; Lw6w, Gubrynowicz and Schmidt, 1876. ·HAssiK, Stefan: Prispevok O rieseni iidovskej otazky V Sloven• skei republike (unpublished manuscript). INSTITUTE OF JEWISH AFFAffiS: Hitler's Ten-Year War on the Jews; New York, 1943. LES ARCHIVES SECRETES DE LA WILHELMSTRASSE: Documents traduits de l' allemand par Michael TOURNIER; Paris, Librairie Plon, 1950. Les Juives en Europe 1939-1945; Paris, CDJC, 1947. MIKUS, Joseph A., La Slovaquie dans le drame de I' Europe (Histoire politique de 1918 a 1950); Paris, Les Iles d' Or, 1955. POKORNY, Rudolf: Z potulek po Slovensku; Praha, 1884-1885, 2 Vols .. RAPPORT DU COMITE INTERNATIONAL DE LA CROIXROUGE sur son activite pendant la seconde guerre mondiale (ler septembre 1939 - 30 juin 1947); Geneve, 1948. REITLINGER, Gerald: The Final Solution. The Attempt to Ex• ter~inate the Jews of Europe 1939-1945; London, Vallentine-Mitchell, 1953. SIDOR, Karol: ~est' rokov pri Vatikane; Scranton, Pa., Obrana Press, Inc., 1947. STEINER, Frederick: The Tragedy of Slovak Jewry; Bratislava, 1949; (Documentation Centre CUJCR). TISO, Jozef : Obhajobna rec pred Narodnym sudom v Bratislave dna 17. a 18. marca 1947; edited by Dr. Jozef PAUCO : Dr. Jozef Tiso o sebe; Passaic, N. J ., Slovensky Katolicky Sokol, 1952. PERIODICALS: ETUDES, Paris. GARDISTA, Bratislava-Zilina. RELAZIONI INTERNAZIONALI, Milano. RIVISTA DI STUD! POLITIC! INTERNAZIONALI, Firenze. SLOVAK, Bratislava. ZEITSCHRIFT FUR AUSLANDISCHES OFFENTLICHES RECHT UND VOLKERRECHT, Berlin.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Dr. Joseph Tiso and the Jewish Problem in Slovakia Description An account of the resource Milan S. Ďurica Slovakia, Vol. 7, No. 3-4 (24-25), September-December 1957 pp. 1-22 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Ďurica, Milan S., 1925- Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource September-December 1957 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/78e92e51e7b0ae8f4233c1fcecf492a7.pdf 054cb5351ec245c14b0f7aca275881dc PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 23 MEMORIES OF KUNERAD G. fOBANOV Just thirteen years ago, at the end of September, 1944, I was sitting in the cellar .o f the Kunerad Castle waiting to die. Death is a terrible word, but in those days death was ·a ,venial thing. People were dying everywhere in SlovaJkia: the "glorious Slovak National Uprising" - as the Benes Czechs, Lettrich "democrats," and SlovaJk and Czech Reds call it - ,w as in full swing. The Kunerad Castle, not far from my home town, I knew well from my youthful days. The spruce forests full of mushrooms, the streams loaded with trout, the plateaus heavily overgrown with bilberries and cranberries, and then the hunting ,p arties in the hills for wild boar - ah, those are happy memories of Kunerad and vicinity, memories of those dearest to me, of my friends and that beautiful corner of .Slovakia which is called Rajec Valley. Memories of September, 1944, however are not so happy. They are memories of one of the s•a ddest chaipters in S'lo:va'k history. Picturesque Rajec Valley, peaceful Kunerad, as many other .Slovak towns and villiages, were going through the first ,p hase of Communist "freedom" or "liberation." And on the meado:w, not far from the Kunerad Castle, where machine-gunn ed bodies of innocent victims thumped into shallow graves. The machine-guns were triggered by the "liberators," and the graves were dug by the victims themselves ! The partisans caught me in RajeCike Teplice as I attempted to escape to unoccupied territory, into Zilina. I was recognized by a certain Czech, an employee of the Zbrojovka (Gunworks) in Povazska Bystrica. Before I knew it, I was .surrounded by a band of partisans armed with rifles ·a nd .automatics. They escorted me to a partisan commissioner, .Sedlacek - the Red from Zilina - in the clinic of the Worlkers' Social Insurance. After a ,b rief questioning, they "liberated" me from my personal papers, press card, money, and revolver; then Sedlacek ordered my escort to �24 SLOVAKIA take me to the Kunerad Castle, the Gene.ml Headquarters of .the Red ,p artisans in the Rajec Valley. At that time I did not know Sedlacek personally, so I was very much surprised to learn during the hearing that he knew so much about me. Later, after "liberation," I found out that my grandmother was his baptismal ,s ponsor and that my parents attended his wedding. My grandfather ,ursed tn ha:ve a large orchavd, and !Sedla-c,eik often came with his family for apples and pears. When the Freethirukers of C2iecho-Slo;va)kia ,propagated the slog,a n "Away from Rome" and wore anti-lP,a pal badges, I was to,l d that Sedlacek once wore one when he came for pears. When grandpa caught sight of the badge, he told Sedlacek to get out and neiVer show his face in our place a,gain. I was very young at the time and, hence, did not remember either Sedlacek or this incident. In the Kunerad Castle I was taken before a Russian, Major Popo;v, the chief oif staff. He ordered me locked up in one of the ,c ellar rooms. I was alone in the room; the guard threw a litrtle strruw on the concrete floor and my furcoat served ,a s a blaniket. Through the barred window I could see the ,a rea in front of the castle. Men and women were 'hauled in on wagoil1's and aufos for questioning; freshly recruited youngsters from Rajec and surrounding communities were brought in on hayracks. Among them I saw two familar faces of former schoolmates with whom I attended the Realka at ZUi.na. Court was he1d in the castle; it did not ta)ke the "jrudge" long to find those ,aippr-e hended "guilty." Then the firing squad marched the .u nfortunate victims away from the castle, singing "Koline." The murderers were commanded by Sedlacek and Spitzer, the latter a Jew who had a dry goods store in Zilina. Arfter the victims dug their own graves to some depth, they were machine-gunned. The shril,l cry of tho,s e poor, innocent victims sti'll rings in my ears. Many men and some women were beaten by the partisans before they were marched out to die. I do not know to this day why, but the fact is that nolbody ,s eemed to bother rubout me. The door of my cell opened three times a day and two, prisoners under guard �SLOVAKIA 25 would brmg me something to eat, most of the time a crust of brea:d with coffee in the morning and evening and sowp at noon. The commander of the guard was a co.r poral of the Slovak Army; he hailed from eastern Slovakia. On two occasions he spolke rather friendly to me; he ,s,aid he would rather run off. He got into the "Uprising" as so many other SlovaJk soldiers did: by the ruse that the Nazis had arrested and taiken President Tiso to Germany, that they had thrown out the Slovak Goivernment, and now were marching in to destroy the Slovak State and to occupy the whole of SlovaJkia. It did not t3Jke him, and so many others, very long to .realize what had happened - then the problem became: how to breaJk away from the partisans. It was not easy. Many boys wound up with a bullet back of the neck for trying .to escape. My cell happened to be directly under the spacious reception room, where the partisans would drink and dance laite into the night. Squeeze boxes screeched. loudly and the old walls of the castle shook as the partisans danced, sang, and shouted with their heavily airmed partners; it was the first time I saw "girl" partisans; they were armed, had grenades around their belts, and Red Cross badges on their shoulders. The time went slowly, terribly slow4y. I was worried and prepared for the rworst. Never in my life did I ipray so much and so ardently a:s I did during those four days and ,nights in the cellar of the Kunerad Castle. My only com1panion, a spider in the darkest corner, undoubtedly was happy that I was there. To pass the time aiway and truke my mind off my troUJbles, I caught flies and fed them to him. Once, when they brought me soup, I was pleasantly surprised. that one of the men carrying the large kettle of so.up was an old ,a cquaintance of mine. Before I could open my mouth, however, to tallk to him, he winked at me, and I caught on, so I said nothing to him. The fourth evening, just when the sun was setting, there ruppeared in the mead.ow in front of the castle a herd of oattle and sheep that were being drirven o.n by several men. Shortly thereafter the corporal mentioned above came to my cell and told me that the shepherds had brought a �26 SLOVAKIA report that the Germans had taken Turciansky Svaty Martin. They were sending diivisions to the Mala Fatra, they said, to clean out the partisan nests. The Red ipartisans were up to their old tricks; they would start trouble and then run off to the mountains, leaving the fight against the Germans to the deceived SlovaJk soldiers. Reportedly German ,u nits were already on the way from the plateaus to the Kunerad Valley and to the castle. Moments later everything was quite a bustle in and around the castle, then momentary quite, after which I heard the Russian partisans barking orders. Lights went out and groups of partisans were speedily leaving thEl castle to lose themselves in the night. Then everything was really quiet. Only the forest hummed its monotonous, eternal song and somewhere in the distance a noctura;l bird would ma!ke itself heard ,f rom .time to time. Before daiwn, somewhere from far off, the thunder of guns resounded and then it was quiet again. In the castle the partisans who had remained were ibusy, piling guns and ammunition on wagons in front of the castle. I called out through the window to attract the attention of one of the men, to find out what was happening, but nobody bothered about me. I banged on the door of my cell, ibut in vain. There was nothing left for me to do ,b ut wait. It was already daylight, but nobody was bringing my breakfast. Suddenly, in the distance, the rat-at-at of machine guns could be heard and later the characteristic rumble of approaching tanks. "THE GERMANS ARE COMING WITH TANKS," someone yelled - and what had been chaos before, now turned into a panic in and around the castle. The firing increased and the rumble o.f the tanlks became louder; shots rang out in the woods nearby and from the castle itself. The partisans took to flight; it seemed that they did not have enough legs to run on. Of course, I was scared, as were the rest of the interned. We could smell smoke. We screaimed and yelled and banged on our doors. Soon the castle was in flames ; the partisans had set it afire be-fore they took off for the woods. Suddenly there was a turn of a key in the lock of �SLOVAKIA 27 my door, and my acquaintance, the cor,poral, yelled out: "Hurry, get out of here!" And, believe me, I lost no time in .getting out! I ran up the stairs to the entrance of the castle and, without regard for anyone and anything, too!k off in the direction of the woods. I had double trouble: I had to stay clear of the partisans and out of sight o;f the Gevman tank gunners who could taJke me for a partisan. In the woods, some distance from where I haippened to be at the time, a group of men and women were wielding picks, axes, and shovels, ma1king a road. After I made my way through the woods, I hit the fields in the direction of Rajecke Teplice; I skirted around the latter because fighting was quite heavy there. I waded through the Rajcinka, then ran through wooded areas again, and then reached Z.ilina. The Kunerad partisans scattered without a fight. Most of the local men returned to their homes. Only Russian parachutists remained in the mountains, awaiting the advent of the Red Army. They had fulfilled their mission. Moscow was not so much interested in any speedy action against the Germans in Slovakia; they were more interested in making trouble for the Slovak Republic and the Slova!k nation, because they knew how the Slovaks felt about Communism. And the Slova!ks, because of their adamant stand against Communism had to suffer much - and are still undergoing much suffering today. The Germans captured Sedlacek. I saw him again, the last time, when on one Octdber Sunday forenoon he was led through the streets of Z.ilina by German field scouts. He had a placard pinned to his coat front which read: "The Kunerad Assassin." The German military court sentenced him to death and the firing squad carried out the sentence. Mass graves - the characteristic symbol of bloody Bolshevilk tyranny everywhere, where the Reds seize power even momentarily. Kunerad is only one of them. Daily their numlber increases, because Coonmunism always finds new victims. It is high time that the free world wakes up and offers some effective resistance, otherwise the sacrifices of those whose bones turn to dust in the mass graves will have been made in vain. - (J ...9457) � SLOVAKIA 23 MEMORIES OF KUNERAD G. fOBANOV Just thirteen years ago, at the end of September, 1944, I was sitting in the cellar .o f the Kunerad Castle waiting to die. Death is a terrible word, but in those days death was ·a ,venial thing. People were dying everywhere in SlovaJkia: the "glorious Slovak National Uprising" - as the Benes Czechs, Lettrich "democrats," and SlovaJk and Czech Reds call it - ,w as in full swing. The Kunerad Castle, not far from my home town, I knew well from my youthful days. The spruce forests full of mushrooms, the streams loaded with trout, the plateaus heavily overgrown with bilberries and cranberries, and then the hunting ,p arties in the hills for wild boar - ah, those are happy memories of Kunerad and vicinity, memories of those dearest to me, of my friends and that beautiful corner of .Slovakia which is called Rajec Valley. Memories of September, 1944, however are not so happy. They are memories of one of the s•a ddest chaipters in S'lo:va'k history. Picturesque Rajec Valley, peaceful Kunerad, as many other .Slovak towns and villiages, were going through the first ,p hase of Communist "freedom" or "liberation." And on the meado:w, not far from the Kunerad Castle, where machine-gunn ed bodies of innocent victims thumped into shallow graves. The machine-guns were triggered by the "liberators," and the graves were dug by the victims themselves ! The partisans caught me in RajeCike Teplice as I attempted to escape to unoccupied territory, into Zilina. I was recognized by a certain Czech, an employee of the Zbrojovka (Gunworks) in Povazska Bystrica. Before I knew it, I was .surrounded by a band of partisans armed with rifles ·a nd .automatics. They escorted me to a partisan commissioner, .Sedlacek - the Red from Zilina - in the clinic of the Worlkers' Social Insurance. After a ,b rief questioning, they "liberated" me from my personal papers, press card, money, and revolver; then Sedlacek ordered my escort to �24 SLOVAKIA take me to the Kunerad Castle, the Gene.ml Headquarters of .the Red ,p artisans in the Rajec Valley. At that time I did not know Sedlacek personally, so I was very much surprised to learn during the hearing that he knew so much about me. Later, after "liberation," I found out that my grandmother was his baptismal ,s ponsor and that my parents attended his wedding. My grandfather ,ursed tn ha:ve a large orchavd, and !Sedla-c,eik often came with his family for apples and pears. When the Freethirukers of C2iecho-Slo;va)kia ,propagated the slog,a n "Away from Rome" and wore anti-lP,a pal badges, I was to,l d that Sedlacek once wore one when he came for pears. When grandpa caught sight of the badge, he told Sedlacek to get out and neiVer show his face in our place a,gain. I was very young at the time and, hence, did not remember either Sedlacek or this incident. In the Kunerad Castle I was taken before a Russian, Major Popo;v, the chief oif staff. He ordered me locked up in one of the ,c ellar rooms. I was alone in the room; the guard threw a litrtle strruw on the concrete floor and my furcoat served ,a s a blaniket. Through the barred window I could see the ,a rea in front of the castle. Men and women were 'hauled in on wagoil1's and aufos for questioning; freshly recruited youngsters from Rajec and surrounding communities were brought in on hayracks. Among them I saw two familar faces of former schoolmates with whom I attended the Realka at ZUi.na. Court was he1d in the castle; it did not ta)ke the "jrudge" long to find those ,aippr-e hended "guilty." Then the firing squad marched the .u nfortunate victims away from the castle, singing "Koline." The murderers were commanded by Sedlacek and Spitzer, the latter a Jew who had a dry goods store in Zilina. Arfter the victims dug their own graves to some depth, they were machine-gunned. The shril,l cry of tho,s e poor, innocent victims sti'll rings in my ears. Many men and some women were beaten by the partisans before they were marched out to die. I do not know to this day why, but the fact is that nolbody ,s eemed to bother rubout me. The door of my cell opened three times a day and two, prisoners under guard �SLOVAKIA 25 would brmg me something to eat, most of the time a crust of brea:d with coffee in the morning and evening and sowp at noon. The commander of the guard was a co.r poral of the Slovak Army; he hailed from eastern Slovakia. On two occasions he spolke rather friendly to me; he ,s,aid he would rather run off. He got into the "Uprising" as so many other SlovaJk soldiers did: by the ruse that the Nazis had arrested and taiken President Tiso to Germany, that they had thrown out the Slovak Goivernment, and now were marching in to destroy the Slovak State and to occupy the whole of SlovaJkia. It did not t3Jke him, and so many others, very long to .realize what had happened - then the problem became: how to breaJk away from the partisans. It was not easy. Many boys wound up with a bullet back of the neck for trying .to escape. My cell happened to be directly under the spacious reception room, where the partisans would drink and dance laite into the night. Squeeze boxes screeched. loudly and the old walls of the castle shook as the partisans danced, sang, and shouted with their heavily airmed partners; it was the first time I saw "girl" partisans; they were armed, had grenades around their belts, and Red Cross badges on their shoulders. The time went slowly, terribly slow4y. I was worried and prepared for the rworst. Never in my life did I ipray so much and so ardently a:s I did during those four days and ,nights in the cellar of the Kunerad Castle. My only com1panion, a spider in the darkest corner, undoubtedly was happy that I was there. To pass the time aiway and truke my mind off my troUJbles, I caught flies and fed them to him. Once, when they brought me soup, I was pleasantly surprised. that one of the men carrying the large kettle of so.up was an old ,a cquaintance of mine. Before I could open my mouth, however, to tallk to him, he winked at me, and I caught on, so I said nothing to him. The fourth evening, just when the sun was setting, there ruppeared in the mead.ow in front of the castle a herd of oattle and sheep that were being drirven o.n by several men. Shortly thereafter the corporal mentioned above came to my cell and told me that the shepherds had brought a �26 SLOVAKIA report that the Germans had taken Turciansky Svaty Martin. They were sending diivisions to the Mala Fatra, they said, to clean out the partisan nests. The Red ipartisans were up to their old tricks; they would start trouble and then run off to the mountains, leaving the fight against the Germans to the deceived SlovaJk soldiers. Reportedly German ,u nits were already on the way from the plateaus to the Kunerad Valley and to the castle. Moments later everything was quite a bustle in and around the castle, then momentary quite, after which I heard the Russian partisans barking orders. Lights went out and groups of partisans were speedily leaving thEl castle to lose themselves in the night. Then everything was really quiet. Only the forest hummed its monotonous, eternal song and somewhere in the distance a noctura;l bird would ma!ke itself heard ,f rom .time to time. Before daiwn, somewhere from far off, the thunder of guns resounded and then it was quiet again. In the castle the partisans who had remained were ibusy, piling guns and ammunition on wagons in front of the castle. I called out through the window to attract the attention of one of the men, to find out what was happening, but nobody bothered about me. I banged on the door of my cell, ibut in vain. There was nothing left for me to do ,b ut wait. It was already daylight, but nobody was bringing my breakfast. Suddenly, in the distance, the rat-at-at of machine guns could be heard and later the characteristic rumble of approaching tanks. "THE GERMANS ARE COMING WITH TANKS," someone yelled - and what had been chaos before, now turned into a panic in and around the castle. The firing increased and the rumble o.f the tanlks became louder; shots rang out in the woods nearby and from the castle itself. The partisans took to flight; it seemed that they did not have enough legs to run on. Of course, I was scared, as were the rest of the interned. We could smell smoke. We screaimed and yelled and banged on our doors. Soon the castle was in flames ; the partisans had set it afire be-fore they took off for the woods. Suddenly there was a turn of a key in the lock of �SLOVAKIA 27 my door, and my acquaintance, the cor,poral, yelled out: "Hurry, get out of here!" And, believe me, I lost no time in .getting out! I ran up the stairs to the entrance of the castle and, without regard for anyone and anything, too!k off in the direction of the woods. I had double trouble: I had to stay clear of the partisans and out of sight o;f the Gevman tank gunners who could taJke me for a partisan. In the woods, some distance from where I haippened to be at the time, a group of men and women were wielding picks, axes, and shovels, ma1king a road. After I made my way through the woods, I hit the fields in the direction of Rajecke Teplice; I skirted around the latter because fighting was quite heavy there. I waded through the Rajcinka, then ran through wooded areas again, and then reached Z.ilina. The Kunerad partisans scattered without a fight. Most of the local men returned to their homes. Only Russian parachutists remained in the mountains, awaiting the advent of the Red Army. They had fulfilled their mission. Moscow was not so much interested in any speedy action against the Germans in Slovakia; they were more interested in making trouble for the Slovak Republic and the Slova!k nation, because they knew how the Slovaks felt about Communism. And the Slova!ks, because of their adamant stand against Communism had to suffer much - and are still undergoing much suffering today. The Germans captured Sedlacek. I saw him again, the last time, when on one Octdber Sunday forenoon he was led through the streets of Z.ilina by German field scouts. He had a placard pinned to his coat front which read: "The Kunerad Assassin." The German military court sentenced him to death and the firing squad carried out the sentence. Mass graves - the characteristic symbol of bloody Bolshevilk tyranny everywhere, where the Reds seize power even momentarily. Kunerad is only one of them. Daily their numlber increases, because Coonmunism always finds new victims. It is high time that the free world wakes up and offers some effective resistance, otherwise the sacrifices of those whose bones turn to dust in the mass graves will have been made in vain. - (J ...9457) � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1957, Vol. 7 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 22), March 1957.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 23), June 1957.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 24-25), September-December 1957.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1957 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 23 MEMORIES OF KUNERAD G. fOBANOV Just thirteen years ago, at the end of September, 1944, I was sitting in the cellar .o f the Kunerad Castle waiting to die. Death is a terrible word, but in those days death was ·a ,venial thing. People were dying everywhere in SlovaJkia: the "glorious Slovak National Uprising" - as the Benes Czechs, Lettrich "democrats," and SlovaJk and Czech Reds call it - ,w as in full swing. The Kunerad Castle, not far from my home town, I knew well from my youthful days. The spruce forests full of mushrooms, the streams loaded with trout, the plateaus heavily overgrown with bilberries and cranberries, and then the hunting ,p arties in the hills for wild boar - ah, those are happy memories of Kunerad and vicinity, memories of those dearest to me, of my friends and that beautiful corner of .Slovakia which is called Rajec Valley. Memories of September, 1944, however are not so happy. They are memories of one of the s•a ddest chaipters in S'lo:va'k history. Picturesque Rajec Valley, peaceful Kunerad, as many other .Slovak towns and villiages, were going through the first ,p hase of Communist "freedom" or "liberation." And on the meado:w, not far from the Kunerad Castle, where machine-gunn ed bodies of innocent victims thumped into shallow graves. The machine-guns were triggered by the "liberators," and the graves were dug by the victims themselves ! The partisans caught me in RajeCike Teplice as I attempted to escape to unoccupied territory, into Zilina. I was recognized by a certain Czech, an employee of the Zbrojovka (Gunworks) in Povazska Bystrica. Before I knew it, I was .surrounded by a band of partisans armed with rifles ·a nd .automatics. They escorted me to a partisan commissioner, .Sedlacek - the Red from Zilina - in the clinic of the Worlkers' Social Insurance. After a ,b rief questioning, they "liberated" me from my personal papers, press card, money, and revolver; then Sedlacek ordered my escort to 24 SLOVAKIA take me to the Kunerad Castle, the Gene.ml Headquarters of .the Red ,p artisans in the Rajec Valley. At that time I did not know Sedlacek personally, so I was very much surprised to learn during the hearing that he knew so much about me. Later, after "liberation," I found out that my grandmother was his baptismal ,s ponsor and that my parents attended his wedding. My grandfather ,ursed tn ha:ve a large orchavd, and !Sedla-c,eik often came with his family for apples and pears. When the Freethirukers of C2iecho-Slo;va)kia ,propagated the slog,a n "Away from Rome" and wore anti-lP,a pal badges, I was to,l d that Sedlacek once wore one when he came for pears. When grandpa caught sight of the badge, he told Sedlacek to get out and neiVer show his face in our place a,gain. I was very young at the time and, hence, did not remember either Sedlacek or this incident. In the Kunerad Castle I was taken before a Russian, Major Popo;v, the chief oif staff. He ordered me locked up in one of the ,c ellar rooms. I was alone in the room; the guard threw a litrtle strruw on the concrete floor and my furcoat served ,a s a blaniket. Through the barred window I could see the ,a rea in front of the castle. Men and women were 'hauled in on wagoil1's and aufos for questioning; freshly recruited youngsters from Rajec and surrounding communities were brought in on hayracks. Among them I saw two familar faces of former schoolmates with whom I attended the Realka at ZUi.na. Court was he1d in the castle; it did not ta)ke the "jrudge" long to find those ,aippr-e hended "guilty." Then the firing squad marched the .u nfortunate victims away from the castle, singing "Koline." The murderers were commanded by Sedlacek and Spitzer, the latter a Jew who had a dry goods store in Zilina. Arfter the victims dug their own graves to some depth, they were machine-gunned. The shril,l cry of tho,s e poor, innocent victims sti'll rings in my ears. Many men and some women were beaten by the partisans before they were marched out to die. I do not know to this day why, but the fact is that nolbody ,s eemed to bother rubout me. The door of my cell opened three times a day and two, prisoners under guard SLOVAKIA 25 would brmg me something to eat, most of the time a crust of brea:d with coffee in the morning and evening and sowp at noon. The commander of the guard was a co.r poral of the Slovak Army; he hailed from eastern Slovakia. On two occasions he spolke rather friendly to me; he ,s,aid he would rather run off. He got into the "Uprising" as so many other SlovaJk soldiers did: by the ruse that the Nazis had arrested and taiken President Tiso to Germany, that they had thrown out the Slovak Goivernment, and now were marching in to destroy the Slovak State and to occupy the whole of SlovaJkia. It did not t3Jke him, and so many others, very long to .realize what had happened - then the problem became: how to breaJk away from the partisans. It was not easy. Many boys wound up with a bullet back of the neck for trying .to escape. My cell happened to be directly under the spacious reception room, where the partisans would drink and dance laite into the night. Squeeze boxes screeched. loudly and the old walls of the castle shook as the partisans danced, sang, and shouted with their heavily airmed partners; it was the first time I saw "girl" partisans; they were armed, had grenades around their belts, and Red Cross badges on their shoulders. The time went slowly, terribly slow4y. I was worried and prepared for the rworst. Never in my life did I ipray so much and so ardently a:s I did during those four days and ,nights in the cellar of the Kunerad Castle. My only com1panion, a spider in the darkest corner, undoubtedly was happy that I was there. To pass the time aiway and truke my mind off my troUJbles, I caught flies and fed them to him. Once, when they brought me soup, I was pleasantly surprised. that one of the men carrying the large kettle of so.up was an old ,a cquaintance of mine. Before I could open my mouth, however, to tallk to him, he winked at me, and I caught on, so I said nothing to him. The fourth evening, just when the sun was setting, there ruppeared in the mead.ow in front of the castle a herd of oattle and sheep that were being drirven o.n by several men. Shortly thereafter the corporal mentioned above came to my cell and told me that the shepherds had brought a 26 SLOVAKIA report that the Germans had taken Turciansky Svaty Martin. They were sending diivisions to the Mala Fatra, they said, to clean out the partisan nests. The Red ipartisans were up to their old tricks; they would start trouble and then run off to the mountains, leaving the fight against the Germans to the deceived SlovaJk soldiers. Reportedly German ,u nits were already on the way from the plateaus to the Kunerad Valley and to the castle. Moments later everything was quite a bustle in and around the castle, then momentary quite, after which I heard the Russian partisans barking orders. Lights went out and groups of partisans were speedily leaving thEl castle to lose themselves in the night. Then everything was really quiet. Only the forest hummed its monotonous, eternal song and somewhere in the distance a noctura;l bird would ma!ke itself heard ,f rom .time to time. Before daiwn, somewhere from far off, the thunder of guns resounded and then it was quiet again. In the castle the partisans who had remained were ibusy, piling guns and ammunition on wagons in front of the castle. I called out through the window to attract the attention of one of the men, to find out what was happening, but nobody bothered about me. I banged on the door of my cell, ibut in vain. There was nothing left for me to do ,b ut wait. It was already daylight, but nobody was bringing my breakfast. Suddenly, in the distance, the rat-at-at of machine guns could be heard and later the characteristic rumble of approaching tanks. "THE GERMANS ARE COMING WITH TANKS," someone yelled - and what had been chaos before, now turned into a panic in and around the castle. The firing increased and the rumble o.f the tanlks became louder; shots rang out in the woods nearby and from the castle itself. The partisans took to flight; it seemed that they did not have enough legs to run on. Of course, I was scared, as were the rest of the interned. We could smell smoke. We screaimed and yelled and banged on our doors. Soon the castle was in flames ; the partisans had set it afire be-fore they took off for the woods. Suddenly there was a turn of a key in the lock of SLOVAKIA 27 my door, and my acquaintance, the cor,poral, yelled out: "Hurry, get out of here!" And, believe me, I lost no time in .getting out! I ran up the stairs to the entrance of the castle and, without regard for anyone and anything, too!k off in the direction of the woods. I had double trouble: I had to stay clear of the partisans and out of sight o;f the Gevman tank gunners who could taJke me for a partisan. In the woods, some distance from where I haippened to be at the time, a group of men and women were wielding picks, axes, and shovels, ma1king a road. After I made my way through the woods, I hit the fields in the direction of Rajecke Teplice; I skirted around the latter because fighting was quite heavy there. I waded through the Rajcinka, then ran through wooded areas again, and then reached Z.ilina. The Kunerad partisans scattered without a fight. Most of the local men returned to their homes. Only Russian parachutists remained in the mountains, awaiting the advent of the Red Army. They had fulfilled their mission. Moscow was not so much interested in any speedy action against the Germans in Slovakia; they were more interested in making trouble for the Slovak Republic and the Slova!k nation, because they knew how the Slovaks felt about Communism. And the Slova!ks, because of their adamant stand against Communism had to suffer much - and are still undergoing much suffering today. The Germans captured Sedlacek. I saw him again, the last time, when on one Octdber Sunday forenoon he was led through the streets of Z.ilina by German field scouts. He had a placard pinned to his coat front which read: "The Kunerad Assassin." The German military court sentenced him to death and the firing squad carried out the sentence. Mass graves - the characteristic symbol of bloody Bolshevilk tyranny everywhere, where the Reds seize power even momentarily. Kunerad is only one of them. Daily their numlber increases, because Coonmunism always finds new victims. It is high time that the free world wakes up and offers some effective resistance, otherwise the sacrifices of those whose bones turn to dust in the mass graves will have been made in vain. - (J ...9457)  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Memories of Kunerad Description An account of the resource G. Čobanov Slovakia, Vol. 7, No. 3-4 (24-25), September-December 1957 pp. 23-27 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Čobanov, G. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource September-December 1957 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/dc0fc6e45cde3bca2d25a2352cd8abb1.pdf 1649cde7255967a3e2cd0c12f0aac9af PDF Text Text 28 SLOVAKIA THE 1944 COMMUNISTIC REBELLION IN SLOVAKIA In late August, 1944, a rebellion to overthrow the government of the free Slovak Republic was set in motion by Communist partisan forces that were parachuted into the country by Moscow. Although the predominant element among the invaders was Czech, there were also Russians and Frenchmen among them. Conspicuous as one of the leaders promoting this putsch was Dr. Joseph Lettrich who is now an official of the "Council of Free Czechoslovakia" and resides in the United States. The objective of this offensive strategy was not only the ruthless subjugation of the Slovak government, but also the occupation of Slovakia and the integration of the crushed republic into the politically hybridized Czecho-Slovak Republic. With the help of Soviet troops this goal was achieved in the spring of 1945 . Some of the tactics and activities of these Red invaders are reliably described by Dr. Joseph Pauco in his latest book SLOVACI A KOMUNIZMUS (THE SLOVAKS AND COMMUNISM; Middletown, Pa.; 1957). We quote here in part from the chapter "Dielo pomsty" ("An Act of Revenge" - Ed.) The depravity of the partisans literally knew no bounds: They looted and plundered at will and murdered wantonly. Consequently the toll of the struggle was tragic even though the encounters did not last exceptionally long. Co,Ionel Otto Klement reports that "official statistics, released early in 1945, indicate that the so-called national uprising in 1944 cost the Slova:k nation close to 80,000 lives sacrificed on Slovak territrory." The partisans and their henchmen terrorized Slovak villages. They categorically seized all citizens of noite who had shown opposition to Cornmuni,s m. "They robbed their rupartments, homes, castles, factories, places of business, warehouses; they indulged in drunken orgies and began to annoy innocent victims, torturing and !killing them," states Colonel Otto Klement who was fully informed on all that happened. Thousands of Sloivruks were su!bjected to unspeakable tortures and inhuman torments. Among the first victims in this wave of terror was the Slo:v.a:k lalbor leader and mem1b ers o.f iParliament, Francis S1amen, who met his cruel fate in the town of Brezno nad Hronom .. He was a typical Slovruk laborer, one of thousands of diligent and honest Slava:k worikingmen, providing for his family by the toil of his hands. He was interested in the welfare of Slovak workers, �29 SLOVAKIA but his "crime" was that he based his interest on the principles of fundamental Christian equity. He organized a Christian-social wonkers' association and, as president of the group, he was shown a certain degree of deference by his co-iworkers who came to realize that the problems of the l8iboring class can be resolved without recourse to revolutionary methods, without violence, bloodshed, and the confiscation o.f private property. When Francis Slamen noticed thaJt there was a concentration of questionable elements in rthe neighborhood of Brezno, he decided to go to Bratislava in order to inform the state authorities. His planned to leave in the evening of August 27, 1944, but an informer foiled his plans. A few hours before train time, he was forced into a partisan truck The partisans then rounded up other influential loyal patriots in this town, driving them out of their homes at the point of leveled automatics. They ,padked them into the fore section of the truck while heavily armed guards took up the rear. At a;bout eleven o'clock at night, the truck started on its way, but it halted every fifty meters or so, in order to take on mo:re unfortunate capti'Ves. Shortly before midnight, the truck loaded with captives left the heart of town. When the trngic company reached the town limits, two oif the partisans, wh 0 were sta.ltio.ned as guards in the truck, opened fire on the victims. Several of them died on the spot; others lived a few hours longer. The sole survivor in this instance was Judge Denk. His face and head were spattered with the brain fragments o.f Slamen and Dolnan and both his hands, as well as his head and nedk, were torn with shot. But he did not lose consciousness and was able to save himself. When the partisams came to carry a,way the corpses, Denk let himself be taken as a dead man with the dead. They left him in the cemetery for !burial with the rest, and it was there that he spoke to the gendarme who was left to take over, begging him to take him to a hospital from where his wife later smuggled him out to safety and survival. The heartless partisans who carried out this coldblood1 �30 SLOVAKIA ed task of political vengeance appropriated all the valuables on the pevsons of their victims right where they fell. They even stripped the dead of their shoes and before lea ving the scene, they 1kicked the bodies about with violent brutality. Another notable victim of the partisans was a Catholic priest and Parliamentary deputy, Rev. Anthony Salat, who died in the first weeik of the rebellion. He was a man of noble character and his was the stature of an earnest SlovaJk patriot, a brilliant popular writer, a matchless public speaker, and one of the most out-spoken and determined opponents of Communism. Through the years, dating baok as far as 1929, Father Salat serwed as a Parliamentary representative of the Slovak Populist Party. In public life he merited distinction not only as a gifted amd objecti;ve speaker, a defender of Slovak rights in the forum of Prague's hall of Parliament, but also as a journalist. Because of all this, the partisans marked as one of their earlist targets, a figure to be cut down mercilessly, this Father Anthony Salat, a distinguished national leader and an intrepid fighter for justice. They dragged him out of the quiet orf his parish to the bridge that spans the Hron River. He begged to be allowed to make his confession but the rabble refused him this spiritual consolation. fu answer to his request they sounded off rounds of satanic la,ughter and piercing ridicule which alternated with sal:vos from their automatics, felling the good priest to the cold pa,vement of the bridge that he had built for the community. But even this did not satisfy the savage "liberators." They ,b eset the cor;pse of the murdered Father Salat and robbed it. Out of his vest poc!ket they removed his gold watch; out of his coat pocket they took his wallet. They even knoc:ked out several of his teeth and claimed the gold caps from his dental work. Then they hurled the brutally albused a.111d rifled body in.to the Bron. Father Anthony Salat was not the only Slovak Catholic priest done to cruel death iby the partisans. Among others who perished under the violent hand of the oppres1 �SLOVAKIA 31 sons were Fathers J ohn Nemec, Martinka of Liptovsk y Svaty Michal, and the seminaria n Milan of Povazska Bystrica. A frightful death befell Father Seda, the pastor in L1ptovsky Svaty Jan. In his report at a hearing of the U. S. Congress ional Committe e, the Catholic priest, Dr. Stephen Nahalka, related the suffering s inflicted on Father Seda: "They t::ut strips of slkin and flesh from his back and in the end even amputate d his genitals." Father Nicholas Sprinc, a priest of the same diocese as Father Seda, reported the following: "Father Seda was killed. The Reds first flayed him and then subjected him to tortures which it is not proper to describe in the press. His skin was stripped in thick layers. His tormento rs then kept cutting off parts of his body and forcing them into his mouth to the accompan iment of blasphenm ous exdamati ons about 'Holy Communion'." Another witness before the Congress ional Committe e was the Rev. Joseph Poess of Slorvakia whom the partisans had severely wounded in the mass grarve near Sklenne where he sewed as pastor. Ninety men perished in this mass grave, but Father Poess saved himself despite the fact that he had been buried alive. He made his escaipe out of the shallow grave and, after untold suffering s and imprisonm ent, made his way to freedom. The indictmen t which the Partisans fabricate d against him was that he had a secret sending station operating from the church and that he cached weapons in the church sacristy and under the altar in his church. Colonel Otto Klement had informati on on many individual instances of brutality wreaiked upon helple ss and innocent citizens by the partisans . In Turiec the ailing Mary R. fell into their hands; they struck her unconscio us with a heavy millk can. They tortured her by wedging pins under her nails and, after she was completel y spent, she had to kiss the feet of a common prostitute . F1inally the partisan band bound her in chains and bore her off to their headquarters, Sklabina in Turiec, where they shot her and threw her body into a mass burial pit. Her father, John R., was an old man of 78. The parti- �32 SLOVAKIA sans trussed him up and left him, barefoot and half na!ked, exiposed outdoors all night. When he accepted a pair of shoes offered hi.Im by a lady, the gypsy who was guarding him beat him brutally. Then the partisan horde took the old man to Siklabina, aimed a ,shat at the naJPe of his necik, just as they had dispatched his d:mghter, and threw him into the mass grave too. AH these people had no connection whatever with political activities of any kind. Their "offense" was that they were, to some extent, propertied people. Singled out for ,s,rucrifiice were also a number of valiant o:£ficers who chnse to accept no command in the uprising. For this service to their country, Colonels Kruna'k and Zverin, as well as Lieutenant Colonel Kfucik and First Lieutenants Frecer and SindJer, were shot to death. The distinguished General Turanec was put under house arrest in Bans:ka Bystrica right at the outset of the putsch. Once they let .Joose the full strength of their partisan activities, they had General Turanec flown to Moscow, where they tortured him for his uncompromising stand against communism. One of the major stigmas of the putsch is the concentration camp which the partisans arranged in the castle fortress Sl()IVenska L'wpca. Here they tormented and persecuted aver a th'Ousand viictims - not only men, but women and children, too. The sUJperintendent of this concentratiorn camp was the sa,v age Communist Staudinger. One of the prisoners, R. Rudohorsiky, recalls some of the sufferings experienced in Slovenska L'wpca: "The housing of the 1prisoners was horrible. The overseer packed over 150 ,people into a single room. Other sections were croweded with as many persons as eoouJd possibly be forced into them. Househo1d furnishings were remover. From the !beginning, the prisonern were bedded on the bare floor; later the authorities allowed them to bring in some straw. Spies, informers, and instigators of trouble were planted among the prisoners. Hygienic requirements in this concentration camp became a thing of the past. The iplace was a real hell. "Inmates tooik sick ,a s a result of the undernourishment, starvation, filth and foulness that prevailed. Instead �SLOVAKIA 33 of iprorviding medical help or relief for them, the vindictive jailer turned on them with aJbuse and emibittered their lives still further with inhuman treatment. Even when the doctor did come into the camp, he was allowed to examine a sick unfortunate only in the presence of the commandant of the guard of National Security . . . The physician prescribed medication for which the prisoner paid but never received . . . Fare: potatoes and caJbbage. Anything by wa,y of shorttening or grease that may have been allotted to the kitchen wa:s either appropriated by a woman-coolk o.f ill-repute or the suiperintendent o.f the institution and the commandant of National ,S ecurity, or it was sold. But conditions worsened to, such an extent that later not even potatoes or caJbbage ,w ere to be had. There was actual starvation. Red pa:rtiisans, armed to the teeth, visited the castle fortress daily to conduct investigations among the inmates. They heard the grievances orf the prisoners and freely dealt them resounding sla.ps and blows; they 1b eat the:n and tortured them unmercifuUy. "Many of the wretches were taken away under cover of night never to return again. Conditions became such that no prisoner' felt that his life wais safe. Everyone lived in dread expectation, wondering just when the partisans woU!ld come to claim this oo.e or that one who would vanish fureve,r in the abyss of death ... The barbaric superintendent, a former shooma'ker, on visiting the confining quarters abused the miseraible inmates by kic<king them a,bout like dogs while he cursed them fiendishly and threatened every one of them with the gall01Ws. If any of them ha,ppened to have a covering of any ,k ind, he ripped it -away, spewing insults upon them and calling them Nazis and Fascist swine.. "Little children begged their mothers for bread or m.i1'k but what were the un.ha,ppy mothers to do when the p-2rfidious scum that jaHed them had no mercy or feeling in its heart to allow at least to the children some substantial food. Wives were isolated from their husbands; they were :permitted to have no contact whatever, not even a brief .exchange from one to the other as they went for their daily rations. Husbands were the unwilling and helpless witnesses of the appalling sufferings of their wives and children." �34 SLOVAKIA Only prayer and hymns sustained balance and some ,semlblance of morale among the tortured prisoners whose .sufferings defied description. An evil reputation came to be associated with Kunerad, one of the headquarters of the partisan band located near the city 2ilina. V. 2ingor testified that the Czech Karel Bacilek was "the political commissar in the fortress Kunerad." Brutal in the extreme was the punishment meted out to anti-Communistic fighters and quick sentences were readily executed. It was comparable to SkJa;bina. To date it has not been ascertained precisely how many victims met maximum penalties in these two ,plaic-es. Colonel Klement reports that in Slklaib:itna O'Ver a thousand citirens were murdered from Turiec region aJone. In. the mass gra,ve in Podsucha, as the Rev. Stephen Naha1ka testified, there were found eighty victims of parti:sa,n ferocity. Father Poess revealed that in the mass graves near Sklenne rubout two hundred of his parishioners met their deaths. An American citizen, Mr. Smr~ov,s ky, declared before .U. S. Congressional Committee that in the Slovaik community where he had lived in the days of the Slovak Republic, ,the partisans on one occasion destroyed an entire family of five ipersons among whom were a two year old and a four year old child. All were then consigned to a mass grave. Other mass graves were also found at Kovacova, in Pusty Hrad, in the Prievidza valley, at Humenne, Lucivna, Bosany, L'wbietova, Nemeoka L'upca Mld Kremnioka. During this Communist putsch, material -losses in SlovaJkia were extremely great. The state statistical and planning office in Bratislava 1published in its "Statistical Hand1book of Slo:vaikia 1947" an evalution of damage inflicted on -buildings, projects and their equipment, art objects, communications, livestock, and other ravaged properties as in excess of 114,461,000,000 crowns or two and a half billion dollars. The arrival of the Soviet in Slovakia in the bloody August putsch of 1944 was a clear foreclast of what would befall the Slovak people in the event of the downfall of their independent State. � 28 SLOVAKIA THE 1944 COMMUNISTIC REBELLION IN SLOVAKIA In late August, 1944, a rebellion to overthrow the government of the free Slovak Republic was set in motion by Communist partisan forces that were parachuted into the country by Moscow. Although the predominant element among the invaders was Czech, there were also Russians and Frenchmen among them. Conspicuous as one of the leaders promoting this putsch was Dr. Joseph Lettrich who is now an official of the "Council of Free Czechoslovakia" and resides in the United States. The objective of this offensive strategy was not only the ruthless subjugation of the Slovak government, but also the occupation of Slovakia and the integration of the crushed republic into the politically hybridized Czecho-Slovak Republic. With the help of Soviet troops this goal was achieved in the spring of 1945 . Some of the tactics and activities of these Red invaders are reliably described by Dr. Joseph Pauco in his latest book SLOVACI A KOMUNIZMUS (THE SLOVAKS AND COMMUNISM; Middletown, Pa.; 1957). We quote here in part from the chapter "Dielo pomsty" ("An Act of Revenge" - Ed.) The depravity of the partisans literally knew no bounds: They looted and plundered at will and murdered wantonly. Consequently the toll of the struggle was tragic even though the encounters did not last exceptionally long. Co,Ionel Otto Klement reports that "official statistics, released early in 1945, indicate that the so-called national uprising in 1944 cost the Slova:k nation close to 80,000 lives sacrificed on Slovak territrory." The partisans and their henchmen terrorized Slovak villages. They categorically seized all citizens of noite who had shown opposition to Cornmuni,s m. "They robbed their rupartments, homes, castles, factories, places of business, warehouses; they indulged in drunken orgies and began to annoy innocent victims, torturing and !killing them," states Colonel Otto Klement who was fully informed on all that happened. Thousands of Sloivruks were su!bjected to unspeakable tortures and inhuman torments. Among the first victims in this wave of terror was the Slo:v.a:k lalbor leader and mem1b ers o.f iParliament, Francis S1amen, who met his cruel fate in the town of Brezno nad Hronom .. He was a typical Slovruk laborer, one of thousands of diligent and honest Slava:k worikingmen, providing for his family by the toil of his hands. He was interested in the welfare of Slovak workers, �29 SLOVAKIA but his "crime" was that he based his interest on the principles of fundamental Christian equity. He organized a Christian-social wonkers' association and, as president of the group, he was shown a certain degree of deference by his co-iworkers who came to realize that the problems of the l8iboring class can be resolved without recourse to revolutionary methods, without violence, bloodshed, and the confiscation o.f private property. When Francis Slamen noticed thaJt there was a concentration of questionable elements in rthe neighborhood of Brezno, he decided to go to Bratislava in order to inform the state authorities. His planned to leave in the evening of August 27, 1944, but an informer foiled his plans. A few hours before train time, he was forced into a partisan truck The partisans then rounded up other influential loyal patriots in this town, driving them out of their homes at the point of leveled automatics. They ,padked them into the fore section of the truck while heavily armed guards took up the rear. At a;bout eleven o'clock at night, the truck started on its way, but it halted every fifty meters or so, in order to take on mo:re unfortunate capti'Ves. Shortly before midnight, the truck loaded with captives left the heart of town. When the trngic company reached the town limits, two oif the partisans, wh 0 were sta.ltio.ned as guards in the truck, opened fire on the victims. Several of them died on the spot; others lived a few hours longer. The sole survivor in this instance was Judge Denk. His face and head were spattered with the brain fragments o.f Slamen and Dolnan and both his hands, as well as his head and nedk, were torn with shot. But he did not lose consciousness and was able to save himself. When the partisams came to carry a,way the corpses, Denk let himself be taken as a dead man with the dead. They left him in the cemetery for !burial with the rest, and it was there that he spoke to the gendarme who was left to take over, begging him to take him to a hospital from where his wife later smuggled him out to safety and survival. The heartless partisans who carried out this coldblood1 �30 SLOVAKIA ed task of political vengeance appropriated all the valuables on the pevsons of their victims right where they fell. They even stripped the dead of their shoes and before lea ving the scene, they 1kicked the bodies about with violent brutality. Another notable victim of the partisans was a Catholic priest and Parliamentary deputy, Rev. Anthony Salat, who died in the first weeik of the rebellion. He was a man of noble character and his was the stature of an earnest SlovaJk patriot, a brilliant popular writer, a matchless public speaker, and one of the most out-spoken and determined opponents of Communism. Through the years, dating baok as far as 1929, Father Salat serwed as a Parliamentary representative of the Slovak Populist Party. In public life he merited distinction not only as a gifted amd objecti;ve speaker, a defender of Slovak rights in the forum of Prague's hall of Parliament, but also as a journalist. Because of all this, the partisans marked as one of their earlist targets, a figure to be cut down mercilessly, this Father Anthony Salat, a distinguished national leader and an intrepid fighter for justice. They dragged him out of the quiet orf his parish to the bridge that spans the Hron River. He begged to be allowed to make his confession but the rabble refused him this spiritual consolation. fu answer to his request they sounded off rounds of satanic la,ughter and piercing ridicule which alternated with sal:vos from their automatics, felling the good priest to the cold pa,vement of the bridge that he had built for the community. But even this did not satisfy the savage "liberators." They ,b eset the cor;pse of the murdered Father Salat and robbed it. Out of his vest poc!ket they removed his gold watch; out of his coat pocket they took his wallet. They even knoc:ked out several of his teeth and claimed the gold caps from his dental work. Then they hurled the brutally albused a.111d rifled body in.to the Bron. Father Anthony Salat was not the only Slovak Catholic priest done to cruel death iby the partisans. Among others who perished under the violent hand of the oppres1 �SLOVAKIA 31 sons were Fathers J ohn Nemec, Martinka of Liptovsk y Svaty Michal, and the seminaria n Milan of Povazska Bystrica. A frightful death befell Father Seda, the pastor in L1ptovsky Svaty Jan. In his report at a hearing of the U. S. Congress ional Committe e, the Catholic priest, Dr. Stephen Nahalka, related the suffering s inflicted on Father Seda: "They t::ut strips of slkin and flesh from his back and in the end even amputate d his genitals." Father Nicholas Sprinc, a priest of the same diocese as Father Seda, reported the following: "Father Seda was killed. The Reds first flayed him and then subjected him to tortures which it is not proper to describe in the press. His skin was stripped in thick layers. His tormento rs then kept cutting off parts of his body and forcing them into his mouth to the accompan iment of blasphenm ous exdamati ons about 'Holy Communion'." Another witness before the Congress ional Committe e was the Rev. Joseph Poess of Slorvakia whom the partisans had severely wounded in the mass grarve near Sklenne where he sewed as pastor. Ninety men perished in this mass grave, but Father Poess saved himself despite the fact that he had been buried alive. He made his escaipe out of the shallow grave and, after untold suffering s and imprisonm ent, made his way to freedom. The indictmen t which the Partisans fabricate d against him was that he had a secret sending station operating from the church and that he cached weapons in the church sacristy and under the altar in his church. Colonel Otto Klement had informati on on many individual instances of brutality wreaiked upon helple ss and innocent citizens by the partisans . In Turiec the ailing Mary R. fell into their hands; they struck her unconscio us with a heavy millk can. They tortured her by wedging pins under her nails and, after she was completel y spent, she had to kiss the feet of a common prostitute . F1inally the partisan band bound her in chains and bore her off to their headquarters, Sklabina in Turiec, where they shot her and threw her body into a mass burial pit. Her father, John R., was an old man of 78. The parti- �32 SLOVAKIA sans trussed him up and left him, barefoot and half na!ked, exiposed outdoors all night. When he accepted a pair of shoes offered hi.Im by a lady, the gypsy who was guarding him beat him brutally. Then the partisan horde took the old man to Siklabina, aimed a ,shat at the naJPe of his necik, just as they had dispatched his d:mghter, and threw him into the mass grave too. AH these people had no connection whatever with political activities of any kind. Their "offense" was that they were, to some extent, propertied people. Singled out for ,s,rucrifiice were also a number of valiant o:£ficers who chnse to accept no command in the uprising. For this service to their country, Colonels Kruna'k and Zverin, as well as Lieutenant Colonel Kfucik and First Lieutenants Frecer and SindJer, were shot to death. The distinguished General Turanec was put under house arrest in Bans:ka Bystrica right at the outset of the putsch. Once they let .Joose the full strength of their partisan activities, they had General Turanec flown to Moscow, where they tortured him for his uncompromising stand against communism. One of the major stigmas of the putsch is the concentration camp which the partisans arranged in the castle fortress Sl()IVenska L'wpca. Here they tormented and persecuted aver a th'Ousand viictims - not only men, but women and children, too. The sUJperintendent of this concentratiorn camp was the sa,v age Communist Staudinger. One of the prisoners, R. Rudohorsiky, recalls some of the sufferings experienced in Slovenska L'wpca: "The housing of the 1prisoners was horrible. The overseer packed over 150 ,people into a single room. Other sections were croweded with as many persons as eoouJd possibly be forced into them. Househo1d furnishings were remover. From the !beginning, the prisonern were bedded on the bare floor; later the authorities allowed them to bring in some straw. Spies, informers, and instigators of trouble were planted among the prisoners. Hygienic requirements in this concentration camp became a thing of the past. The iplace was a real hell. "Inmates tooik sick ,a s a result of the undernourishment, starvation, filth and foulness that prevailed. Instead �SLOVAKIA 33 of iprorviding medical help or relief for them, the vindictive jailer turned on them with aJbuse and emibittered their lives still further with inhuman treatment. Even when the doctor did come into the camp, he was allowed to examine a sick unfortunate only in the presence of the commandant of the guard of National Security . . . The physician prescribed medication for which the prisoner paid but never received . . . Fare: potatoes and caJbbage. Anything by wa,y of shorttening or grease that may have been allotted to the kitchen wa:s either appropriated by a woman-coolk o.f ill-repute or the suiperintendent o.f the institution and the commandant of National ,S ecurity, or it was sold. But conditions worsened to, such an extent that later not even potatoes or caJbbage ,w ere to be had. There was actual starvation. Red pa:rtiisans, armed to the teeth, visited the castle fortress daily to conduct investigations among the inmates. They heard the grievances orf the prisoners and freely dealt them resounding sla.ps and blows; they 1b eat the:n and tortured them unmercifuUy. "Many of the wretches were taken away under cover of night never to return again. Conditions became such that no prisoner' felt that his life wais safe. Everyone lived in dread expectation, wondering just when the partisans woU!ld come to claim this oo.e or that one who would vanish fureve,r in the abyss of death ... The barbaric superintendent, a former shooma'ker, on visiting the confining quarters abused the miseraible inmates by kic<king them a,bout like dogs while he cursed them fiendishly and threatened every one of them with the gall01Ws. If any of them ha,ppened to have a covering of any ,k ind, he ripped it -away, spewing insults upon them and calling them Nazis and Fascist swine.. "Little children begged their mothers for bread or m.i1'k but what were the un.ha,ppy mothers to do when the p-2rfidious scum that jaHed them had no mercy or feeling in its heart to allow at least to the children some substantial food. Wives were isolated from their husbands; they were :permitted to have no contact whatever, not even a brief .exchange from one to the other as they went for their daily rations. Husbands were the unwilling and helpless witnesses of the appalling sufferings of their wives and children." �34 SLOVAKIA Only prayer and hymns sustained balance and some ,semlblance of morale among the tortured prisoners whose .sufferings defied description. An evil reputation came to be associated with Kunerad, one of the headquarters of the partisan band located near the city 2ilina. V. 2ingor testified that the Czech Karel Bacilek was "the political commissar in the fortress Kunerad." Brutal in the extreme was the punishment meted out to anti-Communistic fighters and quick sentences were readily executed. It was comparable to SkJa;bina. To date it has not been ascertained precisely how many victims met maximum penalties in these two ,plaic-es. Colonel Klement reports that in Slklaib:itna O'Ver a thousand citirens were murdered from Turiec region aJone. In. the mass gra,ve in Podsucha, as the Rev. Stephen Naha1ka testified, there were found eighty victims of parti:sa,n ferocity. Father Poess revealed that in the mass graves near Sklenne rubout two hundred of his parishioners met their deaths. An American citizen, Mr. Smr~ov,s ky, declared before .U. S. Congressional Committee that in the Slovaik community where he had lived in the days of the Slovak Republic, ,the partisans on one occasion destroyed an entire family of five ipersons among whom were a two year old and a four year old child. All were then consigned to a mass grave. Other mass graves were also found at Kovacova, in Pusty Hrad, in the Prievidza valley, at Humenne, Lucivna, Bosany, L'wbietova, Nemeoka L'upca Mld Kremnioka. During this Communist putsch, material -losses in SlovaJkia were extremely great. The state statistical and planning office in Bratislava 1published in its "Statistical Hand1book of Slo:vaikia 1947" an evalution of damage inflicted on -buildings, projects and their equipment, art objects, communications, livestock, and other ravaged properties as in excess of 114,461,000,000 crowns or two and a half billion dollars. The arrival of the Soviet in Slovakia in the bloody August putsch of 1944 was a clear foreclast of what would befall the Slovak people in the event of the downfall of their independent State. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1957, Vol. 7 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 22), March 1957.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 23), June 1957.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 24-25), September-December 1957.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1957 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 28 SLOVAKIA THE 1944 COMMUNISTIC REBELLION IN SLOVAKIA In late August, 1944, a rebellion to overthrow the government of the free Slovak Republic was set in motion by Communist partisan forces that were parachuted into the country by Moscow. Although the predominant element among the invaders was Czech, there were also Russians and Frenchmen among them. Conspicuous as one of the leaders promoting this putsch was Dr. Joseph Lettrich who is now an official of the "Council of Free Czechoslovakia" and resides in the United States. The objective of this offensive strategy was not only the ruthless subjugation of the Slovak government, but also the occupation of Slovakia and the integration of the crushed republic into the politically hybridized Czecho-Slovak Republic. With the help of Soviet troops this goal was achieved in the spring of 1945 . Some of the tactics and activities of these Red invaders are reliably described by Dr. Joseph Pauco in his latest book SLOVACI A KOMUNIZMUS (THE SLOVAKS AND COMMUNISM; Middletown, Pa.; 1957). We quote here in part from the chapter "Dielo pomsty" ("An Act of Revenge" - Ed.) The depravity of the partisans literally knew no bounds: They looted and plundered at will and murdered wantonly. Consequently the toll of the struggle was tragic even though the encounters did not last exceptionally long. Co,Ionel Otto Klement reports that "official statistics, released early in 1945, indicate that the so-called national uprising in 1944 cost the Slova:k nation close to 80,000 lives sacrificed on Slovak territrory." The partisans and their henchmen terrorized Slovak villages. They categorically seized all citizens of noite who had shown opposition to Cornmuni,s m. "They robbed their rupartments, homes, castles, factories, places of business, warehouses; they indulged in drunken orgies and began to annoy innocent victims, torturing and !killing them," states Colonel Otto Klement who was fully informed on all that happened. Thousands of Sloivruks were su!bjected to unspeakable tortures and inhuman torments. Among the first victims in this wave of terror was the Slo:v.a:k lalbor leader and mem1b ers o.f iParliament, Francis S1amen, who met his cruel fate in the town of Brezno nad Hronom .. He was a typical Slovruk laborer, one of thousands of diligent and honest Slava:k worikingmen, providing for his family by the toil of his hands. He was interested in the welfare of Slovak workers, 29 SLOVAKIA but his "crime" was that he based his interest on the principles of fundamental Christian equity. He organized a Christian-social wonkers' association and, as president of the group, he was shown a certain degree of deference by his co-iworkers who came to realize that the problems of the l8iboring class can be resolved without recourse to revolutionary methods, without violence, bloodshed, and the confiscation o.f private property. When Francis Slamen noticed thaJt there was a concentration of questionable elements in rthe neighborhood of Brezno, he decided to go to Bratislava in order to inform the state authorities. His planned to leave in the evening of August 27, 1944, but an informer foiled his plans. A few hours before train time, he was forced into a partisan truck The partisans then rounded up other influential loyal patriots in this town, driving them out of their homes at the point of leveled automatics. They ,padked them into the fore section of the truck while heavily armed guards took up the rear. At a;bout eleven o'clock at night, the truck started on its way, but it halted every fifty meters or so, in order to take on mo:re unfortunate capti'Ves. Shortly before midnight, the truck loaded with captives left the heart of town. When the trngic company reached the town limits, two oif the partisans, wh 0 were sta.ltio.ned as guards in the truck, opened fire on the victims. Several of them died on the spot; others lived a few hours longer. The sole survivor in this instance was Judge Denk. His face and head were spattered with the brain fragments o.f Slamen and Dolnan and both his hands, as well as his head and nedk, were torn with shot. But he did not lose consciousness and was able to save himself. When the partisams came to carry a,way the corpses, Denk let himself be taken as a dead man with the dead. They left him in the cemetery for !burial with the rest, and it was there that he spoke to the gendarme who was left to take over, begging him to take him to a hospital from where his wife later smuggled him out to safety and survival. The heartless partisans who carried out this coldblood1 30 SLOVAKIA ed task of political vengeance appropriated all the valuables on the pevsons of their victims right where they fell. They even stripped the dead of their shoes and before lea ving the scene, they 1kicked the bodies about with violent brutality. Another notable victim of the partisans was a Catholic priest and Parliamentary deputy, Rev. Anthony Salat, who died in the first weeik of the rebellion. He was a man of noble character and his was the stature of an earnest SlovaJk patriot, a brilliant popular writer, a matchless public speaker, and one of the most out-spoken and determined opponents of Communism. Through the years, dating baok as far as 1929, Father Salat serwed as a Parliamentary representative of the Slovak Populist Party. In public life he merited distinction not only as a gifted amd objecti;ve speaker, a defender of Slovak rights in the forum of Prague's hall of Parliament, but also as a journalist. Because of all this, the partisans marked as one of their earlist targets, a figure to be cut down mercilessly, this Father Anthony Salat, a distinguished national leader and an intrepid fighter for justice. They dragged him out of the quiet orf his parish to the bridge that spans the Hron River. He begged to be allowed to make his confession but the rabble refused him this spiritual consolation. fu answer to his request they sounded off rounds of satanic la,ughter and piercing ridicule which alternated with sal:vos from their automatics, felling the good priest to the cold pa,vement of the bridge that he had built for the community. But even this did not satisfy the savage "liberators." They ,b eset the cor;pse of the murdered Father Salat and robbed it. Out of his vest poc!ket they removed his gold watch; out of his coat pocket they took his wallet. They even knoc:ked out several of his teeth and claimed the gold caps from his dental work. Then they hurled the brutally albused a.111d rifled body in.to the Bron. Father Anthony Salat was not the only Slovak Catholic priest done to cruel death iby the partisans. Among others who perished under the violent hand of the oppres1 SLOVAKIA 31 sons were Fathers J ohn Nemec, Martinka of Liptovsk y Svaty Michal, and the seminaria n Milan of Povazska Bystrica. A frightful death befell Father Seda, the pastor in L1ptovsky Svaty Jan. In his report at a hearing of the U. S. Congress ional Committe e, the Catholic priest, Dr. Stephen Nahalka, related the suffering s inflicted on Father Seda: "They t::ut strips of slkin and flesh from his back and in the end even amputate d his genitals." Father Nicholas Sprinc, a priest of the same diocese as Father Seda, reported the following: "Father Seda was killed. The Reds first flayed him and then subjected him to tortures which it is not proper to describe in the press. His skin was stripped in thick layers. His tormento rs then kept cutting off parts of his body and forcing them into his mouth to the accompan iment of blasphenm ous exdamati ons about 'Holy Communion'." Another witness before the Congress ional Committe e was the Rev. Joseph Poess of Slorvakia whom the partisans had severely wounded in the mass grarve near Sklenne where he sewed as pastor. Ninety men perished in this mass grave, but Father Poess saved himself despite the fact that he had been buried alive. He made his escaipe out of the shallow grave and, after untold suffering s and imprisonm ent, made his way to freedom. The indictmen t which the Partisans fabricate d against him was that he had a secret sending station operating from the church and that he cached weapons in the church sacristy and under the altar in his church. Colonel Otto Klement had informati on on many individual instances of brutality wreaiked upon helple ss and innocent citizens by the partisans . In Turiec the ailing Mary R. fell into their hands; they struck her unconscio us with a heavy millk can. They tortured her by wedging pins under her nails and, after she was completel y spent, she had to kiss the feet of a common prostitute . F1inally the partisan band bound her in chains and bore her off to their headquarters, Sklabina in Turiec, where they shot her and threw her body into a mass burial pit. Her father, John R., was an old man of 78. The parti- 32 SLOVAKIA sans trussed him up and left him, barefoot and half na!ked, exiposed outdoors all night. When he accepted a pair of shoes offered hi.Im by a lady, the gypsy who was guarding him beat him brutally. Then the partisan horde took the old man to Siklabina, aimed a ,shat at the naJPe of his necik, just as they had dispatched his d:mghter, and threw him into the mass grave too. AH these people had no connection whatever with political activities of any kind. Their "offense" was that they were, to some extent, propertied people. Singled out for ,s,rucrifiice were also a number of valiant o:£ficers who chnse to accept no command in the uprising. For this service to their country, Colonels Kruna'k and Zverin, as well as Lieutenant Colonel Kfucik and First Lieutenants Frecer and SindJer, were shot to death. The distinguished General Turanec was put under house arrest in Bans:ka Bystrica right at the outset of the putsch. Once they let .Joose the full strength of their partisan activities, they had General Turanec flown to Moscow, where they tortured him for his uncompromising stand against communism. One of the major stigmas of the putsch is the concentration camp which the partisans arranged in the castle fortress Sl()IVenska L'wpca. Here they tormented and persecuted aver a th'Ousand viictims - not only men, but women and children, too. The sUJperintendent of this concentratiorn camp was the sa,v age Communist Staudinger. One of the prisoners, R. Rudohorsiky, recalls some of the sufferings experienced in Slovenska L'wpca: "The housing of the 1prisoners was horrible. The overseer packed over 150 ,people into a single room. Other sections were croweded with as many persons as eoouJd possibly be forced into them. Househo1d furnishings were remover. From the !beginning, the prisonern were bedded on the bare floor; later the authorities allowed them to bring in some straw. Spies, informers, and instigators of trouble were planted among the prisoners. Hygienic requirements in this concentration camp became a thing of the past. The iplace was a real hell. "Inmates tooik sick ,a s a result of the undernourishment, starvation, filth and foulness that prevailed. Instead SLOVAKIA 33 of iprorviding medical help or relief for them, the vindictive jailer turned on them with aJbuse and emibittered their lives still further with inhuman treatment. Even when the doctor did come into the camp, he was allowed to examine a sick unfortunate only in the presence of the commandant of the guard of National Security . . . The physician prescribed medication for which the prisoner paid but never received . . . Fare: potatoes and caJbbage. Anything by wa,y of shorttening or grease that may have been allotted to the kitchen wa:s either appropriated by a woman-coolk o.f ill-repute or the suiperintendent o.f the institution and the commandant of National ,S ecurity, or it was sold. But conditions worsened to, such an extent that later not even potatoes or caJbbage ,w ere to be had. There was actual starvation. Red pa:rtiisans, armed to the teeth, visited the castle fortress daily to conduct investigations among the inmates. They heard the grievances orf the prisoners and freely dealt them resounding sla.ps and blows; they 1b eat the:n and tortured them unmercifuUy. "Many of the wretches were taken away under cover of night never to return again. Conditions became such that no prisoner' felt that his life wais safe. Everyone lived in dread expectation, wondering just when the partisans woU!ld come to claim this oo.e or that one who would vanish fureve,r in the abyss of death ... The barbaric superintendent, a former shooma'ker, on visiting the confining quarters abused the miseraible inmates by kic<king them a,bout like dogs while he cursed them fiendishly and threatened every one of them with the gall01Ws. If any of them ha,ppened to have a covering of any ,k ind, he ripped it -away, spewing insults upon them and calling them Nazis and Fascist swine.. "Little children begged their mothers for bread or m.i1'k but what were the un.ha,ppy mothers to do when the p-2rfidious scum that jaHed them had no mercy or feeling in its heart to allow at least to the children some substantial food. Wives were isolated from their husbands; they were :permitted to have no contact whatever, not even a brief .exchange from one to the other as they went for their daily rations. Husbands were the unwilling and helpless witnesses of the appalling sufferings of their wives and children." 34 SLOVAKIA Only prayer and hymns sustained balance and some ,semlblance of morale among the tortured prisoners whose .sufferings defied description. An evil reputation came to be associated with Kunerad, one of the headquarters of the partisan band located near the city 2ilina. V. 2ingor testified that the Czech Karel Bacilek was "the political commissar in the fortress Kunerad." Brutal in the extreme was the punishment meted out to anti-Communistic fighters and quick sentences were readily executed. It was comparable to SkJa;bina. To date it has not been ascertained precisely how many victims met maximum penalties in these two ,plaic-es. Colonel Klement reports that in Slklaib:itna O'Ver a thousand citirens were murdered from Turiec region aJone. In. the mass gra,ve in Podsucha, as the Rev. Stephen Naha1ka testified, there were found eighty victims of parti:sa,n ferocity. Father Poess revealed that in the mass graves near Sklenne rubout two hundred of his parishioners met their deaths. An American citizen, Mr. Smr~ov,s ky, declared before .U. S. Congressional Committee that in the Slovaik community where he had lived in the days of the Slovak Republic, ,the partisans on one occasion destroyed an entire family of five ipersons among whom were a two year old and a four year old child. All were then consigned to a mass grave. Other mass graves were also found at Kovacova, in Pusty Hrad, in the Prievidza valley, at Humenne, Lucivna, Bosany, L'wbietova, Nemeoka L'upca Mld Kremnioka. During this Communist putsch, material -losses in SlovaJkia were extremely great. The state statistical and planning office in Bratislava 1published in its "Statistical Hand1book of Slo:vaikia 1947" an evalution of damage inflicted on -buildings, projects and their equipment, art objects, communications, livestock, and other ravaged properties as in excess of 114,461,000,000 crowns or two and a half billion dollars. The arrival of the Soviet in Slovakia in the bloody August putsch of 1944 was a clear foreclast of what would befall the Slovak people in the event of the downfall of their independent State.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The 1944 Communistic Rebellion in Slovakia Description An account of the resource Slovakia, Vol. 7, No. 3-4 (24-25), September-December 1957 pp. 28-34 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource September-December 1957 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/c247e2c7570f7bf2de98c9cec570ebf9.pdf 3fdf69d96d085d8b8c30e45e7af4efc8 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 35 A. R. NYKL: "EDVARD BENES ON MUNICH DAYS" The article "Edvard Benes on Munich Days" in the "Journal of Central European Affairs," (January, 1957 pp. 384-393), reveals that the author, Otokar Odlozilik, was not an eyewitness of the days between September 4 and 25, 1938, in Bohemia, and especially in the capital. "Rigid precepts of historical scholarship" cannot be applied to documents, even if the latter were bona fide and not doctored up post factum by captious commentaries. Both Edvard Benes and his mentor T. G. Masaryk were great hindsight wizards. It would be idle to cite proofs of this phenomenon here, because hundreds of quotations have appeared and are still appearing in the publications of the Slovak League of America. The diplomats mentioned in the article very wisely kept, and those who are living still keep, quiet which is, they perhaps believe, better than lying. In my opinion Frantisek Chvalkovsky, who with Ha.cha went through the terrible ordeal in Berlin before they finally signed their consent to Hitler's ultimatum of March 14, 1939, at 3 a. m., was the most reliable and honest person whose story might have cleared up many doubts, surmises, and suspicions. Krofta could unfortunately not go beyond the spring of 1938, when in May the first rumors of war began to spread. Henlein and his right hand man Frank were feverishly preparing the ground for autonomy and secession, by speeches and press campaigns, in which they constantly harped on Benes's doctoral thesis, published in 1907 at Dijon, wherein he advocated a complete separation of the German-speaking and the Czech-speaking regions of Bohemia, Moravia, and Silesia. During the summer months Lord Runciman was sent to the Sudetenland by Chamberlain with the special mission to find the right solution by "fact finding." For the most part he was the guest of German nobility and paid no attention to the claims of the Czech "hranicari," inhabitants of the frontier regions. The Sudeten Germans knew perfectly well that he was �36 SLOVAKIA merely playing a comedy and facetiously spoke of him as Lord "Runzelmann." Because of my absolute command of the German tongue, and as an American visitor, I could engage in countless conversations with the natives of Karlovy Vary, where I was writing a book on Japan and curing my nervous stomach by drinking MUhlbrunn - "Mlynsky prame" - hot alkaline water. Among the Egerlander there reigned an atmosphere of calm optimism: to them the annexation of the Sudeten by the Third Reich was a foregone , conclusion. Some of them even hinted already at a further step - the Protectorate - anticipating March 14, 1939. Nervousness reigned only in the small Czech minority, which was being increasingly frightened by occasional "blackout" exercises and talk about air raid shelters. To me it was quite plain that the Germans were being supplied with oral propaganda, which they called Fllisterpropaganda, and were absolutely convinced that Runciman's antics were a subterfuge to hide a fait accompli: a perfect agreement of the English and French - the latter somewhat sheepishly and reluctantly - that the "phantom" republic should be trimmed to suit the Nazis and the Magyars, in connivance with Mr. Beck, the Polish Minister of Foreign Affairs whose contempt for Benes knew no bounds. This I knew from my trip through Poland in August, 1936, where Czechs were talked about as "lajdaci" (loafers). Goring was Beck's honored guest, Benes the "cackling pygmy." At Cracow, Moscicki was helping to raise the Pilsudski mound: was he likely to listen to Benes 's plea in 1938? In July 1935, I wrote an article for the "Narodni Listy," recommending a solid steel wall from the Carpathians to Gdynia with a friendly Polish nation, whom Benes and Masaryk, however, regarded as Fascists. Later I was told that the article was suppressed at Benes's orders, who bypassed the Poles and went to see Stalin about that time. It is evident that the ambassadors named in the Odlozilik article (Osusky, Masaryk, Mastny, Chvalkovsky, Hurban, Slavik) must have known the real state of affairs and �SLOVAKIA 37 therefore kept silent. With the help of German and Italian aviation the Nationalists in Spain were pushing the socalled "Loyalists" toward the Pyrenees, ·and Daladier was worried about the impending invasion of the defeated 300,000 "Reds" into southern France, while Charles Maurras in "EAction Francaise" was ridiculing the idea of a war "pour les Tcheques." In the Kurhaus or Lazensky Dum, I could read the "Daily Mail" and "Corriere della Sera." I recall distinctly a map in the former showing the distribution of the three and one-half million Sudeten-Germans along the frontier as reported by Lord Runciman - and an article by Mussolini stating that the artificial and unnatural "sausage" state in Central Europe should be dismembered in the same way as the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy had been. Where is Odlozilik's "authentic description" of events by Benes? If Benes had a "unique knowledge of the situation," he would have had to admit that he knew full well in August that England and France were determined to back Hitler's claims. Krofta wisely kept silent in order not to implicate himself. The important documents sent abroad in the early days of October, 1938, most likely were destroyed, in order not to compromise the guilty parties. It would seem that the German and Italian military aviation was so formidable that the French and still less the British, aviation was no match for it at the time. Mr. Beck's clique in Poland was maliciously rejoicing at Benes's defeat. And Stalin, of course, was not going to help a dying man. My own estimate of the situation, on the basis of my observations and reading of the foreign press - English, French, Italian, Scandinavian, Polish, Rumanian, Yugoslav - was that there would be no war, because the sellout by England and F r ance was an obvious fait accompli. Hence I finished my manuscript and went by bus to Prague, in order to arrange with the publisher the printing of my book. For all eventualities I bought a second-class ticket to Praha-Merano, because my friends recommended to me the "Traubenkur" in Merano as the best thing for a nervous stomach. It consisted in eating plenty of ripe blue grapes and walking in the hills. Another friend - a phy- �38 SLOVAKIA sician - took a good look into my stomach, and finding nothing really serious, recommended that I should go to the Riesengebirge (Krkonose) to a place called Benecko and drink plenty of radioactive water. While the Sudeten-Germans were calm and smiling, awaiting their revanche, the Czech population was naturally feeling uneasy in the expectation of the great Hitler harangue at Nuremberg, listed for September 12. There was a tense atmosphere in Prague. The Communists were dreaming of a great Russian airborne army which would destroy Berlin and of making every town and hamlet in Bohemia a fortress like the "Loyalists" were doing in Spain who, by the way, were being painted as heroes in the Benes-controlled press. Only the "Narodni Listy," the organ of the Czech National Democrats, was favorable to Mussolini and to Franco. The journey on Sunday, September 4, through the fertile fields promising a good harvest, via Chlumec natl Cidlinou, where the peasants once were beaten by the noblemen ("vyhrajes jako sedlak v Chlumce"), north to the Krkonose, was calm and uneventful. After Trutnov-Trautenau, we began to enter the mixed Sudeten region. From what I could see and hear, the German agrarians had no sympathy with the Nazis at all, although in the last moment they joined the Henlein group so as to save themselves from reprisals and persecutions. This very step indicated that Henlein was certain of winning without war. Benecko proved to be a combined summer and winter resort. The summer guests were all gone, and I was the only guest at the hotel. In winter, the place changed into a ski resort. The owner was a sincere man, a great admirer of Kramar, and a great, scathing critic of Benes. The Germans had a nice new school building in the village, "Deutsche Volkschule." Hitler's ravings about the suffer- . ings of the Germans were the invention of his maniacal imagination. The hotel and its immediate neighborhood formed a Czech enclave in a region which further north was inhabited by Sudeten-Germans. From the far distance one could hear the noise of their Henlein meetings. But otherwise, �SLOVAKIA 39 perfect peace reigned in the pine forests and on the green meadows, where I spent most of my time walking between meals and drinking radioactive water. Within a few days my nervous stomach was restored to its normal functions. Sunday, the 11th of September, being a pleasantly warm, sunny day, I decided in the afternoon to walk to the summit of the wooded hill which I well remembered from my school days, reading about the sad departure of Czech Protestants in the years which followed the battle of the White Mountain, in 1620-1628. These emigres had to leave everything behind and seek refuge in the Protestant regions of Germany northeast of the Krkonose. Jan Amos Komensky, later bishop of the Moravian Brethren, was among them. On this hill, named Zaly, according to the legend, they were taking the last look of their native country, and were kissing the snow-covered ground goodbye in tears. Nevzali jsme se sebou nic, nic, po vsem veta jen Bibli Kralickou, Labyrint sveta. "We took nothing along, nothing, all is lost; only the Kraliky Bible, and the Labyrinth of the World." Reference is maqe to the Protestant version of the Bible made at Kraliky (German Grulich) on the Bohemian-Silesian frontier, and the well-known work of Comenius. These memories came to my mind as I slowly walked to the summit where I found a tourist restaurant and a lookout tower. The atmosphere was gloomy, very much in keeping with the name 2aly: the presentiment of grave events reminded me of what it must have been like in 1628 - three centuries ago. The sufferings of the Czech nation were of no concern to France, and still less to England. The large wooden structure of the hotel was silent, when I returned. For supper I had the last but one real Wiener Schnitzel in my memory - or shall I call it costoletta alla milanese? Or vidensky rizek? The owner of the hotel who knew very little German asked me whether I would listen to the radio the next day and tell him what Adolf was going to broadcast from Ntirnberg. Since I was not to be directly affected, I could sleep soundly and in the forenoon take another long walk in the pine woods. �40 SLOVAKIA The great speech was booked for about 2 p. m. sun time, since Germany had not adopted the foolish fad of daylight saving time. If I had my notes at hand, I could recall the situation with more precision, but since I was more intersted in "kava a buchty" (coffee and doughnuts) , my recollection is rather hazy at present. First of all, the reception was very weak and spoiled by frequent static due to thick thunder clouds hanging over the mountain range. Second, Hitler's speeches on the Sudeten question, the same as on the Klajpeda and Gdansk question, were a repetition of dramatically worded accusations of the same content : the Volksgenossen were being persecuted and mistreated, hence they were fleeing in constantly increasing numbers across the border: five thousand, ten thousand, fifty thousand; Long afterwards I saw in the contemporary lliustrierte Zeitung file pictures of these "refugees" being lovingly provided with food and clothing by their brethren in the Third Reich. There could be no doubt as to Adolf's purpose, namely, to convince France and England of the absolute justice of the Nazi position. "We do not ask except what is ours on the basis of selfdetermination - not one inch of a foreign territory. The Czechs will have theirs and we will have ours: after that we will have no further demands. " The next day at night we could hear the rumbling of a thunderstorm in the direction of Harrach's Glass Works at the frontier, but my host and his family were so frightened that they took it for the rumbling of heavy artillery. On Thursday, September 15, I decided that there was no use prolonging my stay and inviting another spell of stomach nervousness: after lunch I took the bus to the railway station and from there the train to Prague. Though there was no panic anywhere, the train was already filled with refugees: the wealthier and white-collared class. In Prague I returned to my hotel on Namesti Petra Osvoboditele (the Square of Peter, the Liberator) - formerly Komensky Square - in the Vinohrady district, where I paid 20 crowns for a single room, the equivalent of 70 cents. Excellent regular meals cost 10 crowns - 35 cents - and read all the Czech, German, French, and English �SLOYAKIA 41 newspapers while sipping excellent coffee. In one of the rooms they had a permanent guest - a frequently tipsy female of unpleasant appearance. She was one of the ten Communist deputies in the Parliament. Unfortunately for me, moratorium had been proclaimed with regard to withdrawals from bank accounts and I could only draw 5000 crowns at the Zivnobanka. One rapid transaction became imperative and unavoidable: I had to go to Karlovy Vary and have several trunks of my books shipped from there to Prague. The dream of staying in the pleasant spa and writing books vanished: where were the solemn promises of "enduring peace" after fighting "the war to end all wars" in 1919? On Friday afternoon I took the "rychlovlak" (express) and arrived at the Karlovy Vary station, which is located at some distance from the center of the town, in the evening. Detachments of Czech troops were already stationed round. No bus was operating. After showing my passport I was allowed to go to the town on foot and there I found another detachment of youthful-looking soldiers round some sort of war machinery, near Park Street. For reasons, which would take long to explain, I decided to go to one of the Kurgas1; rooming houses on Park Street. In situations of this kind one must act with lightning speed and complete calm. I was able to arrange with a shipper to forward my trunks to Prague next Monday, "express," at the fabulous cost of 2000 crowns. Saturday, Sunday, and Monday I spent eating the best food and spending as many crowns as I could, buying the best shirts, socks, a light overcoat, and other articles of clothing at Nastopil's on Alte Wiese. Why not, when I could buy the best shirts at 16 crowns (50 cents) which in America would cost five dollars? I still have two of those. When one sees an inevitable debacle in the offing one can easily adopt the philosophy of "you can't take it with you." While consuming an excellent chicken dinner for 25 crowns (70 cents) in the restaurant of the house "Schwedischer Hof," I was discussing the situation with the waiter, who happened to be a Pole, in Polish. He admired my remarkable calm and sound judgement, and made me the compliment "Pan jest okropny czlowiek." All the Germans I spoke with, showed smiling optimism. �42 SLOVAKIA On Monday evening, September 19th, I was in the "rychlovlak" Eger-Prague, in the company of two lieutenants of the Czechoslovak army, both Czechs less than 25 years of age, hence products of the MasarykBenes regime. There also was a captain of the frontier constabulary (strazmistr - cetnik), a former legionnaire, less than fifty years of age. The "porucici" (second lieutenants) were not exactly in a merry mood, but seemed to face the facts without whimpering and with a sort of grim humor. I knew nothing of what was going on in diplomatic circles, but I can repeat that all the Germans in Karlovy Vary, with whom I spoke about the future , were gloriously optimistic. They already knew that the Nazis would give them 1 mark for ten crowns instead of eight, yet seemed to be quite willing to take the loss. I recall one instance particularly, when I said: "Ich sehe Wolken am Horizont," and my interlocutor said: "Im Gegenthal, ich sehe alles rosig." This opinion was general. Now an expellee in Germany, my young friend may remember our conversation. If the scheme mentioned by Odlozilik on p. 387 ( "to avoid war") was worked out on September 18, "after the conference in London of French and British statesmen," it must have already been known throughout the Sudeten on September 19. And this was also the reason why I met the elderly cetnik on this train; he was leaving his post in Jachymov and was on his way to Slovakia, like the rest of Czech "cetnici" (gendarmes), because it was already known that the territory in which they were employed would be ceded to the Third Reich. This cetnik was very sad and spoke of his ruined existence, with a son in school, and with no future ahead of him. The two "porucici" stated to me emphatically what I later heard so much in Prague: "Uz je to ujednano a uz jsme prodani" (it's all settled and we are already sold out). And their comments on this "noble" action of France and England were rather scathing. Two days later in Prague the Czech legionnaires were in front of the French Legation discarding the medals which they had received from France in 1919. If Mr. Benes devotes a fairly long passage in his "Mnichovske dny" to �SLOVAKIA -13 an audience when "on Wednesday, September 21, in the small hours of that morning the British and French envoys requested it," to me it is quite clear that he is telling a story to cover up what already was a fait accompli. The people in the Sudeten knew that the matter had been settled, and the Czechs living there knew it also. To speak of collecting statements made by Benes and his critics and to "evaluate them in accordance with rigid precepts of historical scholarship" is as idle a talk as that about the authenticity of the Kensington stone and many other legends which need not be mentioned here. Furthermore I, as a personal witness, can say that the news of the sellout was already known in Prague that very evening, September 19, which in my memory is a terrible accusation of the treacherous action of British and French diplomats, not their respective nations. That evening, at about 10 o'clock, Prague was a city of stunned ghosts groping in the darkness under the impact of a deadly blow. I have seen through many situations when a family was suddenly stunned by a tragic blow, but here a whole ancient city with a glorious history, and a trusting people, had been stabbed in the back by those who professed to be their allies. The streets were almost deserted - deadly anguish was visible on all faces. Being a Czech, I fully felt their despair. They already visualized the return of the German conqueror to Praga caput regni, left at the mercy of a horde of fanaticists. The anguish was gripping the souls of the Czechs, together with a hatred of Masaryk and Benes, whose lies had brought the nation into this horrible plight. Only one who has once found himself at the brink of death could approximately realize that tragic, silent grief coupled with dread of an impending, yet inevitable peril. La nu.it porte conseil is a proverb fraught with a deep significance. The morning will· bring a solution. September 20 found the streets filled with milling crowds, hardly listening to the blaring loudspeakers. When passing by the barracks where young soldiers looked nonchalantly from the windows, a group of patriots would yell occasionally: �.J4 SLOVAKIA "Af z1Je armada!" (Long live the army). But there was no real enthusiasm - it seemed as if the soldiers knew that there was not to be any fighting. The anguish and terror of the previous night gave way to the real Czech calm fatalism, bred into the nation by centuries of hard knocks. Hemmed in, right in the heart of Europe, by hostile neighbors, the Czechs were always governed by one uppermost thought, namely, holding their own against terrible odds and in the end surviving their enemies. No one knew anything about what was going on in diplomatic circles, but all the intelligent people with whom I discussed the situation, unanimously and with a quiet, also typically Czech resignation, were saying: "Uz je to ujednano. Uz jsme prodani." In the evening I walked on the Vaclavske namesti (Wenceslaus Square) which was literally packed with people going to and fro without any passionate outbursts. Round the pedestal of Myslbek's famous St. Wenceslaus group, a solid mass of young Communists from Nusle was sitting with a defiant expression on their faces. "Co zde delate"? (What are you doing here?) I asked a group of young men and women. "My chceme bojovat a hajit svateho Vaclava." (We want to fight and to defend St. Wenceslaus). The streets were guarded by a special force of policemen with black helmets calm, young, determined men. I asked one of them: "Prosim vas, co ti mladi blazni zde delaji ?" (Pardon me, what are those young fools doing here?) His answer was typical of a Czech who has seen too many upheavals in his time to be surprised at anything. Just one word: "Para!" If a dictionary linguist would search in a number of volumes, in order to get the full meaning of this simple word, he might find such equivalents as "vapor, steam, fog, mist," but these would not give him the inner vibration. The nearest equivalent in American English would be : "Just generating so much worthless hot air!". The same milling of crowds and blaring of loudspeakers to which no one listened went on the two following days, namely, on Wednesday and Thursday, September 21 and 22. Whatever Mr. Benes says about his conferences and �SLOVAKIA 45 plans must be set aside as a legend and post factum invention to cover up the incontrovertible fact that the final decision had already been made in London on September 18; all these so-called conferences were a mere comedy to deceive the nation, which however, was not deceived at all. I listened to Mr. Benes's broadcast at 7 p. m., on Thursday, September 22. This was the second and last time I ever heard the sound of his voice and his halting way of reading from a typewritten text with his dark-rimmed glasses on his clumsy nose. The first time was on Sunday, September 19, 1937, at Masaryk's funeral. He was either unable or afraid to say anything powerful and sonorous ex-tempore. "Mluvil jako kdyz by to tahal z chlupate rukavice." (He talked as if he were pulling it out of a shaggy glove). Utterly insipid was the boast about having made a plan: "Mam plan pro vsechny pripady." (I have a plan for all eventualities). Then he also said, or rather read something in Slovak in such a poor way that Slovaks must have laughed at his pronunciation. Though the two languages are quite similar, it is extremely difficult for a Czech to speak Slovak with a Slovak intonation, just like a Spaniard is utterly unable to speak Portuguese with a Portuguese intonation. People laughed and repeated in the Prague dialect: "A Benes ma plan a usme prodany," i.e., uz jsme prodani: "Benes has a plan and we are already sold out." This reminded me of Paris and Pichegru. During the night the "civil defense" observers were frequently yelling: "Zhasnout svetla !" (lights out), in order to have a complete blackout. It was utterly amusing - almost as amusing as were the blackouts in Cambridge, Mass., in 1943 - because no sane person could have expected an air attack, which would have killed not only the Czechs, but the VolksgenossE)n as well. Nevertheless, on Friday the 23rd, people were being scared into buying gas masks, and I saw a long line on Betlemske namesti (Bethlehem Square) near the chapel where Hus used to preach in 1400 A.D., waiting to get a gas mask for 150 crowns! However, their number was insignificant in comparison with the whole population. �46 SLOVAKIA The librarian of the Naprstek Museum was to take care of my books, because I planned to leave by the express to Vienna on Saturday afternoon. I visited a few friends at the Orientalni Ustav. In the evening, when walking on Jecna ulice near Karlovo namesti (Charles Square), I met my great friend, the late professor Bedrich Hrozny, who was very calm; he knew as I did that there would be no war and no bombing, because to challenge the German Air Force would have meant useless suicide. He never mentioned anything about Benes's "plan." My publisher, the printer, my physician, repeated colloquially the same refrain "uz jsme prodany." The legionnaires, as I said before, were discarding their French medals in front of the legation. But there was no panic, no passionate outbursts. We are told that general mobilization was promulgated at 10 p. m. that evening. In view of the situation it was an amusing comedy of which I saw a part on Saturday and Sunday. What Benes says is a novelesque invention, calculated to mislead posterity into the belief of his great powers as a thinker: this method he copied from his master and from the French historians who dramatized the German retreat on September 6, 1914, into a great victory on the Marne. The night for me was indeed hectic: All of a sudden bed bugs appeared from nowhere, and the night clerk had to give me another mattress; the night was completely dark, except for an isolated little light that appeared in an attic, and some "civil defense" fool was constantly and uselessly yelling somewhere on the roof "Zhasnete svetlo" (Put out the light) ! When Mr. Benes writes, and the author of the article (Odlozilik) muses on a supposed tenseness in Prague that night, they are telling a story. The tenseness existed only on Monday evening, September 19th: after that the people were fully aware of the great comedy "uz jsme prodani." Friday noon I had my last "pecena husa s knedliky a zelim" (roast goose with dumplings and kraut) in the P. R. D. - Prazsky representacni dfun) - with the usual first class waiter service in coat tails, with Pilsen beer for 35 crowns, about one dollar. At �S LOVAKIA 47 that time we had no inkling of the "vseobecna mobilisace" (general mobilization) being thought of or planned by the great Edvard. As I perfectly recall it, the people as a whole were resigned to see the occupation of the Sudeten as a fait accompli since September 18th. On Saturday morning, when I came down to the cafe, I saw myself in a queer predicament. General mobilization was in progress and, as a consequence, there were no taxis, and even the street cars did not seem to function. Suddenly I saw a familiar face coming into the parlor: Vojta Benes - whom I knew so well since the time he made fiery speeches against Austria, in 1916-1918, in America - then lived like a satrap in a beautiful villa in Jevany as a great Socialist Minister of Education, who fought the Roman Catholic Church, while his brother was a matriculated "paper" Catholic. He was surrounded by a number of friends and they were talking about going abroad. I had to take my two hand bags and walk all the way to the Masaryk - former Franz Josef - station using the trusty power of my arm muscles. The streets were swarming with silent reservists on their way to the railroad stations, each carrying a small hand bag. There was no military preparedness among them: they looked more like excursionists. The whole station was likewise swarming with men between thirty and fifty years of age. Toward noon it became somewhat warm, and these masses of men were quenching their thirst with steins of beer, laughing and joking. The "rychlovlak" Berlin-Vienna was to arrive at about 2 p. m., and was to be the last train leaving the country in that direction. My only concern were my books. At about 1:30 p. m., I telephoned to the shipping agency and was told that my books had arrived in good order and were to be delivered the next week at their destination. The express did not arrive on time and there was an hourly announcement of its being late. If the Czecho-Slovak generals were wondering why the Luftwaffe did not bomb Ceska Trebova - Bohumin, on September 23rd, they must have been completely misled by Benes's comedy. The Luftwaffe knew full well that the occupation of the Sudeten was a fait accompli. The �48 SLOVAKIA whole inside of the station, with thousands of reservists drinking beer, eating frankfurters, and joking, bespoke a total confidence that there would be no war, no air raid, no shooting. The express finally arrived at about six p. m. I had a second class ticket, but found at once that this meant nothing, because all the compartments were being taken by reservists; all seats were occupied and the gangways were likewise filled. In a second class compartment I found two foreigners, a South African of Jewish origin and a young German dancing girl from Budapest. The express soon started on its way in the twilight through the central part of Bohemia, via Kolin and Pardubice to Ceska Trebova. In the fields and meadows the peasants were still working and were waving "Na zdaaar!" (Success!) to the occupants of the train - the defenders of the fatherland on their way to the frontier. As I think of it now, I cannot refrain from shedding tears at recalling how these simple folks were being deceived and sold down the river by England and France as if they were an African Zulu tribe or Gurkhas of India, or Bambaras. These were my people: here I was born, here I grew up, and I knew the simple soul and the good heart of these country people who foolishly trusted Masaryk and Benes. Now I recall that on Friday voices were heard: "Povesit Benese na brane hradu" (Hang Benes on the castle gate). And if, on Monday, General Syrovy urged Benes to leave Prague, it was not because of any fear of the Luftwaffe, but because of the wrath of the people. One of the tricks of the general mobilization was to send the German reservists to Slovakia and the Slovaks to the Sudeten regions. Standing in the gangway, while the express was speeding forward to Ceska Trebova without intermediate stops, I listened to the story of a young German reservist. He seemed to be quite loyal to the Republic and no Nazi enthusiast, but he explained to me the situation which faced all non-Czechs, namely, that of obtaining positions to make a living. The Germans could never hope to become as perfect in Czech as the Czechs and, therefore, where a �SLOVAKIA 49 perfect knowledge of Czech was required, they never could obtain the most advantageous job. Many of the young Sudeten Germans were trying to obtain work in the Third Reich. This was really the primary determining factor of the defection of the Germans, Magyars and Slovaks. Remedy? Either birth control or emigration. The young dancer was quite optimistic: "That whole thing will be settled in two weeks. I am now going to Budapest, and then I will come back to Prague." I had to stand all the way to Brno. There most of the crowd dispersed. From Brno we were to continue to Breclava-Lundenburg, and then on to Vienna. At Breclava we were told that the frontier was closed. We could go to Bratislava if we so wished. The South African found in me a willing cicerone. We had to pay additional fare of some 20 crowns. We arrived in Bratislava about midnight. The station was literally swarming with reservists, each with his little bag, moving to and fro like a mob without any organization. When an elderly man with a small baggage cart came along, in the scanty light, I engaged him to take my two bags and the South African's baggage to the nearest hotel opposite the station. When we arrived there the night clerk told us that all rooms were occupied by Czecho-Slovak army officers. He presumed that all the hotels in the city had been similarly taken over as a mobilization measure, but he volunteered to telephone to Hotel Carlton and find out what the situation was. We were lucky: there were still two single rooms available at 20 crowns (75 cents) with "raiiajky" (breakfast). Carlton Hotel was to send a taxi to bring us downtown which was quite a distance from the station. It was about one a. m., and the city, scantily lighted, was remarkably quiet: one would not have suspected at all that the station was swarming with reservists speeding to their destination, to the frontier. The hotel proved to be quite modern and well appointed. In the morning, when at about 9 a. m. - it was Sunday, September 25th - I came down to have my breakfast, I saw the South African leaving in a great hurry in a taxi. He said he had a visa for Hungary and had tOI �50 SLOVAKIA make haste to reach the frontier before it might be closed. The hotel personnel could not give me any information as to what the situation was on the Austrian frontier. Since March, Austria was a part of the Third Reich. Consequently, I had to set out in an adventurous quest of information by taking the electric tramway to Petrzalka and then walk along the highway to where the frontier could be distinguished by curious quonsset-like structures. Detachments of soldiers were distributed along the road. They were all Magyars and not perturbed in the least: certainly not like troops expecting a sudden attack from anywhere. It was about eleven a. m. and fairly warm, the sun was brightly shining. When I came to a quonsset and asked where I could cross the frontier, I was waved back and asked to try the other quonsset about half a mile further to the right. There I was told that the queer structures were "military objects" or a part of a chain of fortifications. The Czecho-Slovak Magyar soldiers seemed to be quite amused at my confusion seeing me going up and down across fields, but, even though it was quite obvious that I was a foreigner, no one stopped me to ask for identification papers. Finally I emerged from the fields on another main highway which seemed to lose itself among tall poplar trees in the distance. It was about one p. m. The whole countryside was completely deserted. Suddenly I espied a hatless young man walking toward me from the Austrian frontier; he proved to be a German from Vienna who had to escape from the police - he said - because he was a Socialist and not friendly to the Nazis. He hoped to be able to reach Reichenberg (Liberec) in Bohemia where he had friends. This certainly was a lucky encounter. First of all, he told me that the frontier was open, though barricaded on the Slovak side, and that the tramway to Vienna was functioning. Furthermore, he had about 8 marks and needed Czecho-Slovak crowns. I had only 5 marks and about 200 crowns left. I offered to ·buy his marks at 8 crowns. We walked to a restaurant on the right bank of the Danube, opposite the Stefanik monument, and had a good lunch of roast pork, dumplings, and sauerkraut at 10 crowns each, �SLOVAKIA 51 and some beer. After I paid the bill, we crossed the river on a ferry to the monument. It was a beautiful Sunday afternoon and everything was perfectly calm. I returned to the hotel and told the young man to meet me at 3 p. m., when I expected to be ready to leave by taxi for the frontier: the chauffeur asked double fare, because it was Sunday, namely, 66 crowns. The fugitive came to the hotel punctually at 3 p. m. I gave him 60 crowns for his eight marks and he gave me an envelope with a key which he said was from his room in Vienna: all I had to do was to drop it in a post office box after reaching Vienna. We parted. I paid my bill at the hotel, and the taxi took less than half an hour to reach the Austrian frontier. The Czech custom officers at the barricade let me go through after looking at my passport; then I had to carry my two bags to the German Customs quite a ways off. The commanding officer was a Prussian from Berlin; he was supposed to wean the Austrians from their Gemlitlickeit and make them fast and efficient. Occasionally, an airplane lazily crossed the horizon. Not a sign of any soldiers or prepartions for warlike movements. The Berliner looked at my passport, did not even ask me to open my bags. All he wanted to know was what was going on in Bratislava. "General mobilization," I said. He wanted to know whether I had noticed the numbers of the regiments. "I noticed nothing; all I wanted to do was to cross the frontier and go to Vienna by the electric tramway." "Danke, mein Herr," he said very politely, "die elektrische Bahn geht um ungefiihr flinf Uhr ab." I took my bags to a sort of an open waiting room where I found other passengers waiting: Austrians who had the appearance of excursionists, curious about what was going on. During the two-hour wait, which was rather tedious, I noticed another plane lazily patroling the sky. In comparison with the swarming crowds of reservists I had seen on the night previous, this Austrian countryside looked like a calm picnic park. We left toward six p. m. and in all the stations Sunday excursionists were boarding the train. My interrupted ticket to Merano was valid. At about 8 p. m. we were in Vienna. One solitary airplane was circling �52 SLOVAKIA about the city. I took the streetcar to the Slidbahnhof and went to a hotel which I knew from my previous trips. The rooms which formerly cost 6 shillings now cost 6 marks: the clerk told me on the sly that the liberation and incorporation in the Great Fatherland had been a rather costly affair for the gemlitliche Austrians. In the morning, before boarding the train for San Candido (formerly Innichen) in the Dolomites - formerly a part of the Austrian Tyrol - I dropped the envelope containing the key in the post office box. Then the train transported me from a congested military atmosphere into the old time freedom which my soul always craved ever since I left Austria-Hungary in 1903. In many ways it was a memorable day for me this Monday, September 26th. In the soft beams of the morning sun I could see old Vienna for the last time in its stiU gemtitlich aspect - this Vindobona, where Marcus Aurelius jotted down his thoughts in Greek, the Imperial city, saved in 1683 from the Turkish hordes of Kara Mustafa by Czech defenders and Jan Sobieski's Polish army, and the merry center of West-Eastern melodies of Mozart and the Lustige Witwe in 1909, with the rumblings of the first world war in the distance. The city of many races and languages and strange love habits which a Moravian Jewish medic mistook for something universal. Before leaving the hotel at Bratislava on the foregoing Sunday afternoon, I could read my last feuilleton in the Narodni Listy, in which I pleaded for keeping Karlovy Vary free from all political strife and agitation. As the train was speeding through the Austrian and later Styrian country side, I mused over my recollections. The parade in Prague on the first of May, 1934, when at the very end of a long defile of Workers Socialist organizations I was looking, on the corner of Jecna ulice and Karlovo namesti, at the small motley group of Communists guarded by two policemen. They stopped right in front of my vantage point, because the defile had to stop marching somewhere on Vodickova ulice. There must have been a silent mockery in my look which provoked one of the Commies to step forward and come near me with a some- �SLOVAKIA 53 what menacing look. But he had to moderate himself in the policeman's presence. " Co se tak posmesne usmivate ?" (What are you smiling so scoffingly) he asked with a Podskalak accent mixed with Jewish intonation. "Coz kdybych vam tak jednu lajsknul ?" (Suppose I smack you one?) he went on and added: "No jste starej clovek .. .. " (But you are an old man). This was rather ludricous fanfarronade, but indicated how daring a Commie could be at the time, knowing that old Masaryk needed the ten Communist votes in the Parliament for his reelection which was to take place on May 24th. I asked the little Jew what he was so angry about - and he said: "If you had six kids at home and not much to eat ... " and I said - "Why have six kids?" The policeman motioned to him to join his group - about fifty in all - and the defile resumed its march. Who could have dreamt then that this little group of riffraff would one day rule Bohemia? And I recalled October, 1934, when I saw between six and ten thousand German Socialists march along the main street of Karlovy Vary, Vfidelni ulice, with their red flags, boldly sticking out their clenched fists and shouting "Freiheit!" The Czech state police protected their march, a very provocative gesture in a 100 percent rightist, bourgeois city. I asked the policeman: "Proc je zde nechali pochodovat ?" (Why did they let them march here?) - "Protoze jsou statotvorna strana" (because they are a regular political party in the State). This was perhaps intended to discourage the Germans in Karlovy Vary from becoming partisans of Konrad Henlein, Hitler's agent. But the Sudeten Germans had only three choices: Caor as they called it tholic, Socialist or Nationalist "schwarz, Sozi oder Nazi," and this was the reason why a large number voted Nazi without being exactly admirers of Adolf Hitler. To me this Socialist defile was a surprise I had seen the same type of people march in Madrid on May first the year before with clenched fists and shouting: "U Ache Pe" - which stood for "Unios Hermanos Proletarios" or "Proletarians of all lands unite!" And three weeks later after the Socialist march in Karlovy Vary, I happened to be in Munich on the Parteitag, November 8th, �54 SLOVAKIA when that great Catholic city was flooded with huge red flags with the Swastika or Hakenkreuz. On the 9th I was told that university professors had to take an oath of loyalty to Hitler: "Wie werden auf Hitler vereidigt!" After the vote on January 13, 1935, when I was in Rome, France let Hitler occupy the Saar; in March, France and England allowed Hitler to rearm and no energetic steps were taken against the projected invasion of Ethiopia which started on October 3rd. On February 16, 1936, I saw the elections in Spain in Granada. I saw how the socalled Republican government did not stop violent acts against the Rightists, and I left for France at the end of May when I saw that a conflict was imminent. It actually started on July 18th when Berlin was beflagged on the occasion of Olympic games. Paris blamed London quite rightly, but had no courage to act independently And I especially thought of that evening at WUrzburg on May 25, 1935, when I had to sit out the whole radio address by Adolf Hitler about the immense danger which an unarmed Germany was exposed to in view of the Bolshevik menace. Hitler was enumerating the warships which Germany had to sink in accordance with the Treaty of Versailles and emphasized her present helplessness to face the great menace from the East. In view of the mighty Republic of Poland and the Little Entente no such danger existed. One phrase I remember well with all the inner vibration of Hitler's voice: "Wir Nazionalsozialisten sind fanatische Gegner des Bolschewismus: zwischen uns und den Bolschewiken kann nie eine Freundschaft bestehen." (We National Socialists are fanatical opponents of Bolshevism: there can never be friendship between us and the Bolsheviks). The hotel guests had to stand up and sing Horst Wessel Lied - I alone remained seated, no one said a word of protest. They knew I was a foreigner and had nothing to do with their national problems. The next day I was discussing the situation with young Germans. _Not only did they not oppose the rearming of Germany, but strangely enough they had the same argument which I have heard the militarists advance everywhere in the world: "Der Militardienst macht einen Kerl �SLOVAKIA 55 aus Einem." (Military service makes a man out of a boy). In Berlin I saw everywhere defiant posters with the legend: "Die feinen Flugmaschinen, die unserm Flihrer dienen." (Fine airplanes that serve our Flihrer) . And trainloads of huge logs were coming to Germany from Carpatho-Russian forests furnishing wood for the airplanes. Could not the English and French diplomats and military attaches see all this? There still was time for a concerted action to stop the Hitler-Goring madness. In Erlangen - Bavaria - the people were expecting the CzechoSlovak army to march in at any rrioment in accordance with the Versailles Treaty. But nothing happened, because the British opposed strong action in order not to spoil good business. And now I saw my native land sacrificed by Western diplomacy, so the brilliant embassy parties and dances and cocktail drinking could go on undisturbed in Paris and London. And what was true of the Bohemian Crown lands was mutatis mutandis true of Slovakia and Carpatho-Russia. Recollections! The train arrived at Klagenfurt, via Graz and Zidani Most, the territory of germanized Slovenes. I was the only foreigner on board, and when we crossed into the Italian territory I was the only passenger from the frontier to San Candido. When we were somewhere between Klagenfurt and the frontier on the Austrian territory, the conductors would quickly sprint inside the station to listen to the radio which between eight and nine in the evening was blaring Hitler's violent attack on Benes at the Sportpalast. Only once was I sufficiently interested to get off and listen to the shrill tones of Hitler's voice familiar to me since the two and one-half hour speech at Wlirzburg three years before. At Benecko it was dampened by static. By chance I caught exactly the passage when Adolf was roaring in his best form, as if he were challenging Edward to a duel: "Hier stehe ich, dort steht Herr Benesch" (here I stand and there stands Benes) and the rest I do not remember because I had to board the train again. At Innichen - San Candido I found myself in the old Austrian atmosphere of my youth. The hotel was an old �56 SLOVAKIA fashioned Tyrolese inn with large and quiet rooms, without any running water, but a huge comfortable bed. Though it was very late - after eleven p. m. - a good Tyrolese housewife made a Wiener Schnitzel for me which was even better than the one I had eaten at Benecko. I slept wonderfully well and in the morning could admire the splendid sight of the Dolomiten without the slightest thought of war. From there I went to Merano and followed the Traubenkur a whole month while the Munich comedy was being played by Chamberlain, Daladier, Hitler, and Mussolini, who in the end got the most credit in the Corriere della Sera for having saved the peace. Merano was filled with all types of strange refugees, male and female, of the Milena characteristics which might have interested a Kraft-Ebbing. It is to be deplored that many university professors in Europe and America are muckracking in this sort of "literature." In view of the factual observations of an eyewitness possessing a perfect knowledge of Czech, German, Slovak, Polish, Russian, French, English and Italian - namely the languages involved in the great sellout - the idle musings and speculations both of Benes and the reviewer (Odlozilik) of Mnichovske dny, fade into the realm of Hollywood make-believe of Cecil de Mille's Ten Commandments. The general mobilization did not electrify the people at all, but was a huge comedy smacking to some extent of the good soldier Svejk. The reservists drank beer, ate frankfurters, joked, and knew that the whole thing was a picnic. Those of the Sudeten Germans among them, who knew Czech well, acted as Henlein's spies. The chain of fortifi~ations on which Benes spent over a billion crowns was just as useless as the French Maginot line proved to be later. Nothing could have stopped the Nazi tanks and the Czech regions could have been reduced to ashes by the Luftwaffe which had reportedly 15,000 planes, or ten times more than the reputed Czech air force. The 800,000 reservists were merely a mob compared to the disciplined nazi war machine. All this can be clearly seen from the illustrations showing Adolf "the savior" at the head of his Panzers on the Theaterplatz in Karlovy Vary, speaking to the enthusiastic crowds on October 15th. There is only one "author" whose methods resemble �SLOVAKIA 57 those of Benes, namely Harry Truman, when it comes to complete distortion of facts. However, the Czech people of today, just like the American people of today, will not be easily persuaded to believe fairy tales. • • • MARTIN RAZUS (1883-1937) JOSEPH A. MIKUS The era, which opened for the Slovak nation in 1918, marks a rapid advance in the direction of the realization of its political aspirations. This is indubitably connected with the fall of feudalism and with the over-all extension of the significance of national individualities as political realities in Central Europe. To these external factors there are added also internal forces. And here, from among the many personalities which contributed handsomely to the spiritual and political crystallization of conditions in Slovakia, it behooves us today to recall one name: Martin Razus. While Andrew Hlinka, a Catholic priest, was becoming the leading figure of the political movement for Slovak autonomy for rather social reasons, in the meantime his contemporary and friend, Martin Razus, a Lutheran minister, poet and writer, was emerging as a defender of the political individuality of the Slovak nation for cultural and psychological reasons. In another respect, while Andrew Hlinka, as a man of action, engages in the fight against the leftist, religious, moral and political relativism of Masaryk's school and is drawn into the violent whirlpool of national activity, thus becoming top guard of national awareness, in the meantime, Martin Razus, with fire in his soul and the laurel of a man of letters on his head, devotes himself, according to his nature, rather to the spiritual processes of the national development of the Slovaks. With his ear close to the bosom of the nation, he catches the spiritual vibrations of the people in order to present them in his work a bit later to the public whom he chose to serve. It was thus that Razus became the "conscience of the nation." Even though the motives of Hlinka and Razus for po- � SLOVAKIA 35 A. R. NYKL: "EDVARD BENES ON MUNICH DAYS" The article "Edvard Benes on Munich Days" in the "Journal of Central European Affairs," (January, 1957 pp. 384-393), reveals that the author, Otokar Odlozilik, was not an eyewitness of the days between September 4 and 25, 1938, in Bohemia, and especially in the capital. "Rigid precepts of historical scholarship" cannot be applied to documents, even if the latter were bona fide and not doctored up post factum by captious commentaries. Both Edvard Benes and his mentor T. G. Masaryk were great hindsight wizards. It would be idle to cite proofs of this phenomenon here, because hundreds of quotations have appeared and are still appearing in the publications of the Slovak League of America. The diplomats mentioned in the article very wisely kept, and those who are living still keep, quiet which is, they perhaps believe, better than lying. In my opinion Frantisek Chvalkovsky, who with Ha.cha went through the terrible ordeal in Berlin before they finally signed their consent to Hitler's ultimatum of March 14, 1939, at 3 a. m., was the most reliable and honest person whose story might have cleared up many doubts, surmises, and suspicions. Krofta could unfortunately not go beyond the spring of 1938, when in May the first rumors of war began to spread. Henlein and his right hand man Frank were feverishly preparing the ground for autonomy and secession, by speeches and press campaigns, in which they constantly harped on Benes's doctoral thesis, published in 1907 at Dijon, wherein he advocated a complete separation of the German-speaking and the Czech-speaking regions of Bohemia, Moravia, and Silesia. During the summer months Lord Runciman was sent to the Sudetenland by Chamberlain with the special mission to find the right solution by "fact finding." For the most part he was the guest of German nobility and paid no attention to the claims of the Czech "hranicari," inhabitants of the frontier regions. The Sudeten Germans knew perfectly well that he was �36 SLOVAKIA merely playing a comedy and facetiously spoke of him as Lord "Runzelmann." Because of my absolute command of the German tongue, and as an American visitor, I could engage in countless conversations with the natives of Karlovy Vary, where I was writing a book on Japan and curing my nervous stomach by drinking MUhlbrunn - "Mlynsky prame" - hot alkaline water. Among the Egerlander there reigned an atmosphere of calm optimism: to them the annexation of the Sudeten by the Third Reich was a foregone , conclusion. Some of them even hinted already at a further step - the Protectorate - anticipating March 14, 1939. Nervousness reigned only in the small Czech minority, which was being increasingly frightened by occasional "blackout" exercises and talk about air raid shelters. To me it was quite plain that the Germans were being supplied with oral propaganda, which they called Fllisterpropaganda, and were absolutely convinced that Runciman's antics were a subterfuge to hide a fait accompli: a perfect agreement of the English and French - the latter somewhat sheepishly and reluctantly - that the "phantom" republic should be trimmed to suit the Nazis and the Magyars, in connivance with Mr. Beck, the Polish Minister of Foreign Affairs whose contempt for Benes knew no bounds. This I knew from my trip through Poland in August, 1936, where Czechs were talked about as "lajdaci" (loafers). Goring was Beck's honored guest, Benes the "cackling pygmy." At Cracow, Moscicki was helping to raise the Pilsudski mound: was he likely to listen to Benes 's plea in 1938? In July 1935, I wrote an article for the "Narodni Listy," recommending a solid steel wall from the Carpathians to Gdynia with a friendly Polish nation, whom Benes and Masaryk, however, regarded as Fascists. Later I was told that the article was suppressed at Benes's orders, who bypassed the Poles and went to see Stalin about that time. It is evident that the ambassadors named in the Odlozilik article (Osusky, Masaryk, Mastny, Chvalkovsky, Hurban, Slavik) must have known the real state of affairs and �SLOVAKIA 37 therefore kept silent. With the help of German and Italian aviation the Nationalists in Spain were pushing the socalled "Loyalists" toward the Pyrenees, ·and Daladier was worried about the impending invasion of the defeated 300,000 "Reds" into southern France, while Charles Maurras in "EAction Francaise" was ridiculing the idea of a war "pour les Tcheques." In the Kurhaus or Lazensky Dum, I could read the "Daily Mail" and "Corriere della Sera." I recall distinctly a map in the former showing the distribution of the three and one-half million Sudeten-Germans along the frontier as reported by Lord Runciman - and an article by Mussolini stating that the artificial and unnatural "sausage" state in Central Europe should be dismembered in the same way as the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy had been. Where is Odlozilik's "authentic description" of events by Benes? If Benes had a "unique knowledge of the situation," he would have had to admit that he knew full well in August that England and France were determined to back Hitler's claims. Krofta wisely kept silent in order not to implicate himself. The important documents sent abroad in the early days of October, 1938, most likely were destroyed, in order not to compromise the guilty parties. It would seem that the German and Italian military aviation was so formidable that the French and still less the British, aviation was no match for it at the time. Mr. Beck's clique in Poland was maliciously rejoicing at Benes's defeat. And Stalin, of course, was not going to help a dying man. My own estimate of the situation, on the basis of my observations and reading of the foreign press - English, French, Italian, Scandinavian, Polish, Rumanian, Yugoslav - was that there would be no war, because the sellout by England and F r ance was an obvious fait accompli. Hence I finished my manuscript and went by bus to Prague, in order to arrange with the publisher the printing of my book. For all eventualities I bought a second-class ticket to Praha-Merano, because my friends recommended to me the "Traubenkur" in Merano as the best thing for a nervous stomach. It consisted in eating plenty of ripe blue grapes and walking in the hills. Another friend - a phy- �38 SLOVAKIA sician - took a good look into my stomach, and finding nothing really serious, recommended that I should go to the Riesengebirge (Krkonose) to a place called Benecko and drink plenty of radioactive water. While the Sudeten-Germans were calm and smiling, awaiting their revanche, the Czech population was naturally feeling uneasy in the expectation of the great Hitler harangue at Nuremberg, listed for September 12. There was a tense atmosphere in Prague. The Communists were dreaming of a great Russian airborne army which would destroy Berlin and of making every town and hamlet in Bohemia a fortress like the "Loyalists" were doing in Spain who, by the way, were being painted as heroes in the Benes-controlled press. Only the "Narodni Listy," the organ of the Czech National Democrats, was favorable to Mussolini and to Franco. The journey on Sunday, September 4, through the fertile fields promising a good harvest, via Chlumec natl Cidlinou, where the peasants once were beaten by the noblemen ("vyhrajes jako sedlak v Chlumce"), north to the Krkonose, was calm and uneventful. After Trutnov-Trautenau, we began to enter the mixed Sudeten region. From what I could see and hear, the German agrarians had no sympathy with the Nazis at all, although in the last moment they joined the Henlein group so as to save themselves from reprisals and persecutions. This very step indicated that Henlein was certain of winning without war. Benecko proved to be a combined summer and winter resort. The summer guests were all gone, and I was the only guest at the hotel. In winter, the place changed into a ski resort. The owner was a sincere man, a great admirer of Kramar, and a great, scathing critic of Benes. The Germans had a nice new school building in the village, "Deutsche Volkschule." Hitler's ravings about the suffer- . ings of the Germans were the invention of his maniacal imagination. The hotel and its immediate neighborhood formed a Czech enclave in a region which further north was inhabited by Sudeten-Germans. From the far distance one could hear the noise of their Henlein meetings. But otherwise, �SLOVAKIA 39 perfect peace reigned in the pine forests and on the green meadows, where I spent most of my time walking between meals and drinking radioactive water. Within a few days my nervous stomach was restored to its normal functions. Sunday, the 11th of September, being a pleasantly warm, sunny day, I decided in the afternoon to walk to the summit of the wooded hill which I well remembered from my school days, reading about the sad departure of Czech Protestants in the years which followed the battle of the White Mountain, in 1620-1628. These emigres had to leave everything behind and seek refuge in the Protestant regions of Germany northeast of the Krkonose. Jan Amos Komensky, later bishop of the Moravian Brethren, was among them. On this hill, named Zaly, according to the legend, they were taking the last look of their native country, and were kissing the snow-covered ground goodbye in tears. Nevzali jsme se sebou nic, nic, po vsem veta jen Bibli Kralickou, Labyrint sveta. "We took nothing along, nothing, all is lost; only the Kraliky Bible, and the Labyrinth of the World." Reference is maqe to the Protestant version of the Bible made at Kraliky (German Grulich) on the Bohemian-Silesian frontier, and the well-known work of Comenius. These memories came to my mind as I slowly walked to the summit where I found a tourist restaurant and a lookout tower. The atmosphere was gloomy, very much in keeping with the name 2aly: the presentiment of grave events reminded me of what it must have been like in 1628 - three centuries ago. The sufferings of the Czech nation were of no concern to France, and still less to England. The large wooden structure of the hotel was silent, when I returned. For supper I had the last but one real Wiener Schnitzel in my memory - or shall I call it costoletta alla milanese? Or vidensky rizek? The owner of the hotel who knew very little German asked me whether I would listen to the radio the next day and tell him what Adolf was going to broadcast from Ntirnberg. Since I was not to be directly affected, I could sleep soundly and in the forenoon take another long walk in the pine woods. �40 SLOVAKIA The great speech was booked for about 2 p. m. sun time, since Germany had not adopted the foolish fad of daylight saving time. If I had my notes at hand, I could recall the situation with more precision, but since I was more intersted in "kava a buchty" (coffee and doughnuts) , my recollection is rather hazy at present. First of all, the reception was very weak and spoiled by frequent static due to thick thunder clouds hanging over the mountain range. Second, Hitler's speeches on the Sudeten question, the same as on the Klajpeda and Gdansk question, were a repetition of dramatically worded accusations of the same content : the Volksgenossen were being persecuted and mistreated, hence they were fleeing in constantly increasing numbers across the border: five thousand, ten thousand, fifty thousand; Long afterwards I saw in the contemporary lliustrierte Zeitung file pictures of these "refugees" being lovingly provided with food and clothing by their brethren in the Third Reich. There could be no doubt as to Adolf's purpose, namely, to convince France and England of the absolute justice of the Nazi position. "We do not ask except what is ours on the basis of selfdetermination - not one inch of a foreign territory. The Czechs will have theirs and we will have ours: after that we will have no further demands. " The next day at night we could hear the rumbling of a thunderstorm in the direction of Harrach's Glass Works at the frontier, but my host and his family were so frightened that they took it for the rumbling of heavy artillery. On Thursday, September 15, I decided that there was no use prolonging my stay and inviting another spell of stomach nervousness: after lunch I took the bus to the railway station and from there the train to Prague. Though there was no panic anywhere, the train was already filled with refugees: the wealthier and white-collared class. In Prague I returned to my hotel on Namesti Petra Osvoboditele (the Square of Peter, the Liberator) - formerly Komensky Square - in the Vinohrady district, where I paid 20 crowns for a single room, the equivalent of 70 cents. Excellent regular meals cost 10 crowns - 35 cents - and read all the Czech, German, French, and English �SLOYAKIA 41 newspapers while sipping excellent coffee. In one of the rooms they had a permanent guest - a frequently tipsy female of unpleasant appearance. She was one of the ten Communist deputies in the Parliament. Unfortunately for me, moratorium had been proclaimed with regard to withdrawals from bank accounts and I could only draw 5000 crowns at the Zivnobanka. One rapid transaction became imperative and unavoidable: I had to go to Karlovy Vary and have several trunks of my books shipped from there to Prague. The dream of staying in the pleasant spa and writing books vanished: where were the solemn promises of "enduring peace" after fighting "the war to end all wars" in 1919? On Friday afternoon I took the "rychlovlak" (express) and arrived at the Karlovy Vary station, which is located at some distance from the center of the town, in the evening. Detachments of Czech troops were already stationed round. No bus was operating. After showing my passport I was allowed to go to the town on foot and there I found another detachment of youthful-looking soldiers round some sort of war machinery, near Park Street. For reasons, which would take long to explain, I decided to go to one of the Kurgas1; rooming houses on Park Street. In situations of this kind one must act with lightning speed and complete calm. I was able to arrange with a shipper to forward my trunks to Prague next Monday, "express," at the fabulous cost of 2000 crowns. Saturday, Sunday, and Monday I spent eating the best food and spending as many crowns as I could, buying the best shirts, socks, a light overcoat, and other articles of clothing at Nastopil's on Alte Wiese. Why not, when I could buy the best shirts at 16 crowns (50 cents) which in America would cost five dollars? I still have two of those. When one sees an inevitable debacle in the offing one can easily adopt the philosophy of "you can't take it with you." While consuming an excellent chicken dinner for 25 crowns (70 cents) in the restaurant of the house "Schwedischer Hof," I was discussing the situation with the waiter, who happened to be a Pole, in Polish. He admired my remarkable calm and sound judgement, and made me the compliment "Pan jest okropny czlowiek." All the Germans I spoke with, showed smiling optimism. �42 SLOVAKIA On Monday evening, September 19th, I was in the "rychlovlak" Eger-Prague, in the company of two lieutenants of the Czechoslovak army, both Czechs less than 25 years of age, hence products of the MasarykBenes regime. There also was a captain of the frontier constabulary (strazmistr - cetnik), a former legionnaire, less than fifty years of age. The "porucici" (second lieutenants) were not exactly in a merry mood, but seemed to face the facts without whimpering and with a sort of grim humor. I knew nothing of what was going on in diplomatic circles, but I can repeat that all the Germans in Karlovy Vary, with whom I spoke about the future , were gloriously optimistic. They already knew that the Nazis would give them 1 mark for ten crowns instead of eight, yet seemed to be quite willing to take the loss. I recall one instance particularly, when I said: "Ich sehe Wolken am Horizont," and my interlocutor said: "Im Gegenthal, ich sehe alles rosig." This opinion was general. Now an expellee in Germany, my young friend may remember our conversation. If the scheme mentioned by Odlozilik on p. 387 ( "to avoid war") was worked out on September 18, "after the conference in London of French and British statesmen," it must have already been known throughout the Sudeten on September 19. And this was also the reason why I met the elderly cetnik on this train; he was leaving his post in Jachymov and was on his way to Slovakia, like the rest of Czech "cetnici" (gendarmes), because it was already known that the territory in which they were employed would be ceded to the Third Reich. This cetnik was very sad and spoke of his ruined existence, with a son in school, and with no future ahead of him. The two "porucici" stated to me emphatically what I later heard so much in Prague: "Uz je to ujednano a uz jsme prodani" (it's all settled and we are already sold out). And their comments on this "noble" action of France and England were rather scathing. Two days later in Prague the Czech legionnaires were in front of the French Legation discarding the medals which they had received from France in 1919. If Mr. Benes devotes a fairly long passage in his "Mnichovske dny" to �SLOVAKIA -13 an audience when "on Wednesday, September 21, in the small hours of that morning the British and French envoys requested it," to me it is quite clear that he is telling a story to cover up what already was a fait accompli. The people in the Sudeten knew that the matter had been settled, and the Czechs living there knew it also. To speak of collecting statements made by Benes and his critics and to "evaluate them in accordance with rigid precepts of historical scholarship" is as idle a talk as that about the authenticity of the Kensington stone and many other legends which need not be mentioned here. Furthermore I, as a personal witness, can say that the news of the sellout was already known in Prague that very evening, September 19, which in my memory is a terrible accusation of the treacherous action of British and French diplomats, not their respective nations. That evening, at about 10 o'clock, Prague was a city of stunned ghosts groping in the darkness under the impact of a deadly blow. I have seen through many situations when a family was suddenly stunned by a tragic blow, but here a whole ancient city with a glorious history, and a trusting people, had been stabbed in the back by those who professed to be their allies. The streets were almost deserted - deadly anguish was visible on all faces. Being a Czech, I fully felt their despair. They already visualized the return of the German conqueror to Praga caput regni, left at the mercy of a horde of fanaticists. The anguish was gripping the souls of the Czechs, together with a hatred of Masaryk and Benes, whose lies had brought the nation into this horrible plight. Only one who has once found himself at the brink of death could approximately realize that tragic, silent grief coupled with dread of an impending, yet inevitable peril. La nu.it porte conseil is a proverb fraught with a deep significance. The morning will· bring a solution. September 20 found the streets filled with milling crowds, hardly listening to the blaring loudspeakers. When passing by the barracks where young soldiers looked nonchalantly from the windows, a group of patriots would yell occasionally: �.J4 SLOVAKIA "Af z1Je armada!" (Long live the army). But there was no real enthusiasm - it seemed as if the soldiers knew that there was not to be any fighting. The anguish and terror of the previous night gave way to the real Czech calm fatalism, bred into the nation by centuries of hard knocks. Hemmed in, right in the heart of Europe, by hostile neighbors, the Czechs were always governed by one uppermost thought, namely, holding their own against terrible odds and in the end surviving their enemies. No one knew anything about what was going on in diplomatic circles, but all the intelligent people with whom I discussed the situation, unanimously and with a quiet, also typically Czech resignation, were saying: "Uz je to ujednano. Uz jsme prodani." In the evening I walked on the Vaclavske namesti (Wenceslaus Square) which was literally packed with people going to and fro without any passionate outbursts. Round the pedestal of Myslbek's famous St. Wenceslaus group, a solid mass of young Communists from Nusle was sitting with a defiant expression on their faces. "Co zde delate"? (What are you doing here?) I asked a group of young men and women. "My chceme bojovat a hajit svateho Vaclava." (We want to fight and to defend St. Wenceslaus). The streets were guarded by a special force of policemen with black helmets calm, young, determined men. I asked one of them: "Prosim vas, co ti mladi blazni zde delaji ?" (Pardon me, what are those young fools doing here?) His answer was typical of a Czech who has seen too many upheavals in his time to be surprised at anything. Just one word: "Para!" If a dictionary linguist would search in a number of volumes, in order to get the full meaning of this simple word, he might find such equivalents as "vapor, steam, fog, mist," but these would not give him the inner vibration. The nearest equivalent in American English would be : "Just generating so much worthless hot air!". The same milling of crowds and blaring of loudspeakers to which no one listened went on the two following days, namely, on Wednesday and Thursday, September 21 and 22. Whatever Mr. Benes says about his conferences and �SLOVAKIA 45 plans must be set aside as a legend and post factum invention to cover up the incontrovertible fact that the final decision had already been made in London on September 18; all these so-called conferences were a mere comedy to deceive the nation, which however, was not deceived at all. I listened to Mr. Benes's broadcast at 7 p. m., on Thursday, September 22. This was the second and last time I ever heard the sound of his voice and his halting way of reading from a typewritten text with his dark-rimmed glasses on his clumsy nose. The first time was on Sunday, September 19, 1937, at Masaryk's funeral. He was either unable or afraid to say anything powerful and sonorous ex-tempore. "Mluvil jako kdyz by to tahal z chlupate rukavice." (He talked as if he were pulling it out of a shaggy glove). Utterly insipid was the boast about having made a plan: "Mam plan pro vsechny pripady." (I have a plan for all eventualities). Then he also said, or rather read something in Slovak in such a poor way that Slovaks must have laughed at his pronunciation. Though the two languages are quite similar, it is extremely difficult for a Czech to speak Slovak with a Slovak intonation, just like a Spaniard is utterly unable to speak Portuguese with a Portuguese intonation. People laughed and repeated in the Prague dialect: "A Benes ma plan a usme prodany," i.e., uz jsme prodani: "Benes has a plan and we are already sold out." This reminded me of Paris and Pichegru. During the night the "civil defense" observers were frequently yelling: "Zhasnout svetla !" (lights out), in order to have a complete blackout. It was utterly amusing - almost as amusing as were the blackouts in Cambridge, Mass., in 1943 - because no sane person could have expected an air attack, which would have killed not only the Czechs, but the VolksgenossE)n as well. Nevertheless, on Friday the 23rd, people were being scared into buying gas masks, and I saw a long line on Betlemske namesti (Bethlehem Square) near the chapel where Hus used to preach in 1400 A.D., waiting to get a gas mask for 150 crowns! However, their number was insignificant in comparison with the whole population. �46 SLOVAKIA The librarian of the Naprstek Museum was to take care of my books, because I planned to leave by the express to Vienna on Saturday afternoon. I visited a few friends at the Orientalni Ustav. In the evening, when walking on Jecna ulice near Karlovo namesti (Charles Square), I met my great friend, the late professor Bedrich Hrozny, who was very calm; he knew as I did that there would be no war and no bombing, because to challenge the German Air Force would have meant useless suicide. He never mentioned anything about Benes's "plan." My publisher, the printer, my physician, repeated colloquially the same refrain "uz jsme prodany." The legionnaires, as I said before, were discarding their French medals in front of the legation. But there was no panic, no passionate outbursts. We are told that general mobilization was promulgated at 10 p. m. that evening. In view of the situation it was an amusing comedy of which I saw a part on Saturday and Sunday. What Benes says is a novelesque invention, calculated to mislead posterity into the belief of his great powers as a thinker: this method he copied from his master and from the French historians who dramatized the German retreat on September 6, 1914, into a great victory on the Marne. The night for me was indeed hectic: All of a sudden bed bugs appeared from nowhere, and the night clerk had to give me another mattress; the night was completely dark, except for an isolated little light that appeared in an attic, and some "civil defense" fool was constantly and uselessly yelling somewhere on the roof "Zhasnete svetlo" (Put out the light) ! When Mr. Benes writes, and the author of the article (Odlozilik) muses on a supposed tenseness in Prague that night, they are telling a story. The tenseness existed only on Monday evening, September 19th: after that the people were fully aware of the great comedy "uz jsme prodani." Friday noon I had my last "pecena husa s knedliky a zelim" (roast goose with dumplings and kraut) in the P. R. D. - Prazsky representacni dfun) - with the usual first class waiter service in coat tails, with Pilsen beer for 35 crowns, about one dollar. At �S LOVAKIA 47 that time we had no inkling of the "vseobecna mobilisace" (general mobilization) being thought of or planned by the great Edvard. As I perfectly recall it, the people as a whole were resigned to see the occupation of the Sudeten as a fait accompli since September 18th. On Saturday morning, when I came down to the cafe, I saw myself in a queer predicament. General mobilization was in progress and, as a consequence, there were no taxis, and even the street cars did not seem to function. Suddenly I saw a familiar face coming into the parlor: Vojta Benes - whom I knew so well since the time he made fiery speeches against Austria, in 1916-1918, in America - then lived like a satrap in a beautiful villa in Jevany as a great Socialist Minister of Education, who fought the Roman Catholic Church, while his brother was a matriculated "paper" Catholic. He was surrounded by a number of friends and they were talking about going abroad. I had to take my two hand bags and walk all the way to the Masaryk - former Franz Josef - station using the trusty power of my arm muscles. The streets were swarming with silent reservists on their way to the railroad stations, each carrying a small hand bag. There was no military preparedness among them: they looked more like excursionists. The whole station was likewise swarming with men between thirty and fifty years of age. Toward noon it became somewhat warm, and these masses of men were quenching their thirst with steins of beer, laughing and joking. The "rychlovlak" Berlin-Vienna was to arrive at about 2 p. m., and was to be the last train leaving the country in that direction. My only concern were my books. At about 1:30 p. m., I telephoned to the shipping agency and was told that my books had arrived in good order and were to be delivered the next week at their destination. The express did not arrive on time and there was an hourly announcement of its being late. If the Czecho-Slovak generals were wondering why the Luftwaffe did not bomb Ceska Trebova - Bohumin, on September 23rd, they must have been completely misled by Benes's comedy. The Luftwaffe knew full well that the occupation of the Sudeten was a fait accompli. The �48 SLOVAKIA whole inside of the station, with thousands of reservists drinking beer, eating frankfurters, and joking, bespoke a total confidence that there would be no war, no air raid, no shooting. The express finally arrived at about six p. m. I had a second class ticket, but found at once that this meant nothing, because all the compartments were being taken by reservists; all seats were occupied and the gangways were likewise filled. In a second class compartment I found two foreigners, a South African of Jewish origin and a young German dancing girl from Budapest. The express soon started on its way in the twilight through the central part of Bohemia, via Kolin and Pardubice to Ceska Trebova. In the fields and meadows the peasants were still working and were waving "Na zdaaar!" (Success!) to the occupants of the train - the defenders of the fatherland on their way to the frontier. As I think of it now, I cannot refrain from shedding tears at recalling how these simple folks were being deceived and sold down the river by England and France as if they were an African Zulu tribe or Gurkhas of India, or Bambaras. These were my people: here I was born, here I grew up, and I knew the simple soul and the good heart of these country people who foolishly trusted Masaryk and Benes. Now I recall that on Friday voices were heard: "Povesit Benese na brane hradu" (Hang Benes on the castle gate). And if, on Monday, General Syrovy urged Benes to leave Prague, it was not because of any fear of the Luftwaffe, but because of the wrath of the people. One of the tricks of the general mobilization was to send the German reservists to Slovakia and the Slovaks to the Sudeten regions. Standing in the gangway, while the express was speeding forward to Ceska Trebova without intermediate stops, I listened to the story of a young German reservist. He seemed to be quite loyal to the Republic and no Nazi enthusiast, but he explained to me the situation which faced all non-Czechs, namely, that of obtaining positions to make a living. The Germans could never hope to become as perfect in Czech as the Czechs and, therefore, where a �SLOVAKIA 49 perfect knowledge of Czech was required, they never could obtain the most advantageous job. Many of the young Sudeten Germans were trying to obtain work in the Third Reich. This was really the primary determining factor of the defection of the Germans, Magyars and Slovaks. Remedy? Either birth control or emigration. The young dancer was quite optimistic: "That whole thing will be settled in two weeks. I am now going to Budapest, and then I will come back to Prague." I had to stand all the way to Brno. There most of the crowd dispersed. From Brno we were to continue to Breclava-Lundenburg, and then on to Vienna. At Breclava we were told that the frontier was closed. We could go to Bratislava if we so wished. The South African found in me a willing cicerone. We had to pay additional fare of some 20 crowns. We arrived in Bratislava about midnight. The station was literally swarming with reservists, each with his little bag, moving to and fro like a mob without any organization. When an elderly man with a small baggage cart came along, in the scanty light, I engaged him to take my two bags and the South African's baggage to the nearest hotel opposite the station. When we arrived there the night clerk told us that all rooms were occupied by Czecho-Slovak army officers. He presumed that all the hotels in the city had been similarly taken over as a mobilization measure, but he volunteered to telephone to Hotel Carlton and find out what the situation was. We were lucky: there were still two single rooms available at 20 crowns (75 cents) with "raiiajky" (breakfast). Carlton Hotel was to send a taxi to bring us downtown which was quite a distance from the station. It was about one a. m., and the city, scantily lighted, was remarkably quiet: one would not have suspected at all that the station was swarming with reservists speeding to their destination, to the frontier. The hotel proved to be quite modern and well appointed. In the morning, when at about 9 a. m. - it was Sunday, September 25th - I came down to have my breakfast, I saw the South African leaving in a great hurry in a taxi. He said he had a visa for Hungary and had tOI �50 SLOVAKIA make haste to reach the frontier before it might be closed. The hotel personnel could not give me any information as to what the situation was on the Austrian frontier. Since March, Austria was a part of the Third Reich. Consequently, I had to set out in an adventurous quest of information by taking the electric tramway to Petrzalka and then walk along the highway to where the frontier could be distinguished by curious quonsset-like structures. Detachments of soldiers were distributed along the road. They were all Magyars and not perturbed in the least: certainly not like troops expecting a sudden attack from anywhere. It was about eleven a. m. and fairly warm, the sun was brightly shining. When I came to a quonsset and asked where I could cross the frontier, I was waved back and asked to try the other quonsset about half a mile further to the right. There I was told that the queer structures were "military objects" or a part of a chain of fortifications. The Czecho-Slovak Magyar soldiers seemed to be quite amused at my confusion seeing me going up and down across fields, but, even though it was quite obvious that I was a foreigner, no one stopped me to ask for identification papers. Finally I emerged from the fields on another main highway which seemed to lose itself among tall poplar trees in the distance. It was about one p. m. The whole countryside was completely deserted. Suddenly I espied a hatless young man walking toward me from the Austrian frontier; he proved to be a German from Vienna who had to escape from the police - he said - because he was a Socialist and not friendly to the Nazis. He hoped to be able to reach Reichenberg (Liberec) in Bohemia where he had friends. This certainly was a lucky encounter. First of all, he told me that the frontier was open, though barricaded on the Slovak side, and that the tramway to Vienna was functioning. Furthermore, he had about 8 marks and needed Czecho-Slovak crowns. I had only 5 marks and about 200 crowns left. I offered to ·buy his marks at 8 crowns. We walked to a restaurant on the right bank of the Danube, opposite the Stefanik monument, and had a good lunch of roast pork, dumplings, and sauerkraut at 10 crowns each, �SLOVAKIA 51 and some beer. After I paid the bill, we crossed the river on a ferry to the monument. It was a beautiful Sunday afternoon and everything was perfectly calm. I returned to the hotel and told the young man to meet me at 3 p. m., when I expected to be ready to leave by taxi for the frontier: the chauffeur asked double fare, because it was Sunday, namely, 66 crowns. The fugitive came to the hotel punctually at 3 p. m. I gave him 60 crowns for his eight marks and he gave me an envelope with a key which he said was from his room in Vienna: all I had to do was to drop it in a post office box after reaching Vienna. We parted. I paid my bill at the hotel, and the taxi took less than half an hour to reach the Austrian frontier. The Czech custom officers at the barricade let me go through after looking at my passport; then I had to carry my two bags to the German Customs quite a ways off. The commanding officer was a Prussian from Berlin; he was supposed to wean the Austrians from their Gemlitlickeit and make them fast and efficient. Occasionally, an airplane lazily crossed the horizon. Not a sign of any soldiers or prepartions for warlike movements. The Berliner looked at my passport, did not even ask me to open my bags. All he wanted to know was what was going on in Bratislava. "General mobilization," I said. He wanted to know whether I had noticed the numbers of the regiments. "I noticed nothing; all I wanted to do was to cross the frontier and go to Vienna by the electric tramway." "Danke, mein Herr," he said very politely, "die elektrische Bahn geht um ungefiihr flinf Uhr ab." I took my bags to a sort of an open waiting room where I found other passengers waiting: Austrians who had the appearance of excursionists, curious about what was going on. During the two-hour wait, which was rather tedious, I noticed another plane lazily patroling the sky. In comparison with the swarming crowds of reservists I had seen on the night previous, this Austrian countryside looked like a calm picnic park. We left toward six p. m. and in all the stations Sunday excursionists were boarding the train. My interrupted ticket to Merano was valid. At about 8 p. m. we were in Vienna. One solitary airplane was circling �52 SLOVAKIA about the city. I took the streetcar to the Slidbahnhof and went to a hotel which I knew from my previous trips. The rooms which formerly cost 6 shillings now cost 6 marks: the clerk told me on the sly that the liberation and incorporation in the Great Fatherland had been a rather costly affair for the gemlitliche Austrians. In the morning, before boarding the train for San Candido (formerly Innichen) in the Dolomites - formerly a part of the Austrian Tyrol - I dropped the envelope containing the key in the post office box. Then the train transported me from a congested military atmosphere into the old time freedom which my soul always craved ever since I left Austria-Hungary in 1903. In many ways it was a memorable day for me this Monday, September 26th. In the soft beams of the morning sun I could see old Vienna for the last time in its stiU gemtitlich aspect - this Vindobona, where Marcus Aurelius jotted down his thoughts in Greek, the Imperial city, saved in 1683 from the Turkish hordes of Kara Mustafa by Czech defenders and Jan Sobieski's Polish army, and the merry center of West-Eastern melodies of Mozart and the Lustige Witwe in 1909, with the rumblings of the first world war in the distance. The city of many races and languages and strange love habits which a Moravian Jewish medic mistook for something universal. Before leaving the hotel at Bratislava on the foregoing Sunday afternoon, I could read my last feuilleton in the Narodni Listy, in which I pleaded for keeping Karlovy Vary free from all political strife and agitation. As the train was speeding through the Austrian and later Styrian country side, I mused over my recollections. The parade in Prague on the first of May, 1934, when at the very end of a long defile of Workers Socialist organizations I was looking, on the corner of Jecna ulice and Karlovo namesti, at the small motley group of Communists guarded by two policemen. They stopped right in front of my vantage point, because the defile had to stop marching somewhere on Vodickova ulice. There must have been a silent mockery in my look which provoked one of the Commies to step forward and come near me with a some- �SLOVAKIA 53 what menacing look. But he had to moderate himself in the policeman's presence. " Co se tak posmesne usmivate ?" (What are you smiling so scoffingly) he asked with a Podskalak accent mixed with Jewish intonation. "Coz kdybych vam tak jednu lajsknul ?" (Suppose I smack you one?) he went on and added: "No jste starej clovek .. .. " (But you are an old man). This was rather ludricous fanfarronade, but indicated how daring a Commie could be at the time, knowing that old Masaryk needed the ten Communist votes in the Parliament for his reelection which was to take place on May 24th. I asked the little Jew what he was so angry about - and he said: "If you had six kids at home and not much to eat ... " and I said - "Why have six kids?" The policeman motioned to him to join his group - about fifty in all - and the defile resumed its march. Who could have dreamt then that this little group of riffraff would one day rule Bohemia? And I recalled October, 1934, when I saw between six and ten thousand German Socialists march along the main street of Karlovy Vary, Vfidelni ulice, with their red flags, boldly sticking out their clenched fists and shouting "Freiheit!" The Czech state police protected their march, a very provocative gesture in a 100 percent rightist, bourgeois city. I asked the policeman: "Proc je zde nechali pochodovat ?" (Why did they let them march here?) - "Protoze jsou statotvorna strana" (because they are a regular political party in the State). This was perhaps intended to discourage the Germans in Karlovy Vary from becoming partisans of Konrad Henlein, Hitler's agent. But the Sudeten Germans had only three choices: Caor as they called it tholic, Socialist or Nationalist "schwarz, Sozi oder Nazi," and this was the reason why a large number voted Nazi without being exactly admirers of Adolf Hitler. To me this Socialist defile was a surprise I had seen the same type of people march in Madrid on May first the year before with clenched fists and shouting: "U Ache Pe" - which stood for "Unios Hermanos Proletarios" or "Proletarians of all lands unite!" And three weeks later after the Socialist march in Karlovy Vary, I happened to be in Munich on the Parteitag, November 8th, �54 SLOVAKIA when that great Catholic city was flooded with huge red flags with the Swastika or Hakenkreuz. On the 9th I was told that university professors had to take an oath of loyalty to Hitler: "Wie werden auf Hitler vereidigt!" After the vote on January 13, 1935, when I was in Rome, France let Hitler occupy the Saar; in March, France and England allowed Hitler to rearm and no energetic steps were taken against the projected invasion of Ethiopia which started on October 3rd. On February 16, 1936, I saw the elections in Spain in Granada. I saw how the socalled Republican government did not stop violent acts against the Rightists, and I left for France at the end of May when I saw that a conflict was imminent. It actually started on July 18th when Berlin was beflagged on the occasion of Olympic games. Paris blamed London quite rightly, but had no courage to act independently And I especially thought of that evening at WUrzburg on May 25, 1935, when I had to sit out the whole radio address by Adolf Hitler about the immense danger which an unarmed Germany was exposed to in view of the Bolshevik menace. Hitler was enumerating the warships which Germany had to sink in accordance with the Treaty of Versailles and emphasized her present helplessness to face the great menace from the East. In view of the mighty Republic of Poland and the Little Entente no such danger existed. One phrase I remember well with all the inner vibration of Hitler's voice: "Wir Nazionalsozialisten sind fanatische Gegner des Bolschewismus: zwischen uns und den Bolschewiken kann nie eine Freundschaft bestehen." (We National Socialists are fanatical opponents of Bolshevism: there can never be friendship between us and the Bolsheviks). The hotel guests had to stand up and sing Horst Wessel Lied - I alone remained seated, no one said a word of protest. They knew I was a foreigner and had nothing to do with their national problems. The next day I was discussing the situation with young Germans. _Not only did they not oppose the rearming of Germany, but strangely enough they had the same argument which I have heard the militarists advance everywhere in the world: "Der Militardienst macht einen Kerl �SLOVAKIA 55 aus Einem." (Military service makes a man out of a boy). In Berlin I saw everywhere defiant posters with the legend: "Die feinen Flugmaschinen, die unserm Flihrer dienen." (Fine airplanes that serve our Flihrer) . And trainloads of huge logs were coming to Germany from Carpatho-Russian forests furnishing wood for the airplanes. Could not the English and French diplomats and military attaches see all this? There still was time for a concerted action to stop the Hitler-Goring madness. In Erlangen - Bavaria - the people were expecting the CzechoSlovak army to march in at any rrioment in accordance with the Versailles Treaty. But nothing happened, because the British opposed strong action in order not to spoil good business. And now I saw my native land sacrificed by Western diplomacy, so the brilliant embassy parties and dances and cocktail drinking could go on undisturbed in Paris and London. And what was true of the Bohemian Crown lands was mutatis mutandis true of Slovakia and Carpatho-Russia. Recollections! The train arrived at Klagenfurt, via Graz and Zidani Most, the territory of germanized Slovenes. I was the only foreigner on board, and when we crossed into the Italian territory I was the only passenger from the frontier to San Candido. When we were somewhere between Klagenfurt and the frontier on the Austrian territory, the conductors would quickly sprint inside the station to listen to the radio which between eight and nine in the evening was blaring Hitler's violent attack on Benes at the Sportpalast. Only once was I sufficiently interested to get off and listen to the shrill tones of Hitler's voice familiar to me since the two and one-half hour speech at Wlirzburg three years before. At Benecko it was dampened by static. By chance I caught exactly the passage when Adolf was roaring in his best form, as if he were challenging Edward to a duel: "Hier stehe ich, dort steht Herr Benesch" (here I stand and there stands Benes) and the rest I do not remember because I had to board the train again. At Innichen - San Candido I found myself in the old Austrian atmosphere of my youth. The hotel was an old �56 SLOVAKIA fashioned Tyrolese inn with large and quiet rooms, without any running water, but a huge comfortable bed. Though it was very late - after eleven p. m. - a good Tyrolese housewife made a Wiener Schnitzel for me which was even better than the one I had eaten at Benecko. I slept wonderfully well and in the morning could admire the splendid sight of the Dolomiten without the slightest thought of war. From there I went to Merano and followed the Traubenkur a whole month while the Munich comedy was being played by Chamberlain, Daladier, Hitler, and Mussolini, who in the end got the most credit in the Corriere della Sera for having saved the peace. Merano was filled with all types of strange refugees, male and female, of the Milena characteristics which might have interested a Kraft-Ebbing. It is to be deplored that many university professors in Europe and America are muckracking in this sort of "literature." In view of the factual observations of an eyewitness possessing a perfect knowledge of Czech, German, Slovak, Polish, Russian, French, English and Italian - namely the languages involved in the great sellout - the idle musings and speculations both of Benes and the reviewer (Odlozilik) of Mnichovske dny, fade into the realm of Hollywood make-believe of Cecil de Mille's Ten Commandments. The general mobilization did not electrify the people at all, but was a huge comedy smacking to some extent of the good soldier Svejk. The reservists drank beer, ate frankfurters, joked, and knew that the whole thing was a picnic. Those of the Sudeten Germans among them, who knew Czech well, acted as Henlein's spies. The chain of fortifi~ations on which Benes spent over a billion crowns was just as useless as the French Maginot line proved to be later. Nothing could have stopped the Nazi tanks and the Czech regions could have been reduced to ashes by the Luftwaffe which had reportedly 15,000 planes, or ten times more than the reputed Czech air force. The 800,000 reservists were merely a mob compared to the disciplined nazi war machine. All this can be clearly seen from the illustrations showing Adolf "the savior" at the head of his Panzers on the Theaterplatz in Karlovy Vary, speaking to the enthusiastic crowds on October 15th. There is only one "author" whose methods resemble �SLOVAKIA 57 those of Benes, namely Harry Truman, when it comes to complete distortion of facts. However, the Czech people of today, just like the American people of today, will not be easily persuaded to believe fairy tales. • • • MARTIN RAZUS (1883-1937) JOSEPH A. MIKUS The era, which opened for the Slovak nation in 1918, marks a rapid advance in the direction of the realization of its political aspirations. This is indubitably connected with the fall of feudalism and with the over-all extension of the significance of national individualities as political realities in Central Europe. To these external factors there are added also internal forces. And here, from among the many personalities which contributed handsomely to the spiritual and political crystallization of conditions in Slovakia, it behooves us today to recall one name: Martin Razus. While Andrew Hlinka, a Catholic priest, was becoming the leading figure of the political movement for Slovak autonomy for rather social reasons, in the meantime his contemporary and friend, Martin Razus, a Lutheran minister, poet and writer, was emerging as a defender of the political individuality of the Slovak nation for cultural and psychological reasons. In another respect, while Andrew Hlinka, as a man of action, engages in the fight against the leftist, religious, moral and political relativism of Masaryk's school and is drawn into the violent whirlpool of national activity, thus becoming top guard of national awareness, in the meantime, Martin Razus, with fire in his soul and the laurel of a man of letters on his head, devotes himself, according to his nature, rather to the spiritual processes of the national development of the Slovaks. With his ear close to the bosom of the nation, he catches the spiritual vibrations of the people in order to present them in his work a bit later to the public whom he chose to serve. It was thus that Razus became the "conscience of the nation." Even though the motives of Hlinka and Razus for po- � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1957, Vol. 7 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 22), March 1957.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 23), June 1957.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 24-25), September-December 1957.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1957 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 35 A. R. NYKL: "EDVARD BENES ON MUNICH DAYS" The article "Edvard Benes on Munich Days" in the "Journal of Central European Affairs," (January, 1957 pp. 384-393), reveals that the author, Otokar Odlozilik, was not an eyewitness of the days between September 4 and 25, 1938, in Bohemia, and especially in the capital. "Rigid precepts of historical scholarship" cannot be applied to documents, even if the latter were bona fide and not doctored up post factum by captious commentaries. Both Edvard Benes and his mentor T. G. Masaryk were great hindsight wizards. It would be idle to cite proofs of this phenomenon here, because hundreds of quotations have appeared and are still appearing in the publications of the Slovak League of America. The diplomats mentioned in the article very wisely kept, and those who are living still keep, quiet which is, they perhaps believe, better than lying. In my opinion Frantisek Chvalkovsky, who with Ha.cha went through the terrible ordeal in Berlin before they finally signed their consent to Hitler's ultimatum of March 14, 1939, at 3 a. m., was the most reliable and honest person whose story might have cleared up many doubts, surmises, and suspicions. Krofta could unfortunately not go beyond the spring of 1938, when in May the first rumors of war began to spread. Henlein and his right hand man Frank were feverishly preparing the ground for autonomy and secession, by speeches and press campaigns, in which they constantly harped on Benes's doctoral thesis, published in 1907 at Dijon, wherein he advocated a complete separation of the German-speaking and the Czech-speaking regions of Bohemia, Moravia, and Silesia. During the summer months Lord Runciman was sent to the Sudetenland by Chamberlain with the special mission to find the right solution by "fact finding." For the most part he was the guest of German nobility and paid no attention to the claims of the Czech "hranicari," inhabitants of the frontier regions. The Sudeten Germans knew perfectly well that he was 36 SLOVAKIA merely playing a comedy and facetiously spoke of him as Lord "Runzelmann." Because of my absolute command of the German tongue, and as an American visitor, I could engage in countless conversations with the natives of Karlovy Vary, where I was writing a book on Japan and curing my nervous stomach by drinking MUhlbrunn - "Mlynsky prame" - hot alkaline water. Among the Egerlander there reigned an atmosphere of calm optimism: to them the annexation of the Sudeten by the Third Reich was a foregone , conclusion. Some of them even hinted already at a further step - the Protectorate - anticipating March 14, 1939. Nervousness reigned only in the small Czech minority, which was being increasingly frightened by occasional "blackout" exercises and talk about air raid shelters. To me it was quite plain that the Germans were being supplied with oral propaganda, which they called Fllisterpropaganda, and were absolutely convinced that Runciman's antics were a subterfuge to hide a fait accompli: a perfect agreement of the English and French - the latter somewhat sheepishly and reluctantly - that the "phantom" republic should be trimmed to suit the Nazis and the Magyars, in connivance with Mr. Beck, the Polish Minister of Foreign Affairs whose contempt for Benes knew no bounds. This I knew from my trip through Poland in August, 1936, where Czechs were talked about as "lajdaci" (loafers). Goring was Beck's honored guest, Benes the "cackling pygmy." At Cracow, Moscicki was helping to raise the Pilsudski mound: was he likely to listen to Benes 's plea in 1938? In July 1935, I wrote an article for the "Narodni Listy," recommending a solid steel wall from the Carpathians to Gdynia with a friendly Polish nation, whom Benes and Masaryk, however, regarded as Fascists. Later I was told that the article was suppressed at Benes's orders, who bypassed the Poles and went to see Stalin about that time. It is evident that the ambassadors named in the Odlozilik article (Osusky, Masaryk, Mastny, Chvalkovsky, Hurban, Slavik) must have known the real state of affairs and SLOVAKIA 37 therefore kept silent. With the help of German and Italian aviation the Nationalists in Spain were pushing the socalled "Loyalists" toward the Pyrenees, ·and Daladier was worried about the impending invasion of the defeated 300,000 "Reds" into southern France, while Charles Maurras in "EAction Francaise" was ridiculing the idea of a war "pour les Tcheques." In the Kurhaus or Lazensky Dum, I could read the "Daily Mail" and "Corriere della Sera." I recall distinctly a map in the former showing the distribution of the three and one-half million Sudeten-Germans along the frontier as reported by Lord Runciman - and an article by Mussolini stating that the artificial and unnatural "sausage" state in Central Europe should be dismembered in the same way as the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy had been. Where is Odlozilik's "authentic description" of events by Benes? If Benes had a "unique knowledge of the situation," he would have had to admit that he knew full well in August that England and France were determined to back Hitler's claims. Krofta wisely kept silent in order not to implicate himself. The important documents sent abroad in the early days of October, 1938, most likely were destroyed, in order not to compromise the guilty parties. It would seem that the German and Italian military aviation was so formidable that the French and still less the British, aviation was no match for it at the time. Mr. Beck's clique in Poland was maliciously rejoicing at Benes's defeat. And Stalin, of course, was not going to help a dying man. My own estimate of the situation, on the basis of my observations and reading of the foreign press - English, French, Italian, Scandinavian, Polish, Rumanian, Yugoslav - was that there would be no war, because the sellout by England and F r ance was an obvious fait accompli. Hence I finished my manuscript and went by bus to Prague, in order to arrange with the publisher the printing of my book. For all eventualities I bought a second-class ticket to Praha-Merano, because my friends recommended to me the "Traubenkur" in Merano as the best thing for a nervous stomach. It consisted in eating plenty of ripe blue grapes and walking in the hills. Another friend - a phy- 38 SLOVAKIA sician - took a good look into my stomach, and finding nothing really serious, recommended that I should go to the Riesengebirge (Krkonose) to a place called Benecko and drink plenty of radioactive water. While the Sudeten-Germans were calm and smiling, awaiting their revanche, the Czech population was naturally feeling uneasy in the expectation of the great Hitler harangue at Nuremberg, listed for September 12. There was a tense atmosphere in Prague. The Communists were dreaming of a great Russian airborne army which would destroy Berlin and of making every town and hamlet in Bohemia a fortress like the "Loyalists" were doing in Spain who, by the way, were being painted as heroes in the Benes-controlled press. Only the "Narodni Listy," the organ of the Czech National Democrats, was favorable to Mussolini and to Franco. The journey on Sunday, September 4, through the fertile fields promising a good harvest, via Chlumec natl Cidlinou, where the peasants once were beaten by the noblemen ("vyhrajes jako sedlak v Chlumce"), north to the Krkonose, was calm and uneventful. After Trutnov-Trautenau, we began to enter the mixed Sudeten region. From what I could see and hear, the German agrarians had no sympathy with the Nazis at all, although in the last moment they joined the Henlein group so as to save themselves from reprisals and persecutions. This very step indicated that Henlein was certain of winning without war. Benecko proved to be a combined summer and winter resort. The summer guests were all gone, and I was the only guest at the hotel. In winter, the place changed into a ski resort. The owner was a sincere man, a great admirer of Kramar, and a great, scathing critic of Benes. The Germans had a nice new school building in the village, "Deutsche Volkschule." Hitler's ravings about the suffer- . ings of the Germans were the invention of his maniacal imagination. The hotel and its immediate neighborhood formed a Czech enclave in a region which further north was inhabited by Sudeten-Germans. From the far distance one could hear the noise of their Henlein meetings. But otherwise, SLOVAKIA 39 perfect peace reigned in the pine forests and on the green meadows, where I spent most of my time walking between meals and drinking radioactive water. Within a few days my nervous stomach was restored to its normal functions. Sunday, the 11th of September, being a pleasantly warm, sunny day, I decided in the afternoon to walk to the summit of the wooded hill which I well remembered from my school days, reading about the sad departure of Czech Protestants in the years which followed the battle of the White Mountain, in 1620-1628. These emigres had to leave everything behind and seek refuge in the Protestant regions of Germany northeast of the Krkonose. Jan Amos Komensky, later bishop of the Moravian Brethren, was among them. On this hill, named Zaly, according to the legend, they were taking the last look of their native country, and were kissing the snow-covered ground goodbye in tears. Nevzali jsme se sebou nic, nic, po vsem veta jen Bibli Kralickou, Labyrint sveta. "We took nothing along, nothing, all is lost; only the Kraliky Bible, and the Labyrinth of the World." Reference is maqe to the Protestant version of the Bible made at Kraliky (German Grulich) on the Bohemian-Silesian frontier, and the well-known work of Comenius. These memories came to my mind as I slowly walked to the summit where I found a tourist restaurant and a lookout tower. The atmosphere was gloomy, very much in keeping with the name 2aly: the presentiment of grave events reminded me of what it must have been like in 1628 - three centuries ago. The sufferings of the Czech nation were of no concern to France, and still less to England. The large wooden structure of the hotel was silent, when I returned. For supper I had the last but one real Wiener Schnitzel in my memory - or shall I call it costoletta alla milanese? Or vidensky rizek? The owner of the hotel who knew very little German asked me whether I would listen to the radio the next day and tell him what Adolf was going to broadcast from Ntirnberg. Since I was not to be directly affected, I could sleep soundly and in the forenoon take another long walk in the pine woods. 40 SLOVAKIA The great speech was booked for about 2 p. m. sun time, since Germany had not adopted the foolish fad of daylight saving time. If I had my notes at hand, I could recall the situation with more precision, but since I was more intersted in "kava a buchty" (coffee and doughnuts) , my recollection is rather hazy at present. First of all, the reception was very weak and spoiled by frequent static due to thick thunder clouds hanging over the mountain range. Second, Hitler's speeches on the Sudeten question, the same as on the Klajpeda and Gdansk question, were a repetition of dramatically worded accusations of the same content : the Volksgenossen were being persecuted and mistreated, hence they were fleeing in constantly increasing numbers across the border: five thousand, ten thousand, fifty thousand; Long afterwards I saw in the contemporary lliustrierte Zeitung file pictures of these "refugees" being lovingly provided with food and clothing by their brethren in the Third Reich. There could be no doubt as to Adolf's purpose, namely, to convince France and England of the absolute justice of the Nazi position. "We do not ask except what is ours on the basis of selfdetermination - not one inch of a foreign territory. The Czechs will have theirs and we will have ours: after that we will have no further demands. " The next day at night we could hear the rumbling of a thunderstorm in the direction of Harrach's Glass Works at the frontier, but my host and his family were so frightened that they took it for the rumbling of heavy artillery. On Thursday, September 15, I decided that there was no use prolonging my stay and inviting another spell of stomach nervousness: after lunch I took the bus to the railway station and from there the train to Prague. Though there was no panic anywhere, the train was already filled with refugees: the wealthier and white-collared class. In Prague I returned to my hotel on Namesti Petra Osvoboditele (the Square of Peter, the Liberator) - formerly Komensky Square - in the Vinohrady district, where I paid 20 crowns for a single room, the equivalent of 70 cents. Excellent regular meals cost 10 crowns - 35 cents - and read all the Czech, German, French, and English SLOYAKIA 41 newspapers while sipping excellent coffee. In one of the rooms they had a permanent guest - a frequently tipsy female of unpleasant appearance. She was one of the ten Communist deputies in the Parliament. Unfortunately for me, moratorium had been proclaimed with regard to withdrawals from bank accounts and I could only draw 5000 crowns at the Zivnobanka. One rapid transaction became imperative and unavoidable: I had to go to Karlovy Vary and have several trunks of my books shipped from there to Prague. The dream of staying in the pleasant spa and writing books vanished: where were the solemn promises of "enduring peace" after fighting "the war to end all wars" in 1919? On Friday afternoon I took the "rychlovlak" (express) and arrived at the Karlovy Vary station, which is located at some distance from the center of the town, in the evening. Detachments of Czech troops were already stationed round. No bus was operating. After showing my passport I was allowed to go to the town on foot and there I found another detachment of youthful-looking soldiers round some sort of war machinery, near Park Street. For reasons, which would take long to explain, I decided to go to one of the Kurgas1; rooming houses on Park Street. In situations of this kind one must act with lightning speed and complete calm. I was able to arrange with a shipper to forward my trunks to Prague next Monday, "express," at the fabulous cost of 2000 crowns. Saturday, Sunday, and Monday I spent eating the best food and spending as many crowns as I could, buying the best shirts, socks, a light overcoat, and other articles of clothing at Nastopil's on Alte Wiese. Why not, when I could buy the best shirts at 16 crowns (50 cents) which in America would cost five dollars? I still have two of those. When one sees an inevitable debacle in the offing one can easily adopt the philosophy of "you can't take it with you." While consuming an excellent chicken dinner for 25 crowns (70 cents) in the restaurant of the house "Schwedischer Hof," I was discussing the situation with the waiter, who happened to be a Pole, in Polish. He admired my remarkable calm and sound judgement, and made me the compliment "Pan jest okropny czlowiek." All the Germans I spoke with, showed smiling optimism. 42 SLOVAKIA On Monday evening, September 19th, I was in the "rychlovlak" Eger-Prague, in the company of two lieutenants of the Czechoslovak army, both Czechs less than 25 years of age, hence products of the MasarykBenes regime. There also was a captain of the frontier constabulary (strazmistr - cetnik), a former legionnaire, less than fifty years of age. The "porucici" (second lieutenants) were not exactly in a merry mood, but seemed to face the facts without whimpering and with a sort of grim humor. I knew nothing of what was going on in diplomatic circles, but I can repeat that all the Germans in Karlovy Vary, with whom I spoke about the future , were gloriously optimistic. They already knew that the Nazis would give them 1 mark for ten crowns instead of eight, yet seemed to be quite willing to take the loss. I recall one instance particularly, when I said: "Ich sehe Wolken am Horizont," and my interlocutor said: "Im Gegenthal, ich sehe alles rosig." This opinion was general. Now an expellee in Germany, my young friend may remember our conversation. If the scheme mentioned by Odlozilik on p. 387 ( "to avoid war") was worked out on September 18, "after the conference in London of French and British statesmen," it must have already been known throughout the Sudeten on September 19. And this was also the reason why I met the elderly cetnik on this train; he was leaving his post in Jachymov and was on his way to Slovakia, like the rest of Czech "cetnici" (gendarmes), because it was already known that the territory in which they were employed would be ceded to the Third Reich. This cetnik was very sad and spoke of his ruined existence, with a son in school, and with no future ahead of him. The two "porucici" stated to me emphatically what I later heard so much in Prague: "Uz je to ujednano a uz jsme prodani" (it's all settled and we are already sold out). And their comments on this "noble" action of France and England were rather scathing. Two days later in Prague the Czech legionnaires were in front of the French Legation discarding the medals which they had received from France in 1919. If Mr. Benes devotes a fairly long passage in his "Mnichovske dny" to SLOVAKIA -13 an audience when "on Wednesday, September 21, in the small hours of that morning the British and French envoys requested it," to me it is quite clear that he is telling a story to cover up what already was a fait accompli. The people in the Sudeten knew that the matter had been settled, and the Czechs living there knew it also. To speak of collecting statements made by Benes and his critics and to "evaluate them in accordance with rigid precepts of historical scholarship" is as idle a talk as that about the authenticity of the Kensington stone and many other legends which need not be mentioned here. Furthermore I, as a personal witness, can say that the news of the sellout was already known in Prague that very evening, September 19, which in my memory is a terrible accusation of the treacherous action of British and French diplomats, not their respective nations. That evening, at about 10 o'clock, Prague was a city of stunned ghosts groping in the darkness under the impact of a deadly blow. I have seen through many situations when a family was suddenly stunned by a tragic blow, but here a whole ancient city with a glorious history, and a trusting people, had been stabbed in the back by those who professed to be their allies. The streets were almost deserted - deadly anguish was visible on all faces. Being a Czech, I fully felt their despair. They already visualized the return of the German conqueror to Praga caput regni, left at the mercy of a horde of fanaticists. The anguish was gripping the souls of the Czechs, together with a hatred of Masaryk and Benes, whose lies had brought the nation into this horrible plight. Only one who has once found himself at the brink of death could approximately realize that tragic, silent grief coupled with dread of an impending, yet inevitable peril. La nu.it porte conseil is a proverb fraught with a deep significance. The morning will· bring a solution. September 20 found the streets filled with milling crowds, hardly listening to the blaring loudspeakers. When passing by the barracks where young soldiers looked nonchalantly from the windows, a group of patriots would yell occasionally: .J4 SLOVAKIA "Af z1Je armada!" (Long live the army). But there was no real enthusiasm - it seemed as if the soldiers knew that there was not to be any fighting. The anguish and terror of the previous night gave way to the real Czech calm fatalism, bred into the nation by centuries of hard knocks. Hemmed in, right in the heart of Europe, by hostile neighbors, the Czechs were always governed by one uppermost thought, namely, holding their own against terrible odds and in the end surviving their enemies. No one knew anything about what was going on in diplomatic circles, but all the intelligent people with whom I discussed the situation, unanimously and with a quiet, also typically Czech resignation, were saying: "Uz je to ujednano. Uz jsme prodani." In the evening I walked on the Vaclavske namesti (Wenceslaus Square) which was literally packed with people going to and fro without any passionate outbursts. Round the pedestal of Myslbek's famous St. Wenceslaus group, a solid mass of young Communists from Nusle was sitting with a defiant expression on their faces. "Co zde delate"? (What are you doing here?) I asked a group of young men and women. "My chceme bojovat a hajit svateho Vaclava." (We want to fight and to defend St. Wenceslaus). The streets were guarded by a special force of policemen with black helmets calm, young, determined men. I asked one of them: "Prosim vas, co ti mladi blazni zde delaji ?" (Pardon me, what are those young fools doing here?) His answer was typical of a Czech who has seen too many upheavals in his time to be surprised at anything. Just one word: "Para!" If a dictionary linguist would search in a number of volumes, in order to get the full meaning of this simple word, he might find such equivalents as "vapor, steam, fog, mist," but these would not give him the inner vibration. The nearest equivalent in American English would be : "Just generating so much worthless hot air!". The same milling of crowds and blaring of loudspeakers to which no one listened went on the two following days, namely, on Wednesday and Thursday, September 21 and 22. Whatever Mr. Benes says about his conferences and SLOVAKIA 45 plans must be set aside as a legend and post factum invention to cover up the incontrovertible fact that the final decision had already been made in London on September 18; all these so-called conferences were a mere comedy to deceive the nation, which however, was not deceived at all. I listened to Mr. Benes's broadcast at 7 p. m., on Thursday, September 22. This was the second and last time I ever heard the sound of his voice and his halting way of reading from a typewritten text with his dark-rimmed glasses on his clumsy nose. The first time was on Sunday, September 19, 1937, at Masaryk's funeral. He was either unable or afraid to say anything powerful and sonorous ex-tempore. "Mluvil jako kdyz by to tahal z chlupate rukavice." (He talked as if he were pulling it out of a shaggy glove). Utterly insipid was the boast about having made a plan: "Mam plan pro vsechny pripady." (I have a plan for all eventualities). Then he also said, or rather read something in Slovak in such a poor way that Slovaks must have laughed at his pronunciation. Though the two languages are quite similar, it is extremely difficult for a Czech to speak Slovak with a Slovak intonation, just like a Spaniard is utterly unable to speak Portuguese with a Portuguese intonation. People laughed and repeated in the Prague dialect: "A Benes ma plan a usme prodany," i.e., uz jsme prodani: "Benes has a plan and we are already sold out." This reminded me of Paris and Pichegru. During the night the "civil defense" observers were frequently yelling: "Zhasnout svetla !" (lights out), in order to have a complete blackout. It was utterly amusing - almost as amusing as were the blackouts in Cambridge, Mass., in 1943 - because no sane person could have expected an air attack, which would have killed not only the Czechs, but the VolksgenossE)n as well. Nevertheless, on Friday the 23rd, people were being scared into buying gas masks, and I saw a long line on Betlemske namesti (Bethlehem Square) near the chapel where Hus used to preach in 1400 A.D., waiting to get a gas mask for 150 crowns! However, their number was insignificant in comparison with the whole population. 46 SLOVAKIA The librarian of the Naprstek Museum was to take care of my books, because I planned to leave by the express to Vienna on Saturday afternoon. I visited a few friends at the Orientalni Ustav. In the evening, when walking on Jecna ulice near Karlovo namesti (Charles Square), I met my great friend, the late professor Bedrich Hrozny, who was very calm; he knew as I did that there would be no war and no bombing, because to challenge the German Air Force would have meant useless suicide. He never mentioned anything about Benes's "plan." My publisher, the printer, my physician, repeated colloquially the same refrain "uz jsme prodany." The legionnaires, as I said before, were discarding their French medals in front of the legation. But there was no panic, no passionate outbursts. We are told that general mobilization was promulgated at 10 p. m. that evening. In view of the situation it was an amusing comedy of which I saw a part on Saturday and Sunday. What Benes says is a novelesque invention, calculated to mislead posterity into the belief of his great powers as a thinker: this method he copied from his master and from the French historians who dramatized the German retreat on September 6, 1914, into a great victory on the Marne. The night for me was indeed hectic: All of a sudden bed bugs appeared from nowhere, and the night clerk had to give me another mattress; the night was completely dark, except for an isolated little light that appeared in an attic, and some "civil defense" fool was constantly and uselessly yelling somewhere on the roof "Zhasnete svetlo" (Put out the light) ! When Mr. Benes writes, and the author of the article (Odlozilik) muses on a supposed tenseness in Prague that night, they are telling a story. The tenseness existed only on Monday evening, September 19th: after that the people were fully aware of the great comedy "uz jsme prodani." Friday noon I had my last "pecena husa s knedliky a zelim" (roast goose with dumplings and kraut) in the P. R. D. - Prazsky representacni dfun) - with the usual first class waiter service in coat tails, with Pilsen beer for 35 crowns, about one dollar. At S LOVAKIA 47 that time we had no inkling of the "vseobecna mobilisace" (general mobilization) being thought of or planned by the great Edvard. As I perfectly recall it, the people as a whole were resigned to see the occupation of the Sudeten as a fait accompli since September 18th. On Saturday morning, when I came down to the cafe, I saw myself in a queer predicament. General mobilization was in progress and, as a consequence, there were no taxis, and even the street cars did not seem to function. Suddenly I saw a familiar face coming into the parlor: Vojta Benes - whom I knew so well since the time he made fiery speeches against Austria, in 1916-1918, in America - then lived like a satrap in a beautiful villa in Jevany as a great Socialist Minister of Education, who fought the Roman Catholic Church, while his brother was a matriculated "paper" Catholic. He was surrounded by a number of friends and they were talking about going abroad. I had to take my two hand bags and walk all the way to the Masaryk - former Franz Josef - station using the trusty power of my arm muscles. The streets were swarming with silent reservists on their way to the railroad stations, each carrying a small hand bag. There was no military preparedness among them: they looked more like excursionists. The whole station was likewise swarming with men between thirty and fifty years of age. Toward noon it became somewhat warm, and these masses of men were quenching their thirst with steins of beer, laughing and joking. The "rychlovlak" Berlin-Vienna was to arrive at about 2 p. m., and was to be the last train leaving the country in that direction. My only concern were my books. At about 1:30 p. m., I telephoned to the shipping agency and was told that my books had arrived in good order and were to be delivered the next week at their destination. The express did not arrive on time and there was an hourly announcement of its being late. If the Czecho-Slovak generals were wondering why the Luftwaffe did not bomb Ceska Trebova - Bohumin, on September 23rd, they must have been completely misled by Benes's comedy. The Luftwaffe knew full well that the occupation of the Sudeten was a fait accompli. The 48 SLOVAKIA whole inside of the station, with thousands of reservists drinking beer, eating frankfurters, and joking, bespoke a total confidence that there would be no war, no air raid, no shooting. The express finally arrived at about six p. m. I had a second class ticket, but found at once that this meant nothing, because all the compartments were being taken by reservists; all seats were occupied and the gangways were likewise filled. In a second class compartment I found two foreigners, a South African of Jewish origin and a young German dancing girl from Budapest. The express soon started on its way in the twilight through the central part of Bohemia, via Kolin and Pardubice to Ceska Trebova. In the fields and meadows the peasants were still working and were waving "Na zdaaar!" (Success!) to the occupants of the train - the defenders of the fatherland on their way to the frontier. As I think of it now, I cannot refrain from shedding tears at recalling how these simple folks were being deceived and sold down the river by England and France as if they were an African Zulu tribe or Gurkhas of India, or Bambaras. These were my people: here I was born, here I grew up, and I knew the simple soul and the good heart of these country people who foolishly trusted Masaryk and Benes. Now I recall that on Friday voices were heard: "Povesit Benese na brane hradu" (Hang Benes on the castle gate). And if, on Monday, General Syrovy urged Benes to leave Prague, it was not because of any fear of the Luftwaffe, but because of the wrath of the people. One of the tricks of the general mobilization was to send the German reservists to Slovakia and the Slovaks to the Sudeten regions. Standing in the gangway, while the express was speeding forward to Ceska Trebova without intermediate stops, I listened to the story of a young German reservist. He seemed to be quite loyal to the Republic and no Nazi enthusiast, but he explained to me the situation which faced all non-Czechs, namely, that of obtaining positions to make a living. The Germans could never hope to become as perfect in Czech as the Czechs and, therefore, where a SLOVAKIA 49 perfect knowledge of Czech was required, they never could obtain the most advantageous job. Many of the young Sudeten Germans were trying to obtain work in the Third Reich. This was really the primary determining factor of the defection of the Germans, Magyars and Slovaks. Remedy? Either birth control or emigration. The young dancer was quite optimistic: "That whole thing will be settled in two weeks. I am now going to Budapest, and then I will come back to Prague." I had to stand all the way to Brno. There most of the crowd dispersed. From Brno we were to continue to Breclava-Lundenburg, and then on to Vienna. At Breclava we were told that the frontier was closed. We could go to Bratislava if we so wished. The South African found in me a willing cicerone. We had to pay additional fare of some 20 crowns. We arrived in Bratislava about midnight. The station was literally swarming with reservists, each with his little bag, moving to and fro like a mob without any organization. When an elderly man with a small baggage cart came along, in the scanty light, I engaged him to take my two bags and the South African's baggage to the nearest hotel opposite the station. When we arrived there the night clerk told us that all rooms were occupied by Czecho-Slovak army officers. He presumed that all the hotels in the city had been similarly taken over as a mobilization measure, but he volunteered to telephone to Hotel Carlton and find out what the situation was. We were lucky: there were still two single rooms available at 20 crowns (75 cents) with "raiiajky" (breakfast). Carlton Hotel was to send a taxi to bring us downtown which was quite a distance from the station. It was about one a. m., and the city, scantily lighted, was remarkably quiet: one would not have suspected at all that the station was swarming with reservists speeding to their destination, to the frontier. The hotel proved to be quite modern and well appointed. In the morning, when at about 9 a. m. - it was Sunday, September 25th - I came down to have my breakfast, I saw the South African leaving in a great hurry in a taxi. He said he had a visa for Hungary and had tOI 50 SLOVAKIA make haste to reach the frontier before it might be closed. The hotel personnel could not give me any information as to what the situation was on the Austrian frontier. Since March, Austria was a part of the Third Reich. Consequently, I had to set out in an adventurous quest of information by taking the electric tramway to Petrzalka and then walk along the highway to where the frontier could be distinguished by curious quonsset-like structures. Detachments of soldiers were distributed along the road. They were all Magyars and not perturbed in the least: certainly not like troops expecting a sudden attack from anywhere. It was about eleven a. m. and fairly warm, the sun was brightly shining. When I came to a quonsset and asked where I could cross the frontier, I was waved back and asked to try the other quonsset about half a mile further to the right. There I was told that the queer structures were "military objects" or a part of a chain of fortifications. The Czecho-Slovak Magyar soldiers seemed to be quite amused at my confusion seeing me going up and down across fields, but, even though it was quite obvious that I was a foreigner, no one stopped me to ask for identification papers. Finally I emerged from the fields on another main highway which seemed to lose itself among tall poplar trees in the distance. It was about one p. m. The whole countryside was completely deserted. Suddenly I espied a hatless young man walking toward me from the Austrian frontier; he proved to be a German from Vienna who had to escape from the police - he said - because he was a Socialist and not friendly to the Nazis. He hoped to be able to reach Reichenberg (Liberec) in Bohemia where he had friends. This certainly was a lucky encounter. First of all, he told me that the frontier was open, though barricaded on the Slovak side, and that the tramway to Vienna was functioning. Furthermore, he had about 8 marks and needed Czecho-Slovak crowns. I had only 5 marks and about 200 crowns left. I offered to ·buy his marks at 8 crowns. We walked to a restaurant on the right bank of the Danube, opposite the Stefanik monument, and had a good lunch of roast pork, dumplings, and sauerkraut at 10 crowns each, SLOVAKIA 51 and some beer. After I paid the bill, we crossed the river on a ferry to the monument. It was a beautiful Sunday afternoon and everything was perfectly calm. I returned to the hotel and told the young man to meet me at 3 p. m., when I expected to be ready to leave by taxi for the frontier: the chauffeur asked double fare, because it was Sunday, namely, 66 crowns. The fugitive came to the hotel punctually at 3 p. m. I gave him 60 crowns for his eight marks and he gave me an envelope with a key which he said was from his room in Vienna: all I had to do was to drop it in a post office box after reaching Vienna. We parted. I paid my bill at the hotel, and the taxi took less than half an hour to reach the Austrian frontier. The Czech custom officers at the barricade let me go through after looking at my passport; then I had to carry my two bags to the German Customs quite a ways off. The commanding officer was a Prussian from Berlin; he was supposed to wean the Austrians from their Gemlitlickeit and make them fast and efficient. Occasionally, an airplane lazily crossed the horizon. Not a sign of any soldiers or prepartions for warlike movements. The Berliner looked at my passport, did not even ask me to open my bags. All he wanted to know was what was going on in Bratislava. "General mobilization," I said. He wanted to know whether I had noticed the numbers of the regiments. "I noticed nothing; all I wanted to do was to cross the frontier and go to Vienna by the electric tramway." "Danke, mein Herr," he said very politely, "die elektrische Bahn geht um ungefiihr flinf Uhr ab." I took my bags to a sort of an open waiting room where I found other passengers waiting: Austrians who had the appearance of excursionists, curious about what was going on. During the two-hour wait, which was rather tedious, I noticed another plane lazily patroling the sky. In comparison with the swarming crowds of reservists I had seen on the night previous, this Austrian countryside looked like a calm picnic park. We left toward six p. m. and in all the stations Sunday excursionists were boarding the train. My interrupted ticket to Merano was valid. At about 8 p. m. we were in Vienna. One solitary airplane was circling 52 SLOVAKIA about the city. I took the streetcar to the Slidbahnhof and went to a hotel which I knew from my previous trips. The rooms which formerly cost 6 shillings now cost 6 marks: the clerk told me on the sly that the liberation and incorporation in the Great Fatherland had been a rather costly affair for the gemlitliche Austrians. In the morning, before boarding the train for San Candido (formerly Innichen) in the Dolomites - formerly a part of the Austrian Tyrol - I dropped the envelope containing the key in the post office box. Then the train transported me from a congested military atmosphere into the old time freedom which my soul always craved ever since I left Austria-Hungary in 1903. In many ways it was a memorable day for me this Monday, September 26th. In the soft beams of the morning sun I could see old Vienna for the last time in its stiU gemtitlich aspect - this Vindobona, where Marcus Aurelius jotted down his thoughts in Greek, the Imperial city, saved in 1683 from the Turkish hordes of Kara Mustafa by Czech defenders and Jan Sobieski's Polish army, and the merry center of West-Eastern melodies of Mozart and the Lustige Witwe in 1909, with the rumblings of the first world war in the distance. The city of many races and languages and strange love habits which a Moravian Jewish medic mistook for something universal. Before leaving the hotel at Bratislava on the foregoing Sunday afternoon, I could read my last feuilleton in the Narodni Listy, in which I pleaded for keeping Karlovy Vary free from all political strife and agitation. As the train was speeding through the Austrian and later Styrian country side, I mused over my recollections. The parade in Prague on the first of May, 1934, when at the very end of a long defile of Workers Socialist organizations I was looking, on the corner of Jecna ulice and Karlovo namesti, at the small motley group of Communists guarded by two policemen. They stopped right in front of my vantage point, because the defile had to stop marching somewhere on Vodickova ulice. There must have been a silent mockery in my look which provoked one of the Commies to step forward and come near me with a some- SLOVAKIA 53 what menacing look. But he had to moderate himself in the policeman's presence. " Co se tak posmesne usmivate ?" (What are you smiling so scoffingly) he asked with a Podskalak accent mixed with Jewish intonation. "Coz kdybych vam tak jednu lajsknul ?" (Suppose I smack you one?) he went on and added: "No jste starej clovek .. .. " (But you are an old man). This was rather ludricous fanfarronade, but indicated how daring a Commie could be at the time, knowing that old Masaryk needed the ten Communist votes in the Parliament for his reelection which was to take place on May 24th. I asked the little Jew what he was so angry about - and he said: "If you had six kids at home and not much to eat ... " and I said - "Why have six kids?" The policeman motioned to him to join his group - about fifty in all - and the defile resumed its march. Who could have dreamt then that this little group of riffraff would one day rule Bohemia? And I recalled October, 1934, when I saw between six and ten thousand German Socialists march along the main street of Karlovy Vary, Vfidelni ulice, with their red flags, boldly sticking out their clenched fists and shouting "Freiheit!" The Czech state police protected their march, a very provocative gesture in a 100 percent rightist, bourgeois city. I asked the policeman: "Proc je zde nechali pochodovat ?" (Why did they let them march here?) - "Protoze jsou statotvorna strana" (because they are a regular political party in the State). This was perhaps intended to discourage the Germans in Karlovy Vary from becoming partisans of Konrad Henlein, Hitler's agent. But the Sudeten Germans had only three choices: Caor as they called it tholic, Socialist or Nationalist "schwarz, Sozi oder Nazi," and this was the reason why a large number voted Nazi without being exactly admirers of Adolf Hitler. To me this Socialist defile was a surprise I had seen the same type of people march in Madrid on May first the year before with clenched fists and shouting: "U Ache Pe" - which stood for "Unios Hermanos Proletarios" or "Proletarians of all lands unite!" And three weeks later after the Socialist march in Karlovy Vary, I happened to be in Munich on the Parteitag, November 8th, 54 SLOVAKIA when that great Catholic city was flooded with huge red flags with the Swastika or Hakenkreuz. On the 9th I was told that university professors had to take an oath of loyalty to Hitler: "Wie werden auf Hitler vereidigt!" After the vote on January 13, 1935, when I was in Rome, France let Hitler occupy the Saar; in March, France and England allowed Hitler to rearm and no energetic steps were taken against the projected invasion of Ethiopia which started on October 3rd. On February 16, 1936, I saw the elections in Spain in Granada. I saw how the socalled Republican government did not stop violent acts against the Rightists, and I left for France at the end of May when I saw that a conflict was imminent. It actually started on July 18th when Berlin was beflagged on the occasion of Olympic games. Paris blamed London quite rightly, but had no courage to act independently And I especially thought of that evening at WUrzburg on May 25, 1935, when I had to sit out the whole radio address by Adolf Hitler about the immense danger which an unarmed Germany was exposed to in view of the Bolshevik menace. Hitler was enumerating the warships which Germany had to sink in accordance with the Treaty of Versailles and emphasized her present helplessness to face the great menace from the East. In view of the mighty Republic of Poland and the Little Entente no such danger existed. One phrase I remember well with all the inner vibration of Hitler's voice: "Wir Nazionalsozialisten sind fanatische Gegner des Bolschewismus: zwischen uns und den Bolschewiken kann nie eine Freundschaft bestehen." (We National Socialists are fanatical opponents of Bolshevism: there can never be friendship between us and the Bolsheviks). The hotel guests had to stand up and sing Horst Wessel Lied - I alone remained seated, no one said a word of protest. They knew I was a foreigner and had nothing to do with their national problems. The next day I was discussing the situation with young Germans. _Not only did they not oppose the rearming of Germany, but strangely enough they had the same argument which I have heard the militarists advance everywhere in the world: "Der Militardienst macht einen Kerl SLOVAKIA 55 aus Einem." (Military service makes a man out of a boy). In Berlin I saw everywhere defiant posters with the legend: "Die feinen Flugmaschinen, die unserm Flihrer dienen." (Fine airplanes that serve our Flihrer) . And trainloads of huge logs were coming to Germany from Carpatho-Russian forests furnishing wood for the airplanes. Could not the English and French diplomats and military attaches see all this? There still was time for a concerted action to stop the Hitler-Goring madness. In Erlangen - Bavaria - the people were expecting the CzechoSlovak army to march in at any rrioment in accordance with the Versailles Treaty. But nothing happened, because the British opposed strong action in order not to spoil good business. And now I saw my native land sacrificed by Western diplomacy, so the brilliant embassy parties and dances and cocktail drinking could go on undisturbed in Paris and London. And what was true of the Bohemian Crown lands was mutatis mutandis true of Slovakia and Carpatho-Russia. Recollections! The train arrived at Klagenfurt, via Graz and Zidani Most, the territory of germanized Slovenes. I was the only foreigner on board, and when we crossed into the Italian territory I was the only passenger from the frontier to San Candido. When we were somewhere between Klagenfurt and the frontier on the Austrian territory, the conductors would quickly sprint inside the station to listen to the radio which between eight and nine in the evening was blaring Hitler's violent attack on Benes at the Sportpalast. Only once was I sufficiently interested to get off and listen to the shrill tones of Hitler's voice familiar to me since the two and one-half hour speech at Wlirzburg three years before. At Benecko it was dampened by static. By chance I caught exactly the passage when Adolf was roaring in his best form, as if he were challenging Edward to a duel: "Hier stehe ich, dort steht Herr Benesch" (here I stand and there stands Benes) and the rest I do not remember because I had to board the train again. At Innichen - San Candido I found myself in the old Austrian atmosphere of my youth. The hotel was an old 56 SLOVAKIA fashioned Tyrolese inn with large and quiet rooms, without any running water, but a huge comfortable bed. Though it was very late - after eleven p. m. - a good Tyrolese housewife made a Wiener Schnitzel for me which was even better than the one I had eaten at Benecko. I slept wonderfully well and in the morning could admire the splendid sight of the Dolomiten without the slightest thought of war. From there I went to Merano and followed the Traubenkur a whole month while the Munich comedy was being played by Chamberlain, Daladier, Hitler, and Mussolini, who in the end got the most credit in the Corriere della Sera for having saved the peace. Merano was filled with all types of strange refugees, male and female, of the Milena characteristics which might have interested a Kraft-Ebbing. It is to be deplored that many university professors in Europe and America are muckracking in this sort of "literature." In view of the factual observations of an eyewitness possessing a perfect knowledge of Czech, German, Slovak, Polish, Russian, French, English and Italian - namely the languages involved in the great sellout - the idle musings and speculations both of Benes and the reviewer (Odlozilik) of Mnichovske dny, fade into the realm of Hollywood make-believe of Cecil de Mille's Ten Commandments. The general mobilization did not electrify the people at all, but was a huge comedy smacking to some extent of the good soldier Svejk. The reservists drank beer, ate frankfurters, joked, and knew that the whole thing was a picnic. Those of the Sudeten Germans among them, who knew Czech well, acted as Henlein's spies. The chain of fortifi~ations on which Benes spent over a billion crowns was just as useless as the French Maginot line proved to be later. Nothing could have stopped the Nazi tanks and the Czech regions could have been reduced to ashes by the Luftwaffe which had reportedly 15,000 planes, or ten times more than the reputed Czech air force. The 800,000 reservists were merely a mob compared to the disciplined nazi war machine. All this can be clearly seen from the illustrations showing Adolf "the savior" at the head of his Panzers on the Theaterplatz in Karlovy Vary, speaking to the enthusiastic crowds on October 15th. There is only one "author" whose methods resemble SLOVAKIA 57 those of Benes, namely Harry Truman, when it comes to complete distortion of facts. However, the Czech people of today, just like the American people of today, will not be easily persuaded to believe fairy tales. • • • MARTIN RAZUS (1883-1937) JOSEPH A. MIKUS The era, which opened for the Slovak nation in 1918, marks a rapid advance in the direction of the realization of its political aspirations. This is indubitably connected with the fall of feudalism and with the over-all extension of the significance of national individualities as political realities in Central Europe. To these external factors there are added also internal forces. And here, from among the many personalities which contributed handsomely to the spiritual and political crystallization of conditions in Slovakia, it behooves us today to recall one name: Martin Razus. While Andrew Hlinka, a Catholic priest, was becoming the leading figure of the political movement for Slovak autonomy for rather social reasons, in the meantime his contemporary and friend, Martin Razus, a Lutheran minister, poet and writer, was emerging as a defender of the political individuality of the Slovak nation for cultural and psychological reasons. In another respect, while Andrew Hlinka, as a man of action, engages in the fight against the leftist, religious, moral and political relativism of Masaryk's school and is drawn into the violent whirlpool of national activity, thus becoming top guard of national awareness, in the meantime, Martin Razus, with fire in his soul and the laurel of a man of letters on his head, devotes himself, according to his nature, rather to the spiritual processes of the national development of the Slovaks. With his ear close to the bosom of the nation, he catches the spiritual vibrations of the people in order to present them in his work a bit later to the public whom he chose to serve. It was thus that Razus became the "conscience of the nation." Even though the motives of Hlinka and Razus for po-  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Edvard Beneš on Munich Days Description An account of the resource A. R. Nykl Slovakia, Vol. 7, No. 3-4 (24-25), September-December 1957 pp. 35-57 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Nykl, A. R. (Alois Richard), 1885-1958 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource September-December 1957 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/a24ee6d0ed86895d0590f55725c2fc8d.pdf 23c4a49bec30674198e87c1bcfb8c25d PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 57 those of Benes, namely Harry Truman, when it comes to complete distortion of facts. However, the Czech people of today, just like the American people of today, will not be easily persuaded to believe fairy tales. • • • MARTIN RAZUS (1883-1937) JOSEPH A. MIKUS The era, which opened for the Slovak nation in 1918, marks a rapid advance in the direction of the realization of its political aspirations. This is indubitably connected with the fall of feudalism and with the over-all extension of the significance of national individualities as political realities in Central Europe. To these external factors there are added also internal forces. And here, from among the many personalities which contributed handsomely to the spiritual and political crystallization of conditions in Slovakia, it behooves us today to recall one name: Martin Razus. While Andrew Hlinka, a Catholic priest, was becoming the leading figure of the political movement for Slovak autonomy for rather social reasons, in the meantime his contemporary and friend, Martin Razus, a Lutheran minister, poet and writer, was emerging as a defender of the political individuality of the Slovak nation for cultural and psychological reasons. In another respect, while Andrew Hlinka, as a man of action, engages in the fight against the leftist, religious, moral and political relativism of Masaryk's school and is drawn into the violent whirlpool of national activity, thus becoming top guard of national awareness, in the meantime, Martin Razus, with fire in his soul and the laurel of a man of letters on his head, devotes himself, according to his nature, rather to the spiritual processes of the national development of the Slovaks. With his ear close to the bosom of the nation, he catches the spiritual vibrations of the people in order to present them in his work a bit later to the public whom he chose to serve. It was thus that Razus became the "conscience of the nation." Even though the motives of Hlinka and Razus for po- �58 SLOVAKIA litical activity could have varied, and even though their place in the spiritual and political problematics of Slovakia is different, both were nevertheless remarkably of one will. In the Slovak cultural and political history of our time, Razus is an unusually magnetic manifestation. This grassroots Slovak looks at the problem of his nation from the height of a European which he attained by his study in Scotland and by his travels over the continent. In the injustices committed against t b Slovaks by foreign regimes, he sees disorder and the weaknesses of Europe, the blots on the conscience of mankind. Nationally, Razus is admirably genuine and authentic. His whole being makes it apparent that he is of Slovak blood and bone. When the majority of Slovak Lutherans fell for Kollar's cultural "Czecho-Slovakism" and "Hlasism" and travelled the road of national concessions which led to personal positions, government jobs, and careers, Razus firmly persevered in the national line which was marked out by the spirit of Louis Stur, Charles Kuzmany, and Svetozar Hurban Vajansky. When the Prague government resolved to undermine the spiritual substance of the Slovak nation with the help of political parties and an official pseudoscience, and when the opportunism of Milan Hodza, Ivan Derer, and Milan Ivanka celebrated triumphs among an insufficiently orientated electorate, it was then that Martin Razus, like the "last Mohican" of the small Slovak National Party, remained faithfully on the side of Hlinka. The cooperation of the Catholic Populist Party and the Lutheran National Party in the Prague Parliament is the best proof of the fact that Catholicism and Protestantism as religious beliefs never did have any religious problems to prevent cooperation and that they could without reservations stand and work on the same national foundation. And thus it was that we could see Razus and Hlinka formulating an autonomistic program in the days of intensified conflict at the memorable meeting in 1932, in Zvolen, and speaking in Nitra, in 1933, at the Pribina festivities. Undoubtedly Razus realized to a significant degree that the core of the Slovak problem during the existence of �SLOVAKIA 59 the first Czecho-Slovak Republic was political. He saw clearly how the Prague regime discriminated against the Slovaks in matters national, economical, social, cultural, and administrative, offending their tender spirit which craved equality and democracy. But the basic cause of the SlovakCzech problem he saw there, where every educated sociologist must see it: in the divergent national mentality of the Slovaks and Czechs. Slovak dissatisfaction with government policy emanated for Razus not only from the injustices suffered by the Slovaks from the Czechs, but especially from the closing of eyes to the reality of the basic psychological difference of the Slovaks as a nation. About this view of the misunderstanding between the Slovaks and the Czechs, Razus, writing in the "Jednota ceskoslovenska" (Banska Bystrica, 1934, pp. 38-39), said : "The psychological causes have their origin in the difference of character and mentality. The average Czech and Czech society, particularly in its component parts, reflect the stirring history of the Czech nation with all its extremes. On the other hand, the average Slovak and Slovak society reflect the history of the Slovak nation. Hus, Hackel, Marx, the idolizing and aping of the West, clericalism - all this is mixed in the Czech soul to the very reaches of spiritless internationalism which gnaws away the vitality of the Czech nation. Out of this ideological chaos there grows, as the only actual reality, a great aggressiveness in the existential struggle of individuals, as well as of the Czech collective (a feeling of Czech solidarity whereby nationalism passes from slogans into the blood). "On the Slovak side, there was, and there is even today, less of this ieological seething. Not that there has been here, especially since the revolution, no intrusion of various ideological tendencies, but that some kind of consolidation and opposing force of the Slovak soul repels them. Since the revolution of 1918, Slovak society has not been knocked apart ideologically at all and, as we can see, even today is comparatively still of one mind. Even today the average Slovak has a strong dose of religious spirit and is of the conviction that out of the struggle for world views no nation can extend its existence. The deficiency in the Slovak �60 SLOVAKIA character is passivity, a yielding spirit, submission, and often, alas, even unto venality - and even today an insufficient feeling of Slovak solidarity. As I have noted, in all this is reflected the history of a nation that has been enslaved for a long period of time, a nation that provided the people and the means for its own suppression. "With these differences in views, mentality, and character after the revolution and after a promising stupefaction, there had to follow a crash and disenchantment. Why crosses had to be torn down in Slovakia, we can at least explain from given psychological reasons. But why there was undertaken a fight with the Church - and in the first place with the Catholic Church, even though she had occupied her bishoprics with nationally reliable people, and why her properties were encumbered, which in the end had to be surrendered any way - this I, even though born a heretic, cannot understand from any standpoint of consolidation and state welfare. Similarly, I cannot understand the unprecedented lamentable fight against Slovak ecclesiastical schools, both Catholic and Lutheran, their teachers and pensioners who had in fact brought us up and saved us for Slavdom." Here we see that, according to the judgment of Razus, the conflict between the Slovaks and Czechs did not arise only from the political dialectics of everyday life, but that it was the direct result of the divergence of national characters. Razus did not espouse autonomy merely to rectify the errors which the Prague government committed in Slovakia for want of sound peasant common sense. But he dedicated himself to the cause especially because the Slovaks as a nation recognized other values than the Czechs and, therefore, they could not tolerate the idea that foreigners should make the decisions for them concerning values that were traditionally their very own. As Razus saw it, therefore, the demand of the Slovaks for a state government of their own was the demand of the individualistic political psychology of the Slovak nation. Because of their noteworthy distinction, Razus is for us constantly actual. Today the Slovaks claim the right to their own statehood on the very grounds he has stated. �61 SLOVAKIA For the Slovak nation statehood is a vital question not so much because of the need to put an end to the injustices suffered at the hands of other nations in alien state formations, but largely because it is striving to attain a new political order suited to its own national individuality and mentality. Such a positive viewpoint prevails over negative arguments. Czech internationalism, Schweik opportunism, and the honoring of foreign prophets from Marx to Chruscev are all alien to the Slovak national character. The Slovaks did not go beyond the boundaries of Hungary so that they might get stuck in the swamps of Czech imperialism. The Slovak nation wants cultural and political freedom, because ultimately it wants to be itself - a national entity interested in its preservation. It is in this that the substance of Martin Razus's political message manifests itself to us for our generation. • • • Castles of Slovakia: HUBERT MACKO, 0.5.B. CASTLE GELNICA There is not much to tell about Gelnica; all that remains of it is a .pile of stone and the bare foundation of what was perhaps once the "ne:'bojsa v e z·a " (Do not be afraid Tower). 'Dhere can be ,f ound no authentic data aJbout the founder of hrad Gelnica. However, it is known for certain Juraj (George) Beibek, who also owned the neighboring and vastly more importaTut fortress "Krasna Horka" (Beautiful Mount) . In the year 1527 Zapofisky tooik Geinica from Bebeik by force. Later on Thurzo beeame its master, the same Thurzo whose family played such an important part in the early history of Slo;va:kia. During the very trying, uncertain, and bloody years of the great uprisings of Stephen Bocskay, Stephen Bethlen, GeoPge RaJk6czi, Imrich Th6kbly and Francis Ra!lrnczi , lasting upwards of 150 years, Gelnica changed hands many times. From each successive exchange, Gelnica suffered, and, since it was never too important strategically few re1 � SLOVAKIA 57 those of Benes, namely Harry Truman, when it comes to complete distortion of facts. However, the Czech people of today, just like the American people of today, will not be easily persuaded to believe fairy tales. • • • MARTIN RAZUS (1883-1937) JOSEPH A. MIKUS The era, which opened for the Slovak nation in 1918, marks a rapid advance in the direction of the realization of its political aspirations. This is indubitably connected with the fall of feudalism and with the over-all extension of the significance of national individualities as political realities in Central Europe. To these external factors there are added also internal forces. And here, from among the many personalities which contributed handsomely to the spiritual and political crystallization of conditions in Slovakia, it behooves us today to recall one name: Martin Razus. While Andrew Hlinka, a Catholic priest, was becoming the leading figure of the political movement for Slovak autonomy for rather social reasons, in the meantime his contemporary and friend, Martin Razus, a Lutheran minister, poet and writer, was emerging as a defender of the political individuality of the Slovak nation for cultural and psychological reasons. In another respect, while Andrew Hlinka, as a man of action, engages in the fight against the leftist, religious, moral and political relativism of Masaryk's school and is drawn into the violent whirlpool of national activity, thus becoming top guard of national awareness, in the meantime, Martin Razus, with fire in his soul and the laurel of a man of letters on his head, devotes himself, according to his nature, rather to the spiritual processes of the national development of the Slovaks. With his ear close to the bosom of the nation, he catches the spiritual vibrations of the people in order to present them in his work a bit later to the public whom he chose to serve. It was thus that Razus became the "conscience of the nation." Even though the motives of Hlinka and Razus for po- �58 SLOVAKIA litical activity could have varied, and even though their place in the spiritual and political problematics of Slovakia is different, both were nevertheless remarkably of one will. In the Slovak cultural and political history of our time, Razus is an unusually magnetic manifestation. This grassroots Slovak looks at the problem of his nation from the height of a European which he attained by his study in Scotland and by his travels over the continent. In the injustices committed against t b Slovaks by foreign regimes, he sees disorder and the weaknesses of Europe, the blots on the conscience of mankind. Nationally, Razus is admirably genuine and authentic. His whole being makes it apparent that he is of Slovak blood and bone. When the majority of Slovak Lutherans fell for Kollar's cultural "Czecho-Slovakism" and "Hlasism" and travelled the road of national concessions which led to personal positions, government jobs, and careers, Razus firmly persevered in the national line which was marked out by the spirit of Louis Stur, Charles Kuzmany, and Svetozar Hurban Vajansky. When the Prague government resolved to undermine the spiritual substance of the Slovak nation with the help of political parties and an official pseudoscience, and when the opportunism of Milan Hodza, Ivan Derer, and Milan Ivanka celebrated triumphs among an insufficiently orientated electorate, it was then that Martin Razus, like the "last Mohican" of the small Slovak National Party, remained faithfully on the side of Hlinka. The cooperation of the Catholic Populist Party and the Lutheran National Party in the Prague Parliament is the best proof of the fact that Catholicism and Protestantism as religious beliefs never did have any religious problems to prevent cooperation and that they could without reservations stand and work on the same national foundation. And thus it was that we could see Razus and Hlinka formulating an autonomistic program in the days of intensified conflict at the memorable meeting in 1932, in Zvolen, and speaking in Nitra, in 1933, at the Pribina festivities. Undoubtedly Razus realized to a significant degree that the core of the Slovak problem during the existence of �SLOVAKIA 59 the first Czecho-Slovak Republic was political. He saw clearly how the Prague regime discriminated against the Slovaks in matters national, economical, social, cultural, and administrative, offending their tender spirit which craved equality and democracy. But the basic cause of the SlovakCzech problem he saw there, where every educated sociologist must see it: in the divergent national mentality of the Slovaks and Czechs. Slovak dissatisfaction with government policy emanated for Razus not only from the injustices suffered by the Slovaks from the Czechs, but especially from the closing of eyes to the reality of the basic psychological difference of the Slovaks as a nation. About this view of the misunderstanding between the Slovaks and the Czechs, Razus, writing in the "Jednota ceskoslovenska" (Banska Bystrica, 1934, pp. 38-39), said : "The psychological causes have their origin in the difference of character and mentality. The average Czech and Czech society, particularly in its component parts, reflect the stirring history of the Czech nation with all its extremes. On the other hand, the average Slovak and Slovak society reflect the history of the Slovak nation. Hus, Hackel, Marx, the idolizing and aping of the West, clericalism - all this is mixed in the Czech soul to the very reaches of spiritless internationalism which gnaws away the vitality of the Czech nation. Out of this ideological chaos there grows, as the only actual reality, a great aggressiveness in the existential struggle of individuals, as well as of the Czech collective (a feeling of Czech solidarity whereby nationalism passes from slogans into the blood). "On the Slovak side, there was, and there is even today, less of this ieological seething. Not that there has been here, especially since the revolution, no intrusion of various ideological tendencies, but that some kind of consolidation and opposing force of the Slovak soul repels them. Since the revolution of 1918, Slovak society has not been knocked apart ideologically at all and, as we can see, even today is comparatively still of one mind. Even today the average Slovak has a strong dose of religious spirit and is of the conviction that out of the struggle for world views no nation can extend its existence. The deficiency in the Slovak �60 SLOVAKIA character is passivity, a yielding spirit, submission, and often, alas, even unto venality - and even today an insufficient feeling of Slovak solidarity. As I have noted, in all this is reflected the history of a nation that has been enslaved for a long period of time, a nation that provided the people and the means for its own suppression. "With these differences in views, mentality, and character after the revolution and after a promising stupefaction, there had to follow a crash and disenchantment. Why crosses had to be torn down in Slovakia, we can at least explain from given psychological reasons. But why there was undertaken a fight with the Church - and in the first place with the Catholic Church, even though she had occupied her bishoprics with nationally reliable people, and why her properties were encumbered, which in the end had to be surrendered any way - this I, even though born a heretic, cannot understand from any standpoint of consolidation and state welfare. Similarly, I cannot understand the unprecedented lamentable fight against Slovak ecclesiastical schools, both Catholic and Lutheran, their teachers and pensioners who had in fact brought us up and saved us for Slavdom." Here we see that, according to the judgment of Razus, the conflict between the Slovaks and Czechs did not arise only from the political dialectics of everyday life, but that it was the direct result of the divergence of national characters. Razus did not espouse autonomy merely to rectify the errors which the Prague government committed in Slovakia for want of sound peasant common sense. But he dedicated himself to the cause especially because the Slovaks as a nation recognized other values than the Czechs and, therefore, they could not tolerate the idea that foreigners should make the decisions for them concerning values that were traditionally their very own. As Razus saw it, therefore, the demand of the Slovaks for a state government of their own was the demand of the individualistic political psychology of the Slovak nation. Because of their noteworthy distinction, Razus is for us constantly actual. Today the Slovaks claim the right to their own statehood on the very grounds he has stated. �61 SLOVAKIA For the Slovak nation statehood is a vital question not so much because of the need to put an end to the injustices suffered at the hands of other nations in alien state formations, but largely because it is striving to attain a new political order suited to its own national individuality and mentality. Such a positive viewpoint prevails over negative arguments. Czech internationalism, Schweik opportunism, and the honoring of foreign prophets from Marx to Chruscev are all alien to the Slovak national character. The Slovaks did not go beyond the boundaries of Hungary so that they might get stuck in the swamps of Czech imperialism. The Slovak nation wants cultural and political freedom, because ultimately it wants to be itself - a national entity interested in its preservation. It is in this that the substance of Martin Razus's political message manifests itself to us for our generation. • • • Castles of Slovakia: HUBERT MACKO, 0.5.B. CASTLE GELNICA There is not much to tell about Gelnica; all that remains of it is a .pile of stone and the bare foundation of what was perhaps once the "ne:'bojsa v e z·a " (Do not be afraid Tower). 'Dhere can be ,f ound no authentic data aJbout the founder of hrad Gelnica. However, it is known for certain Juraj (George) Beibek, who also owned the neighboring and vastly more importaTut fortress "Krasna Horka" (Beautiful Mount) . In the year 1527 Zapofisky tooik Geinica from Bebeik by force. Later on Thurzo beeame its master, the same Thurzo whose family played such an important part in the early history of Slo;va:kia. During the very trying, uncertain, and bloody years of the great uprisings of Stephen Bocskay, Stephen Bethlen, GeoPge RaJk6czi, Imrich Th6kbly and Francis Ra!lrnczi , lasting upwards of 150 years, Gelnica changed hands many times. From each successive exchange, Gelnica suffered, and, since it was never too important strategically few re1 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1957, Vol. 7 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 22), March 1957.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 23), June 1957.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 24-25), September-December 1957.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1957 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 57 those of Benes, namely Harry Truman, when it comes to complete distortion of facts. However, the Czech people of today, just like the American people of today, will not be easily persuaded to believe fairy tales. • • • MARTIN RAZUS (1883-1937) JOSEPH A. MIKUS The era, which opened for the Slovak nation in 1918, marks a rapid advance in the direction of the realization of its political aspirations. This is indubitably connected with the fall of feudalism and with the over-all extension of the significance of national individualities as political realities in Central Europe. To these external factors there are added also internal forces. And here, from among the many personalities which contributed handsomely to the spiritual and political crystallization of conditions in Slovakia, it behooves us today to recall one name: Martin Razus. While Andrew Hlinka, a Catholic priest, was becoming the leading figure of the political movement for Slovak autonomy for rather social reasons, in the meantime his contemporary and friend, Martin Razus, a Lutheran minister, poet and writer, was emerging as a defender of the political individuality of the Slovak nation for cultural and psychological reasons. In another respect, while Andrew Hlinka, as a man of action, engages in the fight against the leftist, religious, moral and political relativism of Masaryk's school and is drawn into the violent whirlpool of national activity, thus becoming top guard of national awareness, in the meantime, Martin Razus, with fire in his soul and the laurel of a man of letters on his head, devotes himself, according to his nature, rather to the spiritual processes of the national development of the Slovaks. With his ear close to the bosom of the nation, he catches the spiritual vibrations of the people in order to present them in his work a bit later to the public whom he chose to serve. It was thus that Razus became the "conscience of the nation." Even though the motives of Hlinka and Razus for po- 58 SLOVAKIA litical activity could have varied, and even though their place in the spiritual and political problematics of Slovakia is different, both were nevertheless remarkably of one will. In the Slovak cultural and political history of our time, Razus is an unusually magnetic manifestation. This grassroots Slovak looks at the problem of his nation from the height of a European which he attained by his study in Scotland and by his travels over the continent. In the injustices committed against t b Slovaks by foreign regimes, he sees disorder and the weaknesses of Europe, the blots on the conscience of mankind. Nationally, Razus is admirably genuine and authentic. His whole being makes it apparent that he is of Slovak blood and bone. When the majority of Slovak Lutherans fell for Kollar's cultural "Czecho-Slovakism" and "Hlasism" and travelled the road of national concessions which led to personal positions, government jobs, and careers, Razus firmly persevered in the national line which was marked out by the spirit of Louis Stur, Charles Kuzmany, and Svetozar Hurban Vajansky. When the Prague government resolved to undermine the spiritual substance of the Slovak nation with the help of political parties and an official pseudoscience, and when the opportunism of Milan Hodza, Ivan Derer, and Milan Ivanka celebrated triumphs among an insufficiently orientated electorate, it was then that Martin Razus, like the "last Mohican" of the small Slovak National Party, remained faithfully on the side of Hlinka. The cooperation of the Catholic Populist Party and the Lutheran National Party in the Prague Parliament is the best proof of the fact that Catholicism and Protestantism as religious beliefs never did have any religious problems to prevent cooperation and that they could without reservations stand and work on the same national foundation. And thus it was that we could see Razus and Hlinka formulating an autonomistic program in the days of intensified conflict at the memorable meeting in 1932, in Zvolen, and speaking in Nitra, in 1933, at the Pribina festivities. Undoubtedly Razus realized to a significant degree that the core of the Slovak problem during the existence of SLOVAKIA 59 the first Czecho-Slovak Republic was political. He saw clearly how the Prague regime discriminated against the Slovaks in matters national, economical, social, cultural, and administrative, offending their tender spirit which craved equality and democracy. But the basic cause of the SlovakCzech problem he saw there, where every educated sociologist must see it: in the divergent national mentality of the Slovaks and Czechs. Slovak dissatisfaction with government policy emanated for Razus not only from the injustices suffered by the Slovaks from the Czechs, but especially from the closing of eyes to the reality of the basic psychological difference of the Slovaks as a nation. About this view of the misunderstanding between the Slovaks and the Czechs, Razus, writing in the "Jednota ceskoslovenska" (Banska Bystrica, 1934, pp. 38-39), said : "The psychological causes have their origin in the difference of character and mentality. The average Czech and Czech society, particularly in its component parts, reflect the stirring history of the Czech nation with all its extremes. On the other hand, the average Slovak and Slovak society reflect the history of the Slovak nation. Hus, Hackel, Marx, the idolizing and aping of the West, clericalism - all this is mixed in the Czech soul to the very reaches of spiritless internationalism which gnaws away the vitality of the Czech nation. Out of this ideological chaos there grows, as the only actual reality, a great aggressiveness in the existential struggle of individuals, as well as of the Czech collective (a feeling of Czech solidarity whereby nationalism passes from slogans into the blood). "On the Slovak side, there was, and there is even today, less of this ieological seething. Not that there has been here, especially since the revolution, no intrusion of various ideological tendencies, but that some kind of consolidation and opposing force of the Slovak soul repels them. Since the revolution of 1918, Slovak society has not been knocked apart ideologically at all and, as we can see, even today is comparatively still of one mind. Even today the average Slovak has a strong dose of religious spirit and is of the conviction that out of the struggle for world views no nation can extend its existence. The deficiency in the Slovak 60 SLOVAKIA character is passivity, a yielding spirit, submission, and often, alas, even unto venality - and even today an insufficient feeling of Slovak solidarity. As I have noted, in all this is reflected the history of a nation that has been enslaved for a long period of time, a nation that provided the people and the means for its own suppression. "With these differences in views, mentality, and character after the revolution and after a promising stupefaction, there had to follow a crash and disenchantment. Why crosses had to be torn down in Slovakia, we can at least explain from given psychological reasons. But why there was undertaken a fight with the Church - and in the first place with the Catholic Church, even though she had occupied her bishoprics with nationally reliable people, and why her properties were encumbered, which in the end had to be surrendered any way - this I, even though born a heretic, cannot understand from any standpoint of consolidation and state welfare. Similarly, I cannot understand the unprecedented lamentable fight against Slovak ecclesiastical schools, both Catholic and Lutheran, their teachers and pensioners who had in fact brought us up and saved us for Slavdom." Here we see that, according to the judgment of Razus, the conflict between the Slovaks and Czechs did not arise only from the political dialectics of everyday life, but that it was the direct result of the divergence of national characters. Razus did not espouse autonomy merely to rectify the errors which the Prague government committed in Slovakia for want of sound peasant common sense. But he dedicated himself to the cause especially because the Slovaks as a nation recognized other values than the Czechs and, therefore, they could not tolerate the idea that foreigners should make the decisions for them concerning values that were traditionally their very own. As Razus saw it, therefore, the demand of the Slovaks for a state government of their own was the demand of the individualistic political psychology of the Slovak nation. Because of their noteworthy distinction, Razus is for us constantly actual. Today the Slovaks claim the right to their own statehood on the very grounds he has stated. 61 SLOVAKIA For the Slovak nation statehood is a vital question not so much because of the need to put an end to the injustices suffered at the hands of other nations in alien state formations, but largely because it is striving to attain a new political order suited to its own national individuality and mentality. Such a positive viewpoint prevails over negative arguments. Czech internationalism, Schweik opportunism, and the honoring of foreign prophets from Marx to Chruscev are all alien to the Slovak national character. The Slovaks did not go beyond the boundaries of Hungary so that they might get stuck in the swamps of Czech imperialism. The Slovak nation wants cultural and political freedom, because ultimately it wants to be itself - a national entity interested in its preservation. It is in this that the substance of Martin Razus's political message manifests itself to us for our generation. • • • Castles of Slovakia: HUBERT MACKO, 0.5.B. CASTLE GELNICA There is not much to tell about Gelnica; all that remains of it is a .pile of stone and the bare foundation of what was perhaps once the "ne:'bojsa v e z·a " (Do not be afraid Tower). 'Dhere can be ,f ound no authentic data aJbout the founder of hrad Gelnica. However, it is known for certain Juraj (George) Beibek, who also owned the neighboring and vastly more importaTut fortress "Krasna Horka" (Beautiful Mount) . In the year 1527 Zapofisky tooik Geinica from Bebeik by force. Later on Thurzo beeame its master, the same Thurzo whose family played such an important part in the early history of Slo;va:kia. During the very trying, uncertain, and bloody years of the great uprisings of Stephen Bocskay, Stephen Bethlen, GeoPge RaJk6czi, Imrich Th6kbly and Francis Ra!lrnczi , lasting upwards of 150 years, Gelnica changed hands many times. From each successive exchange, Gelnica suffered, and, since it was never too important strategically few re1  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Martin Rázus (1883-1937) Description An account of the resource Joseph A. Mikuš Slovakia, Vol. 7, No. 3-4 (24-25), September-December 1957 pp. 57-61 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Mikuš, Joseph A., 1909-2005 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource September-December 1957 LCNAF+dates https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/cc5da19c756175994df02b515c92e008.pdf 6b86170de436bd3268e0d249815d2636 PDF Text Text 61 SLOVAKIA For the Slovak nation statehood is a vital question not so much because of the need to put an end to the injustices suffered at the hands of other nations in alien state formations, but largely because it is striving to attain a new political order suited to its own national individuality and mentality. Such a positive viewpoint prevails over negative arguments. Czech internationalism, Schweik opportunism, and the honoring of foreign prophets from Marx to Chruscev are all alien to the Slovak national character. The Slovaks did not go beyond the boundaries of Hungary so that they might get stuck in the swamps of Czech imperialism. The Slovak nation wants cultural and political freedom, because ultimately it wants to be itself - a national entity interested in its preservation. It is in this that the substance of Martin Razus's political message manifests itself to us for our generation. • • • Castles of Slovakia: HUBERT MACKO, 0.5.B. CASTLE GELNICA There is not much to tell about Gelnica; all that remains of it is a .pile of stone and the bare foundation of what was perhaps once the "ne:'bojsa v e z·a " (Do not be afraid Tower). 'Dhere can be ,f ound no authentic data aJbout the founder of hrad Gelnica. However, it is known for certain Juraj (George) Beibek, who also owned the neighboring and vastly more importaTut fortress "Krasna Horka" (Beautiful Mount) . In the year 1527 Zapofisky tooik Geinica from Bebeik by force. Later on Thurzo beeame its master, the same Thurzo whose family played such an important part in the early history of Slo;va:kia. During the very trying, uncertain, and bloody years of the great uprisings of Stephen Bocskay, Stephen Bethlen, GeoPge RaJk6czi, Imrich Th6kbly and Francis Ra!lrnczi , lasting upwards of 150 years, Gelnica changed hands many times. From each successive exchange, Gelnica suffered, and, since it was never too important strategically few re1 �62 SLOVAKIA pairs were made, finally it became uninh abitable and was abandoned to time and the elements. As about all other castles, so aibout Gelnica people wove a legend, which could be entitled: "The last days of Gelnica." The last owner of the castle people say, was a very beautiful widow. Her husband died a hero's death on the field of glory and left her with only a small garrison for protection. 1Soon wo.rd s.pread among the greedy soldiers of the king that Gelnica contained untold treasures - gold, silver, precious stones - and no soldiers to guard this treasure. Thin!king that no opposition would be met with, the king's army advanced on the fortress in a disorderly fashion. To their suriprise, a salvo of shots greeted them and moved down the advance guard. After reorganizing, the soldiers attacked. 'Ehe small garrison inside fortress Gelnica gave a good account of itself. Wave after wa'Ve of the enemy was thrown back with great losses. However, with each enemy onslaught, the ranks of the garrison dwindled. After many days of hard fighting, hungry and tired unto death, the garriJSon was over.powered. The castle was destroyed and every living creature in it killed. B efore the fatal hour, however, the beautiful wido,w, seeing that a11 was lost, had her valuables gathered and thrown into the castle's deep well. And lest a fate wors-e than death befall her, she jumped into the well. The king's army found neither treasure nor the beautiful widow. Not far from the castle flo,w s the sma:11 river Gelnica, which in some way was connected underground with the castle's deep well. After a time fishermen found the 1body of the owner of Gelnica and, in the presence of the people of the neighborhood , buried her under the ruins of the castle. These then, according to the legend. were the last days of Gelnica. From the pile of stones that was once fortress Gelnica, one has a fine view of the surrounding hills and valleys. And if one listens attentively when the wind is low, one can hear a soft sobbing. People will teU you it is the beautiful widow, sobbing for her beloved husband, who died on the field of g}ory. You will bless yourself and murmur a fervent: "Requiescant in peace!" �SLOVAKIA 63 HRAD BACKOV In the old Zemplin province, in a northwes terly direction from the beautiful town of Secovce, and not far from the small vallIDge of Backov, stood in the ancent fortress of Ba{!1kov. AH that we can S8iy about i,t is that it was once a fortress of some proportio ns. Now only a few ditches and small piles of lichened stone mark the spot. The only reason we write albout it is that Slovak people wove around it a legend from pre-sChristian times, when many of our forefathers still worshipp ed Parom, Morena, and the other Slav pagan gods. It is not known when the fortress was erected, but during the Tatar invasions , it was the prQPerty of the king. Many of the fortresse s in those hectic days were held in fief by so-called "hrnciari ", frontiersm en, who were in the service of the <king as guardsme n of the frontiers and were responsib le for the upikeep and repairs of the fo.rbress. Some times for outstandi ng services, the :king would grant to such a frontiersm an a smal[ ipiece of ground, conferrin g on him the questiona ble title of "zeman" (landown er), making him the boss of the fortress. When the "Order of Frontiers men" was aJbolished, the kings gave these fortresses , with much land, to individua ls usually as a compensa tion for services rendered. These services were either in money for the prosecuti on of war against neighbori ng !kings, or for military he'1p against the enemy. At the beginning of the 14th century, the king ga•ve Bacikov to a family named Petenovec . When, for some unrecoo-ded reason, the family fell from grace, the king confiscated the castle. Im the year 1321, King Robert Charles traded Bookov for another castle to a family named Macko. Ba,,okov then passed into the possessio n of the Bycksove c family and with the fortress the villages of Sefovce, Ve~' ky a Maly Backov, KerepYa, Tri ¥isnove, Kahainovce. Pol'anka, Petrusovc e, Parno, Albin, and many others. Members of this family divided the estate in the year 1329, Baokov with a few villages becoming the property �64 SLOVAKIA of Done. During the next 270 years the o·Nnership of Backov changed hands many times, becoming in the year 1598 the property of four men: Bockaj, Francis Rak6czi, Stephen Kecera, and Peter Sokol. In the 17th century we find as owners of Baakov: Fischer, Semer, Mari.as, Puky, Kolnas, and Forgac. The last name figured largely in the history of many Slovak castles, as also the name Rak6czi, and others. In the year 1688 BMkov was destroyed and abandoned. Its glory passed. forever. Where once was heard the clang of armor, jingle of the sword, the hoofbeats of the finest horses; where once the wealthy masters lived vigorously but riotously - today reigns a depressing emptiness and quiet, disturbed only by the raven and the oiwl. The people of the vicinity will tell you the following legend, S1Wearing by all that is holy that what they say is the truth. At one time the owner of the fortress was a certain DU'ke Draik. He was a cruel master to the hapless people who toiled in the fields for him. He was a miser and nothing could be hidden from him. Woe to the unfortunate who would take so much as a handful of grain from the field! Drak found everything and took everything, whether it belonged to him or not. Although e~tremely rich, he wais never satisfied. When merchants from other countries 1passed in the vicinity, Drak would swoop upon them like a bird of prey and they were fortunate if they got away with their lives. Consequently merchants gavE:r wide berth to BackOJV. People will tell you that when Drak was dying, lightning struck the fortress thirty times, as if the devil was impatient to carry off the soul of the tyrant Drak to the deepest pit in hell. When Drak finally died, the people sacked the fortress and carried away everything that could be carried. The devil was not satisfied merely with the soul of Dralk, the people will tell you, but he also wanted some of Drruk's possessions. Not knowing that the castle was sacked and destroyed, the devil returned one dark night to carry olff some of its treas,ures. He soon fiHed his sack with what he thought was gold, but in reality large pieces of stone from the destroyed castle. Since the stones were very heavy, the devil rested not far from the village of Vihorl'at �SLOVAKIA 66 and soon fell asleep. When the bright rays of the rising sun awalkened him, he was so startled that he jumped into the valley below. The ground where he fell, opened and swallowed him up, leaving a huge hole which soon filled with water. Even to this day the ,people of Vihorl'at wiU show the traveller the bottomless laike, "morsike oko," to them. • • • HRA.'D JELSAVA The Jelsava Castle was in reality two fortresses. The older one was ,probaJbly an ancient Slovak provincial fortress made of wood. Nothing remains of it except several large moats and there are no signs oif any stone. The first mention of the older Jelsava fortress is contained in a document of King Bela IV, in 1243, to Bebek whose holdings bordered on Jelsava, which belonged to the king. In the year 1283 the fortress was given to one Dezider Ra1boldi, whose family came from Ita,l y in 1109. The family name was later changed to Tisvai. Later the fortress was besieged by John Jisikra of Brandys, and since that time no other mention ,w as made of it. It was ,proba:bly destroyed during that rsiege and never rebuilt. In the chronicles of the Hussite wars, there is mention made of another "hrad Je1sava," situated about one half hour's journey from the town ,b earing the same name. This fortress was made of stone. It wais not a large fortress, but in places the walls were over two meters in thickness. It is not known exactly when this second fortress was built, but in 1299 it is referred to as a "destroyed" fortress. It was rebuilt and passed into possession of the Knights Templars. Eventually, for some unrecorded reason, the Templars were driven out. They built a monastery on the site where the Palace now stands. King Louis of Anjou gave the fortress as gift to his court-chancellor, Lestar of Jelsava, who repaired the fortress and moved into it, leaving the court of Louis, which did not please the king at all. Being a man of enterprising spirit, his motto being "nothing ventured, nothing gained," he invited tradesmen, businessmen, miners, and craftsmen �SLOVAKIA 66 to Je1sava. Soon Je1sava became a thriving community and Lestar became immensely wealthy. Upon Lestar's deaJth the fortress passed into the possession. of one George Jolsavy, a very fickle and scatterbrained bachelor, who cared more for a bottle of wine and gay company than he did for affairs of buisness. He was surrounded at all times with men and women of his ilk, who lived rioutously and spent friend Jolsavy's money in quick order. When the last gold piece was gone, Jolsvay mortgaged the fortress to Dominic Bebek for 7,707 pieces of mortgaged money. Since he died without heirs, the family name died with him, a name which played some very important roles in the early history of Slovakia. After Jolsvay's death, litigatio!l1 was started against Bebek by Perenyi, who also claimed possession of Jelsava. Queen :IDlizwbeth did not recognize the claims of Beibek or Perenyi and confiscated the fortress. Later she leased it to Perenyi for a yearly rental of 6,007 gold pieces. In 1440 John Jiskra conquered a greated part of Gerner and took control of aJ.l the fortresses on the territory he occupied. Among them was hrad Jelsava. In 1453, after Jiskra was defeated, King Ladislav V gave the fortress to Perenyi. Here the history of Jelsava is somewhat muddled. Although Perenyi is said to have rebuilt JelsaJVa in the year 1461, it is mentioned in the chronicles as a "castellum" belonging to Bebek. For five moire years the two families fought for the possession of the fortress. In 1466 Bebek won the suit, and the family remained in possession of J elsava until it died out. During the Turkish invasions, Jelsava was destroyed and never again rebuilt. The land passed into the possession of the owners of Muran Castle. In 1720, King Charles ID gave Muran and all the land to the Kohany family. By marriage the land passed into the ·p ossession of the present Coburg family. • • • WANT TO LEARN SLOVAK? Order the "-SLOVAK LESSONS" {$3.50) and the ENGLlSH-SLOVAK DICTIONARY {$4.00) by Hrobak today! � 61 SLOVAKIA For the Slovak nation statehood is a vital question not so much because of the need to put an end to the injustices suffered at the hands of other nations in alien state formations, but largely because it is striving to attain a new political order suited to its own national individuality and mentality. Such a positive viewpoint prevails over negative arguments. Czech internationalism, Schweik opportunism, and the honoring of foreign prophets from Marx to Chruscev are all alien to the Slovak national character. The Slovaks did not go beyond the boundaries of Hungary so that they might get stuck in the swamps of Czech imperialism. The Slovak nation wants cultural and political freedom, because ultimately it wants to be itself - a national entity interested in its preservation. It is in this that the substance of Martin Razus's political message manifests itself to us for our generation. • • • Castles of Slovakia: HUBERT MACKO, 0.5.B. CASTLE GELNICA There is not much to tell about Gelnica; all that remains of it is a .pile of stone and the bare foundation of what was perhaps once the "ne:'bojsa v e z·a " (Do not be afraid Tower). 'Dhere can be ,f ound no authentic data aJbout the founder of hrad Gelnica. However, it is known for certain Juraj (George) Beibek, who also owned the neighboring and vastly more importaTut fortress "Krasna Horka" (Beautiful Mount) . In the year 1527 Zapofisky tooik Geinica from Bebeik by force. Later on Thurzo beeame its master, the same Thurzo whose family played such an important part in the early history of Slo;va:kia. During the very trying, uncertain, and bloody years of the great uprisings of Stephen Bocskay, Stephen Bethlen, GeoPge RaJk6czi, Imrich Th6kbly and Francis Ra!lrnczi , lasting upwards of 150 years, Gelnica changed hands many times. From each successive exchange, Gelnica suffered, and, since it was never too important strategically few re1 �62 SLOVAKIA pairs were made, finally it became uninh abitable and was abandoned to time and the elements. As about all other castles, so aibout Gelnica people wove a legend, which could be entitled: "The last days of Gelnica." The last owner of the castle people say, was a very beautiful widow. Her husband died a hero's death on the field of glory and left her with only a small garrison for protection. 1Soon wo.rd s.pread among the greedy soldiers of the king that Gelnica contained untold treasures - gold, silver, precious stones - and no soldiers to guard this treasure. Thin!king that no opposition would be met with, the king's army advanced on the fortress in a disorderly fashion. To their suriprise, a salvo of shots greeted them and moved down the advance guard. After reorganizing, the soldiers attacked. 'Ehe small garrison inside fortress Gelnica gave a good account of itself. Wave after wa'Ve of the enemy was thrown back with great losses. However, with each enemy onslaught, the ranks of the garrison dwindled. After many days of hard fighting, hungry and tired unto death, the garriJSon was over.powered. The castle was destroyed and every living creature in it killed. B efore the fatal hour, however, the beautiful wido,w, seeing that a11 was lost, had her valuables gathered and thrown into the castle's deep well. And lest a fate wors-e than death befall her, she jumped into the well. The king's army found neither treasure nor the beautiful widow. Not far from the castle flo,w s the sma:11 river Gelnica, which in some way was connected underground with the castle's deep well. After a time fishermen found the 1body of the owner of Gelnica and, in the presence of the people of the neighborhood , buried her under the ruins of the castle. These then, according to the legend. were the last days of Gelnica. From the pile of stones that was once fortress Gelnica, one has a fine view of the surrounding hills and valleys. And if one listens attentively when the wind is low, one can hear a soft sobbing. People will teU you it is the beautiful widow, sobbing for her beloved husband, who died on the field of g}ory. You will bless yourself and murmur a fervent: "Requiescant in peace!" �SLOVAKIA 63 HRAD BACKOV In the old Zemplin province, in a northwes terly direction from the beautiful town of Secovce, and not far from the small vallIDge of Backov, stood in the ancent fortress of Ba{!1kov. AH that we can S8iy about i,t is that it was once a fortress of some proportio ns. Now only a few ditches and small piles of lichened stone mark the spot. The only reason we write albout it is that Slovak people wove around it a legend from pre-sChristian times, when many of our forefathers still worshipp ed Parom, Morena, and the other Slav pagan gods. It is not known when the fortress was erected, but during the Tatar invasions , it was the prQPerty of the king. Many of the fortresse s in those hectic days were held in fief by so-called "hrnciari ", frontiersm en, who were in the service of the <king as guardsme n of the frontiers and were responsib le for the upikeep and repairs of the fo.rbress. Some times for outstandi ng services, the :king would grant to such a frontiersm an a smal[ ipiece of ground, conferrin g on him the questiona ble title of "zeman" (landown er), making him the boss of the fortress. When the "Order of Frontiers men" was aJbolished, the kings gave these fortresses , with much land, to individua ls usually as a compensa tion for services rendered. These services were either in money for the prosecuti on of war against neighbori ng !kings, or for military he'1p against the enemy. At the beginning of the 14th century, the king ga•ve Bacikov to a family named Petenovec . When, for some unrecoo-ded reason, the family fell from grace, the king confiscated the castle. Im the year 1321, King Robert Charles traded Bookov for another castle to a family named Macko. Ba,,okov then passed into the possessio n of the Bycksove c family and with the fortress the villages of Sefovce, Ve~' ky a Maly Backov, KerepYa, Tri ¥isnove, Kahainovce. Pol'anka, Petrusovc e, Parno, Albin, and many others. Members of this family divided the estate in the year 1329, Baokov with a few villages becoming the property �64 SLOVAKIA of Done. During the next 270 years the o·Nnership of Backov changed hands many times, becoming in the year 1598 the property of four men: Bockaj, Francis Rak6czi, Stephen Kecera, and Peter Sokol. In the 17th century we find as owners of Baakov: Fischer, Semer, Mari.as, Puky, Kolnas, and Forgac. The last name figured largely in the history of many Slovak castles, as also the name Rak6czi, and others. In the year 1688 BMkov was destroyed and abandoned. Its glory passed. forever. Where once was heard the clang of armor, jingle of the sword, the hoofbeats of the finest horses; where once the wealthy masters lived vigorously but riotously - today reigns a depressing emptiness and quiet, disturbed only by the raven and the oiwl. The people of the vicinity will tell you the following legend, S1Wearing by all that is holy that what they say is the truth. At one time the owner of the fortress was a certain DU'ke Draik. He was a cruel master to the hapless people who toiled in the fields for him. He was a miser and nothing could be hidden from him. Woe to the unfortunate who would take so much as a handful of grain from the field! Drak found everything and took everything, whether it belonged to him or not. Although e~tremely rich, he wais never satisfied. When merchants from other countries 1passed in the vicinity, Drak would swoop upon them like a bird of prey and they were fortunate if they got away with their lives. Consequently merchants gavE:r wide berth to BackOJV. People will tell you that when Drak was dying, lightning struck the fortress thirty times, as if the devil was impatient to carry off the soul of the tyrant Drak to the deepest pit in hell. When Drak finally died, the people sacked the fortress and carried away everything that could be carried. The devil was not satisfied merely with the soul of Dralk, the people will tell you, but he also wanted some of Drruk's possessions. Not knowing that the castle was sacked and destroyed, the devil returned one dark night to carry olff some of its treas,ures. He soon fiHed his sack with what he thought was gold, but in reality large pieces of stone from the destroyed castle. Since the stones were very heavy, the devil rested not far from the village of Vihorl'at �SLOVAKIA 66 and soon fell asleep. When the bright rays of the rising sun awalkened him, he was so startled that he jumped into the valley below. The ground where he fell, opened and swallowed him up, leaving a huge hole which soon filled with water. Even to this day the ,people of Vihorl'at wiU show the traveller the bottomless laike, "morsike oko," to them. • • • HRA.'D JELSAVA The Jelsava Castle was in reality two fortresses. The older one was ,probaJbly an ancient Slovak provincial fortress made of wood. Nothing remains of it except several large moats and there are no signs oif any stone. The first mention of the older Jelsava fortress is contained in a document of King Bela IV, in 1243, to Bebek whose holdings bordered on Jelsava, which belonged to the king. In the year 1283 the fortress was given to one Dezider Ra1boldi, whose family came from Ita,l y in 1109. The family name was later changed to Tisvai. Later the fortress was besieged by John Jisikra of Brandys, and since that time no other mention ,w as made of it. It was ,proba:bly destroyed during that rsiege and never rebuilt. In the chronicles of the Hussite wars, there is mention made of another "hrad Je1sava," situated about one half hour's journey from the town ,b earing the same name. This fortress was made of stone. It wais not a large fortress, but in places the walls were over two meters in thickness. It is not known exactly when this second fortress was built, but in 1299 it is referred to as a "destroyed" fortress. It was rebuilt and passed into possession of the Knights Templars. Eventually, for some unrecorded reason, the Templars were driven out. They built a monastery on the site where the Palace now stands. King Louis of Anjou gave the fortress as gift to his court-chancellor, Lestar of Jelsava, who repaired the fortress and moved into it, leaving the court of Louis, which did not please the king at all. Being a man of enterprising spirit, his motto being "nothing ventured, nothing gained," he invited tradesmen, businessmen, miners, and craftsmen �SLOVAKIA 66 to Je1sava. Soon Je1sava became a thriving community and Lestar became immensely wealthy. Upon Lestar's deaJth the fortress passed into the possession. of one George Jolsavy, a very fickle and scatterbrained bachelor, who cared more for a bottle of wine and gay company than he did for affairs of buisness. He was surrounded at all times with men and women of his ilk, who lived rioutously and spent friend Jolsavy's money in quick order. When the last gold piece was gone, Jolsvay mortgaged the fortress to Dominic Bebek for 7,707 pieces of mortgaged money. Since he died without heirs, the family name died with him, a name which played some very important roles in the early history of Slovakia. After Jolsvay's death, litigatio!l1 was started against Bebek by Perenyi, who also claimed possession of Jelsava. Queen :IDlizwbeth did not recognize the claims of Beibek or Perenyi and confiscated the fortress. Later she leased it to Perenyi for a yearly rental of 6,007 gold pieces. In 1440 John Jiskra conquered a greated part of Gerner and took control of aJ.l the fortresses on the territory he occupied. Among them was hrad Jelsava. In 1453, after Jiskra was defeated, King Ladislav V gave the fortress to Perenyi. Here the history of Jelsava is somewhat muddled. Although Perenyi is said to have rebuilt JelsaJVa in the year 1461, it is mentioned in the chronicles as a "castellum" belonging to Bebek. For five moire years the two families fought for the possession of the fortress. In 1466 Bebek won the suit, and the family remained in possession of J elsava until it died out. During the Turkish invasions, Jelsava was destroyed and never again rebuilt. The land passed into the possession of the owners of Muran Castle. In 1720, King Charles ID gave Muran and all the land to the Kohany family. By marriage the land passed into the ·p ossession of the present Coburg family. • • • WANT TO LEARN SLOVAK? Order the "-SLOVAK LESSONS" {$3.50) and the ENGLlSH-SLOVAK DICTIONARY {$4.00) by Hrobak today! � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1957, Vol. 7 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 22), March 1957.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 23), June 1957.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 24-25), September-December 1957.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1957 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 61 SLOVAKIA For the Slovak nation statehood is a vital question not so much because of the need to put an end to the injustices suffered at the hands of other nations in alien state formations, but largely because it is striving to attain a new political order suited to its own national individuality and mentality. Such a positive viewpoint prevails over negative arguments. Czech internationalism, Schweik opportunism, and the honoring of foreign prophets from Marx to Chruscev are all alien to the Slovak national character. The Slovaks did not go beyond the boundaries of Hungary so that they might get stuck in the swamps of Czech imperialism. The Slovak nation wants cultural and political freedom, because ultimately it wants to be itself - a national entity interested in its preservation. It is in this that the substance of Martin Razus's political message manifests itself to us for our generation. • • • Castles of Slovakia: HUBERT MACKO, 0.5.B. CASTLE GELNICA There is not much to tell about Gelnica; all that remains of it is a .pile of stone and the bare foundation of what was perhaps once the "ne:'bojsa v e z·a " (Do not be afraid Tower). 'Dhere can be ,f ound no authentic data aJbout the founder of hrad Gelnica. However, it is known for certain Juraj (George) Beibek, who also owned the neighboring and vastly more importaTut fortress "Krasna Horka" (Beautiful Mount) . In the year 1527 Zapofisky tooik Geinica from Bebeik by force. Later on Thurzo beeame its master, the same Thurzo whose family played such an important part in the early history of Slo;va:kia. During the very trying, uncertain, and bloody years of the great uprisings of Stephen Bocskay, Stephen Bethlen, GeoPge RaJk6czi, Imrich Th6kbly and Francis Ra!lrnczi , lasting upwards of 150 years, Gelnica changed hands many times. From each successive exchange, Gelnica suffered, and, since it was never too important strategically few re1 62 SLOVAKIA pairs were made, finally it became uninh abitable and was abandoned to time and the elements. As about all other castles, so aibout Gelnica people wove a legend, which could be entitled: "The last days of Gelnica." The last owner of the castle people say, was a very beautiful widow. Her husband died a hero's death on the field of glory and left her with only a small garrison for protection. 1Soon wo.rd s.pread among the greedy soldiers of the king that Gelnica contained untold treasures - gold, silver, precious stones - and no soldiers to guard this treasure. Thin!king that no opposition would be met with, the king's army advanced on the fortress in a disorderly fashion. To their suriprise, a salvo of shots greeted them and moved down the advance guard. After reorganizing, the soldiers attacked. 'Ehe small garrison inside fortress Gelnica gave a good account of itself. Wave after wa'Ve of the enemy was thrown back with great losses. However, with each enemy onslaught, the ranks of the garrison dwindled. After many days of hard fighting, hungry and tired unto death, the garriJSon was over.powered. The castle was destroyed and every living creature in it killed. B efore the fatal hour, however, the beautiful wido,w, seeing that a11 was lost, had her valuables gathered and thrown into the castle's deep well. And lest a fate wors-e than death befall her, she jumped into the well. The king's army found neither treasure nor the beautiful widow. Not far from the castle flo,w s the sma:11 river Gelnica, which in some way was connected underground with the castle's deep well. After a time fishermen found the 1body of the owner of Gelnica and, in the presence of the people of the neighborhood , buried her under the ruins of the castle. These then, according to the legend. were the last days of Gelnica. From the pile of stones that was once fortress Gelnica, one has a fine view of the surrounding hills and valleys. And if one listens attentively when the wind is low, one can hear a soft sobbing. People will teU you it is the beautiful widow, sobbing for her beloved husband, who died on the field of g}ory. You will bless yourself and murmur a fervent: "Requiescant in peace!" SLOVAKIA 63 HRAD BACKOV In the old Zemplin province, in a northwes terly direction from the beautiful town of Secovce, and not far from the small vallIDge of Backov, stood in the ancent fortress of Ba{!1kov. AH that we can S8iy about i,t is that it was once a fortress of some proportio ns. Now only a few ditches and small piles of lichened stone mark the spot. The only reason we write albout it is that Slovak people wove around it a legend from pre-sChristian times, when many of our forefathers still worshipp ed Parom, Morena, and the other Slav pagan gods. It is not known when the fortress was erected, but during the Tatar invasions , it was the prQPerty of the king. Many of the fortresse s in those hectic days were held in fief by so-called "hrnciari ", frontiersm en, who were in the service of the <king as guardsme n of the frontiers and were responsib le for the upikeep and repairs of the fo.rbress. Some times for outstandi ng services, the :king would grant to such a frontiersm an a smal[ ipiece of ground, conferrin g on him the questiona ble title of "zeman" (landown er), making him the boss of the fortress. When the "Order of Frontiers men" was aJbolished, the kings gave these fortresses , with much land, to individua ls usually as a compensa tion for services rendered. These services were either in money for the prosecuti on of war against neighbori ng !kings, or for military he'1p against the enemy. At the beginning of the 14th century, the king ga•ve Bacikov to a family named Petenovec . When, for some unrecoo-ded reason, the family fell from grace, the king confiscated the castle. Im the year 1321, King Robert Charles traded Bookov for another castle to a family named Macko. Ba,,okov then passed into the possessio n of the Bycksove c family and with the fortress the villages of Sefovce, Ve~' ky a Maly Backov, KerepYa, Tri ¥isnove, Kahainovce. Pol'anka, Petrusovc e, Parno, Albin, and many others. Members of this family divided the estate in the year 1329, Baokov with a few villages becoming the property 64 SLOVAKIA of Done. During the next 270 years the o·Nnership of Backov changed hands many times, becoming in the year 1598 the property of four men: Bockaj, Francis Rak6czi, Stephen Kecera, and Peter Sokol. In the 17th century we find as owners of Baakov: Fischer, Semer, Mari.as, Puky, Kolnas, and Forgac. The last name figured largely in the history of many Slovak castles, as also the name Rak6czi, and others. In the year 1688 BMkov was destroyed and abandoned. Its glory passed. forever. Where once was heard the clang of armor, jingle of the sword, the hoofbeats of the finest horses; where once the wealthy masters lived vigorously but riotously - today reigns a depressing emptiness and quiet, disturbed only by the raven and the oiwl. The people of the vicinity will tell you the following legend, S1Wearing by all that is holy that what they say is the truth. At one time the owner of the fortress was a certain DU'ke Draik. He was a cruel master to the hapless people who toiled in the fields for him. He was a miser and nothing could be hidden from him. Woe to the unfortunate who would take so much as a handful of grain from the field! Drak found everything and took everything, whether it belonged to him or not. Although e~tremely rich, he wais never satisfied. When merchants from other countries 1passed in the vicinity, Drak would swoop upon them like a bird of prey and they were fortunate if they got away with their lives. Consequently merchants gavE:r wide berth to BackOJV. People will tell you that when Drak was dying, lightning struck the fortress thirty times, as if the devil was impatient to carry off the soul of the tyrant Drak to the deepest pit in hell. When Drak finally died, the people sacked the fortress and carried away everything that could be carried. The devil was not satisfied merely with the soul of Dralk, the people will tell you, but he also wanted some of Drruk's possessions. Not knowing that the castle was sacked and destroyed, the devil returned one dark night to carry olff some of its treas,ures. He soon fiHed his sack with what he thought was gold, but in reality large pieces of stone from the destroyed castle. Since the stones were very heavy, the devil rested not far from the village of Vihorl'at SLOVAKIA 66 and soon fell asleep. When the bright rays of the rising sun awalkened him, he was so startled that he jumped into the valley below. The ground where he fell, opened and swallowed him up, leaving a huge hole which soon filled with water. Even to this day the ,people of Vihorl'at wiU show the traveller the bottomless laike, "morsike oko," to them. • • • HRA.'D JELSAVA The Jelsava Castle was in reality two fortresses. The older one was ,probaJbly an ancient Slovak provincial fortress made of wood. Nothing remains of it except several large moats and there are no signs oif any stone. The first mention of the older Jelsava fortress is contained in a document of King Bela IV, in 1243, to Bebek whose holdings bordered on Jelsava, which belonged to the king. In the year 1283 the fortress was given to one Dezider Ra1boldi, whose family came from Ita,l y in 1109. The family name was later changed to Tisvai. Later the fortress was besieged by John Jisikra of Brandys, and since that time no other mention ,w as made of it. It was ,proba:bly destroyed during that rsiege and never rebuilt. In the chronicles of the Hussite wars, there is mention made of another "hrad Je1sava," situated about one half hour's journey from the town ,b earing the same name. This fortress was made of stone. It wais not a large fortress, but in places the walls were over two meters in thickness. It is not known exactly when this second fortress was built, but in 1299 it is referred to as a "destroyed" fortress. It was rebuilt and passed into possession of the Knights Templars. Eventually, for some unrecorded reason, the Templars were driven out. They built a monastery on the site where the Palace now stands. King Louis of Anjou gave the fortress as gift to his court-chancellor, Lestar of Jelsava, who repaired the fortress and moved into it, leaving the court of Louis, which did not please the king at all. Being a man of enterprising spirit, his motto being "nothing ventured, nothing gained," he invited tradesmen, businessmen, miners, and craftsmen SLOVAKIA 66 to Je1sava. Soon Je1sava became a thriving community and Lestar became immensely wealthy. Upon Lestar's deaJth the fortress passed into the possession. of one George Jolsavy, a very fickle and scatterbrained bachelor, who cared more for a bottle of wine and gay company than he did for affairs of buisness. He was surrounded at all times with men and women of his ilk, who lived rioutously and spent friend Jolsavy's money in quick order. When the last gold piece was gone, Jolsvay mortgaged the fortress to Dominic Bebek for 7,707 pieces of mortgaged money. Since he died without heirs, the family name died with him, a name which played some very important roles in the early history of Slovakia. After Jolsvay's death, litigatio!l1 was started against Bebek by Perenyi, who also claimed possession of Jelsava. Queen :IDlizwbeth did not recognize the claims of Beibek or Perenyi and confiscated the fortress. Later she leased it to Perenyi for a yearly rental of 6,007 gold pieces. In 1440 John Jiskra conquered a greated part of Gerner and took control of aJ.l the fortresses on the territory he occupied. Among them was hrad Jelsava. In 1453, after Jiskra was defeated, King Ladislav V gave the fortress to Perenyi. Here the history of Jelsava is somewhat muddled. Although Perenyi is said to have rebuilt JelsaJVa in the year 1461, it is mentioned in the chronicles as a "castellum" belonging to Bebek. For five moire years the two families fought for the possession of the fortress. In 1466 Bebek won the suit, and the family remained in possession of J elsava until it died out. During the Turkish invasions, Jelsava was destroyed and never again rebuilt. The land passed into the possession of the owners of Muran Castle. In 1720, King Charles ID gave Muran and all the land to the Kohany family. By marriage the land passed into the ·p ossession of the present Coburg family. • • • WANT TO LEARN SLOVAK? Order the "-SLOVAK LESSONS" {$3.50) and the ENGLlSH-SLOVAK DICTIONARY {$4.00) by Hrobak today!  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Castles of Slovakia: Castle Gelnica - Hrad Báčkov - Hrad Jelšava Description An account of the resource Hubert Macko, O.S.B. Slovakia, Vol. 7, No. 3-4 (24-25), September-December 1957 pp. 61-66 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Macko, Hubert Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource September-December 1957 castles name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/8b50c1029b813fa833454b99616f894a.pdf db3c5498dfedb1dc753e6a92875690a1 PDF Text Text SLOVAKI A 67 MEMORANDUM to the President of the United States of America, the Hon. Secretary of State of the United States of America, and the Hon. Ambassador of the United States of America to the United Nations, by the Thirty-Fifth Congress of the Slovak League of America, Cleveland, Ohio, May 28, 1957 GREETINGS! Solemnly assembled in the regular 35th Congress on the occasion of the Golden Jubilee of the founding of the Slovak League of America here in the great Slovak center of Cleveland, Ohio, the officers and delegates of the Slovak League of America hereby declare that: 1. We rededicate ourselves to the preservation of the basic moral principles set forth in the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution, and the Bill of Rights of the United States of America. 2. We condemn all forms of tyranny and totalitarian political systems, especially repudiating the atheistic philosophy of materialistic Communism as the most ruthless conspiracy against free humanity. 3. We commend our Government for every effort expended to resist and to resolutely counteract the aggressive policies of Soviet imperialism with all the spiritual and material forces at its command and we heartily endorse every action of our Government to expose, demobilize, and outlaw the evil forces of Communism in the United States of America - these forces which are dedicated to the destruction of our Country and the Western Civilization. 4. We respectfully request that - in accordance with the basic principle that every political formation and form of government imposed on any people by the force of an alien power should be refused recognition - our Government should no longer recognize the Czecho-Communist regime in Slovakia, the land of our ancestors. 5. We respectfully submit that a re-examination be undertaken by the United States of America of the question of the validity of the Slovak independent nation which, we hasten to recall was recognized by twenty-seven (27) �68 SLOVAKIA countries of the family of nations, large and small, but unfortunately, not by the United States of America with whose support Slovakia would continue today and for many future years as a great force for peace in the "powder keg of Europe." 6. We strongly denounce the intervention of the Soviet Socialistic Republics in the internal affairs of other countries, particularly in the affairs of the land of our fathers, Slovakia, and we urge that our Government, insist on the withdrawal of all Soviet forces from non-Soviet territories, including Slovakia, as rapidly and as expeditiously as will be in keeping with the best interest of the United States of America. 7. As stated so often in the past, we, individually and as representatives of the 300,000 organized Americans of Slovak descent - having rejoiced on so many occasions when the various nations of the world attained their freedom and independence - submit that in all justice and fairness, the nation we have descended from should likewise enjoy the blessings of true freedom and independence. In support of the above outlined principles, all of which are in keeping with the basic fundamental truths of our American Way of Life, we have prepared and make available the research and historic proof which justify our legitimate claims and aspirations. Therefore, on the solemn occasion of our Golden Jubilee, as representatives of the vast majority of the Slovak ethnic group, we deem it our moral right and obligation to respectfully request, seek and, if the need arises, to insist that our Government through its executive branch, in its various sections and divisions, not excluding our able Ambassador to the United Nations, take all legitimate avenue of action in keeping with the sacred moral law of God and the law of nations to make certain that a true and lasting independent Slovakia may again take its rightful place in the community of nations which seek to preserve peace and promulgate the brotherhood of man and the fatherhood of God. In pursuance of these privileges and duties which we honorably accept and carry out, we seek, Mr. President, �SLOVAKIA 69 Mr. Secretary, and Mr. Ambassador, your personal as well as official support. As loyal sons and daughters of this great Republic, we beseech God's blessings upon You and your efforts to bring about His greater honor and glory, and we convey to each of You our sincerest and warmest personal regards. In witness whereof, we have unanimously adopted the above sentiments at this historic 35th Congress at Cleveland, Ohio, on May 26, 1957, the 50th anniversary of the first enunciation of these principles by our predecessors, of happy memory, our founding fathers and the organizers of the Slovak League of America. The Memorandum Committee of the Slovak League: (Signatures) JOHN J. SIROTNAK (Pa.) JOHN J . LESKOVJANSKY (Ohio) EDWARD J. BEHUNCIK (Conn.) JOHN B. HASSAY (Ohio) ELIZABETH ANDREJKO (Pa.) PHILIP A. HROBAK, President The Slovak League of America • • • Kerner's "Czechoslovakia" (Cont'd.) IDSTORY OR PROPAGANDA? P.A.HROBAK CHAPTER XVI - "Education in a Democracy" - by Francis H . Stuerm, Ph.D.; "Member, faculty of New York University; educated in Switzerland and the United States; Ph.D., New York University; author of Training in Democracy: The New Schools of Czechoslovakia (1938), published under the auspices of the Progressive Education Association." Another "progressive" report by a "progressive" professor! Thirteen pages, all of them devoted to the Czechs (Bohemia-Moravia), except this single paragraph which contained the word "Slovakia": "One of the Republic's lar gest educational tasks was to set up a complete system of education in the provinces of Slovakia and Sub- � SLOVAKI A 67 MEMORANDUM to the President of the United States of America, the Hon. Secretary of State of the United States of America, and the Hon. Ambassador of the United States of America to the United Nations, by the Thirty-Fifth Congress of the Slovak League of America, Cleveland, Ohio, May 28, 1957 GREETINGS! Solemnly assembled in the regular 35th Congress on the occasion of the Golden Jubilee of the founding of the Slovak League of America here in the great Slovak center of Cleveland, Ohio, the officers and delegates of the Slovak League of America hereby declare that: 1. We rededicate ourselves to the preservation of the basic moral principles set forth in the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution, and the Bill of Rights of the United States of America. 2. We condemn all forms of tyranny and totalitarian political systems, especially repudiating the atheistic philosophy of materialistic Communism as the most ruthless conspiracy against free humanity. 3. We commend our Government for every effort expended to resist and to resolutely counteract the aggressive policies of Soviet imperialism with all the spiritual and material forces at its command and we heartily endorse every action of our Government to expose, demobilize, and outlaw the evil forces of Communism in the United States of America - these forces which are dedicated to the destruction of our Country and the Western Civilization. 4. We respectfully request that - in accordance with the basic principle that every political formation and form of government imposed on any people by the force of an alien power should be refused recognition - our Government should no longer recognize the Czecho-Communist regime in Slovakia, the land of our ancestors. 5. We respectfully submit that a re-examination be undertaken by the United States of America of the question of the validity of the Slovak independent nation which, we hasten to recall was recognized by twenty-seven (27) �68 SLOVAKIA countries of the family of nations, large and small, but unfortunately, not by the United States of America with whose support Slovakia would continue today and for many future years as a great force for peace in the "powder keg of Europe." 6. We strongly denounce the intervention of the Soviet Socialistic Republics in the internal affairs of other countries, particularly in the affairs of the land of our fathers, Slovakia, and we urge that our Government, insist on the withdrawal of all Soviet forces from non-Soviet territories, including Slovakia, as rapidly and as expeditiously as will be in keeping with the best interest of the United States of America. 7. As stated so often in the past, we, individually and as representatives of the 300,000 organized Americans of Slovak descent - having rejoiced on so many occasions when the various nations of the world attained their freedom and independence - submit that in all justice and fairness, the nation we have descended from should likewise enjoy the blessings of true freedom and independence. In support of the above outlined principles, all of which are in keeping with the basic fundamental truths of our American Way of Life, we have prepared and make available the research and historic proof which justify our legitimate claims and aspirations. Therefore, on the solemn occasion of our Golden Jubilee, as representatives of the vast majority of the Slovak ethnic group, we deem it our moral right and obligation to respectfully request, seek and, if the need arises, to insist that our Government through its executive branch, in its various sections and divisions, not excluding our able Ambassador to the United Nations, take all legitimate avenue of action in keeping with the sacred moral law of God and the law of nations to make certain that a true and lasting independent Slovakia may again take its rightful place in the community of nations which seek to preserve peace and promulgate the brotherhood of man and the fatherhood of God. In pursuance of these privileges and duties which we honorably accept and carry out, we seek, Mr. President, �SLOVAKIA 69 Mr. Secretary, and Mr. Ambassador, your personal as well as official support. As loyal sons and daughters of this great Republic, we beseech God's blessings upon You and your efforts to bring about His greater honor and glory, and we convey to each of You our sincerest and warmest personal regards. In witness whereof, we have unanimously adopted the above sentiments at this historic 35th Congress at Cleveland, Ohio, on May 26, 1957, the 50th anniversary of the first enunciation of these principles by our predecessors, of happy memory, our founding fathers and the organizers of the Slovak League of America. The Memorandum Committee of the Slovak League: (Signatures) JOHN J. SIROTNAK (Pa.) JOHN J . LESKOVJANSKY (Ohio) EDWARD J. BEHUNCIK (Conn.) JOHN B. HASSAY (Ohio) ELIZABETH ANDREJKO (Pa.) PHILIP A. HROBAK, President The Slovak League of America • • • Kerner's "Czechoslovakia" (Cont'd.) IDSTORY OR PROPAGANDA? P.A.HROBAK CHAPTER XVI - "Education in a Democracy" - by Francis H . Stuerm, Ph.D.; "Member, faculty of New York University; educated in Switzerland and the United States; Ph.D., New York University; author of Training in Democracy: The New Schools of Czechoslovakia (1938), published under the auspices of the Progressive Education Association." Another "progressive" report by a "progressive" professor! Thirteen pages, all of them devoted to the Czechs (Bohemia-Moravia), except this single paragraph which contained the word "Slovakia": "One of the Republic's lar gest educational tasks was to set up a complete system of education in the provinces of Slovakia and Sub- � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1957, Vol. 7 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 22), March 1957.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 23), June 1957.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 24-25), September-December 1957.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1957 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKI A 67 MEMORANDUM to the President of the United States of America, the Hon. Secretary of State of the United States of America, and the Hon. Ambassador of the United States of America to the United Nations, by the Thirty-Fifth Congress of the Slovak League of America, Cleveland, Ohio, May 28, 1957 GREETINGS! Solemnly assembled in the regular 35th Congress on the occasion of the Golden Jubilee of the founding of the Slovak League of America here in the great Slovak center of Cleveland, Ohio, the officers and delegates of the Slovak League of America hereby declare that: 1. We rededicate ourselves to the preservation of the basic moral principles set forth in the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution, and the Bill of Rights of the United States of America. 2. We condemn all forms of tyranny and totalitarian political systems, especially repudiating the atheistic philosophy of materialistic Communism as the most ruthless conspiracy against free humanity. 3. We commend our Government for every effort expended to resist and to resolutely counteract the aggressive policies of Soviet imperialism with all the spiritual and material forces at its command and we heartily endorse every action of our Government to expose, demobilize, and outlaw the evil forces of Communism in the United States of America - these forces which are dedicated to the destruction of our Country and the Western Civilization. 4. We respectfully request that - in accordance with the basic principle that every political formation and form of government imposed on any people by the force of an alien power should be refused recognition - our Government should no longer recognize the Czecho-Communist regime in Slovakia, the land of our ancestors. 5. We respectfully submit that a re-examination be undertaken by the United States of America of the question of the validity of the Slovak independent nation which, we hasten to recall was recognized by twenty-seven (27) 68 SLOVAKIA countries of the family of nations, large and small, but unfortunately, not by the United States of America with whose support Slovakia would continue today and for many future years as a great force for peace in the "powder keg of Europe." 6. We strongly denounce the intervention of the Soviet Socialistic Republics in the internal affairs of other countries, particularly in the affairs of the land of our fathers, Slovakia, and we urge that our Government, insist on the withdrawal of all Soviet forces from non-Soviet territories, including Slovakia, as rapidly and as expeditiously as will be in keeping with the best interest of the United States of America. 7. As stated so often in the past, we, individually and as representatives of the 300,000 organized Americans of Slovak descent - having rejoiced on so many occasions when the various nations of the world attained their freedom and independence - submit that in all justice and fairness, the nation we have descended from should likewise enjoy the blessings of true freedom and independence. In support of the above outlined principles, all of which are in keeping with the basic fundamental truths of our American Way of Life, we have prepared and make available the research and historic proof which justify our legitimate claims and aspirations. Therefore, on the solemn occasion of our Golden Jubilee, as representatives of the vast majority of the Slovak ethnic group, we deem it our moral right and obligation to respectfully request, seek and, if the need arises, to insist that our Government through its executive branch, in its various sections and divisions, not excluding our able Ambassador to the United Nations, take all legitimate avenue of action in keeping with the sacred moral law of God and the law of nations to make certain that a true and lasting independent Slovakia may again take its rightful place in the community of nations which seek to preserve peace and promulgate the brotherhood of man and the fatherhood of God. In pursuance of these privileges and duties which we honorably accept and carry out, we seek, Mr. President, SLOVAKIA 69 Mr. Secretary, and Mr. Ambassador, your personal as well as official support. As loyal sons and daughters of this great Republic, we beseech God's blessings upon You and your efforts to bring about His greater honor and glory, and we convey to each of You our sincerest and warmest personal regards. In witness whereof, we have unanimously adopted the above sentiments at this historic 35th Congress at Cleveland, Ohio, on May 26, 1957, the 50th anniversary of the first enunciation of these principles by our predecessors, of happy memory, our founding fathers and the organizers of the Slovak League of America. The Memorandum Committee of the Slovak League: (Signatures) JOHN J. SIROTNAK (Pa.) JOHN J . LESKOVJANSKY (Ohio) EDWARD J. BEHUNCIK (Conn.) JOHN B. HASSAY (Ohio) ELIZABETH ANDREJKO (Pa.) PHILIP A. HROBAK, President The Slovak League of America • • • Kerner's "Czechoslovakia" (Cont'd.) IDSTORY OR PROPAGANDA? P.A.HROBAK CHAPTER XVI - "Education in a Democracy" - by Francis H . Stuerm, Ph.D.; "Member, faculty of New York University; educated in Switzerland and the United States; Ph.D., New York University; author of Training in Democracy: The New Schools of Czechoslovakia (1938), published under the auspices of the Progressive Education Association." Another "progressive" report by a "progressive" professor! Thirteen pages, all of them devoted to the Czechs (Bohemia-Moravia), except this single paragraph which contained the word "Slovakia": "One of the Republic's lar gest educational tasks was to set up a complete system of education in the provinces of Slovakia and Sub-  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Memorandum Description An account of the resource Memorandum to the President of the United States of America, the Hon. Secretary of State of the United States of America, and the Hon. Ambassador of the United States of America to the United Nations, by the Thirty-Fifth Congress of the Slovak League of America, Cleveland, Ohio, May 28, 1957 Slovakia, Vol. 7, No. 3-4 (24-25), September-December 1957 pp. 67-69 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource September-December 1957 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/19cc29dc671ed57026f77a344cd990a3.pdf c767cd80b279ce3ed0fb10eb30272023 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 69 Mr. Secretary, and Mr. Ambassador, your personal as well as official support. As loyal sons and daughters of this great Republic, we beseech God's blessings upon You and your efforts to bring about His greater honor and glory, and we convey to each of You our sincerest and warmest personal regards. In witness whereof, we have unanimously adopted the above sentiments at this historic 35th Congress at Cleveland, Ohio, on May 26, 1957, the 50th anniversary of the first enunciation of these principles by our predecessors, of happy memory, our founding fathers and the organizers of the Slovak League of America. The Memorandum Committee of the Slovak League: (Signatures) JOHN J. SIROTNAK (Pa.) JOHN J . LESKOVJANSKY (Ohio) EDWARD J. BEHUNCIK (Conn.) JOHN B. HASSAY (Ohio) ELIZABETH ANDREJKO (Pa.) PHILIP A. HROBAK, President The Slovak League of America • • • Kerner's "Czechoslovakia" (Cont'd.) IDSTORY OR PROPAGANDA? P.A.HROBAK CHAPTER XVI - "Education in a Democracy" - by Francis H . Stuerm, Ph.D.; "Member, faculty of New York University; educated in Switzerland and the United States; Ph.D., New York University; author of Training in Democracy: The New Schools of Czechoslovakia (1938), published under the auspices of the Progressive Education Association." Another "progressive" report by a "progressive" professor! Thirteen pages, all of them devoted to the Czechs (Bohemia-Moravia), except this single paragraph which contained the word "Slovakia": "One of the Republic's lar gest educational tasks was to set up a complete system of education in the provinces of Slovakia and Sub- �70 SLOVAKIA Carpathian Ruthenia. In these former had been no universities or secondary cular, and not enough primary schools teach more than half the population for provinces of Hungary there schools taught in the vernaconducted in any language to four school years" - (p. 305). How many universities and secondary schools "taught in the vernacular" there were in Slovakia twenty years after the Czechs took over, Mr. Stuerm strangely fails to disclose which in itself is quite significant. The fact is that there was only one, the Comenius University in Bratislava, and this "only one" was completely under CZECH control! • • • "When the Czechoslovak Republic took over the schools of the former provinces of Austria-Hungary from which it was formed, its CZECH citizens were already democrats through inclination and generations of training. However, this training had not been gained in the schools. The CZECHS were democratic because their former Habsburg ruler had made them classless, three centuries before, by decimating their nobility and because for generations they had learned cooperation in united opposition to the Habsburgs" - (p. 302). The fact is that the "Czechoslovak Republic" did not take any schools over, but the CZECHS did and made them over in the CZECH image. "United opposition" to the Habsburgs? The historical fact is that the Czechs served the Habsburgs most loyally! The non-Czech citizens evidently were not "democratic" according to Mr. Stuerm. We know how the " democracy" of the Benes Czechs dealt with them. • • • "The Austrian schools had been developed under a central administration determined tu discipline the young people for satisfied subjection to the Habsburgs" - (p. 302). In like manner, the Czecho-Slovak schools had been developed under a central administration from Prague determined to discipline the young people of the various nations of the Republic for satisfied subjection to the Czechs. The "progressive" Czechs, however, went wide of their determination and found to their regret that young Slovaks were discipilined for dissatisfied subjection to the Czechs, upholding the principle that to every action there is an equal and opposite reaction. Result? A greater degree of Slovak nationalism - Slovak solidarity! • • • "One of the fruits of CZECH political victories had been a continual expansion of the number of CZECH schools in which instruc- �SLOVAKIA 71 tion was given in the CZECH language . .. CZECH teachers had led the empire's educators in studying and advocating innovations of method (p. 303).... After the Republic was established, (CZECH) teachers who were interested in liberalization of method soon took advantage of their newly gained freedom to make study trips abroad. They attended PROGRESSIVE schools of pedagogy and observed PROGRESSIVE teaching in the United States, Switzerland, Belgium, Denmark, England, and in the NEW RUSSIA. They returned home filled with ideas and enthusiasm (p. 304). . . . During the Republic's early years there was a young CZECH educator, dr. Vaclav Prihoda, who was studying in the United States (Chicago U.; Columbia U.). . . . and became profoundly influenced by the ideas of Dewey and Thorndike . .. (he) was appointed chairman of this governmental committee (Reform Committee at the School of Higher Pedagogical Studies) (pp. 306-307).... The CZECHS have always considered the maintenance of the national culture as a duty sacred in its importance. . . . It was this strong practical strain in the CZECH character which caused initial reluctance among the citizens to permit changes in schools which they knew were good (pp. 308-309) . . .. During the golden age of CZECH democracy under the Republic, children cooperated freely in their classroom in the singing of (Czech) patriotic songs and in the artistic speaking chorus, all which heightened their feeling of national unity (p. 311).... The emotional basis of CZECH democracy was the same inherent staying power which had maintained the nation in its precarious geographical situation since early tribal times (p. 313).. . the CZECHS had built up in their character centuries-old habits of independent individual thought and public cooperation. . . . In Austrian times, the training in the schools overlaid the CZECH'S democratic character with a surface attitude of acquiescent passivity. When the establishment of the Republic gave CZECH democracy opportunity to flourish unhampered in its action, PROGRESSIVE educators developed a new method, which gave it direct expression" (p. 314). Mr. Stuerm certainly was hep on the "progressive" CZECH business, the only thing, according to him, and others, which figured in the "CZECH democracy" of Czecho-Slovakia - in which the progressive "truth" of Masaryk-Benes prevailed. In the end "CZECH democracy" had no trouble in becoming CZECH "PEOPLE'S Democracy!" • • • CHAPTER XVII "Czechoslovakia's Contribution to Science" - by Gerald Druce, D.R.N., M.Sc.; Fellow London Chemical Society (1915-) ; Fellow Institute of Chemistry (1925-) ; honorary and foreign member Masaryk Academy of Work (1928-) ; M.Sc., University of London; D.R.N., Charles University, Prague; authority on CZECH science; author of books and articles, among them: Wan- �72 SL'.) VAKIA derings in Czechoslovakia (1930) In the Heart of Europe - Life in Czechoslovakia (1936). Another misnomered chapter which should be entitled: CZECH contribution to science. The very first sentence of Mr. Druce's contribution to Kerner's "Czechoslovakia" has no historical basis in fact; in it he claims that "the Czechoslovak State REGAINED its independence in 1918" - the ridiculous story the Benes Czechs promoted and still propagate. The "Czecho-Slovak State" never existed until 1918 ! A few samplings for the edification of historians interested in the history of the Slovaks and Czechs: " . ... contemporary mineralogical and alchemical works in the CZECH language . .. the greatest CZECH educator, Comenius ... the CZECH national revival . . . The National Museum . . . widened its scope to become a rallying point of all CZECH culture .... Purkyne lectured in CZECH ... CZECH men of science ... distinguished CZECH chemists ... CZECH scientific literature . . . Modern scientific and technical works in CZECH . .. . It was in the biological sciences that CZECH men of science made noteworthy advances a century ago . .. . Count Kaspar Sternberg ... was a patron of CZECH science at the time of the national awakening .. . ." The CZECH men of science get all the play; General Milan Stefanik, "the Slovak astronomer," was the only Slovak to rate - one sentence! The "selected Bibliography" at the end of the chapter is strictly CZECH. So, "Czechoslovakia's Contributions to Science" really winds up to be: CZECH contributions to science - according to the formula of the Benes Czechs. • • • CHAPTER XVIII - "Czechoslovak Music, Art, and by Jaroslav E. Vojan, J.D.; "President, Literature" Bohemian Arts Club (1912-); J.D., Charles University, Prague; Professor of Economics, College of Commerce, Prague (1899); editor, NEW CZECH Review (Prague, 1903-1904) ; editor, Svojan, (1928-) ; editor, Free Czechoslovakia (1939-) ; author of Czech-American Epistles (1910) ... " As one might suspect, in this chapter, too, just about everything "Czechoslovak" means "CZECH": composers, artists, sculptors, writers, poets, et al. Slovaks, however, rate a bit better than they did in the previous chapter (by �SLOVAKIA 73 Druce): Mr. Vojan generously allows them three sentences in a total of 18 pages ! • • • CHAPTER XIX - "Diplomatic Origins and Foreign Policy" - by Felix J. Vondracek, Ph.D.; "Professor of European History University of North Dakota; Ph.D. , Columbia University; author of "The Foreign Policy of Czechoslovakia (1937) ." "The best efforts of a vigilant Austro-Hungarian police and spy system had not been able to prevent patriotic Czechoslovaks in the homelands from communicating with the exiles through the efficient (Czech) 'Maffia' organization. Both groups of patriots well knew that success could be attained only through cooperation" (pp. 349-350). Professor Vondracek, like other Benes Czechs and their hired propagandists, promotes the false thesis of a "united CZECHOSLOVAK nation." What "patriotic Czechoslovaks" at a time when the Republic of Czecho-Slovakia did not exist? Why then talk about "both groups" of patriots? Who were the "SLOVAK patriots" who communicated with the CZECH exiles (Masaryk and Benes) through the CZECH "MAFFIA"? We know that most Slovak patriots and many CZECH patriots knew practically nothing about what Masaryk and Benes were cooking up for them in exile. Masaryk and Benes themselves figured that the fewer Slovak and Czech "patriots" in on their plan, the better the chances for the success of their CZECH cause, promoted under the guise of a "CZECHOSLOVAK" cause. Mr. Vondracek, CZECH "expert" on CZECHO-SLOVAK diplomacy and foreign policy, hinted at this when he said: "The efforts of the predominantly CZECH revolutionary leaders in Paris and Prague were supported by other Slavic groups" (p. 350). Of course, Mr. Vondracek very conveniently forgot to spell out the "other Slavic groups" who really knew something about the efforts of Benes, Masaryk, and the CZECH "Maffia" at that time . "On June • • • 30, 1918, American-CZECH and American-SLOVAK leaders in the United States signed the DECLARATION OF PITTSBURGH, whereby, in the Czechoslovakia-to-be, THE SLOVAK PEO- �74 SLOVAKIA PLE WERE GUARANTEED THEIR OWN ASSEMBLY, COURTS, AND ADMINISTRATION. Similarly, by the D'l!daration of Turcian• sky Sv. Martin, signed on October 30, the :ilovaks in the homeland associated themselves with the new State" - (p . 350). The Pittsburgh Convention or Agree!nent was drafted and signed by T. G. Masaryk and representatives of American Slovak and Czech organizations on May 30, 1918 - and not on JUNE 30, 1918 (See Chapter IX above). It is significant that :M:r. Vondracek fails to mention the historic:11 fact tha: Masaryk repudiated the Pittsburgh Conver.tion, calling it but a "scrap of paper." And note th:1t the 'Slovaks in the homeland associated themselves with the ~ew State" TWO DAYS AFTER the Prague declaration of independence! This is evidence of how much "Slovak patriots" really knew about what was cooking in the CZECH kitchen of Masaryk and Benes! • • • "At the termination of the war, Cechoslovak forces totaled 182,000 men, of which number 12,000 were serving in France, 78,000 in Italy, and 92,000 in Russia. The last of these armies had been particularly valuable to the Allies" - (p. 351). The figures are undoubtedly based on CZECH mathematics authored by the Benes Czechs, which is based on the principle of at least "doubling" numbers in such cases. And the fact is that the "Czechoslovak forces" in Russia were not at all valuable to the Allies since they refused to follow their orders. Masaryk conjured the "Siberian rabbit" out of his black felt hat to create a favorable impression in America. Czechs and pro-Czechs love to indulge in the legend cooked up by Masaryk. But the truth is something else again. "The Czechs," Robert Ingrim tells us ("After Hitler Stalin?"), "were offered the 'short route' to France, via Murmansk and Archangel, but they preferred the long way via Siberia to Vladivostok. . . . They were not interested in fighting the Bolsheviks or anyone else. . . . Their policy was, as their spokesman said, 'the railroad and to go home'.... They did very little fighting, and when the Reds had overcome their initial disorganization and had become a serious military force, the Czechs withdrew eastward." Just how the "Czechoslovak army performed for the Allies services more valuable than the same forces could �SLOVAKIA 75 have rendered in France ... through control of the Volga area and the Transsiberian Railway," Mr. Vondracek does · not explain. We know that Masaryk and Benes did not want their Czech legions in Siberia to fight the Bolsheviks. We also know that the Allies insisted that "the Czechs stop their retreat and support the Regent," Admiral Koltschak, supreme commander of the anti-Bolshevik forces - "otherwise they would not get ships over the Pacific." The Czechs yielded to this threat reluctantly, but when the Reds had shown their superiority, "the Czechs helped them capture the admiral"! Mr. Vondracek, in typical Czech fashion, tells us, however, that: "Enmeshed in the Russian domestic chaos, and forced to continue the struggle against the Bolsheviks after the World War had terminated, the Czechoslovak Legions became unwilling tools of a French and British diplomacy that wished to keep them in Siberia indefinitely." Why British and French diplomacy really wanted to keep the "Czechoslovak" Legions in Siberia INDEFINITELY, Mr. Vondracek does not say. We know, however, for that British and, particularly, French diplomacy which Masaryk and Benes became WILLING TOOLS had very much to do with the establishment of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. • • • How Benes felt about the Soviet Union is, surprisingly, factually reported by Mr. Vondracek (pp. 356-362): "Benes was a pioneer in advocating the recognition of Soviet Russia long before public opinion either in Czechoslovakia or elsewhere in Europe became converted to such a step." The foreign policy of Czecho-Slovakia was Dr. Eduard Benes, and Benes, a thorough Socialist, was completely pro-Soviet and for the socialistic system of the U. S. S. R. His policy led to the logical conclusion we all witnessed after the war (1945-1948): a complete surrender to Communism. Benes and Masaryk undoubtedly persuaded their people, the Czechs, to recognize Soviet Russia, but they certainly could not persuade the Slovaks to do so. The Slovak nation, as a whole, remained faithful to its thoroughly Christian tradition, opposing collaboration with the godless forces of the Soviet Union to the very bitter end. �76 SLOVAKIA The Munich debacle is treated in the typical fashion of the Benes Czechs by Mr. Vondracek: Benes and his Czechs were above reproach; the culprits were Britain, France, the Germans, the Slovaks, Poles, Magyars, and Ruthenes (pp. 364-366). "Faced with the ruin of his life's work, Benes wisely resigned and went into voluntary exile," Mr. Vondracek says tersely, but nary a word that Benes had surrendered his country to Hitler without consulting parliament and thereby had incurred the just wrath of both Slovaks and Czechs, who probably would have hung him had he not fled to England. The fact is that Benes was a coward; the surrender of Czecho-Slovakia to Hitler, without consulting the representatives of the nations concerned, was criminal. The Benes Czechs did not and still do not want the world to know the truth why Benes did capitulate to Hitler. Robert Ingrim, however, hit the nail on the head when he said: "The allegation that the Czechs surrendered without firing a shot, because England and France asked them to do so, is purely fictitious. They chose to surrender 'at the behest of their faithless friends,' because an attempt to fight would have revealed to the world that the German-Slovak-Magyar-Polish-Ruthenian majority of the population was not prepared to die for a State that had treated them as second-class citizens." • • • After Hitler attacked Poland, Great Britain and France declared war on Germany, and World War II was on, "for which," Mr. Vondracek says, "many CZECHOSLOVAKS had been praying as their one hope of salvation after Munich." But this is only Mr. Vondracek's opinion and not fact. The truth is that the overwhelming majority of Slovaks did not pray for war but for peace. Mr. Vondracek has no proof to offer that even many Czechs, the majority of whom, we are told, are Catholics, prayed for war either. And he undoubtedly knew that the Slovak Republic, after the legal autonomous Slovak Government had declared Slovakia an independent State (March 14, 1939), was recognized DE JURE and./or DE FACTO by twenty-seven states, yet, in Kerner's "Czechoslovakia," he chose to write the following historical lie: "The Czechoslovak Republic continued to exist de jure, if not de facto. The United States, Great Britain, France, Soviet Russia and Poland in particular had not recognized the annexation by Germany". �SLOVAKIA 77 The historical truth is that Great Britain, France, Soviet Russia, as well as Poland (until Hitler attacked it, September 1, 1939) - and twenty-three other countries - did recognize the independent Slovak State and, hence, must have also recognized the collapse of Czecho-Slovakia. The U. S., it is true, did not recognize independent Slovakia, but the Slovaks were quite certain that it would, if war did not break out for another year or two - and that is what they were praying for at that time. They were through with Benes's 'Czechoslovak" democracy then and did not want his "new Czechoslovakia" - the "people's democracy" in 1945. They are adamantly opposed to her today and will be as long as she exists! • • • CHAPTER XX - "The Little Entente and the Balkan Entente" - by Harry Nicholas Howard, Ph.D., "Professor of History, Miami University, Oxford, Ohio; Ph.D., University of California; member, Institut Balkanique (Belgrade; American contributing editor, Bibliographie Balkanique (Paris)," etc. Professor Howard, like the many other distinguished scholars who contributed chapters to Kerner's "Czechoslovakia," succumbed to the charms of the Masaryk and Benes Czechs, lapped up their propaganda, then presented it as "history." The Little Entente was formed, Mr. Howard states, "in the light of such a practical philosophy" - the latter being expressed by Dr. Eduard Benes (p. 372). Of course, neither Benes nor Mr. Howard could even dare mention a cordon sanitaire against Germany! Having adopted Benes's "practical philosophy" for the formation of the Little Entente, Mr. Howard continued: " One of the keystones of the foreign policy of Czechoslovakia was the organization in 1920-1921 of the Little Entente, composed of Czechoslovakia, Jugoslavia and Rumania. Czechoslovakia played a principal and even a dominant role in the Little Entente .... Dr. Eduard Benes, as foreign minister and later as president of Czechoslovakia, was the major statesman of the Little Entente, not only within its inner circles, but in the League of Nations, and, therefore, in the councils of European diplomacy" - (p. 368). Big Socialist and little man Benes played " big" politics in the Little Entente, while Czecho-Slovakia, outside of being Benes's kingdom, meant little. The "major statesman" was �78 SLOVAKIA deflated completely by the first great crisis ·that hit CzechoSlovakia and the Little Entente. Mr. Howard knew that but he continued to ramble on: "When the great crisis came in September, 1938, it is interesting to note that both Jugoslavia, thanks to popular pressure on behalf of Czechoslovakia, and Rumania, as members of the Little Entente, rallied to the support of the harassed Republic. They remained true to their obligations, and were ready to stand to arms, as long as they had any confidence in France and Great Britain . .. Only the Munich 'Accord' of September 29-30 finally destroyed the Little Entente" - (p. 383). "The Little Entente, despite determined efforts, was unable to organize an effective, inclusive political and economic collaboration in central Europe, embracing Auslria and Hungary" - (p. 384). We are supposed to believe that without the "Munich Accord" the Little Entente would not have been destroyed, according to Mr. Howard. The Little Entente, Mr. Howard could have told us if he were honest, was just so much horse play. Why embrace only Austria and Hungary (as if Benes wanted to!) to organize effective collaboration in Central Europe, and not the rest of the countries "in that area? The fact is that after twenty years of Benes foreign policy, not a single neighboring country was really on friendly terms with Czecho-Slovakia. Jingos and chauvinists usually wear blinkers. The French (Clemenceau and Poincare), however, were not blind to the new dangers of the new distribution of power on the European Continent. When they decided to destroy Austria-Hungary, they undoubtedly were familiar with the objections to this program: their plan was to replace Austro-German and Magyar leadership on the Danube by Czech imperialism, combined with the Serbian and Rumanian brands. Years later the result was the Little Entente (Czecho-Slovakia, Rumania, Yugoslavia), "the memory of which," according to Robert Ingrim, "produces a smile an every European's lips, a smile tinged with scorn," because "you cannot square a circle, and, unlike distant Americans, people on the spot could not be persuaded to admire as progress the replacement of one mixed state by three no less mixed ones." Viscount D' Abernon, showing how Versailles had destroyed Europe's equilibrium- ("An Ambassador of Peace" - 1929), predicted: "The Czech satellite will revert to the orbit of the Moscow planet as soon �SLOVAKIA 79 as disturbing forces cease to operate as powerfully as today." We know that he was right. When the "big crisis" came the Little Entente, including Benes's Czecho-Slovakia, folded up. • • • CHAPTER XXI - "Hitler and Hitlerism" - by (Henry) Wickham Steed, LL.D., "Editor, London Times (19191922); correspondent, London Times, at Berlin (1896); at Rome (1897-1902); at Vienna (1902-1913); foreign editor (1914-1919); proprietor and editor, The Review of Reviews (1923-1930); educated at universities of Jena, Berlin, and Paris; LL.D., universities of Strasbourg and Cluj; Lecturer on Central European History, King's College, University of London (1925-1938); author of numerous books and articles ... ", etc. Probably no individual helped T. G. Masaryk and Eduard Benes - and their "CZECH cause" - as much as Mr. Steed of London, man of letters and contacts and, therefore, a man of great influence. With his valuable assistance and the backing of the "progressive" forces of Socialism and Freemasonry, Masaryk and Benes, who were political unknowns before World War I, in a very short time became "political wizards, outstanding statesmen, experts on Central Europe and Germany and Russia, and pre-eminently political philosophers." It all came about by propaganda - as did Czecho-Slovakia, the political monstrosity of Masaryk and Benes. And Mr. H. Wickham Steed was quite a propagandist for a new order in "Christian" Europe - an order divorced from things eternal, from God Himself. His attempt to help Masaryk and Benes "remake" the history of the Slovak and Czech nations to suit the pattern of "the ideas of Masaryk" is quite obvious in his chapter of Kerner's "Czechoslovakia": "The Czechoslovak State had been fashioned and inspired by the ideas of Thomas G. Masaryk. . . . Masaryk looked upon that war (1914-1918) as a struggle between the ideas of the West and the ideas of Germany. The ideas of the West, he argued, are legacies of the Renaissance and the Reformation with their outcome in the English, American, and French revolutions, the parents of democra• cy. He defined democracy as an attempt to organize mankind intensively, as distinguished from the theocracy of the Holy Roman Empire which tried to organize European mankind extensively" (p. 402). �80 SLOVAKIA This probably explains why Czecho-Slovakia collapsed in 1938: the ideas of T. G. Masaryk were of themselves insufficient for the life of the nations contained within Masaryk's "CZECH" democracy. It is significant that even the Czechs did not fire a shot in the defense of Masaryk's democracy in 1938 or in 1948 ! • • • his World Revolution, Masaryk declared that there is only one remedy for abuses and defects in the life of the State truth and truthfulness, coupled with freedom to speak and to write the truth. Democracy, he insisted, should mean moral renovation in politics, in education, and throughout the whole range of public and private life" - (p. 405). "In This sounds regular, coming from an admirer and promoter of Masaryk, but the fact remains that T. G. M. often did not do as he preached. What did he say and write about the Slovaks and their country? Why did he deceive them and defraud them of the autonomy he and Benes had promised in Czecho-Slovakia? What about the "Siberian legend"? And White Mountain? Moral renovation? Based on what fundamentals? The state built by Masaryk and Benes was a fraud, because they were frauds at war with the Author of all genuine truth, justice, and morality. • • • "Peace can be founded only upon a community of free, democratic, and ethically minded peoples resolved to work together as equals in the spirit of Masaryk's faith. Hitlerism, in the broadest sense, is the foe of civilized humanity; and in nothing was Masaryk greater than in his insistance that the idea of his people must be : "Jesus, not Caesar" - (p. 408). Even if the whole world works "in the spirit of Masaryk's faith," no true and lasting peace will ever result. There was no genuine peace in Masaryk's own State. And what was the difference between Masarykism and Hitlerism? Hitler promoted German National Socialism, while Masaryk and Benes promoted CZECH National Socialism. Masarky did use the slogan "Jesus, not Caesar," but he did not live up to it, serving rather the enemies of Jesus, the Caesars of the forces of darkness. The cross of Jesus was forcefully removed from schools, the Marian Column was torn down in Prague, and the Church established by Jesus, the Roman Catholic Church, was harrassed and persecu- �SLOVAKlA 81 ted by Masaryk and his followers, who promoted the Czech National Church and shrieked: "Away from Rome - Rome must be put on trial and convicted!" Democracy, Masaryk said, 'is not alone a form of State and of administration. It is a philosophy of life and an outlook upon the world" ( (p. 406). What was the ethical basis of his politics? T. G. M. said: "The ethical basis of all politics is humanity, and humanity is an international program. It is a new word for the old love of our fellow-men" (p. 406). Humanity, "the new word," was then substituted by Masaryk for the old word, God and Jesus, as the ethical basis of his politics. We know what it led to: Chaos and ruin. • • • CHAPTER XXII - "The Road to Munich and Beyond" - by Bernadotte E. Schmitt, Ph.D. , "Andrew MacLeish Distinguished Service Professor of Modern History, University of Chicago; B.A., M.A., Oxford (Rhodes Scholar from Tennessee); Ph.D., Wisconscin; Guggenheim Fellow (1927) ; Pulitzer Prize winner (1931) ; editor, Journal of Modern History, Chicago, 1929-) ," etc. This chapter, in the main, follows the usual line of the Benes Czechs: Benes was clean; the Czechs were "ready, even eager, to fight," but Great Britain and France would not let them; "IF Dr. Benes, with whom the ultimate decision rested, yielded to the demands of Britain and France, the explanation appears to be two-fold - Benes wished to spare his people the horrors of war and, then, he feared, "if Czechoslovakia fought only with Russia as an ally she would be labeled as a RED state (however preposterous that might seem) ... " As for the Slovaks: Hlinka's autonomists supported the demands of the Sudeten German Party, while the Czecho-Slovakia of 1918-1938 "was satisfactory to the Czechs and to a majority of the Slovaks, but not to a considerable section of the German and Magyar minorities, the inclusion of whom was necessary to make the State economically viable." The truth is that the majority of the Slovaks were not satisfied with the Czecho-Slovakia of 1918-1938. • • • CHAPTER XXIII - "Czechoslovak Democracy: Was It Worth While?" - by James T. Shotwell, Ph.D., LL.D., �82 SLOVAKIA "Bryce Professor of the History of International Relations, Columbia University . .. president League of Nations Association (1935-) ... commander, Order of the White Lion (Czechoslovak ia) ... " etc. (about a half page!). Mr. Shotwell is another of the "Masaryk-Ben es-coulddo-no-wrong" chain gang. The majority of the population of Czecho-Slovak ia was opposed to "Czechoslovak" democracy - a pseudodemoc racy - but Shotwell says it was worth while, stating categorically: "There can be no doubt that the history of Europe and of Western civilization has been immensely enriched by the philosophy and statesmanship of President Masaryk. Neither can there be any doubt that the Czechoslovak Republic has left a remarkable record in the annals of history; one which, with all its mis- takes - and they must be admitted - proved the competence of this branch of the Slavic peoples in the art and science of government" - (p. 441). The fact is, however, that the socialistic State of Czecho-Slovakia proved beyond a doubt that it does not pay to collaborate with the Soviet Union and the Reds. The world would be healthier today minus the "philosophy and statesmanship " of Masaryk who falsified and distorted Czech and Slovak history to create the political monstrosity of Czecho-Slovakia. Another of Shotwell's "facts": "His (Masaryk's) effort to teach the philosophy of Thomas Jefferson not only to his own people but to the others of east-central Europe did not wholly succeed; for the task was well-nigh impossible. The Austrian system of government under which the Czechs had lived, and still more Hungary's rule of the Slavs within its frontiers, were both far removed from the American democratic federalism, which was the basis of Masaryk's political philosophy. Although the Habsburg's had been forced to recognize the different national stocks which composed their varied empire, the bureaucracy and the army held these peoples together in a way which failed utterly to satisfy their aspirations for political self-expression. True federalism flourishes only under a regime of liberty, and that was something foreign to the Habsburg tradition" - (pp. 446-447). Masaryk's Czecho-Slovakia, however, proved that Masaryk was not interested in or impressed by "American democratic federalism." The "Czechoslova k" democratic system was as far removed from American democratic federalism as were the Austrian and Hungarian systems. The Czech bureaucracy and chauvinism of Masaryk and Benes �SLOVAKIA 83 failed utterly to satisfy the aspirations of the Slovaks and other non-Czech nations of Czecho-Slovakia for political self-expression. Twenty years of Masaryk-Benes rule in Czecho-Slovakia definitely proved that true liberty was more foreign to the Masaryk and Benes regimes than it was to the Habsburgs, hence, the seed of federalism was not even planted by them. Czecho-Slovakia was supposed to be patterned after Switzerland or the United States, but the fact is that she was not. (The End.) • • • THE SLOVAKS WERE THERE : MAJOR JOHN L. POLERECKY FOUGHT FOR AMERICA'S INDEPENDENCE In 1781, when the defeated army of Cornwallis surrendered its arms to General George Washington at Yorktown, Va., among the "French Hussars" who encircled the defeated, as the ceremony of "surrendering arms" took place, was a son of Slovakia, Major John L. Polerecky, whose father hailed from Polerieka, Turiec Province, Slovakia. The story of John Polerecky's participation in the American Revolution for the independence of America was unfolded by Dr. Joseph Cincik, Ph.D., professor of history and art, Cleveland, Ohio, and a member of the Slovak Institute there. Mr. Cincik, a distant relative of Major Polerecky, spent much time and money in travel and research to gather the facts of the Polerecky story. When the complete story of Polerecky is published, it will be fully documented with photocopies of original documents from Slovakia, France, and the National Archives in Washington, D. C. What is presented here is from a portion of Dr. Cincik's manuscript on Major Polerecky. When Francis Rakoczy of Hungary revolted against the Habsburgs and lost, he was forced to flee for his life in 1711. He fled to Poland and later made his way to France. Rakoczy was not through with his fight against Vienna, and Louis XIV was happy to accept his services when he offered them to him in 1713. Rakoczy was ac- � SLOVAKIA 69 Mr. Secretary, and Mr. Ambassador, your personal as well as official support. As loyal sons and daughters of this great Republic, we beseech God's blessings upon You and your efforts to bring about His greater honor and glory, and we convey to each of You our sincerest and warmest personal regards. In witness whereof, we have unanimously adopted the above sentiments at this historic 35th Congress at Cleveland, Ohio, on May 26, 1957, the 50th anniversary of the first enunciation of these principles by our predecessors, of happy memory, our founding fathers and the organizers of the Slovak League of America. The Memorandum Committee of the Slovak League: (Signatures) JOHN J. SIROTNAK (Pa.) JOHN J . LESKOVJANSKY (Ohio) EDWARD J. BEHUNCIK (Conn.) JOHN B. HASSAY (Ohio) ELIZABETH ANDREJKO (Pa.) PHILIP A. HROBAK, President The Slovak League of America • • • Kerner's "Czechoslovakia" (Cont'd.) IDSTORY OR PROPAGANDA? P.A.HROBAK CHAPTER XVI - "Education in a Democracy" - by Francis H . Stuerm, Ph.D.; "Member, faculty of New York University; educated in Switzerland and the United States; Ph.D., New York University; author of Training in Democracy: The New Schools of Czechoslovakia (1938), published under the auspices of the Progressive Education Association." Another "progressive" report by a "progressive" professor! Thirteen pages, all of them devoted to the Czechs (Bohemia-Moravia), except this single paragraph which contained the word "Slovakia": "One of the Republic's lar gest educational tasks was to set up a complete system of education in the provinces of Slovakia and Sub- �70 SLOVAKIA Carpathian Ruthenia. In these former had been no universities or secondary cular, and not enough primary schools teach more than half the population for provinces of Hungary there schools taught in the vernaconducted in any language to four school years" - (p. 305). How many universities and secondary schools "taught in the vernacular" there were in Slovakia twenty years after the Czechs took over, Mr. Stuerm strangely fails to disclose which in itself is quite significant. The fact is that there was only one, the Comenius University in Bratislava, and this "only one" was completely under CZECH control! • • • "When the Czechoslovak Republic took over the schools of the former provinces of Austria-Hungary from which it was formed, its CZECH citizens were already democrats through inclination and generations of training. However, this training had not been gained in the schools. The CZECHS were democratic because their former Habsburg ruler had made them classless, three centuries before, by decimating their nobility and because for generations they had learned cooperation in united opposition to the Habsburgs" - (p. 302). The fact is that the "Czechoslovak Republic" did not take any schools over, but the CZECHS did and made them over in the CZECH image. "United opposition" to the Habsburgs? The historical fact is that the Czechs served the Habsburgs most loyally! The non-Czech citizens evidently were not "democratic" according to Mr. Stuerm. We know how the " democracy" of the Benes Czechs dealt with them. • • • "The Austrian schools had been developed under a central administration determined tu discipline the young people for satisfied subjection to the Habsburgs" - (p. 302). In like manner, the Czecho-Slovak schools had been developed under a central administration from Prague determined to discipline the young people of the various nations of the Republic for satisfied subjection to the Czechs. The "progressive" Czechs, however, went wide of their determination and found to their regret that young Slovaks were discipilined for dissatisfied subjection to the Czechs, upholding the principle that to every action there is an equal and opposite reaction. Result? A greater degree of Slovak nationalism - Slovak solidarity! • • • "One of the fruits of CZECH political victories had been a continual expansion of the number of CZECH schools in which instruc- �SLOVAKIA 71 tion was given in the CZECH language . .. CZECH teachers had led the empire's educators in studying and advocating innovations of method (p. 303).... After the Republic was established, (CZECH) teachers who were interested in liberalization of method soon took advantage of their newly gained freedom to make study trips abroad. They attended PROGRESSIVE schools of pedagogy and observed PROGRESSIVE teaching in the United States, Switzerland, Belgium, Denmark, England, and in the NEW RUSSIA. They returned home filled with ideas and enthusiasm (p. 304). . . . During the Republic's early years there was a young CZECH educator, dr. Vaclav Prihoda, who was studying in the United States (Chicago U.; Columbia U.). . . . and became profoundly influenced by the ideas of Dewey and Thorndike . .. (he) was appointed chairman of this governmental committee (Reform Committee at the School of Higher Pedagogical Studies) (pp. 306-307).... The CZECHS have always considered the maintenance of the national culture as a duty sacred in its importance. . . . It was this strong practical strain in the CZECH character which caused initial reluctance among the citizens to permit changes in schools which they knew were good (pp. 308-309) . . .. During the golden age of CZECH democracy under the Republic, children cooperated freely in their classroom in the singing of (Czech) patriotic songs and in the artistic speaking chorus, all which heightened their feeling of national unity (p. 311).... The emotional basis of CZECH democracy was the same inherent staying power which had maintained the nation in its precarious geographical situation since early tribal times (p. 313).. . the CZECHS had built up in their character centuries-old habits of independent individual thought and public cooperation. . . . In Austrian times, the training in the schools overlaid the CZECH'S democratic character with a surface attitude of acquiescent passivity. When the establishment of the Republic gave CZECH democracy opportunity to flourish unhampered in its action, PROGRESSIVE educators developed a new method, which gave it direct expression" (p. 314). Mr. Stuerm certainly was hep on the "progressive" CZECH business, the only thing, according to him, and others, which figured in the "CZECH democracy" of Czecho-Slovakia - in which the progressive "truth" of Masaryk-Benes prevailed. In the end "CZECH democracy" had no trouble in becoming CZECH "PEOPLE'S Democracy!" • • • CHAPTER XVII "Czechoslovakia's Contribution to Science" - by Gerald Druce, D.R.N., M.Sc.; Fellow London Chemical Society (1915-) ; Fellow Institute of Chemistry (1925-) ; honorary and foreign member Masaryk Academy of Work (1928-) ; M.Sc., University of London; D.R.N., Charles University, Prague; authority on CZECH science; author of books and articles, among them: Wan- �72 SL'.) VAKIA derings in Czechoslovakia (1930) In the Heart of Europe - Life in Czechoslovakia (1936). Another misnomered chapter which should be entitled: CZECH contribution to science. The very first sentence of Mr. Druce's contribution to Kerner's "Czechoslovakia" has no historical basis in fact; in it he claims that "the Czechoslovak State REGAINED its independence in 1918" - the ridiculous story the Benes Czechs promoted and still propagate. The "Czecho-Slovak State" never existed until 1918 ! A few samplings for the edification of historians interested in the history of the Slovaks and Czechs: " . ... contemporary mineralogical and alchemical works in the CZECH language . .. the greatest CZECH educator, Comenius ... the CZECH national revival . . . The National Museum . . . widened its scope to become a rallying point of all CZECH culture .... Purkyne lectured in CZECH ... CZECH men of science ... distinguished CZECH chemists ... CZECH scientific literature . . . Modern scientific and technical works in CZECH . .. . It was in the biological sciences that CZECH men of science made noteworthy advances a century ago . .. . Count Kaspar Sternberg ... was a patron of CZECH science at the time of the national awakening .. . ." The CZECH men of science get all the play; General Milan Stefanik, "the Slovak astronomer," was the only Slovak to rate - one sentence! The "selected Bibliography" at the end of the chapter is strictly CZECH. So, "Czechoslovakia's Contributions to Science" really winds up to be: CZECH contributions to science - according to the formula of the Benes Czechs. • • • CHAPTER XVIII - "Czechoslovak Music, Art, and by Jaroslav E. Vojan, J.D.; "President, Literature" Bohemian Arts Club (1912-); J.D., Charles University, Prague; Professor of Economics, College of Commerce, Prague (1899); editor, NEW CZECH Review (Prague, 1903-1904) ; editor, Svojan, (1928-) ; editor, Free Czechoslovakia (1939-) ; author of Czech-American Epistles (1910) ... " As one might suspect, in this chapter, too, just about everything "Czechoslovak" means "CZECH": composers, artists, sculptors, writers, poets, et al. Slovaks, however, rate a bit better than they did in the previous chapter (by �SLOVAKIA 73 Druce): Mr. Vojan generously allows them three sentences in a total of 18 pages ! • • • CHAPTER XIX - "Diplomatic Origins and Foreign Policy" - by Felix J. Vondracek, Ph.D.; "Professor of European History University of North Dakota; Ph.D. , Columbia University; author of "The Foreign Policy of Czechoslovakia (1937) ." "The best efforts of a vigilant Austro-Hungarian police and spy system had not been able to prevent patriotic Czechoslovaks in the homelands from communicating with the exiles through the efficient (Czech) 'Maffia' organization. Both groups of patriots well knew that success could be attained only through cooperation" (pp. 349-350). Professor Vondracek, like other Benes Czechs and their hired propagandists, promotes the false thesis of a "united CZECHOSLOVAK nation." What "patriotic Czechoslovaks" at a time when the Republic of Czecho-Slovakia did not exist? Why then talk about "both groups" of patriots? Who were the "SLOVAK patriots" who communicated with the CZECH exiles (Masaryk and Benes) through the CZECH "MAFFIA"? We know that most Slovak patriots and many CZECH patriots knew practically nothing about what Masaryk and Benes were cooking up for them in exile. Masaryk and Benes themselves figured that the fewer Slovak and Czech "patriots" in on their plan, the better the chances for the success of their CZECH cause, promoted under the guise of a "CZECHOSLOVAK" cause. Mr. Vondracek, CZECH "expert" on CZECHO-SLOVAK diplomacy and foreign policy, hinted at this when he said: "The efforts of the predominantly CZECH revolutionary leaders in Paris and Prague were supported by other Slavic groups" (p. 350). Of course, Mr. Vondracek very conveniently forgot to spell out the "other Slavic groups" who really knew something about the efforts of Benes, Masaryk, and the CZECH "Maffia" at that time . "On June • • • 30, 1918, American-CZECH and American-SLOVAK leaders in the United States signed the DECLARATION OF PITTSBURGH, whereby, in the Czechoslovakia-to-be, THE SLOVAK PEO- �74 SLOVAKIA PLE WERE GUARANTEED THEIR OWN ASSEMBLY, COURTS, AND ADMINISTRATION. Similarly, by the D'l!daration of Turcian• sky Sv. Martin, signed on October 30, the :ilovaks in the homeland associated themselves with the new State" - (p . 350). The Pittsburgh Convention or Agree!nent was drafted and signed by T. G. Masaryk and representatives of American Slovak and Czech organizations on May 30, 1918 - and not on JUNE 30, 1918 (See Chapter IX above). It is significant that :M:r. Vondracek fails to mention the historic:11 fact tha: Masaryk repudiated the Pittsburgh Conver.tion, calling it but a "scrap of paper." And note th:1t the 'Slovaks in the homeland associated themselves with the ~ew State" TWO DAYS AFTER the Prague declaration of independence! This is evidence of how much "Slovak patriots" really knew about what was cooking in the CZECH kitchen of Masaryk and Benes! • • • "At the termination of the war, Cechoslovak forces totaled 182,000 men, of which number 12,000 were serving in France, 78,000 in Italy, and 92,000 in Russia. The last of these armies had been particularly valuable to the Allies" - (p. 351). The figures are undoubtedly based on CZECH mathematics authored by the Benes Czechs, which is based on the principle of at least "doubling" numbers in such cases. And the fact is that the "Czechoslovak forces" in Russia were not at all valuable to the Allies since they refused to follow their orders. Masaryk conjured the "Siberian rabbit" out of his black felt hat to create a favorable impression in America. Czechs and pro-Czechs love to indulge in the legend cooked up by Masaryk. But the truth is something else again. "The Czechs," Robert Ingrim tells us ("After Hitler Stalin?"), "were offered the 'short route' to France, via Murmansk and Archangel, but they preferred the long way via Siberia to Vladivostok. . . . They were not interested in fighting the Bolsheviks or anyone else. . . . Their policy was, as their spokesman said, 'the railroad and to go home'.... They did very little fighting, and when the Reds had overcome their initial disorganization and had become a serious military force, the Czechs withdrew eastward." Just how the "Czechoslovak army performed for the Allies services more valuable than the same forces could �SLOVAKIA 75 have rendered in France ... through control of the Volga area and the Transsiberian Railway," Mr. Vondracek does · not explain. We know that Masaryk and Benes did not want their Czech legions in Siberia to fight the Bolsheviks. We also know that the Allies insisted that "the Czechs stop their retreat and support the Regent," Admiral Koltschak, supreme commander of the anti-Bolshevik forces - "otherwise they would not get ships over the Pacific." The Czechs yielded to this threat reluctantly, but when the Reds had shown their superiority, "the Czechs helped them capture the admiral"! Mr. Vondracek, in typical Czech fashion, tells us, however, that: "Enmeshed in the Russian domestic chaos, and forced to continue the struggle against the Bolsheviks after the World War had terminated, the Czechoslovak Legions became unwilling tools of a French and British diplomacy that wished to keep them in Siberia indefinitely." Why British and French diplomacy really wanted to keep the "Czechoslovak" Legions in Siberia INDEFINITELY, Mr. Vondracek does not say. We know, however, for that British and, particularly, French diplomacy which Masaryk and Benes became WILLING TOOLS had very much to do with the establishment of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. • • • How Benes felt about the Soviet Union is, surprisingly, factually reported by Mr. Vondracek (pp. 356-362): "Benes was a pioneer in advocating the recognition of Soviet Russia long before public opinion either in Czechoslovakia or elsewhere in Europe became converted to such a step." The foreign policy of Czecho-Slovakia was Dr. Eduard Benes, and Benes, a thorough Socialist, was completely pro-Soviet and for the socialistic system of the U. S. S. R. His policy led to the logical conclusion we all witnessed after the war (1945-1948): a complete surrender to Communism. Benes and Masaryk undoubtedly persuaded their people, the Czechs, to recognize Soviet Russia, but they certainly could not persuade the Slovaks to do so. The Slovak nation, as a whole, remained faithful to its thoroughly Christian tradition, opposing collaboration with the godless forces of the Soviet Union to the very bitter end. �76 SLOVAKIA The Munich debacle is treated in the typical fashion of the Benes Czechs by Mr. Vondracek: Benes and his Czechs were above reproach; the culprits were Britain, France, the Germans, the Slovaks, Poles, Magyars, and Ruthenes (pp. 364-366). "Faced with the ruin of his life's work, Benes wisely resigned and went into voluntary exile," Mr. Vondracek says tersely, but nary a word that Benes had surrendered his country to Hitler without consulting parliament and thereby had incurred the just wrath of both Slovaks and Czechs, who probably would have hung him had he not fled to England. The fact is that Benes was a coward; the surrender of Czecho-Slovakia to Hitler, without consulting the representatives of the nations concerned, was criminal. The Benes Czechs did not and still do not want the world to know the truth why Benes did capitulate to Hitler. Robert Ingrim, however, hit the nail on the head when he said: "The allegation that the Czechs surrendered without firing a shot, because England and France asked them to do so, is purely fictitious. They chose to surrender 'at the behest of their faithless friends,' because an attempt to fight would have revealed to the world that the German-Slovak-Magyar-Polish-Ruthenian majority of the population was not prepared to die for a State that had treated them as second-class citizens." • • • After Hitler attacked Poland, Great Britain and France declared war on Germany, and World War II was on, "for which," Mr. Vondracek says, "many CZECHOSLOVAKS had been praying as their one hope of salvation after Munich." But this is only Mr. Vondracek's opinion and not fact. The truth is that the overwhelming majority of Slovaks did not pray for war but for peace. Mr. Vondracek has no proof to offer that even many Czechs, the majority of whom, we are told, are Catholics, prayed for war either. And he undoubtedly knew that the Slovak Republic, after the legal autonomous Slovak Government had declared Slovakia an independent State (March 14, 1939), was recognized DE JURE and./or DE FACTO by twenty-seven states, yet, in Kerner's "Czechoslovakia," he chose to write the following historical lie: "The Czechoslovak Republic continued to exist de jure, if not de facto. The United States, Great Britain, France, Soviet Russia and Poland in particular had not recognized the annexation by Germany". �SLOVAKIA 77 The historical truth is that Great Britain, France, Soviet Russia, as well as Poland (until Hitler attacked it, September 1, 1939) - and twenty-three other countries - did recognize the independent Slovak State and, hence, must have also recognized the collapse of Czecho-Slovakia. The U. S., it is true, did not recognize independent Slovakia, but the Slovaks were quite certain that it would, if war did not break out for another year or two - and that is what they were praying for at that time. They were through with Benes's 'Czechoslovak" democracy then and did not want his "new Czechoslovakia" - the "people's democracy" in 1945. They are adamantly opposed to her today and will be as long as she exists! • • • CHAPTER XX - "The Little Entente and the Balkan Entente" - by Harry Nicholas Howard, Ph.D., "Professor of History, Miami University, Oxford, Ohio; Ph.D., University of California; member, Institut Balkanique (Belgrade; American contributing editor, Bibliographie Balkanique (Paris)," etc. Professor Howard, like the many other distinguished scholars who contributed chapters to Kerner's "Czechoslovakia," succumbed to the charms of the Masaryk and Benes Czechs, lapped up their propaganda, then presented it as "history." The Little Entente was formed, Mr. Howard states, "in the light of such a practical philosophy" - the latter being expressed by Dr. Eduard Benes (p. 372). Of course, neither Benes nor Mr. Howard could even dare mention a cordon sanitaire against Germany! Having adopted Benes's "practical philosophy" for the formation of the Little Entente, Mr. Howard continued: " One of the keystones of the foreign policy of Czechoslovakia was the organization in 1920-1921 of the Little Entente, composed of Czechoslovakia, Jugoslavia and Rumania. Czechoslovakia played a principal and even a dominant role in the Little Entente .... Dr. Eduard Benes, as foreign minister and later as president of Czechoslovakia, was the major statesman of the Little Entente, not only within its inner circles, but in the League of Nations, and, therefore, in the councils of European diplomacy" - (p. 368). Big Socialist and little man Benes played " big" politics in the Little Entente, while Czecho-Slovakia, outside of being Benes's kingdom, meant little. The "major statesman" was �78 SLOVAKIA deflated completely by the first great crisis ·that hit CzechoSlovakia and the Little Entente. Mr. Howard knew that but he continued to ramble on: "When the great crisis came in September, 1938, it is interesting to note that both Jugoslavia, thanks to popular pressure on behalf of Czechoslovakia, and Rumania, as members of the Little Entente, rallied to the support of the harassed Republic. They remained true to their obligations, and were ready to stand to arms, as long as they had any confidence in France and Great Britain . .. Only the Munich 'Accord' of September 29-30 finally destroyed the Little Entente" - (p. 383). "The Little Entente, despite determined efforts, was unable to organize an effective, inclusive political and economic collaboration in central Europe, embracing Auslria and Hungary" - (p. 384). We are supposed to believe that without the "Munich Accord" the Little Entente would not have been destroyed, according to Mr. Howard. The Little Entente, Mr. Howard could have told us if he were honest, was just so much horse play. Why embrace only Austria and Hungary (as if Benes wanted to!) to organize effective collaboration in Central Europe, and not the rest of the countries "in that area? The fact is that after twenty years of Benes foreign policy, not a single neighboring country was really on friendly terms with Czecho-Slovakia. Jingos and chauvinists usually wear blinkers. The French (Clemenceau and Poincare), however, were not blind to the new dangers of the new distribution of power on the European Continent. When they decided to destroy Austria-Hungary, they undoubtedly were familiar with the objections to this program: their plan was to replace Austro-German and Magyar leadership on the Danube by Czech imperialism, combined with the Serbian and Rumanian brands. Years later the result was the Little Entente (Czecho-Slovakia, Rumania, Yugoslavia), "the memory of which," according to Robert Ingrim, "produces a smile an every European's lips, a smile tinged with scorn," because "you cannot square a circle, and, unlike distant Americans, people on the spot could not be persuaded to admire as progress the replacement of one mixed state by three no less mixed ones." Viscount D' Abernon, showing how Versailles had destroyed Europe's equilibrium- ("An Ambassador of Peace" - 1929), predicted: "The Czech satellite will revert to the orbit of the Moscow planet as soon �SLOVAKIA 79 as disturbing forces cease to operate as powerfully as today." We know that he was right. When the "big crisis" came the Little Entente, including Benes's Czecho-Slovakia, folded up. • • • CHAPTER XXI - "Hitler and Hitlerism" - by (Henry) Wickham Steed, LL.D., "Editor, London Times (19191922); correspondent, London Times, at Berlin (1896); at Rome (1897-1902); at Vienna (1902-1913); foreign editor (1914-1919); proprietor and editor, The Review of Reviews (1923-1930); educated at universities of Jena, Berlin, and Paris; LL.D., universities of Strasbourg and Cluj; Lecturer on Central European History, King's College, University of London (1925-1938); author of numerous books and articles ... ", etc. Probably no individual helped T. G. Masaryk and Eduard Benes - and their "CZECH cause" - as much as Mr. Steed of London, man of letters and contacts and, therefore, a man of great influence. With his valuable assistance and the backing of the "progressive" forces of Socialism and Freemasonry, Masaryk and Benes, who were political unknowns before World War I, in a very short time became "political wizards, outstanding statesmen, experts on Central Europe and Germany and Russia, and pre-eminently political philosophers." It all came about by propaganda - as did Czecho-Slovakia, the political monstrosity of Masaryk and Benes. And Mr. H. Wickham Steed was quite a propagandist for a new order in "Christian" Europe - an order divorced from things eternal, from God Himself. His attempt to help Masaryk and Benes "remake" the history of the Slovak and Czech nations to suit the pattern of "the ideas of Masaryk" is quite obvious in his chapter of Kerner's "Czechoslovakia": "The Czechoslovak State had been fashioned and inspired by the ideas of Thomas G. Masaryk. . . . Masaryk looked upon that war (1914-1918) as a struggle between the ideas of the West and the ideas of Germany. The ideas of the West, he argued, are legacies of the Renaissance and the Reformation with their outcome in the English, American, and French revolutions, the parents of democra• cy. He defined democracy as an attempt to organize mankind intensively, as distinguished from the theocracy of the Holy Roman Empire which tried to organize European mankind extensively" (p. 402). �80 SLOVAKIA This probably explains why Czecho-Slovakia collapsed in 1938: the ideas of T. G. Masaryk were of themselves insufficient for the life of the nations contained within Masaryk's "CZECH" democracy. It is significant that even the Czechs did not fire a shot in the defense of Masaryk's democracy in 1938 or in 1948 ! • • • his World Revolution, Masaryk declared that there is only one remedy for abuses and defects in the life of the State truth and truthfulness, coupled with freedom to speak and to write the truth. Democracy, he insisted, should mean moral renovation in politics, in education, and throughout the whole range of public and private life" - (p. 405). "In This sounds regular, coming from an admirer and promoter of Masaryk, but the fact remains that T. G. M. often did not do as he preached. What did he say and write about the Slovaks and their country? Why did he deceive them and defraud them of the autonomy he and Benes had promised in Czecho-Slovakia? What about the "Siberian legend"? And White Mountain? Moral renovation? Based on what fundamentals? The state built by Masaryk and Benes was a fraud, because they were frauds at war with the Author of all genuine truth, justice, and morality. • • • "Peace can be founded only upon a community of free, democratic, and ethically minded peoples resolved to work together as equals in the spirit of Masaryk's faith. Hitlerism, in the broadest sense, is the foe of civilized humanity; and in nothing was Masaryk greater than in his insistance that the idea of his people must be : "Jesus, not Caesar" - (p. 408). Even if the whole world works "in the spirit of Masaryk's faith," no true and lasting peace will ever result. There was no genuine peace in Masaryk's own State. And what was the difference between Masarykism and Hitlerism? Hitler promoted German National Socialism, while Masaryk and Benes promoted CZECH National Socialism. Masarky did use the slogan "Jesus, not Caesar," but he did not live up to it, serving rather the enemies of Jesus, the Caesars of the forces of darkness. The cross of Jesus was forcefully removed from schools, the Marian Column was torn down in Prague, and the Church established by Jesus, the Roman Catholic Church, was harrassed and persecu- �SLOVAKlA 81 ted by Masaryk and his followers, who promoted the Czech National Church and shrieked: "Away from Rome - Rome must be put on trial and convicted!" Democracy, Masaryk said, 'is not alone a form of State and of administration. It is a philosophy of life and an outlook upon the world" ( (p. 406). What was the ethical basis of his politics? T. G. M. said: "The ethical basis of all politics is humanity, and humanity is an international program. It is a new word for the old love of our fellow-men" (p. 406). Humanity, "the new word," was then substituted by Masaryk for the old word, God and Jesus, as the ethical basis of his politics. We know what it led to: Chaos and ruin. • • • CHAPTER XXII - "The Road to Munich and Beyond" - by Bernadotte E. Schmitt, Ph.D. , "Andrew MacLeish Distinguished Service Professor of Modern History, University of Chicago; B.A., M.A., Oxford (Rhodes Scholar from Tennessee); Ph.D., Wisconscin; Guggenheim Fellow (1927) ; Pulitzer Prize winner (1931) ; editor, Journal of Modern History, Chicago, 1929-) ," etc. This chapter, in the main, follows the usual line of the Benes Czechs: Benes was clean; the Czechs were "ready, even eager, to fight," but Great Britain and France would not let them; "IF Dr. Benes, with whom the ultimate decision rested, yielded to the demands of Britain and France, the explanation appears to be two-fold - Benes wished to spare his people the horrors of war and, then, he feared, "if Czechoslovakia fought only with Russia as an ally she would be labeled as a RED state (however preposterous that might seem) ... " As for the Slovaks: Hlinka's autonomists supported the demands of the Sudeten German Party, while the Czecho-Slovakia of 1918-1938 "was satisfactory to the Czechs and to a majority of the Slovaks, but not to a considerable section of the German and Magyar minorities, the inclusion of whom was necessary to make the State economically viable." The truth is that the majority of the Slovaks were not satisfied with the Czecho-Slovakia of 1918-1938. • • • CHAPTER XXIII - "Czechoslovak Democracy: Was It Worth While?" - by James T. Shotwell, Ph.D., LL.D., �82 SLOVAKIA "Bryce Professor of the History of International Relations, Columbia University . .. president League of Nations Association (1935-) ... commander, Order of the White Lion (Czechoslovak ia) ... " etc. (about a half page!). Mr. Shotwell is another of the "Masaryk-Ben es-coulddo-no-wrong" chain gang. The majority of the population of Czecho-Slovak ia was opposed to "Czechoslovak" democracy - a pseudodemoc racy - but Shotwell says it was worth while, stating categorically: "There can be no doubt that the history of Europe and of Western civilization has been immensely enriched by the philosophy and statesmanship of President Masaryk. Neither can there be any doubt that the Czechoslovak Republic has left a remarkable record in the annals of history; one which, with all its mis- takes - and they must be admitted - proved the competence of this branch of the Slavic peoples in the art and science of government" - (p. 441). The fact is, however, that the socialistic State of Czecho-Slovakia proved beyond a doubt that it does not pay to collaborate with the Soviet Union and the Reds. The world would be healthier today minus the "philosophy and statesmanship " of Masaryk who falsified and distorted Czech and Slovak history to create the political monstrosity of Czecho-Slovakia. Another of Shotwell's "facts": "His (Masaryk's) effort to teach the philosophy of Thomas Jefferson not only to his own people but to the others of east-central Europe did not wholly succeed; for the task was well-nigh impossible. The Austrian system of government under which the Czechs had lived, and still more Hungary's rule of the Slavs within its frontiers, were both far removed from the American democratic federalism, which was the basis of Masaryk's political philosophy. Although the Habsburg's had been forced to recognize the different national stocks which composed their varied empire, the bureaucracy and the army held these peoples together in a way which failed utterly to satisfy their aspirations for political self-expression. True federalism flourishes only under a regime of liberty, and that was something foreign to the Habsburg tradition" - (pp. 446-447). Masaryk's Czecho-Slovakia, however, proved that Masaryk was not interested in or impressed by "American democratic federalism." The "Czechoslova k" democratic system was as far removed from American democratic federalism as were the Austrian and Hungarian systems. The Czech bureaucracy and chauvinism of Masaryk and Benes �SLOVAKIA 83 failed utterly to satisfy the aspirations of the Slovaks and other non-Czech nations of Czecho-Slovakia for political self-expression. Twenty years of Masaryk-Benes rule in Czecho-Slovakia definitely proved that true liberty was more foreign to the Masaryk and Benes regimes than it was to the Habsburgs, hence, the seed of federalism was not even planted by them. Czecho-Slovakia was supposed to be patterned after Switzerland or the United States, but the fact is that she was not. (The End.) • • • THE SLOVAKS WERE THERE : MAJOR JOHN L. POLERECKY FOUGHT FOR AMERICA'S INDEPENDENCE In 1781, when the defeated army of Cornwallis surrendered its arms to General George Washington at Yorktown, Va., among the "French Hussars" who encircled the defeated, as the ceremony of "surrendering arms" took place, was a son of Slovakia, Major John L. Polerecky, whose father hailed from Polerieka, Turiec Province, Slovakia. The story of John Polerecky's participation in the American Revolution for the independence of America was unfolded by Dr. Joseph Cincik, Ph.D., professor of history and art, Cleveland, Ohio, and a member of the Slovak Institute there. Mr. Cincik, a distant relative of Major Polerecky, spent much time and money in travel and research to gather the facts of the Polerecky story. When the complete story of Polerecky is published, it will be fully documented with photocopies of original documents from Slovakia, France, and the National Archives in Washington, D. C. What is presented here is from a portion of Dr. Cincik's manuscript on Major Polerecky. When Francis Rakoczy of Hungary revolted against the Habsburgs and lost, he was forced to flee for his life in 1711. He fled to Poland and later made his way to France. Rakoczy was not through with his fight against Vienna, and Louis XIV was happy to accept his services when he offered them to him in 1713. Rakoczy was ac- � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1957, Vol. 7 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 22), March 1957.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 23), June 1957.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 24-25), September-December 1957.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1957 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 69 Mr. Secretary, and Mr. Ambassador, your personal as well as official support. As loyal sons and daughters of this great Republic, we beseech God's blessings upon You and your efforts to bring about His greater honor and glory, and we convey to each of You our sincerest and warmest personal regards. In witness whereof, we have unanimously adopted the above sentiments at this historic 35th Congress at Cleveland, Ohio, on May 26, 1957, the 50th anniversary of the first enunciation of these principles by our predecessors, of happy memory, our founding fathers and the organizers of the Slovak League of America. The Memorandum Committee of the Slovak League: (Signatures) JOHN J. SIROTNAK (Pa.) JOHN J . LESKOVJANSKY (Ohio) EDWARD J. BEHUNCIK (Conn.) JOHN B. HASSAY (Ohio) ELIZABETH ANDREJKO (Pa.) PHILIP A. HROBAK, President The Slovak League of America • • • Kerner's "Czechoslovakia" (Cont'd.) IDSTORY OR PROPAGANDA? P.A.HROBAK CHAPTER XVI - "Education in a Democracy" - by Francis H . Stuerm, Ph.D.; "Member, faculty of New York University; educated in Switzerland and the United States; Ph.D., New York University; author of Training in Democracy: The New Schools of Czechoslovakia (1938), published under the auspices of the Progressive Education Association." Another "progressive" report by a "progressive" professor! Thirteen pages, all of them devoted to the Czechs (Bohemia-Moravia), except this single paragraph which contained the word "Slovakia": "One of the Republic's lar gest educational tasks was to set up a complete system of education in the provinces of Slovakia and Sub- 70 SLOVAKIA Carpathian Ruthenia. In these former had been no universities or secondary cular, and not enough primary schools teach more than half the population for provinces of Hungary there schools taught in the vernaconducted in any language to four school years" - (p. 305). How many universities and secondary schools "taught in the vernacular" there were in Slovakia twenty years after the Czechs took over, Mr. Stuerm strangely fails to disclose which in itself is quite significant. The fact is that there was only one, the Comenius University in Bratislava, and this "only one" was completely under CZECH control! • • • "When the Czechoslovak Republic took over the schools of the former provinces of Austria-Hungary from which it was formed, its CZECH citizens were already democrats through inclination and generations of training. However, this training had not been gained in the schools. The CZECHS were democratic because their former Habsburg ruler had made them classless, three centuries before, by decimating their nobility and because for generations they had learned cooperation in united opposition to the Habsburgs" - (p. 302). The fact is that the "Czechoslovak Republic" did not take any schools over, but the CZECHS did and made them over in the CZECH image. "United opposition" to the Habsburgs? The historical fact is that the Czechs served the Habsburgs most loyally! The non-Czech citizens evidently were not "democratic" according to Mr. Stuerm. We know how the " democracy" of the Benes Czechs dealt with them. • • • "The Austrian schools had been developed under a central administration determined tu discipline the young people for satisfied subjection to the Habsburgs" - (p. 302). In like manner, the Czecho-Slovak schools had been developed under a central administration from Prague determined to discipline the young people of the various nations of the Republic for satisfied subjection to the Czechs. The "progressive" Czechs, however, went wide of their determination and found to their regret that young Slovaks were discipilined for dissatisfied subjection to the Czechs, upholding the principle that to every action there is an equal and opposite reaction. Result? A greater degree of Slovak nationalism - Slovak solidarity! • • • "One of the fruits of CZECH political victories had been a continual expansion of the number of CZECH schools in which instruc- SLOVAKIA 71 tion was given in the CZECH language . .. CZECH teachers had led the empire's educators in studying and advocating innovations of method (p. 303).... After the Republic was established, (CZECH) teachers who were interested in liberalization of method soon took advantage of their newly gained freedom to make study trips abroad. They attended PROGRESSIVE schools of pedagogy and observed PROGRESSIVE teaching in the United States, Switzerland, Belgium, Denmark, England, and in the NEW RUSSIA. They returned home filled with ideas and enthusiasm (p. 304). . . . During the Republic's early years there was a young CZECH educator, dr. Vaclav Prihoda, who was studying in the United States (Chicago U.; Columbia U.). . . . and became profoundly influenced by the ideas of Dewey and Thorndike . .. (he) was appointed chairman of this governmental committee (Reform Committee at the School of Higher Pedagogical Studies) (pp. 306-307).... The CZECHS have always considered the maintenance of the national culture as a duty sacred in its importance. . . . It was this strong practical strain in the CZECH character which caused initial reluctance among the citizens to permit changes in schools which they knew were good (pp. 308-309) . . .. During the golden age of CZECH democracy under the Republic, children cooperated freely in their classroom in the singing of (Czech) patriotic songs and in the artistic speaking chorus, all which heightened their feeling of national unity (p. 311).... The emotional basis of CZECH democracy was the same inherent staying power which had maintained the nation in its precarious geographical situation since early tribal times (p. 313).. . the CZECHS had built up in their character centuries-old habits of independent individual thought and public cooperation. . . . In Austrian times, the training in the schools overlaid the CZECH'S democratic character with a surface attitude of acquiescent passivity. When the establishment of the Republic gave CZECH democracy opportunity to flourish unhampered in its action, PROGRESSIVE educators developed a new method, which gave it direct expression" (p. 314). Mr. Stuerm certainly was hep on the "progressive" CZECH business, the only thing, according to him, and others, which figured in the "CZECH democracy" of Czecho-Slovakia - in which the progressive "truth" of Masaryk-Benes prevailed. In the end "CZECH democracy" had no trouble in becoming CZECH "PEOPLE'S Democracy!" • • • CHAPTER XVII "Czechoslovakia's Contribution to Science" - by Gerald Druce, D.R.N., M.Sc.; Fellow London Chemical Society (1915-) ; Fellow Institute of Chemistry (1925-) ; honorary and foreign member Masaryk Academy of Work (1928-) ; M.Sc., University of London; D.R.N., Charles University, Prague; authority on CZECH science; author of books and articles, among them: Wan- 72 SL'.) VAKIA derings in Czechoslovakia (1930) In the Heart of Europe - Life in Czechoslovakia (1936). Another misnomered chapter which should be entitled: CZECH contribution to science. The very first sentence of Mr. Druce's contribution to Kerner's "Czechoslovakia" has no historical basis in fact; in it he claims that "the Czechoslovak State REGAINED its independence in 1918" - the ridiculous story the Benes Czechs promoted and still propagate. The "Czecho-Slovak State" never existed until 1918 ! A few samplings for the edification of historians interested in the history of the Slovaks and Czechs: " . ... contemporary mineralogical and alchemical works in the CZECH language . .. the greatest CZECH educator, Comenius ... the CZECH national revival . . . The National Museum . . . widened its scope to become a rallying point of all CZECH culture .... Purkyne lectured in CZECH ... CZECH men of science ... distinguished CZECH chemists ... CZECH scientific literature . . . Modern scientific and technical works in CZECH . .. . It was in the biological sciences that CZECH men of science made noteworthy advances a century ago . .. . Count Kaspar Sternberg ... was a patron of CZECH science at the time of the national awakening .. . ." The CZECH men of science get all the play; General Milan Stefanik, "the Slovak astronomer," was the only Slovak to rate - one sentence! The "selected Bibliography" at the end of the chapter is strictly CZECH. So, "Czechoslovakia's Contributions to Science" really winds up to be: CZECH contributions to science - according to the formula of the Benes Czechs. • • • CHAPTER XVIII - "Czechoslovak Music, Art, and by Jaroslav E. Vojan, J.D.; "President, Literature" Bohemian Arts Club (1912-); J.D., Charles University, Prague; Professor of Economics, College of Commerce, Prague (1899); editor, NEW CZECH Review (Prague, 1903-1904) ; editor, Svojan, (1928-) ; editor, Free Czechoslovakia (1939-) ; author of Czech-American Epistles (1910) ... " As one might suspect, in this chapter, too, just about everything "Czechoslovak" means "CZECH": composers, artists, sculptors, writers, poets, et al. Slovaks, however, rate a bit better than they did in the previous chapter (by SLOVAKIA 73 Druce): Mr. Vojan generously allows them three sentences in a total of 18 pages ! • • • CHAPTER XIX - "Diplomatic Origins and Foreign Policy" - by Felix J. Vondracek, Ph.D.; "Professor of European History University of North Dakota; Ph.D. , Columbia University; author of "The Foreign Policy of Czechoslovakia (1937) ." "The best efforts of a vigilant Austro-Hungarian police and spy system had not been able to prevent patriotic Czechoslovaks in the homelands from communicating with the exiles through the efficient (Czech) 'Maffia' organization. Both groups of patriots well knew that success could be attained only through cooperation" (pp. 349-350). Professor Vondracek, like other Benes Czechs and their hired propagandists, promotes the false thesis of a "united CZECHOSLOVAK nation." What "patriotic Czechoslovaks" at a time when the Republic of Czecho-Slovakia did not exist? Why then talk about "both groups" of patriots? Who were the "SLOVAK patriots" who communicated with the CZECH exiles (Masaryk and Benes) through the CZECH "MAFFIA"? We know that most Slovak patriots and many CZECH patriots knew practically nothing about what Masaryk and Benes were cooking up for them in exile. Masaryk and Benes themselves figured that the fewer Slovak and Czech "patriots" in on their plan, the better the chances for the success of their CZECH cause, promoted under the guise of a "CZECHOSLOVAK" cause. Mr. Vondracek, CZECH "expert" on CZECHO-SLOVAK diplomacy and foreign policy, hinted at this when he said: "The efforts of the predominantly CZECH revolutionary leaders in Paris and Prague were supported by other Slavic groups" (p. 350). Of course, Mr. Vondracek very conveniently forgot to spell out the "other Slavic groups" who really knew something about the efforts of Benes, Masaryk, and the CZECH "Maffia" at that time . "On June • • • 30, 1918, American-CZECH and American-SLOVAK leaders in the United States signed the DECLARATION OF PITTSBURGH, whereby, in the Czechoslovakia-to-be, THE SLOVAK PEO- 74 SLOVAKIA PLE WERE GUARANTEED THEIR OWN ASSEMBLY, COURTS, AND ADMINISTRATION. Similarly, by the D'l!daration of Turcian• sky Sv. Martin, signed on October 30, the :ilovaks in the homeland associated themselves with the new State" - (p . 350). The Pittsburgh Convention or Agree!nent was drafted and signed by T. G. Masaryk and representatives of American Slovak and Czech organizations on May 30, 1918 - and not on JUNE 30, 1918 (See Chapter IX above). It is significant that :M:r. Vondracek fails to mention the historic:11 fact tha: Masaryk repudiated the Pittsburgh Conver.tion, calling it but a "scrap of paper." And note th:1t the 'Slovaks in the homeland associated themselves with the ~ew State" TWO DAYS AFTER the Prague declaration of independence! This is evidence of how much "Slovak patriots" really knew about what was cooking in the CZECH kitchen of Masaryk and Benes! • • • "At the termination of the war, Cechoslovak forces totaled 182,000 men, of which number 12,000 were serving in France, 78,000 in Italy, and 92,000 in Russia. The last of these armies had been particularly valuable to the Allies" - (p. 351). The figures are undoubtedly based on CZECH mathematics authored by the Benes Czechs, which is based on the principle of at least "doubling" numbers in such cases. And the fact is that the "Czechoslovak forces" in Russia were not at all valuable to the Allies since they refused to follow their orders. Masaryk conjured the "Siberian rabbit" out of his black felt hat to create a favorable impression in America. Czechs and pro-Czechs love to indulge in the legend cooked up by Masaryk. But the truth is something else again. "The Czechs," Robert Ingrim tells us ("After Hitler Stalin?"), "were offered the 'short route' to France, via Murmansk and Archangel, but they preferred the long way via Siberia to Vladivostok. . . . They were not interested in fighting the Bolsheviks or anyone else. . . . Their policy was, as their spokesman said, 'the railroad and to go home'.... They did very little fighting, and when the Reds had overcome their initial disorganization and had become a serious military force, the Czechs withdrew eastward." Just how the "Czechoslovak army performed for the Allies services more valuable than the same forces could SLOVAKIA 75 have rendered in France ... through control of the Volga area and the Transsiberian Railway," Mr. Vondracek does · not explain. We know that Masaryk and Benes did not want their Czech legions in Siberia to fight the Bolsheviks. We also know that the Allies insisted that "the Czechs stop their retreat and support the Regent," Admiral Koltschak, supreme commander of the anti-Bolshevik forces - "otherwise they would not get ships over the Pacific." The Czechs yielded to this threat reluctantly, but when the Reds had shown their superiority, "the Czechs helped them capture the admiral"! Mr. Vondracek, in typical Czech fashion, tells us, however, that: "Enmeshed in the Russian domestic chaos, and forced to continue the struggle against the Bolsheviks after the World War had terminated, the Czechoslovak Legions became unwilling tools of a French and British diplomacy that wished to keep them in Siberia indefinitely." Why British and French diplomacy really wanted to keep the "Czechoslovak" Legions in Siberia INDEFINITELY, Mr. Vondracek does not say. We know, however, for that British and, particularly, French diplomacy which Masaryk and Benes became WILLING TOOLS had very much to do with the establishment of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. • • • How Benes felt about the Soviet Union is, surprisingly, factually reported by Mr. Vondracek (pp. 356-362): "Benes was a pioneer in advocating the recognition of Soviet Russia long before public opinion either in Czechoslovakia or elsewhere in Europe became converted to such a step." The foreign policy of Czecho-Slovakia was Dr. Eduard Benes, and Benes, a thorough Socialist, was completely pro-Soviet and for the socialistic system of the U. S. S. R. His policy led to the logical conclusion we all witnessed after the war (1945-1948): a complete surrender to Communism. Benes and Masaryk undoubtedly persuaded their people, the Czechs, to recognize Soviet Russia, but they certainly could not persuade the Slovaks to do so. The Slovak nation, as a whole, remained faithful to its thoroughly Christian tradition, opposing collaboration with the godless forces of the Soviet Union to the very bitter end. 76 SLOVAKIA The Munich debacle is treated in the typical fashion of the Benes Czechs by Mr. Vondracek: Benes and his Czechs were above reproach; the culprits were Britain, France, the Germans, the Slovaks, Poles, Magyars, and Ruthenes (pp. 364-366). "Faced with the ruin of his life's work, Benes wisely resigned and went into voluntary exile," Mr. Vondracek says tersely, but nary a word that Benes had surrendered his country to Hitler without consulting parliament and thereby had incurred the just wrath of both Slovaks and Czechs, who probably would have hung him had he not fled to England. The fact is that Benes was a coward; the surrender of Czecho-Slovakia to Hitler, without consulting the representatives of the nations concerned, was criminal. The Benes Czechs did not and still do not want the world to know the truth why Benes did capitulate to Hitler. Robert Ingrim, however, hit the nail on the head when he said: "The allegation that the Czechs surrendered without firing a shot, because England and France asked them to do so, is purely fictitious. They chose to surrender 'at the behest of their faithless friends,' because an attempt to fight would have revealed to the world that the German-Slovak-Magyar-Polish-Ruthenian majority of the population was not prepared to die for a State that had treated them as second-class citizens." • • • After Hitler attacked Poland, Great Britain and France declared war on Germany, and World War II was on, "for which," Mr. Vondracek says, "many CZECHOSLOVAKS had been praying as their one hope of salvation after Munich." But this is only Mr. Vondracek's opinion and not fact. The truth is that the overwhelming majority of Slovaks did not pray for war but for peace. Mr. Vondracek has no proof to offer that even many Czechs, the majority of whom, we are told, are Catholics, prayed for war either. And he undoubtedly knew that the Slovak Republic, after the legal autonomous Slovak Government had declared Slovakia an independent State (March 14, 1939), was recognized DE JURE and./or DE FACTO by twenty-seven states, yet, in Kerner's "Czechoslovakia," he chose to write the following historical lie: "The Czechoslovak Republic continued to exist de jure, if not de facto. The United States, Great Britain, France, Soviet Russia and Poland in particular had not recognized the annexation by Germany". SLOVAKIA 77 The historical truth is that Great Britain, France, Soviet Russia, as well as Poland (until Hitler attacked it, September 1, 1939) - and twenty-three other countries - did recognize the independent Slovak State and, hence, must have also recognized the collapse of Czecho-Slovakia. The U. S., it is true, did not recognize independent Slovakia, but the Slovaks were quite certain that it would, if war did not break out for another year or two - and that is what they were praying for at that time. They were through with Benes's 'Czechoslovak" democracy then and did not want his "new Czechoslovakia" - the "people's democracy" in 1945. They are adamantly opposed to her today and will be as long as she exists! • • • CHAPTER XX - "The Little Entente and the Balkan Entente" - by Harry Nicholas Howard, Ph.D., "Professor of History, Miami University, Oxford, Ohio; Ph.D., University of California; member, Institut Balkanique (Belgrade; American contributing editor, Bibliographie Balkanique (Paris)," etc. Professor Howard, like the many other distinguished scholars who contributed chapters to Kerner's "Czechoslovakia," succumbed to the charms of the Masaryk and Benes Czechs, lapped up their propaganda, then presented it as "history." The Little Entente was formed, Mr. Howard states, "in the light of such a practical philosophy" - the latter being expressed by Dr. Eduard Benes (p. 372). Of course, neither Benes nor Mr. Howard could even dare mention a cordon sanitaire against Germany! Having adopted Benes's "practical philosophy" for the formation of the Little Entente, Mr. Howard continued: " One of the keystones of the foreign policy of Czechoslovakia was the organization in 1920-1921 of the Little Entente, composed of Czechoslovakia, Jugoslavia and Rumania. Czechoslovakia played a principal and even a dominant role in the Little Entente .... Dr. Eduard Benes, as foreign minister and later as president of Czechoslovakia, was the major statesman of the Little Entente, not only within its inner circles, but in the League of Nations, and, therefore, in the councils of European diplomacy" - (p. 368). Big Socialist and little man Benes played " big" politics in the Little Entente, while Czecho-Slovakia, outside of being Benes's kingdom, meant little. The "major statesman" was 78 SLOVAKIA deflated completely by the first great crisis ·that hit CzechoSlovakia and the Little Entente. Mr. Howard knew that but he continued to ramble on: "When the great crisis came in September, 1938, it is interesting to note that both Jugoslavia, thanks to popular pressure on behalf of Czechoslovakia, and Rumania, as members of the Little Entente, rallied to the support of the harassed Republic. They remained true to their obligations, and were ready to stand to arms, as long as they had any confidence in France and Great Britain . .. Only the Munich 'Accord' of September 29-30 finally destroyed the Little Entente" - (p. 383). "The Little Entente, despite determined efforts, was unable to organize an effective, inclusive political and economic collaboration in central Europe, embracing Auslria and Hungary" - (p. 384). We are supposed to believe that without the "Munich Accord" the Little Entente would not have been destroyed, according to Mr. Howard. The Little Entente, Mr. Howard could have told us if he were honest, was just so much horse play. Why embrace only Austria and Hungary (as if Benes wanted to!) to organize effective collaboration in Central Europe, and not the rest of the countries "in that area? The fact is that after twenty years of Benes foreign policy, not a single neighboring country was really on friendly terms with Czecho-Slovakia. Jingos and chauvinists usually wear blinkers. The French (Clemenceau and Poincare), however, were not blind to the new dangers of the new distribution of power on the European Continent. When they decided to destroy Austria-Hungary, they undoubtedly were familiar with the objections to this program: their plan was to replace Austro-German and Magyar leadership on the Danube by Czech imperialism, combined with the Serbian and Rumanian brands. Years later the result was the Little Entente (Czecho-Slovakia, Rumania, Yugoslavia), "the memory of which," according to Robert Ingrim, "produces a smile an every European's lips, a smile tinged with scorn," because "you cannot square a circle, and, unlike distant Americans, people on the spot could not be persuaded to admire as progress the replacement of one mixed state by three no less mixed ones." Viscount D' Abernon, showing how Versailles had destroyed Europe's equilibrium- ("An Ambassador of Peace" - 1929), predicted: "The Czech satellite will revert to the orbit of the Moscow planet as soon SLOVAKIA 79 as disturbing forces cease to operate as powerfully as today." We know that he was right. When the "big crisis" came the Little Entente, including Benes's Czecho-Slovakia, folded up. • • • CHAPTER XXI - "Hitler and Hitlerism" - by (Henry) Wickham Steed, LL.D., "Editor, London Times (19191922); correspondent, London Times, at Berlin (1896); at Rome (1897-1902); at Vienna (1902-1913); foreign editor (1914-1919); proprietor and editor, The Review of Reviews (1923-1930); educated at universities of Jena, Berlin, and Paris; LL.D., universities of Strasbourg and Cluj; Lecturer on Central European History, King's College, University of London (1925-1938); author of numerous books and articles ... ", etc. Probably no individual helped T. G. Masaryk and Eduard Benes - and their "CZECH cause" - as much as Mr. Steed of London, man of letters and contacts and, therefore, a man of great influence. With his valuable assistance and the backing of the "progressive" forces of Socialism and Freemasonry, Masaryk and Benes, who were political unknowns before World War I, in a very short time became "political wizards, outstanding statesmen, experts on Central Europe and Germany and Russia, and pre-eminently political philosophers." It all came about by propaganda - as did Czecho-Slovakia, the political monstrosity of Masaryk and Benes. And Mr. H. Wickham Steed was quite a propagandist for a new order in "Christian" Europe - an order divorced from things eternal, from God Himself. His attempt to help Masaryk and Benes "remake" the history of the Slovak and Czech nations to suit the pattern of "the ideas of Masaryk" is quite obvious in his chapter of Kerner's "Czechoslovakia": "The Czechoslovak State had been fashioned and inspired by the ideas of Thomas G. Masaryk. . . . Masaryk looked upon that war (1914-1918) as a struggle between the ideas of the West and the ideas of Germany. The ideas of the West, he argued, are legacies of the Renaissance and the Reformation with their outcome in the English, American, and French revolutions, the parents of democra• cy. He defined democracy as an attempt to organize mankind intensively, as distinguished from the theocracy of the Holy Roman Empire which tried to organize European mankind extensively" (p. 402). 80 SLOVAKIA This probably explains why Czecho-Slovakia collapsed in 1938: the ideas of T. G. Masaryk were of themselves insufficient for the life of the nations contained within Masaryk's "CZECH" democracy. It is significant that even the Czechs did not fire a shot in the defense of Masaryk's democracy in 1938 or in 1948 ! • • • his World Revolution, Masaryk declared that there is only one remedy for abuses and defects in the life of the State truth and truthfulness, coupled with freedom to speak and to write the truth. Democracy, he insisted, should mean moral renovation in politics, in education, and throughout the whole range of public and private life" - (p. 405). "In This sounds regular, coming from an admirer and promoter of Masaryk, but the fact remains that T. G. M. often did not do as he preached. What did he say and write about the Slovaks and their country? Why did he deceive them and defraud them of the autonomy he and Benes had promised in Czecho-Slovakia? What about the "Siberian legend"? And White Mountain? Moral renovation? Based on what fundamentals? The state built by Masaryk and Benes was a fraud, because they were frauds at war with the Author of all genuine truth, justice, and morality. • • • "Peace can be founded only upon a community of free, democratic, and ethically minded peoples resolved to work together as equals in the spirit of Masaryk's faith. Hitlerism, in the broadest sense, is the foe of civilized humanity; and in nothing was Masaryk greater than in his insistance that the idea of his people must be : "Jesus, not Caesar" - (p. 408). Even if the whole world works "in the spirit of Masaryk's faith," no true and lasting peace will ever result. There was no genuine peace in Masaryk's own State. And what was the difference between Masarykism and Hitlerism? Hitler promoted German National Socialism, while Masaryk and Benes promoted CZECH National Socialism. Masarky did use the slogan "Jesus, not Caesar," but he did not live up to it, serving rather the enemies of Jesus, the Caesars of the forces of darkness. The cross of Jesus was forcefully removed from schools, the Marian Column was torn down in Prague, and the Church established by Jesus, the Roman Catholic Church, was harrassed and persecu- SLOVAKlA 81 ted by Masaryk and his followers, who promoted the Czech National Church and shrieked: "Away from Rome - Rome must be put on trial and convicted!" Democracy, Masaryk said, 'is not alone a form of State and of administration. It is a philosophy of life and an outlook upon the world" ( (p. 406). What was the ethical basis of his politics? T. G. M. said: "The ethical basis of all politics is humanity, and humanity is an international program. It is a new word for the old love of our fellow-men" (p. 406). Humanity, "the new word," was then substituted by Masaryk for the old word, God and Jesus, as the ethical basis of his politics. We know what it led to: Chaos and ruin. • • • CHAPTER XXII - "The Road to Munich and Beyond" - by Bernadotte E. Schmitt, Ph.D. , "Andrew MacLeish Distinguished Service Professor of Modern History, University of Chicago; B.A., M.A., Oxford (Rhodes Scholar from Tennessee); Ph.D., Wisconscin; Guggenheim Fellow (1927) ; Pulitzer Prize winner (1931) ; editor, Journal of Modern History, Chicago, 1929-) ," etc. This chapter, in the main, follows the usual line of the Benes Czechs: Benes was clean; the Czechs were "ready, even eager, to fight," but Great Britain and France would not let them; "IF Dr. Benes, with whom the ultimate decision rested, yielded to the demands of Britain and France, the explanation appears to be two-fold - Benes wished to spare his people the horrors of war and, then, he feared, "if Czechoslovakia fought only with Russia as an ally she would be labeled as a RED state (however preposterous that might seem) ... " As for the Slovaks: Hlinka's autonomists supported the demands of the Sudeten German Party, while the Czecho-Slovakia of 1918-1938 "was satisfactory to the Czechs and to a majority of the Slovaks, but not to a considerable section of the German and Magyar minorities, the inclusion of whom was necessary to make the State economically viable." The truth is that the majority of the Slovaks were not satisfied with the Czecho-Slovakia of 1918-1938. • • • CHAPTER XXIII - "Czechoslovak Democracy: Was It Worth While?" - by James T. Shotwell, Ph.D., LL.D., 82 SLOVAKIA "Bryce Professor of the History of International Relations, Columbia University . .. president League of Nations Association (1935-) ... commander, Order of the White Lion (Czechoslovak ia) ... " etc. (about a half page!). Mr. Shotwell is another of the "Masaryk-Ben es-coulddo-no-wrong" chain gang. The majority of the population of Czecho-Slovak ia was opposed to "Czechoslovak" democracy - a pseudodemoc racy - but Shotwell says it was worth while, stating categorically: "There can be no doubt that the history of Europe and of Western civilization has been immensely enriched by the philosophy and statesmanship of President Masaryk. Neither can there be any doubt that the Czechoslovak Republic has left a remarkable record in the annals of history; one which, with all its mis- takes - and they must be admitted - proved the competence of this branch of the Slavic peoples in the art and science of government" - (p. 441). The fact is, however, that the socialistic State of Czecho-Slovakia proved beyond a doubt that it does not pay to collaborate with the Soviet Union and the Reds. The world would be healthier today minus the "philosophy and statesmanship " of Masaryk who falsified and distorted Czech and Slovak history to create the political monstrosity of Czecho-Slovakia. Another of Shotwell's "facts": "His (Masaryk's) effort to teach the philosophy of Thomas Jefferson not only to his own people but to the others of east-central Europe did not wholly succeed; for the task was well-nigh impossible. The Austrian system of government under which the Czechs had lived, and still more Hungary's rule of the Slavs within its frontiers, were both far removed from the American democratic federalism, which was the basis of Masaryk's political philosophy. Although the Habsburg's had been forced to recognize the different national stocks which composed their varied empire, the bureaucracy and the army held these peoples together in a way which failed utterly to satisfy their aspirations for political self-expression. True federalism flourishes only under a regime of liberty, and that was something foreign to the Habsburg tradition" - (pp. 446-447). Masaryk's Czecho-Slovakia, however, proved that Masaryk was not interested in or impressed by "American democratic federalism." The "Czechoslova k" democratic system was as far removed from American democratic federalism as were the Austrian and Hungarian systems. The Czech bureaucracy and chauvinism of Masaryk and Benes SLOVAKIA 83 failed utterly to satisfy the aspirations of the Slovaks and other non-Czech nations of Czecho-Slovakia for political self-expression. Twenty years of Masaryk-Benes rule in Czecho-Slovakia definitely proved that true liberty was more foreign to the Masaryk and Benes regimes than it was to the Habsburgs, hence, the seed of federalism was not even planted by them. Czecho-Slovakia was supposed to be patterned after Switzerland or the United States, but the fact is that she was not. (The End.) • • • THE SLOVAKS WERE THERE : MAJOR JOHN L. POLERECKY FOUGHT FOR AMERICA'S INDEPENDENCE In 1781, when the defeated army of Cornwallis surrendered its arms to General George Washington at Yorktown, Va., among the "French Hussars" who encircled the defeated, as the ceremony of "surrendering arms" took place, was a son of Slovakia, Major John L. Polerecky, whose father hailed from Polerieka, Turiec Province, Slovakia. The story of John Polerecky's participation in the American Revolution for the independence of America was unfolded by Dr. Joseph Cincik, Ph.D., professor of history and art, Cleveland, Ohio, and a member of the Slovak Institute there. Mr. Cincik, a distant relative of Major Polerecky, spent much time and money in travel and research to gather the facts of the Polerecky story. When the complete story of Polerecky is published, it will be fully documented with photocopies of original documents from Slovakia, France, and the National Archives in Washington, D. C. What is presented here is from a portion of Dr. Cincik's manuscript on Major Polerecky. When Francis Rakoczy of Hungary revolted against the Habsburgs and lost, he was forced to flee for his life in 1711. He fled to Poland and later made his way to France. Rakoczy was not through with his fight against Vienna, and Louis XIV was happy to accept his services when he offered them to him in 1713. Rakoczy was ac-  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Professor Kerner's "CZECHOSLOVAKIA": History or Propaganda? (8/8) Description An account of the resource P. A. Hrobak Slovakia, Vol. 7, No. 3-4 (24-25), September-December 1957 pp. 69-83 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Hrobak, Philip Anthony, 1904-1964 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource September-December 1957 Relation A related resource continued from <a href="/items/show/242">Vol. 7, No. 2 (23), pp. 52-57</a> LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/8534412d8641d0b5d9a0de8dfe911fad.pdf 08a3a0dc0b145a9d3398e78412eb677d PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 83 failed utterly to satisfy the aspirations of the Slovaks and other non-Czech nations of Czecho-Slovakia for political self-expression. Twenty years of Masaryk-Benes rule in Czecho-Slovakia definitely proved that true liberty was more foreign to the Masaryk and Benes regimes than it was to the Habsburgs, hence, the seed of federalism was not even planted by them. Czecho-Slovakia was supposed to be patterned after Switzerland or the United States, but the fact is that she was not. (The End.) • • • THE SLOVAKS WERE THERE : MAJOR JOHN L. POLERECKY FOUGHT FOR AMERICA'S INDEPENDENCE In 1781, when the defeated army of Cornwallis surrendered its arms to General George Washington at Yorktown, Va., among the "French Hussars" who encircled the defeated, as the ceremony of "surrendering arms" took place, was a son of Slovakia, Major John L. Polerecky, whose father hailed from Polerieka, Turiec Province, Slovakia. The story of John Polerecky's participation in the American Revolution for the independence of America was unfolded by Dr. Joseph Cincik, Ph.D., professor of history and art, Cleveland, Ohio, and a member of the Slovak Institute there. Mr. Cincik, a distant relative of Major Polerecky, spent much time and money in travel and research to gather the facts of the Polerecky story. When the complete story of Polerecky is published, it will be fully documented with photocopies of original documents from Slovakia, France, and the National Archives in Washington, D. C. What is presented here is from a portion of Dr. Cincik's manuscript on Major Polerecky. When Francis Rakoczy of Hungary revolted against the Habsburgs and lost, he was forced to flee for his life in 1711. He fled to Poland and later made his way to France. Rakoczy was not through with his fight against Vienna, and Louis XIV was happy to accept his services when he offered them to him in 1713. Rakoczy was ac- �84 SLOVAKIA companied by, among others, two of his most trusted soldiers: Count Andrew Polerecky and Count Nicholas Bercsenyi, who were excellent horsemen. They formed the core of command of Rak6czy's light cavalry. In time King Louis ordered them to organize two regiments of riders in the Alsace region. Polerecky organized a regiment of Hussars in Rosenheim-Malsheim. It was in Alsace that Andrew Polerecky fathered two sons, Frederick and John, the latter being the man of Yorktown, Va. Both of Andrew's sons studied at the Royal Military Academy. While Frederick remained in the service of the French kings till the end of the monarchy, John promoted to a Major by royal decree of Louis XV (original in the National Archives), chose to go to America with the expeditionary army of Rochambeau to help the colonists rid themselves of British rule. His immediate superior was the Duke de Lauzun, commander of the light cavalry of French Volunteers, or the Duke's deputy, Theobald de Dillon. Major Polerecky was often entrusted with the communication and dispatch services, among other things. They participated in the battles along the Hudson river above present-day New York City in the first half of 1781 and then in the White Plains and Kingsbridge regions before June 21, 1781, in the battle for the city. Polerecky and the Hussars of the Due de Lauzun harrassed the British "Green Dragoons" under Lt. Col. Banaster Tarleton, who was known as "bloody Tarleton." At the beginning of the siege of Yorktown and Gloucester Point, Lauzun's legion, or a large part of it, implemented Weedon's Militia from Virginia near Gloucester to neutralize Tarleton's Dragoons. Major John Polerecky and his men moved between Yorktown and Gloucester Point, keeping communications open between the two points for the benefit of coordinating the movements of the allied armies of the French and the American colonists. It was during the siege of Yorktown, at the beginning of October, 1781, that Major Polerecky became acquainted with Col. Henry Dearborn (1751-1829), who had just been named Deputy Quarter Master General, and with Col. Benjamin Lincoln (1733-1810), who later became Generals of the �SLOVAKIA 85 American Army and Secretaries of the War after the Revolution. They became fast friends, and it was this friendship that decided for Polerecky to remain permanently in America. With the surrender of Lord Cornwallis to Washington's Army on October 19, 1781, Col. Lincoln, representing George Washington, accepted the surrender of Lord Cornwallis from the hands of Col. Charles O'Hara, representing Cornwallis. Several moments later, Major John Polerecky "under the poplars" south of Yorktown, with the Hussars of the Due de Lauzun encircling the defeated units of the British Army, took over the arms of the defeated. As stated, Dearborn and Lincoln had something to do with Major Polerecky's decision to settle in America. There is a document in the National Archives, Washington, D. C., which tells us that Polerecky requested his commander Due de Lauzun, permission to resign from the French Hussars, and the request was granted in Philadelpjhia, October 1, 1783. But conditions in France after 1781 undoubtedly settled the problem for Polerecky more than anything else. On October 20, 1781, the day after Cornwallis's surrender, General Rochambeau, Commander-in-Chief of the French forces in America, sent the Due de Lauzun to Paris to report personally to King Louis XVI the victory over the British. Polerecky accompanied his commander. France was not the France they knew before embarking for America with Rochambeau to help the colonists win their independence from the British. The remnants of the Hussars of Lauzun's Legion, which remained in France, while the main force fought in America were spiritless; their numbers had dwindled, because the Hussars were sent to other wars than the American, and Lauzun felt badly about it, since it was not done with his knowledge and approval. In Paris intrigue was rampant against the Due de Lauzun and his Volunteer Legion of Hussars. Major Polerecky was informed about the situation that prevailed by his brother, Brigadier General Andrew F. Polerecky who served with the French forces at the Royal Court in Versailles. Polerecky left France disheartened and returned to America. �86 SLOVAKIA Upon his return, Major John Polerecky resumed his friendship with General Dearborn and General Lincoln. He went to Boston and at the end of 1784 decided to buy a farm in Maine, near that of Henry Dearborn, who had settled in Monmouth, Maine, in June of 1784. Through Lincoln, who was now in the real estate business, Major Polerecky bought 40 acres of land early in 1785 from one Luis Cavalier in the village of Pownalborough (today it's Dresden), between the East and Kenebeck rivers, a territory settled by the French, particularly the descendants of the Huguenots. It was in Pownalborough that Major John Polerecky became acquainted with and married Nancy Pushard (sometimes - "Pochard") in June, 1785. Nancy, the youngest of the Puschard children, was born in America. By an act of the Massachusetts Congress, signed by the famous John Hancock, Governor of Massachusetts and one of the signers of the Declaration of Independence, Polerecky became a naturalized citizen of the country he had helped to become independent of alien rule. His friendship with Dearborn and Lincoln added to his prestige among the old settlers. Polerecky held various public offices from 1789 to 1794 in his community ( "Hogreeve; Pound Keeper; Surveyor of Highways"). Gen. Henry Dearborn frequently visited Polerecky in the "Old Court House" in Dresden. When General Dearborn was appointed Military Marshal for the District of Maine on August 26, 1790, he appointed John Polerecky as his Deputy Marshal. That year a census of the people in Maine was made; Dearborn appointed Polerecky as Census Commissioner of the southeastern coastal district of Maine and the outlying islands. In 1794, when the western part of Pownalborough was incorporated as the town of "Fayette" ( changed later for reasons unrecorded to "Dresden"), Polerecky was elected Town Clerk. In 1796, he applied for the job of lighthouse keeper on the Island of Seguin, which he got with the help of Dearborn and Lincoln, In 1805, John Polerecky resigned his job and was again elected Town Clerk, serving in this capacity for twenty-three years more. From the records of the town of Dresden, Dr. Joseph Cincik learned that Polerecky's older brother, Andrew, also �SLOVAKIA 87 settled there. A Brigadier General in the French Army and a Knight of the Order of St. Louis, Andrew, with the aid of other officers of Chamborant's Hussar Regiment, attempted to aid the escape of King Louis XVI and Queen Marie Antoinette and their family, after their first unsuccessful attempt to escape to Varennes (June 20-21, 1791). Andrew Polerecky's plan, however, was betrayed and he himself had to flee to save his life. In time he came to America, to his brother's home in Dresden. When Major John L. Polerecky gave up the office of Town Clerk of Dresden, Maine, on March 3, 1828, he was eighty years old. Did John Polerecky and Nancy have any children? Yes - seven. When John Polerecky died, his wife had him buried in the courtyard of their home, under the trees which John had planted - the home which is today called the "Frank Cates House" in Dresden. Nancy had her husband's remains removed to Pine Grove Cemetery in 1858, when the cemetery was opened; she bought a spacious lot in it. On the right of John Polerecky's tombstone, there is one of white marble - Nancy's - and then the stones of all the children and some grandchildren. Daniel, it appears, outlived the others, dying October 23, 1891 ... and with Daniel G. Polerecky went the family name. The daughters married, too, and their descendants had English names; they settled in Maine and Massachusetts. Lucy Polerecky, who became Mrs. Kidder, outlived her sisters. The American Legion never forgets the grave of Major John L. Polerecky. Every year, behind a large bronze plaque of the American Revolution, a new American Flag is placed, the eternal symbol of the freedom for which John L. Polerecky fought and was ready to give his life. Because of Polerecky the Slovaks can say that they were there, too, close to George Washington, when the fight for independence was won. And they say it proudly, at the same time uttering a prayer and a resolve that America shall ever remain free and independent to help Slovakia, the land of the Polereckys, gain its freedom and independence from the hostile forces of the present Czecho-Communist regime of Prague and Moscow. � SLOVAKIA 83 failed utterly to satisfy the aspirations of the Slovaks and other non-Czech nations of Czecho-Slovakia for political self-expression. Twenty years of Masaryk-Benes rule in Czecho-Slovakia definitely proved that true liberty was more foreign to the Masaryk and Benes regimes than it was to the Habsburgs, hence, the seed of federalism was not even planted by them. Czecho-Slovakia was supposed to be patterned after Switzerland or the United States, but the fact is that she was not. (The End.) • • • THE SLOVAKS WERE THERE : MAJOR JOHN L. POLERECKY FOUGHT FOR AMERICA'S INDEPENDENCE In 1781, when the defeated army of Cornwallis surrendered its arms to General George Washington at Yorktown, Va., among the "French Hussars" who encircled the defeated, as the ceremony of "surrendering arms" took place, was a son of Slovakia, Major John L. Polerecky, whose father hailed from Polerieka, Turiec Province, Slovakia. The story of John Polerecky's participation in the American Revolution for the independence of America was unfolded by Dr. Joseph Cincik, Ph.D., professor of history and art, Cleveland, Ohio, and a member of the Slovak Institute there. Mr. Cincik, a distant relative of Major Polerecky, spent much time and money in travel and research to gather the facts of the Polerecky story. When the complete story of Polerecky is published, it will be fully documented with photocopies of original documents from Slovakia, France, and the National Archives in Washington, D. C. What is presented here is from a portion of Dr. Cincik's manuscript on Major Polerecky. When Francis Rakoczy of Hungary revolted against the Habsburgs and lost, he was forced to flee for his life in 1711. He fled to Poland and later made his way to France. Rakoczy was not through with his fight against Vienna, and Louis XIV was happy to accept his services when he offered them to him in 1713. Rakoczy was ac- �84 SLOVAKIA companied by, among others, two of his most trusted soldiers: Count Andrew Polerecky and Count Nicholas Bercsenyi, who were excellent horsemen. They formed the core of command of Rak6czy's light cavalry. In time King Louis ordered them to organize two regiments of riders in the Alsace region. Polerecky organized a regiment of Hussars in Rosenheim-Malsheim. It was in Alsace that Andrew Polerecky fathered two sons, Frederick and John, the latter being the man of Yorktown, Va. Both of Andrew's sons studied at the Royal Military Academy. While Frederick remained in the service of the French kings till the end of the monarchy, John promoted to a Major by royal decree of Louis XV (original in the National Archives), chose to go to America with the expeditionary army of Rochambeau to help the colonists rid themselves of British rule. His immediate superior was the Duke de Lauzun, commander of the light cavalry of French Volunteers, or the Duke's deputy, Theobald de Dillon. Major Polerecky was often entrusted with the communication and dispatch services, among other things. They participated in the battles along the Hudson river above present-day New York City in the first half of 1781 and then in the White Plains and Kingsbridge regions before June 21, 1781, in the battle for the city. Polerecky and the Hussars of the Due de Lauzun harrassed the British "Green Dragoons" under Lt. Col. Banaster Tarleton, who was known as "bloody Tarleton." At the beginning of the siege of Yorktown and Gloucester Point, Lauzun's legion, or a large part of it, implemented Weedon's Militia from Virginia near Gloucester to neutralize Tarleton's Dragoons. Major John Polerecky and his men moved between Yorktown and Gloucester Point, keeping communications open between the two points for the benefit of coordinating the movements of the allied armies of the French and the American colonists. It was during the siege of Yorktown, at the beginning of October, 1781, that Major Polerecky became acquainted with Col. Henry Dearborn (1751-1829), who had just been named Deputy Quarter Master General, and with Col. Benjamin Lincoln (1733-1810), who later became Generals of the �SLOVAKIA 85 American Army and Secretaries of the War after the Revolution. They became fast friends, and it was this friendship that decided for Polerecky to remain permanently in America. With the surrender of Lord Cornwallis to Washington's Army on October 19, 1781, Col. Lincoln, representing George Washington, accepted the surrender of Lord Cornwallis from the hands of Col. Charles O'Hara, representing Cornwallis. Several moments later, Major John Polerecky "under the poplars" south of Yorktown, with the Hussars of the Due de Lauzun encircling the defeated units of the British Army, took over the arms of the defeated. As stated, Dearborn and Lincoln had something to do with Major Polerecky's decision to settle in America. There is a document in the National Archives, Washington, D. C., which tells us that Polerecky requested his commander Due de Lauzun, permission to resign from the French Hussars, and the request was granted in Philadelpjhia, October 1, 1783. But conditions in France after 1781 undoubtedly settled the problem for Polerecky more than anything else. On October 20, 1781, the day after Cornwallis's surrender, General Rochambeau, Commander-in-Chief of the French forces in America, sent the Due de Lauzun to Paris to report personally to King Louis XVI the victory over the British. Polerecky accompanied his commander. France was not the France they knew before embarking for America with Rochambeau to help the colonists win their independence from the British. The remnants of the Hussars of Lauzun's Legion, which remained in France, while the main force fought in America were spiritless; their numbers had dwindled, because the Hussars were sent to other wars than the American, and Lauzun felt badly about it, since it was not done with his knowledge and approval. In Paris intrigue was rampant against the Due de Lauzun and his Volunteer Legion of Hussars. Major Polerecky was informed about the situation that prevailed by his brother, Brigadier General Andrew F. Polerecky who served with the French forces at the Royal Court in Versailles. Polerecky left France disheartened and returned to America. �86 SLOVAKIA Upon his return, Major John Polerecky resumed his friendship with General Dearborn and General Lincoln. He went to Boston and at the end of 1784 decided to buy a farm in Maine, near that of Henry Dearborn, who had settled in Monmouth, Maine, in June of 1784. Through Lincoln, who was now in the real estate business, Major Polerecky bought 40 acres of land early in 1785 from one Luis Cavalier in the village of Pownalborough (today it's Dresden), between the East and Kenebeck rivers, a territory settled by the French, particularly the descendants of the Huguenots. It was in Pownalborough that Major John Polerecky became acquainted with and married Nancy Pushard (sometimes - "Pochard") in June, 1785. Nancy, the youngest of the Puschard children, was born in America. By an act of the Massachusetts Congress, signed by the famous John Hancock, Governor of Massachusetts and one of the signers of the Declaration of Independence, Polerecky became a naturalized citizen of the country he had helped to become independent of alien rule. His friendship with Dearborn and Lincoln added to his prestige among the old settlers. Polerecky held various public offices from 1789 to 1794 in his community ( "Hogreeve; Pound Keeper; Surveyor of Highways"). Gen. Henry Dearborn frequently visited Polerecky in the "Old Court House" in Dresden. When General Dearborn was appointed Military Marshal for the District of Maine on August 26, 1790, he appointed John Polerecky as his Deputy Marshal. That year a census of the people in Maine was made; Dearborn appointed Polerecky as Census Commissioner of the southeastern coastal district of Maine and the outlying islands. In 1794, when the western part of Pownalborough was incorporated as the town of "Fayette" ( changed later for reasons unrecorded to "Dresden"), Polerecky was elected Town Clerk. In 1796, he applied for the job of lighthouse keeper on the Island of Seguin, which he got with the help of Dearborn and Lincoln, In 1805, John Polerecky resigned his job and was again elected Town Clerk, serving in this capacity for twenty-three years more. From the records of the town of Dresden, Dr. Joseph Cincik learned that Polerecky's older brother, Andrew, also �SLOVAKIA 87 settled there. A Brigadier General in the French Army and a Knight of the Order of St. Louis, Andrew, with the aid of other officers of Chamborant's Hussar Regiment, attempted to aid the escape of King Louis XVI and Queen Marie Antoinette and their family, after their first unsuccessful attempt to escape to Varennes (June 20-21, 1791). Andrew Polerecky's plan, however, was betrayed and he himself had to flee to save his life. In time he came to America, to his brother's home in Dresden. When Major John L. Polerecky gave up the office of Town Clerk of Dresden, Maine, on March 3, 1828, he was eighty years old. Did John Polerecky and Nancy have any children? Yes - seven. When John Polerecky died, his wife had him buried in the courtyard of their home, under the trees which John had planted - the home which is today called the "Frank Cates House" in Dresden. Nancy had her husband's remains removed to Pine Grove Cemetery in 1858, when the cemetery was opened; she bought a spacious lot in it. On the right of John Polerecky's tombstone, there is one of white marble - Nancy's - and then the stones of all the children and some grandchildren. Daniel, it appears, outlived the others, dying October 23, 1891 ... and with Daniel G. Polerecky went the family name. The daughters married, too, and their descendants had English names; they settled in Maine and Massachusetts. Lucy Polerecky, who became Mrs. Kidder, outlived her sisters. The American Legion never forgets the grave of Major John L. Polerecky. Every year, behind a large bronze plaque of the American Revolution, a new American Flag is placed, the eternal symbol of the freedom for which John L. Polerecky fought and was ready to give his life. Because of Polerecky the Slovaks can say that they were there, too, close to George Washington, when the fight for independence was won. And they say it proudly, at the same time uttering a prayer and a resolve that America shall ever remain free and independent to help Slovakia, the land of the Polereckys, gain its freedom and independence from the hostile forces of the present Czecho-Communist regime of Prague and Moscow. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1957, Vol. 7 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 22), March 1957.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 23), June 1957.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 24-25), September-December 1957.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1957 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 83 failed utterly to satisfy the aspirations of the Slovaks and other non-Czech nations of Czecho-Slovakia for political self-expression. Twenty years of Masaryk-Benes rule in Czecho-Slovakia definitely proved that true liberty was more foreign to the Masaryk and Benes regimes than it was to the Habsburgs, hence, the seed of federalism was not even planted by them. Czecho-Slovakia was supposed to be patterned after Switzerland or the United States, but the fact is that she was not. (The End.) • • • THE SLOVAKS WERE THERE : MAJOR JOHN L. POLERECKY FOUGHT FOR AMERICA'S INDEPENDENCE In 1781, when the defeated army of Cornwallis surrendered its arms to General George Washington at Yorktown, Va., among the "French Hussars" who encircled the defeated, as the ceremony of "surrendering arms" took place, was a son of Slovakia, Major John L. Polerecky, whose father hailed from Polerieka, Turiec Province, Slovakia. The story of John Polerecky's participation in the American Revolution for the independence of America was unfolded by Dr. Joseph Cincik, Ph.D., professor of history and art, Cleveland, Ohio, and a member of the Slovak Institute there. Mr. Cincik, a distant relative of Major Polerecky, spent much time and money in travel and research to gather the facts of the Polerecky story. When the complete story of Polerecky is published, it will be fully documented with photocopies of original documents from Slovakia, France, and the National Archives in Washington, D. C. What is presented here is from a portion of Dr. Cincik's manuscript on Major Polerecky. When Francis Rakoczy of Hungary revolted against the Habsburgs and lost, he was forced to flee for his life in 1711. He fled to Poland and later made his way to France. Rakoczy was not through with his fight against Vienna, and Louis XIV was happy to accept his services when he offered them to him in 1713. Rakoczy was ac- 84 SLOVAKIA companied by, among others, two of his most trusted soldiers: Count Andrew Polerecky and Count Nicholas Bercsenyi, who were excellent horsemen. They formed the core of command of Rak6czy's light cavalry. In time King Louis ordered them to organize two regiments of riders in the Alsace region. Polerecky organized a regiment of Hussars in Rosenheim-Malsheim. It was in Alsace that Andrew Polerecky fathered two sons, Frederick and John, the latter being the man of Yorktown, Va. Both of Andrew's sons studied at the Royal Military Academy. While Frederick remained in the service of the French kings till the end of the monarchy, John promoted to a Major by royal decree of Louis XV (original in the National Archives), chose to go to America with the expeditionary army of Rochambeau to help the colonists rid themselves of British rule. His immediate superior was the Duke de Lauzun, commander of the light cavalry of French Volunteers, or the Duke's deputy, Theobald de Dillon. Major Polerecky was often entrusted with the communication and dispatch services, among other things. They participated in the battles along the Hudson river above present-day New York City in the first half of 1781 and then in the White Plains and Kingsbridge regions before June 21, 1781, in the battle for the city. Polerecky and the Hussars of the Due de Lauzun harrassed the British "Green Dragoons" under Lt. Col. Banaster Tarleton, who was known as "bloody Tarleton." At the beginning of the siege of Yorktown and Gloucester Point, Lauzun's legion, or a large part of it, implemented Weedon's Militia from Virginia near Gloucester to neutralize Tarleton's Dragoons. Major John Polerecky and his men moved between Yorktown and Gloucester Point, keeping communications open between the two points for the benefit of coordinating the movements of the allied armies of the French and the American colonists. It was during the siege of Yorktown, at the beginning of October, 1781, that Major Polerecky became acquainted with Col. Henry Dearborn (1751-1829), who had just been named Deputy Quarter Master General, and with Col. Benjamin Lincoln (1733-1810), who later became Generals of the SLOVAKIA 85 American Army and Secretaries of the War after the Revolution. They became fast friends, and it was this friendship that decided for Polerecky to remain permanently in America. With the surrender of Lord Cornwallis to Washington's Army on October 19, 1781, Col. Lincoln, representing George Washington, accepted the surrender of Lord Cornwallis from the hands of Col. Charles O'Hara, representing Cornwallis. Several moments later, Major John Polerecky "under the poplars" south of Yorktown, with the Hussars of the Due de Lauzun encircling the defeated units of the British Army, took over the arms of the defeated. As stated, Dearborn and Lincoln had something to do with Major Polerecky's decision to settle in America. There is a document in the National Archives, Washington, D. C., which tells us that Polerecky requested his commander Due de Lauzun, permission to resign from the French Hussars, and the request was granted in Philadelpjhia, October 1, 1783. But conditions in France after 1781 undoubtedly settled the problem for Polerecky more than anything else. On October 20, 1781, the day after Cornwallis's surrender, General Rochambeau, Commander-in-Chief of the French forces in America, sent the Due de Lauzun to Paris to report personally to King Louis XVI the victory over the British. Polerecky accompanied his commander. France was not the France they knew before embarking for America with Rochambeau to help the colonists win their independence from the British. The remnants of the Hussars of Lauzun's Legion, which remained in France, while the main force fought in America were spiritless; their numbers had dwindled, because the Hussars were sent to other wars than the American, and Lauzun felt badly about it, since it was not done with his knowledge and approval. In Paris intrigue was rampant against the Due de Lauzun and his Volunteer Legion of Hussars. Major Polerecky was informed about the situation that prevailed by his brother, Brigadier General Andrew F. Polerecky who served with the French forces at the Royal Court in Versailles. Polerecky left France disheartened and returned to America. 86 SLOVAKIA Upon his return, Major John Polerecky resumed his friendship with General Dearborn and General Lincoln. He went to Boston and at the end of 1784 decided to buy a farm in Maine, near that of Henry Dearborn, who had settled in Monmouth, Maine, in June of 1784. Through Lincoln, who was now in the real estate business, Major Polerecky bought 40 acres of land early in 1785 from one Luis Cavalier in the village of Pownalborough (today it's Dresden), between the East and Kenebeck rivers, a territory settled by the French, particularly the descendants of the Huguenots. It was in Pownalborough that Major John Polerecky became acquainted with and married Nancy Pushard (sometimes - "Pochard") in June, 1785. Nancy, the youngest of the Puschard children, was born in America. By an act of the Massachusetts Congress, signed by the famous John Hancock, Governor of Massachusetts and one of the signers of the Declaration of Independence, Polerecky became a naturalized citizen of the country he had helped to become independent of alien rule. His friendship with Dearborn and Lincoln added to his prestige among the old settlers. Polerecky held various public offices from 1789 to 1794 in his community ( "Hogreeve; Pound Keeper; Surveyor of Highways"). Gen. Henry Dearborn frequently visited Polerecky in the "Old Court House" in Dresden. When General Dearborn was appointed Military Marshal for the District of Maine on August 26, 1790, he appointed John Polerecky as his Deputy Marshal. That year a census of the people in Maine was made; Dearborn appointed Polerecky as Census Commissioner of the southeastern coastal district of Maine and the outlying islands. In 1794, when the western part of Pownalborough was incorporated as the town of "Fayette" ( changed later for reasons unrecorded to "Dresden"), Polerecky was elected Town Clerk. In 1796, he applied for the job of lighthouse keeper on the Island of Seguin, which he got with the help of Dearborn and Lincoln, In 1805, John Polerecky resigned his job and was again elected Town Clerk, serving in this capacity for twenty-three years more. From the records of the town of Dresden, Dr. Joseph Cincik learned that Polerecky's older brother, Andrew, also SLOVAKIA 87 settled there. A Brigadier General in the French Army and a Knight of the Order of St. Louis, Andrew, with the aid of other officers of Chamborant's Hussar Regiment, attempted to aid the escape of King Louis XVI and Queen Marie Antoinette and their family, after their first unsuccessful attempt to escape to Varennes (June 20-21, 1791). Andrew Polerecky's plan, however, was betrayed and he himself had to flee to save his life. In time he came to America, to his brother's home in Dresden. When Major John L. Polerecky gave up the office of Town Clerk of Dresden, Maine, on March 3, 1828, he was eighty years old. Did John Polerecky and Nancy have any children? Yes - seven. When John Polerecky died, his wife had him buried in the courtyard of their home, under the trees which John had planted - the home which is today called the "Frank Cates House" in Dresden. Nancy had her husband's remains removed to Pine Grove Cemetery in 1858, when the cemetery was opened; she bought a spacious lot in it. On the right of John Polerecky's tombstone, there is one of white marble - Nancy's - and then the stones of all the children and some grandchildren. Daniel, it appears, outlived the others, dying October 23, 1891 ... and with Daniel G. Polerecky went the family name. The daughters married, too, and their descendants had English names; they settled in Maine and Massachusetts. Lucy Polerecky, who became Mrs. Kidder, outlived her sisters. The American Legion never forgets the grave of Major John L. Polerecky. Every year, behind a large bronze plaque of the American Revolution, a new American Flag is placed, the eternal symbol of the freedom for which John L. Polerecky fought and was ready to give his life. Because of Polerecky the Slovaks can say that they were there, too, close to George Washington, when the fight for independence was won. And they say it proudly, at the same time uttering a prayer and a resolve that America shall ever remain free and independent to help Slovakia, the land of the Polereckys, gain its freedom and independence from the hostile forces of the present Czecho-Communist regime of Prague and Moscow.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Slovaks Were There: Major John L. Polerecký Fought for America's Independence Description An account of the resource Slovakia, Vol. 7, No. 3-4 (24-25), September-December 1957 pp. 83-87 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource September-December 1957 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/7dc3bb2a80b7ecccde225334813a36b2.pdf 655dbddf4c55c09b133a0c019ccebd3e PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 88 The History of Slovakia: By PHILIP A . HROBAK (Continu ed ) During St. Stephen's reign two holy hermits, SS. Andrew-Svorad and Benedict, came to Slovakia from Poland and Jived for a time in the forest near the confluence of the Dunajec and Visla rivers. Later they went to the Benedictine monastery on Mt. Zobor near Nitra. Desiring to continue their lives as hermits even in Slovakia, they left the monastery and retreated to the hills which stretched along the banks of the V ah near Trencin. Many legends have been recorded about these two selfless, holy men. The oldest of these, originating about 1070 A. D., was recorded by the Zobor monk Maurus, who later became bishop of Pee (Patikostolie). The Hungarian State which was gradually being formed in the Danube Basin was not united geographically, racially, or culturally. A large part of the population was of Slovanic origin. We must bear in mind that Slovanic peoples inhabited and developed the territory long before the advent of the Magyars, because the Magyars settled in the central part of the country. It took several centuries before these various parts of the Danube Basin grew together, before the hilly countries were settled and the borders of the Hungarian State spread to the highest crests of the Carpathian Mountain range which enclosed the Danube Basin. In such a political formation Slovakia did not lose her independence suddenly, but preserved her individuality even in the new State. The historical nucleus of Slovakia was from the beginning that part of the Slovak country which already in the first half of the ninth century appeared in history as the Nitra principality of Pribina, which even during the reign of Rastislav in Great Moravia had its own ruler - Svatopluk - and which during the latter's reign had its own bishop. The historical Slovakia, whose main citadel was Nitra, extended from the Danube to the north �SLOVAKIA 89 deep into the Slovak mountains and in the east spread even beyond the river Hron. Within the framework of the Hungarian State, Slovakia became the terrritory of the Ostrihom archbishopric and formed a part of the separate grant principality which was ruled by the sons or the younger brothers of the Hungarian king. In size, the territory was about one-third that of the entire Hungarian kingdom and was made up of two parts: In the east, near the upper end of the Tisa river, Bihar belonged to it, and, in the west, the western half of present-day Slovakia, that is historic Slovakia with Nitra as its stronghold. Slovakia, which was more mature even culturally, had a greater political significance than Bihar. Due to frequent struggles for the throne among the rulers of Hungary and the other members of the Arpad clan, the vassal princes who governed Slovakia had an opportunity to make close ties with their neighbors, especially with the Slovanic States. The grant princes resided in Nitra and often sought the aid of Polish, Czech and Russian rulers with whom they were on friendly terms and to whom they were related. Since German emperors, who sought to strengthen their rule in Hungary, often intervened in the internal struggles of Hungary, the territory of Slovakia in the eleventh century was the scene of many bloody battles. Emery, St. Stephen's son, was the first of the vassal princes to rule Slovakia; he also was the Crown Prince of Hungary. Because Emery died before his illustrious father, Vazul, the eldest member of the Arpad dynasty, was destined to be the successor to the throne of Hungary. Vazul, however, did not excel in Christian virtues, lived as a pagan and was imprisoned in the Nitra Castle, where even today the "Tower of Vazul" bears memory to that prince. Vazul's sons - Andrew, Bela and Levanta - were still pagans. When their father was blinded, they fled the country. Andrew and Levanta escaped to Russia, while Bela sought refuge at the court of the Czech King Bretislav. When Henry, the German Emperor, invaded Slovakia in 1042 A. D. to force the Hungarian king to acknowledge the supremacy of the German Empire, Bretislav came to �90 SLOVAKIA the aid of the Emperor with a large Czech army. Bela, who fought on the side of the victors, was made ruler of Slovakia. But Bela's reign did not last long; the Hungarian king drove him out of the principality soon after Henry returned to Germa.ny. Bela then sought the asylum of the court of King Casimir of Poland. The Polish monarch, engaged in a war with the Prussians and Lithuanians, welcomed Bela's aid. Bela won renown as an intrepid fighter. Shortly thereafter he was baptized, receiving the name of Adalbert, and wed to a Polish princess. In the meantime Bela's brother, Andrew, was baptized at the Russian court. The burden of kingship fell upon his shoulders in 1047. But at that time another rebellion was stirred up by the pagan Magyars in Hungary who wanted to destroy all vestiges of Christianity and institute paganism in the State. When Andrew took over the throne of Hungary, he called Bela from Poland and appointed him ruler of the principality of Slovakia. Bela was subject to his brother, but had his own court, coined his own money and in all respects was the ruler of his country. Since the German emperor never gave up the idea of subjecting Hungary to his rule, Bela often had to fight the Germans who invaded Slovakia. Andrew died in 1060 and Bela succeeded him as King of Hungary. Geza, his eldest son, was made prince regent of Slovakia, and Ladislaus, a younger son, was made ruler of Bihar. Geza proved himself an exceptional ruler, successfully defending his land against all neighbors, even against Salamon who became King of Hungary after Bela's death. In 1069 Geza repulsed the Czechs who had invaded Slovakia and occupied the land as far as Trencin. The following year Geza took the offensive and invaded Moravia. Heading Slovak divisions Geza often fought against the Hungarian king and the German emperor, Henry IV. In 1074 Geza defeated Salamon decisively and forced him into exile. When Geza ascended the throne of Hungary, he appointed Ladislaus regent of Slovakia. Geza, as a vassal prince, had founded the Abbey of St. Benedict in the Hron valley and endowed it with extensive lands in 1075. While in Nitra, he became a great �SLOVAKIA 91 devotee of St. (Andrew) Svorad and St. Benedict. He prized highly the iron chain which the saintly Svorad had worn and which had been given him by the abbot of Mt. Zobor Monastery. As the ruler of Nitra, he saw to it that the Episcopal See of Nitra was re-established. When Geza died in 1077, Ladislaus became King of Hungary. Lampert, a younger brother, was given the title of grant prince, but Ladislaus himself ruled over the entire State. At the end of the eleventh century Slovakia vanished as a grant principality, but even then did not lose its individual status in the Hungarian State. When Slovakia lost its status as a grant principality at the end of the eleventh century and was absorbed in the rest of the Hungarian kingdom, she ceased to play for a time an independent role within the state. In the political development of Hungary, Slovakia in the twelfth century did not have an independent significance not only because it did not form a political unit, but also because in those times the balance of political life in Hungary gravitated toward the South. At the beginning of the twelfth century the Hungarian lords gained the territories of Croatia and Dalmatia, strengthened their positions in those countries and came under the influence of the Byzantine Empire with which they established close contacts. Christian Europe was aroused to a high pitch of religious fervor and enthusiasm at the end of the eleventh century; the urge to liberate the Holy Land from the Mohammedan Turks was widespread on the entire continent. The Pope himself called upon all Christian rulers of Europe to march against the enemies of Christianity with the banner of the Cross as their standard. The first crusading expedition set out already in 1096 A.D. While the main forces of the crusade hurried by land or by sea to Asia to free the holy places from the infidels, motley contingents of adventurers, who ruthlessly pillaged their way across Europe, came after them. One wing of such an undisciplined group of French and German soldiers, under the leadership of Folkmar, raced through Bohemia and Moravia into Slovakia and looted the whole country. The inhabitants of the Vah valley and Nitra fought these adventurous despoilers. �92 SLOVAKIA They defeated a large part of Folkmar's warriors and put the rest to flight; but Folkmar continued to trail the Crusaders with his warriors. Similar catastrophies befell Slovakia in the twelfth century, when German emperors aided by Czech rulers threatened the independence of Hungary. Thus, in 1108, Emperor Henry V set out against Hungary to make war on the erudite King Koloman (1095--1116). The Czech Svatopluk took part in the expedition. When Emperor Henry besieged Bratislava, Svatopluk tore into Slovakia through Moravia to help him devastate the land. The Czech armies laid waste the V ah valley area from Trencin to the Danube, but could not aid the Emperor in Hungary proper, because Svatopluk was forced to return to Bohemia by domestic issues. Svatopluk again invaded Slovakia the following year, devastated the entire country as far as Nitra, but failed to take the castle there. Enraged by this failure, Svatopluk's warriors swooped down on the vicinity, burnt many villages and then returned to their country with much loot. Hostil~ relations between Hungary and Bohemia invariably were the cause of much bloodshed and misery in Slovakia. Therefore, Slovakia welcomed a much needed breathing spell after the defeat of King Stephen II (11161131) by the Czechs on the Moravian-Slovak border,when his successor Bela II (1131-1141), made peace with Sobeslav (1125-1140), the Czech king. War in the west between Hungary and Bohemia caused much suffering in western Slovakia, while hostilities in the east between Hungary and Poland brought disaster to eastern Slovakia. Peace was restored only after several campaigns and Slovakia lived in peace in the twelfth century. While political conditions in Slovakia were more stabilized in the twelfth century, important changes took place in the religious and cultural life of Slovakia. Already in 1083 A.D., during the reign of the saintly monarch Ladislaus, the hermits Andrew Svorad and Benedict were canonized and their remains were buried with great solemnity in St. Emeram's Church in Nitra. The Nitra bishopric, restored during Koloman's reign, included the central Vah �SLOVAKIA 93 and the Kysuca valleys, the region which later became the County of Trencin. King Koloman (Colman) issued a decree establishing ecclesiastical courts in Bratislava and Nitra. Probably at this time, too, the Benedictine abbeys of St. Mary in Kliz (upper Nitra) and Sts. Cosmas and Damian in Ludanice (Topolcany district) were founded. In the forest areas of central Slovakia, in 1135 A.D., an abbey of Premonstratentians was founded in Bzovik by the Slovak nobleman Lampert, who was a descendant of the ancient Hunt family. St. Stephen's abbey, church properties of which were near the Krupina and Ipel (Eipel) rivers, became an important center of cultural and religious life in this territory. The Spis prepositure also was established at the beginning of the twelfth century; it had jurisdiction over that part of the Ostrihom (Esztergom) archdiocese on the Slovak-Polish boundary. About the same time the Knight Templars also founded several monasteries in Slovakia. The Slovaks called the Templars "Red Monks" because of the red cross on their white cloaks. There were several Templar monasteries in Turiec and Liptov where many legends about the "Red Monks" are preserved even to this day. SLOVAKIA BEFORE THE INVASION OF THE TURKS The catastrophies which befell Slovakia from the ninth century were responsible for the fact that Slovakia lost its independence and finally became a part of the Hungarian State. But Slovakia, even after its incorporation into the Hungarian State, became the stage for constant warfare waged between Hungary and its neighbors. Slovakia suffered economically and its population was depleted. Yet it weathered all these storms and survived. Slovakia never ceased to be the country of the Slovak nation and the people, even under most adverse conditions, never left their homeland for others to move in. Of course, Slovakia was not as densely populated from the tenth to the twelfth centuries as it is today. Where the fertility of the soil assured a livehood, there people would settle. The most fertile regions were the lowlands of western and southern Slovakia along the banks of the Vah, �94 SLOVAKIA Nitra, Hron and Ipel rivers and, consequently, these regions attracted more people. From these areas the population advanced up the river valleys into the forest regions of northern and central Slovakia and, in the 11th and 12th centuries, established new colonies in the river basins and mountain velleys whereever it could till the soil and devote itself to animal husbandry. Already in the 11th century a stream of settlers, which advanced against the current of the Nitra, got as far as Turiec, where they came upon several older settlements which had existed since the times of Great Moravia. It was there that this group met up with another which was advancing up the Vah. From the confluence of the Turiec and Vah rivers, the population penetrated farther to the east, so that already in the 12th century Liptov was settled, whence the Slovaks gradually spread into the neighboring valleys. In the south, the Slovaks settled in the foothills of the Slovak mountains, penetrated into the northern part of the valley between the Danube and the Tisa, settled on the right bank of the Danube, where already in the 9th century there were several Slovak settlements, occupied th country along the north bank of the Tisa River and continued against the current of its tributaries into the fertile lowlands of eastern Slovakia, where they met with colonists who had come there from the west. Among the settled areas of Slovakia were the extensive mountainous regions which at that time were covered by a dense forest. Such a forest spread between the Hron and Ipel rivers (the Hont Forest), near the upper flow of the Hron (the Zvolen Forest), and near the upper flow of the Hornad (the Spis Forest). In these forest regions there were only small colonies which subsisted by hunting and animal husbandry. The greater the increase in population in the fertile areas of western and southern Slovakia, the greater was the stream of settlers which pressed into the mountainous regions. In those times countries and states did not have any accurate boundaries. Ordinarily the boundary was a forest which covered especially the hilly regions and descended �SLOVAKIA 95 down the slopes deeply into the valleys and plains. The broad belt of a dense forest was the safest border and, of course, the most reliable defense against an enemy. But even individual regions were separated from each other by forests. The western boundary of Slovakia was such a forest which covered the Small and the White Carpathian Mountains, stretched as far west as the Morava river and in places in the east came very close to the river Vah. The northern boundary of Slovakia ran along the forest which covered the crests of the Carpathian s and extended deeply on the north and south into the Slovak valleys. Such forests also separated the Nitra river valley from the Turiec Basin, Turiec from the Hron area and Liptov from Spis. HIGHWAYS OF SLOVAKIA Roads cutting through these forests connected the individual areas of Slovakia, and Slovakia with its neighbors as well. At the point where the roads led out of the bordering forest huge gates were erected. In times of danger these gates would be barricaded with huge trees. Sentry outposts were established near the frontier gates; it was their duty to defend the country against enemy attacks. When frontier guards noticed that a hostile army had entered the forest, they would barricade the gate and ma,ke a fire on the hill to signal that danger threatened . Geographic al terms, all relating to the word "gate" (brana)-li ke Brana, Branka, Branc, Branisko, Podbranc, Zavory, Zelezne vrata, Kamenne vrata, Vratna - indicate the places where such gates were erected. But outpost settlements were established not only near the frontier gates, but also along the entire frontier and near all roads. The memory of these sentry outposts has been preserved in such names as Hradiste, Hradok, Vysehrad, Hradec, Hradova, Hradna, Hradecnica (all from "hrad" - castle, fortress, citadel), Straz (guard), Straza, Straze, Strazisko, Straziste, Strazka, Strazky, Strazov, Straznica, Strazna hora, Strazske, Strehova. Sentry duty at these gates, along the frontier and near the roads, was often done by warlike foreigners, such as the Plavci, Pecheni and the Sikuli, who began to settle in Hungary in the 11th century. These tribes were by their origin, nature and tongue related to �li6 SLOVAKIA the Magyars with whom they later fused. In some Slovak areas even the Magyars settled as frontier guards. 'fhe names of villages, such as Sekule, Pecenady, Pecenice, Pecenany, Besenov, Besenova, Uhorska Ves, Plavec, tell us just where garrisons of foreign warriors did sentry duty. In many places only the "graves of pagans" are recalled as testimonials to these sentry posts. The most important roads which connected Slovakia with neighboring countries were: 1. The Bohemian highway, which led from Germany to Prague, passed through Brno, and near Holic entered Slovak territory. Through Sastin it led to Jablonica, where there was an outpost gate guarded on the east and west by a border garrison. Bi:ksad, Smolenice and Boleraz were outposts of this kind. This road then went through Trnava, crossed the river Vah near Sintava and continued on to Ostrihom, Vacov and Budin. 2. A second highway led from Znojmo in Moravia through Breclav into Brodsky, then through Straz and Sastin into Senice, and thence into Krajny where it entered the regions of the Vah Valley. 3. Another road crossed these roads near Sastin which led to Olomouc, Uhorske Hradiste, Straznice in Slovakia and then went along the left bank of the Morava into Bratislava, the capital of Slovakia. 4. On the northeastern tip of the Alps near the Danube, at the southern spurs of the Carpathians, there was a famous gate through which the road branched out on both banks of the Danube to the east. From Bratislava one of these roads led to Nitra through Senec and Sintava, while the other passed through Trnava on its way up the Vah to northern Slovakia. This was the Vah valley road, which detoured through the Vlar pass into Moravia, through the Jablunkov defile to the Morava Gate, and thence into Poland, while another side road went along the Orava river to the Visla. From the Vah highway a side road went through Hlohovec into Nitra and through Turiec, below the castle of Vysehrad, toward the upper flow of the Nitra. (To be continued) � SLOVAKIA 88 The History of Slovakia: By PHILIP A . HROBAK (Continu ed ) During St. Stephen's reign two holy hermits, SS. Andrew-Svorad and Benedict, came to Slovakia from Poland and Jived for a time in the forest near the confluence of the Dunajec and Visla rivers. Later they went to the Benedictine monastery on Mt. Zobor near Nitra. Desiring to continue their lives as hermits even in Slovakia, they left the monastery and retreated to the hills which stretched along the banks of the V ah near Trencin. Many legends have been recorded about these two selfless, holy men. The oldest of these, originating about 1070 A. D., was recorded by the Zobor monk Maurus, who later became bishop of Pee (Patikostolie). The Hungarian State which was gradually being formed in the Danube Basin was not united geographically, racially, or culturally. A large part of the population was of Slovanic origin. We must bear in mind that Slovanic peoples inhabited and developed the territory long before the advent of the Magyars, because the Magyars settled in the central part of the country. It took several centuries before these various parts of the Danube Basin grew together, before the hilly countries were settled and the borders of the Hungarian State spread to the highest crests of the Carpathian Mountain range which enclosed the Danube Basin. In such a political formation Slovakia did not lose her independence suddenly, but preserved her individuality even in the new State. The historical nucleus of Slovakia was from the beginning that part of the Slovak country which already in the first half of the ninth century appeared in history as the Nitra principality of Pribina, which even during the reign of Rastislav in Great Moravia had its own ruler - Svatopluk - and which during the latter's reign had its own bishop. The historical Slovakia, whose main citadel was Nitra, extended from the Danube to the north �SLOVAKIA 89 deep into the Slovak mountains and in the east spread even beyond the river Hron. Within the framework of the Hungarian State, Slovakia became the terrritory of the Ostrihom archbishopric and formed a part of the separate grant principality which was ruled by the sons or the younger brothers of the Hungarian king. In size, the territory was about one-third that of the entire Hungarian kingdom and was made up of two parts: In the east, near the upper end of the Tisa river, Bihar belonged to it, and, in the west, the western half of present-day Slovakia, that is historic Slovakia with Nitra as its stronghold. Slovakia, which was more mature even culturally, had a greater political significance than Bihar. Due to frequent struggles for the throne among the rulers of Hungary and the other members of the Arpad clan, the vassal princes who governed Slovakia had an opportunity to make close ties with their neighbors, especially with the Slovanic States. The grant princes resided in Nitra and often sought the aid of Polish, Czech and Russian rulers with whom they were on friendly terms and to whom they were related. Since German emperors, who sought to strengthen their rule in Hungary, often intervened in the internal struggles of Hungary, the territory of Slovakia in the eleventh century was the scene of many bloody battles. Emery, St. Stephen's son, was the first of the vassal princes to rule Slovakia; he also was the Crown Prince of Hungary. Because Emery died before his illustrious father, Vazul, the eldest member of the Arpad dynasty, was destined to be the successor to the throne of Hungary. Vazul, however, did not excel in Christian virtues, lived as a pagan and was imprisoned in the Nitra Castle, where even today the "Tower of Vazul" bears memory to that prince. Vazul's sons - Andrew, Bela and Levanta - were still pagans. When their father was blinded, they fled the country. Andrew and Levanta escaped to Russia, while Bela sought refuge at the court of the Czech King Bretislav. When Henry, the German Emperor, invaded Slovakia in 1042 A. D. to force the Hungarian king to acknowledge the supremacy of the German Empire, Bretislav came to �90 SLOVAKIA the aid of the Emperor with a large Czech army. Bela, who fought on the side of the victors, was made ruler of Slovakia. But Bela's reign did not last long; the Hungarian king drove him out of the principality soon after Henry returned to Germa.ny. Bela then sought the asylum of the court of King Casimir of Poland. The Polish monarch, engaged in a war with the Prussians and Lithuanians, welcomed Bela's aid. Bela won renown as an intrepid fighter. Shortly thereafter he was baptized, receiving the name of Adalbert, and wed to a Polish princess. In the meantime Bela's brother, Andrew, was baptized at the Russian court. The burden of kingship fell upon his shoulders in 1047. But at that time another rebellion was stirred up by the pagan Magyars in Hungary who wanted to destroy all vestiges of Christianity and institute paganism in the State. When Andrew took over the throne of Hungary, he called Bela from Poland and appointed him ruler of the principality of Slovakia. Bela was subject to his brother, but had his own court, coined his own money and in all respects was the ruler of his country. Since the German emperor never gave up the idea of subjecting Hungary to his rule, Bela often had to fight the Germans who invaded Slovakia. Andrew died in 1060 and Bela succeeded him as King of Hungary. Geza, his eldest son, was made prince regent of Slovakia, and Ladislaus, a younger son, was made ruler of Bihar. Geza proved himself an exceptional ruler, successfully defending his land against all neighbors, even against Salamon who became King of Hungary after Bela's death. In 1069 Geza repulsed the Czechs who had invaded Slovakia and occupied the land as far as Trencin. The following year Geza took the offensive and invaded Moravia. Heading Slovak divisions Geza often fought against the Hungarian king and the German emperor, Henry IV. In 1074 Geza defeated Salamon decisively and forced him into exile. When Geza ascended the throne of Hungary, he appointed Ladislaus regent of Slovakia. Geza, as a vassal prince, had founded the Abbey of St. Benedict in the Hron valley and endowed it with extensive lands in 1075. While in Nitra, he became a great �SLOVAKIA 91 devotee of St. (Andrew) Svorad and St. Benedict. He prized highly the iron chain which the saintly Svorad had worn and which had been given him by the abbot of Mt. Zobor Monastery. As the ruler of Nitra, he saw to it that the Episcopal See of Nitra was re-established. When Geza died in 1077, Ladislaus became King of Hungary. Lampert, a younger brother, was given the title of grant prince, but Ladislaus himself ruled over the entire State. At the end of the eleventh century Slovakia vanished as a grant principality, but even then did not lose its individual status in the Hungarian State. When Slovakia lost its status as a grant principality at the end of the eleventh century and was absorbed in the rest of the Hungarian kingdom, she ceased to play for a time an independent role within the state. In the political development of Hungary, Slovakia in the twelfth century did not have an independent significance not only because it did not form a political unit, but also because in those times the balance of political life in Hungary gravitated toward the South. At the beginning of the twelfth century the Hungarian lords gained the territories of Croatia and Dalmatia, strengthened their positions in those countries and came under the influence of the Byzantine Empire with which they established close contacts. Christian Europe was aroused to a high pitch of religious fervor and enthusiasm at the end of the eleventh century; the urge to liberate the Holy Land from the Mohammedan Turks was widespread on the entire continent. The Pope himself called upon all Christian rulers of Europe to march against the enemies of Christianity with the banner of the Cross as their standard. The first crusading expedition set out already in 1096 A.D. While the main forces of the crusade hurried by land or by sea to Asia to free the holy places from the infidels, motley contingents of adventurers, who ruthlessly pillaged their way across Europe, came after them. One wing of such an undisciplined group of French and German soldiers, under the leadership of Folkmar, raced through Bohemia and Moravia into Slovakia and looted the whole country. The inhabitants of the Vah valley and Nitra fought these adventurous despoilers. �92 SLOVAKIA They defeated a large part of Folkmar's warriors and put the rest to flight; but Folkmar continued to trail the Crusaders with his warriors. Similar catastrophies befell Slovakia in the twelfth century, when German emperors aided by Czech rulers threatened the independence of Hungary. Thus, in 1108, Emperor Henry V set out against Hungary to make war on the erudite King Koloman (1095--1116). The Czech Svatopluk took part in the expedition. When Emperor Henry besieged Bratislava, Svatopluk tore into Slovakia through Moravia to help him devastate the land. The Czech armies laid waste the V ah valley area from Trencin to the Danube, but could not aid the Emperor in Hungary proper, because Svatopluk was forced to return to Bohemia by domestic issues. Svatopluk again invaded Slovakia the following year, devastated the entire country as far as Nitra, but failed to take the castle there. Enraged by this failure, Svatopluk's warriors swooped down on the vicinity, burnt many villages and then returned to their country with much loot. Hostil~ relations between Hungary and Bohemia invariably were the cause of much bloodshed and misery in Slovakia. Therefore, Slovakia welcomed a much needed breathing spell after the defeat of King Stephen II (11161131) by the Czechs on the Moravian-Slovak border,when his successor Bela II (1131-1141), made peace with Sobeslav (1125-1140), the Czech king. War in the west between Hungary and Bohemia caused much suffering in western Slovakia, while hostilities in the east between Hungary and Poland brought disaster to eastern Slovakia. Peace was restored only after several campaigns and Slovakia lived in peace in the twelfth century. While political conditions in Slovakia were more stabilized in the twelfth century, important changes took place in the religious and cultural life of Slovakia. Already in 1083 A.D., during the reign of the saintly monarch Ladislaus, the hermits Andrew Svorad and Benedict were canonized and their remains were buried with great solemnity in St. Emeram's Church in Nitra. The Nitra bishopric, restored during Koloman's reign, included the central Vah �SLOVAKIA 93 and the Kysuca valleys, the region which later became the County of Trencin. King Koloman (Colman) issued a decree establishing ecclesiastical courts in Bratislava and Nitra. Probably at this time, too, the Benedictine abbeys of St. Mary in Kliz (upper Nitra) and Sts. Cosmas and Damian in Ludanice (Topolcany district) were founded. In the forest areas of central Slovakia, in 1135 A.D., an abbey of Premonstratentians was founded in Bzovik by the Slovak nobleman Lampert, who was a descendant of the ancient Hunt family. St. Stephen's abbey, church properties of which were near the Krupina and Ipel (Eipel) rivers, became an important center of cultural and religious life in this territory. The Spis prepositure also was established at the beginning of the twelfth century; it had jurisdiction over that part of the Ostrihom (Esztergom) archdiocese on the Slovak-Polish boundary. About the same time the Knight Templars also founded several monasteries in Slovakia. The Slovaks called the Templars "Red Monks" because of the red cross on their white cloaks. There were several Templar monasteries in Turiec and Liptov where many legends about the "Red Monks" are preserved even to this day. SLOVAKIA BEFORE THE INVASION OF THE TURKS The catastrophies which befell Slovakia from the ninth century were responsible for the fact that Slovakia lost its independence and finally became a part of the Hungarian State. But Slovakia, even after its incorporation into the Hungarian State, became the stage for constant warfare waged between Hungary and its neighbors. Slovakia suffered economically and its population was depleted. Yet it weathered all these storms and survived. Slovakia never ceased to be the country of the Slovak nation and the people, even under most adverse conditions, never left their homeland for others to move in. Of course, Slovakia was not as densely populated from the tenth to the twelfth centuries as it is today. Where the fertility of the soil assured a livehood, there people would settle. The most fertile regions were the lowlands of western and southern Slovakia along the banks of the Vah, �94 SLOVAKIA Nitra, Hron and Ipel rivers and, consequently, these regions attracted more people. From these areas the population advanced up the river valleys into the forest regions of northern and central Slovakia and, in the 11th and 12th centuries, established new colonies in the river basins and mountain velleys whereever it could till the soil and devote itself to animal husbandry. Already in the 11th century a stream of settlers, which advanced against the current of the Nitra, got as far as Turiec, where they came upon several older settlements which had existed since the times of Great Moravia. It was there that this group met up with another which was advancing up the Vah. From the confluence of the Turiec and Vah rivers, the population penetrated farther to the east, so that already in the 12th century Liptov was settled, whence the Slovaks gradually spread into the neighboring valleys. In the south, the Slovaks settled in the foothills of the Slovak mountains, penetrated into the northern part of the valley between the Danube and the Tisa, settled on the right bank of the Danube, where already in the 9th century there were several Slovak settlements, occupied th country along the north bank of the Tisa River and continued against the current of its tributaries into the fertile lowlands of eastern Slovakia, where they met with colonists who had come there from the west. Among the settled areas of Slovakia were the extensive mountainous regions which at that time were covered by a dense forest. Such a forest spread between the Hron and Ipel rivers (the Hont Forest), near the upper flow of the Hron (the Zvolen Forest), and near the upper flow of the Hornad (the Spis Forest). In these forest regions there were only small colonies which subsisted by hunting and animal husbandry. The greater the increase in population in the fertile areas of western and southern Slovakia, the greater was the stream of settlers which pressed into the mountainous regions. In those times countries and states did not have any accurate boundaries. Ordinarily the boundary was a forest which covered especially the hilly regions and descended �SLOVAKIA 95 down the slopes deeply into the valleys and plains. The broad belt of a dense forest was the safest border and, of course, the most reliable defense against an enemy. But even individual regions were separated from each other by forests. The western boundary of Slovakia was such a forest which covered the Small and the White Carpathian Mountains, stretched as far west as the Morava river and in places in the east came very close to the river Vah. The northern boundary of Slovakia ran along the forest which covered the crests of the Carpathian s and extended deeply on the north and south into the Slovak valleys. Such forests also separated the Nitra river valley from the Turiec Basin, Turiec from the Hron area and Liptov from Spis. HIGHWAYS OF SLOVAKIA Roads cutting through these forests connected the individual areas of Slovakia, and Slovakia with its neighbors as well. At the point where the roads led out of the bordering forest huge gates were erected. In times of danger these gates would be barricaded with huge trees. Sentry outposts were established near the frontier gates; it was their duty to defend the country against enemy attacks. When frontier guards noticed that a hostile army had entered the forest, they would barricade the gate and ma,ke a fire on the hill to signal that danger threatened . Geographic al terms, all relating to the word "gate" (brana)-li ke Brana, Branka, Branc, Branisko, Podbranc, Zavory, Zelezne vrata, Kamenne vrata, Vratna - indicate the places where such gates were erected. But outpost settlements were established not only near the frontier gates, but also along the entire frontier and near all roads. The memory of these sentry outposts has been preserved in such names as Hradiste, Hradok, Vysehrad, Hradec, Hradova, Hradna, Hradecnica (all from "hrad" - castle, fortress, citadel), Straz (guard), Straza, Straze, Strazisko, Straziste, Strazka, Strazky, Strazov, Straznica, Strazna hora, Strazske, Strehova. Sentry duty at these gates, along the frontier and near the roads, was often done by warlike foreigners, such as the Plavci, Pecheni and the Sikuli, who began to settle in Hungary in the 11th century. These tribes were by their origin, nature and tongue related to �li6 SLOVAKIA the Magyars with whom they later fused. In some Slovak areas even the Magyars settled as frontier guards. 'fhe names of villages, such as Sekule, Pecenady, Pecenice, Pecenany, Besenov, Besenova, Uhorska Ves, Plavec, tell us just where garrisons of foreign warriors did sentry duty. In many places only the "graves of pagans" are recalled as testimonials to these sentry posts. The most important roads which connected Slovakia with neighboring countries were: 1. The Bohemian highway, which led from Germany to Prague, passed through Brno, and near Holic entered Slovak territory. Through Sastin it led to Jablonica, where there was an outpost gate guarded on the east and west by a border garrison. Bi:ksad, Smolenice and Boleraz were outposts of this kind. This road then went through Trnava, crossed the river Vah near Sintava and continued on to Ostrihom, Vacov and Budin. 2. A second highway led from Znojmo in Moravia through Breclav into Brodsky, then through Straz and Sastin into Senice, and thence into Krajny where it entered the regions of the Vah Valley. 3. Another road crossed these roads near Sastin which led to Olomouc, Uhorske Hradiste, Straznice in Slovakia and then went along the left bank of the Morava into Bratislava, the capital of Slovakia. 4. On the northeastern tip of the Alps near the Danube, at the southern spurs of the Carpathians, there was a famous gate through which the road branched out on both banks of the Danube to the east. From Bratislava one of these roads led to Nitra through Senec and Sintava, while the other passed through Trnava on its way up the Vah to northern Slovakia. This was the Vah valley road, which detoured through the Vlar pass into Moravia, through the Jablunkov defile to the Morava Gate, and thence into Poland, while another side road went along the Orava river to the Visla. From the Vah highway a side road went through Hlohovec into Nitra and through Turiec, below the castle of Vysehrad, toward the upper flow of the Nitra. (To be continued) � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1957, Vol. 7 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 22), March 1957.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 23), June 1957.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 24-25), September-December 1957.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1957 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 88 The History of Slovakia: By PHILIP A . HROBAK (Continu ed ) During St. Stephen's reign two holy hermits, SS. Andrew-Svorad and Benedict, came to Slovakia from Poland and Jived for a time in the forest near the confluence of the Dunajec and Visla rivers. Later they went to the Benedictine monastery on Mt. Zobor near Nitra. Desiring to continue their lives as hermits even in Slovakia, they left the monastery and retreated to the hills which stretched along the banks of the V ah near Trencin. Many legends have been recorded about these two selfless, holy men. The oldest of these, originating about 1070 A. D., was recorded by the Zobor monk Maurus, who later became bishop of Pee (Patikostolie). The Hungarian State which was gradually being formed in the Danube Basin was not united geographically, racially, or culturally. A large part of the population was of Slovanic origin. We must bear in mind that Slovanic peoples inhabited and developed the territory long before the advent of the Magyars, because the Magyars settled in the central part of the country. It took several centuries before these various parts of the Danube Basin grew together, before the hilly countries were settled and the borders of the Hungarian State spread to the highest crests of the Carpathian Mountain range which enclosed the Danube Basin. In such a political formation Slovakia did not lose her independence suddenly, but preserved her individuality even in the new State. The historical nucleus of Slovakia was from the beginning that part of the Slovak country which already in the first half of the ninth century appeared in history as the Nitra principality of Pribina, which even during the reign of Rastislav in Great Moravia had its own ruler - Svatopluk - and which during the latter's reign had its own bishop. The historical Slovakia, whose main citadel was Nitra, extended from the Danube to the north SLOVAKIA 89 deep into the Slovak mountains and in the east spread even beyond the river Hron. Within the framework of the Hungarian State, Slovakia became the terrritory of the Ostrihom archbishopric and formed a part of the separate grant principality which was ruled by the sons or the younger brothers of the Hungarian king. In size, the territory was about one-third that of the entire Hungarian kingdom and was made up of two parts: In the east, near the upper end of the Tisa river, Bihar belonged to it, and, in the west, the western half of present-day Slovakia, that is historic Slovakia with Nitra as its stronghold. Slovakia, which was more mature even culturally, had a greater political significance than Bihar. Due to frequent struggles for the throne among the rulers of Hungary and the other members of the Arpad clan, the vassal princes who governed Slovakia had an opportunity to make close ties with their neighbors, especially with the Slovanic States. The grant princes resided in Nitra and often sought the aid of Polish, Czech and Russian rulers with whom they were on friendly terms and to whom they were related. Since German emperors, who sought to strengthen their rule in Hungary, often intervened in the internal struggles of Hungary, the territory of Slovakia in the eleventh century was the scene of many bloody battles. Emery, St. Stephen's son, was the first of the vassal princes to rule Slovakia; he also was the Crown Prince of Hungary. Because Emery died before his illustrious father, Vazul, the eldest member of the Arpad dynasty, was destined to be the successor to the throne of Hungary. Vazul, however, did not excel in Christian virtues, lived as a pagan and was imprisoned in the Nitra Castle, where even today the "Tower of Vazul" bears memory to that prince. Vazul's sons - Andrew, Bela and Levanta - were still pagans. When their father was blinded, they fled the country. Andrew and Levanta escaped to Russia, while Bela sought refuge at the court of the Czech King Bretislav. When Henry, the German Emperor, invaded Slovakia in 1042 A. D. to force the Hungarian king to acknowledge the supremacy of the German Empire, Bretislav came to 90 SLOVAKIA the aid of the Emperor with a large Czech army. Bela, who fought on the side of the victors, was made ruler of Slovakia. But Bela's reign did not last long; the Hungarian king drove him out of the principality soon after Henry returned to Germa.ny. Bela then sought the asylum of the court of King Casimir of Poland. The Polish monarch, engaged in a war with the Prussians and Lithuanians, welcomed Bela's aid. Bela won renown as an intrepid fighter. Shortly thereafter he was baptized, receiving the name of Adalbert, and wed to a Polish princess. In the meantime Bela's brother, Andrew, was baptized at the Russian court. The burden of kingship fell upon his shoulders in 1047. But at that time another rebellion was stirred up by the pagan Magyars in Hungary who wanted to destroy all vestiges of Christianity and institute paganism in the State. When Andrew took over the throne of Hungary, he called Bela from Poland and appointed him ruler of the principality of Slovakia. Bela was subject to his brother, but had his own court, coined his own money and in all respects was the ruler of his country. Since the German emperor never gave up the idea of subjecting Hungary to his rule, Bela often had to fight the Germans who invaded Slovakia. Andrew died in 1060 and Bela succeeded him as King of Hungary. Geza, his eldest son, was made prince regent of Slovakia, and Ladislaus, a younger son, was made ruler of Bihar. Geza proved himself an exceptional ruler, successfully defending his land against all neighbors, even against Salamon who became King of Hungary after Bela's death. In 1069 Geza repulsed the Czechs who had invaded Slovakia and occupied the land as far as Trencin. The following year Geza took the offensive and invaded Moravia. Heading Slovak divisions Geza often fought against the Hungarian king and the German emperor, Henry IV. In 1074 Geza defeated Salamon decisively and forced him into exile. When Geza ascended the throne of Hungary, he appointed Ladislaus regent of Slovakia. Geza, as a vassal prince, had founded the Abbey of St. Benedict in the Hron valley and endowed it with extensive lands in 1075. While in Nitra, he became a great SLOVAKIA 91 devotee of St. (Andrew) Svorad and St. Benedict. He prized highly the iron chain which the saintly Svorad had worn and which had been given him by the abbot of Mt. Zobor Monastery. As the ruler of Nitra, he saw to it that the Episcopal See of Nitra was re-established. When Geza died in 1077, Ladislaus became King of Hungary. Lampert, a younger brother, was given the title of grant prince, but Ladislaus himself ruled over the entire State. At the end of the eleventh century Slovakia vanished as a grant principality, but even then did not lose its individual status in the Hungarian State. When Slovakia lost its status as a grant principality at the end of the eleventh century and was absorbed in the rest of the Hungarian kingdom, she ceased to play for a time an independent role within the state. In the political development of Hungary, Slovakia in the twelfth century did not have an independent significance not only because it did not form a political unit, but also because in those times the balance of political life in Hungary gravitated toward the South. At the beginning of the twelfth century the Hungarian lords gained the territories of Croatia and Dalmatia, strengthened their positions in those countries and came under the influence of the Byzantine Empire with which they established close contacts. Christian Europe was aroused to a high pitch of religious fervor and enthusiasm at the end of the eleventh century; the urge to liberate the Holy Land from the Mohammedan Turks was widespread on the entire continent. The Pope himself called upon all Christian rulers of Europe to march against the enemies of Christianity with the banner of the Cross as their standard. The first crusading expedition set out already in 1096 A.D. While the main forces of the crusade hurried by land or by sea to Asia to free the holy places from the infidels, motley contingents of adventurers, who ruthlessly pillaged their way across Europe, came after them. One wing of such an undisciplined group of French and German soldiers, under the leadership of Folkmar, raced through Bohemia and Moravia into Slovakia and looted the whole country. The inhabitants of the Vah valley and Nitra fought these adventurous despoilers. 92 SLOVAKIA They defeated a large part of Folkmar's warriors and put the rest to flight; but Folkmar continued to trail the Crusaders with his warriors. Similar catastrophies befell Slovakia in the twelfth century, when German emperors aided by Czech rulers threatened the independence of Hungary. Thus, in 1108, Emperor Henry V set out against Hungary to make war on the erudite King Koloman (1095--1116). The Czech Svatopluk took part in the expedition. When Emperor Henry besieged Bratislava, Svatopluk tore into Slovakia through Moravia to help him devastate the land. The Czech armies laid waste the V ah valley area from Trencin to the Danube, but could not aid the Emperor in Hungary proper, because Svatopluk was forced to return to Bohemia by domestic issues. Svatopluk again invaded Slovakia the following year, devastated the entire country as far as Nitra, but failed to take the castle there. Enraged by this failure, Svatopluk's warriors swooped down on the vicinity, burnt many villages and then returned to their country with much loot. Hostil~ relations between Hungary and Bohemia invariably were the cause of much bloodshed and misery in Slovakia. Therefore, Slovakia welcomed a much needed breathing spell after the defeat of King Stephen II (11161131) by the Czechs on the Moravian-Slovak border,when his successor Bela II (1131-1141), made peace with Sobeslav (1125-1140), the Czech king. War in the west between Hungary and Bohemia caused much suffering in western Slovakia, while hostilities in the east between Hungary and Poland brought disaster to eastern Slovakia. Peace was restored only after several campaigns and Slovakia lived in peace in the twelfth century. While political conditions in Slovakia were more stabilized in the twelfth century, important changes took place in the religious and cultural life of Slovakia. Already in 1083 A.D., during the reign of the saintly monarch Ladislaus, the hermits Andrew Svorad and Benedict were canonized and their remains were buried with great solemnity in St. Emeram's Church in Nitra. The Nitra bishopric, restored during Koloman's reign, included the central Vah SLOVAKIA 93 and the Kysuca valleys, the region which later became the County of Trencin. King Koloman (Colman) issued a decree establishing ecclesiastical courts in Bratislava and Nitra. Probably at this time, too, the Benedictine abbeys of St. Mary in Kliz (upper Nitra) and Sts. Cosmas and Damian in Ludanice (Topolcany district) were founded. In the forest areas of central Slovakia, in 1135 A.D., an abbey of Premonstratentians was founded in Bzovik by the Slovak nobleman Lampert, who was a descendant of the ancient Hunt family. St. Stephen's abbey, church properties of which were near the Krupina and Ipel (Eipel) rivers, became an important center of cultural and religious life in this territory. The Spis prepositure also was established at the beginning of the twelfth century; it had jurisdiction over that part of the Ostrihom (Esztergom) archdiocese on the Slovak-Polish boundary. About the same time the Knight Templars also founded several monasteries in Slovakia. The Slovaks called the Templars "Red Monks" because of the red cross on their white cloaks. There were several Templar monasteries in Turiec and Liptov where many legends about the "Red Monks" are preserved even to this day. SLOVAKIA BEFORE THE INVASION OF THE TURKS The catastrophies which befell Slovakia from the ninth century were responsible for the fact that Slovakia lost its independence and finally became a part of the Hungarian State. But Slovakia, even after its incorporation into the Hungarian State, became the stage for constant warfare waged between Hungary and its neighbors. Slovakia suffered economically and its population was depleted. Yet it weathered all these storms and survived. Slovakia never ceased to be the country of the Slovak nation and the people, even under most adverse conditions, never left their homeland for others to move in. Of course, Slovakia was not as densely populated from the tenth to the twelfth centuries as it is today. Where the fertility of the soil assured a livehood, there people would settle. The most fertile regions were the lowlands of western and southern Slovakia along the banks of the Vah, 94 SLOVAKIA Nitra, Hron and Ipel rivers and, consequently, these regions attracted more people. From these areas the population advanced up the river valleys into the forest regions of northern and central Slovakia and, in the 11th and 12th centuries, established new colonies in the river basins and mountain velleys whereever it could till the soil and devote itself to animal husbandry. Already in the 11th century a stream of settlers, which advanced against the current of the Nitra, got as far as Turiec, where they came upon several older settlements which had existed since the times of Great Moravia. It was there that this group met up with another which was advancing up the Vah. From the confluence of the Turiec and Vah rivers, the population penetrated farther to the east, so that already in the 12th century Liptov was settled, whence the Slovaks gradually spread into the neighboring valleys. In the south, the Slovaks settled in the foothills of the Slovak mountains, penetrated into the northern part of the valley between the Danube and the Tisa, settled on the right bank of the Danube, where already in the 9th century there were several Slovak settlements, occupied th country along the north bank of the Tisa River and continued against the current of its tributaries into the fertile lowlands of eastern Slovakia, where they met with colonists who had come there from the west. Among the settled areas of Slovakia were the extensive mountainous regions which at that time were covered by a dense forest. Such a forest spread between the Hron and Ipel rivers (the Hont Forest), near the upper flow of the Hron (the Zvolen Forest), and near the upper flow of the Hornad (the Spis Forest). In these forest regions there were only small colonies which subsisted by hunting and animal husbandry. The greater the increase in population in the fertile areas of western and southern Slovakia, the greater was the stream of settlers which pressed into the mountainous regions. In those times countries and states did not have any accurate boundaries. Ordinarily the boundary was a forest which covered especially the hilly regions and descended SLOVAKIA 95 down the slopes deeply into the valleys and plains. The broad belt of a dense forest was the safest border and, of course, the most reliable defense against an enemy. But even individual regions were separated from each other by forests. The western boundary of Slovakia was such a forest which covered the Small and the White Carpathian Mountains, stretched as far west as the Morava river and in places in the east came very close to the river Vah. The northern boundary of Slovakia ran along the forest which covered the crests of the Carpathian s and extended deeply on the north and south into the Slovak valleys. Such forests also separated the Nitra river valley from the Turiec Basin, Turiec from the Hron area and Liptov from Spis. HIGHWAYS OF SLOVAKIA Roads cutting through these forests connected the individual areas of Slovakia, and Slovakia with its neighbors as well. At the point where the roads led out of the bordering forest huge gates were erected. In times of danger these gates would be barricaded with huge trees. Sentry outposts were established near the frontier gates; it was their duty to defend the country against enemy attacks. When frontier guards noticed that a hostile army had entered the forest, they would barricade the gate and ma,ke a fire on the hill to signal that danger threatened . Geographic al terms, all relating to the word "gate" (brana)-li ke Brana, Branka, Branc, Branisko, Podbranc, Zavory, Zelezne vrata, Kamenne vrata, Vratna - indicate the places where such gates were erected. But outpost settlements were established not only near the frontier gates, but also along the entire frontier and near all roads. The memory of these sentry outposts has been preserved in such names as Hradiste, Hradok, Vysehrad, Hradec, Hradova, Hradna, Hradecnica (all from "hrad" - castle, fortress, citadel), Straz (guard), Straza, Straze, Strazisko, Straziste, Strazka, Strazky, Strazov, Straznica, Strazna hora, Strazske, Strehova. Sentry duty at these gates, along the frontier and near the roads, was often done by warlike foreigners, such as the Plavci, Pecheni and the Sikuli, who began to settle in Hungary in the 11th century. These tribes were by their origin, nature and tongue related to li6 SLOVAKIA the Magyars with whom they later fused. In some Slovak areas even the Magyars settled as frontier guards. 'fhe names of villages, such as Sekule, Pecenady, Pecenice, Pecenany, Besenov, Besenova, Uhorska Ves, Plavec, tell us just where garrisons of foreign warriors did sentry duty. In many places only the "graves of pagans" are recalled as testimonials to these sentry posts. The most important roads which connected Slovakia with neighboring countries were: 1. The Bohemian highway, which led from Germany to Prague, passed through Brno, and near Holic entered Slovak territory. Through Sastin it led to Jablonica, where there was an outpost gate guarded on the east and west by a border garrison. Bi:ksad, Smolenice and Boleraz were outposts of this kind. This road then went through Trnava, crossed the river Vah near Sintava and continued on to Ostrihom, Vacov and Budin. 2. A second highway led from Znojmo in Moravia through Breclav into Brodsky, then through Straz and Sastin into Senice, and thence into Krajny where it entered the regions of the Vah Valley. 3. Another road crossed these roads near Sastin which led to Olomouc, Uhorske Hradiste, Straznice in Slovakia and then went along the left bank of the Morava into Bratislava, the capital of Slovakia. 4. On the northeastern tip of the Alps near the Danube, at the southern spurs of the Carpathians, there was a famous gate through which the road branched out on both banks of the Danube to the east. From Bratislava one of these roads led to Nitra through Senec and Sintava, while the other passed through Trnava on its way up the Vah to northern Slovakia. This was the Vah valley road, which detoured through the Vlar pass into Moravia, through the Jablunkov defile to the Morava Gate, and thence into Poland, while another side road went along the Orava river to the Visla. From the Vah highway a side road went through Hlohovec into Nitra and through Turiec, below the castle of Vysehrad, toward the upper flow of the Nitra. (To be continued)  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The History of Slovakia (4/9) Description An account of the resource Philip A. Hrobak Slovakia, Vol. 7, No. 3-4 (24-25), September-December 1957 pp. 88-96 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Hrobak, Philip Anthony, 1904-1964 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource September-December 1957 Relation A related resource continued from <a href="https://slovakia.omeka.net/items/show/241">Vol. 7, No. 2 (23), pp. 57-64</a><br />continues in <a href="https://slovakia.omeka.net/items/show/278">Vol. 8, No. 1 (26), pp. 60-64</a> LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/edfb0e587f6c9ed1f461b555ec3533c1.pdf 3f834d3b18894afbc96d9b5791cfd64a PDF Text Text Officers of the Slovak League of America (Organized May 26, 1907, Cleveland, Ohio) Honorary Presidents And r ew J. Hamrock Dr. Peter P. H letko 61 Woodland Avenue Car,1pbell, Ohio Batavia Rd., Box 17 Warrenville, Ill. Stephen Dubi el Msgr. F. J. Dubosh, P.A. 12210 Detroit Avenue Lakewood, Ohio 12608 Madison Avenue Lakewood 7, Ohio E l izab et h Andr ejko President Ph i lip A. Hrobak 551 Grove Avenue Johnstown, Pa. P. 0. Box 150 Midd letown, Pa. ADVISORY COUNCIL Vice-Presidents Rev. John W. Krisp i nsky M ich ael 2425 W. 11th Street Cleveland, Ohio Ju l ia Krajcov ic H e le n K ocan 1648 W. 18th Street Chicago 8, Ill. National President First Catholic Slovak Ladies Union Recording Secretary Constantine Culen Paul F <1 llat 2900 East Boulevard Cleveland 4, Ohio National President Slovak Catholic Sokol Secretary-Treasurer Stephen J . Tkach Mi Ian V . Blazek 4922 S. Leclaire Avenue Chic<tgo 38, Ill. Nationa l President Penna. Slov::tk Union EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE Anna Sotak National President Ladies Pennsylvanit_ Slovak Union Pau l P. Jamri ska 810 Montooth Street Pittsb:J.rgh 10, Pa. Josepr, G. Prusa J . Vargovi c National President First Catholic Slovak Union John 205 Madison Street Passaic, N. J. Rozbo r il National President Slovak Catholic Cadet Union SLOVAK NEWSPAPERS (Affiliated with the Slovak League of America) JEDNOTA SLOVENSKA OBRANA ZENSKA JEDNOTA Midd letown, Pa. Scranton. Pa. Cleveland, Ohio BRATSTVO Wi lkes-Barre, Pa. SLOVENSKE NOVINY Cleveland, Ohio KATOLiCKY SOKOL SVORNOST Passaic, N. J . Whitaker, Pa SLOVAK V AMERIKE Whiting, Lnd ZORNICKA Chicago, Ill. OSADNE HLASY Chica.go, m �SLOVAKIA: Cathedral of Spisska Kapitul'a and, in the background, the ruins of the Spis Castle � Officers of the Slovak League of America (Organized May 26, 1907, Cleveland, Ohio) Honorary Presidents And r ew J. Hamrock Dr. Peter P. H letko 61 Woodland Avenue Car,1pbell, Ohio Batavia Rd., Box 17 Warrenville, Ill. Stephen Dubi el Msgr. F. J. Dubosh, P.A. 12210 Detroit Avenue Lakewood, Ohio 12608 Madison Avenue Lakewood 7, Ohio E l izab et h Andr ejko President Ph i lip A. Hrobak 551 Grove Avenue Johnstown, Pa. P. 0. Box 150 Midd letown, Pa. ADVISORY COUNCIL Vice-Presidents Rev. John W. Krisp i nsky M ich ael 2425 W. 11th Street Cleveland, Ohio Ju l ia Krajcov ic H e le n K ocan 1648 W. 18th Street Chicago 8, Ill. National President First Catholic Slovak Ladies Union Recording Secretary Constantine Culen Paul F <1 llat 2900 East Boulevard Cleveland 4, Ohio National President Slovak Catholic Sokol Secretary-Treasurer Stephen J . Tkach Mi Ian V . Blazek 4922 S. Leclaire Avenue Chic<tgo 38, Ill. Nationa l President Penna. Slov::tk Union EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE Anna Sotak National President Ladies Pennsylvanit_ Slovak Union Pau l P. Jamri ska 810 Montooth Street Pittsb:J.rgh 10, Pa. Josepr, G. Prusa J . Vargovi c National President First Catholic Slovak Union John 205 Madison Street Passaic, N. J. Rozbo r il National President Slovak Catholic Cadet Union SLOVAK NEWSPAPERS (Affiliated with the Slovak League of America) JEDNOTA SLOVENSKA OBRANA ZENSKA JEDNOTA Midd letown, Pa. Scranton. Pa. Cleveland, Ohio BRATSTVO Wi lkes-Barre, Pa. SLOVENSKE NOVINY Cleveland, Ohio KATOLiCKY SOKOL SVORNOST Passaic, N. J . Whitaker, Pa SLOVAK V AMERIKE Whiting, Lnd ZORNICKA Chicago, Ill. OSADNE HLASY Chica.go, m �SLOVAKIA: Cathedral of Spisska Kapitul'a and, in the background, the ruins of the Spis Castle � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1957, Vol. 7 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 22), March 1957.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 23), June 1957.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 24-25), September-December 1957.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1957 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document Officers of the Slovak League of America (Organized May 26, 1907, Cleveland, Ohio) Honorary Presidents And r ew J. Hamrock Dr. Peter P. H letko 61 Woodland Avenue Car,1pbell, Ohio Batavia Rd., Box 17 Warrenville, Ill. Stephen Dubi el Msgr. F. J. Dubosh, P.A. 12210 Detroit Avenue Lakewood, Ohio 12608 Madison Avenue Lakewood 7, Ohio E l izab et h Andr ejko President Ph i lip A. Hrobak 551 Grove Avenue Johnstown, Pa. P. 0. Box 150 Midd letown, Pa. ADVISORY COUNCIL Vice-Presidents Rev. John W. Krisp i nsky M ich ael 2425 W. 11th Street Cleveland, Ohio Ju l ia Krajcov ic H e le n K ocan 1648 W. 18th Street Chicago 8, Ill. National President First Catholic Slovak Ladies Union Recording Secretary Constantine Culen Paul F <1 llat 2900 East Boulevard Cleveland 4, Ohio National President Slovak Catholic Sokol Secretary-Treasurer Stephen J . Tkach Mi Ian V . Blazek 4922 S. Leclaire Avenue Chic<tgo 38, Ill. Nationa l President Penna. Slov::tk Union EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE Anna Sotak National President Ladies Pennsylvanit_ Slovak Union Pau l P. Jamri ska 810 Montooth Street Pittsb:J.rgh 10, Pa. Josepr, G. Prusa J . Vargovi c National President First Catholic Slovak Union John 205 Madison Street Passaic, N. J. Rozbo r il National President Slovak Catholic Cadet Union SLOVAK NEWSPAPERS (Affiliated with the Slovak League of America) JEDNOTA SLOVENSKA OBRANA ZENSKA JEDNOTA Midd letown, Pa. Scranton. Pa. Cleveland, Ohio BRATSTVO Wi lkes-Barre, Pa. SLOVENSKE NOVINY Cleveland, Ohio KATOLiCKY SOKOL SVORNOST Passaic, N. J . Whitaker, Pa SLOVAK V AMERIKE Whiting, Lnd ZORNICKA Chicago, Ill. OSADNE HLASY Chica.go, m SLOVAKIA: Cathedral of Spisska Kapitul'a and, in the background, the ruins of the Spis Castle  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Back Matter, Slovakia, Vol. 7, No. 3-4 (24-25) Description An account of the resource includes photo of Cathedral of Spišská Kapituľa and, in the background, the ruins of Spiš Castle Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource September-December 1957 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/fed6a7427845d9eafd3d4e7ad9830efd.pdf de3ae01b6ed6bfffa03e8f8c2fbf95e5 PDF Text Text VOL. VI MARCH, 1956 NO. 1 (18) IN THIS ISSUE: "MEMOIRS OF DR. EDUARD BENES" - R eview Louis Stur Centennial Stur: Father of Modern Slovak N ation a lism Stur's Group in th e Servic e of the P eople Radio Fr ee Europe (Reprint from "FACTS FORUM " ) Kerner's "Czechoslovakia": History or Propaganda? WHO SAID IT : 16 * * * Edited and· compi l ed by PHILIP A. HROBAK S LO VA KIA Box 150 Middletown , Pa . • Published by THE - SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA GANSER LIBRARY M!LLERSV1LLE Si.ATE COLLEGE 'MlLLERSVILLE, PA 17551 �JIRI (GEORGE) BRADA author of the article on RAD IO FRE>E EUROPE, which was publi~h od in the "FACTS FQJRIUM" (Dallas, Texas; $2.00 per annum) and is reprinted in this issue. of the "SLOV,A KIA," was born of CZECH parents in Brno, Moravia (,Czecho-Slovakia), on March 8, 1923. He is a student of psychology and sociology, and is well versed i,n several languages. During the years of the Nazi occupation, Brada worked in a factory and a lso managed to do some studying at the Englis:h Institute in Brno and the University of Rostock. Unlike many other Cz echs of his age, he never joined the Nazi Party, nor any of the organizations which upon the defeat of Nazi Germany, were dec lared to be fascist either by the Allies, or the postwar government of Czecho-Slovakia. After the war, Brada studied history, philosophy and law at the University of Brno. When the Czech Reels se.izecl a ll power in CzechoSlovakia, , in February, 194 , he was expelled from the university by the Czech Communist Action Committee and dec lai,e.cl ineligible for study at any otJher school behind the Iron Curtain. Threatened with iirrest, after he refused to become. an informer for the Czech Communist government, Brada illegally crossed the Czech-Austrian border, October 2, 1948. Since January, 1949, he has been active in several refugee organizations in Germany. From May till July 1951, he was employed by RAD·IO FREE EUROPE, as a reference assistant and librarian. At present he. is ,a journalist in Germany. Brada vigorously opposed -socialism and communism. In his testimony for the Committee on Communist Aggression , I.. S. House of Representatives (Hon. Charles J. Kersten, chairman), of June 28, 1954 , Brada mad,e a number of statements which wa.rrant the attention o[ thoughtful a,ncl a lert Americans . For example, M r . Brada made the serious dharge that "the Amer ican Int ell igence Servi c e (CIC and CIA ) is not interest e d in invest igat ing anyth ing about th e communist system." ' 'The American authorities," Bracla testified, "take as source of information not the opinions of the a,nti-communist refugees but the communist radio and pne.ss -in the East . . . they swallow every communist swi ndle and show to the East clearly tha.t they a lso are eit,he-r unint-elligent enough to be misled or are communist-dominated . . ." "The center of the communist world conspi~·acy," sajcl Brada, concluding his sworn testimony for the Kersten Committee, "seems thus to be situated in the West, in all these radio stations, as the VOICE OF A'MERLOA (,a nd) RAID IO :FlRIDE EUIROPE, the CIA and the CIC, in the western crypto-communist press and radio , in the CR!USADE l•'OR FREEOOM, and F'REE EUROPE, INC."' 'Dhe revelations of Jifi Bracla in the 'FACTS FORUM" are not entirely ne w to !Jhe readers of "SLOVAKIA" and the monthly " SLOVAK NEJWrSLETTER" which are published by the Slovak League of America. TiJley fu ll y support and su bstantiate what has been written in the two per iodicals rubout Radio Free Europe and the Voice of America. Again we urge our readers: ASK YOUR SENATORS AND YOUR REPRESENTATIVES T O DEMAND AN INVESnGATION OF RADIO FREE EUIROBE AND THE VO ICE OF AMEJUCA nY co:--.;. GRESS, ES.PEClA.LLY THEIH ··C~EC'HO, LOVAK" DIVISIO'.\IS 1 Printed in the U. S. A. �SLOV AKIA Published quarterly by the Slovak League of America MARCH, 1956 VOL. VI "HE TRUSTED THE NO. 1 (18) RUS- foreign policy in his country - SIANS" is the title of the r eview may have in at least some measure written {The New York Times Book contributed to the eventual downReview, March 4, 1956) by Mr. fall of Czecho-Slovakia. The book, it is true, is didactic Gordon A. Craig, professor of History at Princeton University, about in tone quite laborious in style, the "MEMOIRS OF DR. EDUARD freq uently repetitious, but it is not BEJNES," which were translated "almost devoid of personal anecfrom the Czech by Godfrey Lias dotes or even personal judgments," (346 p.p.) and published by the as Mr. Craig states. In fact, it is Houghton Mifflin Company of Bos- a record of almost nothing else but Benes's personal judgments (Benes ton. The book sells for $7.50. According to Mr. Craig, Mr. Be- always knew, thought, foresaw, nes and T. G. Masaryk "laid the decided, recommended, etc.). In Mr. Craig's opinion, Dr. Benes fo undations of free "Czecho-Slovakia," but mentions n o thing about may have been the "chief victim the socialistic state they promoted of Munich," but that others were from the outset. Gen. Milan R- i:§te- less "chief" victims is, I believe, fanik, also one of the founders, is questionable. He says that "levity, completely forgotten. At Geneva egotism, unscrupulousness anlll cri(League of Nations), Benes was minal ignorance" are among the "an indefatigable worker for the mildest of the terms used by Benes rights of the lesser nations." Mr. to characterize the ,p olicy of the Craig, it seems, knows nothing Western powers before Munich, but about the fact that Benes denied the same terms may be used, and the existence of the Slovak nation, probably more rightly, to characw it ho u t which Czecho-Slovakia terize Benes and his policies. would never have come into exist- Benes lambasts the Western ence; and if Mr. Craig really did Powers who created and financed a little research, he might !ind it Czecho-Slovakia (which did not difficult to name the " lesser even pay her debt to the United nations" for which Benes fought States), but in contrast, as Mr. so indefatigably. For example, what Craig admits, "is almost comdid he do or say about the "lesser pletely uncritical of Soviet policy nations" which were gobbled up in the same years." Mr. Craig does not attempt to explain this attitude by the Soviet Union ? Munich, we are told, was forced of Dr. Benes; it seems he is comupon Benes; there was nothing he pletely unaware of the fact that could do about it. Ten years later, Benes, too, promoted materialistic however, after Czecho-Slovakia had socialism. The Soviet Union, as soon as regained her freedom, Benes once again was forced to see his country Benes succeeded in getting it into conquered by totalitarianism. Mr. the League of Nations, was, accordCr aig does not consider the :possibi- , ing to Benes, .t he on ly major power lity that the policies of Dr. Benes that sought consistently to mainhimself - who was responsible for tain the princtple of collective �2 SLOVAKIA security and that, until Munich, remained true to its treaty obligations. With Czecho-Slovakia, as well as other countries? And what were these treaty obligations? Mr. Craig preferred not to expand on this subject. Benes did not criticize Soviet policy before Munich and could only ,p raise it after, because his becoming president again depended on Stalin. Nothing else mattered. Benes was obsessed with the idea that he had to revenge himself on all who opposed his socialistic policies in the past and tried to embarrass him. With the help of Stalin and, of course, the other members of the victorious United Nations, Benes got what he wanted. At the expense of the Slovak and Czech nations! The accounts of Benes's wartime discussions with Roosevelt, Eden, Stalin and other Soviet diplomats, and statesmen - printed in notes and in the appendices - are, as Craig describes it, "perhaps the meatiest part of this book." And Benes did rely heavily on the Soviet Union ,a nd believed in it, because he was a part of the policy of the Soviet Union, even though most historians and reviewers of books fail to recognize this fact. Benes boasted that he knew the Russians and the Soviet Union very well; and, of course, he always knew what he was doing and where he was going; he advised Great Britain, the United States, the Soviet Union, France, etc.; no one knew anything better than Benes when it came to politics; he was the little man who always had a plan, always the GREAT "democratic'' statesman, diplomat, politician, and international lawyer! How else could Czecho-Slovakia end than it did? After the Munich debacle and the capitulation to •Hitler, which he. did not even refer to parliament, Benes simply placed the blame for every- thing on the Western Powers, resigned and cowardly fled his country to let others sweat it out; then in 1945 he returned behind Soviet bayonets to ac~use all members of the "protectorate" Czech Government and of the independent State of Slovakia of collaboration with the Nazis and treason. As far as Benes was concerned, he was still "legally" the ,president, CzechoSlovakia never ceased to exist as such, Munich never "legally" happened, the Slovaks had no right to declare their country independent, and international law was only what Benes interpreted it to be. That was the incomparable Benes! The Memoirs of Dr. Eduard Benes, like his other published works, are to all intents and ,purposes meant to justify everything that Dr. Benes did, even if, in fact, it meant rendering a gross disservice to democracy and betraying not only his own people, the Czechs, but even the Slovaks and other nations as well to the men of the Kremlin. With Hitler, Stalin, and Mussolini the State was supreme. And so it was with Benes, even though he promoted the ideology of Godless, materialistic socialism in a less crude and violent fashion: the end he sought was the same. His MEMOIRS and various other works prove that, even though less eloquently and forcefully than does the "end of the road" Czecho-.Slovakia reached under his guidance. In his review, Mr. Craig does not mention that the very s am e MEMOIRS OF DR. EDUARD BENES, translated by Godfrey Lias, were first .published in 1954 by George Allen & Unwin Ltd. (London). The readers of the Times ·Book Review may, therefore, even as I did, purchase a book that they already have, a1isuming that it is an additional volume of Dr. Benes's Memoirs. Did Mr. Craig know that? - P.A. H. � VOL. VI MARCH, 1956 NO. 1 (18) IN THIS ISSUE: "MEMOIRS OF DR. EDUARD BENES" - R eview Louis Stur Centennial Stur: Father of Modern Slovak N ation a lism Stur's Group in th e Servic e of the P eople Radio Fr ee Europe (Reprint from "FACTS FORUM " ) Kerner's "Czechoslovakia": History or Propaganda? WHO SAID IT : 16 * * * Edited and· compi l ed by PHILIP A. HROBAK S LO VA KIA Box 150 Middletown , Pa . • Published by THE - SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA GANSER LIBRARY M!LLERSV1LLE Si.ATE COLLEGE 'MlLLERSVILLE, PA 17551 �JIRI (GEORGE) BRADA author of the article on RAD IO FRE>E EUROPE, which was publi~h od in the "FACTS FQJRIUM" (Dallas, Texas; $2.00 per annum) and is reprinted in this issue. of the "SLOV,A KIA," was born of CZECH parents in Brno, Moravia (,Czecho-Slovakia), on March 8, 1923. He is a student of psychology and sociology, and is well versed i,n several languages. During the years of the Nazi occupation, Brada worked in a factory and a lso managed to do some studying at the Englis:h Institute in Brno and the University of Rostock. Unlike many other Cz echs of his age, he never joined the Nazi Party, nor any of the organizations which upon the defeat of Nazi Germany, were dec lared to be fascist either by the Allies, or the postwar government of Czecho-Slovakia. After the war, Brada studied history, philosophy and law at the University of Brno. When the Czech Reels se.izecl a ll power in CzechoSlovakia, , in February, 194 , he was expelled from the university by the Czech Communist Action Committee and dec lai,e.cl ineligible for study at any otJher school behind the Iron Curtain. Threatened with iirrest, after he refused to become. an informer for the Czech Communist government, Brada illegally crossed the Czech-Austrian border, October 2, 1948. Since January, 1949, he has been active in several refugee organizations in Germany. From May till July 1951, he was employed by RAD·IO FREE EUROPE, as a reference assistant and librarian. At present he. is ,a journalist in Germany. Brada vigorously opposed -socialism and communism. In his testimony for the Committee on Communist Aggression , I.. S. House of Representatives (Hon. Charles J. Kersten, chairman), of June 28, 1954 , Brada mad,e a number of statements which wa.rrant the attention o[ thoughtful a,ncl a lert Americans . For example, M r . Brada made the serious dharge that "the Amer ican Int ell igence Servi c e (CIC and CIA ) is not interest e d in invest igat ing anyth ing about th e communist system." ' 'The American authorities," Bracla testified, "take as source of information not the opinions of the a,nti-communist refugees but the communist radio and pne.ss -in the East . . . they swallow every communist swi ndle and show to the East clearly tha.t they a lso are eit,he-r unint-elligent enough to be misled or are communist-dominated . . ." "The center of the communist world conspi~·acy," sajcl Brada, concluding his sworn testimony for the Kersten Committee, "seems thus to be situated in the West, in all these radio stations, as the VOICE OF A'MERLOA (,a nd) RAID IO :FlRIDE EUIROPE, the CIA and the CIC, in the western crypto-communist press and radio , in the CR!USADE l•'OR FREEOOM, and F'REE EUROPE, INC."' 'Dhe revelations of Jifi Bracla in the 'FACTS FORUM" are not entirely ne w to !Jhe readers of "SLOVAKIA" and the monthly " SLOVAK NEJWrSLETTER" which are published by the Slovak League of America. TiJley fu ll y support and su bstantiate what has been written in the two per iodicals rubout Radio Free Europe and the Voice of America. Again we urge our readers: ASK YOUR SENATORS AND YOUR REPRESENTATIVES T O DEMAND AN INVESnGATION OF RADIO FREE EUIROBE AND THE VO ICE OF AMEJUCA nY co:--.;. GRESS, ES.PEClA.LLY THEIH ··C~EC'HO, LOVAK" DIVISIO'.\IS 1 Printed in the U. S. A. �SLOV AKIA Published quarterly by the Slovak League of America MARCH, 1956 VOL. VI "HE TRUSTED THE NO. 1 (18) RUS- foreign policy in his country - SIANS" is the title of the r eview may have in at least some measure written {The New York Times Book contributed to the eventual downReview, March 4, 1956) by Mr. fall of Czecho-Slovakia. The book, it is true, is didactic Gordon A. Craig, professor of History at Princeton University, about in tone quite laborious in style, the "MEMOIRS OF DR. EDUARD freq uently repetitious, but it is not BEJNES," which were translated "almost devoid of personal anecfrom the Czech by Godfrey Lias dotes or even personal judgments," (346 p.p.) and published by the as Mr. Craig states. In fact, it is Houghton Mifflin Company of Bos- a record of almost nothing else but Benes's personal judgments (Benes ton. The book sells for $7.50. According to Mr. Craig, Mr. Be- always knew, thought, foresaw, nes and T. G. Masaryk "laid the decided, recommended, etc.). In Mr. Craig's opinion, Dr. Benes fo undations of free "Czecho-Slovakia," but mentions n o thing about may have been the "chief victim the socialistic state they promoted of Munich," but that others were from the outset. Gen. Milan R- i:§te- less "chief" victims is, I believe, fanik, also one of the founders, is questionable. He says that "levity, completely forgotten. At Geneva egotism, unscrupulousness anlll cri(League of Nations), Benes was minal ignorance" are among the "an indefatigable worker for the mildest of the terms used by Benes rights of the lesser nations." Mr. to characterize the ,p olicy of the Craig, it seems, knows nothing Western powers before Munich, but about the fact that Benes denied the same terms may be used, and the existence of the Slovak nation, probably more rightly, to characw it ho u t which Czecho-Slovakia terize Benes and his policies. would never have come into exist- Benes lambasts the Western ence; and if Mr. Craig really did Powers who created and financed a little research, he might !ind it Czecho-Slovakia (which did not difficult to name the " lesser even pay her debt to the United nations" for which Benes fought States), but in contrast, as Mr. so indefatigably. For example, what Craig admits, "is almost comdid he do or say about the "lesser pletely uncritical of Soviet policy nations" which were gobbled up in the same years." Mr. Craig does not attempt to explain this attitude by the Soviet Union ? Munich, we are told, was forced of Dr. Benes; it seems he is comupon Benes; there was nothing he pletely unaware of the fact that could do about it. Ten years later, Benes, too, promoted materialistic however, after Czecho-Slovakia had socialism. The Soviet Union, as soon as regained her freedom, Benes once again was forced to see his country Benes succeeded in getting it into conquered by totalitarianism. Mr. the League of Nations, was, accordCr aig does not consider the :possibi- , ing to Benes, .t he on ly major power lity that the policies of Dr. Benes that sought consistently to mainhimself - who was responsible for tain the princtple of collective �2 SLOVAKIA security and that, until Munich, remained true to its treaty obligations. With Czecho-Slovakia, as well as other countries? And what were these treaty obligations? Mr. Craig preferred not to expand on this subject. Benes did not criticize Soviet policy before Munich and could only ,p raise it after, because his becoming president again depended on Stalin. Nothing else mattered. Benes was obsessed with the idea that he had to revenge himself on all who opposed his socialistic policies in the past and tried to embarrass him. With the help of Stalin and, of course, the other members of the victorious United Nations, Benes got what he wanted. At the expense of the Slovak and Czech nations! The accounts of Benes's wartime discussions with Roosevelt, Eden, Stalin and other Soviet diplomats, and statesmen - printed in notes and in the appendices - are, as Craig describes it, "perhaps the meatiest part of this book." And Benes did rely heavily on the Soviet Union ,a nd believed in it, because he was a part of the policy of the Soviet Union, even though most historians and reviewers of books fail to recognize this fact. Benes boasted that he knew the Russians and the Soviet Union very well; and, of course, he always knew what he was doing and where he was going; he advised Great Britain, the United States, the Soviet Union, France, etc.; no one knew anything better than Benes when it came to politics; he was the little man who always had a plan, always the GREAT "democratic'' statesman, diplomat, politician, and international lawyer! How else could Czecho-Slovakia end than it did? After the Munich debacle and the capitulation to •Hitler, which he. did not even refer to parliament, Benes simply placed the blame for every- thing on the Western Powers, resigned and cowardly fled his country to let others sweat it out; then in 1945 he returned behind Soviet bayonets to ac~use all members of the "protectorate" Czech Government and of the independent State of Slovakia of collaboration with the Nazis and treason. As far as Benes was concerned, he was still "legally" the ,president, CzechoSlovakia never ceased to exist as such, Munich never "legally" happened, the Slovaks had no right to declare their country independent, and international law was only what Benes interpreted it to be. That was the incomparable Benes! The Memoirs of Dr. Eduard Benes, like his other published works, are to all intents and ,purposes meant to justify everything that Dr. Benes did, even if, in fact, it meant rendering a gross disservice to democracy and betraying not only his own people, the Czechs, but even the Slovaks and other nations as well to the men of the Kremlin. With Hitler, Stalin, and Mussolini the State was supreme. And so it was with Benes, even though he promoted the ideology of Godless, materialistic socialism in a less crude and violent fashion: the end he sought was the same. His MEMOIRS and various other works prove that, even though less eloquently and forcefully than does the "end of the road" Czecho-.Slovakia reached under his guidance. In his review, Mr. Craig does not mention that the very s am e MEMOIRS OF DR. EDUARD BENES, translated by Godfrey Lias, were first .published in 1954 by George Allen & Unwin Ltd. (London). The readers of the Times ·Book Review may, therefore, even as I did, purchase a book that they already have, a1isuming that it is an additional volume of Dr. Benes's Memoirs. Did Mr. Craig know that? - P.A. H. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1956, Vol. 6 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 18), March 1956.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 19), June 1956.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 20-21), September-December 1956.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1956 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document VOL. VI MARCH, 1956 NO. 1 (18) IN THIS ISSUE: "MEMOIRS OF DR. EDUARD BENES" - R eview Louis Stur Centennial Stur: Father of Modern Slovak N ation a lism Stur's Group in th e Servic e of the P eople Radio Fr ee Europe (Reprint from "FACTS FORUM " ) Kerner's "Czechoslovakia": History or Propaganda? WHO SAID IT : 16 * * * Edited and· compi l ed by PHILIP A. HROBAK S LO VA KIA Box 150 Middletown , Pa . • Published by THE - SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA GANSER LIBRARY M!LLERSV1LLE Si.ATE COLLEGE 'MlLLERSVILLE, PA 17551 JIRI (GEORGE) BRADA author of the article on RAD IO FRE>E EUROPE, which was publi~h od in the "FACTS FQJRIUM" (Dallas, Texas; $2.00 per annum) and is reprinted in this issue. of the "SLOV,A KIA," was born of CZECH parents in Brno, Moravia (,Czecho-Slovakia), on March 8, 1923. He is a student of psychology and sociology, and is well versed i,n several languages. During the years of the Nazi occupation, Brada worked in a factory and a lso managed to do some studying at the Englis:h Institute in Brno and the University of Rostock. Unlike many other Cz echs of his age, he never joined the Nazi Party, nor any of the organizations which upon the defeat of Nazi Germany, were dec lared to be fascist either by the Allies, or the postwar government of Czecho-Slovakia. After the war, Brada studied history, philosophy and law at the University of Brno. When the Czech Reels se.izecl a ll power in CzechoSlovakia, , in February, 194 , he was expelled from the university by the Czech Communist Action Committee and dec lai,e.cl ineligible for study at any otJher school behind the Iron Curtain. Threatened with iirrest, after he refused to become. an informer for the Czech Communist government, Brada illegally crossed the Czech-Austrian border, October 2, 1948. Since January, 1949, he has been active in several refugee organizations in Germany. From May till July 1951, he was employed by RAD·IO FREE EUROPE, as a reference assistant and librarian. At present he. is ,a journalist in Germany. Brada vigorously opposed -socialism and communism. In his testimony for the Committee on Communist Aggression , I.. S. House of Representatives (Hon. Charles J. Kersten, chairman), of June 28, 1954 , Brada mad,e a number of statements which wa.rrant the attention o[ thoughtful a,ncl a lert Americans . For example, M r . Brada made the serious dharge that "the Amer ican Int ell igence Servi c e (CIC and CIA ) is not interest e d in invest igat ing anyth ing about th e communist system." ' 'The American authorities," Bracla testified, "take as source of information not the opinions of the a,nti-communist refugees but the communist radio and pne.ss -in the East . . . they swallow every communist swi ndle and show to the East clearly tha.t they a lso are eit,he-r unint-elligent enough to be misled or are communist-dominated . . ." "The center of the communist world conspi~·acy," sajcl Brada, concluding his sworn testimony for the Kersten Committee, "seems thus to be situated in the West, in all these radio stations, as the VOICE OF A'MERLOA (,a nd) RAID IO :FlRIDE EUIROPE, the CIA and the CIC, in the western crypto-communist press and radio , in the CR!USADE l•'OR FREEOOM, and F'REE EUROPE, INC."' 'Dhe revelations of Jifi Bracla in the 'FACTS FORUM" are not entirely ne w to !Jhe readers of "SLOVAKIA" and the monthly " SLOVAK NEJWrSLETTER" which are published by the Slovak League of America. TiJley fu ll y support and su bstantiate what has been written in the two per iodicals rubout Radio Free Europe and the Voice of America. Again we urge our readers: ASK YOUR SENATORS AND YOUR REPRESENTATIVES T O DEMAND AN INVESnGATION OF RADIO FREE EUIROBE AND THE VO ICE OF AMEJUCA nY co:--.;. GRESS, ES.PEClA.LLY THEIH ··C~EC'HO, LOVAK" DIVISIO'.\IS 1 Printed in the U. S. A. SLOV AKIA Published quarterly by the Slovak League of America MARCH, 1956 VOL. VI "HE TRUSTED THE NO. 1 (18) RUS- foreign policy in his country - SIANS" is the title of the r eview may have in at least some measure written {The New York Times Book contributed to the eventual downReview, March 4, 1956) by Mr. fall of Czecho-Slovakia. The book, it is true, is didactic Gordon A. Craig, professor of History at Princeton University, about in tone quite laborious in style, the "MEMOIRS OF DR. EDUARD freq uently repetitious, but it is not BEJNES," which were translated "almost devoid of personal anecfrom the Czech by Godfrey Lias dotes or even personal judgments," (346 p.p.) and published by the as Mr. Craig states. In fact, it is Houghton Mifflin Company of Bos- a record of almost nothing else but Benes's personal judgments (Benes ton. The book sells for $7.50. According to Mr. Craig, Mr. Be- always knew, thought, foresaw, nes and T. G. Masaryk "laid the decided, recommended, etc.). In Mr. Craig's opinion, Dr. Benes fo undations of free "Czecho-Slovakia," but mentions n o thing about may have been the "chief victim the socialistic state they promoted of Munich," but that others were from the outset. Gen. Milan R- i:§te- less "chief" victims is, I believe, fanik, also one of the founders, is questionable. He says that "levity, completely forgotten. At Geneva egotism, unscrupulousness anlll cri(League of Nations), Benes was minal ignorance" are among the "an indefatigable worker for the mildest of the terms used by Benes rights of the lesser nations." Mr. to characterize the ,p olicy of the Craig, it seems, knows nothing Western powers before Munich, but about the fact that Benes denied the same terms may be used, and the existence of the Slovak nation, probably more rightly, to characw it ho u t which Czecho-Slovakia terize Benes and his policies. would never have come into exist- Benes lambasts the Western ence; and if Mr. Craig really did Powers who created and financed a little research, he might !ind it Czecho-Slovakia (which did not difficult to name the " lesser even pay her debt to the United nations" for which Benes fought States), but in contrast, as Mr. so indefatigably. For example, what Craig admits, "is almost comdid he do or say about the "lesser pletely uncritical of Soviet policy nations" which were gobbled up in the same years." Mr. Craig does not attempt to explain this attitude by the Soviet Union ? Munich, we are told, was forced of Dr. Benes; it seems he is comupon Benes; there was nothing he pletely unaware of the fact that could do about it. Ten years later, Benes, too, promoted materialistic however, after Czecho-Slovakia had socialism. The Soviet Union, as soon as regained her freedom, Benes once again was forced to see his country Benes succeeded in getting it into conquered by totalitarianism. Mr. the League of Nations, was, accordCr aig does not consider the :possibi- , ing to Benes, .t he on ly major power lity that the policies of Dr. Benes that sought consistently to mainhimself - who was responsible for tain the princtple of collective 2 SLOVAKIA security and that, until Munich, remained true to its treaty obligations. With Czecho-Slovakia, as well as other countries? And what were these treaty obligations? Mr. Craig preferred not to expand on this subject. Benes did not criticize Soviet policy before Munich and could only ,p raise it after, because his becoming president again depended on Stalin. Nothing else mattered. Benes was obsessed with the idea that he had to revenge himself on all who opposed his socialistic policies in the past and tried to embarrass him. With the help of Stalin and, of course, the other members of the victorious United Nations, Benes got what he wanted. At the expense of the Slovak and Czech nations! The accounts of Benes's wartime discussions with Roosevelt, Eden, Stalin and other Soviet diplomats, and statesmen - printed in notes and in the appendices - are, as Craig describes it, "perhaps the meatiest part of this book." And Benes did rely heavily on the Soviet Union ,a nd believed in it, because he was a part of the policy of the Soviet Union, even though most historians and reviewers of books fail to recognize this fact. Benes boasted that he knew the Russians and the Soviet Union very well; and, of course, he always knew what he was doing and where he was going; he advised Great Britain, the United States, the Soviet Union, France, etc.; no one knew anything better than Benes when it came to politics; he was the little man who always had a plan, always the GREAT "democratic'' statesman, diplomat, politician, and international lawyer! How else could Czecho-Slovakia end than it did? After the Munich debacle and the capitulation to •Hitler, which he. did not even refer to parliament, Benes simply placed the blame for every- thing on the Western Powers, resigned and cowardly fled his country to let others sweat it out; then in 1945 he returned behind Soviet bayonets to ac~use all members of the "protectorate" Czech Government and of the independent State of Slovakia of collaboration with the Nazis and treason. As far as Benes was concerned, he was still "legally" the ,president, CzechoSlovakia never ceased to exist as such, Munich never "legally" happened, the Slovaks had no right to declare their country independent, and international law was only what Benes interpreted it to be. That was the incomparable Benes! The Memoirs of Dr. Eduard Benes, like his other published works, are to all intents and ,purposes meant to justify everything that Dr. Benes did, even if, in fact, it meant rendering a gross disservice to democracy and betraying not only his own people, the Czechs, but even the Slovaks and other nations as well to the men of the Kremlin. With Hitler, Stalin, and Mussolini the State was supreme. And so it was with Benes, even though he promoted the ideology of Godless, materialistic socialism in a less crude and violent fashion: the end he sought was the same. His MEMOIRS and various other works prove that, even though less eloquently and forcefully than does the "end of the road" Czecho-.Slovakia reached under his guidance. In his review, Mr. Craig does not mention that the very s am e MEMOIRS OF DR. EDUARD BENES, translated by Godfrey Lias, were first .published in 1954 by George Allen & Unwin Ltd. (London). The readers of the Times ·Book Review may, therefore, even as I did, purchase a book that they already have, a1isuming that it is an additional volume of Dr. Benes's Memoirs. Did Mr. Craig know that? - P.A. H.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Front Matter, Slovakia, Vol. 6, No. 1 (18) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource March 1956 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/01bc66f2833ce4fac59ede74e25d714b.pdf ec017380c6c507e8d93e1e296800df83 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 3 LOUIS STOR CENTENNIAL Joseph Kirschbaum The yeaT 1956 marks one hundred years since the death oif one ,o f the most eminent Slovak patriots of a11 time, Louis Stoc. It undouibted[y wH'l 'be gratefully commemorated iby Sloivalks everywhere, because Stur and his fol_, lowers came upon the scene of history when the situation of the Slovaks undeir the Magyam in Hungary seemed to be quite hopeless. Stur's electrifying influence is in fact res,pon.si!ble for the birth of modern natiionaJlism of the Slovak nation. When Louis Stur was dying on January 12, 1856, from a gnrnshot wound accideintany inflicted during a hunting e~pedition, he ,probably never thought that the torcih of nationaJl consciousness, which he had taken over fTom the followers of Bernolak and which he inflamed with the burning feeling and greatness of his spirit, woU1ld become a lasting li,ght of 1Slovaik history. Difficult and gloomy were ,t he times in Slovalkia around the year 185·5. Years after national unity was attained on the question of the language of Slovak literature, years after the revolutions of 1848-49, and after years of hopes based on the promises of the Habsburgs and on the revolutionary victories of the natural rights, of enSllaved nations, there came more disappointments, and the enemies of the Slavaik reaiwakening came to life again to continue in their woir'k against the life of the Slovak nation. The Slovaks suffered not onll.y from the Magy~r gentry, but even from some of their own inteillecturalis who did not believe in the viaJbility of their nation and preferred to see it assimilated by others. Great ideas, supported by the natural law, however, canrnot die. They may be tempornri1y suppressed and silenced, hut in the end they are always victorious , Thal is why enemies within and outside the Slova1k nation could not destroy the concept of the individuaUty of the Slovak nation, its language, cultu:re ,a nd its right to an independent life. After the passage of a hundred difficult years, �4 SLOVAKIA even now during the reigp. of Communists in Slova:kia, this idea is very muc'h alive. The victOTy of this idea is today crysfal clear not only .to Slova,k intellectuals, ,b utt even to the Last ordinary person in Slovakia, and to SlovaJks everywhere. In the years foHowing World War I, seveml mistaken Slova:k intellectuals tried to frustrate deveilopment of Slovruk na,tionalism in the same manner that Kollar and Safarik attempted to do in the forties of the last century. The former, however, intellectual li1hl1putians in comparison, were no more siuocessfwl than the latter. The S'1ovak nation, its language, literatme, and its cll!lture outlasted all storms and betrayals. The path, cleared and ,b eaten .by the Catholic intellectuals from the University of Trnava, by Bernolak, Fandli, Holly, and othern, on to which Stur, in the. spirit of uniting the nation, ied a •lso the Protestant part of the intelligentsia and .peOiple, proived! to be the salva,tion of the Slovak nation and a boon to 'its cu!ltmal and social growth. The significance of StUT and his group, however, is not only po:ritical, as some. writers wou1d have us believe. Like the enlightened generation of Bernolruk, so the followePs of Sbur were a generation with a broad leaxning of phHoso•p hy, history, 'linguistics, a;nd literature. Writers, who wouid se,r iously write about the significance of Stur iin our national life during this centennial o,f his death, wm also have to, evaJluate Stu.r's role in Slovak ,philo.so:phy, as waJS already so expertly begun (Dr. Stephen Polrukovic, prof. Cizevskij, and Dr. S. S. Osus:ky); they will have to eV'aluate the work of Stur and his followers in the field of popular education and enlightenment (Dr. Josep'h Pauoo published a valuable wonk in this direction: "Eudovychova u sturovcov") ; also. in the field of 'Slovak literature (as already done by Skultety, Vajansik__y, Kr.emery, Wek, M. Pirut, A . Mra:z, and others); ·a nd in the fie[d of phHoso-phy, as well. Despite Stu.r's comparatively youthful age, his education and activities were admirably ma:ny-s1ded. It i,s not without a certain amount of pride that we say that there are only a few serious works in the indilVidual depa·r tments of Slavistics in which we do not meet with the name of L. Stur in foreign languages and that, except for the books �SLOVAKIA 5 written on the basis of Ozech sources, they are not negative opinions. Therefore, if in anything, besides an ardent love and sacrifice for the nation, the followers of Stur can be a model for our generation, then it is in their thorough preparatiorn. for the role which they had marked out for themselves in Slovak Hfe. They wanted to liberate Sloivak life from smallness and ,i,s olation and, therefore, they themselves first so1Ught a broad European education. They wanted a standard, uniform Slovruk literary language, so they not only encouraged others to write in that language, lbut themselves also wrote expert reflections and grammars rubout Slovruk. Their aim was a grand, beautiful Slovak literature, and they themselves created it in all branches of endeavor. They wanted to rouse the nation to self--consciousness, the,r efore· they studied its past and revealed it to the people who knew little or nothing about it. They wanted to lift up the people from ,poverty and abandonment, so they went among their people, taught and trained it; they se-rved as an example with their own lives - they did what they preached. Because they were people, they did mruke mistrukes, but enemies of the Slovq1k nation are pointing to and magnifying these in vain. Their mistaJkes were the mistaikes of the century in which they Uved, as Ernest Denis so understandingly reflected in his "La Question d' A1Utriche - Les Siovaques" in 19117. Their smallness or greatnes, their reality or romanticism can 'b e measUTed only against the b~ckground of the conditions and of the period in which they lived. We can justly judge them only according to the fruit which the trees planted by them bore., the resullts of their work which brought a new and more beautiful life to the Slovak nation. The fruits of their spiritual labor are lifegiving even today and many of them are the most beautiful which the Slovak nationa1l genius has created. And this is the important thing. Slova:ks in the free world can enrich their lives to a great measure, if they acquaint themselves during this cen~ tennial of Louis Stur with the many-sided a.nd diversified work of Stur and his followers. Wdth regard to the con.di-· �6 SLOVAK1IA tions under which the nation lives at .ho~e under Communism, it is our moral duty to acquaint ourselves with the endeavons of those who a:lready over a hundred years ago .warned us against the plague of Oommunism. With r-egard to the political mission of our geineratiO!Il, it wouild be to our advantage to. study the ideas of Stur, because then we shall learn that the credo and politicaJl legacy of Louis Stur was: "So that we ourselves might be revived and take the place in history which according to our strength and abilities belongs to us, we must once and for all free ourselves from the hated, alien yoke and gain state independence for ourselves: because a nation which is enslaved has lits hands tied, its spirit stifled, and is forever threatened with the danger that sooner or later it will perish." 1 • • • STOR : FATHER OF MODERN SIJOVAK NATIONALISM Marian ~iar In 1948 !Slovaks had an o,pportunity to assess the revolutionary events of a hundred years ago•. ,r t was our duty at that time to recall the legacy of Stur and his folJl.owers and to appraise their ,political program. Unfortunate:ly, due to circumstances !beyond our control, the year 1948 was not ·an opportune time for a ceJebration of such g,reat significance and extent as was the revolution of 11848-49. In 1956, however, during the .centennial of Stur's death, another opportunity presents itself to ponder over the fate, the Jife, the struggle, and the aim of the entire generation of Stur. Stephen Krcmery, eminent historian of Slova,k literature, said that Stu.r's generation .began "a new chapter in the rustle-fbu'Stle of a thousand years." Representatives of the previous generation - Holly, Kollar and Safarik - still lived, Slovak poets still argued aibout rythm and accent, and the nation still looked for consolation in Svatopluk's Great Moravian Empire (iHolly), or to RusS:ia - to that Slav "giant oak," a:s Kollar ca111ed: i t when suddenly new people began to appear and new voices were heard. Kuzmany, from the distant and wide scope of his predecessors, drew attention of the world to the heart � SLOVAKIA 3 LOUIS STOR CENTENNIAL Joseph Kirschbaum The yeaT 1956 marks one hundred years since the death oif one ,o f the most eminent Slovak patriots of a11 time, Louis Stoc. It undouibted[y wH'l 'be gratefully commemorated iby Sloivalks everywhere, because Stur and his fol_, lowers came upon the scene of history when the situation of the Slovaks undeir the Magyam in Hungary seemed to be quite hopeless. Stur's electrifying influence is in fact res,pon.si!ble for the birth of modern natiionaJlism of the Slovak nation. When Louis Stur was dying on January 12, 1856, from a gnrnshot wound accideintany inflicted during a hunting e~pedition, he ,probably never thought that the torcih of nationaJl consciousness, which he had taken over fTom the followers of Bernolak and which he inflamed with the burning feeling and greatness of his spirit, woU1ld become a lasting li,ght of 1Slovaik history. Difficult and gloomy were ,t he times in Slovalkia around the year 185·5. Years after national unity was attained on the question of the language of Slovak literature, years after the revolutions of 1848-49, and after years of hopes based on the promises of the Habsburgs and on the revolutionary victories of the natural rights, of enSllaved nations, there came more disappointments, and the enemies of the Slavaik reaiwakening came to life again to continue in their woir'k against the life of the Slovak nation. The Slovaks suffered not onll.y from the Magy~r gentry, but even from some of their own inteillecturalis who did not believe in the viaJbility of their nation and preferred to see it assimilated by others. Great ideas, supported by the natural law, however, canrnot die. They may be tempornri1y suppressed and silenced, hut in the end they are always victorious , Thal is why enemies within and outside the Slova1k nation could not destroy the concept of the individuaUty of the Slovak nation, its language, cultu:re ,a nd its right to an independent life. After the passage of a hundred difficult years, �4 SLOVAKIA even now during the reigp. of Communists in Slova:kia, this idea is very muc'h alive. The victOTy of this idea is today crysfal clear not only .to Slova,k intellectuals, ,b utt even to the Last ordinary person in Slovakia, and to SlovaJks everywhere. In the years foHowing World War I, seveml mistaken Slova:k intellectuals tried to frustrate deveilopment of Slovruk na,tionalism in the same manner that Kollar and Safarik attempted to do in the forties of the last century. The former, however, intellectual li1hl1putians in comparison, were no more siuocessfwl than the latter. The S'1ovak nation, its language, literatme, and its cll!lture outlasted all storms and betrayals. The path, cleared and ,b eaten .by the Catholic intellectuals from the University of Trnava, by Bernolak, Fandli, Holly, and othern, on to which Stur, in the. spirit of uniting the nation, ied a •lso the Protestant part of the intelligentsia and .peOiple, proived! to be the salva,tion of the Slovak nation and a boon to 'its cu!ltmal and social growth. The significance of StUT and his group, however, is not only po:ritical, as some. writers wou1d have us believe. Like the enlightened generation of Bernolruk, so the followePs of Sbur were a generation with a broad leaxning of phHoso•p hy, history, 'linguistics, a;nd literature. Writers, who wouid se,r iously write about the significance of Stur iin our national life during this centennial o,f his death, wm also have to, evaJluate Stu.r's role in Slovak ,philo.so:phy, as waJS already so expertly begun (Dr. Stephen Polrukovic, prof. Cizevskij, and Dr. S. S. Osus:ky); they will have to eV'aluate the work of Stur and his followers in the field of popular education and enlightenment (Dr. Josep'h Pauoo published a valuable wonk in this direction: "Eudovychova u sturovcov") ; also. in the field of 'Slovak literature (as already done by Skultety, Vajansik__y, Kr.emery, Wek, M. Pirut, A . Mra:z, and others); ·a nd in the fie[d of phHoso-phy, as well. Despite Stu.r's comparatively youthful age, his education and activities were admirably ma:ny-s1ded. It i,s not without a certain amount of pride that we say that there are only a few serious works in the indilVidual depa·r tments of Slavistics in which we do not meet with the name of L. Stur in foreign languages and that, except for the books �SLOVAKIA 5 written on the basis of Ozech sources, they are not negative opinions. Therefore, if in anything, besides an ardent love and sacrifice for the nation, the followers of Stur can be a model for our generation, then it is in their thorough preparatiorn. for the role which they had marked out for themselves in Slovak Hfe. They wanted to liberate Sloivak life from smallness and ,i,s olation and, therefore, they themselves first so1Ught a broad European education. They wanted a standard, uniform Slovruk literary language, so they not only encouraged others to write in that language, lbut themselves also wrote expert reflections and grammars rubout Slovruk. Their aim was a grand, beautiful Slovak literature, and they themselves created it in all branches of endeavor. They wanted to rouse the nation to self--consciousness, the,r efore· they studied its past and revealed it to the people who knew little or nothing about it. They wanted to lift up the people from ,poverty and abandonment, so they went among their people, taught and trained it; they se-rved as an example with their own lives - they did what they preached. Because they were people, they did mruke mistrukes, but enemies of the Slovq1k nation are pointing to and magnifying these in vain. Their mistaJkes were the mistaikes of the century in which they Uved, as Ernest Denis so understandingly reflected in his "La Question d' A1Utriche - Les Siovaques" in 19117. Their smallness or greatnes, their reality or romanticism can 'b e measUTed only against the b~ckground of the conditions and of the period in which they lived. We can justly judge them only according to the fruit which the trees planted by them bore., the resullts of their work which brought a new and more beautiful life to the Slovak nation. The fruits of their spiritual labor are lifegiving even today and many of them are the most beautiful which the Slovak nationa1l genius has created. And this is the important thing. Slova:ks in the free world can enrich their lives to a great measure, if they acquaint themselves during this cen~ tennial of Louis Stur with the many-sided a.nd diversified work of Stur and his followers. Wdth regard to the con.di-· �6 SLOVAK1IA tions under which the nation lives at .ho~e under Communism, it is our moral duty to acquaint ourselves with the endeavons of those who a:lready over a hundred years ago .warned us against the plague of Oommunism. With r-egard to the political mission of our geineratiO!Il, it wouild be to our advantage to. study the ideas of Stur, because then we shall learn that the credo and politicaJl legacy of Louis Stur was: "So that we ourselves might be revived and take the place in history which according to our strength and abilities belongs to us, we must once and for all free ourselves from the hated, alien yoke and gain state independence for ourselves: because a nation which is enslaved has lits hands tied, its spirit stifled, and is forever threatened with the danger that sooner or later it will perish." 1 • • • STOR : FATHER OF MODERN SIJOVAK NATIONALISM Marian ~iar In 1948 !Slovaks had an o,pportunity to assess the revolutionary events of a hundred years ago•. ,r t was our duty at that time to recall the legacy of Stur and his folJl.owers and to appraise their ,political program. Unfortunate:ly, due to circumstances !beyond our control, the year 1948 was not ·an opportune time for a ceJebration of such g,reat significance and extent as was the revolution of 11848-49. In 1956, however, during the .centennial of Stur's death, another opportunity presents itself to ponder over the fate, the Jife, the struggle, and the aim of the entire generation of Stur. Stephen Krcmery, eminent historian of Slova,k literature, said that Stu.r's generation .began "a new chapter in the rustle-fbu'Stle of a thousand years." Representatives of the previous generation - Holly, Kollar and Safarik - still lived, Slovak poets still argued aibout rythm and accent, and the nation still looked for consolation in Svatopluk's Great Moravian Empire (iHolly), or to RusS:ia - to that Slav "giant oak," a:s Kollar ca111ed: i t when suddenly new people began to appear and new voices were heard. Kuzmany, from the distant and wide scope of his predecessors, drew attention of the world to the heart � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1956, Vol. 6 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 18), March 1956.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 19), June 1956.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 20-21), September-December 1956.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1956 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 3 LOUIS STOR CENTENNIAL Joseph Kirschbaum The yeaT 1956 marks one hundred years since the death oif one ,o f the most eminent Slovak patriots of a11 time, Louis Stoc. It undouibted[y wH'l 'be gratefully commemorated iby Sloivalks everywhere, because Stur and his fol_, lowers came upon the scene of history when the situation of the Slovaks undeir the Magyam in Hungary seemed to be quite hopeless. Stur's electrifying influence is in fact res,pon.si!ble for the birth of modern natiionaJlism of the Slovak nation. When Louis Stur was dying on January 12, 1856, from a gnrnshot wound accideintany inflicted during a hunting e~pedition, he ,probably never thought that the torcih of nationaJl consciousness, which he had taken over fTom the followers of Bernolak and which he inflamed with the burning feeling and greatness of his spirit, woU1ld become a lasting li,ght of 1Slovaik history. Difficult and gloomy were ,t he times in Slovalkia around the year 185·5. Years after national unity was attained on the question of the language of Slovak literature, years after the revolutions of 1848-49, and after years of hopes based on the promises of the Habsburgs and on the revolutionary victories of the natural rights, of enSllaved nations, there came more disappointments, and the enemies of the Slavaik reaiwakening came to life again to continue in their woir'k against the life of the Slovak nation. The Slovaks suffered not onll.y from the Magy~r gentry, but even from some of their own inteillecturalis who did not believe in the viaJbility of their nation and preferred to see it assimilated by others. Great ideas, supported by the natural law, however, canrnot die. They may be tempornri1y suppressed and silenced, hut in the end they are always victorious , Thal is why enemies within and outside the Slova1k nation could not destroy the concept of the individuaUty of the Slovak nation, its language, cultu:re ,a nd its right to an independent life. After the passage of a hundred difficult years, 4 SLOVAKIA even now during the reigp. of Communists in Slova:kia, this idea is very muc'h alive. The victOTy of this idea is today crysfal clear not only .to Slova,k intellectuals, ,b utt even to the Last ordinary person in Slovakia, and to SlovaJks everywhere. In the years foHowing World War I, seveml mistaken Slova:k intellectuals tried to frustrate deveilopment of Slovruk na,tionalism in the same manner that Kollar and Safarik attempted to do in the forties of the last century. The former, however, intellectual li1hl1putians in comparison, were no more siuocessfwl than the latter. The S'1ovak nation, its language, literatme, and its cll!lture outlasted all storms and betrayals. The path, cleared and ,b eaten .by the Catholic intellectuals from the University of Trnava, by Bernolak, Fandli, Holly, and othern, on to which Stur, in the. spirit of uniting the nation, ied a •lso the Protestant part of the intelligentsia and .peOiple, proived! to be the salva,tion of the Slovak nation and a boon to 'its cu!ltmal and social growth. The significance of StUT and his group, however, is not only po:ritical, as some. writers wou1d have us believe. Like the enlightened generation of Bernolruk, so the followePs of Sbur were a generation with a broad leaxning of phHoso•p hy, history, 'linguistics, a;nd literature. Writers, who wouid se,r iously write about the significance of Stur iin our national life during this centennial o,f his death, wm also have to, evaJluate Stu.r's role in Slovak ,philo.so:phy, as waJS already so expertly begun (Dr. Stephen Polrukovic, prof. Cizevskij, and Dr. S. S. Osus:ky); they will have to eV'aluate the work of Stur and his followers in the field of popular education and enlightenment (Dr. Josep'h Pauoo published a valuable wonk in this direction: "Eudovychova u sturovcov") ; also. in the field of 'Slovak literature (as already done by Skultety, Vajansik__y, Kr.emery, Wek, M. Pirut, A . Mra:z, and others); ·a nd in the fie[d of phHoso-phy, as well. Despite Stu.r's comparatively youthful age, his education and activities were admirably ma:ny-s1ded. It i,s not without a certain amount of pride that we say that there are only a few serious works in the indilVidual depa·r tments of Slavistics in which we do not meet with the name of L. Stur in foreign languages and that, except for the books SLOVAKIA 5 written on the basis of Ozech sources, they are not negative opinions. Therefore, if in anything, besides an ardent love and sacrifice for the nation, the followers of Stur can be a model for our generation, then it is in their thorough preparatiorn. for the role which they had marked out for themselves in Slovak Hfe. They wanted to liberate Sloivak life from smallness and ,i,s olation and, therefore, they themselves first so1Ught a broad European education. They wanted a standard, uniform Slovruk literary language, so they not only encouraged others to write in that language, lbut themselves also wrote expert reflections and grammars rubout Slovruk. Their aim was a grand, beautiful Slovak literature, and they themselves created it in all branches of endeavor. They wanted to rouse the nation to self--consciousness, the,r efore· they studied its past and revealed it to the people who knew little or nothing about it. They wanted to lift up the people from ,poverty and abandonment, so they went among their people, taught and trained it; they se-rved as an example with their own lives - they did what they preached. Because they were people, they did mruke mistrukes, but enemies of the Slovq1k nation are pointing to and magnifying these in vain. Their mistaJkes were the mistaikes of the century in which they Uved, as Ernest Denis so understandingly reflected in his "La Question d' A1Utriche - Les Siovaques" in 19117. Their smallness or greatnes, their reality or romanticism can 'b e measUTed only against the b~ckground of the conditions and of the period in which they lived. We can justly judge them only according to the fruit which the trees planted by them bore., the resullts of their work which brought a new and more beautiful life to the Slovak nation. The fruits of their spiritual labor are lifegiving even today and many of them are the most beautiful which the Slovak nationa1l genius has created. And this is the important thing. Slova:ks in the free world can enrich their lives to a great measure, if they acquaint themselves during this cen~ tennial of Louis Stur with the many-sided a.nd diversified work of Stur and his followers. Wdth regard to the con.di-· 6 SLOVAK1IA tions under which the nation lives at .ho~e under Communism, it is our moral duty to acquaint ourselves with the endeavons of those who a:lready over a hundred years ago .warned us against the plague of Oommunism. With r-egard to the political mission of our geineratiO!Il, it wouild be to our advantage to. study the ideas of Stur, because then we shall learn that the credo and politicaJl legacy of Louis Stur was: "So that we ourselves might be revived and take the place in history which according to our strength and abilities belongs to us, we must once and for all free ourselves from the hated, alien yoke and gain state independence for ourselves: because a nation which is enslaved has lits hands tied, its spirit stifled, and is forever threatened with the danger that sooner or later it will perish." 1 • • • STOR : FATHER OF MODERN SIJOVAK NATIONALISM Marian ~iar In 1948 !Slovaks had an o,pportunity to assess the revolutionary events of a hundred years ago•. ,r t was our duty at that time to recall the legacy of Stur and his folJl.owers and to appraise their ,political program. Unfortunate:ly, due to circumstances !beyond our control, the year 1948 was not ·an opportune time for a ceJebration of such g,reat significance and extent as was the revolution of 11848-49. In 1956, however, during the .centennial of Stur's death, another opportunity presents itself to ponder over the fate, the Jife, the struggle, and the aim of the entire generation of Stur. Stephen Krcmery, eminent historian of Slova,k literature, said that Stu.r's generation .began "a new chapter in the rustle-fbu'Stle of a thousand years." Representatives of the previous generation - Holly, Kollar and Safarik - still lived, Slovak poets still argued aibout rythm and accent, and the nation still looked for consolation in Svatopluk's Great Moravian Empire (iHolly), or to RusS:ia - to that Slav "giant oak," a:s Kollar ca111ed: i t when suddenly new people began to appear and new voices were heard. Kuzmany, from the distant and wide scope of his predecessors, drew attention of the world to the heart  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Louis Štúr Centennial Description An account of the resource Joseph Kirschbaum Slovakia, Vol. 6, No. 1 (18), March 1956 pp. 3-6 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Kirschbaum, Jozef M., 1913-2001 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource March 1956 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/94c1d1026b44c4673ea2f6736dca92f9.pdf d0930017799086d61978cab8dca4a544 PDF Text Text 6 SLOVAK1IA tions under which the nation lives at .ho~e under Communism, it is our moral duty to acquaint ourselves with the endeavons of those who a:lready over a hundred years ago .warned us against the plague of Oommunism. With r-egard to the political mission of our geineratiO!Il, it wouild be to our advantage to. study the ideas of Stur, because then we shall learn that the credo and politicaJl legacy of Louis Stur was: "So that we ourselves might be revived and take the place in history which according to our strength and abilities belongs to us, we must once and for all free ourselves from the hated, alien yoke and gain state independence for ourselves: because a nation which is enslaved has lits hands tied, its spirit stifled, and is forever threatened with the danger that sooner or later it will perish." 1 • • • STOR : FATHER OF MODERN SIJOVAK NATIONALISM Marian ~iar In 1948 !Slovaks had an o,pportunity to assess the revolutionary events of a hundred years ago•. ,r t was our duty at that time to recall the legacy of Stur and his folJl.owers and to appraise their ,political program. Unfortunate:ly, due to circumstances !beyond our control, the year 1948 was not ·an opportune time for a ceJebration of such g,reat significance and extent as was the revolution of 11848-49. In 1956, however, during the .centennial of Stur's death, another opportunity presents itself to ponder over the fate, the Jife, the struggle, and the aim of the entire generation of Stur. Stephen Krcmery, eminent historian of Slova,k literature, said that Stu.r's generation .began "a new chapter in the rustle-fbu'Stle of a thousand years." Representatives of the previous generation - Holly, Kollar and Safarik - still lived, Slovak poets still argued aibout rythm and accent, and the nation still looked for consolation in Svatopluk's Great Moravian Empire (iHolly), or to RusS:ia - to that Slav "giant oak," a:s Kollar ca111ed: i t when suddenly new people began to appear and new voices were heard. Kuzmany, from the distant and wide scope of his predecessors, drew attention of the world to the heart �SLOVAKIA and morality of the .Slovak people. But in all thes.e manifestations there was as yet no revolutionary dynamics, a political program was sadly la0king, and, it seems, only poets dreamed romantically about the better days to come. Hollly and Kollar enlivened Slovak life by 'l ooking back to Slovak history and around themselves; •b ut that was not enough for the period ahead. When Stur and his foliowers came upon the scene they recognized the fact that the cultural process, ,beg,un in Slovakia already with the activity of the JUnilversity of Trnava and formulated and propagated by Bernolak, had to ,be completed and had to serve as a basis for the political ascension of the nation. What was realized by the· merits of Stur, Hur,ban and Hodza in our country in the cultura1 field - the codification of a uniform literary langua,ge - that was on[y the harvest of the products planted by past generations from the time of Balthazar Magin, Hugoiin Gavlovi,c, and others before them. Thanks to. the followers of Stur that they became '3Jware of the pollitical necessity of having an independent Slovak literary language, that they did not philo.: sophize about the maturity of Slovak nationalism but accepted it as something granted which had to be pl-aced on a proper basis and given a :Proper place. Stu•r understood that in hris time the Slovak nationaU process had matured and that Slovakia must appear on the scene of history as an independent political factor. It is in this that Stur's greatest merit lies. The question did not concern any Cze., cho-S:lovak separation, a:bout which those like to talk who do not want to understand natural law in the develqiment of nations. The people of 1Sloivakia never ceased truLkmg in Slovak and "Bible Czech" was always aUien to the Slovaks even though the Slo.va:k iProtestants used it for their reli-gious services, and even if some used it as a medium of Slovak literatuTe. Jaroslav Vlcek himself says in reference to this: "Such a situation of things was impossible; that was the feeling of all the better Slovak spirits . . . Evangelical clergymen wrote in a language that was not spoken anywhere in the world; it was not typical, lacked euphony and regularity." 1 �8 SLOVAKIA No foreign language, not even Czech, could move the SlovaJk people politically; only the Slovak language could do that. iin five short years the J.atter ,perfovmed a miracle; it not only .stirred up life rin the entire na;tio;n, but placed it under the revolutionary banners of Hwrban. In short: Stur was the first to formulate the Slova!k problem, the first one moved to armed r ebellion for the rights of the Slova;k nation, and the first (Sept. 1848) to proclaim the independence of Slovaikia ("We hereby proc}aim ourselves independent of the Mrugyars"). In the history of the 'Slovak nation, no one <lid as much in so short a time as St-t1r, who was only 41 whe:n he died. This was possible an1ly •b ecause the ground for the ascension of the new generation was ripe and properly prepared. Stur approved what already existed in Slovakia; he formulated what the nation felt and demanded. Stiir caUISed quite a sensation with his article "Zaloby a ponosy Slova!kov v Uhorsku" (Accusations and Complaints of the S'lovruks in Hungary), published in Le1pzig in 1843, in which he excoriated the chief inspecto r of the Evangelical Church and Schools in Hungary, Count Zay, for wanting to Magyarize the Slovaks. for political reasons. Count Zay, aware of the political currents in Slova:kia, in ,principle divided the inhabitants of Slovakia into three groUJps: the fir,s.t concerns itse~f harmlessly with the Slovak language; the second yearns to establish a western-Slav kingdom under the crown of Austria; the third has secret contacts with Russia. Whether these groups reaHy grasped the situation of those times or noit is debatable, but it is quite certain .that all ,w ere occupied with one thought: t,o save the 1Slova1ks from Magyarization and t,o secure for the Slovak nation an independent political status within the framewol"k of the Habsburg Empire. "We do not want ,r ights est·aiblished on favor, 'but we demand our rights on the basii,s of rig.ht," Stur declared. And these w,o vds became the foundation of al;J. petitioos and demands which were presented in Vienna and the Hungarian iDiet in Bratislava. From thJs moral and democratic viewpoint also issued aH of Stuir's controversies with Louis Kossuth. Writing in the name of his nation Stur demanded 1 1 �SLOVAKIA 9 ".p eace based on right and mutual understanding," declaring: "In the Pest Hirlap, Kossuth is fighting for equality of rights, but in the Diet he wants to give the orders to investigate and punish those who stand up for their rights ... That is his freedom and liberalism!" Art the Slav Coingress in Prague, 1848, again it was Stur who together with Safari.i1k defined the political direction of the entire Congress. Safarik spoike like a prophet, but Stur was aJlready forming a cilear .p olitical p11ogram. "Our aim should be t,o preserve ourselves! First of all we must serve ourselves, then others. Thus far Austria has existed but we have been perishing. What would the world say to us if we would stand for nothing else but the preservation of Austria? Let us say that we want to stand as independent Slovanic communities under the government of Austria!'' Strur's articles in the "Narodnje Noviny," his manifestations and ,p etitions in the Hungarian Diet, his letters to his friends - all these clearly state a clear political view: Slovakia as an independent crown land under the Habsburg,s; the Slovaks mu:Slt be recognized and respected as an equrul partner of the other nations in the empire. Sholl!ld we wish to ex.press Soo.r's politica:l ,p rogram in terms of the political terminology of today, we would have to say: Stiir was for a program to federalize central Europe. He was the first Slovak who demanded equality with the rest of the nations for his o,wn nation in the Central-EurQpean political constellation. He opposed Pa.Jacky's Austrophi-lism and sharply condemned Kossuth, who demanded the Magyarization of the 1Slovaks in the name of ,t he right of the Hungarian State. Stur inter,preted the Slo,vaik standpoint democratically by res,pecting the rights of others; he said: "Each nation is only one part of humanity and no nation can claim for itself that it alone has comprehended best human evolution and possible perfection. Therefore, no nation has a right to force upon another nation its way of life when that nation wants to move for itself and educate itself as it sees fit ..." The way to Slova:k independeince was supposed to• start �SLOVAKIA from the rebellion of 1848. The w:hole of Europe was once again in motion. After Paris, Vienna, Berlin, Prague and Italy, revolutionary explosions resounded also Hungary. It is not important that this revOilution was squaslhed; nor is it important that Vienna failed to, fll!lfill the promises and eXipectations of the Slo.v aks. For history and for our generation it is only necessary to know that the Slovaks afready one hundred years ago fought to change the po~ litical structure of Centra;l Burope, that they demanded an jndependent status for their nation within the framework of a solid federation ,b uilt on the ,p rinciples of justice and equality. Louis Stur, preeminent leader of the SlovaJk movement for independence apparently was quite ahead of his time. His philosQphica;l views, his democra,tic thinkiing and principles, his social demands, and his admiration for ,t he democratic system in the West call for serious study and interpretation. The controversies between Stur and Kossuth are very interesting from the democratic point of view; they tell us how Stuir and his foHowers interpreted their poJitica!l and social program in comparison to Kossuth, who wanted democracy only for the Magyars at the expense of the other nations of Hungary. ·S tur, a memlber of the Protestant Evangelical Church, was not afraid to accept and complete the wo,11k of ,p receding Cathohlc generations to preserve the heritage of the Slovruk nation. We must recall foir ourselves and for the free worid that the Slovaiks played a serious poilitica:l role in the revolutionary movement in Central Burope in 1'848-49, and that a!lready at thaJt time they clearly formulated a political program which satisfies even t'he demands of the prese1D.t time, so that on it the contempo~ rary Slovak generation can build its own, modern program orf federrulizaJtion. Stur belongs among the greatest of :European revoJ,u_, tli.onaries of his time. The Mrugyars gratefully built Kossuth a monument in free America, and the Cizechs haJVe one of Masaryk in Chicago. If they deserved to be reimembeired, surely Stur, who was a greater apostle of democracy and freedom for all people, should be no less honored in the �11 SLOVAKIA land of the free and the home of the brave. Ame,r icans of Slova)k descent should give this serious thought dwring Stu.r's centennial. The nation which produced Joseph Milan Hurban, Paul Joseph Safariik, John iKollar, John Holly, John Chalupka, Johnny Kral', Andrew Sladlwvic, Jonah Zaborsky, John Palarik, John Ka.lincia!k, Peter Bohu,ii, Joseph Bo:zetech Klemens, and Diony,z Sbur - is not a small nation. The shining light among the Slovaks of the nineteenth century, the formulator of their .p rogram, and the ·interpreter of their desires was Louis Stur - the father of modern Slovak nationalism . • • • STUR'S GROUP IN THE SERVICE OF THE PEOPLE Joseph Pauco Sturr's school exerted every effort to serve the people from which it descended in order to elevate it intellectually and to save it from physical ·a nd spiritual decline. Whatever was attempted in the cultural, economic, and social fields, all closely allied with the efforts in the political field, was dome with these aims in mind. From the beginning of thei.ir public activity, the Stu.rites were aware of the fact that they could elevate the people entrusted to and dependent on them only if they themse,1ves could obta·i n the- authority which wouid give them a mora;l right to reach and lead the Slovak people. Fo,r this they prepared thorough'ly. Their moral iprinciples are connected with perseverance, courage and nobility. The Institute of the Slovak Language and Literature dn Bratislava ailready ha:d thus fomned the yound and fiery souls: without morality, the first prerequisite, no one could get into the Irnstitute. Therefrom emanated the rest of the obligations of the members, such as love for Slovak, perseverance in preparing and presenting lectures, or in performing tas!ks outside the ·I nstitute. Whosoever is moral wdill not ibecome lost; therein was the assurance and safeguard. From this morally strengthened y,outh glowed a fire which overextended the frame,w ork of purely internal work. Gradua'lly the followers of Stur came into contact with the � 6 SLOVAK1IA tions under which the nation lives at .ho~e under Communism, it is our moral duty to acquaint ourselves with the endeavons of those who a:lready over a hundred years ago .warned us against the plague of Oommunism. With r-egard to the political mission of our geineratiO!Il, it wouild be to our advantage to. study the ideas of Stur, because then we shall learn that the credo and politicaJl legacy of Louis Stur was: "So that we ourselves might be revived and take the place in history which according to our strength and abilities belongs to us, we must once and for all free ourselves from the hated, alien yoke and gain state independence for ourselves: because a nation which is enslaved has lits hands tied, its spirit stifled, and is forever threatened with the danger that sooner or later it will perish." 1 • • • STOR : FATHER OF MODERN SIJOVAK NATIONALISM Marian ~iar In 1948 !Slovaks had an o,pportunity to assess the revolutionary events of a hundred years ago•. ,r t was our duty at that time to recall the legacy of Stur and his folJl.owers and to appraise their ,political program. Unfortunate:ly, due to circumstances !beyond our control, the year 1948 was not ·an opportune time for a ceJebration of such g,reat significance and extent as was the revolution of 11848-49. In 1956, however, during the .centennial of Stur's death, another opportunity presents itself to ponder over the fate, the Jife, the struggle, and the aim of the entire generation of Stur. Stephen Krcmery, eminent historian of Slova,k literature, said that Stu.r's generation .began "a new chapter in the rustle-fbu'Stle of a thousand years." Representatives of the previous generation - Holly, Kollar and Safarik - still lived, Slovak poets still argued aibout rythm and accent, and the nation still looked for consolation in Svatopluk's Great Moravian Empire (iHolly), or to RusS:ia - to that Slav "giant oak," a:s Kollar ca111ed: i t when suddenly new people began to appear and new voices were heard. Kuzmany, from the distant and wide scope of his predecessors, drew attention of the world to the heart �SLOVAKIA and morality of the .Slovak people. But in all thes.e manifestations there was as yet no revolutionary dynamics, a political program was sadly la0king, and, it seems, only poets dreamed romantically about the better days to come. Hollly and Kollar enlivened Slovak life by 'l ooking back to Slovak history and around themselves; •b ut that was not enough for the period ahead. When Stur and his foliowers came upon the scene they recognized the fact that the cultural process, ,beg,un in Slovakia already with the activity of the JUnilversity of Trnava and formulated and propagated by Bernolak, had to ,be completed and had to serve as a basis for the political ascension of the nation. What was realized by the· merits of Stur, Hur,ban and Hodza in our country in the cultura1 field - the codification of a uniform literary langua,ge - that was on[y the harvest of the products planted by past generations from the time of Balthazar Magin, Hugoiin Gavlovi,c, and others before them. Thanks to. the followers of Stur that they became '3Jware of the pollitical necessity of having an independent Slovak literary language, that they did not philo.: sophize about the maturity of Slovak nationalism but accepted it as something granted which had to be pl-aced on a proper basis and given a :Proper place. Stu•r understood that in hris time the Slovak nationaU process had matured and that Slovakia must appear on the scene of history as an independent political factor. It is in this that Stur's greatest merit lies. The question did not concern any Cze., cho-S:lovak separation, a:bout which those like to talk who do not want to understand natural law in the develqiment of nations. The people of 1Sloivakia never ceased truLkmg in Slovak and "Bible Czech" was always aUien to the Slovaks even though the Slo.va:k iProtestants used it for their reli-gious services, and even if some used it as a medium of Slovak literatuTe. Jaroslav Vlcek himself says in reference to this: "Such a situation of things was impossible; that was the feeling of all the better Slovak spirits . . . Evangelical clergymen wrote in a language that was not spoken anywhere in the world; it was not typical, lacked euphony and regularity." 1 �8 SLOVAKIA No foreign language, not even Czech, could move the SlovaJk people politically; only the Slovak language could do that. iin five short years the J.atter ,perfovmed a miracle; it not only .stirred up life rin the entire na;tio;n, but placed it under the revolutionary banners of Hwrban. In short: Stur was the first to formulate the Slova!k problem, the first one moved to armed r ebellion for the rights of the Slova;k nation, and the first (Sept. 1848) to proclaim the independence of Slovaikia ("We hereby proc}aim ourselves independent of the Mrugyars"). In the history of the 'Slovak nation, no one <lid as much in so short a time as St-t1r, who was only 41 whe:n he died. This was possible an1ly •b ecause the ground for the ascension of the new generation was ripe and properly prepared. Stur approved what already existed in Slovakia; he formulated what the nation felt and demanded. Stiir caUISed quite a sensation with his article "Zaloby a ponosy Slova!kov v Uhorsku" (Accusations and Complaints of the S'lovruks in Hungary), published in Le1pzig in 1843, in which he excoriated the chief inspecto r of the Evangelical Church and Schools in Hungary, Count Zay, for wanting to Magyarize the Slovaks. for political reasons. Count Zay, aware of the political currents in Slova:kia, in ,principle divided the inhabitants of Slovakia into three groUJps: the fir,s.t concerns itse~f harmlessly with the Slovak language; the second yearns to establish a western-Slav kingdom under the crown of Austria; the third has secret contacts with Russia. Whether these groups reaHy grasped the situation of those times or noit is debatable, but it is quite certain .that all ,w ere occupied with one thought: t,o save the 1Slova1ks from Magyarization and t,o secure for the Slovak nation an independent political status within the framewol"k of the Habsburg Empire. "We do not want ,r ights est·aiblished on favor, 'but we demand our rights on the basii,s of rig.ht," Stur declared. And these w,o vds became the foundation of al;J. petitioos and demands which were presented in Vienna and the Hungarian iDiet in Bratislava. From thJs moral and democratic viewpoint also issued aH of Stuir's controversies with Louis Kossuth. Writing in the name of his nation Stur demanded 1 1 �SLOVAKIA 9 ".p eace based on right and mutual understanding," declaring: "In the Pest Hirlap, Kossuth is fighting for equality of rights, but in the Diet he wants to give the orders to investigate and punish those who stand up for their rights ... That is his freedom and liberalism!" Art the Slav Coingress in Prague, 1848, again it was Stur who together with Safari.i1k defined the political direction of the entire Congress. Safarik spoike like a prophet, but Stur was aJlready forming a cilear .p olitical p11ogram. "Our aim should be t,o preserve ourselves! First of all we must serve ourselves, then others. Thus far Austria has existed but we have been perishing. What would the world say to us if we would stand for nothing else but the preservation of Austria? Let us say that we want to stand as independent Slovanic communities under the government of Austria!'' Strur's articles in the "Narodnje Noviny," his manifestations and ,p etitions in the Hungarian Diet, his letters to his friends - all these clearly state a clear political view: Slovakia as an independent crown land under the Habsburg,s; the Slovaks mu:Slt be recognized and respected as an equrul partner of the other nations in the empire. Sholl!ld we wish to ex.press Soo.r's politica:l ,p rogram in terms of the political terminology of today, we would have to say: Stiir was for a program to federalize central Europe. He was the first Slovak who demanded equality with the rest of the nations for his o,wn nation in the Central-EurQpean political constellation. He opposed Pa.Jacky's Austrophi-lism and sharply condemned Kossuth, who demanded the Magyarization of the 1Slovaks in the name of ,t he right of the Hungarian State. Stur inter,preted the Slo,vaik standpoint democratically by res,pecting the rights of others; he said: "Each nation is only one part of humanity and no nation can claim for itself that it alone has comprehended best human evolution and possible perfection. Therefore, no nation has a right to force upon another nation its way of life when that nation wants to move for itself and educate itself as it sees fit ..." The way to Slova:k independeince was supposed to• start �SLOVAKIA from the rebellion of 1848. The w:hole of Europe was once again in motion. After Paris, Vienna, Berlin, Prague and Italy, revolutionary explosions resounded also Hungary. It is not important that this revOilution was squaslhed; nor is it important that Vienna failed to, fll!lfill the promises and eXipectations of the Slo.v aks. For history and for our generation it is only necessary to know that the Slovaks afready one hundred years ago fought to change the po~ litical structure of Centra;l Burope, that they demanded an jndependent status for their nation within the framework of a solid federation ,b uilt on the ,p rinciples of justice and equality. Louis Stur, preeminent leader of the SlovaJk movement for independence apparently was quite ahead of his time. His philosQphica;l views, his democra,tic thinkiing and principles, his social demands, and his admiration for ,t he democratic system in the West call for serious study and interpretation. The controversies between Stur and Kossuth are very interesting from the democratic point of view; they tell us how Stuir and his foHowers interpreted their poJitica!l and social program in comparison to Kossuth, who wanted democracy only for the Magyars at the expense of the other nations of Hungary. ·S tur, a memlber of the Protestant Evangelical Church, was not afraid to accept and complete the wo,11k of ,p receding Cathohlc generations to preserve the heritage of the Slovruk nation. We must recall foir ourselves and for the free worid that the Slovaiks played a serious poilitica:l role in the revolutionary movement in Central Burope in 1'848-49, and that a!lready at thaJt time they clearly formulated a political program which satisfies even t'he demands of the prese1D.t time, so that on it the contempo~ rary Slovak generation can build its own, modern program orf federrulizaJtion. Stur belongs among the greatest of :European revoJ,u_, tli.onaries of his time. The Mrugyars gratefully built Kossuth a monument in free America, and the Cizechs haJVe one of Masaryk in Chicago. If they deserved to be reimembeired, surely Stur, who was a greater apostle of democracy and freedom for all people, should be no less honored in the �11 SLOVAKIA land of the free and the home of the brave. Ame,r icans of Slova)k descent should give this serious thought dwring Stu.r's centennial. The nation which produced Joseph Milan Hurban, Paul Joseph Safariik, John iKollar, John Holly, John Chalupka, Johnny Kral', Andrew Sladlwvic, Jonah Zaborsky, John Palarik, John Ka.lincia!k, Peter Bohu,ii, Joseph Bo:zetech Klemens, and Diony,z Sbur - is not a small nation. The shining light among the Slovaks of the nineteenth century, the formulator of their .p rogram, and the ·interpreter of their desires was Louis Stur - the father of modern Slovak nationalism . • • • STUR'S GROUP IN THE SERVICE OF THE PEOPLE Joseph Pauco Sturr's school exerted every effort to serve the people from which it descended in order to elevate it intellectually and to save it from physical ·a nd spiritual decline. Whatever was attempted in the cultural, economic, and social fields, all closely allied with the efforts in the political field, was dome with these aims in mind. From the beginning of thei.ir public activity, the Stu.rites were aware of the fact that they could elevate the people entrusted to and dependent on them only if they themse,1ves could obta·i n the- authority which wouid give them a mora;l right to reach and lead the Slovak people. Fo,r this they prepared thorough'ly. Their moral iprinciples are connected with perseverance, courage and nobility. The Institute of the Slovak Language and Literature dn Bratislava ailready ha:d thus fomned the yound and fiery souls: without morality, the first prerequisite, no one could get into the Irnstitute. Therefrom emanated the rest of the obligations of the members, such as love for Slovak, perseverance in preparing and presenting lectures, or in performing tas!ks outside the ·I nstitute. Whosoever is moral wdill not ibecome lost; therein was the assurance and safeguard. From this morally strengthened y,outh glowed a fire which overextended the frame,w ork of purely internal work. Gradua'lly the followers of Stur came into contact with the � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1956, Vol. 6 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 18), March 1956.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 19), June 1956.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 20-21), September-December 1956.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1956 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 6 SLOVAK1IA tions under which the nation lives at .ho~e under Communism, it is our moral duty to acquaint ourselves with the endeavons of those who a:lready over a hundred years ago .warned us against the plague of Oommunism. With r-egard to the political mission of our geineratiO!Il, it wouild be to our advantage to. study the ideas of Stur, because then we shall learn that the credo and politicaJl legacy of Louis Stur was: "So that we ourselves might be revived and take the place in history which according to our strength and abilities belongs to us, we must once and for all free ourselves from the hated, alien yoke and gain state independence for ourselves: because a nation which is enslaved has lits hands tied, its spirit stifled, and is forever threatened with the danger that sooner or later it will perish." 1 • • • STOR : FATHER OF MODERN SIJOVAK NATIONALISM Marian ~iar In 1948 !Slovaks had an o,pportunity to assess the revolutionary events of a hundred years ago•. ,r t was our duty at that time to recall the legacy of Stur and his folJl.owers and to appraise their ,political program. Unfortunate:ly, due to circumstances !beyond our control, the year 1948 was not ·an opportune time for a ceJebration of such g,reat significance and extent as was the revolution of 11848-49. In 1956, however, during the .centennial of Stur's death, another opportunity presents itself to ponder over the fate, the Jife, the struggle, and the aim of the entire generation of Stur. Stephen Krcmery, eminent historian of Slova,k literature, said that Stu.r's generation .began "a new chapter in the rustle-fbu'Stle of a thousand years." Representatives of the previous generation - Holly, Kollar and Safarik - still lived, Slovak poets still argued aibout rythm and accent, and the nation still looked for consolation in Svatopluk's Great Moravian Empire (iHolly), or to RusS:ia - to that Slav "giant oak," a:s Kollar ca111ed: i t when suddenly new people began to appear and new voices were heard. Kuzmany, from the distant and wide scope of his predecessors, drew attention of the world to the heart SLOVAKIA and morality of the .Slovak people. But in all thes.e manifestations there was as yet no revolutionary dynamics, a political program was sadly la0king, and, it seems, only poets dreamed romantically about the better days to come. Hollly and Kollar enlivened Slovak life by 'l ooking back to Slovak history and around themselves; •b ut that was not enough for the period ahead. When Stur and his foliowers came upon the scene they recognized the fact that the cultural process, ,beg,un in Slovakia already with the activity of the JUnilversity of Trnava and formulated and propagated by Bernolak, had to ,be completed and had to serve as a basis for the political ascension of the nation. What was realized by the· merits of Stur, Hur,ban and Hodza in our country in the cultura1 field - the codification of a uniform literary langua,ge - that was on[y the harvest of the products planted by past generations from the time of Balthazar Magin, Hugoiin Gavlovi,c, and others before them. Thanks to. the followers of Stur that they became '3Jware of the pollitical necessity of having an independent Slovak literary language, that they did not philo.: sophize about the maturity of Slovak nationalism but accepted it as something granted which had to be pl-aced on a proper basis and given a :Proper place. Stu•r understood that in hris time the Slovak nationaU process had matured and that Slovakia must appear on the scene of history as an independent political factor. It is in this that Stur's greatest merit lies. The question did not concern any Cze., cho-S:lovak separation, a:bout which those like to talk who do not want to understand natural law in the develqiment of nations. The people of 1Sloivakia never ceased truLkmg in Slovak and "Bible Czech" was always aUien to the Slovaks even though the Slo.va:k iProtestants used it for their reli-gious services, and even if some used it as a medium of Slovak literatuTe. Jaroslav Vlcek himself says in reference to this: "Such a situation of things was impossible; that was the feeling of all the better Slovak spirits . . . Evangelical clergymen wrote in a language that was not spoken anywhere in the world; it was not typical, lacked euphony and regularity." 1 8 SLOVAKIA No foreign language, not even Czech, could move the SlovaJk people politically; only the Slovak language could do that. iin five short years the J.atter ,perfovmed a miracle; it not only .stirred up life rin the entire na;tio;n, but placed it under the revolutionary banners of Hwrban. In short: Stur was the first to formulate the Slova!k problem, the first one moved to armed r ebellion for the rights of the Slova;k nation, and the first (Sept. 1848) to proclaim the independence of Slovaikia ("We hereby proc}aim ourselves independent of the Mrugyars"). In the history of the 'Slovak nation, no one <lid as much in so short a time as St-t1r, who was only 41 whe:n he died. This was possible an1ly •b ecause the ground for the ascension of the new generation was ripe and properly prepared. Stur approved what already existed in Slovakia; he formulated what the nation felt and demanded. Stiir caUISed quite a sensation with his article "Zaloby a ponosy Slova!kov v Uhorsku" (Accusations and Complaints of the S'lovruks in Hungary), published in Le1pzig in 1843, in which he excoriated the chief inspecto r of the Evangelical Church and Schools in Hungary, Count Zay, for wanting to Magyarize the Slovaks. for political reasons. Count Zay, aware of the political currents in Slova:kia, in ,principle divided the inhabitants of Slovakia into three groUJps: the fir,s.t concerns itse~f harmlessly with the Slovak language; the second yearns to establish a western-Slav kingdom under the crown of Austria; the third has secret contacts with Russia. Whether these groups reaHy grasped the situation of those times or noit is debatable, but it is quite certain .that all ,w ere occupied with one thought: t,o save the 1Slova1ks from Magyarization and t,o secure for the Slovak nation an independent political status within the framewol"k of the Habsburg Empire. "We do not want ,r ights est·aiblished on favor, 'but we demand our rights on the basii,s of rig.ht," Stur declared. And these w,o vds became the foundation of al;J. petitioos and demands which were presented in Vienna and the Hungarian iDiet in Bratislava. From thJs moral and democratic viewpoint also issued aH of Stuir's controversies with Louis Kossuth. Writing in the name of his nation Stur demanded 1 1 SLOVAKIA 9 ".p eace based on right and mutual understanding," declaring: "In the Pest Hirlap, Kossuth is fighting for equality of rights, but in the Diet he wants to give the orders to investigate and punish those who stand up for their rights ... That is his freedom and liberalism!" Art the Slav Coingress in Prague, 1848, again it was Stur who together with Safari.i1k defined the political direction of the entire Congress. Safarik spoike like a prophet, but Stur was aJlready forming a cilear .p olitical p11ogram. "Our aim should be t,o preserve ourselves! First of all we must serve ourselves, then others. Thus far Austria has existed but we have been perishing. What would the world say to us if we would stand for nothing else but the preservation of Austria? Let us say that we want to stand as independent Slovanic communities under the government of Austria!'' Strur's articles in the "Narodnje Noviny," his manifestations and ,p etitions in the Hungarian Diet, his letters to his friends - all these clearly state a clear political view: Slovakia as an independent crown land under the Habsburg,s; the Slovaks mu:Slt be recognized and respected as an equrul partner of the other nations in the empire. Sholl!ld we wish to ex.press Soo.r's politica:l ,p rogram in terms of the political terminology of today, we would have to say: Stiir was for a program to federalize central Europe. He was the first Slovak who demanded equality with the rest of the nations for his o,wn nation in the Central-EurQpean political constellation. He opposed Pa.Jacky's Austrophi-lism and sharply condemned Kossuth, who demanded the Magyarization of the 1Slovaks in the name of ,t he right of the Hungarian State. Stur inter,preted the Slo,vaik standpoint democratically by res,pecting the rights of others; he said: "Each nation is only one part of humanity and no nation can claim for itself that it alone has comprehended best human evolution and possible perfection. Therefore, no nation has a right to force upon another nation its way of life when that nation wants to move for itself and educate itself as it sees fit ..." The way to Slova:k independeince was supposed to• start SLOVAKIA from the rebellion of 1848. The w:hole of Europe was once again in motion. After Paris, Vienna, Berlin, Prague and Italy, revolutionary explosions resounded also Hungary. It is not important that this revOilution was squaslhed; nor is it important that Vienna failed to, fll!lfill the promises and eXipectations of the Slo.v aks. For history and for our generation it is only necessary to know that the Slovaks afready one hundred years ago fought to change the po~ litical structure of Centra;l Burope, that they demanded an jndependent status for their nation within the framework of a solid federation ,b uilt on the ,p rinciples of justice and equality. Louis Stur, preeminent leader of the SlovaJk movement for independence apparently was quite ahead of his time. His philosQphica;l views, his democra,tic thinkiing and principles, his social demands, and his admiration for ,t he democratic system in the West call for serious study and interpretation. The controversies between Stur and Kossuth are very interesting from the democratic point of view; they tell us how Stuir and his foHowers interpreted their poJitica!l and social program in comparison to Kossuth, who wanted democracy only for the Magyars at the expense of the other nations of Hungary. ·S tur, a memlber of the Protestant Evangelical Church, was not afraid to accept and complete the wo,11k of ,p receding Cathohlc generations to preserve the heritage of the Slovruk nation. We must recall foir ourselves and for the free worid that the Slovaiks played a serious poilitica:l role in the revolutionary movement in Central Burope in 1'848-49, and that a!lready at thaJt time they clearly formulated a political program which satisfies even t'he demands of the prese1D.t time, so that on it the contempo~ rary Slovak generation can build its own, modern program orf federrulizaJtion. Stur belongs among the greatest of :European revoJ,u_, tli.onaries of his time. The Mrugyars gratefully built Kossuth a monument in free America, and the Cizechs haJVe one of Masaryk in Chicago. If they deserved to be reimembeired, surely Stur, who was a greater apostle of democracy and freedom for all people, should be no less honored in the 11 SLOVAKIA land of the free and the home of the brave. Ame,r icans of Slova)k descent should give this serious thought dwring Stu.r's centennial. The nation which produced Joseph Milan Hurban, Paul Joseph Safariik, John iKollar, John Holly, John Chalupka, Johnny Kral', Andrew Sladlwvic, Jonah Zaborsky, John Palarik, John Ka.lincia!k, Peter Bohu,ii, Joseph Bo:zetech Klemens, and Diony,z Sbur - is not a small nation. The shining light among the Slovaks of the nineteenth century, the formulator of their .p rogram, and the ·interpreter of their desires was Louis Stur - the father of modern Slovak nationalism . • • • STUR'S GROUP IN THE SERVICE OF THE PEOPLE Joseph Pauco Sturr's school exerted every effort to serve the people from which it descended in order to elevate it intellectually and to save it from physical ·a nd spiritual decline. Whatever was attempted in the cultural, economic, and social fields, all closely allied with the efforts in the political field, was dome with these aims in mind. From the beginning of thei.ir public activity, the Stu.rites were aware of the fact that they could elevate the people entrusted to and dependent on them only if they themse,1ves could obta·i n the- authority which wouid give them a mora;l right to reach and lead the Slovak people. Fo,r this they prepared thorough'ly. Their moral iprinciples are connected with perseverance, courage and nobility. The Institute of the Slovak Language and Literature dn Bratislava ailready ha:d thus fomned the yound and fiery souls: without morality, the first prerequisite, no one could get into the Irnstitute. Therefrom emanated the rest of the obligations of the members, such as love for Slovak, perseverance in preparing and presenting lectures, or in performing tas!ks outside the ·I nstitute. Whosoever is moral wdill not ibecome lost; therein was the assurance and safeguard. From this morally strengthened y,outh glowed a fire which overextended the frame,w ork of purely internal work. Gradua'lly the followers of Stur came into contact with the  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Štúr: Father of Modern Slovak Nationalism Description An account of the resource Marián Žiar Slovakia, Vol. 6, No. 1 (18), March 1956 pp. 6-11 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Žiar, Marian Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource March 1956 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/21906f2f1049cc8658279f2e578b39a1.pdf f38c069687658f8faf29870166a6b8fc PDF Text Text 11 SLOVAKIA land of the free and the home of the brave. Ame,r icans of Slova)k descent should give this serious thought dwring Stu.r's centennial. The nation which produced Joseph Milan Hurban, Paul Joseph Safariik, John iKollar, John Holly, John Chalupka, Johnny Kral', Andrew Sladlwvic, Jonah Zaborsky, John Palarik, John Ka.lincia!k, Peter Bohu,ii, Joseph Bo:zetech Klemens, and Diony,z Sbur - is not a small nation. The shining light among the Slovaks of the nineteenth century, the formulator of their .p rogram, and the ·interpreter of their desires was Louis Stur - the father of modern Slovak nationalism . • • • STUR'S GROUP IN THE SERVICE OF THE PEOPLE Joseph Pauco Sturr's school exerted every effort to serve the people from which it descended in order to elevate it intellectually and to save it from physical ·a nd spiritual decline. Whatever was attempted in the cultural, economic, and social fields, all closely allied with the efforts in the political field, was dome with these aims in mind. From the beginning of thei.ir public activity, the Stu.rites were aware of the fact that they could elevate the people entrusted to and dependent on them only if they themse,1ves could obta·i n the- authority which wouid give them a mora;l right to reach and lead the Slovak people. Fo,r this they prepared thorough'ly. Their moral iprinciples are connected with perseverance, courage and nobility. The Institute of the Slovak Language and Literature dn Bratislava ailready ha:d thus fomned the yound and fiery souls: without morality, the first prerequisite, no one could get into the Irnstitute. Therefrom emanated the rest of the obligations of the members, such as love for Slovak, perseverance in preparing and presenting lectures, or in performing tas!ks outside the ·I nstitute. Whosoever is moral wdill not ibecome lost; therein was the assurance and safeguard. From this morally strengthened y,outh glowed a fire which overextended the frame,w ork of purely internal work. Gradua'lly the followers of Stur came into contact with the �12 SLOVAKIA Slovak pUiblic. The •~Plody" (Fruits), "Jitfonka" (Morning Star), HU!I"ban's "Nitra," Pa1kovic's "Tatranka" (Tatra News), Kuzmany's "Hro:nka" (Hron News), and Fej.erpa~ ta!ky's "Novy i stary vlastenecky ka.!lendar" (The New and the Old Patriotic Almanac)- all these worthy periodicals resuilted from the enthusiasm of clean hearts and the noble characters of Stu,r 's group. These endeavors, as well as the contacts of the youth with the public during vacation, were the next to the last step for the Sturites in thek preparation to devote themselves with all their strength to the needs of the people. They had hardly left their school benches when the in~ terest of their people became one of their desires; all were willing to serve in the capacity they were best fitted for. When they left school the foUowers of Stur returned to their people, lived with them, toiled with them, and b,ore the burdens of the day with them. They kneiw the virtues and shortcomings of the Slovaks. They realized that socia'l and economic ill,s were caused by the ruling Magyars and decided to do sometliing about it. They knew that to save their peo,ple, they had to educate them politicalJy and correct the mistakes of the past (1). After God, the people were nearest and dearest to the Stu.rites. They did not fea:r the peorple, despite the fact that the S1ovaks were referred to in the most derogatory manner. The Magyars said that the Slovaks were stupid, but the Sturites knew that the Slo:va1ks were a simple but very able and capable people. Probably the greatest fatrlt of the Slovaks was that they were very obedient and addicted to certain failings. The latter, however, couJd be removed, and the Stu.rites set themselves to that very task (2). The greater the press,u re of the owosition, the more profound the reaction of the Sturites. Pressure evoked re~ sistance; as one voice there resounded in Slovakia: "Everything for our 1Slovak people" (3). They helped their humiliated and neglected people by a!ll means at their disposal, because they knew that above all else it was necessary to lead the people to the point where it could lriberate itself from the misrakes and symptoms of slavery, and then complete freedom would follow. �SLOVAKIA 13 That meant that the Stu.rites were for the peo,ple with their whole being; they listened patiently to a,11 complaints and proitesrt:s, and sympathized with their misery; and, orf course, were detel'Inined to fight against all injustices ( 4). One of them summarized the wo:rik of the followers of Stur thus'l y: "Stu.r's school became 0111e of the most effective factors in the life of the Sloivruk nratiion" (5). The foliowers of Stur concerned themselves with the welfare of the entire nation. They fought to improve their economy, but they ailso fought with equa1 vigor against alcoholism, indifference, and illiteracy. They lrubored to uplift the spirit and to rouse nation consciousness not only by speaking and writing, but biY their practical work among all classes of their people, visiting even the lowliest to transform their minds and to use their strength so that they might save themselves from ruin (6). And the ,Slova:k people responded wholeheartedly when Stur began to pUJb1ish his "SloiVensikje Narodnje Novini" and the "Orol Tatransky" -which became a ,power that had to :b e rec!koned with, because they found favor with the common peo,ple, the intelligentsia and the gentry (7). Without unity there could be no strength, but there could be no unity without education and mutual understanding. The Stu.rites preached respect for individuals, but in all consideraticms the nation as a whole came first, and the nation's welfare called for sacrifices (8). They pointed to the com-· mon property, the heritage of the Slova:k people - its language, morals, customs and its homeland - w'hich unites the nation as a whole and commands it to go forward toward its goal unitedly. It is in this union that we must seek the rights of individuals, the assurance of freedom, prosperity and spiritual values. Words, written or spoken, help, but without deeds they mean nothing. Work and more persevering work is necessary. The nation must feel that some one is backing it up, · really concerned about its welfare. Sentiment and justice must protect everyone equally. Thus we can elevate the peopie and help it; and only thus can we attain complete national unity. People must be dealt with humanely; this applies to, individuals and entire grouips, as well. �14 SLOVAKIA The Sturites dealt humanly with their nation; they elevated and united it into one moral unit, so that it would not fail in its resolves, but that its nationa.'l feelings, its nobility and aJl its desires would get proper exipression. Material and spiritual servitude hurt equally - both tend to :kill - and, therefore, the united nation must oppose both resolutely (9). The followers of Stur knew why they had to appeal to the mind, the feelin,g s and the character of their nation; aJso w'hy they had to hit those who oppressed it. The Slovaks were threatened with complete annihilation. There was danger that the one and the other side might resort to extremes. The Stu.rites had to 'harden the Slovaks to face realities; they 'lrn.ew that every battle was won by those who were stronger, bctteT .p repared and ha.rdened(lO). Stur and his fo1lowers knew they co.uid gam practica,lly nothing without first uniting their nation. They took their work seriously and were guided by the principle that renegades are punished even by God, because they sin grievously against the rights of their peop:Je (11). Their task was not to con:. vert renegades, but to teach their people to help themselves, to recognize and fight for their God-'given rights. Stur realized the importance of newspa,pers, hence took it uipon himself to establish a 1Sl01Vak newspa,per. He applied for permission to publish a Slovalk newspaper, but his request was not allowed until three yea.TS later, after many trips and letters to Budaipest and Vienna. When the SL0~ VENS1KJE NARODNJID NOV[NI ( S'loivalk National News) and its supplement, the TA'IIB.ANSKY" OiROL (Eagle of the Tatras), finally were issued, the Slovaks received them with great joy and subscribed to them. The papers served their mission well for three years, when they were confiscated by the government, uniting the ,people, teaching and entertaining them, and encouraging them during the most · stirring times in their history. Stur's newspapers served all strata of Slovaks, the intelligentsia, the laiborer, the peasant, the minister of the Gospel, the merchant, and the tradesman. The MagyaTs soon realized what the .papers were doing for the Slova:k people and raised an alarum to have them outlawed. But there can be no, denying the fact 1 �SLOVAKIA 15 that they had fulfilled their mission well. The Slovaks did awaken nationally; without the newspapers Srur and his followers wol.cld not have achieved the success .they did in uniting the Slovaks in so short a time. Stur and his followers were realists. They ,c ame out of the ,peop1'e and worked with the ,p eople to uplift them. They knew their jois am.d sorrows, the difficulties that beset them; the misery and injustices suffered by them. Burt they knew, too, that complaining and ,w hining a;borut the sad lot of the Slovaik,s wouM not he1p to do away with injustice and poverty. So, they encouraged the ,p eople to help themselves by over.coming indolence and ignorance, and becoming ente11prising; to abandon ancient methods in the trades and agriculture and the schools and to iearn the new, more efficient ways of doing things in all fields of endeavor. Stur and his school are responsible for a wealth of literature about the school question, the :necessity of cultivating the native language, the significance of enlightenment, the theatre, reading societies and libraries, Slovaik agric'lrlture and indwstry, money, taxes, animal husbandry, and a host of other subjects. They organized temperance societies and ctdtural and social institutions; and taught in Sunday scho.ols. The movement of Sbur was ,probably the most interesting movement of all time ~n Slovakia. Stur and hIB followers were not idle dreamers, but practical idealists who really had the welfare and security of their Slovak people at heart.. They shall always be remembered by a grateful S'lovwk nation. 1. Compare 'Mi1an Pisut: "Pociatky basnickej i!ikoly Sturov ej" (The !Beginnings of Stur's Poetical Sc'hool), Bratislava, 1938, pp. 116, 251. 2. "Slovenskje Narodiije Novini," Vol . 2, No. 61, p. 244. 3. P . Z. Hosti!llSkY in I/he SiNN, Vol. 4, No. 278, p. 1109. 4. SNN, Vol. 2, No. 84, p. 333, etc. 6. Jan Fr,a ncis,ci: "VJ.a.stny zivotopis" (1My Own Biogr,aphy), Turc. Sv. Martin, 1909, p. 38. · 6. This is upheld also by Dr. Jos•e,ph Miloslav Hurban in his biography of Stur: "Slov,enske Pohfady" (Slov,a;k Views), 1833, p. 74, etc. 7. Daniel Ra1>ant •CaJIIle to t'he same conclusion in his "Dejiny slovenskeho povstainia r. 1848-49" (:Book 1, p.,170), wher-e he states: "Stur',s newspapers were read .in the towns and villages, even in the court• yrurds of the more sensitive -and nationally more preserved. lower �16 8. 9. 10. 11. SLOVAKIA n obility. T·h e voice of tJhis na tion al organ und er S tur was a r eal pow,e r that 'h,a d t o be r eckoned wit'h." C ompare M. P isut, above, p . 181. L . St u r in the articl'e "Na se polozeiij e vo v1asti" (Our Situation in the Homeland), ,Slov. Nar. No'V'mi, Vol. 2, Nos. 117-120, pp. 467-68 ; 471-72; 47 5-7 6; 4W-80. Stur in t h e met, Marnh 10, 1848 : " I oo ,not like to ref ea- to historical r ights, beeause I b>elieve that h e who shows ·s trength also assumes th e right ... ", .SN N, Vol. 3, No . 270, p. 1078. M. P isu t, a bove, p. 188. • • • WHO SAID IT? "Communism not only commits outrageous injustice against wll civil ,s ociety ... , but it also ruin,s all personal initiative, self-determination, endeavor, and enthusiasm; it abso[utely precludes generous, active fraternal charity.... It divides the family, it destroys the household and thus it opens wide the door to every t:w>e of immorality, dissolution, and indulgence. It shatter,s all the bonds of socia.'l living. In place of holy ties, it offers pmfiteering, rioting, and their l:iJke and thus it degrades man to animal ~evel. "Communi1sm, then, has matured to, the same degree as athe:i!sm and defection from Christianity ... In all types of communtsm, whatever their classification may be, the outlook is only toward a dismal life denied any ennob~ing joys. It brings in its wa!ke despotism of the grossest kind. "Let commll!Il1SiII1 1bu:sy itself, making every endeavrnr and every righteous representatiolll it will, protesting that it aims to secure the rights, orf the people, the fact remains that it know:s :nothing wbout humanity. It degrades it deplor1tbly. And !because it cleaves to its tenets wh!Lch are impractical and ll!Ilreaii•za;ble, it ranks among the wildest of offohooits ever conceived by the human brain." - (Louis Stur: SLOVAlNiSTVO A SVET BU!DUC'NIOS'N (:SlaJVdom and the World of the Future) . • • • You can help the righteous cause ·of the Slovak people - their fight against Communism and for their freedom and independence - by sending a contribution t.o the Slovak League of America: Mr. ·Milan V. Blazek, treasurer, 4922 S. Leclaire A venue, Chicago 38, Ill. � 11 SLOVAKIA land of the free and the home of the brave. Ame,r icans of Slova)k descent should give this serious thought dwring Stu.r's centennial. The nation which produced Joseph Milan Hurban, Paul Joseph Safariik, John iKollar, John Holly, John Chalupka, Johnny Kral', Andrew Sladlwvic, Jonah Zaborsky, John Palarik, John Ka.lincia!k, Peter Bohu,ii, Joseph Bo:zetech Klemens, and Diony,z Sbur - is not a small nation. The shining light among the Slovaks of the nineteenth century, the formulator of their .p rogram, and the ·interpreter of their desires was Louis Stur - the father of modern Slovak nationalism . • • • STUR'S GROUP IN THE SERVICE OF THE PEOPLE Joseph Pauco Sturr's school exerted every effort to serve the people from which it descended in order to elevate it intellectually and to save it from physical ·a nd spiritual decline. Whatever was attempted in the cultural, economic, and social fields, all closely allied with the efforts in the political field, was dome with these aims in mind. From the beginning of thei.ir public activity, the Stu.rites were aware of the fact that they could elevate the people entrusted to and dependent on them only if they themse,1ves could obta·i n the- authority which wouid give them a mora;l right to reach and lead the Slovak people. Fo,r this they prepared thorough'ly. Their moral iprinciples are connected with perseverance, courage and nobility. The Institute of the Slovak Language and Literature dn Bratislava ailready ha:d thus fomned the yound and fiery souls: without morality, the first prerequisite, no one could get into the Irnstitute. Therefrom emanated the rest of the obligations of the members, such as love for Slovak, perseverance in preparing and presenting lectures, or in performing tas!ks outside the ·I nstitute. Whosoever is moral wdill not ibecome lost; therein was the assurance and safeguard. From this morally strengthened y,outh glowed a fire which overextended the frame,w ork of purely internal work. Gradua'lly the followers of Stur came into contact with the �12 SLOVAKIA Slovak pUiblic. The •~Plody" (Fruits), "Jitfonka" (Morning Star), HU!I"ban's "Nitra," Pa1kovic's "Tatranka" (Tatra News), Kuzmany's "Hro:nka" (Hron News), and Fej.erpa~ ta!ky's "Novy i stary vlastenecky ka.!lendar" (The New and the Old Patriotic Almanac)- all these worthy periodicals resuilted from the enthusiasm of clean hearts and the noble characters of Stu,r 's group. These endeavors, as well as the contacts of the youth with the public during vacation, were the next to the last step for the Sturites in thek preparation to devote themselves with all their strength to the needs of the people. They had hardly left their school benches when the in~ terest of their people became one of their desires; all were willing to serve in the capacity they were best fitted for. When they left school the foUowers of Stur returned to their people, lived with them, toiled with them, and b,ore the burdens of the day with them. They kneiw the virtues and shortcomings of the Slovaks. They realized that socia'l and economic ill,s were caused by the ruling Magyars and decided to do sometliing about it. They knew that to save their peo,ple, they had to educate them politicalJy and correct the mistakes of the past (1). After God, the people were nearest and dearest to the Stu.rites. They did not fea:r the peorple, despite the fact that the S1ovaks were referred to in the most derogatory manner. The Magyars said that the Slovaks were stupid, but the Sturites knew that the Slo:va1ks were a simple but very able and capable people. Probably the greatest fatrlt of the Slovaks was that they were very obedient and addicted to certain failings. The latter, however, couJd be removed, and the Stu.rites set themselves to that very task (2). The greater the press,u re of the owosition, the more profound the reaction of the Sturites. Pressure evoked re~ sistance; as one voice there resounded in Slovakia: "Everything for our 1Slovak people" (3). They helped their humiliated and neglected people by a!ll means at their disposal, because they knew that above all else it was necessary to lead the people to the point where it could lriberate itself from the misrakes and symptoms of slavery, and then complete freedom would follow. �SLOVAKIA 13 That meant that the Stu.rites were for the peo,ple with their whole being; they listened patiently to a,11 complaints and proitesrt:s, and sympathized with their misery; and, orf course, were detel'Inined to fight against all injustices ( 4). One of them summarized the wo:rik of the followers of Stur thus'l y: "Stu.r's school became 0111e of the most effective factors in the life of the Sloivruk nratiion" (5). The foliowers of Stur concerned themselves with the welfare of the entire nation. They fought to improve their economy, but they ailso fought with equa1 vigor against alcoholism, indifference, and illiteracy. They lrubored to uplift the spirit and to rouse nation consciousness not only by speaking and writing, but biY their practical work among all classes of their people, visiting even the lowliest to transform their minds and to use their strength so that they might save themselves from ruin (6). And the ,Slova:k people responded wholeheartedly when Stur began to pUJb1ish his "SloiVensikje Narodnje Novini" and the "Orol Tatransky" -which became a ,power that had to :b e rec!koned with, because they found favor with the common peo,ple, the intelligentsia and the gentry (7). Without unity there could be no strength, but there could be no unity without education and mutual understanding. The Stu.rites preached respect for individuals, but in all consideraticms the nation as a whole came first, and the nation's welfare called for sacrifices (8). They pointed to the com-· mon property, the heritage of the Slova:k people - its language, morals, customs and its homeland - w'hich unites the nation as a whole and commands it to go forward toward its goal unitedly. It is in this union that we must seek the rights of individuals, the assurance of freedom, prosperity and spiritual values. Words, written or spoken, help, but without deeds they mean nothing. Work and more persevering work is necessary. The nation must feel that some one is backing it up, · really concerned about its welfare. Sentiment and justice must protect everyone equally. Thus we can elevate the peopie and help it; and only thus can we attain complete national unity. People must be dealt with humanely; this applies to, individuals and entire grouips, as well. �14 SLOVAKIA The Sturites dealt humanly with their nation; they elevated and united it into one moral unit, so that it would not fail in its resolves, but that its nationa.'l feelings, its nobility and aJl its desires would get proper exipression. Material and spiritual servitude hurt equally - both tend to :kill - and, therefore, the united nation must oppose both resolutely (9). The followers of Stur knew why they had to appeal to the mind, the feelin,g s and the character of their nation; aJso w'hy they had to hit those who oppressed it. The Slovaks were threatened with complete annihilation. There was danger that the one and the other side might resort to extremes. The Stu.rites had to 'harden the Slovaks to face realities; they 'lrn.ew that every battle was won by those who were stronger, bctteT .p repared and ha.rdened(lO). Stur and his fo1lowers knew they co.uid gam practica,lly nothing without first uniting their nation. They took their work seriously and were guided by the principle that renegades are punished even by God, because they sin grievously against the rights of their peop:Je (11). Their task was not to con:. vert renegades, but to teach their people to help themselves, to recognize and fight for their God-'given rights. Stur realized the importance of newspa,pers, hence took it uipon himself to establish a 1Sl01Vak newspa,per. He applied for permission to publish a Slovalk newspaper, but his request was not allowed until three yea.TS later, after many trips and letters to Budaipest and Vienna. When the SL0~ VENS1KJE NARODNJID NOV[NI ( S'loivalk National News) and its supplement, the TA'IIB.ANSKY" OiROL (Eagle of the Tatras), finally were issued, the Slovaks received them with great joy and subscribed to them. The papers served their mission well for three years, when they were confiscated by the government, uniting the ,people, teaching and entertaining them, and encouraging them during the most · stirring times in their history. Stur's newspapers served all strata of Slovaks, the intelligentsia, the laiborer, the peasant, the minister of the Gospel, the merchant, and the tradesman. The MagyaTs soon realized what the .papers were doing for the Slova:k people and raised an alarum to have them outlawed. But there can be no, denying the fact 1 �SLOVAKIA 15 that they had fulfilled their mission well. The Slovaks did awaken nationally; without the newspapers Srur and his followers wol.cld not have achieved the success .they did in uniting the Slovaks in so short a time. Stur and his followers were realists. They ,c ame out of the ,peop1'e and worked with the ,p eople to uplift them. They knew their jois am.d sorrows, the difficulties that beset them; the misery and injustices suffered by them. Burt they knew, too, that complaining and ,w hining a;borut the sad lot of the Slovaik,s wouM not he1p to do away with injustice and poverty. So, they encouraged the ,p eople to help themselves by over.coming indolence and ignorance, and becoming ente11prising; to abandon ancient methods in the trades and agriculture and the schools and to iearn the new, more efficient ways of doing things in all fields of endeavor. Stur and his school are responsible for a wealth of literature about the school question, the :necessity of cultivating the native language, the significance of enlightenment, the theatre, reading societies and libraries, Slovaik agric'lrlture and indwstry, money, taxes, animal husbandry, and a host of other subjects. They organized temperance societies and ctdtural and social institutions; and taught in Sunday scho.ols. The movement of Sbur was ,probably the most interesting movement of all time ~n Slovakia. Stur and hIB followers were not idle dreamers, but practical idealists who really had the welfare and security of their Slovak people at heart.. They shall always be remembered by a grateful S'lovwk nation. 1. Compare 'Mi1an Pisut: "Pociatky basnickej i!ikoly Sturov ej" (The !Beginnings of Stur's Poetical Sc'hool), Bratislava, 1938, pp. 116, 251. 2. "Slovenskje Narodiije Novini," Vol . 2, No. 61, p. 244. 3. P . Z. Hosti!llSkY in I/he SiNN, Vol. 4, No. 278, p. 1109. 4. SNN, Vol. 2, No. 84, p. 333, etc. 6. Jan Fr,a ncis,ci: "VJ.a.stny zivotopis" (1My Own Biogr,aphy), Turc. Sv. Martin, 1909, p. 38. · 6. This is upheld also by Dr. Jos•e,ph Miloslav Hurban in his biography of Stur: "Slov,enske Pohfady" (Slov,a;k Views), 1833, p. 74, etc. 7. Daniel Ra1>ant •CaJIIle to t'he same conclusion in his "Dejiny slovenskeho povstainia r. 1848-49" (:Book 1, p.,170), wher-e he states: "Stur',s newspapers were read .in the towns and villages, even in the court• yrurds of the more sensitive -and nationally more preserved. lower �16 8. 9. 10. 11. SLOVAKIA n obility. T·h e voice of tJhis na tion al organ und er S tur was a r eal pow,e r that 'h,a d t o be r eckoned wit'h." C ompare M. P isut, above, p . 181. L . St u r in the articl'e "Na se polozeiij e vo v1asti" (Our Situation in the Homeland), ,Slov. Nar. No'V'mi, Vol. 2, Nos. 117-120, pp. 467-68 ; 471-72; 47 5-7 6; 4W-80. Stur in t h e met, Marnh 10, 1848 : " I oo ,not like to ref ea- to historical r ights, beeause I b>elieve that h e who shows ·s trength also assumes th e right ... ", .SN N, Vol. 3, No . 270, p. 1078. M. P isu t, a bove, p. 188. • • • WHO SAID IT? "Communism not only commits outrageous injustice against wll civil ,s ociety ... , but it also ruin,s all personal initiative, self-determination, endeavor, and enthusiasm; it abso[utely precludes generous, active fraternal charity.... It divides the family, it destroys the household and thus it opens wide the door to every t:w>e of immorality, dissolution, and indulgence. It shatter,s all the bonds of socia.'l living. In place of holy ties, it offers pmfiteering, rioting, and their l:iJke and thus it degrades man to animal ~evel. "Communi1sm, then, has matured to, the same degree as athe:i!sm and defection from Christianity ... In all types of communtsm, whatever their classification may be, the outlook is only toward a dismal life denied any ennob~ing joys. It brings in its wa!ke despotism of the grossest kind. "Let commll!Il1SiII1 1bu:sy itself, making every endeavrnr and every righteous representatiolll it will, protesting that it aims to secure the rights, orf the people, the fact remains that it know:s :nothing wbout humanity. It degrades it deplor1tbly. And !because it cleaves to its tenets wh!Lch are impractical and ll!Ilreaii•za;ble, it ranks among the wildest of offohooits ever conceived by the human brain." - (Louis Stur: SLOVAlNiSTVO A SVET BU!DUC'NIOS'N (:SlaJVdom and the World of the Future) . • • • You can help the righteous cause ·of the Slovak people - their fight against Communism and for their freedom and independence - by sending a contribution t.o the Slovak League of America: Mr. ·Milan V. Blazek, treasurer, 4922 S. Leclaire A venue, Chicago 38, Ill. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1956, Vol. 6 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 18), March 1956.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 19), June 1956.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 20-21), September-December 1956.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1956 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 11 SLOVAKIA land of the free and the home of the brave. Ame,r icans of Slova)k descent should give this serious thought dwring Stu.r's centennial. The nation which produced Joseph Milan Hurban, Paul Joseph Safariik, John iKollar, John Holly, John Chalupka, Johnny Kral', Andrew Sladlwvic, Jonah Zaborsky, John Palarik, John Ka.lincia!k, Peter Bohu,ii, Joseph Bo:zetech Klemens, and Diony,z Sbur - is not a small nation. The shining light among the Slovaks of the nineteenth century, the formulator of their .p rogram, and the ·interpreter of their desires was Louis Stur - the father of modern Slovak nationalism . • • • STUR'S GROUP IN THE SERVICE OF THE PEOPLE Joseph Pauco Sturr's school exerted every effort to serve the people from which it descended in order to elevate it intellectually and to save it from physical ·a nd spiritual decline. Whatever was attempted in the cultural, economic, and social fields, all closely allied with the efforts in the political field, was dome with these aims in mind. From the beginning of thei.ir public activity, the Stu.rites were aware of the fact that they could elevate the people entrusted to and dependent on them only if they themse,1ves could obta·i n the- authority which wouid give them a mora;l right to reach and lead the Slovak people. Fo,r this they prepared thorough'ly. Their moral iprinciples are connected with perseverance, courage and nobility. The Institute of the Slovak Language and Literature dn Bratislava ailready ha:d thus fomned the yound and fiery souls: without morality, the first prerequisite, no one could get into the Irnstitute. Therefrom emanated the rest of the obligations of the members, such as love for Slovak, perseverance in preparing and presenting lectures, or in performing tas!ks outside the ·I nstitute. Whosoever is moral wdill not ibecome lost; therein was the assurance and safeguard. From this morally strengthened y,outh glowed a fire which overextended the frame,w ork of purely internal work. Gradua'lly the followers of Stur came into contact with the 12 SLOVAKIA Slovak pUiblic. The •~Plody" (Fruits), "Jitfonka" (Morning Star), HU!I"ban's "Nitra," Pa1kovic's "Tatranka" (Tatra News), Kuzmany's "Hro:nka" (Hron News), and Fej.erpa~ ta!ky's "Novy i stary vlastenecky ka.!lendar" (The New and the Old Patriotic Almanac)- all these worthy periodicals resuilted from the enthusiasm of clean hearts and the noble characters of Stu,r 's group. These endeavors, as well as the contacts of the youth with the public during vacation, were the next to the last step for the Sturites in thek preparation to devote themselves with all their strength to the needs of the people. They had hardly left their school benches when the in~ terest of their people became one of their desires; all were willing to serve in the capacity they were best fitted for. When they left school the foUowers of Stur returned to their people, lived with them, toiled with them, and b,ore the burdens of the day with them. They kneiw the virtues and shortcomings of the Slovaks. They realized that socia'l and economic ill,s were caused by the ruling Magyars and decided to do sometliing about it. They knew that to save their peo,ple, they had to educate them politicalJy and correct the mistakes of the past (1). After God, the people were nearest and dearest to the Stu.rites. They did not fea:r the peorple, despite the fact that the S1ovaks were referred to in the most derogatory manner. The Magyars said that the Slovaks were stupid, but the Sturites knew that the Slo:va1ks were a simple but very able and capable people. Probably the greatest fatrlt of the Slovaks was that they were very obedient and addicted to certain failings. The latter, however, couJd be removed, and the Stu.rites set themselves to that very task (2). The greater the press,u re of the owosition, the more profound the reaction of the Sturites. Pressure evoked re~ sistance; as one voice there resounded in Slovakia: "Everything for our 1Slovak people" (3). They helped their humiliated and neglected people by a!ll means at their disposal, because they knew that above all else it was necessary to lead the people to the point where it could lriberate itself from the misrakes and symptoms of slavery, and then complete freedom would follow. SLOVAKIA 13 That meant that the Stu.rites were for the peo,ple with their whole being; they listened patiently to a,11 complaints and proitesrt:s, and sympathized with their misery; and, orf course, were detel'Inined to fight against all injustices ( 4). One of them summarized the wo:rik of the followers of Stur thus'l y: "Stu.r's school became 0111e of the most effective factors in the life of the Sloivruk nratiion" (5). The foliowers of Stur concerned themselves with the welfare of the entire nation. They fought to improve their economy, but they ailso fought with equa1 vigor against alcoholism, indifference, and illiteracy. They lrubored to uplift the spirit and to rouse nation consciousness not only by speaking and writing, but biY their practical work among all classes of their people, visiting even the lowliest to transform their minds and to use their strength so that they might save themselves from ruin (6). And the ,Slova:k people responded wholeheartedly when Stur began to pUJb1ish his "SloiVensikje Narodnje Novini" and the "Orol Tatransky" -which became a ,power that had to :b e rec!koned with, because they found favor with the common peo,ple, the intelligentsia and the gentry (7). Without unity there could be no strength, but there could be no unity without education and mutual understanding. The Stu.rites preached respect for individuals, but in all consideraticms the nation as a whole came first, and the nation's welfare called for sacrifices (8). They pointed to the com-· mon property, the heritage of the Slova:k people - its language, morals, customs and its homeland - w'hich unites the nation as a whole and commands it to go forward toward its goal unitedly. It is in this union that we must seek the rights of individuals, the assurance of freedom, prosperity and spiritual values. Words, written or spoken, help, but without deeds they mean nothing. Work and more persevering work is necessary. The nation must feel that some one is backing it up, · really concerned about its welfare. Sentiment and justice must protect everyone equally. Thus we can elevate the peopie and help it; and only thus can we attain complete national unity. People must be dealt with humanely; this applies to, individuals and entire grouips, as well. 14 SLOVAKIA The Sturites dealt humanly with their nation; they elevated and united it into one moral unit, so that it would not fail in its resolves, but that its nationa.'l feelings, its nobility and aJl its desires would get proper exipression. Material and spiritual servitude hurt equally - both tend to :kill - and, therefore, the united nation must oppose both resolutely (9). The followers of Stur knew why they had to appeal to the mind, the feelin,g s and the character of their nation; aJso w'hy they had to hit those who oppressed it. The Slovaks were threatened with complete annihilation. There was danger that the one and the other side might resort to extremes. The Stu.rites had to 'harden the Slovaks to face realities; they 'lrn.ew that every battle was won by those who were stronger, bctteT .p repared and ha.rdened(lO). Stur and his fo1lowers knew they co.uid gam practica,lly nothing without first uniting their nation. They took their work seriously and were guided by the principle that renegades are punished even by God, because they sin grievously against the rights of their peop:Je (11). Their task was not to con:. vert renegades, but to teach their people to help themselves, to recognize and fight for their God-'given rights. Stur realized the importance of newspa,pers, hence took it uipon himself to establish a 1Sl01Vak newspa,per. He applied for permission to publish a Slovalk newspaper, but his request was not allowed until three yea.TS later, after many trips and letters to Budaipest and Vienna. When the SL0~ VENS1KJE NARODNJID NOV[NI ( S'loivalk National News) and its supplement, the TA'IIB.ANSKY" OiROL (Eagle of the Tatras), finally were issued, the Slovaks received them with great joy and subscribed to them. The papers served their mission well for three years, when they were confiscated by the government, uniting the ,people, teaching and entertaining them, and encouraging them during the most · stirring times in their history. Stur's newspapers served all strata of Slovaks, the intelligentsia, the laiborer, the peasant, the minister of the Gospel, the merchant, and the tradesman. The MagyaTs soon realized what the .papers were doing for the Slova:k people and raised an alarum to have them outlawed. But there can be no, denying the fact 1 SLOVAKIA 15 that they had fulfilled their mission well. The Slovaks did awaken nationally; without the newspapers Srur and his followers wol.cld not have achieved the success .they did in uniting the Slovaks in so short a time. Stur and his followers were realists. They ,c ame out of the ,peop1'e and worked with the ,p eople to uplift them. They knew their jois am.d sorrows, the difficulties that beset them; the misery and injustices suffered by them. Burt they knew, too, that complaining and ,w hining a;borut the sad lot of the Slovaik,s wouM not he1p to do away with injustice and poverty. So, they encouraged the ,p eople to help themselves by over.coming indolence and ignorance, and becoming ente11prising; to abandon ancient methods in the trades and agriculture and the schools and to iearn the new, more efficient ways of doing things in all fields of endeavor. Stur and his school are responsible for a wealth of literature about the school question, the :necessity of cultivating the native language, the significance of enlightenment, the theatre, reading societies and libraries, Slovaik agric'lrlture and indwstry, money, taxes, animal husbandry, and a host of other subjects. They organized temperance societies and ctdtural and social institutions; and taught in Sunday scho.ols. The movement of Sbur was ,probably the most interesting movement of all time ~n Slovakia. Stur and hIB followers were not idle dreamers, but practical idealists who really had the welfare and security of their Slovak people at heart.. They shall always be remembered by a grateful S'lovwk nation. 1. Compare 'Mi1an Pisut: "Pociatky basnickej i!ikoly Sturov ej" (The !Beginnings of Stur's Poetical Sc'hool), Bratislava, 1938, pp. 116, 251. 2. "Slovenskje Narodiije Novini," Vol . 2, No. 61, p. 244. 3. P . Z. Hosti!llSkY in I/he SiNN, Vol. 4, No. 278, p. 1109. 4. SNN, Vol. 2, No. 84, p. 333, etc. 6. Jan Fr,a ncis,ci: "VJ.a.stny zivotopis" (1My Own Biogr,aphy), Turc. Sv. Martin, 1909, p. 38. · 6. This is upheld also by Dr. Jos•e,ph Miloslav Hurban in his biography of Stur: "Slov,enske Pohfady" (Slov,a;k Views), 1833, p. 74, etc. 7. Daniel Ra1>ant •CaJIIle to t'he same conclusion in his "Dejiny slovenskeho povstainia r. 1848-49" (:Book 1, p.,170), wher-e he states: "Stur',s newspapers were read .in the towns and villages, even in the court• yrurds of the more sensitive -and nationally more preserved. lower 16 8. 9. 10. 11. SLOVAKIA n obility. T·h e voice of tJhis na tion al organ und er S tur was a r eal pow,e r that 'h,a d t o be r eckoned wit'h." C ompare M. P isut, above, p . 181. L . St u r in the articl'e "Na se polozeiij e vo v1asti" (Our Situation in the Homeland), ,Slov. Nar. No'V'mi, Vol. 2, Nos. 117-120, pp. 467-68 ; 471-72; 47 5-7 6; 4W-80. Stur in t h e met, Marnh 10, 1848 : " I oo ,not like to ref ea- to historical r ights, beeause I b>elieve that h e who shows ·s trength also assumes th e right ... ", .SN N, Vol. 3, No . 270, p. 1078. M. P isu t, a bove, p. 188. • • • WHO SAID IT? "Communism not only commits outrageous injustice against wll civil ,s ociety ... , but it also ruin,s all personal initiative, self-determination, endeavor, and enthusiasm; it abso[utely precludes generous, active fraternal charity.... It divides the family, it destroys the household and thus it opens wide the door to every t:w>e of immorality, dissolution, and indulgence. It shatter,s all the bonds of socia.'l living. In place of holy ties, it offers pmfiteering, rioting, and their l:iJke and thus it degrades man to animal ~evel. "Communi1sm, then, has matured to, the same degree as athe:i!sm and defection from Christianity ... In all types of communtsm, whatever their classification may be, the outlook is only toward a dismal life denied any ennob~ing joys. It brings in its wa!ke despotism of the grossest kind. "Let commll!Il1SiII1 1bu:sy itself, making every endeavrnr and every righteous representatiolll it will, protesting that it aims to secure the rights, orf the people, the fact remains that it know:s :nothing wbout humanity. It degrades it deplor1tbly. And !because it cleaves to its tenets wh!Lch are impractical and ll!Ilreaii•za;ble, it ranks among the wildest of offohooits ever conceived by the human brain." - (Louis Stur: SLOVAlNiSTVO A SVET BU!DUC'NIOS'N (:SlaJVdom and the World of the Future) . • • • You can help the righteous cause ·of the Slovak people - their fight against Communism and for their freedom and independence - by sending a contribution t.o the Slovak League of America: Mr. ·Milan V. Blazek, treasurer, 4922 S. Leclaire A venue, Chicago 38, Ill.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Štúr's Group in the Service of the People Description An account of the resource Joseph Paučo Slovakia, Vol. 6, No. 1 (18), March 1956 pp. 11-16 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Paučo, Jozef, 1914-1975 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource March 1956 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/cd5345e65b3dd7f70ba04784e4ecdb09.pdf 9f38a4a5b5622a77e42eb2c7289252de PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 17 A CLOSE-UP VIEW OF RADIO FREE EUROPE By Jiri Brada ( From January, February, and March, 1956, issues of "FACTS FORUM," Dallas, Texas) Radio Free Europe, a netwoPk of stations which has been set up in westeim Europe for the purpose of sending anti-Communist broadcasts to the peoples on the other side of the Iron Curtain, is a division of Free Europe Committee, Inc. The latter, a private organization, was founded in 1949 by a group of American citizens, among whom the Hon. Herbert H. Lehman, U. S. Senator from New York, played a prominent role. In 1950, the Free :illurope Committee started its annual fund-raising drive under t'he name of Crusade for Freedom. Most of us, at one time or another, have bee111 exposed to the propaganda of thi,s powerful orgacization, via newspapers, radio, television, freedom cars, and freedom trains, and most of us have read and heard a'bout FEC's muchpublicized freedom balloons. The Free Europe Committee claims that millions of its funds have been contributed by more than twenty-five million American citizens. Many more millions of dollars, though, have 1been donated by corporations, including some of the large foundations. Henry Ford II, whose Ford Foundation through the yeairs has been a heavy contributor, is nationa:l chairman of the Crusade for Freedom. As such he is the ,successor of General Lucius D. Clay. Other ,prominent sponsors of the project include David Sarnoff, Edward R. Murrow, Harold E . Stassen, Walter S. Gifford, Samuel Unger, Geo:rge Barasch, C. B. Tibbets, and Joseph J. Fliesser. Headquarters of the Crusaide is 29 West 157th Street, New York City. C. D. Jackson, in crucial years one of President Ei~ senho.w er's "paiace guard," headed the Free, Europe Committee for a cosiderable length of time. Wh~tney H. Shepardson is its current president. Joseph C. Grew, former U. S. Ambassador to Japan, is Chairman of the Board of the F,r ee Europe Committee. Arthur W. Page is Chairman of the Executive Committee. �18 SLOVAKIA Vice presidents include W. J. C. Eagan, Levering Tyson, Samuel S. Wa.J.ikeT, JT., and :Bernard Yarrow. Jo'hn C. Tra.phagen serves as treasurer, Theodore C. Augustine as secretary and assistant itireasurer, and J. Clay.ton Miller as assistant secretary. On March 15, 1955, Helfuert H. Lang was replaced as Director of Radio Free Europe by W. J. C. Eagan. 'Dhe Board of Directors, besides several of the abo.venamed, is composed of A. A. Berle, David K. :ID. Bruce, Jr. , Frederick R. Dolbeare, Julius Fleischmann, H. B. Miller, Irving S. Olds, George U. 1S huster, Charles M. Spofford, and H. Gregory Thomas. Among additiona:l sponsors of the Free EUTope Comm1ttee we find such nationally known figures as Clarence L. Adcock, Raymond Pace Alexander, Laird Bell, Francis Biddle, Rolbert Woods Bliss, Robert F. Bradford, !Hairry A. Bullis, Cecile B. De Mille, Frank R. Denton, William J. Donovan, Mark 1F . iIDthridge, James A. Farley, Virginia C. Gildersleeve, Charles R.. Hook, Palmer Hoyt, Paul Kesten, Henry ,R, Luce, Joseph V. McKee, Web Maddox, H. B. Miller, tSamuel E. Morison, F.rederiok Osborn, John W. Sibley, Sp)'l'os Skouras, Chairles P. 'Daft, DeWitt Wallace, W. W. Waymac:k, Walter H. Wheeler, Jr., Charles E. Wilson, Mrs. Quincy Wright, and Darryl Zanuck. The 1952 list of national sponsors also featured Jaimes B. Carey, .A:J.ilen W . Dulles, William Green, and Matthew Woll. Besides a sprinkL ing of men who uphold America's tradiitions of limited govVeTrunent and the free market economy, there is :the usual contingent of ancient and ubiquitous New Dealers. Headquarters of ,t he Free Emope Committee is a few stone's throws from <bhrut of the Crusade for Freedom, at 110 West 57th Street, New Yo.rk City. The political and ideological influence of the Free Europe Committee spans continents. No organization in the world exerts more power over the refugees from eastern Europe. lt practicaft:ly maintains a monopoly on placing refugee students in American colleges. It controls the University College at 'S trassbourg, F.rance. Besides the periodical, News from Behind the Iron Curtains, :the Free Europe Commi,t tee has published num- �SLOVAKIA 19 erous booklets and pamphlets Olll communism in eastern Europe. Radio 1Free IDurope, whioh is lo·cated at the Committee's headquarters, 110 West 57th ,S treet, is thus but one, though no doU!bt the most important, department of the Free Em:-ope Committee. While officially a dilVision of a private o,r gani,z ation, Radio Free Em·ope does of course not devise amy arbitrairy policy of its own. It has been conceived as a private a:rnn of the American government's foreign policy and as such reflects the res,pective competence or confusion of Washington. The princ1pal editorial offices of Radio F1ree Europe, while taking their cues from New Yor.k and Washington, are located in Euro.pe, especia!lly in western Germany. European headquarters is at English Gardens (Englisoher Garten) 1, Munich 23, Germany. Riahard J. Condon is European diirector. The largest :broadcasting stations of Radio Free Europe aire located outside of Munich and Frankfurt on the Main. Their principal programs are broadcast in the various languages oif Communist-dominaited peoples, suoh as Czech, Slovaik, Hungarian, Roumanian, Bulgarian, Albanian, and Polish. Influence of Soviet Postwar Policy In order to grasp the policy of these programs, it ~ well worth recalling the Soviet postwar policy in the satellite nations of eastern Europe. For the sa;ke of appearance and eXipediency, no outright Communist governments were set up by the USSR immediately upon the end of World War fil. •I nstead, there arose the so-calied governments of "national fronts" or "people's fronts" or "popular :fironts." Moscow's commissars saw to it that no parities of the real center nor, of course, any of the ,right wing m01Vements were admitted to these fronts; lbut even the non-Communist left wing parties, such as those of the Socialists or Social Democrats, were from the outset largely ied by puppets of the Soviet Union, many of whom had up to then lived in comparative obscurity. Within the course of a few months or years respective- �20 SLOVAKIA ly, these non-.Communisit leftist parties were forged into total tools of the globa.'l Communist conspiracy. Freedom of eleotion, assembly and press weire abolished; trade and industry were nationalized; non-·conformis:ts, by means of the "people's courts," were crushed, and "national committees," virz. soviets, soon dictated and .strangled all !branches of ,public and private iife. 'Dho.ughtful readers may wonder why so many of the Socialist-minded colla,borators were in due time permitted by the Co.m munist authorities to leave their countries. They cannot help being amazed to iearn that it is maiinly these collectivi.stic refugees from the sateilli,te nations whom Radio Free Europe has entrusted with program-.c ontroHing positions. There ,Marxians and sta,tists were 'ballyhooed as "victims" of rS oviet 1persecution, while practically all those who had escaped from the Communists when the Russian armies swept over their countries, i.e., those who at all times had ste·a dfa:stly opposed the Communist menace, were systematicallv excluded from Radi·o Free Europe. Is it possible that a good many of these Socialist twin brothers of the C ommunists were not prevented from reaching our side of the Iron Curtain because on the basis of their ,Marxist past they were likely to confuse and adultcra,te the crusade of the free world? Is it possi,b le that some of them even promised merely to pose as foes of communism, and therefore in r eality continued their collabora-· tion with the Communists, in the guise of foes? At any rate, quite a few of these recent allies, of the Communists are now earning considerable fees firom the funds of the Crusade for Freedom, in payment of their ineffectual and phony ;psychological warfare. Former Red Confederates in Top Jobs The real champions of political and economic freedom , the real opponents of state intervention, the real adversaries o.f materialism, atheism and tyranny were either rejected or ffa-ed by <Radio Free Europe, and are now sitting on the side lines. The men of the Kremlin should indeed be pleased with this curious policy of Radio• 'Free Europe. To be sure, RF1E's •b osses offer us a re ady-made excuse �SLOVAKIA 21 for employing so many former Soviet collruborators in top positions. No one, they aver, is more thoroughly aware of Communist deviousness than 8Jre those who have experienced Communist tactics in practice. However-and this is the crux of the matter-not one of these former confe• derates of the Communists !has come forth !With any .protest against his former ooHa;boration, and none of the former Communists on Rooio Free Europe has come forth with any protest against his former communism. They shun the role of the ,r epentant sinner. They all of a sudden ,p ose as experts of :the democrntic way, a;s pioneers of individual, personal freedom. The Whittaker Chamtbers type is excluded. By no means have aH of these men mere:ly posed ais anti-Communists while in ever so many instances they could not help going soft on the Communist -line. A giroot many, being Socialists, have been so blind with regard to -limited governmental and the free mar,ket economy, and still are such loyal believeil'S in the benefits of Socialist inter,vention, planning and control, that they consistently devise policies which ,p lay into the hands of the Communists by appeasing them. The Polish, Ozechoslo1va;k and Hungarian broadcasting stations of IRadio Free Europe, which equal the power of t he German station in ,M unich, i. e., 50,000 watts, run pro. grams for 20 hours a day. Nume!l'ous short wave stations send broadcasts in the various idioms of eastern Europe t hree or four houirs daily. It is claimed that 29 RF:Ei statjons are now functioning. The Czechoslovak station near Munich is as strong as that of Munich or that of the American Forces network, in that city. In operation since May 1, 1951, it covers political commentaries; daily commentaries; the international situat ion (transmitted from New York offices); programs for workers, peasants, women, young ,people, and children; economics; history; music; entertainment, etc. , and news every hour on the hour. Source Material Far Left of Center The over-all ideology of these prog1rams is largely determined by former members of the Czechoslovak National �22 SLOVcAKIIA Front, i.e., one-time Co,. nrpu:ni.3t colla,borator.s. From time to time, these men ireceive written instructions of specific subjects :from the New Yovk offices where left..,wingers set the tone Dr. Mar.tin Kvetko and Dr. Julius First, :known and prominent former pro-Oommunists, instruct alll editors at regular meetings. Carefully selected boo.ks on communism, clippings from such American publications ·a s The New York Times, The New York Hierald T.rilbune, T.iine, Life, ~tc., items from the press of AmerJcan la;bor unions, material from Communist paipers on bo:th sides of the Curtain, and monitored terts of the Czechoslova;k Communist radio represent the source materiaJl f.rom which the script writers draw. Theire are also special "intelligence" reports. Straight conservative papers and magazines are ta;boo at Radio Free Em:rope. Script writera know how to toe the line. They know that they might as welJ -look for another job if they dare use_materiail or ideas from the Ohicago Triibune or such of Oll!I' magazines :as American !Mercury, American Legion Maga•zine, Ohristian Economics, HUiIIlan Events, National Review and National Repulblic. To summarize - iRJmE progtrams are shl!,POO- according to the dM"ectives of (a) :the American bosses and (b) the hired leftist National Fronters from eastern Europe. The ran!k and file Socialist or o:therwise• leftist editors are either unintelligent or servile or both, and grind out their chores in accordance with their o.rders. AoturuNy, tRill1E policies vary only in degree, !but not in sulbstance,. :f.rom other psychological warfare .s tations of the free world. These inolude Radio Free Asia, strution RIAS in Berlin, Radio Llberation - a private Amer.ican station which broadcasts to IPOOPles inside the USSR - and of course the Voice of America. None of them ,t akes a consistent stand againsit the iphilosophy of g01Vernment intervention a;nd government control, none of them - except for occasional and half-ilieaTted Hp servJce- champions freedom of enterprise. No wonder that so far our psychological warfare has failed. In order to document for American readers WlhaA: sort of ideas aTe being tTansmitted to the fron Curtain world �SLOVAKIA 23 iby their expensive ly staffed freed.om stations, I have for some years gathered from RFE Czec'hoslov.alk programs a substantia :l coNection of radio scTipbs and tape recording s, from which I sha;ll quote in the followh]-g. If any Sllogan may be offered to character ize the genera:! tenor of all too many programs , let us quote whait a well-know n American a·p ologist for the Soviet causes has said in the process of the Far Eastern debacle: "Let them fall, ;b ut do not let it appear that we pushed them." Propagation of Socialism May 1, 1953, 3 :15 ip. m . : "The Socialist youth of the whole world sends its greetings to the youth of Czechoslovakia. We assuTe you that we s hall reach the aim ... the day, when we will be alble to join you in democrac y in the fig,ht for socialism , social justice and freed.om. " At the end of the program the International was played. (The International is the rallying song of world communi sm.) May 3, 1953, 1,2 :15 p. m.: Ferdinan d Peroutka , chief of R~'s Czechoslova!k desk in New York, a weH-known Soci'alist rund one-•t ime .prominen t member of the pro-Comu munist National •ffiront, in his "Sunday Comment s of Ferdinand Peroutka ": "Eisenho wer's program, on .t:he other hand, even though America's factories have not been nati01I1ali2:ed, stands for the concept of world socialism . TheTe is no better way to desoribe it. This is sociaJism . . . The aim of 1:Jhe program outlined by tile President of the United States is to socialize -life." 1 May 1, 1954, 2 :'50 p. m.: "Today, on May 1st, we convey our g,reetings to aN those who are dedicated to the faith in democrat ic socialism ." (To Commun ist-domin ated countries May 1st is synonym ous with America' s July 4th, and the term "Democra tic Socialism " is a Commun ist term used in May Day speeches to descTilbe Commun ist ideology. ) May 4, 1954, 2:10 p. m.: "Program for WorkeTs: "Leon Jouhaux - a g,reat man, descende d from a famNy in which revoltitio nism has been a tradition . His father partidpaJ ted in the revo.1t of the Paris Commun e . . . a born revolution ary ... " GANS.ER LIBRARY MILLERS VILLE STATE COLLEGE �24 SLOV!AKIA May 5, 1954, 2:10 p. m.: "Leon Jouhaux - a great revolutionary, a great rre:fo1rmeT ... " March 23, 1'955, 12:40 p. m. Program, "We Call the Communist Party": "The present order (in eastern Europe) r:ierely serves to continue the dictatorship . . . this jungle which falsely is fabeiled as legitimaJte socia.lism." March 23, 2:20 p. m. Dr. Jan Hajek, on program, "Living Science - Discussion with Young People," said : "Socia1ism has 1become adult. Socialist thinkers are no longer irresponsible radicals. The fundamenta!l problem of modern socialism is man's relation to the state. "The modern socialist rejects both extremes - laissez faire and state control. He is aware of his duties as well as his rigihts. "The citizens of the Socialist society must be conscious of their heritage, aind proud of it." Along this line, the Czechoslova:k editors and broadca;sters crurefully avoid repudiating the measures of socializaJtion and communrzation wbich their own National Front had irnstituted in tJhe postwar years, and often go so far a;s to appro;ve of similar Communist measures in satellite Europe. Thus, on October 28, 1952, at 11 :'50 a. m., the broadcaster of "We Cali t he Communist Party," exclaimed: "Seven years ago, .the decrees of the P,r esident of the Republic ibrought forth the nationalization of industry. In this way Czechoslovakia set out on her way of democraJtic independence.'' So.oialist Policies Defended T.hese ipsychological warriors of the RFE thus still don't realize tha,t it was a crime to cooperate with the Communists, or if they do, :they don't admit it. There is never any hint that the 1Socialist po'licies of the National Front as such have iJ.ed to disaster, no inkling that socialism, because it infringes upon the rights of the individual, leads to communism. Therefo,re, these so-called freedom ,broadcasters ne;ver ,p oint out that the misery of the :p eople in eastern Europe -largely deri;ves from Socialist meddling with the affairs of :the people ; they blame it all on \Soviet exploitation, armaments, emphasis on heavy industry, and that sort of thing. �SLOVAKIA 25 Yes, ,t hey have mentioned the "forced Communist eco-• nomy." What they mean by it may be seen from "Lnternationa1 Commentary from New York," in its :broadca,st April 18, 1953, at 6 :05 p. m. The broadcaster explained that "this mearus in Czechoslovakia bhe return of the fo,r mer export policy, ,t he return to the production of quality arrticies. To put an end to this over-emphasis, on heavy industry must be the goal of our new democratic way." · That is all. No, reference to libeTation from the Socialist bureauaracy, from Socialist oppression. Just a shift from armaments to quality ,p roducts. Nothing more. Feroinamd Peroutka, in his broadca;st of 'Sunday, April 27, 1952, at 12 :15 p. m., declared: "The Communists lie when they tell you that we want to ;restore caipitalism, that we intend to ,r eturn to the proprietors the property which has been ta1ken from them some time ago . . . I repeat: the program ,o f the Czechoslova•k exiles is not capitalism and the return to 1938. Nor do we wish to hand baok the mines and foundries to their former owners. All we care for is thaJt the Communist government, which means dependence on Russia, disappears." It might be argued that an occasional ,p rogram of this sort migiht have its place in the o.ver-all setup 1because, after all, there still are oM 'Socialists in Czechoslovalkia who have no use for the Communists. Yet isn't it strange that while there are programs for workeirs, peaJSants and Communists, there are none £or businessmen? Sometimes they talk about free competition, but often it is but the competitiion of collectively owned factories amongst themselves. The terminology of their broadcasts is af the Socialist variety, including the trite ranting against "Capitalists" and "reactionaries". I now shail ,proceed to offer documentary evidence to show that Radio •F ree Europe also aids, and sometimes even propagates, Titoism and communism, and frequently extols Communist leaders. Milos Vanek, one-.time big wheel in the Commun1st party of Czechoslovakia, and now chief of the economics department of RFE's Czechoslovak desk, said on November 21. 1952. at 11.30 a. m.: "Marx. Engels. Trotsky-for them 1 �26 SLOVAKIA Marxism was the ,s ubstitute for the Western revoilution of human rights." The co:mmentaJtor of "Weekly Survey of the Ame:rican Press," on April 12, 1953, art; 8 :30 a. m., said: "The New York Herald Trilbune is of the opinion that the trial of Mindszenty, the HungM'ian cardin.a;l, as wehl as the trial of Slansky and similar crimes in other Communist countries, ought to ,be remembered ... " Possibly, if not proba,bly, tt was one of the numerous left-wingers on the staff of the Tribune who plamed this cOITU!pting little seed of associating the fearless anti-Comm'l.llllist cairdinal with that old Marxian wheel'horse and Kremlin errand iboy, Slans.ky..Salzmann, who stood as solidly for the Leninist-iStalinist program as any Communist who happened to get purged in some intra..party feud. Sure enough, if the Tribune man did not give a ring to his pal at the CzechosloV'aik desk in New York's RFE heaidquarters, the latter did not fail to picik up that choke tidlbit. After all, any "opinion" of the stai:d and ·p resumably coruserva,tive New Yo11k Herald 'Dribune is safe quoting. Who is there 1bra;zen enough to accuse the o}d Tribune of being sUJbversi,v e? And thus, by association with a ,primate and mal1tyr of the Roman Catholic Church, a Communist li0kspittle is being groomed for respectaJbility. And this in the name of fighting the totalitarian enemy, by an organization which is financed by American donations, a;nd which is sponsored ,b y well--Omown Americams. Again and again, ,R JFE's psychological warriors do not attack Marxism-eommunism as such but what, with tears of regret, they c01I1de:mn is its "degeneracy." Consequently, the listener-unless he be quite alert--is mduced to fancy that communilsm, with which so many RFE bigwigs: once cooperated, would not be so bad if only it had not "degenerated." RFE Attacks Russian Imperialism but not Communism Fid<filing that tune, RJF])'s "Europe without the Iron Curtain," on March 2, 1952, at 3:45 .p. m., complained a/bout the "degeneration of the old Communist ideaJls." Commenting on the arrest of the Kremlin-serving boss- �SLOVAKIA 27 es Sling, Olementis and 'Slansky, RFE's "Comments on Events of the Day," on February 13, 1952, at 7 :30 p. m., waxed somewihat melanc'hoiic: "They consciously closed their eyes, dreaming about the Communist security of the future . . . they dreamed . . . what was to remain of the ide·a ls once the dream had come to Ml end?... A cynical disdain for Communist ideals ... " K•rurol Bel:aJk-lBerger, the left wing Socialist, in RFE's "Round Table Discussion," on April 12, 1953, at 3 :05 p. m., nostalgically referred to the "millions of idealists and men of good wilJ" who had lbelieved in communism and merely deplored the "methods" that had "failed." Regretfully he mused that "the whole aippeal of communism has evaporated ... " 'I'.he policy of collaboration with the Communists was quite distinotly expressed by the old Socialist comrade, Ferdinand Peroutka, in his '~Sunday Oomments" of April 27, 1952, at 12 :15 p. m., when he answered the attack of the Communist dM'ly, !Rude Pravo, on exil.es such a,s he. '"It a<ecuses us of wor,king for the restoration of capitalism, along with the return of the western powers," stated Peroutka. "All we wish to say in reply to these accusations is this: "There has been a Socialist government in England for six yeam. This government would hardly have forced you, the Czech and Slovak people, to accept capitalism. Today we have a Conservatiive government in EngJand. Yet it has not abolished any of the Labor government's Socialist measures, and it would not do anything of the sort in CzechoslovaJkia. "As to America-she supports T1to. Now even though Tito acc~ts America's /bountiful assistance with open hands, t he United States government has not demanded the denationalization of a single Yugoslav factory. Yes, Tiito never ceased to be a Communist. America says: 'Let everyone do as he pleases.' America says: 'Go ahead and be a Communist if that's what you want. All we ask is that you stop supporting Russian imperialism.' America has no 1ntention �28 SLOVAKIA to force runyone, including Czechoslovaikia, to return to capitalism." iDr. Miloslav Kohak, another widely known one-time. Communist collaborator of the National Front who saved his skin in the nick of time and landed a fat job as cllief (until his replacement recently) of RJFE's "Political Comments on the Siituation at Hlome," on November 25, 1952, at 10:45 a. m., had this to say ,a bout Arthur London: "From ,b eg.inning to end, the indictment against London is preposterous. It is the whoie International Brigade of the Civil War irn Spain which is 'being attacked in his person-another proof of the reactionary attitude now prevailing in the Soviet Uni:on. She no longer wants the support of men who. believe in ideals, ibut only of those who believe in bayonets." On May 8, 1954, at 5 :45 .p. m., in "Stories Written ey Life," a young Communist inmate of a slave labor camp was quoted as follows: "Your Christian concept comes close to the 01riginal Leninist ideology . . . We must wm•k toge-· ther, faithful to the ideas which Lenin has taught us." Dr. Jaros}aiv Stransky, Socialist and an oJd Oommunist collaborator of the Nationa1 Front, said in "Taik with Home," on March 1, 1952, at 9 :30 p. m.: "Denunciation should not play amy .part in ,p olitics . . . Arny honest Communist will join the rest of us in condemning denunciation." Probably the old collaborator still believes that it is possible for Communists to ibe honest. Consequently he had no trouble :i n slipping that one in. The trouble with Radio Free Europe, though, is quite another matter. Squandering miHions of American dollars for the alleged ,purpose of fighting communi:sm, it hires old Communist collaborators who rant about "honest" Communists. "We Call the Communist Party," of February 22, 1952, at 11.45 a. m., went all out in praise of Communist cultural achievements. "Czech Communist literature ha;s brought forth works of outstanding value," RFE's psychological warrior declared. "We enjoy reading Communist authors as much as any others." A curious way of inducing an anti-Communist attitude, to say the least. �29 SLOVAKIA 'Dhe Socialist 'Franta Klatil, in "Political Comments on the Situation at Home," on April 21, 1953, at 11]_ :45 a. m., mused that "Tito has more character ithan his one-time aL lies in Prague . . . iHe secured this independence, and quite thoroug,hly at that." It is quite a common rprocedure foir Radio Free Europe to quote Tito and Red Yugoslavia's press as authorities in both moral and political matters. Holiday trips to Tito's Yugoslavia have ,b ecome a cherished habit o,f RFE's editors. Programs Glorify Revolutionary Workers Another variety of the collectivist ideology which pre~ vails among RFE eclitora is the frequent praise of those enemies o,f the Kremlin who have not been able to toe the party line but 'have otherwise been valuable fighters in the class struggle against the so-called exploiters. Thus, the RFE .script, "We CaU the Communist Party," which was broadcast to Ozechoslov,a kia on March 29, 1955, at 12 :40 p. m., in its glorification of title revolutionary workers of Kronstadt sounds as if it had been wr.itten by the old Lithu~ ani3JI14m.e:rican anarchist Alexander Benkman. "'I1he workers of Kronstadt," it says in that script, "fought so that the soviets may be elected freely and democratically, that their just demands be fulfilled - demands which ,w ere entirely in the spirit of the Oct01ber Revolution. They fought for democrati:c soviets ... " True enough, this broadcas-t; was addressed to Communits, and it might seem reasona,;ble to some to appeal to -Communists in the spirit of genuine communism; but is it likely that hardened trans--Ourtain Communi sts of 1955 believe in appeals in behalf of communi~m when they M"e uttered by those who are hired by Americans? Yet, incredtble though it may appear, that is the line which RFE commentators adopted a:S fate as 1955. Let us choose another example of this folly by quoting Dr. JaroS'la.v tStransky, former minister of the National Front, in his "Commentary on the Political Situation" of April 2, 1955, 9 :50 a. m. In this gem of an "anti-Communist" ,b roa.d~ast, the Communist collaborator of b.ut a few yea.rs ago sang the praise of the "Spartacus Bund," the 1 �30 SLOVAKIA militant group which, following World War I, broke away from Germany's left wing 'Socirulists in order to usher in the Communist ·r evolution. Stransky really waxed lyr-ical over Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg, the .two most prominent and violent ieaders: of early German communism. "The modern 1Spartacus movement," pontificated Stransky in behalf of iRFE's version of freedom, "Karl Liebknecht and !Rosa Luxemburg . . . they were pacifists, the foes of imperi:aiism and militarism . . . they were beaten to death iby the mob . . . theN" articles, their speeches, their lettevs were inspired by a vision of order and beauty for the modem world . . . in every sentence which that undersized, unga.irny Jewess, Luxemburg, wrote, there was humaneness and poesy ... " We are not arguing a:bout the lofty intentions of these two world famous pioneers of the Communist revolution, misguided and unbalanced though they were. We are here questioning the wisdom of Ameri'CMlS who, in the name of the freedom for which Washington and Lincoln lirved and died, hN'e a notorious one-time Communist collaJborator who stiH offers hymns to the cause of the Communist revolution. That Stransky shmdd express such revolutionary feeL ings is obvious; that well-meaning Americans should sponhor such project does ,p rovide food for thought. National Fronts Vaunted In line with this farcically suicidal policy these RFE psychological wrurriors natua-ally still vaunt the very Nationa'l Front which paved the way for the total subjugation of the Czech and 'Slovak people •b y the Communists. These strange refugee policy-maJkers, script-writers and editors still live in that dreary world in which fatal short-~ghtedness delivered their people into. the hands of the ,Krem!lin. Thus, on October 28, 1952, at 10 :05 a. m., these socaned heralds of freedom told the home folks ibeihind the Cua-tain: "There wiH once more ,b e a time when Benes will arise ... " On OctOlber '2/l, 1953, at 4 :35 p. m., they aippealed to "those who remember the pre..,F~bruary (i.e.,. 1945-48) democra~y ... " On January 11, 1953, at 1:1:30 a. m., the Je:ftist ,S ociaiist Belak-iBerger, "in Comments on the Events �SLOVAKIA 31 of the Day," exclaimed: "The real Nationa;l Front (i.e., peaceful ,Socialist-Communist collaborators) today lives in the hearts of the Ozechs and SlovaJks." As if there had not been mass murders all over Czeohoslova;kia ,throughout the existence of the National Front, RFE's "Time, Men, Events" of OctOlbeT 18, 1952, at 10 :15 a. m., told the good ipeople behind the Curtain that "the conditions of 194!5 adually orig.iinated in the will and the wish of ,the majority of the people." New Yovk "Comments of the International Situation," on April 12, 1952, decried the "Communist treason" of February, 1948, 1b y which the last collruborators of the National Front were ex;pelled ,b y the K!remlin's agents. "The Communists," this broadcast said, "seized ,p ower by means of the militia and the police ... Before this time (i.e., before February, 1948, d!uTi'Il!g the entire time of the National Front) the democratic politicians had pro.v ed their .g ood will to cooperate (with the Communi:sts ... However) the democratic politioians (the National Front men and today the RFE men) ·· were removed ... " This is of course true, as all of us know. Yet what sort of democrats are Commumst collaborators who tacitly consent or act1vely connive at the suppressiion and murder of political non-conformists? These Nationa,l ·F ronters, now employed by IRFE, did not discoiver the criminality of their Communist a:IHes when moderates and conservatives were systematical!ly murdered. Only when tihe Communists put the finishing touches on the enslavement of .the Ozec'hoslova!k people by exterminating their own co,Uaborators did these curious freedom fighters b,elatedly decide that the Krem1in's henchmen were afiter all poor champions of liberty. Yet whom do the American ,b osses ·o f Radio F.ree Europe select for speaking to the enslaved people of Ozecho"' slovalkia? Not those \WlO from the beginning refused to compromise with the Communist tyrants. They have preferred to choos:e such National Fronters as Dr. iPetr Zenkl, Dr. Joseph Lettrich, Vaclav Majer, Dr. Ivo Duchacclc, and Dr. Ja,roslav Stransky. The latter has ,b een offered as a weeklv feature attraction. �32 SLOVAKIA Like Alger Hiss, who stiU maintains that Yalta was "a good thing," but that the bad Communists unfortunately broke their ,pledges, these N8Jtiona:l Fronters claim that their colla:borator with the CommunLsbs---the so-called Kosice Program-would have been "a good thing" if only the Communists had not .proved to be treacherous. Instead of at last a:dmitting that the Kosice Program was criminal folly from the outset, they still refer to it as an "ideal." In 1955, when the Communists in Czechoslovakia celebrated the 10th anniversary of the Kosice Program, RFE's "Head and Tail," in a broadcast of April 5, at 8 :15 a. m., declared: "Communist propaganda appeals to democracy, i.e., to the ideals which the Communists have betrayed." On April 7, 1955, at 12 :40 p. m., RFE's "We Call the Communist Party" still praised the Kosice government program, "according to which the Czechoslovalk peo.ple were to elect their representatives in free and secret elections." This whitewashing of the Kosice Program is a deliberate falsehood because only four left wing parties then were handed out licenses by the Communist masters while all anti-Communist parties were declared illegal. The Kersten Committee of the U. S. !House of Representatives ha:s put this sham psychological warfare of RFE in the proper light, by Report No. 8, of December 31, 1954. "Especially the proclamation of the Kosice P.rogram, of April 5, :1,94'5," the Report states on pruge 17, "opened the door for an unobstructed drive on the part of the Communists to seize full power in the country." Policy of Appeasement Let the readers draw their conclusions as they see fit. There is no better way to expose the intrinsic bankruptcy of Radio Free Europe's policy. It is not the fight against communism which these psychological war.rio,rs carry on; they stand for 8Jppeasment amd reconciEation. Thus, of ail ,peo.ple, Konni Zilliacus, the led:t wing Brit~ ish Laborite who has for years been a faithfuil contributor to publi-cations of the Communist ,party, was invited by Radio F.ree Europe to address the Czechosloivak peo,ple. This is what Zilliacus, in broken Czech, beamed over the �SLOVAKIA 33 air waves to the trams-Curtain sJ.a,ves, on April 17, 1953, at 12:40 p. m.: "You would enormously encourage and strengit,hen those in the West who-, for the sake of reconciliatio~, woU!ld l.ike to meet the .Soviet Uni:on and the people's democracies half -w ay if you were to rehabi'liltate those of the Prague trial wiho are ,s till in prison, and clear the memory of those who died or were killed ... " Zilliacurs here did not refer to, any anti-Communist victims. He spoke of .such Communists as the Secretary General of the Ozechoslo.vaik Communist Party, Slansky-Salzmann, who had been subjected to one of -qie interminruble purge triaJs and put to death by his coreligionist, Stefan Rais, then Communist Minister of Justice. No,t am.ti-Communists, but the arch-Communist Sbnsky-Saizmann and his confederates were to be "rehrubilitated" for the sake of " reconciliation" with the Communists. That is the sort of psycho1ogical warfare RJFE has been propagating. In similar vein, ,Milos Vanek, old champion of Red causes, said on Apri,l 12, 1953, at 3 :05 p. m.: " ... as long as the Soviet Union faiis to prove by deeds that she is in earnest in her alleged desire to put an end to the cold war and the hot war, she cannot expect that we may diminish our efforts to liberate all the oppressed peo,ples." One weeik later, on the same "Round Table Discussion" program, again at 3 :05 p. m., Vanek said: "First let the Communists mruke ,p eace with their own people. They ought to resort to peaceful means in their :internal policy, too." We might as weJtl asrk wolves to stop devouring lambs, and hyenas to turn into doves of peace. It is nothing less than RFE's zi1uacus and Vanek expect. It is therefore no exaggeration to state that Radio F,r ee Europe has consistently ad<kessed its broadcasts not to anti-Commu:nists, but to, Communists, Ti,to:i.sts, semi-Communists and pro-Communist Socialists b,e hind the Iron Curtain. This fatal policy has spread apathy among what is left of genuine anti-Communists ,b eyond the Curtain. This is not ,t he inspiring fi.g,ht for freedom; it is the deadly appeasement of the Communist tyranny. Inasmuch as Radio Free Europe is controlled and staffed by socialists, pro-Comm1mists, World Federa:lirsts �SLOVAKIA 34. and other assorted internationalists, we should not be surprised ,t o learn that ineffective and harmful progz,ams, and even broadcasts amounting to, srubotage, have character.i~d its specific ,policies. Particu!larly noteworthy features comprise: 1. The reipetition of lbanalities-"truth- telling." 2. The "People's iProgra.m.." 3. Attacks on petty Communists and prote.ction of Communist bosses. 4. tDefonse of American pro-Communist errors. 5. Broadcasts amounting to saJbotage. 6. The spreading of recognizable and destructive lies. 7. Failure ,t o propagate Gemnan-Czech and GermanPolish reconci'li ation. 8. Occasional advice to, follow Communist suggestions. 9. I.;eininist inoitement to premature revolts. 10. Propa:gation of decadent literature and music. 11. Propagation of internationalism and racial merger. 12. Praise for the New Dea:lera, and criticism of con-· servative Americans. 1 Repetition of Banalities F'or many a year, a disproportionate amount of broadcast time, be it out of ineptness or aotually malicious intent, has ibeen alloted by Radio. Free Europe to the never-ending reiteration of banrulities. We might identify this curious practice as RF1E's special little game of "telling the truth." it goes somewhat ,l ike this: - the Communists call Americans imper.iaJlists; Ame~ rioans are not imperiaUsts. - the Com.mu.rusts claim that they want peace; Communists don't waJILt ,p eace. - the Communists claim that the American economy is !bad; the America1I1. economy is good. Of what avail is the production of sue'h trivialitie.s? Can there be any doubt that the endless repetition of such trite assertions Sipreads boredom and turns away potential listeners? If at least RJFE}'s broadcastevs made a sustained effort to explain why Americans are not imperialists, and why their economy excels that of the collectivists, listeners �SLOVAKIA 35 might be inspired to do, some constructive thinking. The natm-e of RFE's script writers a:nd editors, of course, forbids any such sensilble procedure; for collectivists cannot be expected .to expose the impotence of collectivism. 1In a certain way, RIFE prides itself on beiing "specific" in the stale little game of ".teilling the truth." As an example, the reporter of a broadcast delivered on May 3rd, 1953, ait 8:45 a. m., stated: "In Hungary .t here are obvious supply defficiencies ... Canned food has gone ,b ad ... There is a laok of suga1:> in Bulgaria ... Poland suffers from a shmtage of fish ... " This sort of news, of coll!I'se, is no news behind the Iron Curtain. If t:he economic fai,l,ure of the Soviet re-alm were expl,a ined as the inevitable result of state intervention, listene~ might find it proper to heed such programs. Another part of the quaint little truth-telling game consists of reporting concrete conditions and haippenings from t'he world of the slaive labor camps. Inasmuch as there cannot ,b e any suggestion. regarding the termination of these horrors, the effect of these reports is exactly what the Corrurnmist leaders desire, i. e., to lame the wiU of the people by striking teirror into their hearts. Until May 1, 1954, this sort of aimless and uncoordinated "truth-,teUing" seemed to 1b e RFE's princi,pal task Then--at last-a definite over-all program was announced. Does this mean liberation? Let us look and see. The "Program of the •P eople's Opposi.t ion," proposed on Labor Day, 1954, ait 10 :10 a. m. , and frequently reiterated and referred to, ever since, contained the foUowing ten postulates,: 1. LaJbor unions s'hould belong to their memberis, not the b9sses. The positions of union officials should be elective. 2. There should be less ta1k and more hrurd cash. Hon-est money (sic!) for honest work. 3. The worker should be permitted to choose the type of work he prefers. 4. Overtime should be outlawed. 5. Peasants should be a:llowed to quit the kolkho,z es (i.e. 1 cdllectivies) if they so desire. �36 SLOVAKIA 6. There should be a ceHing on the state's s'hare of agricwltural production. I!'arm oontributioos to the state should be equaliized. 7. The government should wovk for the people, not the politicians. 8. Production should benefit the people, not the state. 9. Emphasis should once more be on the consumer. Small shOil)S, owned and run by little ,people, should be revived, to serve the ,c onsumer. 10. The building industry should be mobiUzed for the benefit of the ,peop'le, instead of the state officials. Some points of this so_,called people's pro,g ram, at first sight, may look impressive. Its cardinal and decisive error derives precisely :firom the inability of its coUectivistic perpetraJtors to recognize the primacy of the enterprise. This program fails to go, to the root of the matter. It does not atfack state control as such. It merely proposes to mitigate and qualify. It is at its core plain socialism. Yet this is the sort of t'hing wihich, in the form of leaflets, is dropped from the trans-Curtain ,s kies by means of the "freedom balloons" which columnists like Drew Pearson have been vaunting for years. This program does not offer any decisive opposition to the tyranny of na;tiona'1ization as such. There is but the indecisive and dU'll suggestion to reform the preSleJilt Communist system, to abolish its excesses, to turn it into some form of Titoism or semi~communism or to return to the socialism of the bankrupt National Front. Instinctively, the Ozechs and Slovaks who hear this socalled ,p eople's program reach for the .lmob and shut it off. They must shrug their shottlders wt the oratorical antics of men .w ho :rant against ta'lking but in their own tum offer little beyond empty talrk. This "Program of the People',s Opposition" is faulty and spurious !because the concept of Rrudio Free Europe is based on a capital error. Radio Free Euro,p e basically main_ tams rthat the threat to the free world comes from Russia as an armed and aggressive power; it obfuscates the fundamental issue of the world~wide Communist conspiracy. In accordance with this leftist line, Radio Free Europe �SLOVAKIA 37 a:bsolutely never refers to, congressional investigations of subversirves in the United States. T.rans-1Curtain listeners M"e completely :unaware of the existence of such men a.IS Jenner, Velde, EaJStland, Walter, Dies, Reece, aJnd Mundt. When the Kerstein committee operated in Munich, in the summer of 1954, RJFE referred to it; but the texts of tes-timonies were edited to suit the over-all ·soft~peda:ling of basic issues. Radio Free Europe acts as if it were set up to preserve the concept of state bureaucracy and iprute:rnali:sm by all avaHa:ble means. Petty Communists Blamed for Party Policy Radio Free Europe acts a:s the quack who peddles curealls for the most nauseating aspects of the Comnmnist di-· sease; iit fails to tackle the roots of communism as such. Thrus it makes much ado about the chicaneries and perversions of petty Communist officiais, but it does not name the real culprits, the wire-,pulilers, the bosses who guide and encourage the brutalities of little village tyrants. Radio ·F ree Europe refers by name to individual Stakhanovites, tractor-drivers, and prison~guards; it disregards the organizers of the hruted Communist drives. lt thus actualily ,protects the pillars of the CommU.111ist society, the calclrlating masterminds who play on the wea;knesses of a confused citizenry and trap therir helpless victims in a net of Comm'll.llist demora1ization and perver,s ion. In "Messia:ges to Those at Home," Radio Free Europe p.hllories the little informers who are known to work for the ,s tate police. A1:most without exception these little fellows are known far and wide as stooges of the Communist masters. Dossiers on these puppets do not add to the knowledge rubout Communist evil-0oers. These dossieI's are largely based on dippings from the press of Communist-controllJ.ed eastern :IDurope. The secret agenrts of the Soviet police, the directors: of the pro.grarrn of terror, are never mentioned. "Messages to Those at Home," on February 29, 1952, at 7 :415 p. m., as an example, said: "Who is the mruster in Nitra? (A tiny Slova!k town-Editor.) Who is the master of whom the Soviet police itself is in fear? It is Sergeant Klike. He is hated, dreaded and mighty. He causes the .pllll- �38 SLOVAKIA ishment of policemen who sometimes haive a hearrt; for the.ix victims.'' Now, who is this monster, Sergeant K1ike? Not any "master" by any means. He is but wellArnoW111 little sergeant of the uniformed poJice ! Again, on June 26, 195,2, at 12 :15 p. m., "Messages to Those at Home" singled out a few Communist women: "Comrades M. PO!korelska, !H. Y anosikova, Kr. Bezakova and M. Dedinlmva," the broadcast addressed itself to these petty Communists, "swine-herds and tractor-drivers, re-· member m time the warnings of today. Tomorrow you may be brought to account for your misdeeds; but tomorrow may be too late for you." "'.Program for Civil and State Servants," on April. 10, 1955, at 8:40 a. m., importantly sounded off: "We call your attention to a dangerous informer. The pensioner Michalek, Kulda Street, Brno, ,persecutes beggars. He chases them from homes and often hands them over to the police. In your own interest, Comrade Michalek, we advise you to stop yoUT dirty work." This sort of broadcasting, declaimed in a lowered, almost comical tone, is suppooed to scare primitive swinehevds and tractor-drivers. The bosses are never named. Radio Flree Europe never criticizes the mistakes or the treason of the past and thus never has to expla;in the real reasons of the Communist successes in the past. In the same way as they conceal systematicaliy a11 real causes of the communization of Czechoslovakia, they conceal also the real causes of Communist advances in other part of the world. Let sleeping dogs lie~that seems to be RFE's guiding inspiration. There is no criticism of Teheran, Yalta, and Potsdam. These conferences, in line with the views of an Alger Hiss, are regavded as joot splendid. If only the bad men of the Kremlin had not betrayed their solemn pledges! "We Teach History," on February 13, 1952, at 6:15 p. m., stated: "The Sov.iet Union broke the Yalta rugreement and betrayed it . . . The ink on the document 'had hardly dried when the Soviet Union made a display of violation and unparalleled cynicism." "Sunday Comments of Ferdinand Peroutka," on April �SLOVAKIA 89 3, 1955, at 12:15 p.m., commented: "When the Yalta ,papers were published, some individuals wanted to reprimand the Democratic leaders foo- lack of cautiousness. But any discussion of some little mistaJkes the Democra;tic leaders may ha'Ve made would merely obscure the ,p rincipal wirong, which has been and remains the systematic deception contrived b,y the Ru€,s ian statesmen. These reaJl,i ties ought to be clear. ly understood by the wor-ld. The Ya!lta conferoo:ce turned into a tragedy, not because of what was agreed upon there, but because the 'Soviet Union failed to honor the agreements." Broadcasts Amounting t.o Sabotage Naturally, if we are decei,v ed regarding om own stu~ pidity, and even betrayal, at Yalta, we are likely to remain unaware of the stupidity and pet.haps even SaJbotage which have characterized a certain type of ~E's refugee programs. Incredible though it may seem, Riadio Free Europe ~against the ,persistent pleas and protests of refugees firom behind the Iron Ourtain - in its Sa,turday programs has offered detailed descriptions of successful flights from the Soviet terror. These ,b roadcasts - have named the locations where the border was passed, and indicated even 1:Jhe person:s who, at the risk of their 'lives, assisted the escapees. There could not have been any better means to alert the Communist police.. The very identities of patriots in eastern Europe were thus disclosed to the Soviet secret police, with the reswlt that any recurrence might be prevented. How self-destructive, at the expense of optimistic American dono,r s, cam. we get? Were the script writevs and editors of these "sensatio:nal" pro,grams really s•o naive that they failed to grasp the sinister consequences of their paradoxical role? Did they reaUy not understand that their disclosures about the specific locations of escape would en~ able the Communist pdlice to plug the last holes in the Coctaj.n? Let us quote from the !broadcast, "I Chose Freedom," of Aprill 25, 1953, 8 :30 a. m. "[ went through Cerna Horka," the refugee interviewee revealed, "walking along the hrigihway. Then I went :ba<ck to tile river bed of Vltaiva, in �40 SLOVAKIA the direction of the Austrian Soviet zone. I approached the Jezuv creek ... across f.rom it there is for:bidden territory. . . . In Frynburg there is a bridge across the riv&, and the road to Vyssi Brod. In St. Thomais there is the headquarters of the ,p atrols. The bridge had ,b een torn doWID.. I made a float from_ an old fence and other wood I gathered. The river is aJbout t_e n meters wide and three meters deep at that spot. (This was said in reply to a question from the broadcaister. - Editor.) I guided the float by means of a pole, and then set foot on the forbidden side. I hid in the bushes anod woods ... On the highway to- St. Thomas I encountered a banbed wire barricade, a,bout three feet high. I found an old laidder in a hut which had been empty ever since the German's left. I broke it in two, put it a;gainst the barricade, climbed, and jumped to the other side. Traversing a distance of a'bout thirty meters, I reached Jezuv creek, which is ·less than a meter wide. I crossed the creek and found myself in the Soviet zone of Austria. "In Austria, I folfowed the highway until I entered a little ho.use below a hill. The Ausitri.ans who occupied this house felt pity for the refugee, and assisted me . They helped me to contact a friend of theirs in Linz who was to get me ,s afely acro,s s a bridge in Linz, on the border of the 1Soviet ·a nd American 2.1ones. That man pro.v ided me with a forged identification card, into which we rubbed some dirt in order to maike the name illeg1ble. I joined a group of girls who passed the sentry at that spot. Nonchalantly, I ,p roduced the forged identity card for the sentry, and without looking back I crossed the bridge. I was in the Western. izone of Austria." Enemy Alerted The Communist enemy couid not have been more brazenly ailerted. Letters of protest against such asinine (if not trea{!herou.s) interviews fl.ooded the expellee press in Munich. Nevertheless, the interviews continued until 1954, by w'hich time a great many of the cracks in the Soviet wall had been revealed to the Russiains, and repaired by them. As late ·as 'May 9, 1954, at 3 :45 p. m ., the "I Chose Freedom" broadcast disclosed the exact details of a flight �SLOVAKIA 41 by express train from Decin, Bohemia, to. Berlin. The in. terviewee described how he had conceailed his presence at the Decin railway stat,ion, how he eluded the attention of the .security agents, aid ,how a "people's po'liceman" at the station in East Berlin 'helped him to escape. As late as Apriil 2, 1955, at 12 :45 p. m., again on the "I Chose Freedom" program, an escapee pictured the detafls of his flight across the above-mentioned bridge in Linz. Can there be any doubt that such interviews. intimidate those behind the Iron Curtain who might be wirlling to cooperate with refugees? Can our friends behind the Iron Curtain maintain erven a shred of confidence in "psyc'hologica1 warriors" who indulge in this sort of give-away? The editor of RFJD's "I Chose Freedom," one Otto Graf, had been editor of the Socialist ,p aper Svet Prace and a well-known CommUJnist collaborator of the National Front. An obscure journalist before War H, he owes hi.s career to his fatal activities in the National Front. Zdenek Fierlinger and Bohumil Lausman, Socialist ministers of the Nationa1l Front, were the pulblishers of Svet Prace, at the time of Graf's editorship. In 1948, on the occasion of the Communist coup in Czechoslovakia, Fierlinger turned out to be a Communist planted in the Sooial Democ.ratic party. Lausman, after his "esca.pe" to the free world, in 1951 worked for a while for Radio Free Europe. Afterward~, he turned out to be a Communist agent and returned to 0zechoslovakia. As editor of the Czechoslovak refugee ,paper, Ce.skoslovenske Noviny, in Ludwigslburg, Gerimany, RFE editor Otto Graf published articles by Lausman. Self-destructive Lies Broadcast It is ha.r d to believe that a man who has ,b een able to function as a newspaper editor is so inept that quite a few of his presumably anti-Communist radio programs in effect equal sabotage of the freedom crusade. That a saboteur of the free world's cause could hardly improve on these refugee programs is evident from their text. An almost equally self-destructive feature of R:ailio Free Europe is the routine broadcasting of transparent lies. �42 SLOVAKIA In a number of pamphlets, including The RFlE Story (p. 14), RFE's psychological warriors proudly admit resorting to lies. Whether lies should be part of our "psycho war" program is 1b oth ethically and practically quite debatable. To brag aJbout one's own lie in print, so that their admission may hie quoted ,b y the enemy, once aga:illl reaches itili.at degree of ingenuousness that in its net results is hardly distinguishaJble fr<Y«..'l saibotage. In addition to all that, many of the fabrications which our RFE brain trusters have th01Ught up are such simon puTe inventions that those for whom they are intended immediately recognize them as such. iFor example, Otto Graf and Vladimir Kucera~Homik, at Christmas, 1954, when maJking programs on the miner's life, made a· report about a great coal mirle catastrophe in Kladno., which a1legdly cost twe:lve lives of miners. This report was invented. We may ibe s,ure that a character like Bohumil Lalli:lman, former chairman of the Ozechoslovak Social Democratic party and afterwards a ,p lain Commrunist agent in Western Germany and Austria, fed RFE such damaging stories, and that some editors believed him. Yet who but one_,time Nation.ail Front colla;borators - RFE's farvorites wou!ld pUJt any trust in LaUSiman anyhow? RFE has made it easy for the Communist to prove RJFE's own mendaoity. Verbatim quotations from RFE's press and radio are all that is :required. T.here is still another lie, even more destructive, which has been produced by the "truth-telling" of Radio Free Europe. It is the number one lie, and concerns the core of the Communist system. There is irrefutable evidence regarding which group is maki:ng communism in the East. This evidence comes from refugees from the East and from various reliable sources. This group is characterized by such · names as Kruglow (or Krugloch), the chief of the Secret Police of the U&SR, Kaganovic, Ehreniburg, Berman, Rakosi_,Rosenkra.Il'Z, etc. In ,aJdd,ition, this group fully and completely constitutes that "invisi'ble government" behind the scenes in �43 SLOVAKIA the East. It is the same group, of course, which also makes the Communist conspiracy in the West. When in 1951 the members of this group (Minister of Justice Stefan Rais, etc.) staged purge tria:ls against other members of .the same group - Slansky-1Sal2'Inann, iReicin, Ka.tiz, etc. - RFE shouted to the world that the entire group was b.eing cruelly persecuted and liquidated in the East. Many samples of suoh programs are availaJble. This greatest and most perverted lie of world communism is !being upheld by RFE even now, and all facts contradfoting it ,a re cut, adjusted or ·s uppressed. Every intellrigent .refugee from the East calils this He the number one .sabotage committed by RFE. An intelligent inv-estigation of FRE as well as of the opinions and the material of the ref.ugees from behind the Iron Curtain would easily bring forth the full truth. 1 Former German Co-Citizens Alienated It is not enough to quote Radio Free Europe to expose its sooia:list and internationalist bias. To point out lost op-, portuni,ties as well as de[iberate omissions permits us to penetrate the confused and hrulf-·hearted mentality of this much~touted and eXipensiive outfit. Perhaps the tbest example of RFE's negativism toward .important objectives of t'he free world is its peculiar attitude towards the Germans. To be sure, on the surface t.he West Ger.man RepubHc and Chance!Hor Adenauer have been officially praised 'b y RFE. Beyond such formalities, IWE has done little to inspire the Czechs and Poles with trust in the Germans. In 1945, the Communists forced the Poles and the C.zec'hs to expel close to fifteen miUion Germans, from their home1and of centUJries. Albout three million of these lost their Hives as they walked through the Iron Ore Mountains, the Sudeten Mountains and the Bohemian Forest or as they were shipped westward in cattle cars which somewhere were left on the traoks. All of the other twelive mililion were r01b1bed of their ,property. Most of them were bea,ten and tortwred. Naturally, the Czechs ,and the Poles fear the venge-· a.nee of their former German co~citizens. Understandrubly, �SLOVAKIA the Communists do, all they can to :keep this fear a1ive among the Poles and the Czechs who are under their domination. It would be the duty of Radio Free Europe to counteract this Communi<st policy by telling the Poles and Czechs a bout the numerous manifestations of good will and the sincere desire for reconciliation on the part of di siplaced Germans living in Western Germany. Radio Free Europe does nothing of the sort. It does not even report the official agreements which expelled Czech statesmen have signed with the German expellees. In summary, R@Es' stand on the highly important expellee prdblem is as foillows: a. It does not even mention the peaceful attitude and program of the German expellees. b. It ridicules exi'led Czechs and Poles who do not hate the Germans. c. It fails ever to refer to the remarkable past achievements of the :G ermans in Czechoslovakia and to examples of German-Czech coopexation. d. It never mentions how the ex,pulsion of the antiCommunist Germans enabled the communization of Czechoslovakia from within. e. It continuaNy harps on the persecutions the Czechs and Poles have suffered under German domination. f. It damns the Germans with faint prai,se, and slyly, in veiled fashion, even incites the Slavs against the Germans. g. By upholding the ex;pulsion of fifteen mililion Germans and defending the Oder-Neisse border, it follows a line of nationality policy which is identical with that of the Communists. 1 Advice to Fellow Communist Suggestions There are many other - apparently often ha:rmless occasions on which RFE's line comcides with what the Communists desire. Why men should be .p aid by Americans to broadcast from expensive stations what our Communist enemies want in the first pl ace is not easy to grasp. Particttlarly ba:ffling examples of American--Soviet co1 �SLOVAKIA 45 incidences ha:ve come from the desk of Milos Vanek, chief · of the Economic Department of the Czechoslovak Desk, RFIE, Munich. Formerly one o.f the most prominent leaders of the 0zech Communist party, Vanek still feels urged to counsel Czechs in harmony with his former confederates. Early in 19'52, Vane'k busied himself forecrusting an immediate inflation, and advising the people to invest their cash in goods, including the expensive products of the Communist gray market. Innumerable programs have carried this message to the Czechs. The broadcast of Ja:nuary 23, 1952, at 6 :45 p. m., admonished the Czechs: "The Communists in Czechoslovakia are about to runloose inflation. Invest all your savings in goods, buy whatever you can, even the e_x1pensive articles on the government market." There was no inflation; but the refugees from the satellite country reported that the Communist government at that time spread exacbly the same rumor of inflation and also adv1sed to spend all savings because it wanted to draw in a:11 "surplus" money without any monetary reform. A year and a half later, when, of a sudden, the new value oif the Czech currency was a:nnounced, neither the Communists in 0zechoslovakia noT Vanek in RIFE had given any wa:rning. When the Communist government asked for shock brigades of voluteers to plant new forests, Vanek enthusia,stically chimed in. "Help to plant new trees," Vanek exhorted the Czechs on the "Economic Program" of May 1, 1953. "The Communist regime," he announced, "will perish, and t'he trees will be for your children." Other programs hawe offered similar a'dvice. •~Prog,ra,m for Women," 0ctob.er 24, 1953, at 1 :45 ,p. m., counseled to sell quality go·ods. to Communist state stores "because the Communist stores are sel'ling the goods to non-Communists, and it is 111ot good to, cheat non-Communists." "Program for Workers," March 23, 1955, 2:10 p. m., suggested that workers as.k foremen for e~tra work becawse it would mean extra money for them -while it would not really help the Communist cause. Along the same line, the old collaiborator, Otto Graf, 1 �46 SLOVAKIA interviewed a fellow by name of Tonda Hornik, who said: "I thus eairned 2,000 crowns extra~it pays not to be lazy." Radio Free Europe, thus, does not urge the satellite slave workers .to relax if not slow down, it spurs them on to work harder - for their Communis t masters. Those in the know were not surprised when "wor.ker" Tonda Hornik, in June, 1955, was exposed as a Communis t agent. One of RFE's editors, Robert Lowkota by name, had gone to the extreme of appealing to the Czech workers not to absent themselves from wor.k; but the protests from refugees who had listened to this monstrosit y w&e so im-,pressive that iRiFE had to back down and, in a broadcast of April 10, 1955, at 12.:45 p. m. ("We Call the Communis t Party"), tried to minimize the importance of Loulkota's aberration. Do these editors who urge the Czech people to fol.Jew suc'h advice have a soft spot in their hearts for the Commwnist~ r are they following the orders of men whose hearts and minds are hard as steel ? On the one hand, Radio Free Europe has urged Czechs to do overtime in factories giving only evasive consolation s, never mentioning how and when liberation could be achieved; on the other, through provocative agitation, it has practically incited them to revolt. Such policy, on the surface, appears contradicto ry. On second thought, we might wonder if all of this confusion is due to ineptness. As long as the Western governmen ts are not prepared to supply .p otential rebels with weapons, no rebellion can succeed. Only people who are unacquaint ed with the nature of communism can hope to overthrow Communis t governments withouit outside assistance. Certainly the present United States governmen t is not inclined to arm potential insurrectio nists. Even if it wanted to, a horde of United Naitions associates would prevent it from going ahead. Why then does Radio Free Europe fail to warn resolutely against revolts at this time? Curiously enough, Lenin favored armed uprisings against his own regime; for nothing exposes more glaringly the staunchest freedom fighters, and nothing offers a more striking opportunity to exterminat e the most stout-heart ed �SLOVAKIA 47 foes of communism. Whatever the reason may be - and it appears most worthwhile to get to the bottom of the situation - Radio Free Europe again and again has played the role of the agent provocateur.Whether or not any sabotage wa:s intended, the policy has actually been of benefit to the Communists. First of all, RFE has pictured the enemy as weak while in reality he is strong. "Life Behind the Iron Curtain," on April 26, 1953, at 8:45 a. m., exclaimed: "There is chaos, uncertainty and fear in the Soviet Union and among its leaders." "Best Article," on April 24, 1953, at 9:05 a. m., stated that "there are rifts within the system," and on April 17 it claimed that "we face the beginning of a dissolution process which affects the entire regime." Few Americans know that the broadcast of RIAS, the American broadcasting station in Berlin, shared in the responsibility for the tragic 1953 rebellion of the Germans in the Soviet zone - a rebellion which led to the arrest and annihila:tion of tens of thousands of our best friends behind the Iron Curtain. Practically no American knows that RFE has sent the same sort of abortive action ,p rograms to the Czechs. On February 8, 1952, at 9:15 p. m., Milos Vanek, on "Economic Program," approvingly spoke of the rise of "armed brigades against their leaders in the Communist party itself." Hopefully he observed that "the signs . . . are already on the horizon." When in Czechoslovakia public demonstrations took place in 1953, Radio Free Europe pictured them in inflammatory scenes. The other programs reflected the same attitudes. On June 21, 1953, at 12 :15 p. m., the perennial "Sunday Comments of Ferdinand Peroutka," referring to the tragic and fatal uprising among the Germans, told the Czechs: "Do you know that tens of thousands of workers there are on the march, shouting 'Ivan, go home? Do you know that everybody there is fed up with the Soviet overlordship, has enough of Soviet exploitation?" �48 SLOVAK IA Again and again, Peroutk a has dicussed prematu re and therefor e suicidal - uprising s in an inflamm atory fashion. For the sake of preservi ng precious friends for a more opportu ne time, we might well have followed the advice of the late Senator Robert A. Taft, who vigorou sly opposed such heedlessness. Propagation of Decadent Literature and Music For the time being, Radio Free Europe might well content itself with building up the morale of those who long for liberatio n from the Commu nist tyrants. There are numerou s straight forward books which take a courage ous stand against any and all undue control by governm ent. These, though, are not the books from which RFE's commentato rs have chosen to quote. No, the cultural fare which they have selected is largely confined to decaden ce in literature, and jazz in the realm of music. The program "Play of the Week" is full of mental confusion and decay. The books which are reviewed and quoted, and which are suppose d to represen t the world of the free, abound in decaden t characte rs, in suicide and perversi on. As to literatur e which is suppose d to represen t eastern Europe, the emphasi s is strongly placed on works of defected collectiv ists, picturin g the horror and the hopeless ness among the satellite nations. The editor of "Book of the Week," on August 3, 1952, at 9:45 a. m., expound ed: "We enable you to become acquain ted with the literatur e which is current in the free world. Take a book by Mannus Ferber, who once was a Commu nist . . . the story in itself is colorless - a tera in the ocean ... there are no ready answers anywhe re .. . " On April 26, 1953, at 9 :45 a. m., "Book of the Week" another typical example - discusse d The Polish present to Giodo: "A mysterio us curse rests on the Jean Mill, by family," the commen tator explaine d. "In vain, Kosta opposes the weight of destiny ... his son-in-la w becomes mentally insane ... his daughte r goes crazy ... the young woman is slowly dying ... the power of fate is the core of the book ... all revolt against it is futile . . . " �SLOVAKIA 49 "Weekly Survey of Culture," of January 4, 1953, at 11 :15 a. m., told of a work of literature that is "full of complexes and inner conflicts . . . " "Film Program," of April 9, 1955, at 2 :20 p. m., reviewed a film directed by Eliza Kazan: " . . . he went to see his mother in the brothel ... he borrowed money from her, even though he despises her, and then he made a good business deal . . . a drama full of instincts, passions, and convulsions, of undertones ... a master work by Kazan ... " This story about a moral and strong father whose wife lives in a brothel was offered by RFE during the Easter holidays. RFE seems to be chockful of split personalities, of people with complexes, of those who are in need of psychiatrists, of people whom we might pity if there were not so little time left and if they were not entrusted with the task of championing our principles of trust in God and our responsibilities as free men. The music offered by RFE, at 10:05 every morning, and at other hours, accords with the confusion, savagery and hopelessness of the literary ,p roducts which these men favor. ,Most of it i:s jruzz in the version of the squieruking dis_ harmonies and noises of primitives, or of complex men who flee from their own souls. The West is rich in music of the highest inspiration. RFE seems not aware of this mighty force in our behalf. The Communist station in Prague does better. The Communists, mindful of national heritage, play Smetana and Dvorak, the great music of the Czech people. They benefit by these magnificent works. But Radio Free Europe broadcasts jazz - alien, uninspiring stuff. Some of the less influential employees on Radio Free Europe have protested against these low and degrading performances. They were told from above to go on producing jazz. Propagation of Internationalism and Racial Merger The general mental and moral climate of Radio Free Europe conveys moods of indecision, wretchedness and vexation. �50 SLOVAKIA Inherentl y most of the ideals which RFE advocates require some sort of super-gov ernment, which means but additional curtailme nt of the liberties which this costly radio network is supposed to champion . On nearly every day, for instance, there is a program which urges the abolition of naturally- grown national culture in favor of the European super-sta te. It is called "Europe Without the Iron Curtain" and it always begins with the slogan: "Europe without the Iron Curtain means the United States of Europe. Yesterda y but Utopia, today the dream of millions, tomorrow reality." The slogan has been formulate d by the widely known internationalis t Karol Belak-Be rger. Paradoxic ally, the Commun ist internatio nalists in the East are smart enough to appeal often to age-old, traditiona l nationalism. Radio Free Europe, which has been presumab ly conceived to fight Commun ist internatio nalism, champion s internatio nalism. "Nearly all Czechs and Slovaks desire the United States of Europe." That is what "The Other Side of the Coin" asserted, on April 5, 1955, at 8 :15 a. m. A free poll or plebiscite among the enslaved Czechs and Slovaks might well disclose a different mood, a different opinion. On June 6, 1952, at 7 :15 p. m., "Europe Without the Iron Curtain" stated: "The world federatio n is a necessity ; but first Europe must be united. The European federatio n is but the beginning ; the United States of the World is the ultimafo aim ... First a European federatio n must be achieved; then we shall be ready for the world federatio n." In accordanc e with this candidly avowed goal, RFE continually disparage s the concept of national sovereign ty, which is dear to the overwhel ming majority of European s. Thus "Commen ts on Events at Home," on April 28, 1953, at 10:45 a. m., slightingl y referred to "the so-called national sovereign ty." "Europe Without the Iron Curtain," on May 5, 1954, at 1:15 p. m., stated: "On the defendan t's .b ank there sits the concept of the national state and its ideological foundation - nationalis m. Frontiers - the straitjack et of the national state - are an anachron ism." �SLOVAKIA 51 The United Nations and UNESCO - a controversial topic among millions of Europeans - are favorites of RFE. "The United Nations gives new hope," said "News," on October 24, 1953, at 1 p. m. "The whole world looks toward the United Nations," said "Who Is Who," on April 22, 1953, at 8:30 a. m. Such statements are daily standard with Radio Free Europe. Ever opposed to nationalism, RFE even objects to national self-determination of the many non-Russian nations inside the Soviet empire. It stands to reason that national self-assertion inside Russia might be a ,p owerful aid to any effort aimed at disintegration of the Soviet Union. Consequently this is opposed by RFE's amazing bleeding hearts. Thus, "Voices of the Western Press," on February 8, 1952, at 8 p. m., quoted: "Russia should not dissolve herself into a number of smaller nations; the nations of the Soviet Union should discontinue their disputes." In its determined opposition to the concept of national heritage, and in harmony with the ideas favored by such American left-wing groups as Americans for Democratic Action, RFE, in programs addressed to the trans-Curtain people, goes so far as to attack the McCarran-Walter Immigration Act. Thus, "Our New York Correspondent Reports," on April 29, 1953, at 10:05 a. m., declared: "The public wants the law to be changed; for the nationality quotas of this law are obsolete . . . The press unanimously demands revision. We hope that the change will be effected." Beyond mere political merger of the nations, Radio Free Europe also campaigns for a merger of races. Thus, for instance, "Europe Without the Iron Curtain," on February 15, 1952, at 6:15 p. m., declared: "Just as Europe, in a way, already represents a nation . . . . there also arises a new nation in the U. S. A. - out of the white, the black, and the yellow races . . . This too will happen in the East of Europe." Along this line, RFE's left-wingers seldom fail to disguise their animosity towards those nations which they regard as particularly nationalistic - against the past Germany, Spain, the Union of South Africa, and the various �52 SLOVAKIA Arab nations. RFE's persistent opposition to the Arab states sometimes reaches comical proportions. An article in itself would be required to document this phase of RFE's internationalism. Praise for New Dealers and Criticism of Conservative Americans In line with its over-all outlook, Radio Free Europe has consistently glorified American New Dealers and has at the same time not refrained from merciless attacks on conservative Americans. In other words, RFE, which should concentrate on psychological warfare against the Communist world con$piracy, has indulged in the hobby of defaming valiant American anti-Communists. No wonder that wideawake Europeans have ever more often asked if RFE is primarily an anti-anti-Communist organization. "Answers to Those at Home," on October 28, 1952, at 10 :05 a. m., proclaimed : "Stevenson was a principal speaker at the celebration for T. G. Masaryk. (Founder and first president of the Czechoslovak republic. - Editor.) Our hope for the future would be rekindled if he were elected President of the United States." On November 4, 1952, at 10:05 a. m., the same program reveled in this choice bit of lyrical effusion: "Adlai Stevenson ... ranks among America's greatest sons, such as Lincoln and F. D. Roosevelt ... He is the very incarnation of America's highest aspirations . . . Within less than a year he rose from obscurity to the pinnacle of American leadership." The record of Radio Free Europe's programs is full of unfavorable remarks about those great Americans who have steadfastly opposed the Communist menace. A flood of vituperation was pou:r;-ed on General Douglas MacArthur upon his dismissal from the Far Eastern scene. His speeches, which have moved the truly anti-Communist refugees from eastern Europe, have been consistently withheld from RFE's programs. It was the same with the great and honorable Senator Robert A. Taft, on the occasion of his campaign for the Republican nomination in 1952. After "Mr. Republican's" �SLOVAKIA 53 defeat at the Chicago Convention, "Our New York Correspondent Reports," on August 7, 1952, at 10:05 a. m., rejoiced: "For Europe it is decisive that the last remainders of isolationism have been removed, and that a sound policy has been carried to victory." Ferdinand Peroutka, in one of his interminable "Sunday Comments," on August 3, 1952, at 12:15 p. m., pontificated: "Taft was the proponent of a policy which can never settle anything, as his adversaries have always pointed out." "Our New York Correspondent Reports," on July 9, 1952, at 8:05 p. m., had this to say: "The opinions of (Herbert) Hoover and (Douglas) MacArthur represent the viewpoint of a minority; these men want to confine themselves to the (exclusive) defense of the American continent. The majority ( of Americans), though, have dimissed this attitude and are conscious of America's global role." "A Program of Novelties," referring to the passing of two famous American journalists Pulitzer and Bert McCormick - on April 3, 1955, at 3 .p. m., called Pulitzer the "son of an Hungarian immigrant, an outstanding American journalist," but criticized Colonel McCormick as a "controversial, reactionary isolationist" who "opposed progress." The Krem'l~n must have been satisfied with that incisive observation. General Impression Created By Radio Free Europe What, then, is the general impression which Radio Free Europe has made, behind the Iron Curtain as well as among the millions of anti-Communists in Western Europe? It is, besides the impression of half-heartedness, indecision, artificiality, and downright clowning. When RFE's broadcasters, directly addressing some poor wretch or some swineherd in some forlorn little hamlet in Slovakia or Bohemia, lower their voices to terrify him, antiCommunist refugees merely laugh. Alas, the farce tastes bitter, because of the lost opportunities, the stupidity, the feeling of treason, and the unsonscionably low moral standard. Next, there is the strong impression of cliche journalism, occupying itseif with superficialities - cars, houses, �54 SLOVAKIA etc. - and largely avoiding verbatim quotations. Instead, they impose their propaganda by means of slogans. Real opinions of the refugees and of the people at home are disregarded by the RFE propaganda. Real anti-Communists are never allowed to get their messages across the Curtain. Real anti-Communists, including the repenting National Fronters, are social outcasts. But the collaborators of the National Front, who even today maintain that the National Front was all right, sit at the big desks and cash their substantial checks, in compensation for their shadow boxing. Then there is the distinct impression of coolness, impersonality and anonymity. Since the well-known anti-Communists of -long standing have been barred from RFEJ, theTe are no names to inspire the listeners. Yes, some men do speak under their own names. These include the left-winger Dr. Joseph Lettrich, the Marxist Vaclav Majer, and such Socialists as Ferdinand Peroutka, Dr. Petr Zenkl and Dr. Jaroslav Stransky. However, these men are known to be weaklings, mere fronts for more powerful personalities. They are recognized to be generally useless; they won't stir the imagination of anyone. As to the known former champions of the Communist causes, trans-Curtain listeners would simply shut off the radio if they knew who was talking to them. Therefore, Milos Vanek now calls himself Pravdomil Basta, and Frantisek Listopad goes by the name of Jan Ctvrtek. Similarly, the leftist Socialist Dr. Miloslav Kohak has become Vitezslav Fram; Otto Graf hides his pro-Communist past under the pseudonym of Franta Tabor, and Karol Belak-Berger has conveniently turned into one Jan Lehota. "Who are these fellows anyhow?" the listeners behind the Curtain must wonder; for they have never heard of them. Naturally, they become suspicious, and their interest sags. Czechs and Slovaks behind the Curtain remember those who never compromised with the Communists. They know that these men are now living in the West - the C:i!echoslovak General of the Army, Lev Prchala, the former Czechoslovak Minister, Dr. Joseph Cerny, and many others, and �SLOVAKIA 55 also some former members of the National Front who in the free West started to denounce it - Dr. Bohdan Chudoba, Dr. Michal Zibrin, or Dr. Helena Kozeluhova, who was expelled in 1946 from the Parliament by the National Front, and the entire younger generation, led by Jiri Havelka, Emil Petrik, etc. The Slovaks have their former Minister, Dr. Ferdinand Durcansky and many others. The listeners behind the Iron Curtain cannot fail to wonder why none of them sends any "messages home" by way of Radio Free Europe. The masterminds of this confusion, whose net results represent sabotage of the anti-Communist fight - are way behind the firing lines in New York City, and in Washington. They, too, shroud themselves in anonymity. 'T he over-all impression, then, is one of cynism and emptiness, artificiality, and insincerity. Who wants to buy apples which are rotten at the core? RFE's Program In conclusion, we must ask: What, then, is the program of Radio Free Europe, or has no program been designed so far? Those behind the Curtain, who have the time to listen at all, would like to know in what way liberation may be achieved, and what specific assistance, beyond mere words, the West might be able to offer. Radio Free Europe has not been able to supply any satisfactory information in respect to this all-important ,problem. Here, however, we cannot help allowing for valid reasons to excuse much of RFE's ineffectualness; for even if RFE were staffed with outright, hard-hitting anti-Communists, it could not ,possibly make any promises which the Western governments, particularly the government of the U. S. A., were not willing to back with power. There is no use in claiming superiority in aircraft or guided missiles if that superiority admittedly does not exist. It is not possible to promise an economic blockade as long as that policy has not been adopted by the American government. Radio Free Europe - or any of the other liberation �56 SLOVAKIA stations - cannot very well offer the severing of diplomati c relations with the Soviet criminals when our own statesmen meet with them at the summit and have lots of smiling pictures :taken for the benefit of the Soviet ieaders. However, if RFE were really (instead of merely in name) an independe nt and private organizat ion, and really staffed with intelligen t and genuine anti-Com munists, it could urge Western governme nts to take stronger steps. Radio Free Europe might demand the creation of military units exclusive ly composed of refugee and e~pellee volunteers. It might demand the ousting of Commun ists from both internatio nal and national organizat ions. It might establish extensive contacts with the undergro und behind the Curtain, instead of causing its discovery and extermin ation by Communi sts. Radio Free Europe might frankly discuss the present difficultie s while at the same time exhorting the Iron Curtain slaves not to lose hope. The trans-Cu rtain ,people who long for liberty might at least be informed about where all of us stand. They should know about a long-rang e .p rogram as well as what can be done at this time. Most importan t of all, Radio Free Europe should become a clear and shining beacon to those who are willing to fight for their liberties. This can only be achieved by throwing out the clowns and confusion ists who want to fight communism with a Socialist "peo1ple',s program. " If Radio Free Europe cannot cleanse itself because it is from top to bottom infested with collectivists, internatio nalists, materialists and decadents , then it would be better to shut it down and replace it with an entirely new organizat ion. Perhaps this great reform cannot be undertak en as long a:s even in the United States the grass roots patriots, who unequivocally believe in God, the Constitut ion and freedom of enterprise , are successfu lly boycotted and ridiculed. Perhaps an effective liberation station can only be establishe d when at last the collectivi st corrupter s of the United States are driven from their entrenche d ,p ositions in America' s public institution s, and her means of communi cation, and her governme nt itself. � SLOVAKIA 17 A CLOSE-UP VIEW OF RADIO FREE EUROPE By Jiri Brada ( From January, February, and March, 1956, issues of "FACTS FORUM," Dallas, Texas) Radio Free Europe, a netwoPk of stations which has been set up in westeim Europe for the purpose of sending anti-Communist broadcasts to the peoples on the other side of the Iron Curtain, is a division of Free Europe Committee, Inc. The latter, a private organization, was founded in 1949 by a group of American citizens, among whom the Hon. Herbert H. Lehman, U. S. Senator from New York, played a prominent role. In 1950, the Free :illurope Committee started its annual fund-raising drive under t'he name of Crusade for Freedom. Most of us, at one time or another, have bee111 exposed to the propaganda of thi,s powerful orgacization, via newspapers, radio, television, freedom cars, and freedom trains, and most of us have read and heard a'bout FEC's muchpublicized freedom balloons. The Free Europe Committee claims that millions of its funds have been contributed by more than twenty-five million American citizens. Many more millions of dollars, though, have 1been donated by corporations, including some of the large foundations. Henry Ford II, whose Ford Foundation through the yeairs has been a heavy contributor, is nationa:l chairman of the Crusade for Freedom. As such he is the ,successor of General Lucius D. Clay. Other ,prominent sponsors of the project include David Sarnoff, Edward R. Murrow, Harold E . Stassen, Walter S. Gifford, Samuel Unger, Geo:rge Barasch, C. B. Tibbets, and Joseph J. Fliesser. Headquarters of the Crusaide is 29 West 157th Street, New York City. C. D. Jackson, in crucial years one of President Ei~ senho.w er's "paiace guard," headed the Free, Europe Committee for a cosiderable length of time. Wh~tney H. Shepardson is its current president. Joseph C. Grew, former U. S. Ambassador to Japan, is Chairman of the Board of the F,r ee Europe Committee. Arthur W. Page is Chairman of the Executive Committee. �18 SLOVAKIA Vice presidents include W. J. C. Eagan, Levering Tyson, Samuel S. Wa.J.ikeT, JT., and :Bernard Yarrow. Jo'hn C. Tra.phagen serves as treasurer, Theodore C. Augustine as secretary and assistant itireasurer, and J. Clay.ton Miller as assistant secretary. On March 15, 1955, Helfuert H. Lang was replaced as Director of Radio Free Europe by W. J. C. Eagan. 'Dhe Board of Directors, besides several of the abo.venamed, is composed of A. A. Berle, David K. :ID. Bruce, Jr. , Frederick R. Dolbeare, Julius Fleischmann, H. B. Miller, Irving S. Olds, George U. 1S huster, Charles M. Spofford, and H. Gregory Thomas. Among additiona:l sponsors of the Free EUTope Comm1ttee we find such nationally known figures as Clarence L. Adcock, Raymond Pace Alexander, Laird Bell, Francis Biddle, Rolbert Woods Bliss, Robert F. Bradford, !Hairry A. Bullis, Cecile B. De Mille, Frank R. Denton, William J. Donovan, Mark 1F . iIDthridge, James A. Farley, Virginia C. Gildersleeve, Charles R.. Hook, Palmer Hoyt, Paul Kesten, Henry ,R, Luce, Joseph V. McKee, Web Maddox, H. B. Miller, tSamuel E. Morison, F.rederiok Osborn, John W. Sibley, Sp)'l'os Skouras, Chairles P. 'Daft, DeWitt Wallace, W. W. Waymac:k, Walter H. Wheeler, Jr., Charles E. Wilson, Mrs. Quincy Wright, and Darryl Zanuck. The 1952 list of national sponsors also featured Jaimes B. Carey, .A:J.ilen W . Dulles, William Green, and Matthew Woll. Besides a sprinkL ing of men who uphold America's tradiitions of limited govVeTrunent and the free market economy, there is :the usual contingent of ancient and ubiquitous New Dealers. Headquarters of ,t he Free Emope Committee is a few stone's throws from <bhrut of the Crusade for Freedom, at 110 West 57th Street, New Yo.rk City. The political and ideological influence of the Free Europe Committee spans continents. No organization in the world exerts more power over the refugees from eastern Europe. lt practicaft:ly maintains a monopoly on placing refugee students in American colleges. It controls the University College at 'S trassbourg, F.rance. Besides the periodical, News from Behind the Iron Curtains, :the Free Europe Commi,t tee has published num- �SLOVAKIA 19 erous booklets and pamphlets Olll communism in eastern Europe. Radio 1Free IDurope, whioh is lo·cated at the Committee's headquarters, 110 West 57th ,S treet, is thus but one, though no doU!bt the most important, department of the Free Em:-ope Committee. While officially a dilVision of a private o,r gani,z ation, Radio Free Em·ope does of course not devise amy arbitrairy policy of its own. It has been conceived as a private a:rnn of the American government's foreign policy and as such reflects the res,pective competence or confusion of Washington. The princ1pal editorial offices of Radio F1ree Europe, while taking their cues from New Yor.k and Washington, are located in Euro.pe, especia!lly in western Germany. European headquarters is at English Gardens (Englisoher Garten) 1, Munich 23, Germany. Riahard J. Condon is European diirector. The largest :broadcasting stations of Radio Free Europe aire located outside of Munich and Frankfurt on the Main. Their principal programs are broadcast in the various languages oif Communist-dominaited peoples, suoh as Czech, Slovaik, Hungarian, Roumanian, Bulgarian, Albanian, and Polish. Influence of Soviet Postwar Policy In order to grasp the policy of these programs, it ~ well worth recalling the Soviet postwar policy in the satellite nations of eastern Europe. For the sa;ke of appearance and eXipediency, no outright Communist governments were set up by the USSR immediately upon the end of World War fil. •I nstead, there arose the so-calied governments of "national fronts" or "people's fronts" or "popular :fironts." Moscow's commissars saw to it that no parities of the real center nor, of course, any of the ,right wing m01Vements were admitted to these fronts; lbut even the non-Communist left wing parties, such as those of the Socialists or Social Democrats, were from the outset largely ied by puppets of the Soviet Union, many of whom had up to then lived in comparative obscurity. Within the course of a few months or years respective- �20 SLOVAKIA ly, these non-.Communisit leftist parties were forged into total tools of the globa.'l Communist conspiracy. Freedom of eleotion, assembly and press weire abolished; trade and industry were nationalized; non-·conformis:ts, by means of the "people's courts," were crushed, and "national committees," virz. soviets, soon dictated and .strangled all !branches of ,public and private iife. 'Dho.ughtful readers may wonder why so many of the Socialist-minded colla,borators were in due time permitted by the Co.m munist authorities to leave their countries. They cannot help being amazed to iearn that it is maiinly these collectivi.stic refugees from the sateilli,te nations whom Radio Free Europe has entrusted with program-.c ontroHing positions. There ,Marxians and sta,tists were 'ballyhooed as "victims" of rS oviet 1persecution, while practically all those who had escaped from the Communists when the Russian armies swept over their countries, i.e., those who at all times had ste·a dfa:stly opposed the Communist menace, were systematicallv excluded from Radi·o Free Europe. Is it possible that a good many of these Socialist twin brothers of the C ommunists were not prevented from reaching our side of the Iron Curtain because on the basis of their ,Marxist past they were likely to confuse and adultcra,te the crusade of the free world? Is it possi,b le that some of them even promised merely to pose as foes of communism, and therefore in r eality continued their collabora-· tion with the Communists, in the guise of foes? At any rate, quite a few of these recent allies, of the Communists are now earning considerable fees firom the funds of the Crusade for Freedom, in payment of their ineffectual and phony ;psychological warfare. Former Red Confederates in Top Jobs The real champions of political and economic freedom , the real opponents of state intervention, the real adversaries o.f materialism, atheism and tyranny were either rejected or ffa-ed by <Radio Free Europe, and are now sitting on the side lines. The men of the Kremlin should indeed be pleased with this curious policy of Radio• 'Free Europe. To be sure, RF1E's •b osses offer us a re ady-made excuse �SLOVAKIA 21 for employing so many former Soviet collruborators in top positions. No one, they aver, is more thoroughly aware of Communist deviousness than 8Jre those who have experienced Communist tactics in practice. However-and this is the crux of the matter-not one of these former confe• derates of the Communists !has come forth !With any .protest against his former ooHa;boration, and none of the former Communists on Rooio Free Europe has come forth with any protest against his former communism. They shun the role of the ,r epentant sinner. They all of a sudden ,p ose as experts of :the democrntic way, a;s pioneers of individual, personal freedom. The Whittaker Chamtbers type is excluded. By no means have aH of these men mere:ly posed ais anti-Communists while in ever so many instances they could not help going soft on the Communist -line. A giroot many, being Socialists, have been so blind with regard to -limited governmental and the free mar,ket economy, and still are such loyal believeil'S in the benefits of Socialist inter,vention, planning and control, that they consistently devise policies which ,p lay into the hands of the Communists by appeasing them. The Polish, Ozechoslo1va;k and Hungarian broadcasting stations of IRadio Free Europe, which equal the power of t he German station in ,M unich, i. e., 50,000 watts, run pro. grams for 20 hours a day. Nume!l'ous short wave stations send broadcasts in the various idioms of eastern Europe t hree or four houirs daily. It is claimed that 29 RF:Ei statjons are now functioning. The Czechoslovak station near Munich is as strong as that of Munich or that of the American Forces network, in that city. In operation since May 1, 1951, it covers political commentaries; daily commentaries; the international situat ion (transmitted from New York offices); programs for workers, peasants, women, young ,people, and children; economics; history; music; entertainment, etc. , and news every hour on the hour. Source Material Far Left of Center The over-all ideology of these prog1rams is largely determined by former members of the Czechoslovak National �22 SLOVcAKIIA Front, i.e., one-time Co,. nrpu:ni.3t colla,borator.s. From time to time, these men ireceive written instructions of specific subjects :from the New Yovk offices where left..,wingers set the tone Dr. Mar.tin Kvetko and Dr. Julius First, :known and prominent former pro-Oommunists, instruct alll editors at regular meetings. Carefully selected boo.ks on communism, clippings from such American publications ·a s The New York Times, The New York Hierald T.rilbune, T.iine, Life, ~tc., items from the press of AmerJcan la;bor unions, material from Communist paipers on bo:th sides of the Curtain, and monitored terts of the Czechoslova;k Communist radio represent the source materiaJl f.rom which the script writers draw. Theire are also special "intelligence" reports. Straight conservative papers and magazines are ta;boo at Radio Free Em:rope. Script writera know how to toe the line. They know that they might as welJ -look for another job if they dare use_materiail or ideas from the Ohicago Triibune or such of Oll!I' magazines :as American !Mercury, American Legion Maga•zine, Ohristian Economics, HUiIIlan Events, National Review and National Repulblic. To summarize - iRJmE progtrams are shl!,POO- according to the dM"ectives of (a) :the American bosses and (b) the hired leftist National Fronters from eastern Europe. The ran!k and file Socialist or o:therwise• leftist editors are either unintelligent or servile or both, and grind out their chores in accordance with their o.rders. AoturuNy, tRill1E policies vary only in degree, !but not in sulbstance,. :f.rom other psychological warfare .s tations of the free world. These inolude Radio Free Asia, strution RIAS in Berlin, Radio Llberation - a private Amer.ican station which broadcasts to IPOOPles inside the USSR - and of course the Voice of America. None of them ,t akes a consistent stand againsit the iphilosophy of g01Vernment intervention a;nd government control, none of them - except for occasional and half-ilieaTted Hp servJce- champions freedom of enterprise. No wonder that so far our psychological warfare has failed. In order to document for American readers WlhaA: sort of ideas aTe being tTansmitted to the fron Curtain world �SLOVAKIA 23 iby their expensive ly staffed freed.om stations, I have for some years gathered from RFE Czec'hoslov.alk programs a substantia :l coNection of radio scTipbs and tape recording s, from which I sha;ll quote in the followh]-g. If any Sllogan may be offered to character ize the genera:! tenor of all too many programs , let us quote whait a well-know n American a·p ologist for the Soviet causes has said in the process of the Far Eastern debacle: "Let them fall, ;b ut do not let it appear that we pushed them." Propagation of Socialism May 1, 1953, 3 :15 ip. m . : "The Socialist youth of the whole world sends its greetings to the youth of Czechoslovakia. We assuTe you that we s hall reach the aim ... the day, when we will be alble to join you in democrac y in the fig,ht for socialism , social justice and freed.om. " At the end of the program the International was played. (The International is the rallying song of world communi sm.) May 3, 1953, 1,2 :15 p. m.: Ferdinan d Peroutka , chief of R~'s Czechoslova!k desk in New York, a weH-known Soci'alist rund one-•t ime .prominen t member of the pro-Comu munist National •ffiront, in his "Sunday Comment s of Ferdinand Peroutka ": "Eisenho wer's program, on .t:he other hand, even though America's factories have not been nati01I1ali2:ed, stands for the concept of world socialism . TheTe is no better way to desoribe it. This is sociaJism . . . The aim of 1:Jhe program outlined by tile President of the United States is to socialize -life." 1 May 1, 1954, 2 :'50 p. m.: "Today, on May 1st, we convey our g,reetings to aN those who are dedicated to the faith in democrat ic socialism ." (To Commun ist-domin ated countries May 1st is synonym ous with America' s July 4th, and the term "Democra tic Socialism " is a Commun ist term used in May Day speeches to descTilbe Commun ist ideology. ) May 4, 1954, 2:10 p. m.: "Program for WorkeTs: "Leon Jouhaux - a g,reat man, descende d from a famNy in which revoltitio nism has been a tradition . His father partidpaJ ted in the revo.1t of the Paris Commun e . . . a born revolution ary ... " GANS.ER LIBRARY MILLERS VILLE STATE COLLEGE �24 SLOV!AKIA May 5, 1954, 2:10 p. m.: "Leon Jouhaux - a great revolutionary, a great rre:fo1rmeT ... " March 23, 1'955, 12:40 p. m. Program, "We Call the Communist Party": "The present order (in eastern Europe) r:ierely serves to continue the dictatorship . . . this jungle which falsely is fabeiled as legitimaJte socia.lism." March 23, 2:20 p. m. Dr. Jan Hajek, on program, "Living Science - Discussion with Young People," said : "Socia1ism has 1become adult. Socialist thinkers are no longer irresponsible radicals. The fundamenta!l problem of modern socialism is man's relation to the state. "The modern socialist rejects both extremes - laissez faire and state control. He is aware of his duties as well as his rigihts. "The citizens of the Socialist society must be conscious of their heritage, aind proud of it." Along this line, the Czechoslova:k editors and broadca;sters crurefully avoid repudiating the measures of socializaJtion and communrzation wbich their own National Front had irnstituted in tJhe postwar years, and often go so far a;s to appro;ve of similar Communist measures in satellite Europe. Thus, on October 28, 1952, at 11 :'50 a. m., the broadcaster of "We Cali t he Communist Party," exclaimed: "Seven years ago, .the decrees of the P,r esident of the Republic ibrought forth the nationalization of industry. In this way Czechoslovakia set out on her way of democraJtic independence.'' So.oialist Policies Defended T.hese ipsychological warriors of the RFE thus still don't realize tha,t it was a crime to cooperate with the Communists, or if they do, :they don't admit it. There is never any hint that the 1Socialist po'licies of the National Front as such have iJ.ed to disaster, no inkling that socialism, because it infringes upon the rights of the individual, leads to communism. Therefo,re, these so-called freedom ,broadcasters ne;ver ,p oint out that the misery of the :p eople in eastern Europe -largely deri;ves from Socialist meddling with the affairs of :the people ; they blame it all on \Soviet exploitation, armaments, emphasis on heavy industry, and that sort of thing. �SLOVAKIA 25 Yes, ,t hey have mentioned the "forced Communist eco-• nomy." What they mean by it may be seen from "Lnternationa1 Commentary from New York," in its :broadca,st April 18, 1953, at 6 :05 p. m. The broadcaster explained that "this mearus in Czechoslovakia bhe return of the fo,r mer export policy, ,t he return to the production of quality arrticies. To put an end to this over-emphasis, on heavy industry must be the goal of our new democratic way." · That is all. No, reference to libeTation from the Socialist bureauaracy, from Socialist oppression. Just a shift from armaments to quality ,p roducts. Nothing more. Feroinamd Peroutka, in his broadca;st of 'Sunday, April 27, 1952, at 12 :15 p. m., declared: "The Communists lie when they tell you that we want to ;restore caipitalism, that we intend to ,r eturn to the proprietors the property which has been ta1ken from them some time ago . . . I repeat: the program ,o f the Czechoslova•k exiles is not capitalism and the return to 1938. Nor do we wish to hand baok the mines and foundries to their former owners. All we care for is thaJt the Communist government, which means dependence on Russia, disappears." It might be argued that an occasional ,p rogram of this sort migiht have its place in the o.ver-all setup 1because, after all, there still are oM 'Socialists in Czechoslovalkia who have no use for the Communists. Yet isn't it strange that while there are programs for workeirs, peaJSants and Communists, there are none £or businessmen? Sometimes they talk about free competition, but often it is but the competitiion of collectively owned factories amongst themselves. The terminology of their broadcasts is af the Socialist variety, including the trite ranting against "Capitalists" and "reactionaries". I now shail ,proceed to offer documentary evidence to show that Radio •F ree Europe also aids, and sometimes even propagates, Titoism and communism, and frequently extols Communist leaders. Milos Vanek, one-.time big wheel in the Commun1st party of Czechoslovakia, and now chief of the economics department of RFE's Czechoslovak desk, said on November 21. 1952. at 11.30 a. m.: "Marx. Engels. Trotsky-for them 1 �26 SLOVAKIA Marxism was the ,s ubstitute for the Western revoilution of human rights." The co:mmentaJtor of "Weekly Survey of the Ame:rican Press," on April 12, 1953, art; 8 :30 a. m., said: "The New York Herald Trilbune is of the opinion that the trial of Mindszenty, the HungM'ian cardin.a;l, as wehl as the trial of Slansky and similar crimes in other Communist countries, ought to ,be remembered ... " Possibly, if not proba,bly, tt was one of the numerous left-wingers on the staff of the Tribune who plamed this cOITU!pting little seed of associating the fearless anti-Comm'l.llllist cairdinal with that old Marxian wheel'horse and Kremlin errand iboy, Slans.ky..Salzmann, who stood as solidly for the Leninist-iStalinist program as any Communist who happened to get purged in some intra..party feud. Sure enough, if the Tribune man did not give a ring to his pal at the CzechosloV'aik desk in New York's RFE heaidquarters, the latter did not fail to picik up that choke tidlbit. After all, any "opinion" of the stai:d and ·p resumably coruserva,tive New Yo11k Herald 'Dribune is safe quoting. Who is there 1bra;zen enough to accuse the o}d Tribune of being sUJbversi,v e? And thus, by association with a ,primate and mal1tyr of the Roman Catholic Church, a Communist li0kspittle is being groomed for respectaJbility. And this in the name of fighting the totalitarian enemy, by an organization which is financed by American donations, a;nd which is sponsored ,b y well--Omown Americams. Again and again, ,R JFE's psychological warriors do not attack Marxism-eommunism as such but what, with tears of regret, they c01I1de:mn is its "degeneracy." Consequently, the listener-unless he be quite alert--is mduced to fancy that communilsm, with which so many RFE bigwigs: once cooperated, would not be so bad if only it had not "degenerated." RFE Attacks Russian Imperialism but not Communism Fid<filing that tune, RJF])'s "Europe without the Iron Curtain," on March 2, 1952, at 3:45 .p. m., complained a/bout the "degeneration of the old Communist ideaJls." Commenting on the arrest of the Kremlin-serving boss- �SLOVAKIA 27 es Sling, Olementis and 'Slansky, RFE's "Comments on Events of the Day," on February 13, 1952, at 7 :30 p. m., waxed somewihat melanc'hoiic: "They consciously closed their eyes, dreaming about the Communist security of the future . . . they dreamed . . . what was to remain of the ide·a ls once the dream had come to Ml end?... A cynical disdain for Communist ideals ... " K•rurol Bel:aJk-lBerger, the left wing Socialist, in RFE's "Round Table Discussion," on April 12, 1953, at 3 :05 p. m., nostalgically referred to the "millions of idealists and men of good wilJ" who had lbelieved in communism and merely deplored the "methods" that had "failed." Regretfully he mused that "the whole aippeal of communism has evaporated ... " 'I'.he policy of collaboration with the Communists was quite distinotly expressed by the old Socialist comrade, Ferdinand Peroutka, in his '~Sunday Oomments" of April 27, 1952, at 12 :15 p. m., when he answered the attack of the Communist dM'ly, !Rude Pravo, on exil.es such a,s he. '"It a<ecuses us of wor,king for the restoration of capitalism, along with the return of the western powers," stated Peroutka. "All we wish to say in reply to these accusations is this: "There has been a Socialist government in England for six yeam. This government would hardly have forced you, the Czech and Slovak people, to accept capitalism. Today we have a Conservatiive government in EngJand. Yet it has not abolished any of the Labor government's Socialist measures, and it would not do anything of the sort in CzechoslovaJkia. "As to America-she supports T1to. Now even though Tito acc~ts America's /bountiful assistance with open hands, t he United States government has not demanded the denationalization of a single Yugoslav factory. Yes, Tiito never ceased to be a Communist. America says: 'Let everyone do as he pleases.' America says: 'Go ahead and be a Communist if that's what you want. All we ask is that you stop supporting Russian imperialism.' America has no 1ntention �28 SLOVAKIA to force runyone, including Czechoslovaikia, to return to capitalism." iDr. Miloslav Kohak, another widely known one-time. Communist collaborator of the National Front who saved his skin in the nick of time and landed a fat job as cllief (until his replacement recently) of RJFE's "Political Comments on the Siituation at Hlome," on November 25, 1952, at 10:45 a. m., had this to say ,a bout Arthur London: "From ,b eg.inning to end, the indictment against London is preposterous. It is the whoie International Brigade of the Civil War irn Spain which is 'being attacked in his person-another proof of the reactionary attitude now prevailing in the Soviet Uni:on. She no longer wants the support of men who. believe in ideals, ibut only of those who believe in bayonets." On May 8, 1954, at 5 :45 .p. m., in "Stories Written ey Life," a young Communist inmate of a slave labor camp was quoted as follows: "Your Christian concept comes close to the 01riginal Leninist ideology . . . We must wm•k toge-· ther, faithful to the ideas which Lenin has taught us." Dr. Jaros}aiv Stransky, Socialist and an oJd Oommunist collaborator of the Nationa1 Front, said in "Taik with Home," on March 1, 1952, at 9 :30 p. m.: "Denunciation should not play amy .part in ,p olitics . . . Arny honest Communist will join the rest of us in condemning denunciation." Probably the old collaborator still believes that it is possible for Communists to ibe honest. Consequently he had no trouble :i n slipping that one in. The trouble with Radio Free Europe, though, is quite another matter. Squandering miHions of American dollars for the alleged ,purpose of fighting communi:sm, it hires old Communist collaborators who rant about "honest" Communists. "We Call the Communist Party," of February 22, 1952, at 11.45 a. m., went all out in praise of Communist cultural achievements. "Czech Communist literature ha;s brought forth works of outstanding value," RFE's psychological warrior declared. "We enjoy reading Communist authors as much as any others." A curious way of inducing an anti-Communist attitude, to say the least. �29 SLOVAKIA 'Dhe Socialist 'Franta Klatil, in "Political Comments on the Situation at Home," on April 21, 1953, at 11]_ :45 a. m., mused that "Tito has more character ithan his one-time aL lies in Prague . . . iHe secured this independence, and quite thoroug,hly at that." It is quite a common rprocedure foir Radio Free Europe to quote Tito and Red Yugoslavia's press as authorities in both moral and political matters. Holiday trips to Tito's Yugoslavia have ,b ecome a cherished habit o,f RFE's editors. Programs Glorify Revolutionary Workers Another variety of the collectivist ideology which pre~ vails among RFE eclitora is the frequent praise of those enemies o,f the Kremlin who have not been able to toe the party line but 'have otherwise been valuable fighters in the class struggle against the so-called exploiters. Thus, the RFE .script, "We CaU the Communist Party," which was broadcast to Ozechoslov,a kia on March 29, 1955, at 12 :40 p. m., in its glorification of title revolutionary workers of Kronstadt sounds as if it had been wr.itten by the old Lithu~ ani3JI14m.e:rican anarchist Alexander Benkman. "'I1he workers of Kronstadt," it says in that script, "fought so that the soviets may be elected freely and democratically, that their just demands be fulfilled - demands which ,w ere entirely in the spirit of the Oct01ber Revolution. They fought for democrati:c soviets ... " True enough, this broadcas-t; was addressed to Communits, and it might seem reasona,;ble to some to appeal to -Communists in the spirit of genuine communism; but is it likely that hardened trans--Ourtain Communi sts of 1955 believe in appeals in behalf of communi~m when they M"e uttered by those who are hired by Americans? Yet, incredtble though it may appear, that is the line which RFE commentators adopted a:S fate as 1955. Let us choose another example of this folly by quoting Dr. JaroS'la.v tStransky, former minister of the National Front, in his "Commentary on the Political Situation" of April 2, 1955, 9 :50 a. m. In this gem of an "anti-Communist" ,b roa.d~ast, the Communist collaborator of b.ut a few yea.rs ago sang the praise of the "Spartacus Bund," the 1 �30 SLOVAKIA militant group which, following World War I, broke away from Germany's left wing 'Socirulists in order to usher in the Communist ·r evolution. Stransky really waxed lyr-ical over Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg, the .two most prominent and violent ieaders: of early German communism. "The modern 1Spartacus movement," pontificated Stransky in behalf of iRFE's version of freedom, "Karl Liebknecht and !Rosa Luxemburg . . . they were pacifists, the foes of imperi:aiism and militarism . . . they were beaten to death iby the mob . . . theN" articles, their speeches, their lettevs were inspired by a vision of order and beauty for the modem world . . . in every sentence which that undersized, unga.irny Jewess, Luxemburg, wrote, there was humaneness and poesy ... " We are not arguing a:bout the lofty intentions of these two world famous pioneers of the Communist revolution, misguided and unbalanced though they were. We are here questioning the wisdom of Ameri'CMlS who, in the name of the freedom for which Washington and Lincoln lirved and died, hN'e a notorious one-time Communist collaJborator who stiH offers hymns to the cause of the Communist revolution. That Stransky shmdd express such revolutionary feeL ings is obvious; that well-meaning Americans should sponhor such project does ,p rovide food for thought. National Fronts Vaunted In line with this farcically suicidal policy these RFE psychological wrurriors natua-ally still vaunt the very Nationa'l Front which paved the way for the total subjugation of the Czech and 'Slovak people •b y the Communists. These strange refugee policy-maJkers, script-writers and editors still live in that dreary world in which fatal short-~ghtedness delivered their people into. the hands of the ,Krem!lin. Thus, on October 28, 1952, at 10 :05 a. m., these socaned heralds of freedom told the home folks ibeihind the Cua-tain: "There wiH once more ,b e a time when Benes will arise ... " On OctOlber '2/l, 1953, at 4 :35 p. m., they aippealed to "those who remember the pre..,F~bruary (i.e.,. 1945-48) democra~y ... " On January 11, 1953, at 1:1:30 a. m., the Je:ftist ,S ociaiist Belak-iBerger, "in Comments on the Events �SLOVAKIA 31 of the Day," exclaimed: "The real Nationa;l Front (i.e., peaceful ,Socialist-Communist collaborators) today lives in the hearts of the Ozechs and SlovaJks." As if there had not been mass murders all over Czeohoslova;kia ,throughout the existence of the National Front, RFE's "Time, Men, Events" of OctOlbeT 18, 1952, at 10 :15 a. m., told the good ipeople behind the Curtain that "the conditions of 194!5 adually orig.iinated in the will and the wish of ,the majority of the people." New Yovk "Comments of the International Situation," on April 12, 1952, decried the "Communist treason" of February, 1948, 1b y which the last collruborators of the National Front were ex;pelled ,b y the K!remlin's agents. "The Communists," this broadcast said, "seized ,p ower by means of the militia and the police ... Before this time (i.e., before February, 1948, d!uTi'Il!g the entire time of the National Front) the democratic politicians had pro.v ed their .g ood will to cooperate (with the Communi:sts ... However) the democratic politioians (the National Front men and today the RFE men) ·· were removed ... " This is of course true, as all of us know. Yet what sort of democrats are Commumst collaborators who tacitly consent or act1vely connive at the suppressiion and murder of political non-conformists? These Nationa,l ·F ronters, now employed by IRFE, did not discoiver the criminality of their Communist a:IHes when moderates and conservatives were systematical!ly murdered. Only when tihe Communists put the finishing touches on the enslavement of .the Ozec'hoslova!k people by exterminating their own co,Uaborators did these curious freedom fighters b,elatedly decide that the Krem1in's henchmen were afiter all poor champions of liberty. Yet whom do the American ,b osses ·o f Radio F.ree Europe select for speaking to the enslaved people of Ozecho"' slovalkia? Not those \WlO from the beginning refused to compromise with the Communist tyrants. They have preferred to choos:e such National Fronters as Dr. iPetr Zenkl, Dr. Joseph Lettrich, Vaclav Majer, Dr. Ivo Duchacclc, and Dr. Ja,roslav Stransky. The latter has ,b een offered as a weeklv feature attraction. �32 SLOVAKIA Like Alger Hiss, who stiU maintains that Yalta was "a good thing," but that the bad Communists unfortunately broke their ,pledges, these N8Jtiona:l Fronters claim that their colla:borator with the CommunLsbs---the so-called Kosice Program-would have been "a good thing" if only the Communists had not .proved to be treacherous. Instead of at last a:dmitting that the Kosice Program was criminal folly from the outset, they still refer to it as an "ideal." In 1955, when the Communists in Czechoslovakia celebrated the 10th anniversary of the Kosice Program, RFE's "Head and Tail," in a broadcast of April 5, at 8 :15 a. m., declared: "Communist propaganda appeals to democracy, i.e., to the ideals which the Communists have betrayed." On April 7, 1955, at 12 :40 p. m., RFE's "We Call the Communist Party" still praised the Kosice government program, "according to which the Czechoslovalk peo.ple were to elect their representatives in free and secret elections." This whitewashing of the Kosice Program is a deliberate falsehood because only four left wing parties then were handed out licenses by the Communist masters while all anti-Communist parties were declared illegal. The Kersten Committee of the U. S. !House of Representatives ha:s put this sham psychological warfare of RFE in the proper light, by Report No. 8, of December 31, 1954. "Especially the proclamation of the Kosice P.rogram, of April 5, :1,94'5," the Report states on pruge 17, "opened the door for an unobstructed drive on the part of the Communists to seize full power in the country." Policy of Appeasement Let the readers draw their conclusions as they see fit. There is no better way to expose the intrinsic bankruptcy of Radio Free Europe's policy. It is not the fight against communism which these psychological war.rio,rs carry on; they stand for 8Jppeasment amd reconciEation. Thus, of ail ,peo.ple, Konni Zilliacus, the led:t wing Brit~ ish Laborite who has for years been a faithfuil contributor to publi-cations of the Communist ,party, was invited by Radio F.ree Europe to address the Czechosloivak peo,ple. This is what Zilliacus, in broken Czech, beamed over the �SLOVAKIA 33 air waves to the trams-Curtain sJ.a,ves, on April 17, 1953, at 12:40 p. m.: "You would enormously encourage and strengit,hen those in the West who-, for the sake of reconciliatio~, woU!ld l.ike to meet the .Soviet Uni:on and the people's democracies half -w ay if you were to rehabi'liltate those of the Prague trial wiho are ,s till in prison, and clear the memory of those who died or were killed ... " Zilliacurs here did not refer to, any anti-Communist victims. He spoke of .such Communists as the Secretary General of the Ozechoslo.vaik Communist Party, Slansky-Salzmann, who had been subjected to one of -qie interminruble purge triaJs and put to death by his coreligionist, Stefan Rais, then Communist Minister of Justice. No,t am.ti-Communists, but the arch-Communist Sbnsky-Saizmann and his confederates were to be "rehrubilitated" for the sake of " reconciliation" with the Communists. That is the sort of psycho1ogical warfare RJFE has been propagating. In similar vein, ,Milos Vanek, old champion of Red causes, said on Apri,l 12, 1953, at 3 :05 p. m.: " ... as long as the Soviet Union faiis to prove by deeds that she is in earnest in her alleged desire to put an end to the cold war and the hot war, she cannot expect that we may diminish our efforts to liberate all the oppressed peo,ples." One weeik later, on the same "Round Table Discussion" program, again at 3 :05 p. m., Vanek said: "First let the Communists mruke ,p eace with their own people. They ought to resort to peaceful means in their :internal policy, too." We might as weJtl asrk wolves to stop devouring lambs, and hyenas to turn into doves of peace. It is nothing less than RFE's zi1uacus and Vanek expect. It is therefore no exaggeration to state that Radio F,r ee Europe has consistently ad<kessed its broadcasts not to anti-Commu:nists, but to, Communists, Ti,to:i.sts, semi-Communists and pro-Communist Socialists b,e hind the Iron Curtain. This fatal policy has spread apathy among what is left of genuine anti-Communists ,b eyond the Curtain. This is not ,t he inspiring fi.g,ht for freedom; it is the deadly appeasement of the Communist tyranny. Inasmuch as Radio Free Europe is controlled and staffed by socialists, pro-Comm1mists, World Federa:lirsts �SLOVAKIA 34. and other assorted internationalists, we should not be surprised ,t o learn that ineffective and harmful progz,ams, and even broadcasts amounting to, srubotage, have character.i~d its specific ,policies. Particu!larly noteworthy features comprise: 1. The reipetition of lbanalities-"truth- telling." 2. The "People's iProgra.m.." 3. Attacks on petty Communists and prote.ction of Communist bosses. 4. tDefonse of American pro-Communist errors. 5. Broadcasts amounting to saJbotage. 6. The spreading of recognizable and destructive lies. 7. Failure ,t o propagate Gemnan-Czech and GermanPolish reconci'li ation. 8. Occasional advice to, follow Communist suggestions. 9. I.;eininist inoitement to premature revolts. 10. Propa:gation of decadent literature and music. 11. Propagation of internationalism and racial merger. 12. Praise for the New Dea:lera, and criticism of con-· servative Americans. 1 Repetition of Banalities F'or many a year, a disproportionate amount of broadcast time, be it out of ineptness or aotually malicious intent, has ibeen alloted by Radio. Free Europe to the never-ending reiteration of banrulities. We might identify this curious practice as RF1E's special little game of "telling the truth." it goes somewhat ,l ike this: - the Communists call Americans imper.iaJlists; Ame~ rioans are not imperiaUsts. - the Com.mu.rusts claim that they want peace; Communists don't waJILt ,p eace. - the Communists claim that the American economy is !bad; the America1I1. economy is good. Of what avail is the production of sue'h trivialitie.s? Can there be any doubt that the endless repetition of such trite assertions Sipreads boredom and turns away potential listeners? If at least RJFE}'s broadcastevs made a sustained effort to explain why Americans are not imperialists, and why their economy excels that of the collectivists, listeners �SLOVAKIA 35 might be inspired to do, some constructive thinking. The natm-e of RFE's script writers a:nd editors, of course, forbids any such sensilble procedure; for collectivists cannot be expected .to expose the impotence of collectivism. 1In a certain way, RIFE prides itself on beiing "specific" in the stale little game of ".teilling the truth." As an example, the reporter of a broadcast delivered on May 3rd, 1953, ait 8:45 a. m., stated: "In Hungary .t here are obvious supply defficiencies ... Canned food has gone ,b ad ... There is a laok of suga1:> in Bulgaria ... Poland suffers from a shmtage of fish ... " This sort of news, of coll!I'se, is no news behind the Iron Curtain. If t:he economic fai,l,ure of the Soviet re-alm were expl,a ined as the inevitable result of state intervention, listene~ might find it proper to heed such programs. Another part of the quaint little truth-telling game consists of reporting concrete conditions and haippenings from t'he world of the slaive labor camps. Inasmuch as there cannot ,b e any suggestion. regarding the termination of these horrors, the effect of these reports is exactly what the Corrurnmist leaders desire, i. e., to lame the wiU of the people by striking teirror into their hearts. Until May 1, 1954, this sort of aimless and uncoordinated "truth-,teUing" seemed to 1b e RFE's princi,pal task Then--at last-a definite over-all program was announced. Does this mean liberation? Let us look and see. The "Program of the •P eople's Opposi.t ion," proposed on Labor Day, 1954, ait 10 :10 a. m. , and frequently reiterated and referred to, ever since, contained the foUowing ten postulates,: 1. LaJbor unions s'hould belong to their memberis, not the b9sses. The positions of union officials should be elective. 2. There should be less ta1k and more hrurd cash. Hon-est money (sic!) for honest work. 3. The worker should be permitted to choose the type of work he prefers. 4. Overtime should be outlawed. 5. Peasants should be a:llowed to quit the kolkho,z es (i.e. 1 cdllectivies) if they so desire. �36 SLOVAKIA 6. There should be a ceHing on the state's s'hare of agricwltural production. I!'arm oontributioos to the state should be equaliized. 7. The government should wovk for the people, not the politicians. 8. Production should benefit the people, not the state. 9. Emphasis should once more be on the consumer. Small shOil)S, owned and run by little ,people, should be revived, to serve the ,c onsumer. 10. The building industry should be mobiUzed for the benefit of the ,peop'le, instead of the state officials. Some points of this so_,called people's pro,g ram, at first sight, may look impressive. Its cardinal and decisive error derives precisely :firom the inability of its coUectivistic perpetraJtors to recognize the primacy of the enterprise. This program fails to go, to the root of the matter. It does not atfack state control as such. It merely proposes to mitigate and qualify. It is at its core plain socialism. Yet this is the sort of t'hing wihich, in the form of leaflets, is dropped from the trans-Curtain ,s kies by means of the "freedom balloons" which columnists like Drew Pearson have been vaunting for years. This program does not offer any decisive opposition to the tyranny of na;tiona'1ization as such. There is but the indecisive and dU'll suggestion to reform the preSleJilt Communist system, to abolish its excesses, to turn it into some form of Titoism or semi~communism or to return to the socialism of the bankrupt National Front. Instinctively, the Ozechs and Slovaks who hear this socalled ,p eople's program reach for the .lmob and shut it off. They must shrug their shottlders wt the oratorical antics of men .w ho :rant against ta'lking but in their own tum offer little beyond empty talrk. This "Program of the People',s Opposition" is faulty and spurious !because the concept of Rrudio Free Europe is based on a capital error. Radio Free Euro,p e basically main_ tams rthat the threat to the free world comes from Russia as an armed and aggressive power; it obfuscates the fundamental issue of the world~wide Communist conspiracy. In accordance with this leftist line, Radio Free Europe �SLOVAKIA 37 a:bsolutely never refers to, congressional investigations of subversirves in the United States. T.rans-1Curtain listeners M"e completely :unaware of the existence of such men a.IS Jenner, Velde, EaJStland, Walter, Dies, Reece, aJnd Mundt. When the Kerstein committee operated in Munich, in the summer of 1954, RJFE referred to it; but the texts of tes-timonies were edited to suit the over-all ·soft~peda:ling of basic issues. Radio Free Europe acts as if it were set up to preserve the concept of state bureaucracy and iprute:rnali:sm by all avaHa:ble means. Petty Communists Blamed for Party Policy Radio Free Europe acts a:s the quack who peddles curealls for the most nauseating aspects of the Comnmnist di-· sease; iit fails to tackle the roots of communism as such. Thrus it makes much ado about the chicaneries and perversions of petty Communist officiais, but it does not name the real culprits, the wire-,pulilers, the bosses who guide and encourage the brutalities of little village tyrants. Radio ·F ree Europe refers by name to individual Stakhanovites, tractor-drivers, and prison~guards; it disregards the organizers of the hruted Communist drives. lt thus actualily ,protects the pillars of the CommU.111ist society, the calclrlating masterminds who play on the wea;knesses of a confused citizenry and trap therir helpless victims in a net of Comm'll.llist demora1ization and perver,s ion. In "Messia:ges to Those at Home," Radio Free Europe p.hllories the little informers who are known to work for the ,s tate police. A1:most without exception these little fellows are known far and wide as stooges of the Communist masters. Dossiers on these puppets do not add to the knowledge rubout Communist evil-0oers. These dossieI's are largely based on dippings from the press of Communist-controllJ.ed eastern :IDurope. The secret agenrts of the Soviet police, the directors: of the pro.grarrn of terror, are never mentioned. "Messages to Those at Home," on February 29, 1952, at 7 :415 p. m., as an example, said: "Who is the mruster in Nitra? (A tiny Slova!k town-Editor.) Who is the master of whom the Soviet police itself is in fear? It is Sergeant Klike. He is hated, dreaded and mighty. He causes the .pllll- �38 SLOVAKIA ishment of policemen who sometimes haive a hearrt; for the.ix victims.'' Now, who is this monster, Sergeant K1ike? Not any "master" by any means. He is but wellArnoW111 little sergeant of the uniformed poJice ! Again, on June 26, 195,2, at 12 :15 p. m., "Messages to Those at Home" singled out a few Communist women: "Comrades M. PO!korelska, !H. Y anosikova, Kr. Bezakova and M. Dedinlmva," the broadcast addressed itself to these petty Communists, "swine-herds and tractor-drivers, re-· member m time the warnings of today. Tomorrow you may be brought to account for your misdeeds; but tomorrow may be too late for you." "'.Program for Civil and State Servants," on April. 10, 1955, at 8:40 a. m., importantly sounded off: "We call your attention to a dangerous informer. The pensioner Michalek, Kulda Street, Brno, ,persecutes beggars. He chases them from homes and often hands them over to the police. In your own interest, Comrade Michalek, we advise you to stop yoUT dirty work." This sort of broadcasting, declaimed in a lowered, almost comical tone, is suppooed to scare primitive swinehevds and tractor-drivers. The bosses are never named. Radio Flree Europe never criticizes the mistakes or the treason of the past and thus never has to expla;in the real reasons of the Communist successes in the past. In the same way as they conceal systematicaliy a11 real causes of the communization of Czechoslovakia, they conceal also the real causes of Communist advances in other part of the world. Let sleeping dogs lie~that seems to be RFE's guiding inspiration. There is no criticism of Teheran, Yalta, and Potsdam. These conferences, in line with the views of an Alger Hiss, are regavded as joot splendid. If only the bad men of the Kremlin had not betrayed their solemn pledges! "We Teach History," on February 13, 1952, at 6:15 p. m., stated: "The Sov.iet Union broke the Yalta rugreement and betrayed it . . . The ink on the document 'had hardly dried when the Soviet Union made a display of violation and unparalleled cynicism." "Sunday Comments of Ferdinand Peroutka," on April �SLOVAKIA 89 3, 1955, at 12:15 p.m., commented: "When the Yalta ,papers were published, some individuals wanted to reprimand the Democratic leaders foo- lack of cautiousness. But any discussion of some little mistaJkes the Democra;tic leaders may ha'Ve made would merely obscure the ,p rincipal wirong, which has been and remains the systematic deception contrived b,y the Ru€,s ian statesmen. These reaJl,i ties ought to be clear. ly understood by the wor-ld. The Ya!lta conferoo:ce turned into a tragedy, not because of what was agreed upon there, but because the 'Soviet Union failed to honor the agreements." Broadcasts Amounting t.o Sabotage Naturally, if we are decei,v ed regarding om own stu~ pidity, and even betrayal, at Yalta, we are likely to remain unaware of the stupidity and pet.haps even SaJbotage which have characterized a certain type of ~E's refugee programs. Incredible though it may seem, Riadio Free Europe ~against the ,persistent pleas and protests of refugees firom behind the Iron Ourtain - in its Sa,turday programs has offered detailed descriptions of successful flights from the Soviet terror. These ,b roadcasts - have named the locations where the border was passed, and indicated even 1:Jhe person:s who, at the risk of their 'lives, assisted the escapees. There could not have been any better means to alert the Communist police.. The very identities of patriots in eastern Europe were thus disclosed to the Soviet secret police, with the reswlt that any recurrence might be prevented. How self-destructive, at the expense of optimistic American dono,r s, cam. we get? Were the script writevs and editors of these "sensatio:nal" pro,grams really s•o naive that they failed to grasp the sinister consequences of their paradoxical role? Did they reaUy not understand that their disclosures about the specific locations of escape would en~ able the Communist pdlice to plug the last holes in the Coctaj.n? Let us quote from the !broadcast, "I Chose Freedom," of Aprill 25, 1953, 8 :30 a. m. "[ went through Cerna Horka," the refugee interviewee revealed, "walking along the hrigihway. Then I went :ba<ck to tile river bed of Vltaiva, in �40 SLOVAKIA the direction of the Austrian Soviet zone. I approached the Jezuv creek ... across f.rom it there is for:bidden territory. . . . In Frynburg there is a bridge across the riv&, and the road to Vyssi Brod. In St. Thomais there is the headquarters of the ,p atrols. The bridge had ,b een torn doWID.. I made a float from_ an old fence and other wood I gathered. The river is aJbout t_e n meters wide and three meters deep at that spot. (This was said in reply to a question from the broadcaister. - Editor.) I guided the float by means of a pole, and then set foot on the forbidden side. I hid in the bushes anod woods ... On the highway to- St. Thomas I encountered a banbed wire barricade, a,bout three feet high. I found an old laidder in a hut which had been empty ever since the German's left. I broke it in two, put it a;gainst the barricade, climbed, and jumped to the other side. Traversing a distance of a'bout thirty meters, I reached Jezuv creek, which is ·less than a meter wide. I crossed the creek and found myself in the Soviet zone of Austria. "In Austria, I folfowed the highway until I entered a little ho.use below a hill. The Ausitri.ans who occupied this house felt pity for the refugee, and assisted me . They helped me to contact a friend of theirs in Linz who was to get me ,s afely acro,s s a bridge in Linz, on the border of the 1Soviet ·a nd American 2.1ones. That man pro.v ided me with a forged identification card, into which we rubbed some dirt in order to maike the name illeg1ble. I joined a group of girls who passed the sentry at that spot. Nonchalantly, I ,p roduced the forged identity card for the sentry, and without looking back I crossed the bridge. I was in the Western. izone of Austria." Enemy Alerted The Communist enemy couid not have been more brazenly ailerted. Letters of protest against such asinine (if not trea{!herou.s) interviews fl.ooded the expellee press in Munich. Nevertheless, the interviews continued until 1954, by w'hich time a great many of the cracks in the Soviet wall had been revealed to the Russiains, and repaired by them. As late ·as 'May 9, 1954, at 3 :45 p. m ., the "I Chose Freedom" broadcast disclosed the exact details of a flight �SLOVAKIA 41 by express train from Decin, Bohemia, to. Berlin. The in. terviewee described how he had conceailed his presence at the Decin railway stat,ion, how he eluded the attention of the .security agents, aid ,how a "people's po'liceman" at the station in East Berlin 'helped him to escape. As late as Apriil 2, 1955, at 12 :45 p. m., again on the "I Chose Freedom" program, an escapee pictured the detafls of his flight across the above-mentioned bridge in Linz. Can there be any doubt that such interviews. intimidate those behind the Iron Curtain who might be wirlling to cooperate with refugees? Can our friends behind the Iron Curtain maintain erven a shred of confidence in "psyc'hologica1 warriors" who indulge in this sort of give-away? The editor of RFJD's "I Chose Freedom," one Otto Graf, had been editor of the Socialist ,p aper Svet Prace and a well-known CommUJnist collaborator of the National Front. An obscure journalist before War H, he owes hi.s career to his fatal activities in the National Front. Zdenek Fierlinger and Bohumil Lausman, Socialist ministers of the Nationa1l Front, were the pulblishers of Svet Prace, at the time of Graf's editorship. In 1948, on the occasion of the Communist coup in Czechoslovakia, Fierlinger turned out to be a Communist planted in the Sooial Democ.ratic party. Lausman, after his "esca.pe" to the free world, in 1951 worked for a while for Radio Free Europe. Afterward~, he turned out to be a Communist agent and returned to 0zechoslovakia. As editor of the Czechoslovak refugee ,paper, Ce.skoslovenske Noviny, in Ludwigslburg, Gerimany, RFE editor Otto Graf published articles by Lausman. Self-destructive Lies Broadcast It is ha.r d to believe that a man who has ,b een able to function as a newspaper editor is so inept that quite a few of his presumably anti-Communist radio programs in effect equal sabotage of the freedom crusade. That a saboteur of the free world's cause could hardly improve on these refugee programs is evident from their text. An almost equally self-destructive feature of R:ailio Free Europe is the routine broadcasting of transparent lies. �42 SLOVAKIA In a number of pamphlets, including The RFlE Story (p. 14), RFE's psychological warriors proudly admit resorting to lies. Whether lies should be part of our "psycho war" program is 1b oth ethically and practically quite debatable. To brag aJbout one's own lie in print, so that their admission may hie quoted ,b y the enemy, once aga:illl reaches itili.at degree of ingenuousness that in its net results is hardly distinguishaJble fr<Y«..'l saibotage. In addition to all that, many of the fabrications which our RFE brain trusters have th01Ught up are such simon puTe inventions that those for whom they are intended immediately recognize them as such. iFor example, Otto Graf and Vladimir Kucera~Homik, at Christmas, 1954, when maJking programs on the miner's life, made a· report about a great coal mirle catastrophe in Kladno., which a1legdly cost twe:lve lives of miners. This report was invented. We may ibe s,ure that a character like Bohumil Lalli:lman, former chairman of the Ozechoslovak Social Democratic party and afterwards a ,p lain Commrunist agent in Western Germany and Austria, fed RFE such damaging stories, and that some editors believed him. Yet who but one_,time Nation.ail Front colla;borators - RFE's farvorites wou!ld pUJt any trust in LaUSiman anyhow? RFE has made it easy for the Communist to prove RJFE's own mendaoity. Verbatim quotations from RFE's press and radio are all that is :required. T.here is still another lie, even more destructive, which has been produced by the "truth-telling" of Radio Free Europe. It is the number one lie, and concerns the core of the Communist system. There is irrefutable evidence regarding which group is maki:ng communism in the East. This evidence comes from refugees from the East and from various reliable sources. This group is characterized by such · names as Kruglow (or Krugloch), the chief of the Secret Police of the U&SR, Kaganovic, Ehreniburg, Berman, Rakosi_,Rosenkra.Il'Z, etc. In ,aJdd,ition, this group fully and completely constitutes that "invisi'ble government" behind the scenes in �43 SLOVAKIA the East. It is the same group, of course, which also makes the Communist conspiracy in the West. When in 1951 the members of this group (Minister of Justice Stefan Rais, etc.) staged purge tria:ls against other members of .the same group - Slansky-1Sal2'Inann, iReicin, Ka.tiz, etc. - RFE shouted to the world that the entire group was b.eing cruelly persecuted and liquidated in the East. Many samples of suoh programs are availaJble. This greatest and most perverted lie of world communism is !being upheld by RFE even now, and all facts contradfoting it ,a re cut, adjusted or ·s uppressed. Every intellrigent .refugee from the East calils this He the number one .sabotage committed by RFE. An intelligent inv-estigation of FRE as well as of the opinions and the material of the ref.ugees from behind the Iron Curtain would easily bring forth the full truth. 1 Former German Co-Citizens Alienated It is not enough to quote Radio Free Europe to expose its sooia:list and internationalist bias. To point out lost op-, portuni,ties as well as de[iberate omissions permits us to penetrate the confused and hrulf-·hearted mentality of this much~touted and eXipensiive outfit. Perhaps the tbest example of RFE's negativism toward .important objectives of t'he free world is its peculiar attitude towards the Germans. To be sure, on the surface t.he West Ger.man RepubHc and Chance!Hor Adenauer have been officially praised 'b y RFE. Beyond such formalities, IWE has done little to inspire the Czechs and Poles with trust in the Germans. In 1945, the Communists forced the Poles and the C.zec'hs to expel close to fifteen miUion Germans, from their home1and of centUJries. Albout three million of these lost their Hives as they walked through the Iron Ore Mountains, the Sudeten Mountains and the Bohemian Forest or as they were shipped westward in cattle cars which somewhere were left on the traoks. All of the other twelive mililion were r01b1bed of their ,property. Most of them were bea,ten and tortwred. Naturally, the Czechs ,and the Poles fear the venge-· a.nee of their former German co~citizens. Understandrubly, �SLOVAKIA the Communists do, all they can to :keep this fear a1ive among the Poles and the Czechs who are under their domination. It would be the duty of Radio Free Europe to counteract this Communi<st policy by telling the Poles and Czechs a bout the numerous manifestations of good will and the sincere desire for reconciliation on the part of di siplaced Germans living in Western Germany. Radio Free Europe does nothing of the sort. It does not even report the official agreements which expelled Czech statesmen have signed with the German expellees. In summary, R@Es' stand on the highly important expellee prdblem is as foillows: a. It does not even mention the peaceful attitude and program of the German expellees. b. It ridicules exi'led Czechs and Poles who do not hate the Germans. c. It fails ever to refer to the remarkable past achievements of the :G ermans in Czechoslovakia and to examples of German-Czech coopexation. d. It never mentions how the ex,pulsion of the antiCommunist Germans enabled the communization of Czechoslovakia from within. e. It continuaNy harps on the persecutions the Czechs and Poles have suffered under German domination. f. It damns the Germans with faint prai,se, and slyly, in veiled fashion, even incites the Slavs against the Germans. g. By upholding the ex;pulsion of fifteen mililion Germans and defending the Oder-Neisse border, it follows a line of nationality policy which is identical with that of the Communists. 1 Advice to Fellow Communist Suggestions There are many other - apparently often ha:rmless occasions on which RFE's line comcides with what the Communists desire. Why men should be .p aid by Americans to broadcast from expensive stations what our Communist enemies want in the first pl ace is not easy to grasp. Particttlarly ba:ffling examples of American--Soviet co1 �SLOVAKIA 45 incidences ha:ve come from the desk of Milos Vanek, chief · of the Economic Department of the Czechoslovak Desk, RFIE, Munich. Formerly one o.f the most prominent leaders of the 0zech Communist party, Vanek still feels urged to counsel Czechs in harmony with his former confederates. Early in 19'52, Vane'k busied himself forecrusting an immediate inflation, and advising the people to invest their cash in goods, including the expensive products of the Communist gray market. Innumerable programs have carried this message to the Czechs. The broadcast of Ja:nuary 23, 1952, at 6 :45 p. m., admonished the Czechs: "The Communists in Czechoslovakia are about to runloose inflation. Invest all your savings in goods, buy whatever you can, even the e_x1pensive articles on the government market." There was no inflation; but the refugees from the satellite country reported that the Communist government at that time spread exacbly the same rumor of inflation and also adv1sed to spend all savings because it wanted to draw in a:11 "surplus" money without any monetary reform. A year and a half later, when, of a sudden, the new value oif the Czech currency was a:nnounced, neither the Communists in 0zechoslovakia noT Vanek in RIFE had given any wa:rning. When the Communist government asked for shock brigades of voluteers to plant new forests, Vanek enthusia,stically chimed in. "Help to plant new trees," Vanek exhorted the Czechs on the "Economic Program" of May 1, 1953. "The Communist regime," he announced, "will perish, and t'he trees will be for your children." Other programs hawe offered similar a'dvice. •~Prog,ra,m for Women," 0ctob.er 24, 1953, at 1 :45 ,p. m., counseled to sell quality go·ods. to Communist state stores "because the Communist stores are sel'ling the goods to non-Communists, and it is 111ot good to, cheat non-Communists." "Program for Workers," March 23, 1955, 2:10 p. m., suggested that workers as.k foremen for e~tra work becawse it would mean extra money for them -while it would not really help the Communist cause. Along the same line, the old collaiborator, Otto Graf, 1 �46 SLOVAKIA interviewed a fellow by name of Tonda Hornik, who said: "I thus eairned 2,000 crowns extra~it pays not to be lazy." Radio Free Europe, thus, does not urge the satellite slave workers .to relax if not slow down, it spurs them on to work harder - for their Communis t masters. Those in the know were not surprised when "wor.ker" Tonda Hornik, in June, 1955, was exposed as a Communis t agent. One of RFE's editors, Robert Lowkota by name, had gone to the extreme of appealing to the Czech workers not to absent themselves from wor.k; but the protests from refugees who had listened to this monstrosit y w&e so im-,pressive that iRiFE had to back down and, in a broadcast of April 10, 1955, at 12.:45 p. m. ("We Call the Communis t Party"), tried to minimize the importance of Loulkota's aberration. Do these editors who urge the Czech people to fol.Jew suc'h advice have a soft spot in their hearts for the Commwnist~ r are they following the orders of men whose hearts and minds are hard as steel ? On the one hand, Radio Free Europe has urged Czechs to do overtime in factories giving only evasive consolation s, never mentioning how and when liberation could be achieved; on the other, through provocative agitation, it has practically incited them to revolt. Such policy, on the surface, appears contradicto ry. On second thought, we might wonder if all of this confusion is due to ineptness. As long as the Western governmen ts are not prepared to supply .p otential rebels with weapons, no rebellion can succeed. Only people who are unacquaint ed with the nature of communism can hope to overthrow Communis t governments withouit outside assistance. Certainly the present United States governmen t is not inclined to arm potential insurrectio nists. Even if it wanted to, a horde of United Naitions associates would prevent it from going ahead. Why then does Radio Free Europe fail to warn resolutely against revolts at this time? Curiously enough, Lenin favored armed uprisings against his own regime; for nothing exposes more glaringly the staunchest freedom fighters, and nothing offers a more striking opportunity to exterminat e the most stout-heart ed �SLOVAKIA 47 foes of communism. Whatever the reason may be - and it appears most worthwhile to get to the bottom of the situation - Radio Free Europe again and again has played the role of the agent provocateur.Whether or not any sabotage wa:s intended, the policy has actually been of benefit to the Communists. First of all, RFE has pictured the enemy as weak while in reality he is strong. "Life Behind the Iron Curtain," on April 26, 1953, at 8:45 a. m., exclaimed: "There is chaos, uncertainty and fear in the Soviet Union and among its leaders." "Best Article," on April 24, 1953, at 9:05 a. m., stated that "there are rifts within the system," and on April 17 it claimed that "we face the beginning of a dissolution process which affects the entire regime." Few Americans know that the broadcast of RIAS, the American broadcasting station in Berlin, shared in the responsibility for the tragic 1953 rebellion of the Germans in the Soviet zone - a rebellion which led to the arrest and annihila:tion of tens of thousands of our best friends behind the Iron Curtain. Practically no American knows that RFE has sent the same sort of abortive action ,p rograms to the Czechs. On February 8, 1952, at 9:15 p. m., Milos Vanek, on "Economic Program," approvingly spoke of the rise of "armed brigades against their leaders in the Communist party itself." Hopefully he observed that "the signs . . . are already on the horizon." When in Czechoslovakia public demonstrations took place in 1953, Radio Free Europe pictured them in inflammatory scenes. The other programs reflected the same attitudes. On June 21, 1953, at 12 :15 p. m., the perennial "Sunday Comments of Ferdinand Peroutka," referring to the tragic and fatal uprising among the Germans, told the Czechs: "Do you know that tens of thousands of workers there are on the march, shouting 'Ivan, go home? Do you know that everybody there is fed up with the Soviet overlordship, has enough of Soviet exploitation?" �48 SLOVAK IA Again and again, Peroutk a has dicussed prematu re and therefor e suicidal - uprising s in an inflamm atory fashion. For the sake of preservi ng precious friends for a more opportu ne time, we might well have followed the advice of the late Senator Robert A. Taft, who vigorou sly opposed such heedlessness. Propagation of Decadent Literature and Music For the time being, Radio Free Europe might well content itself with building up the morale of those who long for liberatio n from the Commu nist tyrants. There are numerou s straight forward books which take a courage ous stand against any and all undue control by governm ent. These, though, are not the books from which RFE's commentato rs have chosen to quote. No, the cultural fare which they have selected is largely confined to decaden ce in literature, and jazz in the realm of music. The program "Play of the Week" is full of mental confusion and decay. The books which are reviewed and quoted, and which are suppose d to represen t the world of the free, abound in decaden t characte rs, in suicide and perversi on. As to literatur e which is suppose d to represen t eastern Europe, the emphasi s is strongly placed on works of defected collectiv ists, picturin g the horror and the hopeless ness among the satellite nations. The editor of "Book of the Week," on August 3, 1952, at 9:45 a. m., expound ed: "We enable you to become acquain ted with the literatur e which is current in the free world. Take a book by Mannus Ferber, who once was a Commu nist . . . the story in itself is colorless - a tera in the ocean ... there are no ready answers anywhe re .. . " On April 26, 1953, at 9 :45 a. m., "Book of the Week" another typical example - discusse d The Polish present to Giodo: "A mysterio us curse rests on the Jean Mill, by family," the commen tator explaine d. "In vain, Kosta opposes the weight of destiny ... his son-in-la w becomes mentally insane ... his daughte r goes crazy ... the young woman is slowly dying ... the power of fate is the core of the book ... all revolt against it is futile . . . " �SLOVAKIA 49 "Weekly Survey of Culture," of January 4, 1953, at 11 :15 a. m., told of a work of literature that is "full of complexes and inner conflicts . . . " "Film Program," of April 9, 1955, at 2 :20 p. m., reviewed a film directed by Eliza Kazan: " . . . he went to see his mother in the brothel ... he borrowed money from her, even though he despises her, and then he made a good business deal . . . a drama full of instincts, passions, and convulsions, of undertones ... a master work by Kazan ... " This story about a moral and strong father whose wife lives in a brothel was offered by RFE during the Easter holidays. RFE seems to be chockful of split personalities, of people with complexes, of those who are in need of psychiatrists, of people whom we might pity if there were not so little time left and if they were not entrusted with the task of championing our principles of trust in God and our responsibilities as free men. The music offered by RFE, at 10:05 every morning, and at other hours, accords with the confusion, savagery and hopelessness of the literary ,p roducts which these men favor. ,Most of it i:s jruzz in the version of the squieruking dis_ harmonies and noises of primitives, or of complex men who flee from their own souls. The West is rich in music of the highest inspiration. RFE seems not aware of this mighty force in our behalf. The Communist station in Prague does better. The Communists, mindful of national heritage, play Smetana and Dvorak, the great music of the Czech people. They benefit by these magnificent works. But Radio Free Europe broadcasts jazz - alien, uninspiring stuff. Some of the less influential employees on Radio Free Europe have protested against these low and degrading performances. They were told from above to go on producing jazz. Propagation of Internationalism and Racial Merger The general mental and moral climate of Radio Free Europe conveys moods of indecision, wretchedness and vexation. �50 SLOVAKIA Inherentl y most of the ideals which RFE advocates require some sort of super-gov ernment, which means but additional curtailme nt of the liberties which this costly radio network is supposed to champion . On nearly every day, for instance, there is a program which urges the abolition of naturally- grown national culture in favor of the European super-sta te. It is called "Europe Without the Iron Curtain" and it always begins with the slogan: "Europe without the Iron Curtain means the United States of Europe. Yesterda y but Utopia, today the dream of millions, tomorrow reality." The slogan has been formulate d by the widely known internationalis t Karol Belak-Be rger. Paradoxic ally, the Commun ist internatio nalists in the East are smart enough to appeal often to age-old, traditiona l nationalism. Radio Free Europe, which has been presumab ly conceived to fight Commun ist internatio nalism, champion s internatio nalism. "Nearly all Czechs and Slovaks desire the United States of Europe." That is what "The Other Side of the Coin" asserted, on April 5, 1955, at 8 :15 a. m. A free poll or plebiscite among the enslaved Czechs and Slovaks might well disclose a different mood, a different opinion. On June 6, 1952, at 7 :15 p. m., "Europe Without the Iron Curtain" stated: "The world federatio n is a necessity ; but first Europe must be united. The European federatio n is but the beginning ; the United States of the World is the ultimafo aim ... First a European federatio n must be achieved; then we shall be ready for the world federatio n." In accordanc e with this candidly avowed goal, RFE continually disparage s the concept of national sovereign ty, which is dear to the overwhel ming majority of European s. Thus "Commen ts on Events at Home," on April 28, 1953, at 10:45 a. m., slightingl y referred to "the so-called national sovereign ty." "Europe Without the Iron Curtain," on May 5, 1954, at 1:15 p. m., stated: "On the defendan t's .b ank there sits the concept of the national state and its ideological foundation - nationalis m. Frontiers - the straitjack et of the national state - are an anachron ism." �SLOVAKIA 51 The United Nations and UNESCO - a controversial topic among millions of Europeans - are favorites of RFE. "The United Nations gives new hope," said "News," on October 24, 1953, at 1 p. m. "The whole world looks toward the United Nations," said "Who Is Who," on April 22, 1953, at 8:30 a. m. Such statements are daily standard with Radio Free Europe. Ever opposed to nationalism, RFE even objects to national self-determination of the many non-Russian nations inside the Soviet empire. It stands to reason that national self-assertion inside Russia might be a ,p owerful aid to any effort aimed at disintegration of the Soviet Union. Consequently this is opposed by RFE's amazing bleeding hearts. Thus, "Voices of the Western Press," on February 8, 1952, at 8 p. m., quoted: "Russia should not dissolve herself into a number of smaller nations; the nations of the Soviet Union should discontinue their disputes." In its determined opposition to the concept of national heritage, and in harmony with the ideas favored by such American left-wing groups as Americans for Democratic Action, RFE, in programs addressed to the trans-Curtain people, goes so far as to attack the McCarran-Walter Immigration Act. Thus, "Our New York Correspondent Reports," on April 29, 1953, at 10:05 a. m., declared: "The public wants the law to be changed; for the nationality quotas of this law are obsolete . . . The press unanimously demands revision. We hope that the change will be effected." Beyond mere political merger of the nations, Radio Free Europe also campaigns for a merger of races. Thus, for instance, "Europe Without the Iron Curtain," on February 15, 1952, at 6:15 p. m., declared: "Just as Europe, in a way, already represents a nation . . . . there also arises a new nation in the U. S. A. - out of the white, the black, and the yellow races . . . This too will happen in the East of Europe." Along this line, RFE's left-wingers seldom fail to disguise their animosity towards those nations which they regard as particularly nationalistic - against the past Germany, Spain, the Union of South Africa, and the various �52 SLOVAKIA Arab nations. RFE's persistent opposition to the Arab states sometimes reaches comical proportions. An article in itself would be required to document this phase of RFE's internationalism. Praise for New Dealers and Criticism of Conservative Americans In line with its over-all outlook, Radio Free Europe has consistently glorified American New Dealers and has at the same time not refrained from merciless attacks on conservative Americans. In other words, RFE, which should concentrate on psychological warfare against the Communist world con$piracy, has indulged in the hobby of defaming valiant American anti-Communists. No wonder that wideawake Europeans have ever more often asked if RFE is primarily an anti-anti-Communist organization. "Answers to Those at Home," on October 28, 1952, at 10 :05 a. m., proclaimed : "Stevenson was a principal speaker at the celebration for T. G. Masaryk. (Founder and first president of the Czechoslovak republic. - Editor.) Our hope for the future would be rekindled if he were elected President of the United States." On November 4, 1952, at 10:05 a. m., the same program reveled in this choice bit of lyrical effusion: "Adlai Stevenson ... ranks among America's greatest sons, such as Lincoln and F. D. Roosevelt ... He is the very incarnation of America's highest aspirations . . . Within less than a year he rose from obscurity to the pinnacle of American leadership." The record of Radio Free Europe's programs is full of unfavorable remarks about those great Americans who have steadfastly opposed the Communist menace. A flood of vituperation was pou:r;-ed on General Douglas MacArthur upon his dismissal from the Far Eastern scene. His speeches, which have moved the truly anti-Communist refugees from eastern Europe, have been consistently withheld from RFE's programs. It was the same with the great and honorable Senator Robert A. Taft, on the occasion of his campaign for the Republican nomination in 1952. After "Mr. Republican's" �SLOVAKIA 53 defeat at the Chicago Convention, "Our New York Correspondent Reports," on August 7, 1952, at 10:05 a. m., rejoiced: "For Europe it is decisive that the last remainders of isolationism have been removed, and that a sound policy has been carried to victory." Ferdinand Peroutka, in one of his interminable "Sunday Comments," on August 3, 1952, at 12:15 p. m., pontificated: "Taft was the proponent of a policy which can never settle anything, as his adversaries have always pointed out." "Our New York Correspondent Reports," on July 9, 1952, at 8:05 p. m., had this to say: "The opinions of (Herbert) Hoover and (Douglas) MacArthur represent the viewpoint of a minority; these men want to confine themselves to the (exclusive) defense of the American continent. The majority ( of Americans), though, have dimissed this attitude and are conscious of America's global role." "A Program of Novelties," referring to the passing of two famous American journalists Pulitzer and Bert McCormick - on April 3, 1955, at 3 .p. m., called Pulitzer the "son of an Hungarian immigrant, an outstanding American journalist," but criticized Colonel McCormick as a "controversial, reactionary isolationist" who "opposed progress." The Krem'l~n must have been satisfied with that incisive observation. General Impression Created By Radio Free Europe What, then, is the general impression which Radio Free Europe has made, behind the Iron Curtain as well as among the millions of anti-Communists in Western Europe? It is, besides the impression of half-heartedness, indecision, artificiality, and downright clowning. When RFE's broadcasters, directly addressing some poor wretch or some swineherd in some forlorn little hamlet in Slovakia or Bohemia, lower their voices to terrify him, antiCommunist refugees merely laugh. Alas, the farce tastes bitter, because of the lost opportunities, the stupidity, the feeling of treason, and the unsonscionably low moral standard. Next, there is the strong impression of cliche journalism, occupying itseif with superficialities - cars, houses, �54 SLOVAKIA etc. - and largely avoiding verbatim quotations. Instead, they impose their propaganda by means of slogans. Real opinions of the refugees and of the people at home are disregarded by the RFE propaganda. Real anti-Communists are never allowed to get their messages across the Curtain. Real anti-Communists, including the repenting National Fronters, are social outcasts. But the collaborators of the National Front, who even today maintain that the National Front was all right, sit at the big desks and cash their substantial checks, in compensation for their shadow boxing. Then there is the distinct impression of coolness, impersonality and anonymity. Since the well-known anti-Communists of -long standing have been barred from RFEJ, theTe are no names to inspire the listeners. Yes, some men do speak under their own names. These include the left-winger Dr. Joseph Lettrich, the Marxist Vaclav Majer, and such Socialists as Ferdinand Peroutka, Dr. Petr Zenkl and Dr. Jaroslav Stransky. However, these men are known to be weaklings, mere fronts for more powerful personalities. They are recognized to be generally useless; they won't stir the imagination of anyone. As to the known former champions of the Communist causes, trans-Curtain listeners would simply shut off the radio if they knew who was talking to them. Therefore, Milos Vanek now calls himself Pravdomil Basta, and Frantisek Listopad goes by the name of Jan Ctvrtek. Similarly, the leftist Socialist Dr. Miloslav Kohak has become Vitezslav Fram; Otto Graf hides his pro-Communist past under the pseudonym of Franta Tabor, and Karol Belak-Berger has conveniently turned into one Jan Lehota. "Who are these fellows anyhow?" the listeners behind the Curtain must wonder; for they have never heard of them. Naturally, they become suspicious, and their interest sags. Czechs and Slovaks behind the Curtain remember those who never compromised with the Communists. They know that these men are now living in the West - the C:i!echoslovak General of the Army, Lev Prchala, the former Czechoslovak Minister, Dr. Joseph Cerny, and many others, and �SLOVAKIA 55 also some former members of the National Front who in the free West started to denounce it - Dr. Bohdan Chudoba, Dr. Michal Zibrin, or Dr. Helena Kozeluhova, who was expelled in 1946 from the Parliament by the National Front, and the entire younger generation, led by Jiri Havelka, Emil Petrik, etc. The Slovaks have their former Minister, Dr. Ferdinand Durcansky and many others. The listeners behind the Iron Curtain cannot fail to wonder why none of them sends any "messages home" by way of Radio Free Europe. The masterminds of this confusion, whose net results represent sabotage of the anti-Communist fight - are way behind the firing lines in New York City, and in Washington. They, too, shroud themselves in anonymity. 'T he over-all impression, then, is one of cynism and emptiness, artificiality, and insincerity. Who wants to buy apples which are rotten at the core? RFE's Program In conclusion, we must ask: What, then, is the program of Radio Free Europe, or has no program been designed so far? Those behind the Curtain, who have the time to listen at all, would like to know in what way liberation may be achieved, and what specific assistance, beyond mere words, the West might be able to offer. Radio Free Europe has not been able to supply any satisfactory information in respect to this all-important ,problem. Here, however, we cannot help allowing for valid reasons to excuse much of RFE's ineffectualness; for even if RFE were staffed with outright, hard-hitting anti-Communists, it could not ,possibly make any promises which the Western governments, particularly the government of the U. S. A., were not willing to back with power. There is no use in claiming superiority in aircraft or guided missiles if that superiority admittedly does not exist. It is not possible to promise an economic blockade as long as that policy has not been adopted by the American government. Radio Free Europe - or any of the other liberation �56 SLOVAKIA stations - cannot very well offer the severing of diplomati c relations with the Soviet criminals when our own statesmen meet with them at the summit and have lots of smiling pictures :taken for the benefit of the Soviet ieaders. However, if RFE were really (instead of merely in name) an independe nt and private organizat ion, and really staffed with intelligen t and genuine anti-Com munists, it could urge Western governme nts to take stronger steps. Radio Free Europe might demand the creation of military units exclusive ly composed of refugee and e~pellee volunteers. It might demand the ousting of Commun ists from both internatio nal and national organizat ions. It might establish extensive contacts with the undergro und behind the Curtain, instead of causing its discovery and extermin ation by Communi sts. Radio Free Europe might frankly discuss the present difficultie s while at the same time exhorting the Iron Curtain slaves not to lose hope. The trans-Cu rtain ,people who long for liberty might at least be informed about where all of us stand. They should know about a long-rang e .p rogram as well as what can be done at this time. Most importan t of all, Radio Free Europe should become a clear and shining beacon to those who are willing to fight for their liberties. This can only be achieved by throwing out the clowns and confusion ists who want to fight communism with a Socialist "peo1ple',s program. " If Radio Free Europe cannot cleanse itself because it is from top to bottom infested with collectivists, internatio nalists, materialists and decadents , then it would be better to shut it down and replace it with an entirely new organizat ion. Perhaps this great reform cannot be undertak en as long a:s even in the United States the grass roots patriots, who unequivocally believe in God, the Constitut ion and freedom of enterprise , are successfu lly boycotted and ridiculed. Perhaps an effective liberation station can only be establishe d when at last the collectivi st corrupter s of the United States are driven from their entrenche d ,p ositions in America' s public institution s, and her means of communi cation, and her governme nt itself. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1956, Vol. 6 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 18), March 1956.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 19), June 1956.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 20-21), September-December 1956.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1956 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 17 A CLOSE-UP VIEW OF RADIO FREE EUROPE By Jiri Brada ( From January, February, and March, 1956, issues of "FACTS FORUM," Dallas, Texas) Radio Free Europe, a netwoPk of stations which has been set up in westeim Europe for the purpose of sending anti-Communist broadcasts to the peoples on the other side of the Iron Curtain, is a division of Free Europe Committee, Inc. The latter, a private organization, was founded in 1949 by a group of American citizens, among whom the Hon. Herbert H. Lehman, U. S. Senator from New York, played a prominent role. In 1950, the Free :illurope Committee started its annual fund-raising drive under t'he name of Crusade for Freedom. Most of us, at one time or another, have bee111 exposed to the propaganda of thi,s powerful orgacization, via newspapers, radio, television, freedom cars, and freedom trains, and most of us have read and heard a'bout FEC's muchpublicized freedom balloons. The Free Europe Committee claims that millions of its funds have been contributed by more than twenty-five million American citizens. Many more millions of dollars, though, have 1been donated by corporations, including some of the large foundations. Henry Ford II, whose Ford Foundation through the yeairs has been a heavy contributor, is nationa:l chairman of the Crusade for Freedom. As such he is the ,successor of General Lucius D. Clay. Other ,prominent sponsors of the project include David Sarnoff, Edward R. Murrow, Harold E . Stassen, Walter S. Gifford, Samuel Unger, Geo:rge Barasch, C. B. Tibbets, and Joseph J. Fliesser. Headquarters of the Crusaide is 29 West 157th Street, New York City. C. D. Jackson, in crucial years one of President Ei~ senho.w er's "paiace guard," headed the Free, Europe Committee for a cosiderable length of time. Wh~tney H. Shepardson is its current president. Joseph C. Grew, former U. S. Ambassador to Japan, is Chairman of the Board of the F,r ee Europe Committee. Arthur W. Page is Chairman of the Executive Committee. 18 SLOVAKIA Vice presidents include W. J. C. Eagan, Levering Tyson, Samuel S. Wa.J.ikeT, JT., and :Bernard Yarrow. Jo'hn C. Tra.phagen serves as treasurer, Theodore C. Augustine as secretary and assistant itireasurer, and J. Clay.ton Miller as assistant secretary. On March 15, 1955, Helfuert H. Lang was replaced as Director of Radio Free Europe by W. J. C. Eagan. 'Dhe Board of Directors, besides several of the abo.venamed, is composed of A. A. Berle, David K. :ID. Bruce, Jr. , Frederick R. Dolbeare, Julius Fleischmann, H. B. Miller, Irving S. Olds, George U. 1S huster, Charles M. Spofford, and H. Gregory Thomas. Among additiona:l sponsors of the Free EUTope Comm1ttee we find such nationally known figures as Clarence L. Adcock, Raymond Pace Alexander, Laird Bell, Francis Biddle, Rolbert Woods Bliss, Robert F. Bradford, !Hairry A. Bullis, Cecile B. De Mille, Frank R. Denton, William J. Donovan, Mark 1F . iIDthridge, James A. Farley, Virginia C. Gildersleeve, Charles R.. Hook, Palmer Hoyt, Paul Kesten, Henry ,R, Luce, Joseph V. McKee, Web Maddox, H. B. Miller, tSamuel E. Morison, F.rederiok Osborn, John W. Sibley, Sp)'l'os Skouras, Chairles P. 'Daft, DeWitt Wallace, W. W. Waymac:k, Walter H. Wheeler, Jr., Charles E. Wilson, Mrs. Quincy Wright, and Darryl Zanuck. The 1952 list of national sponsors also featured Jaimes B. Carey, .A:J.ilen W . Dulles, William Green, and Matthew Woll. Besides a sprinkL ing of men who uphold America's tradiitions of limited govVeTrunent and the free market economy, there is :the usual contingent of ancient and ubiquitous New Dealers. Headquarters of ,t he Free Emope Committee is a few stone's throws from <bhrut of the Crusade for Freedom, at 110 West 57th Street, New Yo.rk City. The political and ideological influence of the Free Europe Committee spans continents. No organization in the world exerts more power over the refugees from eastern Europe. lt practicaft:ly maintains a monopoly on placing refugee students in American colleges. It controls the University College at 'S trassbourg, F.rance. Besides the periodical, News from Behind the Iron Curtains, :the Free Europe Commi,t tee has published num- SLOVAKIA 19 erous booklets and pamphlets Olll communism in eastern Europe. Radio 1Free IDurope, whioh is lo·cated at the Committee's headquarters, 110 West 57th ,S treet, is thus but one, though no doU!bt the most important, department of the Free Em:-ope Committee. While officially a dilVision of a private o,r gani,z ation, Radio Free Em·ope does of course not devise amy arbitrairy policy of its own. It has been conceived as a private a:rnn of the American government's foreign policy and as such reflects the res,pective competence or confusion of Washington. The princ1pal editorial offices of Radio F1ree Europe, while taking their cues from New Yor.k and Washington, are located in Euro.pe, especia!lly in western Germany. European headquarters is at English Gardens (Englisoher Garten) 1, Munich 23, Germany. Riahard J. Condon is European diirector. The largest :broadcasting stations of Radio Free Europe aire located outside of Munich and Frankfurt on the Main. Their principal programs are broadcast in the various languages oif Communist-dominaited peoples, suoh as Czech, Slovaik, Hungarian, Roumanian, Bulgarian, Albanian, and Polish. Influence of Soviet Postwar Policy In order to grasp the policy of these programs, it ~ well worth recalling the Soviet postwar policy in the satellite nations of eastern Europe. For the sa;ke of appearance and eXipediency, no outright Communist governments were set up by the USSR immediately upon the end of World War fil. •I nstead, there arose the so-calied governments of "national fronts" or "people's fronts" or "popular :fironts." Moscow's commissars saw to it that no parities of the real center nor, of course, any of the ,right wing m01Vements were admitted to these fronts; lbut even the non-Communist left wing parties, such as those of the Socialists or Social Democrats, were from the outset largely ied by puppets of the Soviet Union, many of whom had up to then lived in comparative obscurity. Within the course of a few months or years respective- 20 SLOVAKIA ly, these non-.Communisit leftist parties were forged into total tools of the globa.'l Communist conspiracy. Freedom of eleotion, assembly and press weire abolished; trade and industry were nationalized; non-·conformis:ts, by means of the "people's courts," were crushed, and "national committees," virz. soviets, soon dictated and .strangled all !branches of ,public and private iife. 'Dho.ughtful readers may wonder why so many of the Socialist-minded colla,borators were in due time permitted by the Co.m munist authorities to leave their countries. They cannot help being amazed to iearn that it is maiinly these collectivi.stic refugees from the sateilli,te nations whom Radio Free Europe has entrusted with program-.c ontroHing positions. There ,Marxians and sta,tists were 'ballyhooed as "victims" of rS oviet 1persecution, while practically all those who had escaped from the Communists when the Russian armies swept over their countries, i.e., those who at all times had ste·a dfa:stly opposed the Communist menace, were systematicallv excluded from Radi·o Free Europe. Is it possible that a good many of these Socialist twin brothers of the C ommunists were not prevented from reaching our side of the Iron Curtain because on the basis of their ,Marxist past they were likely to confuse and adultcra,te the crusade of the free world? Is it possi,b le that some of them even promised merely to pose as foes of communism, and therefore in r eality continued their collabora-· tion with the Communists, in the guise of foes? At any rate, quite a few of these recent allies, of the Communists are now earning considerable fees firom the funds of the Crusade for Freedom, in payment of their ineffectual and phony ;psychological warfare. Former Red Confederates in Top Jobs The real champions of political and economic freedom , the real opponents of state intervention, the real adversaries o.f materialism, atheism and tyranny were either rejected or ffa-ed by <Radio Free Europe, and are now sitting on the side lines. The men of the Kremlin should indeed be pleased with this curious policy of Radio• 'Free Europe. To be sure, RF1E's •b osses offer us a re ady-made excuse SLOVAKIA 21 for employing so many former Soviet collruborators in top positions. No one, they aver, is more thoroughly aware of Communist deviousness than 8Jre those who have experienced Communist tactics in practice. However-and this is the crux of the matter-not one of these former confe• derates of the Communists !has come forth !With any .protest against his former ooHa;boration, and none of the former Communists on Rooio Free Europe has come forth with any protest against his former communism. They shun the role of the ,r epentant sinner. They all of a sudden ,p ose as experts of :the democrntic way, a;s pioneers of individual, personal freedom. The Whittaker Chamtbers type is excluded. By no means have aH of these men mere:ly posed ais anti-Communists while in ever so many instances they could not help going soft on the Communist -line. A giroot many, being Socialists, have been so blind with regard to -limited governmental and the free mar,ket economy, and still are such loyal believeil'S in the benefits of Socialist inter,vention, planning and control, that they consistently devise policies which ,p lay into the hands of the Communists by appeasing them. The Polish, Ozechoslo1va;k and Hungarian broadcasting stations of IRadio Free Europe, which equal the power of t he German station in ,M unich, i. e., 50,000 watts, run pro. grams for 20 hours a day. Nume!l'ous short wave stations send broadcasts in the various idioms of eastern Europe t hree or four houirs daily. It is claimed that 29 RF:Ei statjons are now functioning. The Czechoslovak station near Munich is as strong as that of Munich or that of the American Forces network, in that city. In operation since May 1, 1951, it covers political commentaries; daily commentaries; the international situat ion (transmitted from New York offices); programs for workers, peasants, women, young ,people, and children; economics; history; music; entertainment, etc. , and news every hour on the hour. Source Material Far Left of Center The over-all ideology of these prog1rams is largely determined by former members of the Czechoslovak National 22 SLOVcAKIIA Front, i.e., one-time Co,. nrpu:ni.3t colla,borator.s. From time to time, these men ireceive written instructions of specific subjects :from the New Yovk offices where left..,wingers set the tone Dr. Mar.tin Kvetko and Dr. Julius First, :known and prominent former pro-Oommunists, instruct alll editors at regular meetings. Carefully selected boo.ks on communism, clippings from such American publications ·a s The New York Times, The New York Hierald T.rilbune, T.iine, Life, ~tc., items from the press of AmerJcan la;bor unions, material from Communist paipers on bo:th sides of the Curtain, and monitored terts of the Czechoslova;k Communist radio represent the source materiaJl f.rom which the script writers draw. Theire are also special "intelligence" reports. Straight conservative papers and magazines are ta;boo at Radio Free Em:rope. Script writera know how to toe the line. They know that they might as welJ -look for another job if they dare use_materiail or ideas from the Ohicago Triibune or such of Oll!I' magazines :as American !Mercury, American Legion Maga•zine, Ohristian Economics, HUiIIlan Events, National Review and National Repulblic. To summarize - iRJmE progtrams are shl!,POO- according to the dM"ectives of (a) :the American bosses and (b) the hired leftist National Fronters from eastern Europe. The ran!k and file Socialist or o:therwise• leftist editors are either unintelligent or servile or both, and grind out their chores in accordance with their o.rders. AoturuNy, tRill1E policies vary only in degree, !but not in sulbstance,. :f.rom other psychological warfare .s tations of the free world. These inolude Radio Free Asia, strution RIAS in Berlin, Radio Llberation - a private Amer.ican station which broadcasts to IPOOPles inside the USSR - and of course the Voice of America. None of them ,t akes a consistent stand againsit the iphilosophy of g01Vernment intervention a;nd government control, none of them - except for occasional and half-ilieaTted Hp servJce- champions freedom of enterprise. No wonder that so far our psychological warfare has failed. In order to document for American readers WlhaA: sort of ideas aTe being tTansmitted to the fron Curtain world SLOVAKIA 23 iby their expensive ly staffed freed.om stations, I have for some years gathered from RFE Czec'hoslov.alk programs a substantia :l coNection of radio scTipbs and tape recording s, from which I sha;ll quote in the followh]-g. If any Sllogan may be offered to character ize the genera:! tenor of all too many programs , let us quote whait a well-know n American a·p ologist for the Soviet causes has said in the process of the Far Eastern debacle: "Let them fall, ;b ut do not let it appear that we pushed them." Propagation of Socialism May 1, 1953, 3 :15 ip. m . : "The Socialist youth of the whole world sends its greetings to the youth of Czechoslovakia. We assuTe you that we s hall reach the aim ... the day, when we will be alble to join you in democrac y in the fig,ht for socialism , social justice and freed.om. " At the end of the program the International was played. (The International is the rallying song of world communi sm.) May 3, 1953, 1,2 :15 p. m.: Ferdinan d Peroutka , chief of R~'s Czechoslova!k desk in New York, a weH-known Soci'alist rund one-•t ime .prominen t member of the pro-Comu munist National •ffiront, in his "Sunday Comment s of Ferdinand Peroutka ": "Eisenho wer's program, on .t:he other hand, even though America's factories have not been nati01I1ali2:ed, stands for the concept of world socialism . TheTe is no better way to desoribe it. This is sociaJism . . . The aim of 1:Jhe program outlined by tile President of the United States is to socialize -life." 1 May 1, 1954, 2 :'50 p. m.: "Today, on May 1st, we convey our g,reetings to aN those who are dedicated to the faith in democrat ic socialism ." (To Commun ist-domin ated countries May 1st is synonym ous with America' s July 4th, and the term "Democra tic Socialism " is a Commun ist term used in May Day speeches to descTilbe Commun ist ideology. ) May 4, 1954, 2:10 p. m.: "Program for WorkeTs: "Leon Jouhaux - a g,reat man, descende d from a famNy in which revoltitio nism has been a tradition . His father partidpaJ ted in the revo.1t of the Paris Commun e . . . a born revolution ary ... " GANS.ER LIBRARY MILLERS VILLE STATE COLLEGE 24 SLOV!AKIA May 5, 1954, 2:10 p. m.: "Leon Jouhaux - a great revolutionary, a great rre:fo1rmeT ... " March 23, 1'955, 12:40 p. m. Program, "We Call the Communist Party": "The present order (in eastern Europe) r:ierely serves to continue the dictatorship . . . this jungle which falsely is fabeiled as legitimaJte socia.lism." March 23, 2:20 p. m. Dr. Jan Hajek, on program, "Living Science - Discussion with Young People," said : "Socia1ism has 1become adult. Socialist thinkers are no longer irresponsible radicals. The fundamenta!l problem of modern socialism is man's relation to the state. "The modern socialist rejects both extremes - laissez faire and state control. He is aware of his duties as well as his rigihts. "The citizens of the Socialist society must be conscious of their heritage, aind proud of it." Along this line, the Czechoslova:k editors and broadca;sters crurefully avoid repudiating the measures of socializaJtion and communrzation wbich their own National Front had irnstituted in tJhe postwar years, and often go so far a;s to appro;ve of similar Communist measures in satellite Europe. Thus, on October 28, 1952, at 11 :'50 a. m., the broadcaster of "We Cali t he Communist Party," exclaimed: "Seven years ago, .the decrees of the P,r esident of the Republic ibrought forth the nationalization of industry. In this way Czechoslovakia set out on her way of democraJtic independence.'' So.oialist Policies Defended T.hese ipsychological warriors of the RFE thus still don't realize tha,t it was a crime to cooperate with the Communists, or if they do, :they don't admit it. There is never any hint that the 1Socialist po'licies of the National Front as such have iJ.ed to disaster, no inkling that socialism, because it infringes upon the rights of the individual, leads to communism. Therefo,re, these so-called freedom ,broadcasters ne;ver ,p oint out that the misery of the :p eople in eastern Europe -largely deri;ves from Socialist meddling with the affairs of :the people ; they blame it all on \Soviet exploitation, armaments, emphasis on heavy industry, and that sort of thing. SLOVAKIA 25 Yes, ,t hey have mentioned the "forced Communist eco-• nomy." What they mean by it may be seen from "Lnternationa1 Commentary from New York," in its :broadca,st April 18, 1953, at 6 :05 p. m. The broadcaster explained that "this mearus in Czechoslovakia bhe return of the fo,r mer export policy, ,t he return to the production of quality arrticies. To put an end to this over-emphasis, on heavy industry must be the goal of our new democratic way." · That is all. No, reference to libeTation from the Socialist bureauaracy, from Socialist oppression. Just a shift from armaments to quality ,p roducts. Nothing more. Feroinamd Peroutka, in his broadca;st of 'Sunday, April 27, 1952, at 12 :15 p. m., declared: "The Communists lie when they tell you that we want to ;restore caipitalism, that we intend to ,r eturn to the proprietors the property which has been ta1ken from them some time ago . . . I repeat: the program ,o f the Czechoslova•k exiles is not capitalism and the return to 1938. Nor do we wish to hand baok the mines and foundries to their former owners. All we care for is thaJt the Communist government, which means dependence on Russia, disappears." It might be argued that an occasional ,p rogram of this sort migiht have its place in the o.ver-all setup 1because, after all, there still are oM 'Socialists in Czechoslovalkia who have no use for the Communists. Yet isn't it strange that while there are programs for workeirs, peaJSants and Communists, there are none £or businessmen? Sometimes they talk about free competition, but often it is but the competitiion of collectively owned factories amongst themselves. The terminology of their broadcasts is af the Socialist variety, including the trite ranting against "Capitalists" and "reactionaries". I now shail ,proceed to offer documentary evidence to show that Radio •F ree Europe also aids, and sometimes even propagates, Titoism and communism, and frequently extols Communist leaders. Milos Vanek, one-.time big wheel in the Commun1st party of Czechoslovakia, and now chief of the economics department of RFE's Czechoslovak desk, said on November 21. 1952. at 11.30 a. m.: "Marx. Engels. Trotsky-for them 1 26 SLOVAKIA Marxism was the ,s ubstitute for the Western revoilution of human rights." The co:mmentaJtor of "Weekly Survey of the Ame:rican Press," on April 12, 1953, art; 8 :30 a. m., said: "The New York Herald Trilbune is of the opinion that the trial of Mindszenty, the HungM'ian cardin.a;l, as wehl as the trial of Slansky and similar crimes in other Communist countries, ought to ,be remembered ... " Possibly, if not proba,bly, tt was one of the numerous left-wingers on the staff of the Tribune who plamed this cOITU!pting little seed of associating the fearless anti-Comm'l.llllist cairdinal with that old Marxian wheel'horse and Kremlin errand iboy, Slans.ky..Salzmann, who stood as solidly for the Leninist-iStalinist program as any Communist who happened to get purged in some intra..party feud. Sure enough, if the Tribune man did not give a ring to his pal at the CzechosloV'aik desk in New York's RFE heaidquarters, the latter did not fail to picik up that choke tidlbit. After all, any "opinion" of the stai:d and ·p resumably coruserva,tive New Yo11k Herald 'Dribune is safe quoting. Who is there 1bra;zen enough to accuse the o}d Tribune of being sUJbversi,v e? And thus, by association with a ,primate and mal1tyr of the Roman Catholic Church, a Communist li0kspittle is being groomed for respectaJbility. And this in the name of fighting the totalitarian enemy, by an organization which is financed by American donations, a;nd which is sponsored ,b y well--Omown Americams. Again and again, ,R JFE's psychological warriors do not attack Marxism-eommunism as such but what, with tears of regret, they c01I1de:mn is its "degeneracy." Consequently, the listener-unless he be quite alert--is mduced to fancy that communilsm, with which so many RFE bigwigs: once cooperated, would not be so bad if only it had not "degenerated." RFE Attacks Russian Imperialism but not Communism Fid<filing that tune, RJF])'s "Europe without the Iron Curtain," on March 2, 1952, at 3:45 .p. m., complained a/bout the "degeneration of the old Communist ideaJls." Commenting on the arrest of the Kremlin-serving boss- SLOVAKIA 27 es Sling, Olementis and 'Slansky, RFE's "Comments on Events of the Day," on February 13, 1952, at 7 :30 p. m., waxed somewihat melanc'hoiic: "They consciously closed their eyes, dreaming about the Communist security of the future . . . they dreamed . . . what was to remain of the ide·a ls once the dream had come to Ml end?... A cynical disdain for Communist ideals ... " K•rurol Bel:aJk-lBerger, the left wing Socialist, in RFE's "Round Table Discussion," on April 12, 1953, at 3 :05 p. m., nostalgically referred to the "millions of idealists and men of good wilJ" who had lbelieved in communism and merely deplored the "methods" that had "failed." Regretfully he mused that "the whole aippeal of communism has evaporated ... " 'I'.he policy of collaboration with the Communists was quite distinotly expressed by the old Socialist comrade, Ferdinand Peroutka, in his '~Sunday Oomments" of April 27, 1952, at 12 :15 p. m., when he answered the attack of the Communist dM'ly, !Rude Pravo, on exil.es such a,s he. '"It a<ecuses us of wor,king for the restoration of capitalism, along with the return of the western powers," stated Peroutka. "All we wish to say in reply to these accusations is this: "There has been a Socialist government in England for six yeam. This government would hardly have forced you, the Czech and Slovak people, to accept capitalism. Today we have a Conservatiive government in EngJand. Yet it has not abolished any of the Labor government's Socialist measures, and it would not do anything of the sort in CzechoslovaJkia. "As to America-she supports T1to. Now even though Tito acc~ts America's /bountiful assistance with open hands, t he United States government has not demanded the denationalization of a single Yugoslav factory. Yes, Tiito never ceased to be a Communist. America says: 'Let everyone do as he pleases.' America says: 'Go ahead and be a Communist if that's what you want. All we ask is that you stop supporting Russian imperialism.' America has no 1ntention 28 SLOVAKIA to force runyone, including Czechoslovaikia, to return to capitalism." iDr. Miloslav Kohak, another widely known one-time. Communist collaborator of the National Front who saved his skin in the nick of time and landed a fat job as cllief (until his replacement recently) of RJFE's "Political Comments on the Siituation at Hlome," on November 25, 1952, at 10:45 a. m., had this to say ,a bout Arthur London: "From ,b eg.inning to end, the indictment against London is preposterous. It is the whoie International Brigade of the Civil War irn Spain which is 'being attacked in his person-another proof of the reactionary attitude now prevailing in the Soviet Uni:on. She no longer wants the support of men who. believe in ideals, ibut only of those who believe in bayonets." On May 8, 1954, at 5 :45 .p. m., in "Stories Written ey Life," a young Communist inmate of a slave labor camp was quoted as follows: "Your Christian concept comes close to the 01riginal Leninist ideology . . . We must wm•k toge-· ther, faithful to the ideas which Lenin has taught us." Dr. Jaros}aiv Stransky, Socialist and an oJd Oommunist collaborator of the Nationa1 Front, said in "Taik with Home," on March 1, 1952, at 9 :30 p. m.: "Denunciation should not play amy .part in ,p olitics . . . Arny honest Communist will join the rest of us in condemning denunciation." Probably the old collaborator still believes that it is possible for Communists to ibe honest. Consequently he had no trouble :i n slipping that one in. The trouble with Radio Free Europe, though, is quite another matter. Squandering miHions of American dollars for the alleged ,purpose of fighting communi:sm, it hires old Communist collaborators who rant about "honest" Communists. "We Call the Communist Party," of February 22, 1952, at 11.45 a. m., went all out in praise of Communist cultural achievements. "Czech Communist literature ha;s brought forth works of outstanding value," RFE's psychological warrior declared. "We enjoy reading Communist authors as much as any others." A curious way of inducing an anti-Communist attitude, to say the least. 29 SLOVAKIA 'Dhe Socialist 'Franta Klatil, in "Political Comments on the Situation at Home," on April 21, 1953, at 11]_ :45 a. m., mused that "Tito has more character ithan his one-time aL lies in Prague . . . iHe secured this independence, and quite thoroug,hly at that." It is quite a common rprocedure foir Radio Free Europe to quote Tito and Red Yugoslavia's press as authorities in both moral and political matters. Holiday trips to Tito's Yugoslavia have ,b ecome a cherished habit o,f RFE's editors. Programs Glorify Revolutionary Workers Another variety of the collectivist ideology which pre~ vails among RFE eclitora is the frequent praise of those enemies o,f the Kremlin who have not been able to toe the party line but 'have otherwise been valuable fighters in the class struggle against the so-called exploiters. Thus, the RFE .script, "We CaU the Communist Party," which was broadcast to Ozechoslov,a kia on March 29, 1955, at 12 :40 p. m., in its glorification of title revolutionary workers of Kronstadt sounds as if it had been wr.itten by the old Lithu~ ani3JI14m.e:rican anarchist Alexander Benkman. "'I1he workers of Kronstadt," it says in that script, "fought so that the soviets may be elected freely and democratically, that their just demands be fulfilled - demands which ,w ere entirely in the spirit of the Oct01ber Revolution. They fought for democrati:c soviets ... " True enough, this broadcas-t; was addressed to Communits, and it might seem reasona,;ble to some to appeal to -Communists in the spirit of genuine communism; but is it likely that hardened trans--Ourtain Communi sts of 1955 believe in appeals in behalf of communi~m when they M"e uttered by those who are hired by Americans? Yet, incredtble though it may appear, that is the line which RFE commentators adopted a:S fate as 1955. Let us choose another example of this folly by quoting Dr. JaroS'la.v tStransky, former minister of the National Front, in his "Commentary on the Political Situation" of April 2, 1955, 9 :50 a. m. In this gem of an "anti-Communist" ,b roa.d~ast, the Communist collaborator of b.ut a few yea.rs ago sang the praise of the "Spartacus Bund," the 1 30 SLOVAKIA militant group which, following World War I, broke away from Germany's left wing 'Socirulists in order to usher in the Communist ·r evolution. Stransky really waxed lyr-ical over Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg, the .two most prominent and violent ieaders: of early German communism. "The modern 1Spartacus movement," pontificated Stransky in behalf of iRFE's version of freedom, "Karl Liebknecht and !Rosa Luxemburg . . . they were pacifists, the foes of imperi:aiism and militarism . . . they were beaten to death iby the mob . . . theN" articles, their speeches, their lettevs were inspired by a vision of order and beauty for the modem world . . . in every sentence which that undersized, unga.irny Jewess, Luxemburg, wrote, there was humaneness and poesy ... " We are not arguing a:bout the lofty intentions of these two world famous pioneers of the Communist revolution, misguided and unbalanced though they were. We are here questioning the wisdom of Ameri'CMlS who, in the name of the freedom for which Washington and Lincoln lirved and died, hN'e a notorious one-time Communist collaJborator who stiH offers hymns to the cause of the Communist revolution. That Stransky shmdd express such revolutionary feeL ings is obvious; that well-meaning Americans should sponhor such project does ,p rovide food for thought. National Fronts Vaunted In line with this farcically suicidal policy these RFE psychological wrurriors natua-ally still vaunt the very Nationa'l Front which paved the way for the total subjugation of the Czech and 'Slovak people •b y the Communists. These strange refugee policy-maJkers, script-writers and editors still live in that dreary world in which fatal short-~ghtedness delivered their people into. the hands of the ,Krem!lin. Thus, on October 28, 1952, at 10 :05 a. m., these socaned heralds of freedom told the home folks ibeihind the Cua-tain: "There wiH once more ,b e a time when Benes will arise ... " On OctOlber '2/l, 1953, at 4 :35 p. m., they aippealed to "those who remember the pre..,F~bruary (i.e.,. 1945-48) democra~y ... " On January 11, 1953, at 1:1:30 a. m., the Je:ftist ,S ociaiist Belak-iBerger, "in Comments on the Events SLOVAKIA 31 of the Day," exclaimed: "The real Nationa;l Front (i.e., peaceful ,Socialist-Communist collaborators) today lives in the hearts of the Ozechs and SlovaJks." As if there had not been mass murders all over Czeohoslova;kia ,throughout the existence of the National Front, RFE's "Time, Men, Events" of OctOlbeT 18, 1952, at 10 :15 a. m., told the good ipeople behind the Curtain that "the conditions of 194!5 adually orig.iinated in the will and the wish of ,the majority of the people." New Yovk "Comments of the International Situation," on April 12, 1952, decried the "Communist treason" of February, 1948, 1b y which the last collruborators of the National Front were ex;pelled ,b y the K!remlin's agents. "The Communists," this broadcast said, "seized ,p ower by means of the militia and the police ... Before this time (i.e., before February, 1948, d!uTi'Il!g the entire time of the National Front) the democratic politicians had pro.v ed their .g ood will to cooperate (with the Communi:sts ... However) the democratic politioians (the National Front men and today the RFE men) ·· were removed ... " This is of course true, as all of us know. Yet what sort of democrats are Commumst collaborators who tacitly consent or act1vely connive at the suppressiion and murder of political non-conformists? These Nationa,l ·F ronters, now employed by IRFE, did not discoiver the criminality of their Communist a:IHes when moderates and conservatives were systematical!ly murdered. Only when tihe Communists put the finishing touches on the enslavement of .the Ozec'hoslova!k people by exterminating their own co,Uaborators did these curious freedom fighters b,elatedly decide that the Krem1in's henchmen were afiter all poor champions of liberty. Yet whom do the American ,b osses ·o f Radio F.ree Europe select for speaking to the enslaved people of Ozecho"' slovalkia? Not those \WlO from the beginning refused to compromise with the Communist tyrants. They have preferred to choos:e such National Fronters as Dr. iPetr Zenkl, Dr. Joseph Lettrich, Vaclav Majer, Dr. Ivo Duchacclc, and Dr. Ja,roslav Stransky. The latter has ,b een offered as a weeklv feature attraction. 32 SLOVAKIA Like Alger Hiss, who stiU maintains that Yalta was "a good thing," but that the bad Communists unfortunately broke their ,pledges, these N8Jtiona:l Fronters claim that their colla:borator with the CommunLsbs---the so-called Kosice Program-would have been "a good thing" if only the Communists had not .proved to be treacherous. Instead of at last a:dmitting that the Kosice Program was criminal folly from the outset, they still refer to it as an "ideal." In 1955, when the Communists in Czechoslovakia celebrated the 10th anniversary of the Kosice Program, RFE's "Head and Tail," in a broadcast of April 5, at 8 :15 a. m., declared: "Communist propaganda appeals to democracy, i.e., to the ideals which the Communists have betrayed." On April 7, 1955, at 12 :40 p. m., RFE's "We Call the Communist Party" still praised the Kosice government program, "according to which the Czechoslovalk peo.ple were to elect their representatives in free and secret elections." This whitewashing of the Kosice Program is a deliberate falsehood because only four left wing parties then were handed out licenses by the Communist masters while all anti-Communist parties were declared illegal. The Kersten Committee of the U. S. !House of Representatives ha:s put this sham psychological warfare of RFE in the proper light, by Report No. 8, of December 31, 1954. "Especially the proclamation of the Kosice P.rogram, of April 5, :1,94'5," the Report states on pruge 17, "opened the door for an unobstructed drive on the part of the Communists to seize full power in the country." Policy of Appeasement Let the readers draw their conclusions as they see fit. There is no better way to expose the intrinsic bankruptcy of Radio Free Europe's policy. It is not the fight against communism which these psychological war.rio,rs carry on; they stand for 8Jppeasment amd reconciEation. Thus, of ail ,peo.ple, Konni Zilliacus, the led:t wing Brit~ ish Laborite who has for years been a faithfuil contributor to publi-cations of the Communist ,party, was invited by Radio F.ree Europe to address the Czechosloivak peo,ple. This is what Zilliacus, in broken Czech, beamed over the SLOVAKIA 33 air waves to the trams-Curtain sJ.a,ves, on April 17, 1953, at 12:40 p. m.: "You would enormously encourage and strengit,hen those in the West who-, for the sake of reconciliatio~, woU!ld l.ike to meet the .Soviet Uni:on and the people's democracies half -w ay if you were to rehabi'liltate those of the Prague trial wiho are ,s till in prison, and clear the memory of those who died or were killed ... " Zilliacurs here did not refer to, any anti-Communist victims. He spoke of .such Communists as the Secretary General of the Ozechoslo.vaik Communist Party, Slansky-Salzmann, who had been subjected to one of -qie interminruble purge triaJs and put to death by his coreligionist, Stefan Rais, then Communist Minister of Justice. No,t am.ti-Communists, but the arch-Communist Sbnsky-Saizmann and his confederates were to be "rehrubilitated" for the sake of " reconciliation" with the Communists. That is the sort of psycho1ogical warfare RJFE has been propagating. In similar vein, ,Milos Vanek, old champion of Red causes, said on Apri,l 12, 1953, at 3 :05 p. m.: " ... as long as the Soviet Union faiis to prove by deeds that she is in earnest in her alleged desire to put an end to the cold war and the hot war, she cannot expect that we may diminish our efforts to liberate all the oppressed peo,ples." One weeik later, on the same "Round Table Discussion" program, again at 3 :05 p. m., Vanek said: "First let the Communists mruke ,p eace with their own people. They ought to resort to peaceful means in their :internal policy, too." We might as weJtl asrk wolves to stop devouring lambs, and hyenas to turn into doves of peace. It is nothing less than RFE's zi1uacus and Vanek expect. It is therefore no exaggeration to state that Radio F,r ee Europe has consistently ad<kessed its broadcasts not to anti-Commu:nists, but to, Communists, Ti,to:i.sts, semi-Communists and pro-Communist Socialists b,e hind the Iron Curtain. This fatal policy has spread apathy among what is left of genuine anti-Communists ,b eyond the Curtain. This is not ,t he inspiring fi.g,ht for freedom; it is the deadly appeasement of the Communist tyranny. Inasmuch as Radio Free Europe is controlled and staffed by socialists, pro-Comm1mists, World Federa:lirsts SLOVAKIA 34. and other assorted internationalists, we should not be surprised ,t o learn that ineffective and harmful progz,ams, and even broadcasts amounting to, srubotage, have character.i~d its specific ,policies. Particu!larly noteworthy features comprise: 1. The reipetition of lbanalities-"truth- telling." 2. The "People's iProgra.m.." 3. Attacks on petty Communists and prote.ction of Communist bosses. 4. tDefonse of American pro-Communist errors. 5. Broadcasts amounting to saJbotage. 6. The spreading of recognizable and destructive lies. 7. Failure ,t o propagate Gemnan-Czech and GermanPolish reconci'li ation. 8. Occasional advice to, follow Communist suggestions. 9. I.;eininist inoitement to premature revolts. 10. Propa:gation of decadent literature and music. 11. Propagation of internationalism and racial merger. 12. Praise for the New Dea:lera, and criticism of con-· servative Americans. 1 Repetition of Banalities F'or many a year, a disproportionate amount of broadcast time, be it out of ineptness or aotually malicious intent, has ibeen alloted by Radio. Free Europe to the never-ending reiteration of banrulities. We might identify this curious practice as RF1E's special little game of "telling the truth." it goes somewhat ,l ike this: - the Communists call Americans imper.iaJlists; Ame~ rioans are not imperiaUsts. - the Com.mu.rusts claim that they want peace; Communists don't waJILt ,p eace. - the Communists claim that the American economy is !bad; the America1I1. economy is good. Of what avail is the production of sue'h trivialitie.s? Can there be any doubt that the endless repetition of such trite assertions Sipreads boredom and turns away potential listeners? If at least RJFE}'s broadcastevs made a sustained effort to explain why Americans are not imperialists, and why their economy excels that of the collectivists, listeners SLOVAKIA 35 might be inspired to do, some constructive thinking. The natm-e of RFE's script writers a:nd editors, of course, forbids any such sensilble procedure; for collectivists cannot be expected .to expose the impotence of collectivism. 1In a certain way, RIFE prides itself on beiing "specific" in the stale little game of ".teilling the truth." As an example, the reporter of a broadcast delivered on May 3rd, 1953, ait 8:45 a. m., stated: "In Hungary .t here are obvious supply defficiencies ... Canned food has gone ,b ad ... There is a laok of suga1:> in Bulgaria ... Poland suffers from a shmtage of fish ... " This sort of news, of coll!I'se, is no news behind the Iron Curtain. If t:he economic fai,l,ure of the Soviet re-alm were expl,a ined as the inevitable result of state intervention, listene~ might find it proper to heed such programs. Another part of the quaint little truth-telling game consists of reporting concrete conditions and haippenings from t'he world of the slaive labor camps. Inasmuch as there cannot ,b e any suggestion. regarding the termination of these horrors, the effect of these reports is exactly what the Corrurnmist leaders desire, i. e., to lame the wiU of the people by striking teirror into their hearts. Until May 1, 1954, this sort of aimless and uncoordinated "truth-,teUing" seemed to 1b e RFE's princi,pal task Then--at last-a definite over-all program was announced. Does this mean liberation? Let us look and see. The "Program of the •P eople's Opposi.t ion," proposed on Labor Day, 1954, ait 10 :10 a. m. , and frequently reiterated and referred to, ever since, contained the foUowing ten postulates,: 1. LaJbor unions s'hould belong to their memberis, not the b9sses. The positions of union officials should be elective. 2. There should be less ta1k and more hrurd cash. Hon-est money (sic!) for honest work. 3. The worker should be permitted to choose the type of work he prefers. 4. Overtime should be outlawed. 5. Peasants should be a:llowed to quit the kolkho,z es (i.e. 1 cdllectivies) if they so desire. 36 SLOVAKIA 6. There should be a ceHing on the state's s'hare of agricwltural production. I!'arm oontributioos to the state should be equaliized. 7. The government should wovk for the people, not the politicians. 8. Production should benefit the people, not the state. 9. Emphasis should once more be on the consumer. Small shOil)S, owned and run by little ,people, should be revived, to serve the ,c onsumer. 10. The building industry should be mobiUzed for the benefit of the ,peop'le, instead of the state officials. Some points of this so_,called people's pro,g ram, at first sight, may look impressive. Its cardinal and decisive error derives precisely :firom the inability of its coUectivistic perpetraJtors to recognize the primacy of the enterprise. This program fails to go, to the root of the matter. It does not atfack state control as such. It merely proposes to mitigate and qualify. It is at its core plain socialism. Yet this is the sort of t'hing wihich, in the form of leaflets, is dropped from the trans-Curtain ,s kies by means of the "freedom balloons" which columnists like Drew Pearson have been vaunting for years. This program does not offer any decisive opposition to the tyranny of na;tiona'1ization as such. There is but the indecisive and dU'll suggestion to reform the preSleJilt Communist system, to abolish its excesses, to turn it into some form of Titoism or semi~communism or to return to the socialism of the bankrupt National Front. Instinctively, the Ozechs and Slovaks who hear this socalled ,p eople's program reach for the .lmob and shut it off. They must shrug their shottlders wt the oratorical antics of men .w ho :rant against ta'lking but in their own tum offer little beyond empty talrk. This "Program of the People',s Opposition" is faulty and spurious !because the concept of Rrudio Free Europe is based on a capital error. Radio Free Euro,p e basically main_ tams rthat the threat to the free world comes from Russia as an armed and aggressive power; it obfuscates the fundamental issue of the world~wide Communist conspiracy. In accordance with this leftist line, Radio Free Europe SLOVAKIA 37 a:bsolutely never refers to, congressional investigations of subversirves in the United States. T.rans-1Curtain listeners M"e completely :unaware of the existence of such men a.IS Jenner, Velde, EaJStland, Walter, Dies, Reece, aJnd Mundt. When the Kerstein committee operated in Munich, in the summer of 1954, RJFE referred to it; but the texts of tes-timonies were edited to suit the over-all ·soft~peda:ling of basic issues. Radio Free Europe acts as if it were set up to preserve the concept of state bureaucracy and iprute:rnali:sm by all avaHa:ble means. Petty Communists Blamed for Party Policy Radio Free Europe acts a:s the quack who peddles curealls for the most nauseating aspects of the Comnmnist di-· sease; iit fails to tackle the roots of communism as such. Thrus it makes much ado about the chicaneries and perversions of petty Communist officiais, but it does not name the real culprits, the wire-,pulilers, the bosses who guide and encourage the brutalities of little village tyrants. Radio ·F ree Europe refers by name to individual Stakhanovites, tractor-drivers, and prison~guards; it disregards the organizers of the hruted Communist drives. lt thus actualily ,protects the pillars of the CommU.111ist society, the calclrlating masterminds who play on the wea;knesses of a confused citizenry and trap therir helpless victims in a net of Comm'll.llist demora1ization and perver,s ion. In "Messia:ges to Those at Home," Radio Free Europe p.hllories the little informers who are known to work for the ,s tate police. A1:most without exception these little fellows are known far and wide as stooges of the Communist masters. Dossiers on these puppets do not add to the knowledge rubout Communist evil-0oers. These dossieI's are largely based on dippings from the press of Communist-controllJ.ed eastern :IDurope. The secret agenrts of the Soviet police, the directors: of the pro.grarrn of terror, are never mentioned. "Messages to Those at Home," on February 29, 1952, at 7 :415 p. m., as an example, said: "Who is the mruster in Nitra? (A tiny Slova!k town-Editor.) Who is the master of whom the Soviet police itself is in fear? It is Sergeant Klike. He is hated, dreaded and mighty. He causes the .pllll- 38 SLOVAKIA ishment of policemen who sometimes haive a hearrt; for the.ix victims.'' Now, who is this monster, Sergeant K1ike? Not any "master" by any means. He is but wellArnoW111 little sergeant of the uniformed poJice ! Again, on June 26, 195,2, at 12 :15 p. m., "Messages to Those at Home" singled out a few Communist women: "Comrades M. PO!korelska, !H. Y anosikova, Kr. Bezakova and M. Dedinlmva," the broadcast addressed itself to these petty Communists, "swine-herds and tractor-drivers, re-· member m time the warnings of today. Tomorrow you may be brought to account for your misdeeds; but tomorrow may be too late for you." "'.Program for Civil and State Servants," on April. 10, 1955, at 8:40 a. m., importantly sounded off: "We call your attention to a dangerous informer. The pensioner Michalek, Kulda Street, Brno, ,persecutes beggars. He chases them from homes and often hands them over to the police. In your own interest, Comrade Michalek, we advise you to stop yoUT dirty work." This sort of broadcasting, declaimed in a lowered, almost comical tone, is suppooed to scare primitive swinehevds and tractor-drivers. The bosses are never named. Radio Flree Europe never criticizes the mistakes or the treason of the past and thus never has to expla;in the real reasons of the Communist successes in the past. In the same way as they conceal systematicaliy a11 real causes of the communization of Czechoslovakia, they conceal also the real causes of Communist advances in other part of the world. Let sleeping dogs lie~that seems to be RFE's guiding inspiration. There is no criticism of Teheran, Yalta, and Potsdam. These conferences, in line with the views of an Alger Hiss, are regavded as joot splendid. If only the bad men of the Kremlin had not betrayed their solemn pledges! "We Teach History," on February 13, 1952, at 6:15 p. m., stated: "The Sov.iet Union broke the Yalta rugreement and betrayed it . . . The ink on the document 'had hardly dried when the Soviet Union made a display of violation and unparalleled cynicism." "Sunday Comments of Ferdinand Peroutka," on April SLOVAKIA 89 3, 1955, at 12:15 p.m., commented: "When the Yalta ,papers were published, some individuals wanted to reprimand the Democratic leaders foo- lack of cautiousness. But any discussion of some little mistaJkes the Democra;tic leaders may ha'Ve made would merely obscure the ,p rincipal wirong, which has been and remains the systematic deception contrived b,y the Ru€,s ian statesmen. These reaJl,i ties ought to be clear. ly understood by the wor-ld. The Ya!lta conferoo:ce turned into a tragedy, not because of what was agreed upon there, but because the 'Soviet Union failed to honor the agreements." Broadcasts Amounting t.o Sabotage Naturally, if we are decei,v ed regarding om own stu~ pidity, and even betrayal, at Yalta, we are likely to remain unaware of the stupidity and pet.haps even SaJbotage which have characterized a certain type of ~E's refugee programs. Incredible though it may seem, Riadio Free Europe ~against the ,persistent pleas and protests of refugees firom behind the Iron Ourtain - in its Sa,turday programs has offered detailed descriptions of successful flights from the Soviet terror. These ,b roadcasts - have named the locations where the border was passed, and indicated even 1:Jhe person:s who, at the risk of their 'lives, assisted the escapees. There could not have been any better means to alert the Communist police.. The very identities of patriots in eastern Europe were thus disclosed to the Soviet secret police, with the reswlt that any recurrence might be prevented. How self-destructive, at the expense of optimistic American dono,r s, cam. we get? Were the script writevs and editors of these "sensatio:nal" pro,grams really s•o naive that they failed to grasp the sinister consequences of their paradoxical role? Did they reaUy not understand that their disclosures about the specific locations of escape would en~ able the Communist pdlice to plug the last holes in the Coctaj.n? Let us quote from the !broadcast, "I Chose Freedom," of Aprill 25, 1953, 8 :30 a. m. "[ went through Cerna Horka," the refugee interviewee revealed, "walking along the hrigihway. Then I went :ba<ck to tile river bed of Vltaiva, in 40 SLOVAKIA the direction of the Austrian Soviet zone. I approached the Jezuv creek ... across f.rom it there is for:bidden territory. . . . In Frynburg there is a bridge across the riv&, and the road to Vyssi Brod. In St. Thomais there is the headquarters of the ,p atrols. The bridge had ,b een torn doWID.. I made a float from_ an old fence and other wood I gathered. The river is aJbout t_e n meters wide and three meters deep at that spot. (This was said in reply to a question from the broadcaister. - Editor.) I guided the float by means of a pole, and then set foot on the forbidden side. I hid in the bushes anod woods ... On the highway to- St. Thomas I encountered a banbed wire barricade, a,bout three feet high. I found an old laidder in a hut which had been empty ever since the German's left. I broke it in two, put it a;gainst the barricade, climbed, and jumped to the other side. Traversing a distance of a'bout thirty meters, I reached Jezuv creek, which is ·less than a meter wide. I crossed the creek and found myself in the Soviet zone of Austria. "In Austria, I folfowed the highway until I entered a little ho.use below a hill. The Ausitri.ans who occupied this house felt pity for the refugee, and assisted me . They helped me to contact a friend of theirs in Linz who was to get me ,s afely acro,s s a bridge in Linz, on the border of the 1Soviet ·a nd American 2.1ones. That man pro.v ided me with a forged identification card, into which we rubbed some dirt in order to maike the name illeg1ble. I joined a group of girls who passed the sentry at that spot. Nonchalantly, I ,p roduced the forged identity card for the sentry, and without looking back I crossed the bridge. I was in the Western. izone of Austria." Enemy Alerted The Communist enemy couid not have been more brazenly ailerted. Letters of protest against such asinine (if not trea{!herou.s) interviews fl.ooded the expellee press in Munich. Nevertheless, the interviews continued until 1954, by w'hich time a great many of the cracks in the Soviet wall had been revealed to the Russiains, and repaired by them. As late ·as 'May 9, 1954, at 3 :45 p. m ., the "I Chose Freedom" broadcast disclosed the exact details of a flight SLOVAKIA 41 by express train from Decin, Bohemia, to. Berlin. The in. terviewee described how he had conceailed his presence at the Decin railway stat,ion, how he eluded the attention of the .security agents, aid ,how a "people's po'liceman" at the station in East Berlin 'helped him to escape. As late as Apriil 2, 1955, at 12 :45 p. m., again on the "I Chose Freedom" program, an escapee pictured the detafls of his flight across the above-mentioned bridge in Linz. Can there be any doubt that such interviews. intimidate those behind the Iron Curtain who might be wirlling to cooperate with refugees? Can our friends behind the Iron Curtain maintain erven a shred of confidence in "psyc'hologica1 warriors" who indulge in this sort of give-away? The editor of RFJD's "I Chose Freedom," one Otto Graf, had been editor of the Socialist ,p aper Svet Prace and a well-known CommUJnist collaborator of the National Front. An obscure journalist before War H, he owes hi.s career to his fatal activities in the National Front. Zdenek Fierlinger and Bohumil Lausman, Socialist ministers of the Nationa1l Front, were the pulblishers of Svet Prace, at the time of Graf's editorship. In 1948, on the occasion of the Communist coup in Czechoslovakia, Fierlinger turned out to be a Communist planted in the Sooial Democ.ratic party. Lausman, after his "esca.pe" to the free world, in 1951 worked for a while for Radio Free Europe. Afterward~, he turned out to be a Communist agent and returned to 0zechoslovakia. As editor of the Czechoslovak refugee ,paper, Ce.skoslovenske Noviny, in Ludwigslburg, Gerimany, RFE editor Otto Graf published articles by Lausman. Self-destructive Lies Broadcast It is ha.r d to believe that a man who has ,b een able to function as a newspaper editor is so inept that quite a few of his presumably anti-Communist radio programs in effect equal sabotage of the freedom crusade. That a saboteur of the free world's cause could hardly improve on these refugee programs is evident from their text. An almost equally self-destructive feature of R:ailio Free Europe is the routine broadcasting of transparent lies. 42 SLOVAKIA In a number of pamphlets, including The RFlE Story (p. 14), RFE's psychological warriors proudly admit resorting to lies. Whether lies should be part of our "psycho war" program is 1b oth ethically and practically quite debatable. To brag aJbout one's own lie in print, so that their admission may hie quoted ,b y the enemy, once aga:illl reaches itili.at degree of ingenuousness that in its net results is hardly distinguishaJble fr<Y«..'l saibotage. In addition to all that, many of the fabrications which our RFE brain trusters have th01Ught up are such simon puTe inventions that those for whom they are intended immediately recognize them as such. iFor example, Otto Graf and Vladimir Kucera~Homik, at Christmas, 1954, when maJking programs on the miner's life, made a· report about a great coal mirle catastrophe in Kladno., which a1legdly cost twe:lve lives of miners. This report was invented. We may ibe s,ure that a character like Bohumil Lalli:lman, former chairman of the Ozechoslovak Social Democratic party and afterwards a ,p lain Commrunist agent in Western Germany and Austria, fed RFE such damaging stories, and that some editors believed him. Yet who but one_,time Nation.ail Front colla;borators - RFE's farvorites wou!ld pUJt any trust in LaUSiman anyhow? RFE has made it easy for the Communist to prove RJFE's own mendaoity. Verbatim quotations from RFE's press and radio are all that is :required. T.here is still another lie, even more destructive, which has been produced by the "truth-telling" of Radio Free Europe. It is the number one lie, and concerns the core of the Communist system. There is irrefutable evidence regarding which group is maki:ng communism in the East. This evidence comes from refugees from the East and from various reliable sources. This group is characterized by such · names as Kruglow (or Krugloch), the chief of the Secret Police of the U&SR, Kaganovic, Ehreniburg, Berman, Rakosi_,Rosenkra.Il'Z, etc. In ,aJdd,ition, this group fully and completely constitutes that "invisi'ble government" behind the scenes in 43 SLOVAKIA the East. It is the same group, of course, which also makes the Communist conspiracy in the West. When in 1951 the members of this group (Minister of Justice Stefan Rais, etc.) staged purge tria:ls against other members of .the same group - Slansky-1Sal2'Inann, iReicin, Ka.tiz, etc. - RFE shouted to the world that the entire group was b.eing cruelly persecuted and liquidated in the East. Many samples of suoh programs are availaJble. This greatest and most perverted lie of world communism is !being upheld by RFE even now, and all facts contradfoting it ,a re cut, adjusted or ·s uppressed. Every intellrigent .refugee from the East calils this He the number one .sabotage committed by RFE. An intelligent inv-estigation of FRE as well as of the opinions and the material of the ref.ugees from behind the Iron Curtain would easily bring forth the full truth. 1 Former German Co-Citizens Alienated It is not enough to quote Radio Free Europe to expose its sooia:list and internationalist bias. To point out lost op-, portuni,ties as well as de[iberate omissions permits us to penetrate the confused and hrulf-·hearted mentality of this much~touted and eXipensiive outfit. Perhaps the tbest example of RFE's negativism toward .important objectives of t'he free world is its peculiar attitude towards the Germans. To be sure, on the surface t.he West Ger.man RepubHc and Chance!Hor Adenauer have been officially praised 'b y RFE. Beyond such formalities, IWE has done little to inspire the Czechs and Poles with trust in the Germans. In 1945, the Communists forced the Poles and the C.zec'hs to expel close to fifteen miUion Germans, from their home1and of centUJries. Albout three million of these lost their Hives as they walked through the Iron Ore Mountains, the Sudeten Mountains and the Bohemian Forest or as they were shipped westward in cattle cars which somewhere were left on the traoks. All of the other twelive mililion were r01b1bed of their ,property. Most of them were bea,ten and tortwred. Naturally, the Czechs ,and the Poles fear the venge-· a.nee of their former German co~citizens. Understandrubly, SLOVAKIA the Communists do, all they can to :keep this fear a1ive among the Poles and the Czechs who are under their domination. It would be the duty of Radio Free Europe to counteract this Communi<st policy by telling the Poles and Czechs a bout the numerous manifestations of good will and the sincere desire for reconciliation on the part of di siplaced Germans living in Western Germany. Radio Free Europe does nothing of the sort. It does not even report the official agreements which expelled Czech statesmen have signed with the German expellees. In summary, R@Es' stand on the highly important expellee prdblem is as foillows: a. It does not even mention the peaceful attitude and program of the German expellees. b. It ridicules exi'led Czechs and Poles who do not hate the Germans. c. It fails ever to refer to the remarkable past achievements of the :G ermans in Czechoslovakia and to examples of German-Czech coopexation. d. It never mentions how the ex,pulsion of the antiCommunist Germans enabled the communization of Czechoslovakia from within. e. It continuaNy harps on the persecutions the Czechs and Poles have suffered under German domination. f. It damns the Germans with faint prai,se, and slyly, in veiled fashion, even incites the Slavs against the Germans. g. By upholding the ex;pulsion of fifteen mililion Germans and defending the Oder-Neisse border, it follows a line of nationality policy which is identical with that of the Communists. 1 Advice to Fellow Communist Suggestions There are many other - apparently often ha:rmless occasions on which RFE's line comcides with what the Communists desire. Why men should be .p aid by Americans to broadcast from expensive stations what our Communist enemies want in the first pl ace is not easy to grasp. Particttlarly ba:ffling examples of American--Soviet co1 SLOVAKIA 45 incidences ha:ve come from the desk of Milos Vanek, chief · of the Economic Department of the Czechoslovak Desk, RFIE, Munich. Formerly one o.f the most prominent leaders of the 0zech Communist party, Vanek still feels urged to counsel Czechs in harmony with his former confederates. Early in 19'52, Vane'k busied himself forecrusting an immediate inflation, and advising the people to invest their cash in goods, including the expensive products of the Communist gray market. Innumerable programs have carried this message to the Czechs. The broadcast of Ja:nuary 23, 1952, at 6 :45 p. m., admonished the Czechs: "The Communists in Czechoslovakia are about to runloose inflation. Invest all your savings in goods, buy whatever you can, even the e_x1pensive articles on the government market." There was no inflation; but the refugees from the satellite country reported that the Communist government at that time spread exacbly the same rumor of inflation and also adv1sed to spend all savings because it wanted to draw in a:11 "surplus" money without any monetary reform. A year and a half later, when, of a sudden, the new value oif the Czech currency was a:nnounced, neither the Communists in 0zechoslovakia noT Vanek in RIFE had given any wa:rning. When the Communist government asked for shock brigades of voluteers to plant new forests, Vanek enthusia,stically chimed in. "Help to plant new trees," Vanek exhorted the Czechs on the "Economic Program" of May 1, 1953. "The Communist regime," he announced, "will perish, and t'he trees will be for your children." Other programs hawe offered similar a'dvice. •~Prog,ra,m for Women," 0ctob.er 24, 1953, at 1 :45 ,p. m., counseled to sell quality go·ods. to Communist state stores "because the Communist stores are sel'ling the goods to non-Communists, and it is 111ot good to, cheat non-Communists." "Program for Workers," March 23, 1955, 2:10 p. m., suggested that workers as.k foremen for e~tra work becawse it would mean extra money for them -while it would not really help the Communist cause. Along the same line, the old collaiborator, Otto Graf, 1 46 SLOVAKIA interviewed a fellow by name of Tonda Hornik, who said: "I thus eairned 2,000 crowns extra~it pays not to be lazy." Radio Free Europe, thus, does not urge the satellite slave workers .to relax if not slow down, it spurs them on to work harder - for their Communis t masters. Those in the know were not surprised when "wor.ker" Tonda Hornik, in June, 1955, was exposed as a Communis t agent. One of RFE's editors, Robert Lowkota by name, had gone to the extreme of appealing to the Czech workers not to absent themselves from wor.k; but the protests from refugees who had listened to this monstrosit y w&e so im-,pressive that iRiFE had to back down and, in a broadcast of April 10, 1955, at 12.:45 p. m. ("We Call the Communis t Party"), tried to minimize the importance of Loulkota's aberration. Do these editors who urge the Czech people to fol.Jew suc'h advice have a soft spot in their hearts for the Commwnist~ r are they following the orders of men whose hearts and minds are hard as steel ? On the one hand, Radio Free Europe has urged Czechs to do overtime in factories giving only evasive consolation s, never mentioning how and when liberation could be achieved; on the other, through provocative agitation, it has practically incited them to revolt. Such policy, on the surface, appears contradicto ry. On second thought, we might wonder if all of this confusion is due to ineptness. As long as the Western governmen ts are not prepared to supply .p otential rebels with weapons, no rebellion can succeed. Only people who are unacquaint ed with the nature of communism can hope to overthrow Communis t governments withouit outside assistance. Certainly the present United States governmen t is not inclined to arm potential insurrectio nists. Even if it wanted to, a horde of United Naitions associates would prevent it from going ahead. Why then does Radio Free Europe fail to warn resolutely against revolts at this time? Curiously enough, Lenin favored armed uprisings against his own regime; for nothing exposes more glaringly the staunchest freedom fighters, and nothing offers a more striking opportunity to exterminat e the most stout-heart ed SLOVAKIA 47 foes of communism. Whatever the reason may be - and it appears most worthwhile to get to the bottom of the situation - Radio Free Europe again and again has played the role of the agent provocateur.Whether or not any sabotage wa:s intended, the policy has actually been of benefit to the Communists. First of all, RFE has pictured the enemy as weak while in reality he is strong. "Life Behind the Iron Curtain," on April 26, 1953, at 8:45 a. m., exclaimed: "There is chaos, uncertainty and fear in the Soviet Union and among its leaders." "Best Article," on April 24, 1953, at 9:05 a. m., stated that "there are rifts within the system," and on April 17 it claimed that "we face the beginning of a dissolution process which affects the entire regime." Few Americans know that the broadcast of RIAS, the American broadcasting station in Berlin, shared in the responsibility for the tragic 1953 rebellion of the Germans in the Soviet zone - a rebellion which led to the arrest and annihila:tion of tens of thousands of our best friends behind the Iron Curtain. Practically no American knows that RFE has sent the same sort of abortive action ,p rograms to the Czechs. On February 8, 1952, at 9:15 p. m., Milos Vanek, on "Economic Program," approvingly spoke of the rise of "armed brigades against their leaders in the Communist party itself." Hopefully he observed that "the signs . . . are already on the horizon." When in Czechoslovakia public demonstrations took place in 1953, Radio Free Europe pictured them in inflammatory scenes. The other programs reflected the same attitudes. On June 21, 1953, at 12 :15 p. m., the perennial "Sunday Comments of Ferdinand Peroutka," referring to the tragic and fatal uprising among the Germans, told the Czechs: "Do you know that tens of thousands of workers there are on the march, shouting 'Ivan, go home? Do you know that everybody there is fed up with the Soviet overlordship, has enough of Soviet exploitation?" 48 SLOVAK IA Again and again, Peroutk a has dicussed prematu re and therefor e suicidal - uprising s in an inflamm atory fashion. For the sake of preservi ng precious friends for a more opportu ne time, we might well have followed the advice of the late Senator Robert A. Taft, who vigorou sly opposed such heedlessness. Propagation of Decadent Literature and Music For the time being, Radio Free Europe might well content itself with building up the morale of those who long for liberatio n from the Commu nist tyrants. There are numerou s straight forward books which take a courage ous stand against any and all undue control by governm ent. These, though, are not the books from which RFE's commentato rs have chosen to quote. No, the cultural fare which they have selected is largely confined to decaden ce in literature, and jazz in the realm of music. The program "Play of the Week" is full of mental confusion and decay. The books which are reviewed and quoted, and which are suppose d to represen t the world of the free, abound in decaden t characte rs, in suicide and perversi on. As to literatur e which is suppose d to represen t eastern Europe, the emphasi s is strongly placed on works of defected collectiv ists, picturin g the horror and the hopeless ness among the satellite nations. The editor of "Book of the Week," on August 3, 1952, at 9:45 a. m., expound ed: "We enable you to become acquain ted with the literatur e which is current in the free world. Take a book by Mannus Ferber, who once was a Commu nist . . . the story in itself is colorless - a tera in the ocean ... there are no ready answers anywhe re .. . " On April 26, 1953, at 9 :45 a. m., "Book of the Week" another typical example - discusse d The Polish present to Giodo: "A mysterio us curse rests on the Jean Mill, by family," the commen tator explaine d. "In vain, Kosta opposes the weight of destiny ... his son-in-la w becomes mentally insane ... his daughte r goes crazy ... the young woman is slowly dying ... the power of fate is the core of the book ... all revolt against it is futile . . . " SLOVAKIA 49 "Weekly Survey of Culture," of January 4, 1953, at 11 :15 a. m., told of a work of literature that is "full of complexes and inner conflicts . . . " "Film Program," of April 9, 1955, at 2 :20 p. m., reviewed a film directed by Eliza Kazan: " . . . he went to see his mother in the brothel ... he borrowed money from her, even though he despises her, and then he made a good business deal . . . a drama full of instincts, passions, and convulsions, of undertones ... a master work by Kazan ... " This story about a moral and strong father whose wife lives in a brothel was offered by RFE during the Easter holidays. RFE seems to be chockful of split personalities, of people with complexes, of those who are in need of psychiatrists, of people whom we might pity if there were not so little time left and if they were not entrusted with the task of championing our principles of trust in God and our responsibilities as free men. The music offered by RFE, at 10:05 every morning, and at other hours, accords with the confusion, savagery and hopelessness of the literary ,p roducts which these men favor. ,Most of it i:s jruzz in the version of the squieruking dis_ harmonies and noises of primitives, or of complex men who flee from their own souls. The West is rich in music of the highest inspiration. RFE seems not aware of this mighty force in our behalf. The Communist station in Prague does better. The Communists, mindful of national heritage, play Smetana and Dvorak, the great music of the Czech people. They benefit by these magnificent works. But Radio Free Europe broadcasts jazz - alien, uninspiring stuff. Some of the less influential employees on Radio Free Europe have protested against these low and degrading performances. They were told from above to go on producing jazz. Propagation of Internationalism and Racial Merger The general mental and moral climate of Radio Free Europe conveys moods of indecision, wretchedness and vexation. 50 SLOVAKIA Inherentl y most of the ideals which RFE advocates require some sort of super-gov ernment, which means but additional curtailme nt of the liberties which this costly radio network is supposed to champion . On nearly every day, for instance, there is a program which urges the abolition of naturally- grown national culture in favor of the European super-sta te. It is called "Europe Without the Iron Curtain" and it always begins with the slogan: "Europe without the Iron Curtain means the United States of Europe. Yesterda y but Utopia, today the dream of millions, tomorrow reality." The slogan has been formulate d by the widely known internationalis t Karol Belak-Be rger. Paradoxic ally, the Commun ist internatio nalists in the East are smart enough to appeal often to age-old, traditiona l nationalism. Radio Free Europe, which has been presumab ly conceived to fight Commun ist internatio nalism, champion s internatio nalism. "Nearly all Czechs and Slovaks desire the United States of Europe." That is what "The Other Side of the Coin" asserted, on April 5, 1955, at 8 :15 a. m. A free poll or plebiscite among the enslaved Czechs and Slovaks might well disclose a different mood, a different opinion. On June 6, 1952, at 7 :15 p. m., "Europe Without the Iron Curtain" stated: "The world federatio n is a necessity ; but first Europe must be united. The European federatio n is but the beginning ; the United States of the World is the ultimafo aim ... First a European federatio n must be achieved; then we shall be ready for the world federatio n." In accordanc e with this candidly avowed goal, RFE continually disparage s the concept of national sovereign ty, which is dear to the overwhel ming majority of European s. Thus "Commen ts on Events at Home," on April 28, 1953, at 10:45 a. m., slightingl y referred to "the so-called national sovereign ty." "Europe Without the Iron Curtain," on May 5, 1954, at 1:15 p. m., stated: "On the defendan t's .b ank there sits the concept of the national state and its ideological foundation - nationalis m. Frontiers - the straitjack et of the national state - are an anachron ism." SLOVAKIA 51 The United Nations and UNESCO - a controversial topic among millions of Europeans - are favorites of RFE. "The United Nations gives new hope," said "News," on October 24, 1953, at 1 p. m. "The whole world looks toward the United Nations," said "Who Is Who," on April 22, 1953, at 8:30 a. m. Such statements are daily standard with Radio Free Europe. Ever opposed to nationalism, RFE even objects to national self-determination of the many non-Russian nations inside the Soviet empire. It stands to reason that national self-assertion inside Russia might be a ,p owerful aid to any effort aimed at disintegration of the Soviet Union. Consequently this is opposed by RFE's amazing bleeding hearts. Thus, "Voices of the Western Press," on February 8, 1952, at 8 p. m., quoted: "Russia should not dissolve herself into a number of smaller nations; the nations of the Soviet Union should discontinue their disputes." In its determined opposition to the concept of national heritage, and in harmony with the ideas favored by such American left-wing groups as Americans for Democratic Action, RFE, in programs addressed to the trans-Curtain people, goes so far as to attack the McCarran-Walter Immigration Act. Thus, "Our New York Correspondent Reports," on April 29, 1953, at 10:05 a. m., declared: "The public wants the law to be changed; for the nationality quotas of this law are obsolete . . . The press unanimously demands revision. We hope that the change will be effected." Beyond mere political merger of the nations, Radio Free Europe also campaigns for a merger of races. Thus, for instance, "Europe Without the Iron Curtain," on February 15, 1952, at 6:15 p. m., declared: "Just as Europe, in a way, already represents a nation . . . . there also arises a new nation in the U. S. A. - out of the white, the black, and the yellow races . . . This too will happen in the East of Europe." Along this line, RFE's left-wingers seldom fail to disguise their animosity towards those nations which they regard as particularly nationalistic - against the past Germany, Spain, the Union of South Africa, and the various 52 SLOVAKIA Arab nations. RFE's persistent opposition to the Arab states sometimes reaches comical proportions. An article in itself would be required to document this phase of RFE's internationalism. Praise for New Dealers and Criticism of Conservative Americans In line with its over-all outlook, Radio Free Europe has consistently glorified American New Dealers and has at the same time not refrained from merciless attacks on conservative Americans. In other words, RFE, which should concentrate on psychological warfare against the Communist world con$piracy, has indulged in the hobby of defaming valiant American anti-Communists. No wonder that wideawake Europeans have ever more often asked if RFE is primarily an anti-anti-Communist organization. "Answers to Those at Home," on October 28, 1952, at 10 :05 a. m., proclaimed : "Stevenson was a principal speaker at the celebration for T. G. Masaryk. (Founder and first president of the Czechoslovak republic. - Editor.) Our hope for the future would be rekindled if he were elected President of the United States." On November 4, 1952, at 10:05 a. m., the same program reveled in this choice bit of lyrical effusion: "Adlai Stevenson ... ranks among America's greatest sons, such as Lincoln and F. D. Roosevelt ... He is the very incarnation of America's highest aspirations . . . Within less than a year he rose from obscurity to the pinnacle of American leadership." The record of Radio Free Europe's programs is full of unfavorable remarks about those great Americans who have steadfastly opposed the Communist menace. A flood of vituperation was pou:r;-ed on General Douglas MacArthur upon his dismissal from the Far Eastern scene. His speeches, which have moved the truly anti-Communist refugees from eastern Europe, have been consistently withheld from RFE's programs. It was the same with the great and honorable Senator Robert A. Taft, on the occasion of his campaign for the Republican nomination in 1952. After "Mr. Republican's" SLOVAKIA 53 defeat at the Chicago Convention, "Our New York Correspondent Reports," on August 7, 1952, at 10:05 a. m., rejoiced: "For Europe it is decisive that the last remainders of isolationism have been removed, and that a sound policy has been carried to victory." Ferdinand Peroutka, in one of his interminable "Sunday Comments," on August 3, 1952, at 12:15 p. m., pontificated: "Taft was the proponent of a policy which can never settle anything, as his adversaries have always pointed out." "Our New York Correspondent Reports," on July 9, 1952, at 8:05 p. m., had this to say: "The opinions of (Herbert) Hoover and (Douglas) MacArthur represent the viewpoint of a minority; these men want to confine themselves to the (exclusive) defense of the American continent. The majority ( of Americans), though, have dimissed this attitude and are conscious of America's global role." "A Program of Novelties," referring to the passing of two famous American journalists Pulitzer and Bert McCormick - on April 3, 1955, at 3 .p. m., called Pulitzer the "son of an Hungarian immigrant, an outstanding American journalist," but criticized Colonel McCormick as a "controversial, reactionary isolationist" who "opposed progress." The Krem'l~n must have been satisfied with that incisive observation. General Impression Created By Radio Free Europe What, then, is the general impression which Radio Free Europe has made, behind the Iron Curtain as well as among the millions of anti-Communists in Western Europe? It is, besides the impression of half-heartedness, indecision, artificiality, and downright clowning. When RFE's broadcasters, directly addressing some poor wretch or some swineherd in some forlorn little hamlet in Slovakia or Bohemia, lower their voices to terrify him, antiCommunist refugees merely laugh. Alas, the farce tastes bitter, because of the lost opportunities, the stupidity, the feeling of treason, and the unsonscionably low moral standard. Next, there is the strong impression of cliche journalism, occupying itseif with superficialities - cars, houses, 54 SLOVAKIA etc. - and largely avoiding verbatim quotations. Instead, they impose their propaganda by means of slogans. Real opinions of the refugees and of the people at home are disregarded by the RFE propaganda. Real anti-Communists are never allowed to get their messages across the Curtain. Real anti-Communists, including the repenting National Fronters, are social outcasts. But the collaborators of the National Front, who even today maintain that the National Front was all right, sit at the big desks and cash their substantial checks, in compensation for their shadow boxing. Then there is the distinct impression of coolness, impersonality and anonymity. Since the well-known anti-Communists of -long standing have been barred from RFEJ, theTe are no names to inspire the listeners. Yes, some men do speak under their own names. These include the left-winger Dr. Joseph Lettrich, the Marxist Vaclav Majer, and such Socialists as Ferdinand Peroutka, Dr. Petr Zenkl and Dr. Jaroslav Stransky. However, these men are known to be weaklings, mere fronts for more powerful personalities. They are recognized to be generally useless; they won't stir the imagination of anyone. As to the known former champions of the Communist causes, trans-Curtain listeners would simply shut off the radio if they knew who was talking to them. Therefore, Milos Vanek now calls himself Pravdomil Basta, and Frantisek Listopad goes by the name of Jan Ctvrtek. Similarly, the leftist Socialist Dr. Miloslav Kohak has become Vitezslav Fram; Otto Graf hides his pro-Communist past under the pseudonym of Franta Tabor, and Karol Belak-Berger has conveniently turned into one Jan Lehota. "Who are these fellows anyhow?" the listeners behind the Curtain must wonder; for they have never heard of them. Naturally, they become suspicious, and their interest sags. Czechs and Slovaks behind the Curtain remember those who never compromised with the Communists. They know that these men are now living in the West - the C:i!echoslovak General of the Army, Lev Prchala, the former Czechoslovak Minister, Dr. Joseph Cerny, and many others, and SLOVAKIA 55 also some former members of the National Front who in the free West started to denounce it - Dr. Bohdan Chudoba, Dr. Michal Zibrin, or Dr. Helena Kozeluhova, who was expelled in 1946 from the Parliament by the National Front, and the entire younger generation, led by Jiri Havelka, Emil Petrik, etc. The Slovaks have their former Minister, Dr. Ferdinand Durcansky and many others. The listeners behind the Iron Curtain cannot fail to wonder why none of them sends any "messages home" by way of Radio Free Europe. The masterminds of this confusion, whose net results represent sabotage of the anti-Communist fight - are way behind the firing lines in New York City, and in Washington. They, too, shroud themselves in anonymity. 'T he over-all impression, then, is one of cynism and emptiness, artificiality, and insincerity. Who wants to buy apples which are rotten at the core? RFE's Program In conclusion, we must ask: What, then, is the program of Radio Free Europe, or has no program been designed so far? Those behind the Curtain, who have the time to listen at all, would like to know in what way liberation may be achieved, and what specific assistance, beyond mere words, the West might be able to offer. Radio Free Europe has not been able to supply any satisfactory information in respect to this all-important ,problem. Here, however, we cannot help allowing for valid reasons to excuse much of RFE's ineffectualness; for even if RFE were staffed with outright, hard-hitting anti-Communists, it could not ,possibly make any promises which the Western governments, particularly the government of the U. S. A., were not willing to back with power. There is no use in claiming superiority in aircraft or guided missiles if that superiority admittedly does not exist. It is not possible to promise an economic blockade as long as that policy has not been adopted by the American government. Radio Free Europe - or any of the other liberation 56 SLOVAKIA stations - cannot very well offer the severing of diplomati c relations with the Soviet criminals when our own statesmen meet with them at the summit and have lots of smiling pictures :taken for the benefit of the Soviet ieaders. However, if RFE were really (instead of merely in name) an independe nt and private organizat ion, and really staffed with intelligen t and genuine anti-Com munists, it could urge Western governme nts to take stronger steps. Radio Free Europe might demand the creation of military units exclusive ly composed of refugee and e~pellee volunteers. It might demand the ousting of Commun ists from both internatio nal and national organizat ions. It might establish extensive contacts with the undergro und behind the Curtain, instead of causing its discovery and extermin ation by Communi sts. Radio Free Europe might frankly discuss the present difficultie s while at the same time exhorting the Iron Curtain slaves not to lose hope. The trans-Cu rtain ,people who long for liberty might at least be informed about where all of us stand. They should know about a long-rang e .p rogram as well as what can be done at this time. Most importan t of all, Radio Free Europe should become a clear and shining beacon to those who are willing to fight for their liberties. This can only be achieved by throwing out the clowns and confusion ists who want to fight communism with a Socialist "peo1ple',s program. " If Radio Free Europe cannot cleanse itself because it is from top to bottom infested with collectivists, internatio nalists, materialists and decadents , then it would be better to shut it down and replace it with an entirely new organizat ion. Perhaps this great reform cannot be undertak en as long a:s even in the United States the grass roots patriots, who unequivocally believe in God, the Constitut ion and freedom of enterprise , are successfu lly boycotted and ridiculed. Perhaps an effective liberation station can only be establishe d when at last the collectivi st corrupter s of the United States are driven from their entrenche d ,p ositions in America' s public institution s, and her means of communi cation, and her governme nt itself.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource A Close-Up View of Radio Free Europe Description An account of the resource Jiri Brada Slovakia, Vol. 6, No. 1 (18), March 1956 pp. 17-56 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Brada, Jiri Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource March 1956 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/b364b7e35f27b4085c4f883773cd6a6e.pdf af4c68dde22286a580943431bf08ff28 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 57 Kerner's "Czechoslovakia" (Cont'd.) HISTORY OR PROPAGANDA? P.A. HROBAK According to Mr. Graham, there was no competition for the presidency after Masaryk resigned "in view of the outstanding character of Dr. Benes" (p. 125). This is not exactly true, 1b ecause the Hlinka Party opposed the election of Benes, as did others, until Benes promised :reforms and tbe fulfillment of the 1P ittsburgh Pact, that is, that within a year of his election Slovakia would become autonomous. This disciple, after his election, reneged on the Pittslburgh Poot, just as his master did. This, m course, added to the "outstanding character" of Dr. Benes. 1 • "Freedom of the press, to the exclusion of the preliminar,y censorship so dreaded under the Austrian regime, was guaranteed. With unusual foresight, not match ed by the political leaders of either Weim ar Germany of Socialist Austria, the framers of the Czechoslovak Constitution made pro,v ision for legal restriction on the rights of the press, of assembly, and of association in time of war or in case of events taking p lace within the State seriously threatening the repub• lican form of govern m ent, the Constitution, or public peace and order." (p. 131). - Unusual foresight, indeed. "Public peace and order" must have been threatened thousands of times, judging from the "white spaces" in Slovak newspapers and books during the regimes of Masaryk and Benes; entire editions of Slova1k newspapers were confiscated many times. We have plenty of proof of that for Mr. Graham and all readers of Kerner's "Ozechoslovaikia." Guarantees of freedoms, liberties and rights on 1paper look nice, but mean nothing if they are not realized. The Masaryk-•Benes Czechs were in control of everything and could, therefore, inter,pret the Constitution as they pleased; under them political opposL tion was inte11preted as "unlawful" and a threat to "public peace and order." According to Mr. Graham: "Reli,gious liberty was of primordial import . . . al} religious confessions were treated as equal before the l aw . . . national, religious ,a,u<l. racial mino rities were promised the same equality accorded to the Czechoslovaks in civil and political matters . . . ,a s1>ecial l angu~ge law, itself of a constitutional character, was issued Feb- �58 SLOVAKIA rua.ry 29, 1920, making the Czechoslovak language the official s tate b ut maldng other languag,es, •when used language of the Republic, < by a minority consisting of at least 20 percent of the inhabitants of any jurisdictional area, coordinately valid for virtually every legal pu!'lp()se . .. the right of children to r,e ceive education in their mother tongue ,w as guaranteed, but instruction in the Czech language could be macte obligatory at any time . .. T-o the moment of .partition it could truly he sa;id by German, Magy,ar, Slovak Ruthene, or Czech, that the very air breathed the freedom of the human spirit, a freedom to which the republic was dedicated by its founders." In short, as far as Mr. Graham was concerned, everything was just albout ,p erfect in the "democracy of Masarylk and Benes." But the historical truth is that it was far from it. The Slovaks were not considered a minority, but they actually were worse off in many instances than any minority. The "Czechoslovak NA'VIONAL Church" - a strictly Czech ente:riprise - was estrublished with the blessing and the support of the Masarylk--Benes regimes. The "Czechoslovak" language did not and does not exist, but it became the official language of the Republic, without Mr. Graham ·knowing it. And worst of all, iMr. Graham presumes to spea!k for ,peoples 3Jbout whom he knows little or nothing. If the nations of Czechoslovakia actually enjoyed freedom and lilberties - "the freedom of the human spirit," as Graham calls it - in the democracy of Masaryk and Benes, why did they not fire even a single shot in its defense? Mr. Grah3JID, like the other contrrbutors to Kerner's "Ozechoslovakia," eulogi1zed Masaryik and Benes and sweated out a grandiloquent cha1pter ba:sed on the fiction of "Ozeohoslovak" unity. No, matter what Graham's intentions or objectives were, there can be no justification for suppressing, denying, or falsifying established historical facts. CHA!P'DER ViI!Ill - "Parties and Politics" - by Malbone W. Graham (vd. previous chapter). The tendency so much in evidence in the previous chapter, contributed by the same author, prevails here. To Dr. Graham, "the political history of the Czechoslovak Republic reveals a pattern of continuity and stability unequaied by any other country in Europe." T. G. Masaryk and Be-< nes were masters of the situation. Foreign policy of the Re- �SLOVAKIA 59 public was "in the exipert hands of Dr. Eduard Benes for two decades, from 1915 to 1935"; •b ut "even in the ,period of his presidency, Dr. Benes continued to dominate morally the entevprise of diplomacy." The contin,uity in leadership, plus the "continuity of principle" - ,w hatever that was, gave to the foreign policies of Cze.cho-Slova:kia, and her domestic .p olitics as well,_ "calmness, balance, and objectivity." Benes was no ordinary man, according to Graham. Only 34 years old in 1918 and without any .practical political eXJperience whatever, Benes dominated the political scene in Czecho-Slova!kia. "Dr. Benes was given an opportunity, seldom vouchsafed by history, to organize foreign policy realistically." Just how "realistically Benes organized it became evident, first in 19'38, and then in 1943. He made enemies of all nei,ghboring countries, while in CzechoSlovakia he failed miserrubly to gain the Slova:ks. Benes was a "revolte" - a socialist, also an atheist long before 1'915. Benes went to study to Prague before he was twelve years old. Edward B. Hitchcocl{, one of the most extravagant eulogists of Benes, tells us ("BENES - The Man and The Statesman" - Hamish Hamilton, London ; 1940): "Late,r•, when he (Benes) stayed for several years in Prague, he developed into a believer in brute materialism, anarchism, socialism. He was against religion. He was opposed to almost every established order in the world of that day .... And even the fundamental question - the existence of God - was for him a serious problem. He always countered with the statement that the existence of God was nothing but wishful thinking, that nobody could prove to him that there is a God." Such a man, Graha,m would have us believe, gave the Ozecho-Slovak domestic ipolitics "calmness, balance, and objectivity." About 72 •p ercent of the Czechs and 82 percent of the Slova;ks were Catholics - and Benes hated the Catholic Church. Mr. Graham apparenty knew nothing of the hack,g round of Benes, who also rated among Freemasons. In Paris, Prague, London and Berlin, the young ,m an from Kozl any always felt at home in the company of socirulists, wrote for their pa;pers, hut Mr. Graham, it seems, knows nothing a,bout that; the same goes for the other .contributors to Kerner's "Czechoslovakia." It seems that 1 �60 SLOV.AKI.A they do not want students of history to know what made Benes tick as he did. 'Dhey are supposed to believe that the man just popped out of nowhere, met T. G. Masaryk, and became the greatest democrat and statesman in Europe . • ".Along with tih~ m aj or <:urrent of s ocial democracy i n Czechoslovakia, tlhere developed ,a subsidiary, r eform ist, non-Marxian socialist party with a defJ ni tely evolutionary pro gram .. . it called itself the Na tional Sociali st P a rty. . . .Accepting a program of evolutionary state socia li sm a nd general collectivism, without stressing th e claims or th e in terests of industrial worke rs, the party was predestined to be disproportionately influential in the determination of policy, because a number of its members were highly placed in the government in the constitution-making period and because foreign affairs were in the hands of Dr. Benes, who affiliated with the party in Parliament." (p. 145). Under Masaryik and Benes, Czecho-Slova:kia was made into a socialistic state. The Ozech National Socialists (Czech Nazis) rmder Benes promoted the godless, materialistic ·p hilosophy of Marx in Ozecho-Slovakia from the very start of the Republic and, hence, the party could not hruve been a "non-,Marxian socialist party," as Mr. Graham claims. The Czechs had no trouble in converting completely to communism in 1948, because Masaryk, Benes and the socialists had prepared them for it. The Slovaks adamantly opposed communism, but could do nothing under the circumstances, -because the Benes political clique made policies. 1 • "Under the organization after 1918 , th e prin cipal party groups, taken from Right to L eft, were ap.proximately as fo llows : The National Democrats •.. The ,P opuli sts .. . The Agrarians ..• The Socialists... The Slovaks" (pp. 140-146). Mr. Graham has very little to say a;bout the SLOV.A,KiS, which means that he knew little or nothing a:bout t hem. The Czechs did, however, run the entire ipoHtical show in Oze0ho-1Slo,v akia. In regard to the Slovaks, Mr. Graham tells us : "In the Revolutionary National Assembly the S'lova.ks initially formed a compact bloc, but shortly began to act with their Czech coDeagues along definite party lines, following in general either a clerical, agrarian, or socialist orientation" (p. 146). Who those Slova:ks were, however, Mr. Graham does not divulge. The fact is that �SLOVAKIA 61 the overwhelming Catholic majority of the Slova,k population had no representation in the Revolutionary National Assembly, the memlbers of which were selected by Masaryk and Benes. It is significant that all the Slovaks appointed were opponents of Slova'k autonomy and proponents of "Czechoslovak" unity; and that the "Slovak bloc" included C:rechs (iBenes, Alice Masaryk, Rotnagl, Kalisek , ZarubaPfeffeJ1IDann) ! Misrepresentation, fraud and deceit were devices of the Benes Czechs, used t o befuddle the outside world. The Slova,ks were dealt with superficially also under the title of "The Populists," where Mr. Graham says : '' As in W eimar, Germ any the Roman Catholic poli ti ca l for ces in Czechoslovak ia underwen t a baptism of dem ocracy and emerged as a Czechoslovak People's Piar,ty and a Slovak P eo ple's Part y, respecti v el y . .. t he Populists deman ded wide au t onom y for t h e local communities. F or twenty years t h e Slovaik P eople's Party, l ed by Father Andrej B linka and for a tim e seco nded by P rofe s so r Bela Tuka, was the principa l foyer of Slo vak particularism and separatism " (p. 142). Strange things, indeed, harppened in Weimar, Germany, and to the "Roman Catholic forces" in Czecho-Slovakia after a "ha,ptism of democracy" ! The Slova:ks emerged as the Slovak P eople's Party, but the Czechs came out as the "Czechoslovak P eople's Party" and, apparently ibefuddled even iMr. Graham. And the country of the Slova;ks, the land inha!bited by them for at least the past 1500 years, became only a "local community"! Again Mr. Graham somehow forgot that Czecho-Slov akia was supposed to be a federation of Bohemia, Moravia, Silesia and Slovaikia. And what was this " particularism and separatism" of Hlinka's party? Nothing else but a struggle for States' Rights for Slovakia within the framework of Cze_ cho-1Slovakia. Why didn't !Mr. Graham say so? The answer is obvious. "Both branches of the P opulist movement," according to Graham, "subscrilbed to the philosophy of Christian socialism as conceived in Austria," that is, "endeavored to bring Christian, i.e., Catholic ideas into effect in legislation and to fight for the preserwation of the influence of the Catholic Church in the schools and in public iJ.ife," says Graham quoting the words o.f one of the apologists of the �62 SLOVAKIA movement. And this, Graham wants us to believe, gaive the Populist 1parties an "anti-soclalist chara,cter." A queer deduction, indeed! The question crops u;p: what is the essential difference between Christian and non--Christian socialism - and which would better serve the interests of a country whose population is for the most part Catholic? • "By the law of April 16, 1919, there was crea ted the Czechoslovak Land OMice ... with •a president ap,pointed by Masaryk and an administrative board ,a ppointed •b y the Revolutionary National Assembly. To this body were given plenary powers for the expropri-ation and realloc ation of land . . . In this way the CZECHOSLOVAK RE·PU.BLIC undid the historic wrongs by which after 1620 the greater part of the CZ•ECH nobility were deprived of their lands and German servitors of the Habsburgs were colonized upon them." {p. 148) . The Land Reform benefitted the Czechs especially the politicians in Prague, their families and friends who never had to worry rubout money afterward. Graham tells us that the estates of the crown and the nobiltity were expropriated "outright and without compensation, whereas in other ca:ses the State offered "appvopriate compensation." Historic "wrongs" were undone by committing more "wrongs"! What lands did the CZECH nobility lose in Slovakia after 1620? Why does Mr. Graham identify the "Czechoslovak Republic" with the Czech nobility? Obviously because to him the Repulblic meant CZffiCHiS. He omits the fact that German nobility lost its lands also. Mr. Graham would have us ,believe that 1620 (White Mountain) was a nationalistic affair, but we know that it was a purely reltgious and dynastic affair. After the Bohemian (not Czech) magnates were defeated, the emperor wrought vengeance upon his enemies both Czech and German - and made Bohemia a hereditary crownland. • Opposite page 1'52 we find a nice picture of Benes, under which we read: "EDUARD BENES--President of the Czechoslovak Republic, 1935-1938, 1940 - " I do not know whether it was placed there tb y •Mr. Kerner or Mr. Graham; most likely it was ,put there by Mr. Kerner. Be that as it may, it is �SLOVAKIA 63 significant that the year 1939 did not figure. The historical fact, however, is that President Benes voluntarily resigned the 1presidency of Ozecho~Slova,kia in 1938, cowardly fled the country, and the Czecho~Sovak !Parliament elected Ha.cha as provided by the Constitution. Why should Kerner, Graham, or any one else for that matter, want us to believe that Benes was still president from "1940-"? The latter, I believe, in oroer to conform to fact, should read: 1940-1948: Moscow Puppet. • In Graham's chapter on "Parties and politics," the Czechs figure most prominently, while the Slovaks are more ignored than the Germans. 1Benes, Kramar, Tusar, Rasin, Masaryk, Cerny, Svehla, Udrzal, Gajda, iMalypetr, Krofta, - AuL CZiIDC!HS - shone 1b rightly on the poli~ tical scene, while SlOIVak Hlinka is mentioned just casually and Slovak Hodza comes on the stage only late in 193'5. At least one thing should be very clear: whatever happened to the Republic was the responsibility of the Masaryk .. Benes Czechs. Czecho-!Slovakia was ruled by coalition governments, 1b ut the ra,dical left-wingers, followers of the materialistic, socialistic philosoiphy of Marx, always predominated. Under the "democratic" system of Masaryk and Benes, the Slovaks were powerless and had practically no influence on policy, foreign or domestic. Neither did the Germans and the Magyars of the Republic. When the "ultraconservative elements" in Malypetr's coalition seceded, he found it necessary, according to Mr. Graham, "to combat legislatively the abuses of the press to which the extremist organs of indigenous Czech fascism and the imported German variety lent themselves." Graha,m continues (,pp. 162-163): "Withou t surrendering fundamental liberties, it was made difficult for factions hostile to ,the democratic order to pursue their activities in the press with impunity. Although applicable to all fact.ions, including Communists, the fascist groups and the German National Socialists were the ,principal ones to feel the brunt of the new legislation ." But the truth is that the Slovaks, who continued to demand "states' rights" (autonomy) within the framework of Ozecho-Slovakia and never were "hostile to the demo- �64 SLOVAKIA cratic order," felt the brunt of the new legislation even more than the communists, fascists and German National Socialists of Czecho-:Slova,kia. Mr. Graham, however, ;pre~ fers to ignore this historical fact, as he also does the actual Czech-Slovak problem, the relations between the Czechs and 1Slovaks, which !b ecame so utterly deteriorated under the Masaryk and Benes regimes. Again the tendency is only too obvious. • The Czecho-,Slovak political pot, fired by the stwpid and highly inflammaJble policies of the Benes Czechs, was coming to a boil. "!Henlein's group openly /began to- espouse the leadership principle, to su'bscr~be to the totalitarian philosophy of Geranan national socialism" (p. 165) something the Czechs did not susped, Graham would have us believe, saying: "This orientation caused genuine apprehension on tlhe p•ar.t of the Czechs, and the accession of Hodza to power was viewed as an open indication to the world of Czech and Slovak solidarity, •a lthough to the end of the •R epublic the ,Slovak Populists under Hlink•a retained their diff.idence and r efused to participate in the coalition, demandjng too high a price by way of autonomy foe Slovakia for even Hodia, himself a Slovaik, to pay." One of the greatest concerns of the Benes Czechs was to have the world believe that all Czechs and all Slovaiks were solidly behind them. The world wanted to be deceived, hence deceived it was. GrahMn would want it to labor under that deception indefinitely, it seems. If it was in Hodza's power, he would have gladly payed the price of autonomy to the Slovaks; the Benes Czechs remained stubbornly against it to the very last, though they were willing to grant Henlein almost anything and everything in 1938 to save their reeHng "Czechoslovak democracy." Hodza, who, was made the scapegoat of the events which preceded the total collapse of the Republic and who despite his better judgment stuck with the Benes Czechs to the bitter end, was later dumped by them. (•More coming) The BEST availaible EiNGLJiSlf-1SLOVAK DICTIONARY? Yes, we have it. Get your copy o.f HROBAK'S ENGLISH~SDOVAK DICTIONARY today! Only $4.00 per copy. � SLOVAKIA 57 Kerner's "Czechoslovakia" (Cont'd.) HISTORY OR PROPAGANDA? P.A. HROBAK According to Mr. Graham, there was no competition for the presidency after Masaryk resigned "in view of the outstanding character of Dr. Benes" (p. 125). This is not exactly true, 1b ecause the Hlinka Party opposed the election of Benes, as did others, until Benes promised :reforms and tbe fulfillment of the 1P ittsburgh Pact, that is, that within a year of his election Slovakia would become autonomous. This disciple, after his election, reneged on the Pittslburgh Poot, just as his master did. This, m course, added to the "outstanding character" of Dr. Benes. 1 • "Freedom of the press, to the exclusion of the preliminar,y censorship so dreaded under the Austrian regime, was guaranteed. With unusual foresight, not match ed by the political leaders of either Weim ar Germany of Socialist Austria, the framers of the Czechoslovak Constitution made pro,v ision for legal restriction on the rights of the press, of assembly, and of association in time of war or in case of events taking p lace within the State seriously threatening the repub• lican form of govern m ent, the Constitution, or public peace and order." (p. 131). - Unusual foresight, indeed. "Public peace and order" must have been threatened thousands of times, judging from the "white spaces" in Slovak newspapers and books during the regimes of Masaryk and Benes; entire editions of Slova1k newspapers were confiscated many times. We have plenty of proof of that for Mr. Graham and all readers of Kerner's "Ozechoslovaikia." Guarantees of freedoms, liberties and rights on 1paper look nice, but mean nothing if they are not realized. The Masaryk-•Benes Czechs were in control of everything and could, therefore, inter,pret the Constitution as they pleased; under them political opposL tion was inte11preted as "unlawful" and a threat to "public peace and order." According to Mr. Graham: "Reli,gious liberty was of primordial import . . . al} religious confessions were treated as equal before the l aw . . . national, religious ,a,u<l. racial mino rities were promised the same equality accorded to the Czechoslovaks in civil and political matters . . . ,a s1>ecial l angu~ge law, itself of a constitutional character, was issued Feb- �58 SLOVAKIA rua.ry 29, 1920, making the Czechoslovak language the official s tate b ut maldng other languag,es, •when used language of the Republic, < by a minority consisting of at least 20 percent of the inhabitants of any jurisdictional area, coordinately valid for virtually every legal pu!'lp()se . .. the right of children to r,e ceive education in their mother tongue ,w as guaranteed, but instruction in the Czech language could be macte obligatory at any time . .. T-o the moment of .partition it could truly he sa;id by German, Magy,ar, Slovak Ruthene, or Czech, that the very air breathed the freedom of the human spirit, a freedom to which the republic was dedicated by its founders." In short, as far as Mr. Graham was concerned, everything was just albout ,p erfect in the "democracy of Masarylk and Benes." But the historical truth is that it was far from it. The Slovaks were not considered a minority, but they actually were worse off in many instances than any minority. The "Czechoslovak NA'VIONAL Church" - a strictly Czech ente:riprise - was estrublished with the blessing and the support of the Masarylk--Benes regimes. The "Czechoslovak" language did not and does not exist, but it became the official language of the Republic, without Mr. Graham ·knowing it. And worst of all, iMr. Graham presumes to spea!k for ,peoples 3Jbout whom he knows little or nothing. If the nations of Czechoslovakia actually enjoyed freedom and lilberties - "the freedom of the human spirit," as Graham calls it - in the democracy of Masaryk and Benes, why did they not fire even a single shot in its defense? Mr. Grah3JID, like the other contrrbutors to Kerner's "Ozechoslovakia," eulogi1zed Masaryik and Benes and sweated out a grandiloquent cha1pter ba:sed on the fiction of "Ozeohoslovak" unity. No, matter what Graham's intentions or objectives were, there can be no justification for suppressing, denying, or falsifying established historical facts. CHA!P'DER ViI!Ill - "Parties and Politics" - by Malbone W. Graham (vd. previous chapter). The tendency so much in evidence in the previous chapter, contributed by the same author, prevails here. To Dr. Graham, "the political history of the Czechoslovak Republic reveals a pattern of continuity and stability unequaied by any other country in Europe." T. G. Masaryk and Be-< nes were masters of the situation. Foreign policy of the Re- �SLOVAKIA 59 public was "in the exipert hands of Dr. Eduard Benes for two decades, from 1915 to 1935"; •b ut "even in the ,period of his presidency, Dr. Benes continued to dominate morally the entevprise of diplomacy." The contin,uity in leadership, plus the "continuity of principle" - ,w hatever that was, gave to the foreign policies of Cze.cho-Slova:kia, and her domestic .p olitics as well,_ "calmness, balance, and objectivity." Benes was no ordinary man, according to Graham. Only 34 years old in 1918 and without any .practical political eXJperience whatever, Benes dominated the political scene in Czecho-Slova!kia. "Dr. Benes was given an opportunity, seldom vouchsafed by history, to organize foreign policy realistically." Just how "realistically Benes organized it became evident, first in 19'38, and then in 1943. He made enemies of all nei,ghboring countries, while in CzechoSlovakia he failed miserrubly to gain the Slova:ks. Benes was a "revolte" - a socialist, also an atheist long before 1'915. Benes went to study to Prague before he was twelve years old. Edward B. Hitchcocl{, one of the most extravagant eulogists of Benes, tells us ("BENES - The Man and The Statesman" - Hamish Hamilton, London ; 1940): "Late,r•, when he (Benes) stayed for several years in Prague, he developed into a believer in brute materialism, anarchism, socialism. He was against religion. He was opposed to almost every established order in the world of that day .... And even the fundamental question - the existence of God - was for him a serious problem. He always countered with the statement that the existence of God was nothing but wishful thinking, that nobody could prove to him that there is a God." Such a man, Graha,m would have us believe, gave the Ozecho-Slovak domestic ipolitics "calmness, balance, and objectivity." About 72 •p ercent of the Czechs and 82 percent of the Slova;ks were Catholics - and Benes hated the Catholic Church. Mr. Graham apparenty knew nothing of the hack,g round of Benes, who also rated among Freemasons. In Paris, Prague, London and Berlin, the young ,m an from Kozl any always felt at home in the company of socirulists, wrote for their pa;pers, hut Mr. Graham, it seems, knows nothing a,bout that; the same goes for the other .contributors to Kerner's "Czechoslovakia." It seems that 1 �60 SLOV.AKI.A they do not want students of history to know what made Benes tick as he did. 'Dhey are supposed to believe that the man just popped out of nowhere, met T. G. Masaryk, and became the greatest democrat and statesman in Europe . • ".Along with tih~ m aj or <:urrent of s ocial democracy i n Czechoslovakia, tlhere developed ,a subsidiary, r eform ist, non-Marxian socialist party with a defJ ni tely evolutionary pro gram .. . it called itself the Na tional Sociali st P a rty. . . .Accepting a program of evolutionary state socia li sm a nd general collectivism, without stressing th e claims or th e in terests of industrial worke rs, the party was predestined to be disproportionately influential in the determination of policy, because a number of its members were highly placed in the government in the constitution-making period and because foreign affairs were in the hands of Dr. Benes, who affiliated with the party in Parliament." (p. 145). Under Masaryik and Benes, Czecho-Slova:kia was made into a socialistic state. The Ozech National Socialists (Czech Nazis) rmder Benes promoted the godless, materialistic ·p hilosophy of Marx in Ozecho-Slovakia from the very start of the Republic and, hence, the party could not hruve been a "non-,Marxian socialist party," as Mr. Graham claims. The Czechs had no trouble in converting completely to communism in 1948, because Masaryk, Benes and the socialists had prepared them for it. The Slovaks adamantly opposed communism, but could do nothing under the circumstances, -because the Benes political clique made policies. 1 • "Under the organization after 1918 , th e prin cipal party groups, taken from Right to L eft, were ap.proximately as fo llows : The National Democrats •.. The ,P opuli sts .. . The Agrarians ..• The Socialists... The Slovaks" (pp. 140-146). Mr. Graham has very little to say a;bout the SLOV.A,KiS, which means that he knew little or nothing a:bout t hem. The Czechs did, however, run the entire ipoHtical show in Oze0ho-1Slo,v akia. In regard to the Slovaks, Mr. Graham tells us : "In the Revolutionary National Assembly the S'lova.ks initially formed a compact bloc, but shortly began to act with their Czech coDeagues along definite party lines, following in general either a clerical, agrarian, or socialist orientation" (p. 146). Who those Slova:ks were, however, Mr. Graham does not divulge. The fact is that �SLOVAKIA 61 the overwhelming Catholic majority of the Slova,k population had no representation in the Revolutionary National Assembly, the memlbers of which were selected by Masaryk and Benes. It is significant that all the Slovaks appointed were opponents of Slova'k autonomy and proponents of "Czechoslovak" unity; and that the "Slovak bloc" included C:rechs (iBenes, Alice Masaryk, Rotnagl, Kalisek , ZarubaPfeffeJ1IDann) ! Misrepresentation, fraud and deceit were devices of the Benes Czechs, used t o befuddle the outside world. The Slova,ks were dealt with superficially also under the title of "The Populists," where Mr. Graham says : '' As in W eimar, Germ any the Roman Catholic poli ti ca l for ces in Czechoslovak ia underwen t a baptism of dem ocracy and emerged as a Czechoslovak People's Piar,ty and a Slovak P eo ple's Part y, respecti v el y . .. t he Populists deman ded wide au t onom y for t h e local communities. F or twenty years t h e Slovaik P eople's Party, l ed by Father Andrej B linka and for a tim e seco nded by P rofe s so r Bela Tuka, was the principa l foyer of Slo vak particularism and separatism " (p. 142). Strange things, indeed, harppened in Weimar, Germany, and to the "Roman Catholic forces" in Czecho-Slovakia after a "ha,ptism of democracy" ! The Slova:ks emerged as the Slovak P eople's Party, but the Czechs came out as the "Czechoslovak P eople's Party" and, apparently ibefuddled even iMr. Graham. And the country of the Slova;ks, the land inha!bited by them for at least the past 1500 years, became only a "local community"! Again Mr. Graham somehow forgot that Czecho-Slov akia was supposed to be a federation of Bohemia, Moravia, Silesia and Slovaikia. And what was this " particularism and separatism" of Hlinka's party? Nothing else but a struggle for States' Rights for Slovakia within the framework of Cze_ cho-1Slovakia. Why didn't !Mr. Graham say so? The answer is obvious. "Both branches of the P opulist movement," according to Graham, "subscrilbed to the philosophy of Christian socialism as conceived in Austria," that is, "endeavored to bring Christian, i.e., Catholic ideas into effect in legislation and to fight for the preserwation of the influence of the Catholic Church in the schools and in public iJ.ife," says Graham quoting the words o.f one of the apologists of the �62 SLOVAKIA movement. And this, Graham wants us to believe, gaive the Populist 1parties an "anti-soclalist chara,cter." A queer deduction, indeed! The question crops u;p: what is the essential difference between Christian and non--Christian socialism - and which would better serve the interests of a country whose population is for the most part Catholic? • "By the law of April 16, 1919, there was crea ted the Czechoslovak Land OMice ... with •a president ap,pointed by Masaryk and an administrative board ,a ppointed •b y the Revolutionary National Assembly. To this body were given plenary powers for the expropri-ation and realloc ation of land . . . In this way the CZECHOSLOVAK RE·PU.BLIC undid the historic wrongs by which after 1620 the greater part of the CZ•ECH nobility were deprived of their lands and German servitors of the Habsburgs were colonized upon them." {p. 148) . The Land Reform benefitted the Czechs especially the politicians in Prague, their families and friends who never had to worry rubout money afterward. Graham tells us that the estates of the crown and the nobiltity were expropriated "outright and without compensation, whereas in other ca:ses the State offered "appvopriate compensation." Historic "wrongs" were undone by committing more "wrongs"! What lands did the CZECH nobility lose in Slovakia after 1620? Why does Mr. Graham identify the "Czechoslovak Republic" with the Czech nobility? Obviously because to him the Repulblic meant CZffiCHiS. He omits the fact that German nobility lost its lands also. Mr. Graham would have us ,believe that 1620 (White Mountain) was a nationalistic affair, but we know that it was a purely reltgious and dynastic affair. After the Bohemian (not Czech) magnates were defeated, the emperor wrought vengeance upon his enemies both Czech and German - and made Bohemia a hereditary crownland. • Opposite page 1'52 we find a nice picture of Benes, under which we read: "EDUARD BENES--President of the Czechoslovak Republic, 1935-1938, 1940 - " I do not know whether it was placed there tb y •Mr. Kerner or Mr. Graham; most likely it was ,put there by Mr. Kerner. Be that as it may, it is �SLOVAKIA 63 significant that the year 1939 did not figure. The historical fact, however, is that President Benes voluntarily resigned the 1presidency of Ozecho~Slova,kia in 1938, cowardly fled the country, and the Czecho~Sovak !Parliament elected Ha.cha as provided by the Constitution. Why should Kerner, Graham, or any one else for that matter, want us to believe that Benes was still president from "1940-"? The latter, I believe, in oroer to conform to fact, should read: 1940-1948: Moscow Puppet. • In Graham's chapter on "Parties and politics," the Czechs figure most prominently, while the Slovaks are more ignored than the Germans. 1Benes, Kramar, Tusar, Rasin, Masaryk, Cerny, Svehla, Udrzal, Gajda, iMalypetr, Krofta, - AuL CZiIDC!HS - shone 1b rightly on the poli~ tical scene, while SlOIVak Hlinka is mentioned just casually and Slovak Hodza comes on the stage only late in 193'5. At least one thing should be very clear: whatever happened to the Republic was the responsibility of the Masaryk .. Benes Czechs. Czecho-!Slovakia was ruled by coalition governments, 1b ut the ra,dical left-wingers, followers of the materialistic, socialistic philosoiphy of Marx, always predominated. Under the "democratic" system of Masaryk and Benes, the Slovaks were powerless and had practically no influence on policy, foreign or domestic. Neither did the Germans and the Magyars of the Republic. When the "ultraconservative elements" in Malypetr's coalition seceded, he found it necessary, according to Mr. Graham, "to combat legislatively the abuses of the press to which the extremist organs of indigenous Czech fascism and the imported German variety lent themselves." Graha,m continues (,pp. 162-163): "Withou t surrendering fundamental liberties, it was made difficult for factions hostile to ,the democratic order to pursue their activities in the press with impunity. Although applicable to all fact.ions, including Communists, the fascist groups and the German National Socialists were the ,principal ones to feel the brunt of the new legislation ." But the truth is that the Slovaks, who continued to demand "states' rights" (autonomy) within the framework of Ozecho-Slovakia and never were "hostile to the demo- �64 SLOVAKIA cratic order," felt the brunt of the new legislation even more than the communists, fascists and German National Socialists of Czecho-:Slova,kia. Mr. Graham, however, ;pre~ fers to ignore this historical fact, as he also does the actual Czech-Slovak problem, the relations between the Czechs and 1Slovaks, which !b ecame so utterly deteriorated under the Masaryk and Benes regimes. Again the tendency is only too obvious. • The Czecho-,Slovak political pot, fired by the stwpid and highly inflammaJble policies of the Benes Czechs, was coming to a boil. "!Henlein's group openly /began to- espouse the leadership principle, to su'bscr~be to the totalitarian philosophy of Geranan national socialism" (p. 165) something the Czechs did not susped, Graham would have us believe, saying: "This orientation caused genuine apprehension on tlhe p•ar.t of the Czechs, and the accession of Hodza to power was viewed as an open indication to the world of Czech and Slovak solidarity, •a lthough to the end of the •R epublic the ,Slovak Populists under Hlink•a retained their diff.idence and r efused to participate in the coalition, demandjng too high a price by way of autonomy foe Slovakia for even Hodia, himself a Slovaik, to pay." One of the greatest concerns of the Benes Czechs was to have the world believe that all Czechs and all Slovaiks were solidly behind them. The world wanted to be deceived, hence deceived it was. GrahMn would want it to labor under that deception indefinitely, it seems. If it was in Hodza's power, he would have gladly payed the price of autonomy to the Slovaks; the Benes Czechs remained stubbornly against it to the very last, though they were willing to grant Henlein almost anything and everything in 1938 to save their reeHng "Czechoslovak democracy." Hodza, who, was made the scapegoat of the events which preceded the total collapse of the Republic and who despite his better judgment stuck with the Benes Czechs to the bitter end, was later dumped by them. (•More coming) The BEST availaible EiNGLJiSlf-1SLOVAK DICTIONARY? Yes, we have it. Get your copy o.f HROBAK'S ENGLISH~SDOVAK DICTIONARY today! Only $4.00 per copy. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1956, Vol. 6 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 18), March 1956.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 19), June 1956.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 20-21), September-December 1956.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1956 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 57 Kerner's "Czechoslovakia" (Cont'd.) HISTORY OR PROPAGANDA? P.A. HROBAK According to Mr. Graham, there was no competition for the presidency after Masaryk resigned "in view of the outstanding character of Dr. Benes" (p. 125). This is not exactly true, 1b ecause the Hlinka Party opposed the election of Benes, as did others, until Benes promised :reforms and tbe fulfillment of the 1P ittsburgh Pact, that is, that within a year of his election Slovakia would become autonomous. This disciple, after his election, reneged on the Pittslburgh Poot, just as his master did. This, m course, added to the "outstanding character" of Dr. Benes. 1 • "Freedom of the press, to the exclusion of the preliminar,y censorship so dreaded under the Austrian regime, was guaranteed. With unusual foresight, not match ed by the political leaders of either Weim ar Germany of Socialist Austria, the framers of the Czechoslovak Constitution made pro,v ision for legal restriction on the rights of the press, of assembly, and of association in time of war or in case of events taking p lace within the State seriously threatening the repub• lican form of govern m ent, the Constitution, or public peace and order." (p. 131). - Unusual foresight, indeed. "Public peace and order" must have been threatened thousands of times, judging from the "white spaces" in Slovak newspapers and books during the regimes of Masaryk and Benes; entire editions of Slova1k newspapers were confiscated many times. We have plenty of proof of that for Mr. Graham and all readers of Kerner's "Ozechoslovaikia." Guarantees of freedoms, liberties and rights on 1paper look nice, but mean nothing if they are not realized. The Masaryk-•Benes Czechs were in control of everything and could, therefore, inter,pret the Constitution as they pleased; under them political opposL tion was inte11preted as "unlawful" and a threat to "public peace and order." According to Mr. Graham: "Reli,gious liberty was of primordial import . . . al} religious confessions were treated as equal before the l aw . . . national, religious ,a,u<l. racial mino rities were promised the same equality accorded to the Czechoslovaks in civil and political matters . . . ,a s1>ecial l angu~ge law, itself of a constitutional character, was issued Feb- 58 SLOVAKIA rua.ry 29, 1920, making the Czechoslovak language the official s tate b ut maldng other languag,es, •when used language of the Republic, < by a minority consisting of at least 20 percent of the inhabitants of any jurisdictional area, coordinately valid for virtually every legal pu!'lp()se . .. the right of children to r,e ceive education in their mother tongue ,w as guaranteed, but instruction in the Czech language could be macte obligatory at any time . .. T-o the moment of .partition it could truly he sa;id by German, Magy,ar, Slovak Ruthene, or Czech, that the very air breathed the freedom of the human spirit, a freedom to which the republic was dedicated by its founders." In short, as far as Mr. Graham was concerned, everything was just albout ,p erfect in the "democracy of Masarylk and Benes." But the historical truth is that it was far from it. The Slovaks were not considered a minority, but they actually were worse off in many instances than any minority. The "Czechoslovak NA'VIONAL Church" - a strictly Czech ente:riprise - was estrublished with the blessing and the support of the Masarylk--Benes regimes. The "Czechoslovak" language did not and does not exist, but it became the official language of the Republic, without Mr. Graham ·knowing it. And worst of all, iMr. Graham presumes to spea!k for ,peoples 3Jbout whom he knows little or nothing. If the nations of Czechoslovakia actually enjoyed freedom and lilberties - "the freedom of the human spirit," as Graham calls it - in the democracy of Masaryk and Benes, why did they not fire even a single shot in its defense? Mr. Grah3JID, like the other contrrbutors to Kerner's "Ozechoslovakia," eulogi1zed Masaryik and Benes and sweated out a grandiloquent cha1pter ba:sed on the fiction of "Ozeohoslovak" unity. No, matter what Graham's intentions or objectives were, there can be no justification for suppressing, denying, or falsifying established historical facts. CHA!P'DER ViI!Ill - "Parties and Politics" - by Malbone W. Graham (vd. previous chapter). The tendency so much in evidence in the previous chapter, contributed by the same author, prevails here. To Dr. Graham, "the political history of the Czechoslovak Republic reveals a pattern of continuity and stability unequaied by any other country in Europe." T. G. Masaryk and Be-< nes were masters of the situation. Foreign policy of the Re- SLOVAKIA 59 public was "in the exipert hands of Dr. Eduard Benes for two decades, from 1915 to 1935"; •b ut "even in the ,period of his presidency, Dr. Benes continued to dominate morally the entevprise of diplomacy." The contin,uity in leadership, plus the "continuity of principle" - ,w hatever that was, gave to the foreign policies of Cze.cho-Slova:kia, and her domestic .p olitics as well,_ "calmness, balance, and objectivity." Benes was no ordinary man, according to Graham. Only 34 years old in 1918 and without any .practical political eXJperience whatever, Benes dominated the political scene in Czecho-Slova!kia. "Dr. Benes was given an opportunity, seldom vouchsafed by history, to organize foreign policy realistically." Just how "realistically Benes organized it became evident, first in 19'38, and then in 1943. He made enemies of all nei,ghboring countries, while in CzechoSlovakia he failed miserrubly to gain the Slova:ks. Benes was a "revolte" - a socialist, also an atheist long before 1'915. Benes went to study to Prague before he was twelve years old. Edward B. Hitchcocl{, one of the most extravagant eulogists of Benes, tells us ("BENES - The Man and The Statesman" - Hamish Hamilton, London ; 1940): "Late,r•, when he (Benes) stayed for several years in Prague, he developed into a believer in brute materialism, anarchism, socialism. He was against religion. He was opposed to almost every established order in the world of that day .... And even the fundamental question - the existence of God - was for him a serious problem. He always countered with the statement that the existence of God was nothing but wishful thinking, that nobody could prove to him that there is a God." Such a man, Graha,m would have us believe, gave the Ozecho-Slovak domestic ipolitics "calmness, balance, and objectivity." About 72 •p ercent of the Czechs and 82 percent of the Slova;ks were Catholics - and Benes hated the Catholic Church. Mr. Graham apparenty knew nothing of the hack,g round of Benes, who also rated among Freemasons. In Paris, Prague, London and Berlin, the young ,m an from Kozl any always felt at home in the company of socirulists, wrote for their pa;pers, hut Mr. Graham, it seems, knows nothing a,bout that; the same goes for the other .contributors to Kerner's "Czechoslovakia." It seems that 1 60 SLOV.AKI.A they do not want students of history to know what made Benes tick as he did. 'Dhey are supposed to believe that the man just popped out of nowhere, met T. G. Masaryk, and became the greatest democrat and statesman in Europe . • ".Along with tih~ m aj or <:urrent of s ocial democracy i n Czechoslovakia, tlhere developed ,a subsidiary, r eform ist, non-Marxian socialist party with a defJ ni tely evolutionary pro gram .. . it called itself the Na tional Sociali st P a rty. . . .Accepting a program of evolutionary state socia li sm a nd general collectivism, without stressing th e claims or th e in terests of industrial worke rs, the party was predestined to be disproportionately influential in the determination of policy, because a number of its members were highly placed in the government in the constitution-making period and because foreign affairs were in the hands of Dr. Benes, who affiliated with the party in Parliament." (p. 145). Under Masaryik and Benes, Czecho-Slova:kia was made into a socialistic state. The Ozech National Socialists (Czech Nazis) rmder Benes promoted the godless, materialistic ·p hilosophy of Marx in Ozecho-Slovakia from the very start of the Republic and, hence, the party could not hruve been a "non-,Marxian socialist party," as Mr. Graham claims. The Czechs had no trouble in converting completely to communism in 1948, because Masaryk, Benes and the socialists had prepared them for it. The Slovaks adamantly opposed communism, but could do nothing under the circumstances, -because the Benes political clique made policies. 1 • "Under the organization after 1918 , th e prin cipal party groups, taken from Right to L eft, were ap.proximately as fo llows : The National Democrats •.. The ,P opuli sts .. . The Agrarians ..• The Socialists... The Slovaks" (pp. 140-146). Mr. Graham has very little to say a;bout the SLOV.A,KiS, which means that he knew little or nothing a:bout t hem. The Czechs did, however, run the entire ipoHtical show in Oze0ho-1Slo,v akia. In regard to the Slovaks, Mr. Graham tells us : "In the Revolutionary National Assembly the S'lova.ks initially formed a compact bloc, but shortly began to act with their Czech coDeagues along definite party lines, following in general either a clerical, agrarian, or socialist orientation" (p. 146). Who those Slova:ks were, however, Mr. Graham does not divulge. The fact is that SLOVAKIA 61 the overwhelming Catholic majority of the Slova,k population had no representation in the Revolutionary National Assembly, the memlbers of which were selected by Masaryk and Benes. It is significant that all the Slovaks appointed were opponents of Slova'k autonomy and proponents of "Czechoslovak" unity; and that the "Slovak bloc" included C:rechs (iBenes, Alice Masaryk, Rotnagl, Kalisek , ZarubaPfeffeJ1IDann) ! Misrepresentation, fraud and deceit were devices of the Benes Czechs, used t o befuddle the outside world. The Slova,ks were dealt with superficially also under the title of "The Populists," where Mr. Graham says : '' As in W eimar, Germ any the Roman Catholic poli ti ca l for ces in Czechoslovak ia underwen t a baptism of dem ocracy and emerged as a Czechoslovak People's Piar,ty and a Slovak P eo ple's Part y, respecti v el y . .. t he Populists deman ded wide au t onom y for t h e local communities. F or twenty years t h e Slovaik P eople's Party, l ed by Father Andrej B linka and for a tim e seco nded by P rofe s so r Bela Tuka, was the principa l foyer of Slo vak particularism and separatism " (p. 142). Strange things, indeed, harppened in Weimar, Germany, and to the "Roman Catholic forces" in Czecho-Slovakia after a "ha,ptism of democracy" ! The Slova:ks emerged as the Slovak P eople's Party, but the Czechs came out as the "Czechoslovak P eople's Party" and, apparently ibefuddled even iMr. Graham. And the country of the Slova;ks, the land inha!bited by them for at least the past 1500 years, became only a "local community"! Again Mr. Graham somehow forgot that Czecho-Slov akia was supposed to be a federation of Bohemia, Moravia, Silesia and Slovaikia. And what was this " particularism and separatism" of Hlinka's party? Nothing else but a struggle for States' Rights for Slovakia within the framework of Cze_ cho-1Slovakia. Why didn't !Mr. Graham say so? The answer is obvious. "Both branches of the P opulist movement," according to Graham, "subscrilbed to the philosophy of Christian socialism as conceived in Austria," that is, "endeavored to bring Christian, i.e., Catholic ideas into effect in legislation and to fight for the preserwation of the influence of the Catholic Church in the schools and in public iJ.ife," says Graham quoting the words o.f one of the apologists of the 62 SLOVAKIA movement. And this, Graham wants us to believe, gaive the Populist 1parties an "anti-soclalist chara,cter." A queer deduction, indeed! The question crops u;p: what is the essential difference between Christian and non--Christian socialism - and which would better serve the interests of a country whose population is for the most part Catholic? • "By the law of April 16, 1919, there was crea ted the Czechoslovak Land OMice ... with •a president ap,pointed by Masaryk and an administrative board ,a ppointed •b y the Revolutionary National Assembly. To this body were given plenary powers for the expropri-ation and realloc ation of land . . . In this way the CZECHOSLOVAK RE·PU.BLIC undid the historic wrongs by which after 1620 the greater part of the CZ•ECH nobility were deprived of their lands and German servitors of the Habsburgs were colonized upon them." {p. 148) . The Land Reform benefitted the Czechs especially the politicians in Prague, their families and friends who never had to worry rubout money afterward. Graham tells us that the estates of the crown and the nobiltity were expropriated "outright and without compensation, whereas in other ca:ses the State offered "appvopriate compensation." Historic "wrongs" were undone by committing more "wrongs"! What lands did the CZECH nobility lose in Slovakia after 1620? Why does Mr. Graham identify the "Czechoslovak Republic" with the Czech nobility? Obviously because to him the Repulblic meant CZffiCHiS. He omits the fact that German nobility lost its lands also. Mr. Graham would have us ,believe that 1620 (White Mountain) was a nationalistic affair, but we know that it was a purely reltgious and dynastic affair. After the Bohemian (not Czech) magnates were defeated, the emperor wrought vengeance upon his enemies both Czech and German - and made Bohemia a hereditary crownland. • Opposite page 1'52 we find a nice picture of Benes, under which we read: "EDUARD BENES--President of the Czechoslovak Republic, 1935-1938, 1940 - " I do not know whether it was placed there tb y •Mr. Kerner or Mr. Graham; most likely it was ,put there by Mr. Kerner. Be that as it may, it is SLOVAKIA 63 significant that the year 1939 did not figure. The historical fact, however, is that President Benes voluntarily resigned the 1presidency of Ozecho~Slova,kia in 1938, cowardly fled the country, and the Czecho~Sovak !Parliament elected Ha.cha as provided by the Constitution. Why should Kerner, Graham, or any one else for that matter, want us to believe that Benes was still president from "1940-"? The latter, I believe, in oroer to conform to fact, should read: 1940-1948: Moscow Puppet. • In Graham's chapter on "Parties and politics," the Czechs figure most prominently, while the Slovaks are more ignored than the Germans. 1Benes, Kramar, Tusar, Rasin, Masaryk, Cerny, Svehla, Udrzal, Gajda, iMalypetr, Krofta, - AuL CZiIDC!HS - shone 1b rightly on the poli~ tical scene, while SlOIVak Hlinka is mentioned just casually and Slovak Hodza comes on the stage only late in 193'5. At least one thing should be very clear: whatever happened to the Republic was the responsibility of the Masaryk .. Benes Czechs. Czecho-!Slovakia was ruled by coalition governments, 1b ut the ra,dical left-wingers, followers of the materialistic, socialistic philosoiphy of Marx, always predominated. Under the "democratic" system of Masaryk and Benes, the Slovaks were powerless and had practically no influence on policy, foreign or domestic. Neither did the Germans and the Magyars of the Republic. When the "ultraconservative elements" in Malypetr's coalition seceded, he found it necessary, according to Mr. Graham, "to combat legislatively the abuses of the press to which the extremist organs of indigenous Czech fascism and the imported German variety lent themselves." Graha,m continues (,pp. 162-163): "Withou t surrendering fundamental liberties, it was made difficult for factions hostile to ,the democratic order to pursue their activities in the press with impunity. Although applicable to all fact.ions, including Communists, the fascist groups and the German National Socialists were the ,principal ones to feel the brunt of the new legislation ." But the truth is that the Slovaks, who continued to demand "states' rights" (autonomy) within the framework of Ozecho-Slovakia and never were "hostile to the demo- 64 SLOVAKIA cratic order," felt the brunt of the new legislation even more than the communists, fascists and German National Socialists of Czecho-:Slova,kia. Mr. Graham, however, ;pre~ fers to ignore this historical fact, as he also does the actual Czech-Slovak problem, the relations between the Czechs and 1Slovaks, which !b ecame so utterly deteriorated under the Masaryk and Benes regimes. Again the tendency is only too obvious. • The Czecho-,Slovak political pot, fired by the stwpid and highly inflammaJble policies of the Benes Czechs, was coming to a boil. "!Henlein's group openly /began to- espouse the leadership principle, to su'bscr~be to the totalitarian philosophy of Geranan national socialism" (p. 165) something the Czechs did not susped, Graham would have us believe, saying: "This orientation caused genuine apprehension on tlhe p•ar.t of the Czechs, and the accession of Hodza to power was viewed as an open indication to the world of Czech and Slovak solidarity, •a lthough to the end of the •R epublic the ,Slovak Populists under Hlink•a retained their diff.idence and r efused to participate in the coalition, demandjng too high a price by way of autonomy foe Slovakia for even Hodia, himself a Slovaik, to pay." One of the greatest concerns of the Benes Czechs was to have the world believe that all Czechs and all Slovaiks were solidly behind them. The world wanted to be deceived, hence deceived it was. GrahMn would want it to labor under that deception indefinitely, it seems. If it was in Hodza's power, he would have gladly payed the price of autonomy to the Slovaks; the Benes Czechs remained stubbornly against it to the very last, though they were willing to grant Henlein almost anything and everything in 1938 to save their reeHng "Czechoslovak democracy." Hodza, who, was made the scapegoat of the events which preceded the total collapse of the Republic and who despite his better judgment stuck with the Benes Czechs to the bitter end, was later dumped by them. (•More coming) The BEST availaible EiNGLJiSlf-1SLOVAK DICTIONARY? Yes, we have it. Get your copy o.f HROBAK'S ENGLISH~SDOVAK DICTIONARY today! Only $4.00 per copy.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Professor Kerner's "CZECHOSLOVAKIA": History or Propaganda? (3/8) Description An account of the resource P. A. Hrobak Slovakia, Vol. 6, No. 1 (18), March 1956 pp. 57-64 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Hrobak, Philip Anthony, 1904-1964 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource March 1956 Relation A related resource continued from <a href="/items/show/176">Vol. 5, No. 4 (17), pp. 55-63</a><br />continues in <a href="/items/show/213">Vol. 6, No. 2 (19), pp. 61-64</a> LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/77dd8aa556e9ce42e98b2048de70cd19.pdf 38a8f726cc0e8cced33fb70c732381a7 PDF Text Text Officers of the Slovak League of America (Organized 1907 in Cleveland, Oh io • Franc es L. Mizenko Honorary President 3756 Lee IJload C leveland 28, Ohio Dr. Pet er P . Hletko 1943 W. 48th Street Chicago 9, Illinois Stephen J. Tkach 173 N . Main Street Wilkes-Bar re, Pa. President A. Philip Hrobak P. 0 . I..:ox 150, Middletown , Pa. Andrew J. Hamrock 61 Woodlan<! Avenu e Camp bell , Ohio Vice-Presid ent Jacob Kocis ADVISORY COUNCIL Vlichael J . Vargovich 1547 -- 167th Street Hammond, Ind . National President First Catholic Slovak Union Vice-Presid ent J ulia Krajcovic :-te le n Kocan 1648 W. 18th St., Chicago 8, Ill. National President First Catholic Slovak Ladies Unio n Recording Secretary Francis Hrusovsky Frank Bobus 2900 East Boulevard Cleveland 4, Ohio National President Slovak Catholic Sokol Secretary-T re asurer Mi l an St ephen J . Tkach V. Blazek National President Penna. Slovak U nion 4922 S. L eclaire Avenue Chicago 38, Ill. EXECUTIV E COMMITT EE Gabriela E . Vavrek National President Ladies Pennsylvan ia Slovak Union Paul P. Jamriska 810 Montooth Street Pittsburgh 10, Pa. John Rozboril Joseph Prusa 205 Madison St., Passaic, N. J . National President Slo vak Catholic Cadet Union SLOVAK NEWSPAP ERS (Affiliated with the Slovak League of America) JEDNOTA SLOVEN SKA OBRANA ZENSKA JEDNOTA Middl etown, Pa. Scranton, Pa. Cl eveland, Ohio BRATSTVO SLOVENSK E NOVINY ZORNltKA Chica.go, m. Wilkes-Bar re, P a. Clevela nd, Ohi o KATOLiCK Y SOKOL SVORNOS T OSADNE HLASY Passaic:, N. J . Whitaker, Pa. Chicago, Ill. SLOVAK V AMERIKE Whiting, Ind. �SLOVAKIA: the ruins of the STARA I'.iUBOVNA above the Poprad Valley. GANSt::R LIBRARY . MILLERSVILLE STATE COLLEGE MILLERSVILLE, PA 17551 � Officers of the Slovak League of America (Organized 1907 in Cleveland, Oh io • Franc es L. Mizenko Honorary President 3756 Lee IJload C leveland 28, Ohio Dr. Pet er P . Hletko 1943 W. 48th Street Chicago 9, Illinois Stephen J. Tkach 173 N . Main Street Wilkes-Bar re, Pa. President A. Philip Hrobak P. 0 . I..:ox 150, Middletown , Pa. Andrew J. Hamrock 61 Woodlan<! Avenu e Camp bell , Ohio Vice-Presid ent Jacob Kocis ADVISORY COUNCIL Vlichael J . Vargovich 1547 -- 167th Street Hammond, Ind . National President First Catholic Slovak Union Vice-Presid ent J ulia Krajcovic :-te le n Kocan 1648 W. 18th St., Chicago 8, Ill. National President First Catholic Slovak Ladies Unio n Recording Secretary Francis Hrusovsky Frank Bobus 2900 East Boulevard Cleveland 4, Ohio National President Slovak Catholic Sokol Secretary-T re asurer Mi l an St ephen J . Tkach V. Blazek National President Penna. Slovak U nion 4922 S. L eclaire Avenue Chicago 38, Ill. EXECUTIV E COMMITT EE Gabriela E . Vavrek National President Ladies Pennsylvan ia Slovak Union Paul P. Jamriska 810 Montooth Street Pittsburgh 10, Pa. John Rozboril Joseph Prusa 205 Madison St., Passaic, N. J . National President Slo vak Catholic Cadet Union SLOVAK NEWSPAP ERS (Affiliated with the Slovak League of America) JEDNOTA SLOVEN SKA OBRANA ZENSKA JEDNOTA Middl etown, Pa. Scranton, Pa. Cl eveland, Ohio BRATSTVO SLOVENSK E NOVINY ZORNltKA Chica.go, m. Wilkes-Bar re, P a. Clevela nd, Ohi o KATOLiCK Y SOKOL SVORNOS T OSADNE HLASY Passaic:, N. J . Whitaker, Pa. Chicago, Ill. SLOVAK V AMERIKE Whiting, Ind. �SLOVAKIA: the ruins of the STARA I'.iUBOVNA above the Poprad Valley. GANSt::R LIBRARY . MILLERSVILLE STATE COLLEGE MILLERSVILLE, PA 17551 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1956, Vol. 6 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 18), March 1956.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 19), June 1956.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 20-21), September-December 1956.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1956 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document Officers of the Slovak League of America (Organized 1907 in Cleveland, Oh io • Franc es L. Mizenko Honorary President 3756 Lee IJload C leveland 28, Ohio Dr. Pet er P . Hletko 1943 W. 48th Street Chicago 9, Illinois Stephen J. Tkach 173 N . Main Street Wilkes-Bar re, Pa. President A. Philip Hrobak P. 0 . I..:ox 150, Middletown , Pa. Andrew J. Hamrock 61 Woodlan<! Avenu e Camp bell , Ohio Vice-Presid ent Jacob Kocis ADVISORY COUNCIL Vlichael J . Vargovich 1547 -- 167th Street Hammond, Ind . National President First Catholic Slovak Union Vice-Presid ent J ulia Krajcovic :-te le n Kocan 1648 W. 18th St., Chicago 8, Ill. National President First Catholic Slovak Ladies Unio n Recording Secretary Francis Hrusovsky Frank Bobus 2900 East Boulevard Cleveland 4, Ohio National President Slovak Catholic Sokol Secretary-T re asurer Mi l an St ephen J . Tkach V. Blazek National President Penna. Slovak U nion 4922 S. L eclaire Avenue Chicago 38, Ill. EXECUTIV E COMMITT EE Gabriela E . Vavrek National President Ladies Pennsylvan ia Slovak Union Paul P. Jamriska 810 Montooth Street Pittsburgh 10, Pa. John Rozboril Joseph Prusa 205 Madison St., Passaic, N. J . National President Slo vak Catholic Cadet Union SLOVAK NEWSPAP ERS (Affiliated with the Slovak League of America) JEDNOTA SLOVEN SKA OBRANA ZENSKA JEDNOTA Middl etown, Pa. Scranton, Pa. Cl eveland, Ohio BRATSTVO SLOVENSK E NOVINY ZORNltKA Chica.go, m. Wilkes-Bar re, P a. Clevela nd, Ohi o KATOLiCK Y SOKOL SVORNOS T OSADNE HLASY Passaic:, N. J . Whitaker, Pa. Chicago, Ill. SLOVAK V AMERIKE Whiting, Ind. SLOVAKIA: the ruins of the STARA I'.iUBOVNA above the Poprad Valley. GANSt::R LIBRARY . MILLERSVILLE STATE COLLEGE MILLERSVILLE, PA 17551  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Back Matter, Slovakia, Vol. 6, No. 1 (18) Description An account of the resource includes photo of ruins of Stará Ľubovňa above the Poprad Valley Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource March 1956 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/1ea81ef7ac20ecc1142e0ee1f3cad84f.pdf 8660dfaae8183109b1e033eeba43f7c6 PDF Text Text VOL. VI JUNE, 1956 NO . 2 ( 19) IN THIS ISSUE: Our Tradition and Louis Stur Th e Politi ca l Messag e of M a't us Ce rn a k Labor and th e Slovak Republi c Israe l and Slovaki a Slovak Lit eratur e Und er th e So vi et Impact Enslav e rs of the Cz ech Nation : How Ben es Got Stribrny Kern er ' s "Czechoslov a ki a": Histo ry o r Propagand a? WHO SAID IT: 51, 60, 64 * * Edit ed a nd co mpil ed by PHILIP A . HROBAK SLO VA KIA Box 150 Middl etown , Pa . • Pub li sh ed by T H E S LOVAK LEA GUE O F A MER ICA GAN SER LlBRARY MI LLERSVl.ltE STATE COLLEGE fy11 LLERSVJL LE, PA 17551 �SLOVAKIA is published periodically by the Slovak League of America, a cultural and civic fede1·ation of Americans of Slovak descent. 'rhe chief purpo e of SLOVAKIA is to promote a better understanding and appreciation of the Slovak nation and its long struggle f 01' freedom and independence. As Americans, members of the Slovak League of America firmly believe that the Slovak nation, just as all nations, has an inherent and God-given right to freedom and independence. 'rhey are dedicated to the cause of the American way of life, Slovak freedom and world peace and are determined to oppose the plague of Communism and all other totalitarian political systems. Subscription to Slovakia $1.00 per year in the t . S. A. - $2.00 elsewhere. Send subscriptions to: SLOVAKI A Box 150 Middletown, Pa. Printed in the U. S. A. JEDNOTA PRESS Middletown, Pa. �SLOVAKIA Published VOL. VI quarterly by the Slovak JUNE, 1956 STUDENT RIOTS took rp,la,ce in Slovakia, in the cities of Bratislava, Nitra, and Banska Bystrica, on May 12, 1!}56, a ccording to reports emanating from Vienna. S.tudent demon strations against the Prague regime ,also occurred in Prague but on a smaller scale. The police arrested some 60 Slovak students, but jailed only four Czechs. They were a,ccused of presenting ultimatums demanding reduction in Marx-Leninism ,c ourses, shorter military training periods, and a complete restoration of academic freedom. Acting with unusual daring, the Slovak students asked the government to permit considerably more freedom than has existed in Czecho-Slovakla since the Reds took over complete control of the country in 1948. Their requests were submitted in the form of a Tesolution to the Minister of Education, Francis Kahuda, on May 12, when the demonstrations first started, to be repeated on May 1'5 and 20. The students' riots in Czecho-Slovakia appeared to be centered in Slovakia, although Prague has ha.d a taste of it. Parts of the resolution, dealing with student complaints a.bout housing, courses of study, and food, were published, but no publicity was permitted .for the parts which reportedly criticized some aspects of the present political way of life in Czecho-Slova.kia. Officials had previously approved a .series of student meetings in Prague and the Slovak cities as part of the liberalization movement then under way throughout League of America NO. 2 (19) the Soviet sateLlites. They figured that the students would, at most, indulge in criticism in a limited way, and not in the manner they actually did. Some of the points made by the students, but not published, included the following: 1. Political parties should be put on an equal footing, with none specially favored. The people should have the means of controlling members of the National Assembly, including the right to recall elected deputies. 2. Unrestricted freedom to travel independently of the Governm ent Travel Office. 3. A demand for a ge.neral amnesty for political prisoners; making public court records; and punishing those responsible for extorting confessions and using other illegal metheds. 4. A demand for a free press, ra;dio and films to .present information truthfuUy, quickly and independently; no interference with foreign broadcasts; and the importation of new.spapers, magazines, and books from all countries regardless of their political systems. (Slovak newspapers published in America, which advocate a free Slovakia, were banned in Czecho-Slovakia on Oc tober 10, 1946). Slovak students were nermitted for the first time since-1948 to hold their traditional May Parade and Carnival (MAJALES) on May 20; they used the occasion to lampoon the government. A group of gagged a.nd 'blindfolded �2 SLOVAKIA students, representing editors of the newspapers published for the youth, paraded ,g leefully through the streets. Another group in Bratisiava carried a coffin on whioh Wlas inscribed "aca,demic freedom." ,B ut particularly impressive was the ban-d of students in death shrouds carrying the banner "We board in student Dining Halls Paradise" ! They really did look star:ved (,the picture was J-eproduced in several American Slov.ak newspapers from ,a German paper) ! Wihen ;newsmen questioned Premier William i:§iroky on :reports that many students had been arrested, he replied that this was riot so and ,a dded: "The students have the right to openly express their views at a11 times, and we, in turn, have the right to say to them that we agree or di-sagree with them on any particular question." The BratLslava newspapers Pi:aca and Pravda, however, did not share the Premier's tolerant attitude toward recent student demonstrations, con.demning as "dem,agogic" the demands of Slovak students. • • • Czech Communist agents resid· ing in various countries, including our America, are doing their utmo.s t to have eminent Slovak and Czech exiles to return .to their homelands. "All is forgiven; come home; nothi.ng shall haJPpen to you; help us build our new democratic country" - that seems to •b e the theme song of •a ll of them. Some of the professional men an,d intelJectuats have been promised attractive salaries, new homes, freedom to work a·s they se.e -fit in their ,p rofessions, but no Slovak to our knowledge has !4ken the bait thus far. Relatives, friends and acquaintances, it seems have been organized in a Iletter-writing campaign to induce , exiles to return home. The movement, however, has failed to lure the Slovaks to the "people's democracy" establi-shed by Benes ami Gottwald in 1945. • • • STALi N labors for the Ki-emlin even in his box and gladly assumes the blame for all the violenoe, terror and murder perpetrated against innocent populations of the USSR, the satellite EurOII)ean -c ountries, Korea, China, etc. As a result of this "blameit-all-on-Stalin" campaign, every satellite country ha.s exculpated some of its Red leaders, posthumously exonerating even liquidated comrades (iBulgaria, Hungary, Poland), but this is not the case in regal'd to Slova'k 1Reds whose h earts at one time ·b led for Stalin. There has been no vindication for Vladimir Clementis, Slovak Red and former Minister o.f 'Foreign Aff.ai:rs of Czecho-Slovakia, who was executed as a "deviationist"; and no amnesty for Laco Novomesky and Gustav Husak, both of whom •a re still languishing in jail for preferring a Slovak Soviet RepubUc to a Czecho-'Slovak State. Of course, it may be that they shall have to wait till the Czech Reds of Pr,ague start an anti-Gottwald campaign. • • • IN SLOVAKIA: The mention of GOO has been ordered out of aJ.l texts. . . . Taxes in Slovakia today, ·u nder the Czech Reds, are four times higher than they were during the life of the Slovak Republic (19,39-1'945) . . . . Slovakia ,s howed the gr,eatest increase in population of all European countries in 1'955 and. ranked third in this regard among the nations of the world; the increase was 17 per thousand, •a nd the population of Slovakia is now 3,7'30,000. � VOL. VI JUNE, 1956 NO . 2 ( 19) IN THIS ISSUE: Our Tradition and Louis Stur Th e Politi ca l Messag e of M a't us Ce rn a k Labor and th e Slovak Republi c Israe l and Slovaki a Slovak Lit eratur e Und er th e So vi et Impact Enslav e rs of the Cz ech Nation : How Ben es Got Stribrny Kern er ' s "Czechoslov a ki a": Histo ry o r Propagand a? WHO SAID IT: 51, 60, 64 * * Edit ed a nd co mpil ed by PHILIP A . HROBAK SLO VA KIA Box 150 Middl etown , Pa . • Pub li sh ed by T H E S LOVAK LEA GUE O F A MER ICA GAN SER LlBRARY MI LLERSVl.ltE STATE COLLEGE fy11 LLERSVJL LE, PA 17551 �SLOVAKIA is published periodically by the Slovak League of America, a cultural and civic fede1·ation of Americans of Slovak descent. 'rhe chief purpo e of SLOVAKIA is to promote a better understanding and appreciation of the Slovak nation and its long struggle f 01' freedom and independence. As Americans, members of the Slovak League of America firmly believe that the Slovak nation, just as all nations, has an inherent and God-given right to freedom and independence. 'rhey are dedicated to the cause of the American way of life, Slovak freedom and world peace and are determined to oppose the plague of Communism and all other totalitarian political systems. Subscription to Slovakia $1.00 per year in the t . S. A. - $2.00 elsewhere. Send subscriptions to: SLOVAKI A Box 150 Middletown, Pa. Printed in the U. S. A. JEDNOTA PRESS Middletown, Pa. �SLOVAKIA Published VOL. VI quarterly by the Slovak JUNE, 1956 STUDENT RIOTS took rp,la,ce in Slovakia, in the cities of Bratislava, Nitra, and Banska Bystrica, on May 12, 1!}56, a ccording to reports emanating from Vienna. S.tudent demon strations against the Prague regime ,also occurred in Prague but on a smaller scale. The police arrested some 60 Slovak students, but jailed only four Czechs. They were a,ccused of presenting ultimatums demanding reduction in Marx-Leninism ,c ourses, shorter military training periods, and a complete restoration of academic freedom. Acting with unusual daring, the Slovak students asked the government to permit considerably more freedom than has existed in Czecho-Slovakla since the Reds took over complete control of the country in 1948. Their requests were submitted in the form of a Tesolution to the Minister of Education, Francis Kahuda, on May 12, when the demonstrations first started, to be repeated on May 1'5 and 20. The students' riots in Czecho-Slovakia appeared to be centered in Slovakia, although Prague has ha.d a taste of it. Parts of the resolution, dealing with student complaints a.bout housing, courses of study, and food, were published, but no publicity was permitted .for the parts which reportedly criticized some aspects of the present political way of life in Czecho-Slova.kia. Officials had previously approved a .series of student meetings in Prague and the Slovak cities as part of the liberalization movement then under way throughout League of America NO. 2 (19) the Soviet sateLlites. They figured that the students would, at most, indulge in criticism in a limited way, and not in the manner they actually did. Some of the points made by the students, but not published, included the following: 1. Political parties should be put on an equal footing, with none specially favored. The people should have the means of controlling members of the National Assembly, including the right to recall elected deputies. 2. Unrestricted freedom to travel independently of the Governm ent Travel Office. 3. A demand for a ge.neral amnesty for political prisoners; making public court records; and punishing those responsible for extorting confessions and using other illegal metheds. 4. A demand for a free press, ra;dio and films to .present information truthfuUy, quickly and independently; no interference with foreign broadcasts; and the importation of new.spapers, magazines, and books from all countries regardless of their political systems. (Slovak newspapers published in America, which advocate a free Slovakia, were banned in Czecho-Slovakia on Oc tober 10, 1946). Slovak students were nermitted for the first time since-1948 to hold their traditional May Parade and Carnival (MAJALES) on May 20; they used the occasion to lampoon the government. A group of gagged a.nd 'blindfolded �2 SLOVAKIA students, representing editors of the newspapers published for the youth, paraded ,g leefully through the streets. Another group in Bratisiava carried a coffin on whioh Wlas inscribed "aca,demic freedom." ,B ut particularly impressive was the ban-d of students in death shrouds carrying the banner "We board in student Dining Halls Paradise" ! They really did look star:ved (,the picture was J-eproduced in several American Slov.ak newspapers from ,a German paper) ! Wihen ;newsmen questioned Premier William i:§iroky on :reports that many students had been arrested, he replied that this was riot so and ,a dded: "The students have the right to openly express their views at a11 times, and we, in turn, have the right to say to them that we agree or di-sagree with them on any particular question." The BratLslava newspapers Pi:aca and Pravda, however, did not share the Premier's tolerant attitude toward recent student demonstrations, con.demning as "dem,agogic" the demands of Slovak students. • • • Czech Communist agents resid· ing in various countries, including our America, are doing their utmo.s t to have eminent Slovak and Czech exiles to return .to their homelands. "All is forgiven; come home; nothi.ng shall haJPpen to you; help us build our new democratic country" - that seems to •b e the theme song of •a ll of them. Some of the professional men an,d intelJectuats have been promised attractive salaries, new homes, freedom to work a·s they se.e -fit in their ,p rofessions, but no Slovak to our knowledge has !4ken the bait thus far. Relatives, friends and acquaintances, it seems have been organized in a Iletter-writing campaign to induce , exiles to return home. The movement, however, has failed to lure the Slovaks to the "people's democracy" establi-shed by Benes ami Gottwald in 1945. • • • STALi N labors for the Ki-emlin even in his box and gladly assumes the blame for all the violenoe, terror and murder perpetrated against innocent populations of the USSR, the satellite EurOII)ean -c ountries, Korea, China, etc. As a result of this "blameit-all-on-Stalin" campaign, every satellite country ha.s exculpated some of its Red leaders, posthumously exonerating even liquidated comrades (iBulgaria, Hungary, Poland), but this is not the case in regal'd to Slova'k 1Reds whose h earts at one time ·b led for Stalin. There has been no vindication for Vladimir Clementis, Slovak Red and former Minister o.f 'Foreign Aff.ai:rs of Czecho-Slovakia, who was executed as a "deviationist"; and no amnesty for Laco Novomesky and Gustav Husak, both of whom •a re still languishing in jail for preferring a Slovak Soviet RepubUc to a Czecho-'Slovak State. Of course, it may be that they shall have to wait till the Czech Reds of Pr,ague start an anti-Gottwald campaign. • • • IN SLOVAKIA: The mention of GOO has been ordered out of aJ.l texts. . . . Taxes in Slovakia today, ·u nder the Czech Reds, are four times higher than they were during the life of the Slovak Republic (19,39-1'945) . . . . Slovakia ,s howed the gr,eatest increase in population of all European countries in 1'955 and. ranked third in this regard among the nations of the world; the increase was 17 per thousand, •a nd the population of Slovakia is now 3,7'30,000. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1956, Vol. 6 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 18), March 1956.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 19), June 1956.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 20-21), September-December 1956.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1956 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document VOL. VI JUNE, 1956 NO . 2 ( 19) IN THIS ISSUE: Our Tradition and Louis Stur Th e Politi ca l Messag e of M a't us Ce rn a k Labor and th e Slovak Republi c Israe l and Slovaki a Slovak Lit eratur e Und er th e So vi et Impact Enslav e rs of the Cz ech Nation : How Ben es Got Stribrny Kern er ' s "Czechoslov a ki a": Histo ry o r Propagand a? WHO SAID IT: 51, 60, 64 * * Edit ed a nd co mpil ed by PHILIP A . HROBAK SLO VA KIA Box 150 Middl etown , Pa . • Pub li sh ed by T H E S LOVAK LEA GUE O F A MER ICA GAN SER LlBRARY MI LLERSVl.ltE STATE COLLEGE fy11 LLERSVJL LE, PA 17551 SLOVAKIA is published periodically by the Slovak League of America, a cultural and civic fede1·ation of Americans of Slovak descent. 'rhe chief purpo e of SLOVAKIA is to promote a better understanding and appreciation of the Slovak nation and its long struggle f 01' freedom and independence. As Americans, members of the Slovak League of America firmly believe that the Slovak nation, just as all nations, has an inherent and God-given right to freedom and independence. 'rhey are dedicated to the cause of the American way of life, Slovak freedom and world peace and are determined to oppose the plague of Communism and all other totalitarian political systems. Subscription to Slovakia $1.00 per year in the t . S. A. - $2.00 elsewhere. Send subscriptions to: SLOVAKI A Box 150 Middletown, Pa. Printed in the U. S. A. JEDNOTA PRESS Middletown, Pa. SLOVAKIA Published VOL. VI quarterly by the Slovak JUNE, 1956 STUDENT RIOTS took rp,la,ce in Slovakia, in the cities of Bratislava, Nitra, and Banska Bystrica, on May 12, 1!}56, a ccording to reports emanating from Vienna. S.tudent demon strations against the Prague regime ,also occurred in Prague but on a smaller scale. The police arrested some 60 Slovak students, but jailed only four Czechs. They were a,ccused of presenting ultimatums demanding reduction in Marx-Leninism ,c ourses, shorter military training periods, and a complete restoration of academic freedom. Acting with unusual daring, the Slovak students asked the government to permit considerably more freedom than has existed in Czecho-Slovakla since the Reds took over complete control of the country in 1948. Their requests were submitted in the form of a Tesolution to the Minister of Education, Francis Kahuda, on May 12, when the demonstrations first started, to be repeated on May 1'5 and 20. The students' riots in Czecho-Slovakia appeared to be centered in Slovakia, although Prague has ha.d a taste of it. Parts of the resolution, dealing with student complaints a.bout housing, courses of study, and food, were published, but no publicity was permitted .for the parts which reportedly criticized some aspects of the present political way of life in Czecho-Slova.kia. Officials had previously approved a .series of student meetings in Prague and the Slovak cities as part of the liberalization movement then under way throughout League of America NO. 2 (19) the Soviet sateLlites. They figured that the students would, at most, indulge in criticism in a limited way, and not in the manner they actually did. Some of the points made by the students, but not published, included the following: 1. Political parties should be put on an equal footing, with none specially favored. The people should have the means of controlling members of the National Assembly, including the right to recall elected deputies. 2. Unrestricted freedom to travel independently of the Governm ent Travel Office. 3. A demand for a ge.neral amnesty for political prisoners; making public court records; and punishing those responsible for extorting confessions and using other illegal metheds. 4. A demand for a free press, ra;dio and films to .present information truthfuUy, quickly and independently; no interference with foreign broadcasts; and the importation of new.spapers, magazines, and books from all countries regardless of their political systems. (Slovak newspapers published in America, which advocate a free Slovakia, were banned in Czecho-Slovakia on Oc tober 10, 1946). Slovak students were nermitted for the first time since-1948 to hold their traditional May Parade and Carnival (MAJALES) on May 20; they used the occasion to lampoon the government. A group of gagged a.nd 'blindfolded 2 SLOVAKIA students, representing editors of the newspapers published for the youth, paraded ,g leefully through the streets. Another group in Bratisiava carried a coffin on whioh Wlas inscribed "aca,demic freedom." ,B ut particularly impressive was the ban-d of students in death shrouds carrying the banner "We board in student Dining Halls Paradise" ! They really did look star:ved (,the picture was J-eproduced in several American Slov.ak newspapers from ,a German paper) ! Wihen ;newsmen questioned Premier William i:§iroky on :reports that many students had been arrested, he replied that this was riot so and ,a dded: "The students have the right to openly express their views at a11 times, and we, in turn, have the right to say to them that we agree or di-sagree with them on any particular question." The BratLslava newspapers Pi:aca and Pravda, however, did not share the Premier's tolerant attitude toward recent student demonstrations, con.demning as "dem,agogic" the demands of Slovak students. • • • Czech Communist agents resid· ing in various countries, including our America, are doing their utmo.s t to have eminent Slovak and Czech exiles to return .to their homelands. "All is forgiven; come home; nothi.ng shall haJPpen to you; help us build our new democratic country" - that seems to •b e the theme song of •a ll of them. Some of the professional men an,d intelJectuats have been promised attractive salaries, new homes, freedom to work a·s they se.e -fit in their ,p rofessions, but no Slovak to our knowledge has !4ken the bait thus far. Relatives, friends and acquaintances, it seems have been organized in a Iletter-writing campaign to induce , exiles to return home. The movement, however, has failed to lure the Slovaks to the "people's democracy" establi-shed by Benes ami Gottwald in 1945. • • • STALi N labors for the Ki-emlin even in his box and gladly assumes the blame for all the violenoe, terror and murder perpetrated against innocent populations of the USSR, the satellite EurOII)ean -c ountries, Korea, China, etc. As a result of this "blameit-all-on-Stalin" campaign, every satellite country ha.s exculpated some of its Red leaders, posthumously exonerating even liquidated comrades (iBulgaria, Hungary, Poland), but this is not the case in regal'd to Slova'k 1Reds whose h earts at one time ·b led for Stalin. There has been no vindication for Vladimir Clementis, Slovak Red and former Minister o.f 'Foreign Aff.ai:rs of Czecho-Slovakia, who was executed as a "deviationist"; and no amnesty for Laco Novomesky and Gustav Husak, both of whom •a re still languishing in jail for preferring a Slovak Soviet RepubUc to a Czecho-'Slovak State. Of course, it may be that they shall have to wait till the Czech Reds of Pr,ague start an anti-Gottwald campaign. • • • IN SLOVAKIA: The mention of GOO has been ordered out of aJ.l texts. . . . Taxes in Slovakia today, ·u nder the Czech Reds, are four times higher than they were during the life of the Slovak Republic (19,39-1'945) . . . . Slovakia ,s howed the gr,eatest increase in population of all European countries in 1'955 and. ranked third in this regard among the nations of the world; the increase was 17 per thousand, •a nd the population of Slovakia is now 3,7'30,000.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Front Matter, Slovakia, Vol. 6, No. 2 (19) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource June 1956 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/85484dbd56e950bd9572ff275ec66832.pdf e7dfeab06556ebc829abc9b02f8e7f15 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 3 OUR TRADITION AND WUIS STUR Dr. Henrich Bartek The significance of Louis Stur in the evolution of oUII' national life is so g,rea,t amd far-reaching :bhat it is only slowly that we a.re coming to a dooper understanding ()If this extraordinary perso111Mity, of this genial creator of the modem national Sl,O'V'ak d.deo1ogy. Once you delve into his life's work, yoru become permaIDently fascinated and cannot be freed of its charms, -s o strong is the attraction of Stur even today, a hundred years after his death. The iphilologist, philosopher, ,p edagogue, historian, po~ litician, statesman, writer, journalist, nay even the artist - once they have become acquainted witfu. the entire work and activity of .s tur - moot once ask the question how it was even possible that in the times of the greatest national decadence, at the time that Magyarization of the Slova;ks had really begun, there was found among the abandoned· ,Slovruk people a young m1an who, despite all plots and! difficuUies, built the spkitual fol.l!IldaJtions of the modern life of our nation. How that woo possible, that is a question wJiioh .perha,ps science will be ruble to answer at some time ~n the furtuire. Right now, however, it can only assert that in one generation, measwring genius in the strictest sense, only Ol!le extraordinary persOIIl OT genius appear:s among approximately two million people. There is no doubt that Stur was endowed with extraordinary natural capacity for creative and original conceptions. lit is the ma,rlk of a genius to, create woriks of lasting value which live iJ.ong ages after Ms death. Stur was a ge:nius; am.d not only witJhin the Slovak ifrrumewol1k. So it is only natUTal that we return to him and that even future Slovak generations will find their support in him until a greater .spirit apperurs to show the Slova.ks more and ~tter things tJian did Stur. To date, however, Stuir standg ouit as the greatest Slo:vak of all times. We are mindfuil. of, are eternally gratefuil to, and haive the greatest respect and admir,ation. for Vaja:nsky, �4 SLOVAKIA Hviezdoslav, Hli.nka, Tiso, SkuJJtety, and many, many other outstanding Slovak pe71sonalities, even many unknown peOi)le and martyrs, who saorifiiced everythirn.g for Slova:kdom. !But all of these, consdoooly oir lll!Ile◊nsciously, only continued to work for the reaJization of the spiritual plan of Slovak li!fe whlc:h was ~efit us by Stur in his wor:ks aJild in his pupils. Slovak life was given expression thr-o ugh the Slovaik language. According to 'S tur, it could not be otherwise. But Stur hlmself saw :to it that he became its eminent representati'Ve, an example to hi,s compeers and follo,wililg generations: he gave expression to, the irighteous des.ires and demands of his .Slovak nation and became its greatest and thUJS far unsurpassed model in spkituaJ and puiblic acti'Vity. Nations with '1ong state traditions, in which individual generations could develop without hindrance and without regard to age, ha,d the advantage of the experience of thei:r matuire ipeople and &e creativeness of their young peop1e, who always bxought something new, something better into the world and passed it on .to succeeding generations. The Slovak nabion, however, was not aJS fortunate. Having lost their great Moravian E)mpire at the turn of the tenth century, the Slova,ks were ruled iby foreigrn.ers for over a thousamd years. Without its own state traditions the Slovak nation had to rely almost entirely on compruratively young men, youths between 20~30 years old, for new ideas and new aims. In a word, SlovaJk youth was the ,c reator of a new dawn and future ,g oals, because the difficult iltife of the Slovruks undeir foreigrn. political domination did not allow the elders to build a strong national life. A gla,nce at the Slov:a!k past, from the time of Josephinism to the present, shows us tihis picture of Slovak generations: :Bermolak and his g,roup stirred the nation witlt ,theirr new idea wihen they were between 20-30 yea11s old; Holly, Kollar, and Safarik, who came after Bernolak, in the same yeara,, formed a firm outlook of the world; then StuT's generation also formed its national program �SLOVAKIA 5 in its youthful years and it was no different with the generation of ¥ajans:ky a;nd Hviezdosla;v. FoUowing the latter, iit is easier to talk ab{)ll.lt mdirviduiaJs thian generations. Considea:-, if y!()IU wi11, the yews in which the cihaxacters of Hlinka, Stefanik, Razus, and of other Slovaks, who foUowed Hvieooio:s!av's gen.eratioo, developed, and, behold, you will obser:ve that they, too, were between 20-30 years of age wlhen they began theiir creative life for theirr natrian. A :single idea and a single conviction, however, dom~naJted all Slorva·k generations amd eminent individuals: the !Slov3Jk nation coll'ld secl.ll'e and safeguaTd its nation.al existence best onJy if it gained political independence, only if it were free to ruJ.e its own homeland and develop its nation~ Hfe without foreign interference . .Am.d so it was with <YUT generation, which made itself heard .a:t th•e Slova k Institute (Matica Sloivenska) conclave on 'Ma,y 12, 1932, and then again. immediately after at the congress ~ill Trenciansike TepHce, where unanimously and without •r egard ,t o party considerations and con'Victions it declared itselif for a duialistic soJution of Slovak-Czech relatio111Js. Of cowrse, ouir generation came out with nothing new at that time, but ornly strong,l y reiterated what Bernolak and Stur and the1r followers frlad initiated much earlier. For a hundred years, therefore, not,h ing new, nothing moire rulblime apipea,red tiha;n what Stur had e:,opressed and lived for. So it is only natuiral that we must and shall have to .retuvn to. him, !beca;use it is self-evident that every new, Jet U!S say, great plan of Slova,k life must fiTst pass the aqua ,r egi·a test ,o f Stur's thinking. Even today Stuir still is the criter:ion of the life of our rratiOill; a;nd only those aims wihi-ch are in agreement with Stu.r's conception haive any hope and outlook for rea:lizatiolil. Whatever i•s againsit Stur, i,s also a,gainist the vital interests of OU!r nation. Stuir was not quite thmy years old when 'he b,egain to ,u:nite his people . by advocating a uniform language 1 1 1 �6 SLOVAKl1A for Slova,k literature. His wonk bore muoh ,g aod fruit. StUT's ca1l was answered by Sladkovic, ChaJ.upka, Botto, Kirar, Kalinciak, HUTban, and many others. lt Wll)S as if SlOIVak was resurrected by a magk wand. A.ind even though the central Slovak diail.ect is the most divergent of ail Slovak dialects, nevertheless it ri.s the least contaminated by foreigm influences. The Slovaks, therefore, felt ,tJhat the proper cou:rse had been taken in regaird to their literary language. Even John HoHy, not only the greatest 'Slovak poet of that time but a:}so the greatest ideologist of his nation, gave Stu.r's action his blessing, and, therefore, Stur was joined by the Catholics, representing five-sixths, the absolute majority, cl the SlovaJk nation. W1hat is the literary medium of the Italiams today? Is it not the classical ftalian - the Tuscan dialect of Dante and Petrarch - even though in many particulars it diffurs fa·om the other Italian dialects more than does <'entra1 Slovak from the other SlovaJk dialects? But the Itailian of Tuscany is certainly least contaminated by foreign influences and :most ex;pressive of the Railiam. spirit and, hence, the rest of the lta1.ia.n:s accepted it and stand by it. And so it was with the language of central SlwaJkia. It ,i s the most native of all Slovak dia!lects and therefore directly the most appropriate to express the spiiritua,l life of the Slovaks. ·Situr was clearly aware of the fiact that unity in tJhe liteTa,ry laJI1guage was not the uJtimate goal of hiis nation, but only a medium ,o f further national develoipment - of course, an inevitaible medium, if a higher cuiltu.rral level of the broad masses was to be attained and thereby also a proper support for national equality in Hungary. To rea,ch it:he broad masses of the Slo1Vak people and rouse them nationally, Stur published a newspaper in Slovak, Mter waiting some four years for permissri.on from the Hungariain government to do so. The influence of the paper was great; the Slorvaks gave it theiir full. support, while the MagyarSJ, aware of its influence, saon began scheming to suppress it. ,E lected b,y the royail city of �SLOVAKIA 'J Zvoilen to the Hungarian Diet, Stur insisted that the righteous demands of the Slovak nation for free national development ,b e fulf·illed. Before the revo,lution of 1'848 he demanded the DieJt to free the people fr:om the feudalistic Robot system, 1a;bor rent, so that the culture of the country might increase by the foundation of schoo~s in the naJt;ional tO!Ilgue ; he Tecommended the iindusbriali:zation of the land of the Slovaks and the adoption of laws in the huma,nitarian spirit which would enable the development of the country and! for all the nations inhabiting Hungary and ihe fought for a federalistic system in Hungary, whereby taJlJ. natio.n:s mi:ght work as equals for the common weal of the State. Stur appe,a led to the macgnates to give attention to the development of the State and to maJke it possible in the spirit of the modern devellopment of Eurrope. Stur was not a rebel; he did not advocate the destruction of the Hungarlam State aJS long as there wa:i any hope o;f ;s ettlement with the iMagy.aJrs. In the Hunga;rian Diet, •S tur proved himselif .a,s a farsighted politicran and statesmam; he saw and realized what was happening in the coU!Iltries around Hungary. He warned the Magyars that they ,c ould not forever igno,r e and suppress the inherent rights .of natio.ns,, that they couJd not forever e~ploit the Slov:aiks and otlher nations of H'lllilgatry without expecting them to stri1ke baok with their righteous demands for a f,r ee national life, for the same rights the Magyars were resolved to fight for in the Habsb'lliI"g Empire. Stu.r's admonitions, however, hit upon deruf eairs; the Magyam stUJbbor:n,l y amd ignoramtly refused to give ear to a;ny demands for any kind of settlement with the 1t10n~Ma;gyar rnations of Hungacy. The reS1Ult was the revolution of 1848-49, in which the S!l,o vaks also :prurtiiciipated, wihom S·t w togetlieir wi:th Hlurban ,a nd iHodza led in armed resi,s tance against the revoluti()(Il of .the Ma,g yar aristocrats. That the Ha:bsburgs were ung,ratefiul to the Slooaks, that they rfina:Hy settled wtth the Magyairs at the expense of the non-Magyrur natiOIIlS, does not alter the facts, at all. The set- �8 SLOVAKIA tlement of 1867, referred to as Austro~Hungaria,n but in rea.lity Au:stro-iMagyar, became the ,grave of the 'MOIIlarchy which coll!1d haive 'been a miglhty confederation in Central E}ul"ope. Louis Stur, and not 1:Jhe Slovak and M:agyair chauvilll'ist 1Lorui,s Ko,s ut. was the genuine democrat. Sttir and the SIOivak Language As a student at the Bratislmva lyceum and later as a professor, Stur became convinced that Sloiva:k Lutherans would never ,l earn Czech welil enough to oreate worthy scienltific works iirJ. that liangwage and so much more the less artistic ones. From the standpoint of the present and the future, therefore, it made no sense to persevere in Biblical Czech. 'Dhis 'Practical motive,, ·of course, was not enough forr :S tur and, therefore, he made it his business to learn as well as po,s sible all Siova,nic languages and to study comparative phHology. After a tho,r01Ugh reseaTch of the sy:stem of the S[rovalk language, Stur was convinced that the ,Sloivaik [am,g,uiage was not a dira lect of the Czech, but an indepedent Slovanic language and, by the sarrne token, thait the SlO'Vaks were not a part of the Czech nation but am ii.ndependent and individual people. StuT was thairoug,hly fami,l iar with not O!D.ly the w.ritings of the BernolaJk group, not only with the poetkal compO!sitions of John Ho1ly and the works of Bajza and Fandli, but aiso esipecially with the philological works of Anton iBernola.k. Stu,r , therefore, accepted the phonetic orthography of [Bernolak, which from the philologiral and piracticaJ standpoint best answered the purpose, but foc scientific a1r1d ideological rea:sorns decided to adopt the language of central Slovaikia. If Bernolak was it.he first codifier of literary Sloiv:ruk, who set the rules for speaJk:ing and writing Slova:k correctily, then Stur can rightfwlily be c:alled the fiirst reformer of iliterary Slovak, because he really replaced the S1ovaik of western Slovrukia with that of -c entral Slovakia. In the few years after iit was adopted as the literary medii.um of the Slov:aks, the language of central Sl01Vakia developed more talents tha,n were developed during several hundred years �SLOVAKIA 9 by literary Czech. The poems of Slad'kovic, especia!lly his "Marina," the poetical iprodUICtions orf Botto, Ohailuipka, Kral', and many others, pro·v ed that Stur's presuppositions about the sp:uritm1a,l development through the medium of central Slovalk were fuUy justified. In 1943, a: think il was successful in proving, in my work "I'... Stur a slorvenoina" (L. Stur and the SlorvaJk Language), that in !his time Stur was an extraordinarily good ph.ilofogist, who i.lJltuitively often correctly came upo:n certain individurul char.acteiristics of tJhe Slovalk language, so that even a modern philological analysis of his work will confirm the ,c orrectness of many of ,S tur's linguistic findings, the justification for which science ·i n that period could not prove. Stur, howerver, ga!Ve co.rrect judgments not OIIll.y i.lJl philology, but also ,i:n other scientific disciplines, for exaJmple, in history, statecraflt, etc. Stur and Philosophy It is generally said that Stur had aid.opted Hegel's philoso~hy. The maJtter is presented in such a Hght as irf Stur had blindly adopted Hegel's thinking and simply applied lit to Slovak and Slovank life. Philosoiphioal researches with us Slova!ks are, alas, very murch disliked and, therefore, it is ino wonder that S1ov:a1k phi[osophy is incorrectly evaluated. Prior to the war, Profesor Dmitrij Cyzevski, fo:rmerly of the universd.ties orf Hall amd J.einna ibut presently of CoJrunnbia Uni;veTSity, ;in a conversation with me called my attention to the significance of StUT and his followers for phillosophy in general. According to him Stur's generation had seveiraJl t1hin'kers w'.ho tried to create thek own philosophical system and who, in those times, amQIIllg ahl Slovam.ic nations excelled in originality of thinking in philosophy. Cyz.evski later prorved a part of his statement in his excellent book "Sturo•v a :f.ilozofia ziivota" tStur's .Philosophy of Life), which the Slovak Academy orf Sciences published du.ring the war .a nd wlhich, I say regretfully, I do not have today. Even though Cyzevs:ki's book does not deal fuHy with Stur's philosophy neverthe- �10 SLOVAKIA less it did ,p rove that Stur was not a simple student of Hegel's in iphiilosophy, but that he formed an mdependent philosophical system which in many ways differs f.rom that of Hegel. And thus we could gradually consider the political, social, pedagogical, statecraft, and artistic o,pinions of Stur and come to 1:Jhe conclusion that we hia:ve !before us an extremely wealthy personality, which had drawn from native traditions 13Jild in rbhe spirit ()If Slovak needs had formulated !ideas from varioUiS regions into one whole into the ination13Jl ideology of the Slovak nation. To 1UD:derstand Stur •and his wol'lk thoroughly, we must ma.Ike a proper study of all his activities ·amd literary achievements, so that we imi,g ht be able to define accu<!'ately what is .h l,s own, what is domestic tradition, and what has cOIIIle to us .from 01:Jher,s. If we do not ma,ke t'hat study, then we shall not completely understand this greatest phenomenon of Slovruk life of the nineteenth century. The Slovalks, especially recent political emigrants, will have to ,r eturn to Stur firequoot!ly, since for them in many thin:gs he is an excellent example, especially in polilti'cs. For exia.mple, when we t ruke Stur's views on the life of our nation, when his ideas about independent Slovruk national life are taken as the aqua regia of Slovll!k politics from 1918 to the 'Present, then it •s hall not be dificult to ascertain tJhrut, from the Slovak strundpoint, Hlinka's Slovak People's Party and the Slovak National 1P arty of Razus continued to work for the realization of Stur's program, and that they, an:d not a single SlovaJk affiliate of centralistic parties, were the b~arers of traditional Slorvak ideology. Today in 'S}()(Vruk.ia. a foreign 1regime is peTsecuiting and crushing rull elements of the Bernolak-Stur-lHilinka-Razu s tra·d itions, because it is albove all else concerned with the extermination of the !Slovak traditions which in his time Louis Stur had recreated rund reformed in such a manner .that they remain a pernnanent ,bas.is of our national development. � SLOVAKIA 3 OUR TRADITION AND WUIS STUR Dr. Henrich Bartek The significance of Louis Stur in the evolution of oUII' national life is so g,rea,t amd far-reaching :bhat it is only slowly that we a.re coming to a dooper understanding ()If this extraordinary perso111Mity, of this genial creator of the modem national Sl,O'V'ak d.deo1ogy. Once you delve into his life's work, yoru become permaIDently fascinated and cannot be freed of its charms, -s o strong is the attraction of Stur even today, a hundred years after his death. The iphilologist, philosopher, ,p edagogue, historian, po~ litician, statesman, writer, journalist, nay even the artist - once they have become acquainted witfu. the entire work and activity of .s tur - moot once ask the question how it was even possible that in the times of the greatest national decadence, at the time that Magyarization of the Slova;ks had really begun, there was found among the abandoned· ,Slovruk people a young m1an who, despite all plots and! difficuUies, built the spkitual fol.l!IldaJtions of the modern life of our nation. How that woo possible, that is a question wJiioh .perha,ps science will be ruble to answer at some time ~n the furtuire. Right now, however, it can only assert that in one generation, measwring genius in the strictest sense, only Ol!le extraordinary persOIIl OT genius appear:s among approximately two million people. There is no doubt that Stur was endowed with extraordinary natural capacity for creative and original conceptions. lit is the ma,rlk of a genius to, create woriks of lasting value which live iJ.ong ages after Ms death. Stur was a ge:nius; am.d not only witJhin the Slovak ifrrumewol1k. So it is only natUTal that we return to him and that even future Slovak generations will find their support in him until a greater .spirit apperurs to show the Slova.ks more and ~tter things tJian did Stur. To date, however, Stuir standg ouit as the greatest Slo:vak of all times. We are mindfuil. of, are eternally gratefuil to, and haive the greatest respect and admir,ation. for Vaja:nsky, �4 SLOVAKIA Hviezdoslav, Hli.nka, Tiso, SkuJJtety, and many, many other outstanding Slovak pe71sonalities, even many unknown peOi)le and martyrs, who saorifiiced everythirn.g for Slova:kdom. !But all of these, consdoooly oir lll!Ile◊nsciously, only continued to work for the reaJization of the spiritual plan of Slovak li!fe whlc:h was ~efit us by Stur in his wor:ks aJild in his pupils. Slovak life was given expression thr-o ugh the Slovaik language. According to 'S tur, it could not be otherwise. But Stur hlmself saw :to it that he became its eminent representati'Ve, an example to hi,s compeers and follo,wililg generations: he gave expression to, the irighteous des.ires and demands of his .Slovak nation and became its greatest and thUJS far unsurpassed model in spkituaJ and puiblic acti'Vity. Nations with '1ong state traditions, in which individual generations could develop without hindrance and without regard to age, ha,d the advantage of the experience of thei:r matuire ipeople and &e creativeness of their young peop1e, who always bxought something new, something better into the world and passed it on .to succeeding generations. The Slovak nabion, however, was not aJS fortunate. Having lost their great Moravian E)mpire at the turn of the tenth century, the Slova,ks were ruled iby foreigrn.ers for over a thousamd years. Without its own state traditions the Slovak nation had to rely almost entirely on compruratively young men, youths between 20~30 years old, for new ideas and new aims. In a word, SlovaJk youth was the ,c reator of a new dawn and future ,g oals, because the difficult iltife of the Slovruks undeir foreigrn. political domination did not allow the elders to build a strong national life. A gla,nce at the Slov:a!k past, from the time of Josephinism to the present, shows us tihis picture of Slovak generations: :Bermolak and his g,roup stirred the nation witlt ,theirr new idea wihen they were between 20-30 yea11s old; Holly, Kollar, and Safarik, who came after Bernolak, in the same yeara,, formed a firm outlook of the world; then StuT's generation also formed its national program �SLOVAKIA 5 in its youthful years and it was no different with the generation of ¥ajans:ky a;nd Hviezdosla;v. FoUowing the latter, iit is easier to talk ab{)ll.lt mdirviduiaJs thian generations. Considea:-, if y!()IU wi11, the yews in which the cihaxacters of Hlinka, Stefanik, Razus, and of other Slovaks, who foUowed Hvieooio:s!av's gen.eratioo, developed, and, behold, you will obser:ve that they, too, were between 20-30 years of age wlhen they began theiir creative life for theirr natrian. A :single idea and a single conviction, however, dom~naJted all Slorva·k generations amd eminent individuals: the !Slov3Jk nation coll'ld secl.ll'e and safeguaTd its nation.al existence best onJy if it gained political independence, only if it were free to ruJ.e its own homeland and develop its nation~ Hfe without foreign interference . .Am.d so it was with <YUT generation, which made itself heard .a:t th•e Slova k Institute (Matica Sloivenska) conclave on 'Ma,y 12, 1932, and then again. immediately after at the congress ~ill Trenciansike TepHce, where unanimously and without •r egard ,t o party considerations and con'Victions it declared itselif for a duialistic soJution of Slovak-Czech relatio111Js. Of cowrse, ouir generation came out with nothing new at that time, but ornly strong,l y reiterated what Bernolak and Stur and the1r followers frlad initiated much earlier. For a hundred years, therefore, not,h ing new, nothing moire rulblime apipea,red tiha;n what Stur had e:,opressed and lived for. So it is only natuiral that we must and shall have to .retuvn to. him, !beca;use it is self-evident that every new, Jet U!S say, great plan of Slova,k life must fiTst pass the aqua ,r egi·a test ,o f Stur's thinking. Even today Stuir still is the criter:ion of the life of our rratiOill; a;nd only those aims wihi-ch are in agreement with Stu.r's conception haive any hope and outlook for rea:lizatiolil. Whatever i•s againsit Stur, i,s also a,gainist the vital interests of OU!r nation. Stuir was not quite thmy years old when 'he b,egain to ,u:nite his people . by advocating a uniform language 1 1 1 �6 SLOVAKl1A for Slova,k literature. His wonk bore muoh ,g aod fruit. StUT's ca1l was answered by Sladkovic, ChaJ.upka, Botto, Kirar, Kalinciak, HUTban, and many others. lt Wll)S as if SlOIVak was resurrected by a magk wand. A.ind even though the central Slovak diail.ect is the most divergent of ail Slovak dialects, nevertheless it ri.s the least contaminated by foreigm influences. The Slovaks, therefore, felt ,tJhat the proper cou:rse had been taken in regaird to their literary language. Even John HoHy, not only the greatest 'Slovak poet of that time but a:}so the greatest ideologist of his nation, gave Stu.r's action his blessing, and, therefore, Stur was joined by the Catholics, representing five-sixths, the absolute majority, cl the SlovaJk nation. W1hat is the literary medium of the Italiams today? Is it not the classical ftalian - the Tuscan dialect of Dante and Petrarch - even though in many particulars it diffurs fa·om the other Italian dialects more than does <'entra1 Slovak from the other SlovaJk dialects? But the Itailian of Tuscany is certainly least contaminated by foreign influences and :most ex;pressive of the Railiam. spirit and, hence, the rest of the lta1.ia.n:s accepted it and stand by it. And so it was with the language of central SlwaJkia. It ,i s the most native of all Slovak dia!lects and therefore directly the most appropriate to express the spiiritua,l life of the Slovaks. ·Situr was clearly aware of the fiact that unity in tJhe liteTa,ry laJI1guage was not the uJtimate goal of hiis nation, but only a medium ,o f further national develoipment - of course, an inevitaible medium, if a higher cuiltu.rral level of the broad masses was to be attained and thereby also a proper support for national equality in Hungary. To rea,ch it:he broad masses of the Slo1Vak people and rouse them nationally, Stur published a newspaper in Slovak, Mter waiting some four years for permissri.on from the Hungariain government to do so. The influence of the paper was great; the Slorvaks gave it theiir full. support, while the MagyarSJ, aware of its influence, saon began scheming to suppress it. ,E lected b,y the royail city of �SLOVAKIA 'J Zvoilen to the Hungarian Diet, Stur insisted that the righteous demands of the Slovak nation for free national development ,b e fulf·illed. Before the revo,lution of 1'848 he demanded the DieJt to free the people fr:om the feudalistic Robot system, 1a;bor rent, so that the culture of the country might increase by the foundation of schoo~s in the naJt;ional tO!Ilgue ; he Tecommended the iindusbriali:zation of the land of the Slovaks and the adoption of laws in the huma,nitarian spirit which would enable the development of the country and! for all the nations inhabiting Hungary and ihe fought for a federalistic system in Hungary, whereby taJlJ. natio.n:s mi:ght work as equals for the common weal of the State. Stur appe,a led to the macgnates to give attention to the development of the State and to maJke it possible in the spirit of the modern devellopment of Eurrope. Stur was not a rebel; he did not advocate the destruction of the Hungarlam State aJS long as there wa:i any hope o;f ;s ettlement with the iMagy.aJrs. In the Hunga;rian Diet, •S tur proved himselif .a,s a farsighted politicran and statesmam; he saw and realized what was happening in the coU!Iltries around Hungary. He warned the Magyars that they ,c ould not forever igno,r e and suppress the inherent rights .of natio.ns,, that they couJd not forever e~ploit the Slov:aiks and otlher nations of H'lllilgatry without expecting them to stri1ke baok with their righteous demands for a f,r ee national life, for the same rights the Magyars were resolved to fight for in the Habsb'lliI"g Empire. Stu.r's admonitions, however, hit upon deruf eairs; the Magyam stUJbbor:n,l y amd ignoramtly refused to give ear to a;ny demands for any kind of settlement with the 1t10n~Ma;gyar rnations of Hungacy. The reS1Ult was the revolution of 1848-49, in which the S!l,o vaks also :prurtiiciipated, wihom S·t w togetlieir wi:th Hlurban ,a nd iHodza led in armed resi,s tance against the revoluti()(Il of .the Ma,g yar aristocrats. That the Ha:bsburgs were ung,ratefiul to the Slooaks, that they rfina:Hy settled wtth the Magyairs at the expense of the non-Magyrur natiOIIlS, does not alter the facts, at all. The set- �8 SLOVAKIA tlement of 1867, referred to as Austro~Hungaria,n but in rea.lity Au:stro-iMagyar, became the ,grave of the 'MOIIlarchy which coll!1d haive 'been a miglhty confederation in Central E}ul"ope. Louis Stur, and not 1:Jhe Slovak and M:agyair chauvilll'ist 1Lorui,s Ko,s ut. was the genuine democrat. Sttir and the SIOivak Language As a student at the Bratislmva lyceum and later as a professor, Stur became convinced that Sloiva:k Lutherans would never ,l earn Czech welil enough to oreate worthy scienltific works iirJ. that liangwage and so much more the less artistic ones. From the standpoint of the present and the future, therefore, it made no sense to persevere in Biblical Czech. 'Dhis 'Practical motive,, ·of course, was not enough forr :S tur and, therefore, he made it his business to learn as well as po,s sible all Siova,nic languages and to study comparative phHology. After a tho,r01Ugh reseaTch of the sy:stem of the S[rovalk language, Stur was convinced that the ,Sloivaik [am,g,uiage was not a dira lect of the Czech, but an indepedent Slovanic language and, by the sarrne token, thait the SlO'Vaks were not a part of the Czech nation but am ii.ndependent and individual people. StuT was thairoug,hly fami,l iar with not O!D.ly the w.ritings of the BernolaJk group, not only with the poetkal compO!sitions of John Ho1ly and the works of Bajza and Fandli, but aiso esipecially with the philological works of Anton iBernola.k. Stu,r , therefore, accepted the phonetic orthography of [Bernolak, which from the philologiral and piracticaJ standpoint best answered the purpose, but foc scientific a1r1d ideological rea:sorns decided to adopt the language of central Slovaikia. If Bernolak was it.he first codifier of literary Sloiv:ruk, who set the rules for speaJk:ing and writing Slova:k correctily, then Stur can rightfwlily be c:alled the fiirst reformer of iliterary Slovak, because he really replaced the S1ovaik of western Slovrukia with that of -c entral Slovakia. In the few years after iit was adopted as the literary medii.um of the Slov:aks, the language of central Sl01Vakia developed more talents tha,n were developed during several hundred years �SLOVAKIA 9 by literary Czech. The poems of Slad'kovic, especia!lly his "Marina," the poetical iprodUICtions orf Botto, Ohailuipka, Kral', and many others, pro·v ed that Stur's presuppositions about the sp:uritm1a,l development through the medium of central Slovalk were fuUy justified. In 1943, a: think il was successful in proving, in my work "I'... Stur a slorvenoina" (L. Stur and the SlorvaJk Language), that in !his time Stur was an extraordinarily good ph.ilofogist, who i.lJltuitively often correctly came upo:n certain individurul char.acteiristics of tJhe Slovalk language, so that even a modern philological analysis of his work will confirm the ,c orrectness of many of ,S tur's linguistic findings, the justification for which science ·i n that period could not prove. Stur, howerver, ga!Ve co.rrect judgments not OIIll.y i.lJl philology, but also ,i:n other scientific disciplines, for exaJmple, in history, statecraflt, etc. Stur and Philosophy It is generally said that Stur had aid.opted Hegel's philoso~hy. The maJtter is presented in such a Hght as irf Stur had blindly adopted Hegel's thinking and simply applied lit to Slovak and Slovank life. Philosoiphioal researches with us Slova!ks are, alas, very murch disliked and, therefore, it is ino wonder that S1ov:a1k phi[osophy is incorrectly evaluated. Prior to the war, Profesor Dmitrij Cyzevski, fo:rmerly of the universd.ties orf Hall amd J.einna ibut presently of CoJrunnbia Uni;veTSity, ;in a conversation with me called my attention to the significance of StUT and his followers for phillosophy in general. According to him Stur's generation had seveiraJl t1hin'kers w'.ho tried to create thek own philosophical system and who, in those times, amQIIllg ahl Slovam.ic nations excelled in originality of thinking in philosophy. Cyz.evski later prorved a part of his statement in his excellent book "Sturo•v a :f.ilozofia ziivota" tStur's .Philosophy of Life), which the Slovak Academy orf Sciences published du.ring the war .a nd wlhich, I say regretfully, I do not have today. Even though Cyzevs:ki's book does not deal fuHy with Stur's philosophy neverthe- �10 SLOVAKIA less it did ,p rove that Stur was not a simple student of Hegel's in iphiilosophy, but that he formed an mdependent philosophical system which in many ways differs f.rom that of Hegel. And thus we could gradually consider the political, social, pedagogical, statecraft, and artistic o,pinions of Stur and come to 1:Jhe conclusion that we hia:ve !before us an extremely wealthy personality, which had drawn from native traditions 13Jild in rbhe spirit ()If Slovak needs had formulated !ideas from varioUiS regions into one whole into the ination13Jl ideology of the Slovak nation. To 1UD:derstand Stur •and his wol'lk thoroughly, we must ma.Ike a proper study of all his activities ·amd literary achievements, so that we imi,g ht be able to define accu<!'ately what is .h l,s own, what is domestic tradition, and what has cOIIIle to us .from 01:Jher,s. If we do not ma,ke t'hat study, then we shall not completely understand this greatest phenomenon of Slovruk life of the nineteenth century. The Slovalks, especially recent political emigrants, will have to ,r eturn to Stur firequoot!ly, since for them in many thin:gs he is an excellent example, especially in polilti'cs. For exia.mple, when we t ruke Stur's views on the life of our nation, when his ideas about independent Slovruk national life are taken as the aqua regia of Slovll!k politics from 1918 to the 'Present, then it •s hall not be dificult to ascertain tJhrut, from the Slovak strundpoint, Hlinka's Slovak People's Party and the Slovak National 1P arty of Razus continued to work for the realization of Stur's program, and that they, an:d not a single SlovaJk affiliate of centralistic parties, were the b~arers of traditional Slorvak ideology. Today in 'S}()(Vruk.ia. a foreign 1regime is peTsecuiting and crushing rull elements of the Bernolak-Stur-lHilinka-Razu s tra·d itions, because it is albove all else concerned with the extermination of the !Slovak traditions which in his time Louis Stur had recreated rund reformed in such a manner .that they remain a pernnanent ,bas.is of our national development. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1956, Vol. 6 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 18), March 1956.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 19), June 1956.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 20-21), September-December 1956.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1956 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 3 OUR TRADITION AND WUIS STUR Dr. Henrich Bartek The significance of Louis Stur in the evolution of oUII' national life is so g,rea,t amd far-reaching :bhat it is only slowly that we a.re coming to a dooper understanding ()If this extraordinary perso111Mity, of this genial creator of the modem national Sl,O'V'ak d.deo1ogy. Once you delve into his life's work, yoru become permaIDently fascinated and cannot be freed of its charms, -s o strong is the attraction of Stur even today, a hundred years after his death. The iphilologist, philosopher, ,p edagogue, historian, po~ litician, statesman, writer, journalist, nay even the artist - once they have become acquainted witfu. the entire work and activity of .s tur - moot once ask the question how it was even possible that in the times of the greatest national decadence, at the time that Magyarization of the Slova;ks had really begun, there was found among the abandoned· ,Slovruk people a young m1an who, despite all plots and! difficuUies, built the spkitual fol.l!IldaJtions of the modern life of our nation. How that woo possible, that is a question wJiioh .perha,ps science will be ruble to answer at some time ~n the furtuire. Right now, however, it can only assert that in one generation, measwring genius in the strictest sense, only Ol!le extraordinary persOIIl OT genius appear:s among approximately two million people. There is no doubt that Stur was endowed with extraordinary natural capacity for creative and original conceptions. lit is the ma,rlk of a genius to, create woriks of lasting value which live iJ.ong ages after Ms death. Stur was a ge:nius; am.d not only witJhin the Slovak ifrrumewol1k. So it is only natUTal that we return to him and that even future Slovak generations will find their support in him until a greater .spirit apperurs to show the Slova.ks more and ~tter things tJian did Stur. To date, however, Stuir standg ouit as the greatest Slo:vak of all times. We are mindfuil. of, are eternally gratefuil to, and haive the greatest respect and admir,ation. for Vaja:nsky, 4 SLOVAKIA Hviezdoslav, Hli.nka, Tiso, SkuJJtety, and many, many other outstanding Slovak pe71sonalities, even many unknown peOi)le and martyrs, who saorifiiced everythirn.g for Slova:kdom. !But all of these, consdoooly oir lll!Ile◊nsciously, only continued to work for the reaJization of the spiritual plan of Slovak li!fe whlc:h was ~efit us by Stur in his wor:ks aJild in his pupils. Slovak life was given expression thr-o ugh the Slovaik language. According to 'S tur, it could not be otherwise. But Stur hlmself saw :to it that he became its eminent representati'Ve, an example to hi,s compeers and follo,wililg generations: he gave expression to, the irighteous des.ires and demands of his .Slovak nation and became its greatest and thUJS far unsurpassed model in spkituaJ and puiblic acti'Vity. Nations with '1ong state traditions, in which individual generations could develop without hindrance and without regard to age, ha,d the advantage of the experience of thei:r matuire ipeople and &e creativeness of their young peop1e, who always bxought something new, something better into the world and passed it on .to succeeding generations. The Slovak nabion, however, was not aJS fortunate. Having lost their great Moravian E)mpire at the turn of the tenth century, the Slova,ks were ruled iby foreigrn.ers for over a thousamd years. Without its own state traditions the Slovak nation had to rely almost entirely on compruratively young men, youths between 20~30 years old, for new ideas and new aims. In a word, SlovaJk youth was the ,c reator of a new dawn and future ,g oals, because the difficult iltife of the Slovruks undeir foreigrn. political domination did not allow the elders to build a strong national life. A gla,nce at the Slov:a!k past, from the time of Josephinism to the present, shows us tihis picture of Slovak generations: :Bermolak and his g,roup stirred the nation witlt ,theirr new idea wihen they were between 20-30 yea11s old; Holly, Kollar, and Safarik, who came after Bernolak, in the same yeara,, formed a firm outlook of the world; then StuT's generation also formed its national program SLOVAKIA 5 in its youthful years and it was no different with the generation of ¥ajans:ky a;nd Hviezdosla;v. FoUowing the latter, iit is easier to talk ab{)ll.lt mdirviduiaJs thian generations. Considea:-, if y!()IU wi11, the yews in which the cihaxacters of Hlinka, Stefanik, Razus, and of other Slovaks, who foUowed Hvieooio:s!av's gen.eratioo, developed, and, behold, you will obser:ve that they, too, were between 20-30 years of age wlhen they began theiir creative life for theirr natrian. A :single idea and a single conviction, however, dom~naJted all Slorva·k generations amd eminent individuals: the !Slov3Jk nation coll'ld secl.ll'e and safeguaTd its nation.al existence best onJy if it gained political independence, only if it were free to ruJ.e its own homeland and develop its nation~ Hfe without foreign interference . .Am.d so it was with <YUT generation, which made itself heard .a:t th•e Slova k Institute (Matica Sloivenska) conclave on 'Ma,y 12, 1932, and then again. immediately after at the congress ~ill Trenciansike TepHce, where unanimously and without •r egard ,t o party considerations and con'Victions it declared itselif for a duialistic soJution of Slovak-Czech relatio111Js. Of cowrse, ouir generation came out with nothing new at that time, but ornly strong,l y reiterated what Bernolak and Stur and the1r followers frlad initiated much earlier. For a hundred years, therefore, not,h ing new, nothing moire rulblime apipea,red tiha;n what Stur had e:,opressed and lived for. So it is only natuiral that we must and shall have to .retuvn to. him, !beca;use it is self-evident that every new, Jet U!S say, great plan of Slova,k life must fiTst pass the aqua ,r egi·a test ,o f Stur's thinking. Even today Stuir still is the criter:ion of the life of our rratiOill; a;nd only those aims wihi-ch are in agreement with Stu.r's conception haive any hope and outlook for rea:lizatiolil. Whatever i•s againsit Stur, i,s also a,gainist the vital interests of OU!r nation. Stuir was not quite thmy years old when 'he b,egain to ,u:nite his people . by advocating a uniform language 1 1 1 6 SLOVAKl1A for Slova,k literature. His wonk bore muoh ,g aod fruit. StUT's ca1l was answered by Sladkovic, ChaJ.upka, Botto, Kirar, Kalinciak, HUTban, and many others. lt Wll)S as if SlOIVak was resurrected by a magk wand. A.ind even though the central Slovak diail.ect is the most divergent of ail Slovak dialects, nevertheless it ri.s the least contaminated by foreigm influences. The Slovaks, therefore, felt ,tJhat the proper cou:rse had been taken in regaird to their literary language. Even John HoHy, not only the greatest 'Slovak poet of that time but a:}so the greatest ideologist of his nation, gave Stu.r's action his blessing, and, therefore, Stur was joined by the Catholics, representing five-sixths, the absolute majority, cl the SlovaJk nation. W1hat is the literary medium of the Italiams today? Is it not the classical ftalian - the Tuscan dialect of Dante and Petrarch - even though in many particulars it diffurs fa·om the other Italian dialects more than does <'entra1 Slovak from the other SlovaJk dialects? But the Itailian of Tuscany is certainly least contaminated by foreign influences and :most ex;pressive of the Railiam. spirit and, hence, the rest of the lta1.ia.n:s accepted it and stand by it. And so it was with the language of central SlwaJkia. It ,i s the most native of all Slovak dia!lects and therefore directly the most appropriate to express the spiiritua,l life of the Slovaks. ·Situr was clearly aware of the fiact that unity in tJhe liteTa,ry laJI1guage was not the uJtimate goal of hiis nation, but only a medium ,o f further national develoipment - of course, an inevitaible medium, if a higher cuiltu.rral level of the broad masses was to be attained and thereby also a proper support for national equality in Hungary. To rea,ch it:he broad masses of the Slo1Vak people and rouse them nationally, Stur published a newspaper in Slovak, Mter waiting some four years for permissri.on from the Hungariain government to do so. The influence of the paper was great; the Slorvaks gave it theiir full. support, while the MagyarSJ, aware of its influence, saon began scheming to suppress it. ,E lected b,y the royail city of SLOVAKIA 'J Zvoilen to the Hungarian Diet, Stur insisted that the righteous demands of the Slovak nation for free national development ,b e fulf·illed. Before the revo,lution of 1'848 he demanded the DieJt to free the people fr:om the feudalistic Robot system, 1a;bor rent, so that the culture of the country might increase by the foundation of schoo~s in the naJt;ional tO!Ilgue ; he Tecommended the iindusbriali:zation of the land of the Slovaks and the adoption of laws in the huma,nitarian spirit which would enable the development of the country and! for all the nations inhabiting Hungary and ihe fought for a federalistic system in Hungary, whereby taJlJ. natio.n:s mi:ght work as equals for the common weal of the State. Stur appe,a led to the macgnates to give attention to the development of the State and to maJke it possible in the spirit of the modern devellopment of Eurrope. Stur was not a rebel; he did not advocate the destruction of the Hungarlam State aJS long as there wa:i any hope o;f ;s ettlement with the iMagy.aJrs. In the Hunga;rian Diet, •S tur proved himselif .a,s a farsighted politicran and statesmam; he saw and realized what was happening in the coU!Iltries around Hungary. He warned the Magyars that they ,c ould not forever igno,r e and suppress the inherent rights .of natio.ns,, that they couJd not forever e~ploit the Slov:aiks and otlher nations of H'lllilgatry without expecting them to stri1ke baok with their righteous demands for a f,r ee national life, for the same rights the Magyars were resolved to fight for in the Habsb'lliI"g Empire. Stu.r's admonitions, however, hit upon deruf eairs; the Magyam stUJbbor:n,l y amd ignoramtly refused to give ear to a;ny demands for any kind of settlement with the 1t10n~Ma;gyar rnations of Hungacy. The reS1Ult was the revolution of 1848-49, in which the S!l,o vaks also :prurtiiciipated, wihom S·t w togetlieir wi:th Hlurban ,a nd iHodza led in armed resi,s tance against the revoluti()(Il of .the Ma,g yar aristocrats. That the Ha:bsburgs were ung,ratefiul to the Slooaks, that they rfina:Hy settled wtth the Magyairs at the expense of the non-Magyrur natiOIIlS, does not alter the facts, at all. The set- 8 SLOVAKIA tlement of 1867, referred to as Austro~Hungaria,n but in rea.lity Au:stro-iMagyar, became the ,grave of the 'MOIIlarchy which coll!1d haive 'been a miglhty confederation in Central E}ul"ope. Louis Stur, and not 1:Jhe Slovak and M:agyair chauvilll'ist 1Lorui,s Ko,s ut. was the genuine democrat. Sttir and the SIOivak Language As a student at the Bratislmva lyceum and later as a professor, Stur became convinced that Sloiva:k Lutherans would never ,l earn Czech welil enough to oreate worthy scienltific works iirJ. that liangwage and so much more the less artistic ones. From the standpoint of the present and the future, therefore, it made no sense to persevere in Biblical Czech. 'Dhis 'Practical motive,, ·of course, was not enough forr :S tur and, therefore, he made it his business to learn as well as po,s sible all Siova,nic languages and to study comparative phHology. After a tho,r01Ugh reseaTch of the sy:stem of the S[rovalk language, Stur was convinced that the ,Sloivaik [am,g,uiage was not a dira lect of the Czech, but an indepedent Slovanic language and, by the sarrne token, thait the SlO'Vaks were not a part of the Czech nation but am ii.ndependent and individual people. StuT was thairoug,hly fami,l iar with not O!D.ly the w.ritings of the BernolaJk group, not only with the poetkal compO!sitions of John Ho1ly and the works of Bajza and Fandli, but aiso esipecially with the philological works of Anton iBernola.k. Stu,r , therefore, accepted the phonetic orthography of [Bernolak, which from the philologiral and piracticaJ standpoint best answered the purpose, but foc scientific a1r1d ideological rea:sorns decided to adopt the language of central Slovaikia. If Bernolak was it.he first codifier of literary Sloiv:ruk, who set the rules for speaJk:ing and writing Slova:k correctily, then Stur can rightfwlily be c:alled the fiirst reformer of iliterary Slovak, because he really replaced the S1ovaik of western Slovrukia with that of -c entral Slovakia. In the few years after iit was adopted as the literary medii.um of the Slov:aks, the language of central Sl01Vakia developed more talents tha,n were developed during several hundred years SLOVAKIA 9 by literary Czech. The poems of Slad'kovic, especia!lly his "Marina," the poetical iprodUICtions orf Botto, Ohailuipka, Kral', and many others, pro·v ed that Stur's presuppositions about the sp:uritm1a,l development through the medium of central Slovalk were fuUy justified. In 1943, a: think il was successful in proving, in my work "I'... Stur a slorvenoina" (L. Stur and the SlorvaJk Language), that in !his time Stur was an extraordinarily good ph.ilofogist, who i.lJltuitively often correctly came upo:n certain individurul char.acteiristics of tJhe Slovalk language, so that even a modern philological analysis of his work will confirm the ,c orrectness of many of ,S tur's linguistic findings, the justification for which science ·i n that period could not prove. Stur, howerver, ga!Ve co.rrect judgments not OIIll.y i.lJl philology, but also ,i:n other scientific disciplines, for exaJmple, in history, statecraflt, etc. Stur and Philosophy It is generally said that Stur had aid.opted Hegel's philoso~hy. The maJtter is presented in such a Hght as irf Stur had blindly adopted Hegel's thinking and simply applied lit to Slovak and Slovank life. Philosoiphioal researches with us Slova!ks are, alas, very murch disliked and, therefore, it is ino wonder that S1ov:a1k phi[osophy is incorrectly evaluated. Prior to the war, Profesor Dmitrij Cyzevski, fo:rmerly of the universd.ties orf Hall amd J.einna ibut presently of CoJrunnbia Uni;veTSity, ;in a conversation with me called my attention to the significance of StUT and his followers for phillosophy in general. According to him Stur's generation had seveiraJl t1hin'kers w'.ho tried to create thek own philosophical system and who, in those times, amQIIllg ahl Slovam.ic nations excelled in originality of thinking in philosophy. Cyz.evski later prorved a part of his statement in his excellent book "Sturo•v a :f.ilozofia ziivota" tStur's .Philosophy of Life), which the Slovak Academy orf Sciences published du.ring the war .a nd wlhich, I say regretfully, I do not have today. Even though Cyzevs:ki's book does not deal fuHy with Stur's philosophy neverthe- 10 SLOVAKIA less it did ,p rove that Stur was not a simple student of Hegel's in iphiilosophy, but that he formed an mdependent philosophical system which in many ways differs f.rom that of Hegel. And thus we could gradually consider the political, social, pedagogical, statecraft, and artistic o,pinions of Stur and come to 1:Jhe conclusion that we hia:ve !before us an extremely wealthy personality, which had drawn from native traditions 13Jild in rbhe spirit ()If Slovak needs had formulated !ideas from varioUiS regions into one whole into the ination13Jl ideology of the Slovak nation. To 1UD:derstand Stur •and his wol'lk thoroughly, we must ma.Ike a proper study of all his activities ·amd literary achievements, so that we imi,g ht be able to define accu<!'ately what is .h l,s own, what is domestic tradition, and what has cOIIIle to us .from 01:Jher,s. If we do not ma,ke t'hat study, then we shall not completely understand this greatest phenomenon of Slovruk life of the nineteenth century. The Slovalks, especially recent political emigrants, will have to ,r eturn to Stur firequoot!ly, since for them in many thin:gs he is an excellent example, especially in polilti'cs. For exia.mple, when we t ruke Stur's views on the life of our nation, when his ideas about independent Slovruk national life are taken as the aqua regia of Slovll!k politics from 1918 to the 'Present, then it •s hall not be dificult to ascertain tJhrut, from the Slovak strundpoint, Hlinka's Slovak People's Party and the Slovak National 1P arty of Razus continued to work for the realization of Stur's program, and that they, an:d not a single SlovaJk affiliate of centralistic parties, were the b~arers of traditional Slorvak ideology. Today in 'S}()(Vruk.ia. a foreign 1regime is peTsecuiting and crushing rull elements of the Bernolak-Stur-lHilinka-Razu s tra·d itions, because it is albove all else concerned with the extermination of the !Slovak traditions which in his time Louis Stur had recreated rund reformed in such a manner .that they remain a pernnanent ,bas.is of our national development.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Our Tradition and Louis Štúr Description An account of the resource Dr. Henrich Bartek Slovakia, Vol. 6, No. 2 (19), June 1956 pp. 3-10 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Bartek, Henrich, 1907-1986 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource June 1956 LCNAF