1 50 9 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/aeda756a5fcd1d40a85e0e254f46199a.pdf 23aed8587408ab251913c8486a378df0 PDF Text Text 148 SLOV AKIA-2015 CONTRIBUTORS REBEKAH KLEIN-PEJSOV A is an Assistant Professor of History at Purdue University specializing in modem Jewish and East Central European History. She is the author of Mapping Jewish Loyalties in lnterwar Slovakia (Indiana University Press, 2015), and articles in the Austrian History Yearbook, and the AJS Review. She received her Ph.D. from Columbia University. Her research interests span transnational approaches to the social and political history of East Central European Jewry, comparative nationalism, and refugee studies. STEFAN KUCiK (Ph.D., Presov) is an Assistant Professor in the Faculty of Education, Catholic University in Ruzomberok. He is the editor of Mytus a realita : Zbornik prispevkov z medzinarodnej vedeckej konferencie organizovanej Historickym ustavom Katolickej univerzity v Ruiomberku pri prileiitosti steho vyrocia Cernovskej tragedie (Ruzomberok, 2008), the author of Podiel americkych Slovakov na autonomistickom hnuti na Slovensku (1918 - 1938) (Martin, 2011) and co-author of Slovenske a ceske krajanske hnutie v USA (do roku 1918) (Presov, 2014). He has also published a number of articles in scholarly journals. MIROSLAV MICHELA (Ph.D., Komarno) is an Assistant Professor at the Institute of Czech and Slovak History at Charles University in Prague and a Senior Researcher at the Institute of History, Slovak Academy of sciences in Bratislava. His research interests include the politics of memory and nationalism in Czechoslovakia and East-Central Europe. He has written many scholarly articles and chapters in books and the monograph Pod hes/om integrity: Slovenska otazka v politike Mad'arska 1918-1921 (Bratislava: Kalligram, 2009). DALIBOR MIKULAS, (PhD . Comenius University) is a linguist who specializes in English. He teaches in the Department of English Language and Literature, University of Zilina. He research interests are in English lexicology and lexicography. He has pub- �SLOVAKIA-2015 149 lished over thirty articles and book chapters in his area of expertise. Recently, he has focused his attention on lexicographic works published by Slovak authors in North America. TOM NICHOLSON (M.A. Queen' s University) is an investigative journalist for the daily Sme (Bratislava). He is author of the best-selling non-fiction book Gori/a (2012) and co-editor of the Global Report on Slovakia (1999-2008) . Mr. Nicholson has taught English at various Slovak universities, and teaches investigative journalism and history at the Pan-European University and the University of Economics in Bratislava. He was editor-in-chief and publisher of The Slovak Spectator (Bratislava) from 1998 through 2007. MARIAN MARK STOLARIK, (Ph.D., Minnesota), is Professor of History and holder of the Chair in Slovak History and Culture at the University of Ottawa. From 1979 to 1991 he was President and CEO of the Balch Institute for Ethnic Studies in Philadelphia, and director of its press. He specializes in the history of Slovak immigration to North America. He has published nine books and over sixty articles in the field, including Where is my Hom e? Slovak Immigration to North America, 1870-2010 (Berne: Peter Lang, 2012). �150 SLOVAKIA-2015 GUIDELINES FOR MANUSCRIPTS Manuscripts for possible publication should be sent to the editor. Articles should normally not exceed twenty-five pages in length, should be typed double-spaced, should include footnotes at the bottom of the page, and should be submitted in electronic format (stolarik@uottawa.ca), using either Microsofl:Word or WordPerfect. Text and format should adhere to the Chicago Manual of Style. Proper orthography and diacritical marks must be supplied for all foreign words. All submitted articles will be sent to an outside reader for evaluation. Books for review are to be sent to the editor. Unsolicited book reviews are not encouraged. �Notes �Notes ��THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA A civic and cultural federation of Americans of Slovak ancestry Organized in 1907 DANIEL F. TANZONE President Dr. Mikulas A. Halko 1st Vice President W.NINAHOLY Secretary-Treasurer Vice Presidents Justine Wesnak 2nd Vice President Jozef Kovac 3rd Vice President Executive Board Daniel F. Tanzone, W.Nina Holy, Dr. Mikulas A. Halko, Eileen S. Wilson , John G. Duch , Esq ., Stephanie Seigel , John A. Holy Cynthia M. Maleski , Andrew M. Rajec, Michael J. Horvath, Theresa M. Kluchinski , David M. Blazek, Sue Ann M. Seich , Kenneth A. Arendt, Scott T. Pogorelec, Linda M. Strom , Mary Jo Savidge Milan Cuba, Youth Director Dr. Ladislav Korcek, Martha Catalano , Joseph Goda , Auditors SLOVAK FRATERNAL ORGANIZATIONS AFFILIATED WITH THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA First Catholic Slovak Ladies Association Beachwood , Ohio First Catholic Slovak Union of the U.S. and Canada Independence, Ohio Slovak Catholic Sokol Passaic, New Jersey National Slovak Society of the U.S.A McMurray, Pennsylvania Ladies Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union Wilkes-Barre, Pennsylvania The Slovak Newspapermen's Association of America SLOVAKIA $10.00 per issue � 148 SLOV AKIA-2015 CONTRIBUTORS REBEKAH KLEIN-PEJSOV A is an Assistant Professor of History at Purdue University specializing in modem Jewish and East Central European History. She is the author of Mapping Jewish Loyalties in lnterwar Slovakia (Indiana University Press, 2015), and articles in the Austrian History Yearbook, and the AJS Review. She received her Ph.D. from Columbia University. Her research interests span transnational approaches to the social and political history of East Central European Jewry, comparative nationalism, and refugee studies. STEFAN KUCiK (Ph.D., Presov) is an Assistant Professor in the Faculty of Education, Catholic University in Ruzomberok. He is the editor of Mytus a realita : Zbornik prispevkov z medzinarodnej vedeckej konferencie organizovanej Historickym ustavom Katolickej univerzity v Ruiomberku pri prileiitosti steho vyrocia Cernovskej tragedie (Ruzomberok, 2008), the author of Podiel americkych Slovakov na autonomistickom hnuti na Slovensku (1918 - 1938) (Martin, 2011) and co-author of Slovenske a ceske krajanske hnutie v USA (do roku 1918) (Presov, 2014). He has also published a number of articles in scholarly journals. MIROSLAV MICHELA (Ph.D., Komarno) is an Assistant Professor at the Institute of Czech and Slovak History at Charles University in Prague and a Senior Researcher at the Institute of History, Slovak Academy of sciences in Bratislava. His research interests include the politics of memory and nationalism in Czechoslovakia and East-Central Europe. He has written many scholarly articles and chapters in books and the monograph Pod hes/om integrity: Slovenska otazka v politike Mad'arska 1918-1921 (Bratislava: Kalligram, 2009). DALIBOR MIKULAS, (PhD . Comenius University) is a linguist who specializes in English. He teaches in the Department of English Language and Literature, University of Zilina. He research interests are in English lexicology and lexicography. He has pub- �SLOVAKIA-2015 149 lished over thirty articles and book chapters in his area of expertise. Recently, he has focused his attention on lexicographic works published by Slovak authors in North America. TOM NICHOLSON (M.A. Queen' s University) is an investigative journalist for the daily Sme (Bratislava). He is author of the best-selling non-fiction book Gori/a (2012) and co-editor of the Global Report on Slovakia (1999-2008) . Mr. Nicholson has taught English at various Slovak universities, and teaches investigative journalism and history at the Pan-European University and the University of Economics in Bratislava. He was editor-in-chief and publisher of The Slovak Spectator (Bratislava) from 1998 through 2007. MARIAN MARK STOLARIK, (Ph.D., Minnesota), is Professor of History and holder of the Chair in Slovak History and Culture at the University of Ottawa. From 1979 to 1991 he was President and CEO of the Balch Institute for Ethnic Studies in Philadelphia, and director of its press. He specializes in the history of Slovak immigration to North America. He has published nine books and over sixty articles in the field, including Where is my Hom e? Slovak Immigration to North America, 1870-2010 (Berne: Peter Lang, 2012). �150 SLOVAKIA-2015 GUIDELINES FOR MANUSCRIPTS Manuscripts for possible publication should be sent to the editor. Articles should normally not exceed twenty-five pages in length, should be typed double-spaced, should include footnotes at the bottom of the page, and should be submitted in electronic format (stolarik@uottawa.ca), using either Microsofl:Word or WordPerfect. Text and format should adhere to the Chicago Manual of Style. Proper orthography and diacritical marks must be supplied for all foreign words. All submitted articles will be sent to an outside reader for evaluation. Books for review are to be sent to the editor. Unsolicited book reviews are not encouraged. �Notes �Notes ��THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA A civic and cultural federation of Americans of Slovak ancestry Organized in 1907 DANIEL F. TANZONE President Dr. Mikulas A. Halko 1st Vice President W.NINAHOLY Secretary-Treasurer Vice Presidents Justine Wesnak 2nd Vice President Jozef Kovac 3rd Vice President Executive Board Daniel F. Tanzone, W.Nina Holy, Dr. Mikulas A. Halko, Eileen S. Wilson , John G. Duch , Esq ., Stephanie Seigel , John A. Holy Cynthia M. Maleski , Andrew M. Rajec, Michael J. Horvath, Theresa M. Kluchinski , David M. Blazek, Sue Ann M. Seich , Kenneth A. Arendt, Scott T. Pogorelec, Linda M. Strom , Mary Jo Savidge Milan Cuba, Youth Director Dr. Ladislav Korcek, Martha Catalano , Joseph Goda , Auditors SLOVAK FRATERNAL ORGANIZATIONS AFFILIATED WITH THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA First Catholic Slovak Ladies Association Beachwood , Ohio First Catholic Slovak Union of the U.S. and Canada Independence, Ohio Slovak Catholic Sokol Passaic, New Jersey National Slovak Society of the U.S.A McMurray, Pennsylvania Ladies Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union Wilkes-Barre, Pennsylvania The Slovak Newspapermen's Association of America SLOVAKIA $10.00 per issue � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2015, Vol. 42 Description An account of the resource Vol. 42 (No. 78-79), 2015. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2015 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 148 SLOV AKIA-2015 CONTRIBUTORS REBEKAH KLEIN-PEJSOV A is an Assistant Professor of History at Purdue University specializing in modem Jewish and East Central European History. She is the author of Mapping Jewish Loyalties in lnterwar Slovakia (Indiana University Press, 2015), and articles in the Austrian History Yearbook, and the AJS Review. She received her Ph.D. from Columbia University. Her research interests span transnational approaches to the social and political history of East Central European Jewry, comparative nationalism, and refugee studies. STEFAN KUCiK (Ph.D., Presov) is an Assistant Professor in the Faculty of Education, Catholic University in Ruzomberok. He is the editor of Mytus a realita : Zbornik prispevkov z medzinarodnej vedeckej konferencie organizovanej Historickym ustavom Katolickej univerzity v Ruiomberku pri prileiitosti steho vyrocia Cernovskej tragedie (Ruzomberok, 2008), the author of Podiel americkych Slovakov na autonomistickom hnuti na Slovensku (1918 - 1938) (Martin, 2011) and co-author of Slovenske a ceske krajanske hnutie v USA (do roku 1918) (Presov, 2014). He has also published a number of articles in scholarly journals. MIROSLAV MICHELA (Ph.D., Komarno) is an Assistant Professor at the Institute of Czech and Slovak History at Charles University in Prague and a Senior Researcher at the Institute of History, Slovak Academy of sciences in Bratislava. His research interests include the politics of memory and nationalism in Czechoslovakia and East-Central Europe. He has written many scholarly articles and chapters in books and the monograph Pod hes/om integrity: Slovenska otazka v politike Mad'arska 1918-1921 (Bratislava: Kalligram, 2009). DALIBOR MIKULAS, (PhD . Comenius University) is a linguist who specializes in English. He teaches in the Department of English Language and Literature, University of Zilina. He research interests are in English lexicology and lexicography. He has pub- SLOVAKIA-2015 149 lished over thirty articles and book chapters in his area of expertise. Recently, he has focused his attention on lexicographic works published by Slovak authors in North America. TOM NICHOLSON (M.A. Queen' s University) is an investigative journalist for the daily Sme (Bratislava). He is author of the best-selling non-fiction book Gori/a (2012) and co-editor of the Global Report on Slovakia (1999-2008) . Mr. Nicholson has taught English at various Slovak universities, and teaches investigative journalism and history at the Pan-European University and the University of Economics in Bratislava. He was editor-in-chief and publisher of The Slovak Spectator (Bratislava) from 1998 through 2007. MARIAN MARK STOLARIK, (Ph.D., Minnesota), is Professor of History and holder of the Chair in Slovak History and Culture at the University of Ottawa. From 1979 to 1991 he was President and CEO of the Balch Institute for Ethnic Studies in Philadelphia, and director of its press. He specializes in the history of Slovak immigration to North America. He has published nine books and over sixty articles in the field, including Where is my Hom e? Slovak Immigration to North America, 1870-2010 (Berne: Peter Lang, 2012). 150 SLOVAKIA-2015 GUIDELINES FOR MANUSCRIPTS Manuscripts for possible publication should be sent to the editor. Articles should normally not exceed twenty-five pages in length, should be typed double-spaced, should include footnotes at the bottom of the page, and should be submitted in electronic format (stolarik@uottawa.ca), using either Microsofl:Word or WordPerfect. Text and format should adhere to the Chicago Manual of Style. Proper orthography and diacritical marks must be supplied for all foreign words. All submitted articles will be sent to an outside reader for evaluation. Books for review are to be sent to the editor. Unsolicited book reviews are not encouraged. Notes Notes THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA A civic and cultural federation of Americans of Slovak ancestry Organized in 1907 DANIEL F. TANZONE President Dr. Mikulas A. Halko 1st Vice President W.NINAHOLY Secretary-Treasurer Vice Presidents Justine Wesnak 2nd Vice President Jozef Kovac 3rd Vice President Executive Board Daniel F. Tanzone, W.Nina Holy, Dr. Mikulas A. Halko, Eileen S. Wilson , John G. Duch , Esq ., Stephanie Seigel , John A. Holy Cynthia M. Maleski , Andrew M. Rajec, Michael J. Horvath, Theresa M. Kluchinski , David M. Blazek, Sue Ann M. Seich , Kenneth A. Arendt, Scott T. Pogorelec, Linda M. Strom , Mary Jo Savidge Milan Cuba, Youth Director Dr. Ladislav Korcek, Martha Catalano , Joseph Goda , Auditors SLOVAK FRATERNAL ORGANIZATIONS AFFILIATED WITH THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA First Catholic Slovak Ladies Association Beachwood , Ohio First Catholic Slovak Union of the U.S. and Canada Independence, Ohio Slovak Catholic Sokol Passaic, New Jersey National Slovak Society of the U.S.A McMurray, Pennsylvania Ladies Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union Wilkes-Barre, Pennsylvania The Slovak Newspapermen's Association of America SLOVAKIA $10.00 per issue  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Back Matter, Slovakia, Vol. 42 (No. 78-79) Description An account of the resource includes Contributors; Guidelines for Manuscripts Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2015 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/64f4bba079e4a745db1df0f78718e873.pdf adfff0d895f78dba279e225328f214ff PDF Text Text REVIEWS ��SLOV AKIA-2015 129 Jan Rychlik, Magdalena Rychlfkova. Hospodafsky, socialni, kulturni a politicky vyvoj Podkarpatske Rusi 1919 - 1939 (Prague: Studie Narodohospodarskeho ustavu Josefa Hlavky, 2013), 184 pages. Notes, maps, illustrations, along with a German and English Summary. C. WINSTON CHRISLOCK Professor Emeritus University of St. Thomas St. Paul, Minnesota Transcarpathian Rus' formed the eastern tip of the First Czechoslovak Republic from 1919 to 1938 and, briefly of the Second Czecho-Slovak Republic from October 1938 to mid-March 1939. On November 2, 1939, Hungary annexed the southern, mostly Magyar regions of a by then autonomous Transcarpathian Rus' . On March 16, after the demise of Czecho-Slovakia, Hungary annexed the remainder of the region . Soviet forces occupied the area during the final stages of World War II in Europe. In June of 1945 Czechoslovakia agreed to allow the U.S.S.R. to annex Transcarpathian Rus' and both countries ratified the treaty of transfer in November of 1945. From 1945 until 1991 it was part of the Soviet Union's Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic and, after the collapse of the Soviet Union in December of 1991 , it remained a province of independent Ukraine. The purpose of the Rychliks' monograph is to describe and evaluate the region during its association with Czechoslovakia in the inner-war period. There was no doubt that the Czechoslovak government took over administration of a very complex and economically primitive province. The Rychliks' account begins with a pre-1919 backround in which they summarize Czech, Magyar and Ukranian sources. They then continue with an historical survey up to 1919. We learn that Transcarpathian Rus' consisted of four Hungarian counties, and that the Rusyn population had not yet developed any sense of national consciousness. The northern half of Transcarpathian Rus' was mountainous and heavily forested while the south was flatter and more suited for agriculture. About two-thirds of of the population were Rusyns who spoke dialects closely related to Ukrainian. Minorities consisted of Magyars, Jews, Romanians, Germans and Roma. Prior to World War I any attempt to codify the Rusyn language was prob- �130 SLOVAKIA-2015 lematic. While Rusyn dialects were close to Ukrainian, the tsarist regime in Russia looked upon Ukrainian as a Russian dialect. That would make Rusyn dialects dialects of a dialect! Austria-Hungary's collapse in 1918 brought political and economic chaos . Rusyn Americans had developed national consciousness by 1914, modelled somewhat on the Slovak experience. In the wake of Austria-Hungary's collapse their leaders lobbied T. G. Masaryk, leader of the Czecho-Slovak independence movement, and President Woodrow Wilson, for a Rusyn association with the new Czechoslovak state, with the understanding that Subcarpathian Rus' would have a large degree of autonomy. Masaryk agreed to this and after military confrontations with Hungary, Poland and indigenous Magyars, the Czechoslovak army, with the support of the United Kingdom, France and the U.S .A., successfully occupied the region by the end of 1919 and maintained sovereignty over it until the German annexation of the Czech lands in March of 1939. The Rychliks' objective was to describe the social, cultural and political problems of the region and then evaluate how the Czechoslovak government dealt with and responded to them. Given the complexity of a region that was blessed (cursed?) with a plethora of nationalities and languages, religions, hostile neighbors, and underdeveloped economy and national consciousness, the Czechoslovak government faced a monumental task. The political problem revolved around autonomy for the area. The 1920 Czechoslovak constitution provided for Subcarpathian Rus ' to send four senators and nine representatives to Czechoslovakia's National Assembly. Czechoslovakia's president, upon recommendation of the government, appointed a governor, whose power was limited, and a vicegovemor, who exercised most administrative powers. Rusyns, both at home and in the U.S.A., were dissatisfied with the lack of autonomy. Complicating the political situation were conflicts among Rusyns, Ukrainofiles, Russofiles, Jews, and Magyars and further conflicts between Russian Orthodox and Greek-Catholic Christians. Economic and infrastructure underdevelopment were also major problems. Before World War I, commerce and transit were basically north and south, while after 1919 these were oriented east-west. Destruction brought on by the war exacerbated these problems. The Rychliks provide maps, railway timetables, and agricultural and eco- �SLOVAKIA-2015 131 nomic data to embellish their account of economic and infrastructure development. The book devotes substantial space to language and education. As both religious and public schools evolved, language became a thorny issue. The Rychliks pointed out that literary languages are artificial, and that was certainly true in Subcarpathian Rus'. Rusyns had not developed a literary language that everybody could agree upon. How could this state establish a network of Schools when Rusyns could not agree if the language and textbooks of instruction should be in Ukranian, Russian, or in a local dialect? What should be the policy toward the minority Ukranian, Russian, Slovak, Czech, Magyar, Hebrew, Yiddish, German, Romanian, Roma Slovak and Czech speakers? The authors concluded that by 1938 there was no final resolution of the language issue. The authors concluded, with reservations, that Subcarpathian Rus' progressed under the first Czechoslovak Republic. However, from the standpoint of political maturity, economic and infrastructure development, literacy, and steps towards the codification of language, the formidable problems listed above retarded its progress. The Rychliks' work is a good companion to Paul R. Magocsi's excellent The Shaping of a National Identity: Subcarpathian Rus ', 1848-1948 (1978). The former gives a data-filled account of a twenty-year period in 183 pages, thirty of which are notes, railroad timetables, maps and pictures, while Magocsi provides us with a very readable overview of the development of Subcarpathian Rus' over 100 years, along with a substantial, nearly 100-page, appendix and numerous notes. �132 SLOV AKIA-2015 David Doellinger. Turning Prayers into Based Activism and its Challenge to State Slovakia and East Germany. Budapest: Central Press, 2013. xii-288 pp. Glossary, bibliography, Protests: ReligiousPower in Socialist European University index. JAMES RAMON PELAK University of Washington Poland, no doubt, comes to mind first when one considers the role played by religion and religious institutions in the events and processes leading up to the collapse of Communism in East Central Europe in 1989. David Doellinger reminds us, in his Turning Prayers into Protests, that there were other places in the region where religion was an active and significant force of social mobilization in the fateful developments of the 1980s, most notably Slovakia and East Germany. Doellinger juxtaposes the cases of Slovakia and the German Democratic Republic (GDR) in what is a truly comparative work. The focus is on the activists themselves, and the work is organized both thematically and chronologically. Each chapter gives sufficient attention to each situation, examining both cases in terms of a particular aspect of the issue, and establishing the impact and the limitations of the role of religion as a mobilizing force in each locale. Though an historian, Doellinger draws generously from sociology and political science. The author establishes the context for his case studies, attuned to the differences and similarities between them. In Slovakia, he examines the Roman Catholic Church, especially its underground branch, while in the GDR he looks at the official Evangelical Church, a primarily Lutheran institution. Doellinger notes for both cases the differences with regard to the degree of institutional autonomy for the Church, the level of religiosity among the population, and the type of activism . He examines for each state such factors as the social and informational networks established among activists and the processes whereby prayers were transformed into protests in the 1980s. Doellinger decided to do an in-depth study of the Slovak situation after two former Czech dissidents remarked that Slovakia �SLOVAKIA-2015 133 had had no dissidents or independent activism during the communist period, a far cry from reality. As a corrective to such ill-informed views, the author presents the Slovak case in great detail, analyzing the operations of the underground church, situating Catholic activism within the broader context of independent activity in Slovakia, and providing excellent descriptions and analyses of such critical examples of public mobilization as the Velehrad pilgrimage of 1985 (drawing from 100,000 to 250,000 participants), the petition for religious freedom of 1988 (signed by 300,000 to 400,000 Slovaks), and the Good Friday demonstration of March 25 , 1988 in Bratislava. Doellinger notes the crucial role played by Karol Wojtila who, as Archbishop of Krakow, was a friend and supporter of the underground church in Slovakia, ordaining secret clergy in the 1970s. As Pope John Paul II, he gave a voice to the persecuted Church, condemned the government-sponsored Pacem in Terris organization of Czechoslovak clergy, successfully encouraged Prague ' s Archbishop Frantisek Tomasek to become more assertive on behalf of religious freedom, and energized Catholics in Slovakia and elsewhere . With respect to the GDR, Doellinger notes the strong influence of the Evangelical Church, made possible by its considerable autonomy, which enabled it to provide crucial support for independent activity. The church promoted and defended the so-called Bausoldaten, young men who served in non-combat units beside the East German military on grounds of conscientious objection to war and militarism . It provided meeting space, access to publishing, and other supports for peace, environmental, and social justice-oriented groups. Doellinger notes both the advantages enjoyed and constraints faced by activists on account of this close connection with the Evangelical Church. Doellinger's work is especially valuable thanks to the type and array of sources he uses. Along with reports on religious activism and a large and diverse amount of religious samizdat found in more than a dozen archives, he has interviewed scores of activists, examined local church and government records for the GDR, and gained access to at least four private collections of former activists. A few relatively minor criticisms are in order. Though this book is expressly not a study of the inner-workings of the regime in its dealings with religion, the author might have done more with the records of the Czechoslovak Office for Church Affairs. This �134 SLOV AKIA-2015 organization did a competent job in monitoring religion in Czechoslovakia and might contain useful information about the underground church and other forms of Catholic activism. And the subsections marked "Summary" near the end of each chapter sometimes do much more than summarize, but rather introduce important new material and perspectives not found earlier. Doellinger's work is an extremely valuable contribution to our understanding of the late communist period in Czechoslovakia and the GDR, to the processes that brought about the collapse of communist regimes in 1989, and to the important role played by religion in these developments. Though genuinely comparative, and insightfully so, the book does maintain the distinction between the two states, so a reader whose interest lies more in Slovakia than in the GDR would have no problem accessing the parts of the book specific to the Slovak Socialist Republic. James Mace Ward. Priest, Politician, Collaborator: Jozef Tiso and the Making of Fascist Slovakia. Ithaca and London : Cornell University Press, 2013. xii, 362 pp., ill., notes, index. $39 .95 . GREGORY C. FERENCE Salisbury University James Mace Ward has written a first-rate biography of Jozef Tiso, the only Roman Catholic priest, aside from the pope, to lead a modem European country. For his efforts, Ward received Honorable Mention in a 2014 competition of the premier North American scholarly organization, the Association for Slavic, East European, & Eurasian Studies Reginald Zelnik Book Prize. It is awarded annually for an outstanding monograph published on Russia, Eastern Europe or Eurasia in the field of history in the previous year. In his Preface, the author avers that he is "deeply committed to providing as accurate an account of this life as I can." (xi) He has accomplished this task by conducting extensive research using Czech, English, German, Hungarian, and Slovak sources. Yet, Ward modestly apologizes that he did not have enough time to conduct more research for his book. As Ward shows, the life of Father Jozef Tiso remains multi-faceted, complicated, and controversial. One can characterize his ca- �SLOV AKIA-2015 135 reer as opportunistic and full of contradictions. Before 1918, Tiso seemed destined to rise in the Roman Catholic Church hierarchy, and, as such, proved to be a loyal Hungarian - a charge that would haunt him for the rest of his life. By the conclusion of the First World War he became more nationally astute, and with the establishment of Czecho-Slovakia, he turned to politics with a Catholic and Christian social agenda subsumed by Slovak nationalism. Throughout his political life, Tiso became a master at organization, infighting, outmaneuvering, playing the various sides, and skillfully deflecting criticism by blaming others for his own faults and actions. He preferred to be ambiguous rather than take responsibility . Despite being a political animal, Tiso found time almost every Sunday from the 1920s until 1945 to celebrate Mass. In 1918, Ward continues, with the state in flux, Tiso became the secretary of the Slovak National Council in Nitra, and helped coordinate its occupation by Czecho-Slovak forces while attacking Jews as usurers, war profiteers, and revolutionaries. As the situation stabilized, Tiso joined Father Andrej Hlinka' s Slovak People ' s ("I:udak") Party, abandoned his anti-Semitism, and became a political moderate who feared secularization. He served first in the Czechoslovak Parliament and then as Minister of Public Health and Physical Education (1927-1929) where his accomplishments were modest. By the early 1930s, Tiso became Hlinka' s heir, but had to fend off a new generation of radical I:udak rivals who often thwarted his goals. Until 1938, he attempted to reconcile the I:udaks with the government and outflank "Godless" socialists. By then, since he realized he would no longer serve in the government, Tiso turned on Czechoslovakia by demanding greater autonomy for Slovakia. With the Republic failing, he conducted talks with Hungary and Poland about Slovakia' s future while still maintaining a dialogue with Prague. After the 1938 Munich Crisis, Ward continues, Tiso blamed the Jews and the Czechs for the diktat while tightening his control over his party . He vacillated on Slovak independence since he did not want to be viewed as the person who destroyed Czechoslovakia, but when it became inevitable, he embraced it and took control of Slovakia despite opposition from the Holy See. Tiso saw the Slovak State as a step forward for national consciousness and confidence. As vodca, or leader of independent Slovakia, he ordered no political executions and traveled freely with few bodyguards. Yet, he allied with �136 SLOV AKIA-2015 Nazi Germany and occasionally resisted its demands, but backed the deportation of two-thirds of Slovakia's Jews. By 1943, as the war seemed lost, Tiso became conciliatory towards a reconstituted Czechoslovakia but did not understand the strength of the underground plotting the Slovak National Uprising (SNP) in the summer of 1944. Deeply hurt by the thought that Slovaks opposed his regime, Tiso nonetheless ordered the suppression of the SNP that resulted in the German occupation of Slovakia. In his last radio address as his government crumbled, Tiso portrayed himself as a martyr. Arrested by the Americans, and turned over to the Czechoslovak authorities, Tiso's trial, according to Ward, became a travesty of justice dominated by unprofessional judges, packed courts, and political manipulations that assured a negative judgment. During the show trial, Tiso received the blame for, among other things, the destruction of Czechoslovakia, the Holocaust, and the failure of the SNP. Sentenced to death, and despite a popular outcry in Slovakia, the court and central government denied his and influential requests for clemency while his co-defendants and counterparts in the Czech Lands received lesser sentences. The Communists used Tiso ' s trial and execution as a political tool against the Slovak Democrats in their bid for power. After Tiso ' s death in 194 7, Ward continues, Tiso remained controversial. Slovak emigres turned him into an anti-Communist patriot martyr who was a victim of circumstances. Meanwhile, communist Czechoslovakia portrayed him as a clerical-fascist war criminal. After the fall of Communism in 1989, Tiso resurfaced as a destabilizing factor in Czechoslovak politics. Emigres, supported by the cultural institution Matica slovenska and, sometimes, the Ministry of Education, attempted to rehabilitate Tiso, but historians at the Slovak Academy of Sciences parried this effort after reasserting their independent academic credentials, thereby presenting a more balanced and scholarly perspective. The issue in today's Slovakia remains a "grey" topic in which Tiso is neither popular nor condemned. This objective biography will remain a classic in English as Tiso will no longer be presented in simple black and white terms as in the past. It is an excellent source for students of nationalism, political Catholicism, the history of Czechoslovakia and Slovakia, and postCommunism. It is a shame that Ward ' s book did not win the Zelnik �SLOV AKIA-2015 137 Book Prize which would have given it greater notoriety and exposure. Miroslav Londak. Ekonomicke reformy v Ceskoslovensku v 50. a 60. Rokoch 20. storocia a slovenskti ekonomika. Bratislava: Historicky ustav SAV, 2010 . 295pp. Bibliography, English summary, index of names. MARTIN POSPISIL CERGE-EI, and Charles University, Prague Ever since the communist and capitalist economic systems began competing in the 1920s, economists and historians have explored the efficiency, performance, and stability of these systems. Today, there is a general consensus that Soviet-style Communism failed. At the same time, there is still a limited understanding of how the communist economic system was built, especially in smaller countries . Miroslav Londak tries to bridge this gap and focuses on economic development in Slovakia after the 2nd World War. Londak's book is a well-researched publication aimed at better understanding of the Slovak industrialization, economic system-building, and reconstruction within the Czechoslovakia of the 1950s and 1960s. To explain the Slovak post-war economic reforms, Londak adopted a descriptive methodology that required an analysis of a long list of statistical publications, documents, and speeches. Like a good historian, he picked up a great deal about the concerns and problems that drove the building of the economic system of the time. For the novice there is much to be learned here. For example, in the Introduction (p.9), he rightly notes that it is often forgotten how much of today ' s economic development of Slovakia is linked to the decades of the post-war situation in Czechoslovakia. The book notes the astonishing pace of communist socioeconomic reforms. For example, the author describes the amazing speed of post-War Czechoslovak asset nationalization and collectivization. Londak rightly stresses an important point (sometimes forgotten in related debates) that many policies associated with the Communists (e.g. nationalization) had actually been introduced by President Benes during 1945-1948, before the Communists fully took power. The publication also analyses federalization tendencies in �138 SLOV AKIA-2015 Slovakia and various efforts to reform the inefficient Soviet-style economic system: e.g. the First and Second economic reforms in the 1950s and 1960s, reform ideas related to the Prague Spring, as well as the hopeless attempts to reform the economy in the 1980s. Londak's book contains a lot of statistical data and references to original documents to illustrate the point. In his research, the author includes documents - often very rare ones - to show the development of various sectors of the economy, the level of industrialization, or employment. Certain statistics are telling: While in 1947, 80% of Czechoslovak exports went to the West, this share gradually decreased to 12-25% in only one decade. Another statistic nicely illustrates the continuous emigration from Slovakia. Around 220,000 people left Slovakia between WW I and WW II, which created a large job market mismatch . Despite providing a lot of information, however, the book suffers from several drawbacks. First, it stops short of where it should ideally begin. In the Introduction, Londak asks an important question: Is it possible to successfully reform Soviet-Style Communism? While the consensus today is that such a reform is not possible, Londak does not try to answer the question. In many ways, a descriptive approach based on statistical data produced by communist state agencies is not appropriate to explain the development and the failure of Czech and Slovak communist economies. Good examples are the flawed data on employment in sectors. Due to enormous overemployment in the economy, information on sectoral employment does not bring much value apart from a simple description of how the communist planners wanted to allocate the labor force across various sectors of the economy . Second, the monograph devotes only limited space to analyzing why Czechoslovakia adopted that particular set of economic reforms. While it is clear that Stalin was pushing for certain policies, not all Central and Eastern European satellites built the same socioeconomic system . There were strong differences, for example, between Polish, Hungarian, but naturally also between Yugoslav and Czechoslovak systems. It would have been useful to analyze why Czechoslovakia adopted the implemented the set of policies it adopted. In this respect, the book could also better analyze the "starting blocks" of Czechoslovak reforms. As these reforms were mainly coming from Soviet blueprints, the book would deserve at least a �SLOV AKIA-2015 139 short summary of the Soviet pre-1945 legacy: e.g. the Russian Civil War, the New Economic Policy, the Five Year Plans, Stalinism, collectivization, or central planning which were all part of this new Soviet experience, instrumental for Czechoslovak post-war policy making. Third, the book relies solely on Czech or Slovak literature. Of 234 items in the bibliography, only nine have been published outside (the former) Czechoslovakia. While it is natural that local literature serves as the primary source of this type of research, it would have been more than appropriate to also refer to e.g. Soviet or Polish literature. Moreover, as the book is narrowly focused on Slovak economic development, the question of the Hungarian minority would deserve better analysis again with a reference to Hungarian scholars in this area. The reader also feels overwhelmed by the amount of statistical data presented in the book. The strong emphasis on descriptive statistics without a clear message is often confusing (e.g. on pp.115-120). Some tables might have been better explained as figures, graphs, or even better maps. Crucially, while presenting many tables, Londak devotes too little space to linking the data with the story in the text and he misses the opportunity to explain why things happened the way they happened. Why were Czechs and Slovaks so willing to introduce communist measures, which in a few decades ruined the economy? How was it possible to establish the totalitarian regime so effectively and so quickly? Why were Communists not able to implement their economic plans? These are questions that can hardly be explained using communist statistical data, whose reliability is uncertain. The book would deserve a disclaimer at the beginning noting the limitations of the use of these data. Moreover, while Czech and Slovak economic disparities are analyzed sufficiently, more focus could have been put on regional, within-country variation. For example, how did Bratislava compare with the east of Slovakia over time? Which were the poorest regions and did they pick up over time? Which regions benefitted from industrialization, which did not, and why? And most of all, how did the life of an ordinary citizen look? These questions are unanswered. To supplement the collection of statistical data, Londak's publication would benefit from interviews with those concerned. These could have been either communist decision makers, their relatives, or �140 SLOV AKIA-2015 those affected by the decisions. Londa.k' s book contains only a few of these "human" elements: for example, to illustrate the absurd bureaucratic decision-making within the communist economic system, the book mentions the story of a director who had to sign 100,000 documents in one month (p.127). The publication would benefit from more of these little stories to illustrate the point. Doing so would make the book less dry and more "human" (A good example of this approach is Anne Applebaum ' s Iron Curtain: The Crushing Of Eastern Europe, 1944-1956) . Finally, the book lacks a clear motivation for any international reader. How is the economic development of Slovakia in the 1950s and 1960s relevant for today? There are at least several issues that matter beyond Slovakia: the distribution of power, subsidiarity and local nationalism (e.g. relevant for the EU today), the limits of government strategy planning and supply side economic policy (relevant for any policy-makers, especially in post-Soviet countries), or the analysis of Slovak industrialization (relevant for many developing countries). Unfortunately, none of this is mentioned in the book. When reading Londa.k' s monograph, one does not - and cannot understand the cruelty, violence and targeted threats to political opponents, which all were associated with the economic reforms. The communist economy was built on terror, propaganda, harassment, and persecution. Londak presents the era of Czechoslovak communist-building of the 1950s and 1960s as a game of statistical numbers and often failed economic policy-making. This is a dangerous approach as too many lives were lost during this era. So why did the communist economic system fail, including in Slovakia? Let's mention two factors . First, the explanation is actually presented in the words of economist Ota Sik (p.132) who noted in the 1960s that communist enterprises would not become efficient or innovative unless or until the consumer drove the production process. This key point, which helps to explain the inherent inefficiency of the communist economic system, would deserve a better analysis. Another factor (briefly mentioned on p.151) is that price in a centrally planned economy is completely unrelated to objective economic conditions. In a market economy, price is a result of equality between supply and demand and as a result it provides the key information to consumers and producers. Consumers can compare products based on price and producers can compete on producing with �SLOV AKIA-2015 141 the lowest costs so that their price is low. Finally, market price is information to potential producers who know that if they are able to produce the same product with a lower price, they will succeed. As such, market price is the ultimate driver of economic development. However, in a centrally planned economy, price fulfils none of these functions as it is administratively set with no reference to market conditions. This leads to the ultimate failure of the system. To conclude, Ekonomicke reformy is a well-researched book, which analyzes an important topic using a large number of original Czechoslovak sources. Londak has tried to tell the story of the Slovak post-war economy, which has an impact on today's economic structure and performance. However, the main message of the publication gets lost in dubious communist statistical data, and the story is not well connected. Regrettably, while being a good reference point, the publication misses an important opportunity to probe why the post-war economy of Slovakia was built the way it was built, why it failed, and why it matters for today. The descriptive approach based on flawed communist statistics left the most important questions unanswered . Jan Carnogursky. Dennik,1994-2007. Presov: Michal Vasko, 2013, 190 pp. Afterword by Ondrej Podolec, index of names. JANRYCHLIK Charles University, Prague Jan Carnogursky (b. 1944) was one of the leading figures of the anti-Communist dissident movement in Czechoslovakia between 1969 and 1989 and also an important personality in Slovak politics after November of 1989. In February of 1990 he founded the Christian Democratic Movement (KDH), the right-of the center political party which became part of the Slovak government coalition after the first free elections in June of 1990. After the so-called "Velvet Revolution" (November, 1990) he was a Deputy Prime Minister in the Federal government of Marian Calfa and simultaneously a Deputy Prime Minister of the Slovak government of Milan Cic. After the first free elections (8 - 9 June 1990), when the KDH joined in a coalition with the Public Against Violence (VPN), Carnogursky was a Deputy Prime Minister in the first government of Vladimir Meciar �142 SLOV AKIA-2015 (than a nominee of the VPN), and after the split of the VPN and the fall of Meciar, he was appointed Slovak Prime Minister (April 23 , 1991). After the second free elections (5 - 6 June 1992) which Meciar's new party - the Movement for Democratic Slovakia (HZDS) won, the KDH ended in opposition . Carnogursky was the leading figure of the opposition against Meciar' s non-democratic and autocratic rule which sometimes even used criminal methods and violence against its opponents and led to the international isolation of Slovakia. Carnogursky participated in the establishment of a new party - the Slovak Democratic Coalition (SDK) led by Mikulas Dzurinda and was appointed Minister of Justice in Dzurinda's broad anti-Meciar coalition government (October 30, 1998 - October 15, 2002). Throughout this period Carnogursky was a deputy in the Slovak National Council (the Slovak Parliament) for the KDH (with the exception of the period when he was the Minister of Justice). Carnogursky ' s diary covers the period from August 27, 1994 to June 24, 2007. His notes of the events are usually short and illustrate the attitude of Slovakia towards some important international events. However, the war in Bosnia-Hercegovina and the Dayton agreement in 1995 and the bombing of Serbia by NATO in 1999 are surprisingly missing. It is difficult to say whether Carnogursky did not consider these events worthy of notice or whether they were in the diary but he decided not to publish them . Carnogursky noted his discussions with various political leaders, diplomats and church functionaries . The diary sheds some light on new and important facts about the background of important events in the history of Slovakia of the past two decades, mainly : the political struggle against the HZDS and Vladimir Meciar, the formation of a broad anti-Meciar coalition; and international problems, mainly Slovak relations with Hungary, the USA and Russia. However, from the diary we can learn more about Carnogursky's standpoints than about the events themselves. To understand the diary properly, it is not only necessary to know Slovak political history of the past twenty-five years, but also to know something about Carnogursky 's political and family backgrounds and his ideas and thinking. Carnogursky is a conservative Catholic politician who, on the one hand was active in the dissident movement and struggle against Communism, but on the other hand he has always been critical of �SLOVAKIA-2015 143 American foreign policy and Western liberalism and secularism. While he criticized and opposed the policy of the former Soviet Union, after the fall of Communism Carnogursky advocated cooperation with Russia and saw Russian Orthodox Christianity as a source of spiritual revival of the western Christian world. His views, however, are not always accepted in today's Slovakia. Knowing this, it cannot surprise anyone that the diary reveals Carnogursky's opposition to Slovakia'a admittance to NATO and his friendly relations with Russia. Carnogursky ' s diary is certainly worth reading and may be useful for historians trying to understand the history of Czechoslovakia, Slovakia and of Central Europe in general in the period 1994-2007. Robert M. Zecker. Race and America 's Immigrant Press: How the Slovaks were Taught to Think Like White People. New York: Bloomsbury, 2013. 348pp. Notes, illustrations, bibliography, index. M. MARK STOLARIK University of Ottawa Robet M. Zecker claims that "This is the book I didn ' t want to write. At least not at first" (page 1). Since Zecker is of partial Slovak-American heritage, he was shocked by the racial references he found in the Slovak-American press from the l 890's to the l 940's while working on his University of Pennsylvania dissertation on the Slovak-American community in Philadelphia. After some reflection, and more research, he decided to document the rise of racism among Slovaks and Rusyns (and Eastern Europeans in general) in the United States, as reflected in their newspaper press. He felt that this side of the story had not previously been covered by scholars of Eastern European immigration to the United States of America. Zecker traced the rise of racism in the Slavic-American press to the enaction of Jim Crow laws in the American South in the l 890's and the subsequent lynching of several thousand Black-Americans. Initially, editors of ethnic newspapers were horrified by reports of lynchings in the South, but, within a decade, the horror changed to mere reporting or even agreement with the lynchings . Why? Zecker argues that Slavic-Americans, fearful of their own status as unskilled �144 SLOV AKIA-2015 laborers almost at the bottom of the social ladder, were glad that Blacks and Asians were below them still, and therefore, more inferior than themselves. Indeed, Slavic-Americans soon bought into the theory of "whiteness," whereby they (or their children) would eventually become respected members of the middle-class, which, of course, was white. Once they bought into America's racist society and its social hierarchy, Slavic Americans began to "ape the WASPS," as the expression goes. Their newspapers approvingly reproduced not only reports of lynchings of Blacks in the American South, but also advertisements that featured gross stereotypes of Blacks, which portrayed them as primitive savages. Furthermore, most Slavic-American neighborhoods, which often had Slovak Halls, Rusyn Halls, Polish Halls, etc. staged minstrel shows in the l 920's and l 930's, as did "mainstream" American neighborhood theaters. Finally, most Slavic Americans, like those who came before them, did not want Blacks to move into their neighborhoods and resisted government-led integration efforts in the 1960's and 1970's. In becoming "Americans," Slavic-Americans adopted the racist attitudes of their white predecessors. As Zecker predicted, this is a disturbing book. Most of the histories of the Southern and Eastern Europeans, who came to the United States in search of work and a better life in the l 870's to the l 920's, have focused on their slow, but steady rise on the American social ladder. Unfortunately, most historians have also ignored how these immigrants and their children had to adapt to American society by adopting the racist attitudes of their predecessors and become "white" in the process. The book suffers from only two deficiencies, perhaps caused by the publisher. The first is that the copious footnotes (pp. 253-308) appear at the back of the book, making it extremely tedious for the historian to read. The second is that Zecker did not separate his listing of periodicals from books and articles in the bibliography. It would have been instructive to discover, for instance, how many years (and which years) of Jednota, or Amerikansky russky viestnik, and other ethnic newspapers he had read. On the other hand, Zecker fulfilled very well his duties as an historian. He deeply mined the rich archival resources of the Immigration History Research Center at the University of Minnesota, the archives of the Balch Institute for Ethnic Studies at the Pennsylvania �SLOV AKIA-2015 145 Historical Society in Philadelphia, the New York Public Library, and several others. Finally, Zecker read most of the important books and articles relating to immigration to North America in the last 130 years. He is to be commended for a job well-done. M . Mark Stolarik. Where is My Hom e? Slovak Immigration to North America (1870-2010) . [Immigration from Europe to North America, Vol. l] Bern : Peter Lang, 2012 . xix, 392 pp. Notes, illustrations, bibliography, index . $99.95. WILLIAM J. GALUSH Loyola University of Chicago (retired) This is an excellent overview of Slovaks in the tumultuous period from the late nineteenth century to the present, thoughtfully and engagingly portrayed through the experiences of one family. Mark Stolarik seeks to combine the personal with the general in history and succeeds admirably. The fami li al dimension benefits from numerous interviews by the author while he relies on his extensive reading and archival research on Slovak immigration for the larger narrative. The story of Slovaks, an oppresed minority within the multiethnic Dual Monarchy of Austria-Hungary, shows them seeking improvement both by departure elsewhere and striving to develop a sense of common identity in the homeland in the face of strenuous efforts by their Hungarian overlords to magyarize them . The transoceanic aspect is important and the author demonstrates enduring connections which significantly influenced the homeland. About a third of immigrants to North America returned, and as with the Poles in my own research, brought back a heightened sense of Slovak identity and a desire for a more modem lifestyle which stimulated their viII ages. Lacking the equivalent of Galicia, the Austro-Hungarian province essentially under Polish control from the late nineteenth century, Slovaks in America took on a greater role in supporting nationalism in the homeland through their fraternalbenefit societies and the Slovak League of Amerca (f. 1907). �146 SLOV AKIA-2015 The theme of Slovak nationalism infonns the narrative. The World War I agreements to create a federal Czecho-Slovakia were subverted by T. G. Masaryk and his followers. The variations among the diaspora, with the Roman Catholics being the most nationalistic, emerge clearly and the author gives a nuanced and sympathetic account of interwar patriotism and the emergence of an independent Slovakia in 1939. With reunification after 1945, Slovaks abroad were the only ones able to articulate a nationalist position. Support for the united country came mainly from a tiny leftist element and from some Lutheran Slovaks . The post-1989 era offered the opportunity for the reappearance of an independent Slovakia and Stolarik clearly rejoices at the success of the effort. The Stolariks were strivers. Some went to the United States while others remained at home, seeking through education and white collar employment to elevate their status. Imrich, father of Mark, became the city assessor of Martin and led a comfortable existence even during World War II, continuing government employment under the newly independent Slovak Republic. The defeat of their Gennan sponsors and fears of a communist Czechoslovakia prompted Imrich and his family to flee to Austria, where Mark and his siblings lived until they were able to move to Canada. The author's parents had a strong interest in education and nationalism and encouraged participation in ethnic activities in the new land . This speaks to the question of identity in the title wherein ethnic consciousness sustained a sense of self and group despite multiple changes of government and location. Family was also a major factor in making a living, with aid in getting jobs and infonnation on the new land helpful in adjustment and upward mobility. One of the most engaging aspects of the book is the use of familial anecdote to bring life to history . For example, during World War II female relatives of the author, needing to milk goats in a time of food scarcity, persuaded nearby soldiers to stop shelling so the animals would calm down! Stolarik also offers accounts of misleading meddling communist officials while his homeland relatives provided shelter, assistance and advice during his research in Slovakia. The larger narrative would benefit from greater acknowledgement of variety . The author likely overstates the general persistence of the immigrant vision of an enclosed Slovak identity in the �SLOVAKIA-2015 147 second generation. In Minneapolis, with five Polish (and one Slovak) Catholic parishes, marriages at the largest Polish congregation by 1940 recorded over 50% with one non-Polish spouse, and the greater paucity of Slovaks might well have fostered such patterns there or elsewhere. In this regard Stolarik is better in the helpful comparison of American and Canadian Slovak development, noting contrasts as well as similarities and offering plausible interpretations for variety. The book is a stimulating study which will repay the attention of scholars and interesting laypersons alike. � REVIEWS ��SLOV AKIA-2015 129 Jan Rychlik, Magdalena Rychlfkova. Hospodafsky, socialni, kulturni a politicky vyvoj Podkarpatske Rusi 1919 - 1939 (Prague: Studie Narodohospodarskeho ustavu Josefa Hlavky, 2013), 184 pages. Notes, maps, illustrations, along with a German and English Summary. C. WINSTON CHRISLOCK Professor Emeritus University of St. Thomas St. Paul, Minnesota Transcarpathian Rus' formed the eastern tip of the First Czechoslovak Republic from 1919 to 1938 and, briefly of the Second Czecho-Slovak Republic from October 1938 to mid-March 1939. On November 2, 1939, Hungary annexed the southern, mostly Magyar regions of a by then autonomous Transcarpathian Rus' . On March 16, after the demise of Czecho-Slovakia, Hungary annexed the remainder of the region . Soviet forces occupied the area during the final stages of World War II in Europe. In June of 1945 Czechoslovakia agreed to allow the U.S.S.R. to annex Transcarpathian Rus' and both countries ratified the treaty of transfer in November of 1945. From 1945 until 1991 it was part of the Soviet Union's Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic and, after the collapse of the Soviet Union in December of 1991 , it remained a province of independent Ukraine. The purpose of the Rychliks' monograph is to describe and evaluate the region during its association with Czechoslovakia in the inner-war period. There was no doubt that the Czechoslovak government took over administration of a very complex and economically primitive province. The Rychliks' account begins with a pre-1919 backround in which they summarize Czech, Magyar and Ukranian sources. They then continue with an historical survey up to 1919. We learn that Transcarpathian Rus' consisted of four Hungarian counties, and that the Rusyn population had not yet developed any sense of national consciousness. The northern half of Transcarpathian Rus' was mountainous and heavily forested while the south was flatter and more suited for agriculture. About two-thirds of of the population were Rusyns who spoke dialects closely related to Ukrainian. Minorities consisted of Magyars, Jews, Romanians, Germans and Roma. Prior to World War I any attempt to codify the Rusyn language was prob- �130 SLOVAKIA-2015 lematic. While Rusyn dialects were close to Ukrainian, the tsarist regime in Russia looked upon Ukrainian as a Russian dialect. That would make Rusyn dialects dialects of a dialect! Austria-Hungary's collapse in 1918 brought political and economic chaos . Rusyn Americans had developed national consciousness by 1914, modelled somewhat on the Slovak experience. In the wake of Austria-Hungary's collapse their leaders lobbied T. G. Masaryk, leader of the Czecho-Slovak independence movement, and President Woodrow Wilson, for a Rusyn association with the new Czechoslovak state, with the understanding that Subcarpathian Rus' would have a large degree of autonomy. Masaryk agreed to this and after military confrontations with Hungary, Poland and indigenous Magyars, the Czechoslovak army, with the support of the United Kingdom, France and the U.S .A., successfully occupied the region by the end of 1919 and maintained sovereignty over it until the German annexation of the Czech lands in March of 1939. The Rychliks' objective was to describe the social, cultural and political problems of the region and then evaluate how the Czechoslovak government dealt with and responded to them. Given the complexity of a region that was blessed (cursed?) with a plethora of nationalities and languages, religions, hostile neighbors, and underdeveloped economy and national consciousness, the Czechoslovak government faced a monumental task. The political problem revolved around autonomy for the area. The 1920 Czechoslovak constitution provided for Subcarpathian Rus ' to send four senators and nine representatives to Czechoslovakia's National Assembly. Czechoslovakia's president, upon recommendation of the government, appointed a governor, whose power was limited, and a vicegovemor, who exercised most administrative powers. Rusyns, both at home and in the U.S.A., were dissatisfied with the lack of autonomy. Complicating the political situation were conflicts among Rusyns, Ukrainofiles, Russofiles, Jews, and Magyars and further conflicts between Russian Orthodox and Greek-Catholic Christians. Economic and infrastructure underdevelopment were also major problems. Before World War I, commerce and transit were basically north and south, while after 1919 these were oriented east-west. Destruction brought on by the war exacerbated these problems. The Rychliks provide maps, railway timetables, and agricultural and eco- �SLOVAKIA-2015 131 nomic data to embellish their account of economic and infrastructure development. The book devotes substantial space to language and education. As both religious and public schools evolved, language became a thorny issue. The Rychliks pointed out that literary languages are artificial, and that was certainly true in Subcarpathian Rus'. Rusyns had not developed a literary language that everybody could agree upon. How could this state establish a network of Schools when Rusyns could not agree if the language and textbooks of instruction should be in Ukranian, Russian, or in a local dialect? What should be the policy toward the minority Ukranian, Russian, Slovak, Czech, Magyar, Hebrew, Yiddish, German, Romanian, Roma Slovak and Czech speakers? The authors concluded that by 1938 there was no final resolution of the language issue. The authors concluded, with reservations, that Subcarpathian Rus' progressed under the first Czechoslovak Republic. However, from the standpoint of political maturity, economic and infrastructure development, literacy, and steps towards the codification of language, the formidable problems listed above retarded its progress. The Rychliks' work is a good companion to Paul R. Magocsi's excellent The Shaping of a National Identity: Subcarpathian Rus ', 1848-1948 (1978). The former gives a data-filled account of a twenty-year period in 183 pages, thirty of which are notes, railroad timetables, maps and pictures, while Magocsi provides us with a very readable overview of the development of Subcarpathian Rus' over 100 years, along with a substantial, nearly 100-page, appendix and numerous notes. �132 SLOV AKIA-2015 David Doellinger. Turning Prayers into Based Activism and its Challenge to State Slovakia and East Germany. Budapest: Central Press, 2013. xii-288 pp. Glossary, bibliography, Protests: ReligiousPower in Socialist European University index. JAMES RAMON PELAK University of Washington Poland, no doubt, comes to mind first when one considers the role played by religion and religious institutions in the events and processes leading up to the collapse of Communism in East Central Europe in 1989. David Doellinger reminds us, in his Turning Prayers into Protests, that there were other places in the region where religion was an active and significant force of social mobilization in the fateful developments of the 1980s, most notably Slovakia and East Germany. Doellinger juxtaposes the cases of Slovakia and the German Democratic Republic (GDR) in what is a truly comparative work. The focus is on the activists themselves, and the work is organized both thematically and chronologically. Each chapter gives sufficient attention to each situation, examining both cases in terms of a particular aspect of the issue, and establishing the impact and the limitations of the role of religion as a mobilizing force in each locale. Though an historian, Doellinger draws generously from sociology and political science. The author establishes the context for his case studies, attuned to the differences and similarities between them. In Slovakia, he examines the Roman Catholic Church, especially its underground branch, while in the GDR he looks at the official Evangelical Church, a primarily Lutheran institution. Doellinger notes for both cases the differences with regard to the degree of institutional autonomy for the Church, the level of religiosity among the population, and the type of activism . He examines for each state such factors as the social and informational networks established among activists and the processes whereby prayers were transformed into protests in the 1980s. Doellinger decided to do an in-depth study of the Slovak situation after two former Czech dissidents remarked that Slovakia �SLOVAKIA-2015 133 had had no dissidents or independent activism during the communist period, a far cry from reality. As a corrective to such ill-informed views, the author presents the Slovak case in great detail, analyzing the operations of the underground church, situating Catholic activism within the broader context of independent activity in Slovakia, and providing excellent descriptions and analyses of such critical examples of public mobilization as the Velehrad pilgrimage of 1985 (drawing from 100,000 to 250,000 participants), the petition for religious freedom of 1988 (signed by 300,000 to 400,000 Slovaks), and the Good Friday demonstration of March 25 , 1988 in Bratislava. Doellinger notes the crucial role played by Karol Wojtila who, as Archbishop of Krakow, was a friend and supporter of the underground church in Slovakia, ordaining secret clergy in the 1970s. As Pope John Paul II, he gave a voice to the persecuted Church, condemned the government-sponsored Pacem in Terris organization of Czechoslovak clergy, successfully encouraged Prague ' s Archbishop Frantisek Tomasek to become more assertive on behalf of religious freedom, and energized Catholics in Slovakia and elsewhere . With respect to the GDR, Doellinger notes the strong influence of the Evangelical Church, made possible by its considerable autonomy, which enabled it to provide crucial support for independent activity. The church promoted and defended the so-called Bausoldaten, young men who served in non-combat units beside the East German military on grounds of conscientious objection to war and militarism . It provided meeting space, access to publishing, and other supports for peace, environmental, and social justice-oriented groups. Doellinger notes both the advantages enjoyed and constraints faced by activists on account of this close connection with the Evangelical Church. Doellinger's work is especially valuable thanks to the type and array of sources he uses. Along with reports on religious activism and a large and diverse amount of religious samizdat found in more than a dozen archives, he has interviewed scores of activists, examined local church and government records for the GDR, and gained access to at least four private collections of former activists. A few relatively minor criticisms are in order. Though this book is expressly not a study of the inner-workings of the regime in its dealings with religion, the author might have done more with the records of the Czechoslovak Office for Church Affairs. This �134 SLOV AKIA-2015 organization did a competent job in monitoring religion in Czechoslovakia and might contain useful information about the underground church and other forms of Catholic activism. And the subsections marked "Summary" near the end of each chapter sometimes do much more than summarize, but rather introduce important new material and perspectives not found earlier. Doellinger's work is an extremely valuable contribution to our understanding of the late communist period in Czechoslovakia and the GDR, to the processes that brought about the collapse of communist regimes in 1989, and to the important role played by religion in these developments. Though genuinely comparative, and insightfully so, the book does maintain the distinction between the two states, so a reader whose interest lies more in Slovakia than in the GDR would have no problem accessing the parts of the book specific to the Slovak Socialist Republic. James Mace Ward. Priest, Politician, Collaborator: Jozef Tiso and the Making of Fascist Slovakia. Ithaca and London : Cornell University Press, 2013. xii, 362 pp., ill., notes, index. $39 .95 . GREGORY C. FERENCE Salisbury University James Mace Ward has written a first-rate biography of Jozef Tiso, the only Roman Catholic priest, aside from the pope, to lead a modem European country. For his efforts, Ward received Honorable Mention in a 2014 competition of the premier North American scholarly organization, the Association for Slavic, East European, & Eurasian Studies Reginald Zelnik Book Prize. It is awarded annually for an outstanding monograph published on Russia, Eastern Europe or Eurasia in the field of history in the previous year. In his Preface, the author avers that he is "deeply committed to providing as accurate an account of this life as I can." (xi) He has accomplished this task by conducting extensive research using Czech, English, German, Hungarian, and Slovak sources. Yet, Ward modestly apologizes that he did not have enough time to conduct more research for his book. As Ward shows, the life of Father Jozef Tiso remains multi-faceted, complicated, and controversial. One can characterize his ca- �SLOV AKIA-2015 135 reer as opportunistic and full of contradictions. Before 1918, Tiso seemed destined to rise in the Roman Catholic Church hierarchy, and, as such, proved to be a loyal Hungarian - a charge that would haunt him for the rest of his life. By the conclusion of the First World War he became more nationally astute, and with the establishment of Czecho-Slovakia, he turned to politics with a Catholic and Christian social agenda subsumed by Slovak nationalism. Throughout his political life, Tiso became a master at organization, infighting, outmaneuvering, playing the various sides, and skillfully deflecting criticism by blaming others for his own faults and actions. He preferred to be ambiguous rather than take responsibility . Despite being a political animal, Tiso found time almost every Sunday from the 1920s until 1945 to celebrate Mass. In 1918, Ward continues, with the state in flux, Tiso became the secretary of the Slovak National Council in Nitra, and helped coordinate its occupation by Czecho-Slovak forces while attacking Jews as usurers, war profiteers, and revolutionaries. As the situation stabilized, Tiso joined Father Andrej Hlinka' s Slovak People ' s ("I:udak") Party, abandoned his anti-Semitism, and became a political moderate who feared secularization. He served first in the Czechoslovak Parliament and then as Minister of Public Health and Physical Education (1927-1929) where his accomplishments were modest. By the early 1930s, Tiso became Hlinka' s heir, but had to fend off a new generation of radical I:udak rivals who often thwarted his goals. Until 1938, he attempted to reconcile the I:udaks with the government and outflank "Godless" socialists. By then, since he realized he would no longer serve in the government, Tiso turned on Czechoslovakia by demanding greater autonomy for Slovakia. With the Republic failing, he conducted talks with Hungary and Poland about Slovakia' s future while still maintaining a dialogue with Prague. After the 1938 Munich Crisis, Ward continues, Tiso blamed the Jews and the Czechs for the diktat while tightening his control over his party . He vacillated on Slovak independence since he did not want to be viewed as the person who destroyed Czechoslovakia, but when it became inevitable, he embraced it and took control of Slovakia despite opposition from the Holy See. Tiso saw the Slovak State as a step forward for national consciousness and confidence. As vodca, or leader of independent Slovakia, he ordered no political executions and traveled freely with few bodyguards. Yet, he allied with �136 SLOV AKIA-2015 Nazi Germany and occasionally resisted its demands, but backed the deportation of two-thirds of Slovakia's Jews. By 1943, as the war seemed lost, Tiso became conciliatory towards a reconstituted Czechoslovakia but did not understand the strength of the underground plotting the Slovak National Uprising (SNP) in the summer of 1944. Deeply hurt by the thought that Slovaks opposed his regime, Tiso nonetheless ordered the suppression of the SNP that resulted in the German occupation of Slovakia. In his last radio address as his government crumbled, Tiso portrayed himself as a martyr. Arrested by the Americans, and turned over to the Czechoslovak authorities, Tiso's trial, according to Ward, became a travesty of justice dominated by unprofessional judges, packed courts, and political manipulations that assured a negative judgment. During the show trial, Tiso received the blame for, among other things, the destruction of Czechoslovakia, the Holocaust, and the failure of the SNP. Sentenced to death, and despite a popular outcry in Slovakia, the court and central government denied his and influential requests for clemency while his co-defendants and counterparts in the Czech Lands received lesser sentences. The Communists used Tiso ' s trial and execution as a political tool against the Slovak Democrats in their bid for power. After Tiso ' s death in 194 7, Ward continues, Tiso remained controversial. Slovak emigres turned him into an anti-Communist patriot martyr who was a victim of circumstances. Meanwhile, communist Czechoslovakia portrayed him as a clerical-fascist war criminal. After the fall of Communism in 1989, Tiso resurfaced as a destabilizing factor in Czechoslovak politics. Emigres, supported by the cultural institution Matica slovenska and, sometimes, the Ministry of Education, attempted to rehabilitate Tiso, but historians at the Slovak Academy of Sciences parried this effort after reasserting their independent academic credentials, thereby presenting a more balanced and scholarly perspective. The issue in today's Slovakia remains a "grey" topic in which Tiso is neither popular nor condemned. This objective biography will remain a classic in English as Tiso will no longer be presented in simple black and white terms as in the past. It is an excellent source for students of nationalism, political Catholicism, the history of Czechoslovakia and Slovakia, and postCommunism. It is a shame that Ward ' s book did not win the Zelnik �SLOV AKIA-2015 137 Book Prize which would have given it greater notoriety and exposure. Miroslav Londak. Ekonomicke reformy v Ceskoslovensku v 50. a 60. Rokoch 20. storocia a slovenskti ekonomika. Bratislava: Historicky ustav SAV, 2010 . 295pp. Bibliography, English summary, index of names. MARTIN POSPISIL CERGE-EI, and Charles University, Prague Ever since the communist and capitalist economic systems began competing in the 1920s, economists and historians have explored the efficiency, performance, and stability of these systems. Today, there is a general consensus that Soviet-style Communism failed. At the same time, there is still a limited understanding of how the communist economic system was built, especially in smaller countries . Miroslav Londak tries to bridge this gap and focuses on economic development in Slovakia after the 2nd World War. Londak's book is a well-researched publication aimed at better understanding of the Slovak industrialization, economic system-building, and reconstruction within the Czechoslovakia of the 1950s and 1960s. To explain the Slovak post-war economic reforms, Londak adopted a descriptive methodology that required an analysis of a long list of statistical publications, documents, and speeches. Like a good historian, he picked up a great deal about the concerns and problems that drove the building of the economic system of the time. For the novice there is much to be learned here. For example, in the Introduction (p.9), he rightly notes that it is often forgotten how much of today ' s economic development of Slovakia is linked to the decades of the post-war situation in Czechoslovakia. The book notes the astonishing pace of communist socioeconomic reforms. For example, the author describes the amazing speed of post-War Czechoslovak asset nationalization and collectivization. Londak rightly stresses an important point (sometimes forgotten in related debates) that many policies associated with the Communists (e.g. nationalization) had actually been introduced by President Benes during 1945-1948, before the Communists fully took power. The publication also analyses federalization tendencies in �138 SLOV AKIA-2015 Slovakia and various efforts to reform the inefficient Soviet-style economic system: e.g. the First and Second economic reforms in the 1950s and 1960s, reform ideas related to the Prague Spring, as well as the hopeless attempts to reform the economy in the 1980s. Londak's book contains a lot of statistical data and references to original documents to illustrate the point. In his research, the author includes documents - often very rare ones - to show the development of various sectors of the economy, the level of industrialization, or employment. Certain statistics are telling: While in 1947, 80% of Czechoslovak exports went to the West, this share gradually decreased to 12-25% in only one decade. Another statistic nicely illustrates the continuous emigration from Slovakia. Around 220,000 people left Slovakia between WW I and WW II, which created a large job market mismatch . Despite providing a lot of information, however, the book suffers from several drawbacks. First, it stops short of where it should ideally begin. In the Introduction, Londak asks an important question: Is it possible to successfully reform Soviet-Style Communism? While the consensus today is that such a reform is not possible, Londak does not try to answer the question. In many ways, a descriptive approach based on statistical data produced by communist state agencies is not appropriate to explain the development and the failure of Czech and Slovak communist economies. Good examples are the flawed data on employment in sectors. Due to enormous overemployment in the economy, information on sectoral employment does not bring much value apart from a simple description of how the communist planners wanted to allocate the labor force across various sectors of the economy . Second, the monograph devotes only limited space to analyzing why Czechoslovakia adopted that particular set of economic reforms. While it is clear that Stalin was pushing for certain policies, not all Central and Eastern European satellites built the same socioeconomic system . There were strong differences, for example, between Polish, Hungarian, but naturally also between Yugoslav and Czechoslovak systems. It would have been useful to analyze why Czechoslovakia adopted the implemented the set of policies it adopted. In this respect, the book could also better analyze the "starting blocks" of Czechoslovak reforms. As these reforms were mainly coming from Soviet blueprints, the book would deserve at least a �SLOV AKIA-2015 139 short summary of the Soviet pre-1945 legacy: e.g. the Russian Civil War, the New Economic Policy, the Five Year Plans, Stalinism, collectivization, or central planning which were all part of this new Soviet experience, instrumental for Czechoslovak post-war policy making. Third, the book relies solely on Czech or Slovak literature. Of 234 items in the bibliography, only nine have been published outside (the former) Czechoslovakia. While it is natural that local literature serves as the primary source of this type of research, it would have been more than appropriate to also refer to e.g. Soviet or Polish literature. Moreover, as the book is narrowly focused on Slovak economic development, the question of the Hungarian minority would deserve better analysis again with a reference to Hungarian scholars in this area. The reader also feels overwhelmed by the amount of statistical data presented in the book. The strong emphasis on descriptive statistics without a clear message is often confusing (e.g. on pp.115-120). Some tables might have been better explained as figures, graphs, or even better maps. Crucially, while presenting many tables, Londak devotes too little space to linking the data with the story in the text and he misses the opportunity to explain why things happened the way they happened. Why were Czechs and Slovaks so willing to introduce communist measures, which in a few decades ruined the economy? How was it possible to establish the totalitarian regime so effectively and so quickly? Why were Communists not able to implement their economic plans? These are questions that can hardly be explained using communist statistical data, whose reliability is uncertain. The book would deserve a disclaimer at the beginning noting the limitations of the use of these data. Moreover, while Czech and Slovak economic disparities are analyzed sufficiently, more focus could have been put on regional, within-country variation. For example, how did Bratislava compare with the east of Slovakia over time? Which were the poorest regions and did they pick up over time? Which regions benefitted from industrialization, which did not, and why? And most of all, how did the life of an ordinary citizen look? These questions are unanswered. To supplement the collection of statistical data, Londak's publication would benefit from interviews with those concerned. These could have been either communist decision makers, their relatives, or �140 SLOV AKIA-2015 those affected by the decisions. Londa.k' s book contains only a few of these "human" elements: for example, to illustrate the absurd bureaucratic decision-making within the communist economic system, the book mentions the story of a director who had to sign 100,000 documents in one month (p.127). The publication would benefit from more of these little stories to illustrate the point. Doing so would make the book less dry and more "human" (A good example of this approach is Anne Applebaum ' s Iron Curtain: The Crushing Of Eastern Europe, 1944-1956) . Finally, the book lacks a clear motivation for any international reader. How is the economic development of Slovakia in the 1950s and 1960s relevant for today? There are at least several issues that matter beyond Slovakia: the distribution of power, subsidiarity and local nationalism (e.g. relevant for the EU today), the limits of government strategy planning and supply side economic policy (relevant for any policy-makers, especially in post-Soviet countries), or the analysis of Slovak industrialization (relevant for many developing countries). Unfortunately, none of this is mentioned in the book. When reading Londa.k' s monograph, one does not - and cannot understand the cruelty, violence and targeted threats to political opponents, which all were associated with the economic reforms. The communist economy was built on terror, propaganda, harassment, and persecution. Londak presents the era of Czechoslovak communist-building of the 1950s and 1960s as a game of statistical numbers and often failed economic policy-making. This is a dangerous approach as too many lives were lost during this era. So why did the communist economic system fail, including in Slovakia? Let's mention two factors . First, the explanation is actually presented in the words of economist Ota Sik (p.132) who noted in the 1960s that communist enterprises would not become efficient or innovative unless or until the consumer drove the production process. This key point, which helps to explain the inherent inefficiency of the communist economic system, would deserve a better analysis. Another factor (briefly mentioned on p.151) is that price in a centrally planned economy is completely unrelated to objective economic conditions. In a market economy, price is a result of equality between supply and demand and as a result it provides the key information to consumers and producers. Consumers can compare products based on price and producers can compete on producing with �SLOV AKIA-2015 141 the lowest costs so that their price is low. Finally, market price is information to potential producers who know that if they are able to produce the same product with a lower price, they will succeed. As such, market price is the ultimate driver of economic development. However, in a centrally planned economy, price fulfils none of these functions as it is administratively set with no reference to market conditions. This leads to the ultimate failure of the system. To conclude, Ekonomicke reformy is a well-researched book, which analyzes an important topic using a large number of original Czechoslovak sources. Londak has tried to tell the story of the Slovak post-war economy, which has an impact on today's economic structure and performance. However, the main message of the publication gets lost in dubious communist statistical data, and the story is not well connected. Regrettably, while being a good reference point, the publication misses an important opportunity to probe why the post-war economy of Slovakia was built the way it was built, why it failed, and why it matters for today. The descriptive approach based on flawed communist statistics left the most important questions unanswered . Jan Carnogursky. Dennik,1994-2007. Presov: Michal Vasko, 2013, 190 pp. Afterword by Ondrej Podolec, index of names. JANRYCHLIK Charles University, Prague Jan Carnogursky (b. 1944) was one of the leading figures of the anti-Communist dissident movement in Czechoslovakia between 1969 and 1989 and also an important personality in Slovak politics after November of 1989. In February of 1990 he founded the Christian Democratic Movement (KDH), the right-of the center political party which became part of the Slovak government coalition after the first free elections in June of 1990. After the so-called "Velvet Revolution" (November, 1990) he was a Deputy Prime Minister in the Federal government of Marian Calfa and simultaneously a Deputy Prime Minister of the Slovak government of Milan Cic. After the first free elections (8 - 9 June 1990), when the KDH joined in a coalition with the Public Against Violence (VPN), Carnogursky was a Deputy Prime Minister in the first government of Vladimir Meciar �142 SLOV AKIA-2015 (than a nominee of the VPN), and after the split of the VPN and the fall of Meciar, he was appointed Slovak Prime Minister (April 23 , 1991). After the second free elections (5 - 6 June 1992) which Meciar's new party - the Movement for Democratic Slovakia (HZDS) won, the KDH ended in opposition . Carnogursky was the leading figure of the opposition against Meciar' s non-democratic and autocratic rule which sometimes even used criminal methods and violence against its opponents and led to the international isolation of Slovakia. Carnogursky participated in the establishment of a new party - the Slovak Democratic Coalition (SDK) led by Mikulas Dzurinda and was appointed Minister of Justice in Dzurinda's broad anti-Meciar coalition government (October 30, 1998 - October 15, 2002). Throughout this period Carnogursky was a deputy in the Slovak National Council (the Slovak Parliament) for the KDH (with the exception of the period when he was the Minister of Justice). Carnogursky ' s diary covers the period from August 27, 1994 to June 24, 2007. His notes of the events are usually short and illustrate the attitude of Slovakia towards some important international events. However, the war in Bosnia-Hercegovina and the Dayton agreement in 1995 and the bombing of Serbia by NATO in 1999 are surprisingly missing. It is difficult to say whether Carnogursky did not consider these events worthy of notice or whether they were in the diary but he decided not to publish them . Carnogursky noted his discussions with various political leaders, diplomats and church functionaries . The diary sheds some light on new and important facts about the background of important events in the history of Slovakia of the past two decades, mainly : the political struggle against the HZDS and Vladimir Meciar, the formation of a broad anti-Meciar coalition; and international problems, mainly Slovak relations with Hungary, the USA and Russia. However, from the diary we can learn more about Carnogursky's standpoints than about the events themselves. To understand the diary properly, it is not only necessary to know Slovak political history of the past twenty-five years, but also to know something about Carnogursky 's political and family backgrounds and his ideas and thinking. Carnogursky is a conservative Catholic politician who, on the one hand was active in the dissident movement and struggle against Communism, but on the other hand he has always been critical of �SLOVAKIA-2015 143 American foreign policy and Western liberalism and secularism. While he criticized and opposed the policy of the former Soviet Union, after the fall of Communism Carnogursky advocated cooperation with Russia and saw Russian Orthodox Christianity as a source of spiritual revival of the western Christian world. His views, however, are not always accepted in today's Slovakia. Knowing this, it cannot surprise anyone that the diary reveals Carnogursky's opposition to Slovakia'a admittance to NATO and his friendly relations with Russia. Carnogursky ' s diary is certainly worth reading and may be useful for historians trying to understand the history of Czechoslovakia, Slovakia and of Central Europe in general in the period 1994-2007. Robert M. Zecker. Race and America 's Immigrant Press: How the Slovaks were Taught to Think Like White People. New York: Bloomsbury, 2013. 348pp. Notes, illustrations, bibliography, index. M. MARK STOLARIK University of Ottawa Robet M. Zecker claims that "This is the book I didn ' t want to write. At least not at first" (page 1). Since Zecker is of partial Slovak-American heritage, he was shocked by the racial references he found in the Slovak-American press from the l 890's to the l 940's while working on his University of Pennsylvania dissertation on the Slovak-American community in Philadelphia. After some reflection, and more research, he decided to document the rise of racism among Slovaks and Rusyns (and Eastern Europeans in general) in the United States, as reflected in their newspaper press. He felt that this side of the story had not previously been covered by scholars of Eastern European immigration to the United States of America. Zecker traced the rise of racism in the Slavic-American press to the enaction of Jim Crow laws in the American South in the l 890's and the subsequent lynching of several thousand Black-Americans. Initially, editors of ethnic newspapers were horrified by reports of lynchings in the South, but, within a decade, the horror changed to mere reporting or even agreement with the lynchings . Why? Zecker argues that Slavic-Americans, fearful of their own status as unskilled �144 SLOV AKIA-2015 laborers almost at the bottom of the social ladder, were glad that Blacks and Asians were below them still, and therefore, more inferior than themselves. Indeed, Slavic-Americans soon bought into the theory of "whiteness," whereby they (or their children) would eventually become respected members of the middle-class, which, of course, was white. Once they bought into America's racist society and its social hierarchy, Slavic Americans began to "ape the WASPS," as the expression goes. Their newspapers approvingly reproduced not only reports of lynchings of Blacks in the American South, but also advertisements that featured gross stereotypes of Blacks, which portrayed them as primitive savages. Furthermore, most Slavic-American neighborhoods, which often had Slovak Halls, Rusyn Halls, Polish Halls, etc. staged minstrel shows in the l 920's and l 930's, as did "mainstream" American neighborhood theaters. Finally, most Slavic Americans, like those who came before them, did not want Blacks to move into their neighborhoods and resisted government-led integration efforts in the 1960's and 1970's. In becoming "Americans," Slavic-Americans adopted the racist attitudes of their white predecessors. As Zecker predicted, this is a disturbing book. Most of the histories of the Southern and Eastern Europeans, who came to the United States in search of work and a better life in the l 870's to the l 920's, have focused on their slow, but steady rise on the American social ladder. Unfortunately, most historians have also ignored how these immigrants and their children had to adapt to American society by adopting the racist attitudes of their predecessors and become "white" in the process. The book suffers from only two deficiencies, perhaps caused by the publisher. The first is that the copious footnotes (pp. 253-308) appear at the back of the book, making it extremely tedious for the historian to read. The second is that Zecker did not separate his listing of periodicals from books and articles in the bibliography. It would have been instructive to discover, for instance, how many years (and which years) of Jednota, or Amerikansky russky viestnik, and other ethnic newspapers he had read. On the other hand, Zecker fulfilled very well his duties as an historian. He deeply mined the rich archival resources of the Immigration History Research Center at the University of Minnesota, the archives of the Balch Institute for Ethnic Studies at the Pennsylvania �SLOV AKIA-2015 145 Historical Society in Philadelphia, the New York Public Library, and several others. Finally, Zecker read most of the important books and articles relating to immigration to North America in the last 130 years. He is to be commended for a job well-done. M . Mark Stolarik. Where is My Hom e? Slovak Immigration to North America (1870-2010) . [Immigration from Europe to North America, Vol. l] Bern : Peter Lang, 2012 . xix, 392 pp. Notes, illustrations, bibliography, index . $99.95. WILLIAM J. GALUSH Loyola University of Chicago (retired) This is an excellent overview of Slovaks in the tumultuous period from the late nineteenth century to the present, thoughtfully and engagingly portrayed through the experiences of one family. Mark Stolarik seeks to combine the personal with the general in history and succeeds admirably. The fami li al dimension benefits from numerous interviews by the author while he relies on his extensive reading and archival research on Slovak immigration for the larger narrative. The story of Slovaks, an oppresed minority within the multiethnic Dual Monarchy of Austria-Hungary, shows them seeking improvement both by departure elsewhere and striving to develop a sense of common identity in the homeland in the face of strenuous efforts by their Hungarian overlords to magyarize them . The transoceanic aspect is important and the author demonstrates enduring connections which significantly influenced the homeland. About a third of immigrants to North America returned, and as with the Poles in my own research, brought back a heightened sense of Slovak identity and a desire for a more modem lifestyle which stimulated their viII ages. Lacking the equivalent of Galicia, the Austro-Hungarian province essentially under Polish control from the late nineteenth century, Slovaks in America took on a greater role in supporting nationalism in the homeland through their fraternalbenefit societies and the Slovak League of Amerca (f. 1907). �146 SLOV AKIA-2015 The theme of Slovak nationalism infonns the narrative. The World War I agreements to create a federal Czecho-Slovakia were subverted by T. G. Masaryk and his followers. The variations among the diaspora, with the Roman Catholics being the most nationalistic, emerge clearly and the author gives a nuanced and sympathetic account of interwar patriotism and the emergence of an independent Slovakia in 1939. With reunification after 1945, Slovaks abroad were the only ones able to articulate a nationalist position. Support for the united country came mainly from a tiny leftist element and from some Lutheran Slovaks . The post-1989 era offered the opportunity for the reappearance of an independent Slovakia and Stolarik clearly rejoices at the success of the effort. The Stolariks were strivers. Some went to the United States while others remained at home, seeking through education and white collar employment to elevate their status. Imrich, father of Mark, became the city assessor of Martin and led a comfortable existence even during World War II, continuing government employment under the newly independent Slovak Republic. The defeat of their Gennan sponsors and fears of a communist Czechoslovakia prompted Imrich and his family to flee to Austria, where Mark and his siblings lived until they were able to move to Canada. The author's parents had a strong interest in education and nationalism and encouraged participation in ethnic activities in the new land . This speaks to the question of identity in the title wherein ethnic consciousness sustained a sense of self and group despite multiple changes of government and location. Family was also a major factor in making a living, with aid in getting jobs and infonnation on the new land helpful in adjustment and upward mobility. One of the most engaging aspects of the book is the use of familial anecdote to bring life to history . For example, during World War II female relatives of the author, needing to milk goats in a time of food scarcity, persuaded nearby soldiers to stop shelling so the animals would calm down! Stolarik also offers accounts of misleading meddling communist officials while his homeland relatives provided shelter, assistance and advice during his research in Slovakia. The larger narrative would benefit from greater acknowledgement of variety . The author likely overstates the general persistence of the immigrant vision of an enclosed Slovak identity in the �SLOVAKIA-2015 147 second generation. In Minneapolis, with five Polish (and one Slovak) Catholic parishes, marriages at the largest Polish congregation by 1940 recorded over 50% with one non-Polish spouse, and the greater paucity of Slovaks might well have fostered such patterns there or elsewhere. In this regard Stolarik is better in the helpful comparison of American and Canadian Slovak development, noting contrasts as well as similarities and offering plausible interpretations for variety. The book is a stimulating study which will repay the attention of scholars and interesting laypersons alike. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2015, Vol. 42 Description An account of the resource Vol. 42 (No. 78-79), 2015. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2015 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document REVIEWS SLOV AKIA-2015 129 Jan Rychlik, Magdalena Rychlfkova. Hospodafsky, socialni, kulturni a politicky vyvoj Podkarpatske Rusi 1919 - 1939 (Prague: Studie Narodohospodarskeho ustavu Josefa Hlavky, 2013), 184 pages. Notes, maps, illustrations, along with a German and English Summary. C. WINSTON CHRISLOCK Professor Emeritus University of St. Thomas St. Paul, Minnesota Transcarpathian Rus' formed the eastern tip of the First Czechoslovak Republic from 1919 to 1938 and, briefly of the Second Czecho-Slovak Republic from October 1938 to mid-March 1939. On November 2, 1939, Hungary annexed the southern, mostly Magyar regions of a by then autonomous Transcarpathian Rus' . On March 16, after the demise of Czecho-Slovakia, Hungary annexed the remainder of the region . Soviet forces occupied the area during the final stages of World War II in Europe. In June of 1945 Czechoslovakia agreed to allow the U.S.S.R. to annex Transcarpathian Rus' and both countries ratified the treaty of transfer in November of 1945. From 1945 until 1991 it was part of the Soviet Union's Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic and, after the collapse of the Soviet Union in December of 1991 , it remained a province of independent Ukraine. The purpose of the Rychliks' monograph is to describe and evaluate the region during its association with Czechoslovakia in the inner-war period. There was no doubt that the Czechoslovak government took over administration of a very complex and economically primitive province. The Rychliks' account begins with a pre-1919 backround in which they summarize Czech, Magyar and Ukranian sources. They then continue with an historical survey up to 1919. We learn that Transcarpathian Rus' consisted of four Hungarian counties, and that the Rusyn population had not yet developed any sense of national consciousness. The northern half of Transcarpathian Rus' was mountainous and heavily forested while the south was flatter and more suited for agriculture. About two-thirds of of the population were Rusyns who spoke dialects closely related to Ukrainian. Minorities consisted of Magyars, Jews, Romanians, Germans and Roma. Prior to World War I any attempt to codify the Rusyn language was prob- 130 SLOVAKIA-2015 lematic. While Rusyn dialects were close to Ukrainian, the tsarist regime in Russia looked upon Ukrainian as a Russian dialect. That would make Rusyn dialects dialects of a dialect! Austria-Hungary's collapse in 1918 brought political and economic chaos . Rusyn Americans had developed national consciousness by 1914, modelled somewhat on the Slovak experience. In the wake of Austria-Hungary's collapse their leaders lobbied T. G. Masaryk, leader of the Czecho-Slovak independence movement, and President Woodrow Wilson, for a Rusyn association with the new Czechoslovak state, with the understanding that Subcarpathian Rus' would have a large degree of autonomy. Masaryk agreed to this and after military confrontations with Hungary, Poland and indigenous Magyars, the Czechoslovak army, with the support of the United Kingdom, France and the U.S .A., successfully occupied the region by the end of 1919 and maintained sovereignty over it until the German annexation of the Czech lands in March of 1939. The Rychliks' objective was to describe the social, cultural and political problems of the region and then evaluate how the Czechoslovak government dealt with and responded to them. Given the complexity of a region that was blessed (cursed?) with a plethora of nationalities and languages, religions, hostile neighbors, and underdeveloped economy and national consciousness, the Czechoslovak government faced a monumental task. The political problem revolved around autonomy for the area. The 1920 Czechoslovak constitution provided for Subcarpathian Rus ' to send four senators and nine representatives to Czechoslovakia's National Assembly. Czechoslovakia's president, upon recommendation of the government, appointed a governor, whose power was limited, and a vicegovemor, who exercised most administrative powers. Rusyns, both at home and in the U.S.A., were dissatisfied with the lack of autonomy. Complicating the political situation were conflicts among Rusyns, Ukrainofiles, Russofiles, Jews, and Magyars and further conflicts between Russian Orthodox and Greek-Catholic Christians. Economic and infrastructure underdevelopment were also major problems. Before World War I, commerce and transit were basically north and south, while after 1919 these were oriented east-west. Destruction brought on by the war exacerbated these problems. The Rychliks provide maps, railway timetables, and agricultural and eco- SLOVAKIA-2015 131 nomic data to embellish their account of economic and infrastructure development. The book devotes substantial space to language and education. As both religious and public schools evolved, language became a thorny issue. The Rychliks pointed out that literary languages are artificial, and that was certainly true in Subcarpathian Rus'. Rusyns had not developed a literary language that everybody could agree upon. How could this state establish a network of Schools when Rusyns could not agree if the language and textbooks of instruction should be in Ukranian, Russian, or in a local dialect? What should be the policy toward the minority Ukranian, Russian, Slovak, Czech, Magyar, Hebrew, Yiddish, German, Romanian, Roma Slovak and Czech speakers? The authors concluded that by 1938 there was no final resolution of the language issue. The authors concluded, with reservations, that Subcarpathian Rus' progressed under the first Czechoslovak Republic. However, from the standpoint of political maturity, economic and infrastructure development, literacy, and steps towards the codification of language, the formidable problems listed above retarded its progress. The Rychliks' work is a good companion to Paul R. Magocsi's excellent The Shaping of a National Identity: Subcarpathian Rus ', 1848-1948 (1978). The former gives a data-filled account of a twenty-year period in 183 pages, thirty of which are notes, railroad timetables, maps and pictures, while Magocsi provides us with a very readable overview of the development of Subcarpathian Rus' over 100 years, along with a substantial, nearly 100-page, appendix and numerous notes. 132 SLOV AKIA-2015 David Doellinger. Turning Prayers into Based Activism and its Challenge to State Slovakia and East Germany. Budapest: Central Press, 2013. xii-288 pp. Glossary, bibliography, Protests: ReligiousPower in Socialist European University index. JAMES RAMON PELAK University of Washington Poland, no doubt, comes to mind first when one considers the role played by religion and religious institutions in the events and processes leading up to the collapse of Communism in East Central Europe in 1989. David Doellinger reminds us, in his Turning Prayers into Protests, that there were other places in the region where religion was an active and significant force of social mobilization in the fateful developments of the 1980s, most notably Slovakia and East Germany. Doellinger juxtaposes the cases of Slovakia and the German Democratic Republic (GDR) in what is a truly comparative work. The focus is on the activists themselves, and the work is organized both thematically and chronologically. Each chapter gives sufficient attention to each situation, examining both cases in terms of a particular aspect of the issue, and establishing the impact and the limitations of the role of religion as a mobilizing force in each locale. Though an historian, Doellinger draws generously from sociology and political science. The author establishes the context for his case studies, attuned to the differences and similarities between them. In Slovakia, he examines the Roman Catholic Church, especially its underground branch, while in the GDR he looks at the official Evangelical Church, a primarily Lutheran institution. Doellinger notes for both cases the differences with regard to the degree of institutional autonomy for the Church, the level of religiosity among the population, and the type of activism . He examines for each state such factors as the social and informational networks established among activists and the processes whereby prayers were transformed into protests in the 1980s. Doellinger decided to do an in-depth study of the Slovak situation after two former Czech dissidents remarked that Slovakia SLOVAKIA-2015 133 had had no dissidents or independent activism during the communist period, a far cry from reality. As a corrective to such ill-informed views, the author presents the Slovak case in great detail, analyzing the operations of the underground church, situating Catholic activism within the broader context of independent activity in Slovakia, and providing excellent descriptions and analyses of such critical examples of public mobilization as the Velehrad pilgrimage of 1985 (drawing from 100,000 to 250,000 participants), the petition for religious freedom of 1988 (signed by 300,000 to 400,000 Slovaks), and the Good Friday demonstration of March 25 , 1988 in Bratislava. Doellinger notes the crucial role played by Karol Wojtila who, as Archbishop of Krakow, was a friend and supporter of the underground church in Slovakia, ordaining secret clergy in the 1970s. As Pope John Paul II, he gave a voice to the persecuted Church, condemned the government-sponsored Pacem in Terris organization of Czechoslovak clergy, successfully encouraged Prague ' s Archbishop Frantisek Tomasek to become more assertive on behalf of religious freedom, and energized Catholics in Slovakia and elsewhere . With respect to the GDR, Doellinger notes the strong influence of the Evangelical Church, made possible by its considerable autonomy, which enabled it to provide crucial support for independent activity. The church promoted and defended the so-called Bausoldaten, young men who served in non-combat units beside the East German military on grounds of conscientious objection to war and militarism . It provided meeting space, access to publishing, and other supports for peace, environmental, and social justice-oriented groups. Doellinger notes both the advantages enjoyed and constraints faced by activists on account of this close connection with the Evangelical Church. Doellinger's work is especially valuable thanks to the type and array of sources he uses. Along with reports on religious activism and a large and diverse amount of religious samizdat found in more than a dozen archives, he has interviewed scores of activists, examined local church and government records for the GDR, and gained access to at least four private collections of former activists. A few relatively minor criticisms are in order. Though this book is expressly not a study of the inner-workings of the regime in its dealings with religion, the author might have done more with the records of the Czechoslovak Office for Church Affairs. This 134 SLOV AKIA-2015 organization did a competent job in monitoring religion in Czechoslovakia and might contain useful information about the underground church and other forms of Catholic activism. And the subsections marked "Summary" near the end of each chapter sometimes do much more than summarize, but rather introduce important new material and perspectives not found earlier. Doellinger's work is an extremely valuable contribution to our understanding of the late communist period in Czechoslovakia and the GDR, to the processes that brought about the collapse of communist regimes in 1989, and to the important role played by religion in these developments. Though genuinely comparative, and insightfully so, the book does maintain the distinction between the two states, so a reader whose interest lies more in Slovakia than in the GDR would have no problem accessing the parts of the book specific to the Slovak Socialist Republic. James Mace Ward. Priest, Politician, Collaborator: Jozef Tiso and the Making of Fascist Slovakia. Ithaca and London : Cornell University Press, 2013. xii, 362 pp., ill., notes, index. $39 .95 . GREGORY C. FERENCE Salisbury University James Mace Ward has written a first-rate biography of Jozef Tiso, the only Roman Catholic priest, aside from the pope, to lead a modem European country. For his efforts, Ward received Honorable Mention in a 2014 competition of the premier North American scholarly organization, the Association for Slavic, East European, & Eurasian Studies Reginald Zelnik Book Prize. It is awarded annually for an outstanding monograph published on Russia, Eastern Europe or Eurasia in the field of history in the previous year. In his Preface, the author avers that he is "deeply committed to providing as accurate an account of this life as I can." (xi) He has accomplished this task by conducting extensive research using Czech, English, German, Hungarian, and Slovak sources. Yet, Ward modestly apologizes that he did not have enough time to conduct more research for his book. As Ward shows, the life of Father Jozef Tiso remains multi-faceted, complicated, and controversial. One can characterize his ca- SLOV AKIA-2015 135 reer as opportunistic and full of contradictions. Before 1918, Tiso seemed destined to rise in the Roman Catholic Church hierarchy, and, as such, proved to be a loyal Hungarian - a charge that would haunt him for the rest of his life. By the conclusion of the First World War he became more nationally astute, and with the establishment of Czecho-Slovakia, he turned to politics with a Catholic and Christian social agenda subsumed by Slovak nationalism. Throughout his political life, Tiso became a master at organization, infighting, outmaneuvering, playing the various sides, and skillfully deflecting criticism by blaming others for his own faults and actions. He preferred to be ambiguous rather than take responsibility . Despite being a political animal, Tiso found time almost every Sunday from the 1920s until 1945 to celebrate Mass. In 1918, Ward continues, with the state in flux, Tiso became the secretary of the Slovak National Council in Nitra, and helped coordinate its occupation by Czecho-Slovak forces while attacking Jews as usurers, war profiteers, and revolutionaries. As the situation stabilized, Tiso joined Father Andrej Hlinka' s Slovak People ' s ("I:udak") Party, abandoned his anti-Semitism, and became a political moderate who feared secularization. He served first in the Czechoslovak Parliament and then as Minister of Public Health and Physical Education (1927-1929) where his accomplishments were modest. By the early 1930s, Tiso became Hlinka' s heir, but had to fend off a new generation of radical I:udak rivals who often thwarted his goals. Until 1938, he attempted to reconcile the I:udaks with the government and outflank "Godless" socialists. By then, since he realized he would no longer serve in the government, Tiso turned on Czechoslovakia by demanding greater autonomy for Slovakia. With the Republic failing, he conducted talks with Hungary and Poland about Slovakia' s future while still maintaining a dialogue with Prague. After the 1938 Munich Crisis, Ward continues, Tiso blamed the Jews and the Czechs for the diktat while tightening his control over his party . He vacillated on Slovak independence since he did not want to be viewed as the person who destroyed Czechoslovakia, but when it became inevitable, he embraced it and took control of Slovakia despite opposition from the Holy See. Tiso saw the Slovak State as a step forward for national consciousness and confidence. As vodca, or leader of independent Slovakia, he ordered no political executions and traveled freely with few bodyguards. Yet, he allied with 136 SLOV AKIA-2015 Nazi Germany and occasionally resisted its demands, but backed the deportation of two-thirds of Slovakia's Jews. By 1943, as the war seemed lost, Tiso became conciliatory towards a reconstituted Czechoslovakia but did not understand the strength of the underground plotting the Slovak National Uprising (SNP) in the summer of 1944. Deeply hurt by the thought that Slovaks opposed his regime, Tiso nonetheless ordered the suppression of the SNP that resulted in the German occupation of Slovakia. In his last radio address as his government crumbled, Tiso portrayed himself as a martyr. Arrested by the Americans, and turned over to the Czechoslovak authorities, Tiso's trial, according to Ward, became a travesty of justice dominated by unprofessional judges, packed courts, and political manipulations that assured a negative judgment. During the show trial, Tiso received the blame for, among other things, the destruction of Czechoslovakia, the Holocaust, and the failure of the SNP. Sentenced to death, and despite a popular outcry in Slovakia, the court and central government denied his and influential requests for clemency while his co-defendants and counterparts in the Czech Lands received lesser sentences. The Communists used Tiso ' s trial and execution as a political tool against the Slovak Democrats in their bid for power. After Tiso ' s death in 194 7, Ward continues, Tiso remained controversial. Slovak emigres turned him into an anti-Communist patriot martyr who was a victim of circumstances. Meanwhile, communist Czechoslovakia portrayed him as a clerical-fascist war criminal. After the fall of Communism in 1989, Tiso resurfaced as a destabilizing factor in Czechoslovak politics. Emigres, supported by the cultural institution Matica slovenska and, sometimes, the Ministry of Education, attempted to rehabilitate Tiso, but historians at the Slovak Academy of Sciences parried this effort after reasserting their independent academic credentials, thereby presenting a more balanced and scholarly perspective. The issue in today's Slovakia remains a "grey" topic in which Tiso is neither popular nor condemned. This objective biography will remain a classic in English as Tiso will no longer be presented in simple black and white terms as in the past. It is an excellent source for students of nationalism, political Catholicism, the history of Czechoslovakia and Slovakia, and postCommunism. It is a shame that Ward ' s book did not win the Zelnik SLOV AKIA-2015 137 Book Prize which would have given it greater notoriety and exposure. Miroslav Londak. Ekonomicke reformy v Ceskoslovensku v 50. a 60. Rokoch 20. storocia a slovenskti ekonomika. Bratislava: Historicky ustav SAV, 2010 . 295pp. Bibliography, English summary, index of names. MARTIN POSPISIL CERGE-EI, and Charles University, Prague Ever since the communist and capitalist economic systems began competing in the 1920s, economists and historians have explored the efficiency, performance, and stability of these systems. Today, there is a general consensus that Soviet-style Communism failed. At the same time, there is still a limited understanding of how the communist economic system was built, especially in smaller countries . Miroslav Londak tries to bridge this gap and focuses on economic development in Slovakia after the 2nd World War. Londak's book is a well-researched publication aimed at better understanding of the Slovak industrialization, economic system-building, and reconstruction within the Czechoslovakia of the 1950s and 1960s. To explain the Slovak post-war economic reforms, Londak adopted a descriptive methodology that required an analysis of a long list of statistical publications, documents, and speeches. Like a good historian, he picked up a great deal about the concerns and problems that drove the building of the economic system of the time. For the novice there is much to be learned here. For example, in the Introduction (p.9), he rightly notes that it is often forgotten how much of today ' s economic development of Slovakia is linked to the decades of the post-war situation in Czechoslovakia. The book notes the astonishing pace of communist socioeconomic reforms. For example, the author describes the amazing speed of post-War Czechoslovak asset nationalization and collectivization. Londak rightly stresses an important point (sometimes forgotten in related debates) that many policies associated with the Communists (e.g. nationalization) had actually been introduced by President Benes during 1945-1948, before the Communists fully took power. The publication also analyses federalization tendencies in 138 SLOV AKIA-2015 Slovakia and various efforts to reform the inefficient Soviet-style economic system: e.g. the First and Second economic reforms in the 1950s and 1960s, reform ideas related to the Prague Spring, as well as the hopeless attempts to reform the economy in the 1980s. Londak's book contains a lot of statistical data and references to original documents to illustrate the point. In his research, the author includes documents - often very rare ones - to show the development of various sectors of the economy, the level of industrialization, or employment. Certain statistics are telling: While in 1947, 80% of Czechoslovak exports went to the West, this share gradually decreased to 12-25% in only one decade. Another statistic nicely illustrates the continuous emigration from Slovakia. Around 220,000 people left Slovakia between WW I and WW II, which created a large job market mismatch . Despite providing a lot of information, however, the book suffers from several drawbacks. First, it stops short of where it should ideally begin. In the Introduction, Londak asks an important question: Is it possible to successfully reform Soviet-Style Communism? While the consensus today is that such a reform is not possible, Londak does not try to answer the question. In many ways, a descriptive approach based on statistical data produced by communist state agencies is not appropriate to explain the development and the failure of Czech and Slovak communist economies. Good examples are the flawed data on employment in sectors. Due to enormous overemployment in the economy, information on sectoral employment does not bring much value apart from a simple description of how the communist planners wanted to allocate the labor force across various sectors of the economy . Second, the monograph devotes only limited space to analyzing why Czechoslovakia adopted that particular set of economic reforms. While it is clear that Stalin was pushing for certain policies, not all Central and Eastern European satellites built the same socioeconomic system . There were strong differences, for example, between Polish, Hungarian, but naturally also between Yugoslav and Czechoslovak systems. It would have been useful to analyze why Czechoslovakia adopted the implemented the set of policies it adopted. In this respect, the book could also better analyze the "starting blocks" of Czechoslovak reforms. As these reforms were mainly coming from Soviet blueprints, the book would deserve at least a SLOV AKIA-2015 139 short summary of the Soviet pre-1945 legacy: e.g. the Russian Civil War, the New Economic Policy, the Five Year Plans, Stalinism, collectivization, or central planning which were all part of this new Soviet experience, instrumental for Czechoslovak post-war policy making. Third, the book relies solely on Czech or Slovak literature. Of 234 items in the bibliography, only nine have been published outside (the former) Czechoslovakia. While it is natural that local literature serves as the primary source of this type of research, it would have been more than appropriate to also refer to e.g. Soviet or Polish literature. Moreover, as the book is narrowly focused on Slovak economic development, the question of the Hungarian minority would deserve better analysis again with a reference to Hungarian scholars in this area. The reader also feels overwhelmed by the amount of statistical data presented in the book. The strong emphasis on descriptive statistics without a clear message is often confusing (e.g. on pp.115-120). Some tables might have been better explained as figures, graphs, or even better maps. Crucially, while presenting many tables, Londak devotes too little space to linking the data with the story in the text and he misses the opportunity to explain why things happened the way they happened. Why were Czechs and Slovaks so willing to introduce communist measures, which in a few decades ruined the economy? How was it possible to establish the totalitarian regime so effectively and so quickly? Why were Communists not able to implement their economic plans? These are questions that can hardly be explained using communist statistical data, whose reliability is uncertain. The book would deserve a disclaimer at the beginning noting the limitations of the use of these data. Moreover, while Czech and Slovak economic disparities are analyzed sufficiently, more focus could have been put on regional, within-country variation. For example, how did Bratislava compare with the east of Slovakia over time? Which were the poorest regions and did they pick up over time? Which regions benefitted from industrialization, which did not, and why? And most of all, how did the life of an ordinary citizen look? These questions are unanswered. To supplement the collection of statistical data, Londak's publication would benefit from interviews with those concerned. These could have been either communist decision makers, their relatives, or 140 SLOV AKIA-2015 those affected by the decisions. Londa.k' s book contains only a few of these "human" elements: for example, to illustrate the absurd bureaucratic decision-making within the communist economic system, the book mentions the story of a director who had to sign 100,000 documents in one month (p.127). The publication would benefit from more of these little stories to illustrate the point. Doing so would make the book less dry and more "human" (A good example of this approach is Anne Applebaum ' s Iron Curtain: The Crushing Of Eastern Europe, 1944-1956) . Finally, the book lacks a clear motivation for any international reader. How is the economic development of Slovakia in the 1950s and 1960s relevant for today? There are at least several issues that matter beyond Slovakia: the distribution of power, subsidiarity and local nationalism (e.g. relevant for the EU today), the limits of government strategy planning and supply side economic policy (relevant for any policy-makers, especially in post-Soviet countries), or the analysis of Slovak industrialization (relevant for many developing countries). Unfortunately, none of this is mentioned in the book. When reading Londa.k' s monograph, one does not - and cannot understand the cruelty, violence and targeted threats to political opponents, which all were associated with the economic reforms. The communist economy was built on terror, propaganda, harassment, and persecution. Londak presents the era of Czechoslovak communist-building of the 1950s and 1960s as a game of statistical numbers and often failed economic policy-making. This is a dangerous approach as too many lives were lost during this era. So why did the communist economic system fail, including in Slovakia? Let's mention two factors . First, the explanation is actually presented in the words of economist Ota Sik (p.132) who noted in the 1960s that communist enterprises would not become efficient or innovative unless or until the consumer drove the production process. This key point, which helps to explain the inherent inefficiency of the communist economic system, would deserve a better analysis. Another factor (briefly mentioned on p.151) is that price in a centrally planned economy is completely unrelated to objective economic conditions. In a market economy, price is a result of equality between supply and demand and as a result it provides the key information to consumers and producers. Consumers can compare products based on price and producers can compete on producing with SLOV AKIA-2015 141 the lowest costs so that their price is low. Finally, market price is information to potential producers who know that if they are able to produce the same product with a lower price, they will succeed. As such, market price is the ultimate driver of economic development. However, in a centrally planned economy, price fulfils none of these functions as it is administratively set with no reference to market conditions. This leads to the ultimate failure of the system. To conclude, Ekonomicke reformy is a well-researched book, which analyzes an important topic using a large number of original Czechoslovak sources. Londak has tried to tell the story of the Slovak post-war economy, which has an impact on today's economic structure and performance. However, the main message of the publication gets lost in dubious communist statistical data, and the story is not well connected. Regrettably, while being a good reference point, the publication misses an important opportunity to probe why the post-war economy of Slovakia was built the way it was built, why it failed, and why it matters for today. The descriptive approach based on flawed communist statistics left the most important questions unanswered . Jan Carnogursky. Dennik,1994-2007. Presov: Michal Vasko, 2013, 190 pp. Afterword by Ondrej Podolec, index of names. JANRYCHLIK Charles University, Prague Jan Carnogursky (b. 1944) was one of the leading figures of the anti-Communist dissident movement in Czechoslovakia between 1969 and 1989 and also an important personality in Slovak politics after November of 1989. In February of 1990 he founded the Christian Democratic Movement (KDH), the right-of the center political party which became part of the Slovak government coalition after the first free elections in June of 1990. After the so-called "Velvet Revolution" (November, 1990) he was a Deputy Prime Minister in the Federal government of Marian Calfa and simultaneously a Deputy Prime Minister of the Slovak government of Milan Cic. After the first free elections (8 - 9 June 1990), when the KDH joined in a coalition with the Public Against Violence (VPN), Carnogursky was a Deputy Prime Minister in the first government of Vladimir Meciar 142 SLOV AKIA-2015 (than a nominee of the VPN), and after the split of the VPN and the fall of Meciar, he was appointed Slovak Prime Minister (April 23 , 1991). After the second free elections (5 - 6 June 1992) which Meciar's new party - the Movement for Democratic Slovakia (HZDS) won, the KDH ended in opposition . Carnogursky was the leading figure of the opposition against Meciar' s non-democratic and autocratic rule which sometimes even used criminal methods and violence against its opponents and led to the international isolation of Slovakia. Carnogursky participated in the establishment of a new party - the Slovak Democratic Coalition (SDK) led by Mikulas Dzurinda and was appointed Minister of Justice in Dzurinda's broad anti-Meciar coalition government (October 30, 1998 - October 15, 2002). Throughout this period Carnogursky was a deputy in the Slovak National Council (the Slovak Parliament) for the KDH (with the exception of the period when he was the Minister of Justice). Carnogursky ' s diary covers the period from August 27, 1994 to June 24, 2007. His notes of the events are usually short and illustrate the attitude of Slovakia towards some important international events. However, the war in Bosnia-Hercegovina and the Dayton agreement in 1995 and the bombing of Serbia by NATO in 1999 are surprisingly missing. It is difficult to say whether Carnogursky did not consider these events worthy of notice or whether they were in the diary but he decided not to publish them . Carnogursky noted his discussions with various political leaders, diplomats and church functionaries . The diary sheds some light on new and important facts about the background of important events in the history of Slovakia of the past two decades, mainly : the political struggle against the HZDS and Vladimir Meciar, the formation of a broad anti-Meciar coalition; and international problems, mainly Slovak relations with Hungary, the USA and Russia. However, from the diary we can learn more about Carnogursky's standpoints than about the events themselves. To understand the diary properly, it is not only necessary to know Slovak political history of the past twenty-five years, but also to know something about Carnogursky 's political and family backgrounds and his ideas and thinking. Carnogursky is a conservative Catholic politician who, on the one hand was active in the dissident movement and struggle against Communism, but on the other hand he has always been critical of SLOVAKIA-2015 143 American foreign policy and Western liberalism and secularism. While he criticized and opposed the policy of the former Soviet Union, after the fall of Communism Carnogursky advocated cooperation with Russia and saw Russian Orthodox Christianity as a source of spiritual revival of the western Christian world. His views, however, are not always accepted in today's Slovakia. Knowing this, it cannot surprise anyone that the diary reveals Carnogursky's opposition to Slovakia'a admittance to NATO and his friendly relations with Russia. Carnogursky ' s diary is certainly worth reading and may be useful for historians trying to understand the history of Czechoslovakia, Slovakia and of Central Europe in general in the period 1994-2007. Robert M. Zecker. Race and America 's Immigrant Press: How the Slovaks were Taught to Think Like White People. New York: Bloomsbury, 2013. 348pp. Notes, illustrations, bibliography, index. M. MARK STOLARIK University of Ottawa Robet M. Zecker claims that "This is the book I didn ' t want to write. At least not at first" (page 1). Since Zecker is of partial Slovak-American heritage, he was shocked by the racial references he found in the Slovak-American press from the l 890's to the l 940's while working on his University of Pennsylvania dissertation on the Slovak-American community in Philadelphia. After some reflection, and more research, he decided to document the rise of racism among Slovaks and Rusyns (and Eastern Europeans in general) in the United States, as reflected in their newspaper press. He felt that this side of the story had not previously been covered by scholars of Eastern European immigration to the United States of America. Zecker traced the rise of racism in the Slavic-American press to the enaction of Jim Crow laws in the American South in the l 890's and the subsequent lynching of several thousand Black-Americans. Initially, editors of ethnic newspapers were horrified by reports of lynchings in the South, but, within a decade, the horror changed to mere reporting or even agreement with the lynchings . Why? Zecker argues that Slavic-Americans, fearful of their own status as unskilled 144 SLOV AKIA-2015 laborers almost at the bottom of the social ladder, were glad that Blacks and Asians were below them still, and therefore, more inferior than themselves. Indeed, Slavic-Americans soon bought into the theory of "whiteness," whereby they (or their children) would eventually become respected members of the middle-class, which, of course, was white. Once they bought into America's racist society and its social hierarchy, Slavic Americans began to "ape the WASPS," as the expression goes. Their newspapers approvingly reproduced not only reports of lynchings of Blacks in the American South, but also advertisements that featured gross stereotypes of Blacks, which portrayed them as primitive savages. Furthermore, most Slavic-American neighborhoods, which often had Slovak Halls, Rusyn Halls, Polish Halls, etc. staged minstrel shows in the l 920's and l 930's, as did "mainstream" American neighborhood theaters. Finally, most Slavic Americans, like those who came before them, did not want Blacks to move into their neighborhoods and resisted government-led integration efforts in the 1960's and 1970's. In becoming "Americans," Slavic-Americans adopted the racist attitudes of their white predecessors. As Zecker predicted, this is a disturbing book. Most of the histories of the Southern and Eastern Europeans, who came to the United States in search of work and a better life in the l 870's to the l 920's, have focused on their slow, but steady rise on the American social ladder. Unfortunately, most historians have also ignored how these immigrants and their children had to adapt to American society by adopting the racist attitudes of their predecessors and become "white" in the process. The book suffers from only two deficiencies, perhaps caused by the publisher. The first is that the copious footnotes (pp. 253-308) appear at the back of the book, making it extremely tedious for the historian to read. The second is that Zecker did not separate his listing of periodicals from books and articles in the bibliography. It would have been instructive to discover, for instance, how many years (and which years) of Jednota, or Amerikansky russky viestnik, and other ethnic newspapers he had read. On the other hand, Zecker fulfilled very well his duties as an historian. He deeply mined the rich archival resources of the Immigration History Research Center at the University of Minnesota, the archives of the Balch Institute for Ethnic Studies at the Pennsylvania SLOV AKIA-2015 145 Historical Society in Philadelphia, the New York Public Library, and several others. Finally, Zecker read most of the important books and articles relating to immigration to North America in the last 130 years. He is to be commended for a job well-done. M . Mark Stolarik. Where is My Hom e? Slovak Immigration to North America (1870-2010) . [Immigration from Europe to North America, Vol. l] Bern : Peter Lang, 2012 . xix, 392 pp. Notes, illustrations, bibliography, index . $99.95. WILLIAM J. GALUSH Loyola University of Chicago (retired) This is an excellent overview of Slovaks in the tumultuous period from the late nineteenth century to the present, thoughtfully and engagingly portrayed through the experiences of one family. Mark Stolarik seeks to combine the personal with the general in history and succeeds admirably. The fami li al dimension benefits from numerous interviews by the author while he relies on his extensive reading and archival research on Slovak immigration for the larger narrative. The story of Slovaks, an oppresed minority within the multiethnic Dual Monarchy of Austria-Hungary, shows them seeking improvement both by departure elsewhere and striving to develop a sense of common identity in the homeland in the face of strenuous efforts by their Hungarian overlords to magyarize them . The transoceanic aspect is important and the author demonstrates enduring connections which significantly influenced the homeland. About a third of immigrants to North America returned, and as with the Poles in my own research, brought back a heightened sense of Slovak identity and a desire for a more modem lifestyle which stimulated their viII ages. Lacking the equivalent of Galicia, the Austro-Hungarian province essentially under Polish control from the late nineteenth century, Slovaks in America took on a greater role in supporting nationalism in the homeland through their fraternalbenefit societies and the Slovak League of Amerca (f. 1907). 146 SLOV AKIA-2015 The theme of Slovak nationalism infonns the narrative. The World War I agreements to create a federal Czecho-Slovakia were subverted by T. G. Masaryk and his followers. The variations among the diaspora, with the Roman Catholics being the most nationalistic, emerge clearly and the author gives a nuanced and sympathetic account of interwar patriotism and the emergence of an independent Slovakia in 1939. With reunification after 1945, Slovaks abroad were the only ones able to articulate a nationalist position. Support for the united country came mainly from a tiny leftist element and from some Lutheran Slovaks . The post-1989 era offered the opportunity for the reappearance of an independent Slovakia and Stolarik clearly rejoices at the success of the effort. The Stolariks were strivers. Some went to the United States while others remained at home, seeking through education and white collar employment to elevate their status. Imrich, father of Mark, became the city assessor of Martin and led a comfortable existence even during World War II, continuing government employment under the newly independent Slovak Republic. The defeat of their Gennan sponsors and fears of a communist Czechoslovakia prompted Imrich and his family to flee to Austria, where Mark and his siblings lived until they were able to move to Canada. The author's parents had a strong interest in education and nationalism and encouraged participation in ethnic activities in the new land . This speaks to the question of identity in the title wherein ethnic consciousness sustained a sense of self and group despite multiple changes of government and location. Family was also a major factor in making a living, with aid in getting jobs and infonnation on the new land helpful in adjustment and upward mobility. One of the most engaging aspects of the book is the use of familial anecdote to bring life to history . For example, during World War II female relatives of the author, needing to milk goats in a time of food scarcity, persuaded nearby soldiers to stop shelling so the animals would calm down! Stolarik also offers accounts of misleading meddling communist officials while his homeland relatives provided shelter, assistance and advice during his research in Slovakia. The larger narrative would benefit from greater acknowledgement of variety . The author likely overstates the general persistence of the immigrant vision of an enclosed Slovak identity in the SLOVAKIA-2015 147 second generation. In Minneapolis, with five Polish (and one Slovak) Catholic parishes, marriages at the largest Polish congregation by 1940 recorded over 50% with one non-Polish spouse, and the greater paucity of Slovaks might well have fostered such patterns there or elsewhere. In this regard Stolarik is better in the helpful comparison of American and Canadian Slovak development, noting contrasts as well as similarities and offering plausible interpretations for variety. The book is a stimulating study which will repay the attention of scholars and interesting laypersons alike.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Book Reviews, Slovakia, Vol. 42 (No. 78-79) Description An account of the resource includes:<br /><ul><li>Jan Rychlík, Magdaléna Rychlíková, Hospodářský, sociální, kulturní a politický vývoj Podkarpatské Rusi 1919-1939 (C. Winston Chrislock), p. 129</li> <li>David Doellinger, Turning Prayers into Protests: Religious-Based Activitism and its Challenge to State Power in Socialist Slovakia and East Germany (James Ramon Felak), p. 132</li> <li>James Mace Ward, Priest, Politician, Collaborator: Jozef Tiso and the Making of Fascist Slovakia (Gregory C. Ference), p. 134</li> <li>Miroslav Londák, Ekonomické reformy v Československu v 50. a 60. Rokoch 20. storočia a slovenská ekonomika (Martin Pospíšil), p. 137</li> <li>Ján Čarnogurský, Dennik, 1994-2007 (Jan Rychlík), p. 141</li> <li>Robert M. Zecker, Race and America's Immigrant Press (M. Mark Stolarik), p. 143</li> <li>M. Mark Stolarik, Where is my Home? Slovak Immigration to North America (1870-2010) (William J. Galush), p. 145</li> </ul> Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Chrislock, Winston, 1940- Felak, James Ramon, 1957- Ference, Gregory Curtis, 1957- Galush, William J. (William John), 1942- Pospíšil, Martin Rychlík, Jan Stolarik, M. Mark, 1943- Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2015 LCNAF name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/3713ef3cc29fa218ec421bdfd7454552.pdf e8b954324f7ce1bf2097ef4c3d59ab5b PDF Text Text 112 SLOVAKIA-2015 CORRUPTION IN SLOVAKIA: TIME TO RECLAIM THE STATE 1 Tom Nicholson On the way home one March night, I lost a hubcap. I heard it pop off the front right wheel of my car as I smashed into a massive pothole on the main road from Bratislava to Svaty Jur. The impact was so severe that it bent the wheel rim and punctured the tire. If my son had been present he might have learned a few new English cusswords to go with his rich Slovak collection. I didn't own a car when I first came to Slovakia in 1992, so I can't say whether there are more potholes now than then. But it seems to me there are altogether too many potholes here for a European Union member country (the closest comparison I can come to Slovak roads in the spring is Moldova, or maybe rural Cuba). And there are definitely way too many potholes - and it takes way too long to fill them in - for a country that has had twenty years to get its shit together. Sure, they have potholes in Canada (I can no longer say 'we' because I have long since transferred my allegiance to Slovak potholes). But even though the winters in the Great White North are far more severe, and Canada has about a quintillion miles more roads, potholes are infrequent, and drivers are alerted to them with a homey Canadian solicitousness - a SO-meter flashing DANGER sign, say, or a cordon of Mounties in reflecto-vests. Not here. Even on Racianska ulica, a four-lane artery into the heart of the capital, the worst holes after three weeks get a perfunctory monocle of paint, promising a pending repair in the indefinite future (that paint is the Slovak equivalent of the Mexican 'manana'). For me, Slovakia's potholes are another entry on the list of basic Slovak things that don't work as they should. It's a depressingly long list - education, health care, justice, politics (especially politics). And it provides a starting point for understanding why corruption continues to flourish in this country. 1 This is a revised and updated version ofmy original article "Je cas dat tomuto statu zmysel," in Odkial' a kam ? Dvadsat' rokov samostatnosti, ed. by Martin Butora et. al. (Bratislava: Kalligram, 2013), 281-304. �SLOV AKIA-2015 113 *** If I had been asked to write an essay about corruption in Slovakia a few years ago, I know what I would have come up with - a rogues' gallery of powerful figures who had abused other people's trust over the years to enrich themselves. But last year I was swept up in the Gori/a scandal, a political tempest that challenged my certainties and changed my life. As much as I wanted to remain detached as a journalist, I found myself speaking at public rallies and giving interviews . Suddenly, I was expected to tell people not just where corruption could be found , but how to defeat it as well. And I discovered that I actually knew very little about it. For starters, the story of corruption in Slovakia is not just one of rich people gaming the system. Corruption takes many forms and has many causes - such as that the country presents innumerable small but vexing barriers to living one's life without vexation. Some of these barriers encourage people to give small bribes (the box of chocolates for the doctor, the cash envelope for the building permit officer). Others - a plague of potholes, for example - just let everyone know that public servants could care less about serving the public interest, creating an atmosphere that indirectly encourages bribery. But none of these stories, it seems to me, answer the key question: why corruption flourishes after twenty years of independence and a decade of EU membership, six general elections and countless devastating political scandals. We now know, thanks to Gori/a, exactly what high- level corruption looks like. We see oligarchs enriching themselves, we see politicians and civil servants abusing their offices and neglecting their duties to us. And still it continues, and still the potholes proliferate. So why don't Slovaks do something about it? *** Over the past year, I've often been told how ironic it is that a foreigner had to bring the Gori/a scandal to light, as if a Slovak journalist would have done differently. This does a great disservice to the probity of my colleagues, and greatly exaggerates my own. If a foreigner can be of service here, it is perhaps to see things in a context that is not available to Slovaks, not having grown up elsewhere. �114 SLOV AKIA-2015 Now, I' ve read enough foreign descriptions of Slovak life to know how flawed this 'vision' can be, especially when delivered to foreign audiences that have no opportunity to verify its authenticity (the film Hostel comes to mind). But I'm hoping I can be an exception. As a transplanted Canadian who has spent twenty years in this country, I am still struck by the loyalty that people feel to their tribes - to family, to friends, to old classmates, to other people who come from their hometowns. These tribal bonds are what Slovaks living abroad miss most about their country . In modem Slovakia, there are still no higher loyalties. This is striking for a Canadian because our country does not run on informal networks. Sure, we have tribal loyalties, but they often divide us - there isn't much that Greek Canadians have in common with Chinese Canadians, say, or with Jamaican Canadians, except the fact that we all live in Canada. Perhaps that's why Canada has such a strong political identity: without ethnic, cultural or other natural bonds, we need it to hold us together. After all, we have few common traditions or national dishes in the sense that Slovaks have bryndzove halusky. But I'm pretty sure most Canadians could tell you what values the country stands for - tolerance, social solidarity, respect for human rights, and caring more about the rest of the world than Americans, for starters. How many Slovaks could do the same? While I'm sure people could name traits that Slovaks have as an ethnic nation - you can't live here for twenty years without hearing a thing or two about zavist or pohostinnost', for example - what about the ideals and principles their country is founded on? Slovaks can be forgiven for not having a clear idea of what values the modem Slovak state stands for. The average person, after all, was not consulted before the division of Czechoslovakia in 1993, despite repeated promises of a referendum, and probably regarded the project of an independent Slovakia as something foisted on him from above. And because he had no hand in creating the state - and in many cases probably hadn't even wanted it, or at least hadn ' t wanted it yet - it's understandable that the average person might have felt that the modem Slovak state was someone else's responsibility. Common ideals, like the Constitution, would be scripted by old, grey men behind closed doors, while Slovakia's tribes would go about their business as they always had. �SLOV AKIA-2015 115 You could say that 'the state', on Slovak territory, had always been someone else's responsibility. Magyars, Austrians, Czechs, Germans, Russians, then Czechs again . After centuries of having someone else to fill in the potholes and make sure people paid their taxes, it's understandable that Slovaks were slow to respond to the call to administer their own affairs. But everything might have worked out differently if the Slovak Republic had come into being from a statotvorny akt, by which I mean an experience that unites a people as a political nation rather than just an ethnic one. Americans had their War of Independence, the Brits had Napoleon, while early Canadians ran a cruel gauntlet of Constitutional Conferences (a punishment that continues to be imposed on Canadian history students as an object lesson in the burning sincerity of all boredom). Slovaks, meanwhile, had no birthing experience that could rival the moral, economic and civilizational value of Czechoslovakia. They had nothing to comfort or inspire them when Czechoslovakia was dismantled, beyond the sour nationalism of pubs and football matches. The way Slovakia came into the world, as a child welcomed only by nationalists and political opportunists, left a dangerous vacuum at the center of the Slovak body politic. People naturally shrank from any new duties towards a state they hadn't wanted or had a hand in creating. In doing so, they abandoned public affairs to anyone claiming to want the responsibility. And there was no shortage of applicants. Twenty years later, this vacuum is still full of dark matter, dead stars and other space junk - stuff that absorbs light rather than produces it. It is responsible for many of the ills that afflict Slovakia, among them the indifference that ordinary people feel towards their state and towards the millions of strangers who inhabit it. If I had to give this ailment a name, I would call it the "mam v pici" disease. *** Let me describe some of the symptoms of this disease. Slovaks rarely sing their national anthem at sporting events, even at important internationals in front of tens of thousands of people (compare that to British football fans or Canadian hockey fans) . People complain incessantly about corruption in politics, and according to a recent survey trust their leaders less than almost any country on earth - but few �116 SLOVAKIA-2015 are willing to even get off the couch to attend a protest rally. More than half of each secondary school graduating class intends to emigrate, rather than stay home and help fix what ails the country. Or, if you prefer a local perspective: truck drivers in my village regularly make their deliveries while blocking traffic in both directions, reasoning that they have work to do so everyone else can just wait. People shovel snow from in front of their houses into the street, apparently indifferent to the inconvenience of other drivers. Private homes are beautifully renovated and tenderly cared for, while discarded bottles and other garbage litter the edges of public streets and walkways. In the summer, even though signs claim the forest above the village is a protected area and off-limits to vehicles, motorcycles and A TVs constantly disturb the peace of man and beast. And the potholes would be a disgrace anywhere. I know that a great many objections can be raised to each example I have mentioned . Maybe Slovaks don't know the words to their national anthem; maybe it's just not a very sing-able song. And Slovakia hardly has a monopoly on apathy, selfishness and bad roads . But after twenty years in this country, I'm convinced there is something else going on here. For a country to work, it has to inspire its citizens with an idea that is bigger than themselves individually. It has to give them areason to look beyond their tribes and take an interest in public affairs. It has to give people a sense of political community, of mutual responsibility to each other as citizens. Without this sense of community, people will rarely have the confidence to resist social diseases like corruption, or to stand up for unwritten standards of public behavior. I got a taste of this in 1984 as a tipsy 17-year-old returning by train from a baseball game in Toronto. They had been giving away free bars of soap that day, and my friend and I thought it would be fun to mark up the backs of the seats in front of us. As I scrawled away, an older man behind me leaned over and told me to stop . Cowed, but still insolent, I asked why I should. "Because he told you to," said another man, and I had the feeling the entire train carriage was sharing in and approving my humiliation. As much as the public embarrassment stung at the time, the experience left a deeper impression - that in Canada, you could stand up to bullies and miscreants, and other people would have your back. �SLOVAKIA-2015 117 A decade later, in late 1992, I was sitting in the U Kuba pub in Senec with my best friend Sean Ellacott. We were both in our 20s, university graduates taking a year off to teach English in Czechoslovakia. At a nearby table were two dark-skinned men whom we wouldn't have noticed if not for the fact that they were slowly getting beaten up. Twice I had seen a young man from a party of youths come over and punch one of the dark-skinned men in the face - hard, repeatedly, drawing blood. The victim made no attempt to protect himself, and no one else seemed to pay the slightest attention. As the young puncher approached for a third round, I had had enough and grabbed him from behind by the shoulders. He wasn't big, and seemed more surprised than belligerent, so we wrestled to a standoff and he went back to his chair and I to mine. At no point did anyone else in the bar intervene in our little drama or give any sign they supported my actions. On the contrary, as the waiter brought me a brandy ordered by the battered victim, an older patron drew up a chair at our table. The men who had been attacked were Gypsies, he said, and in Slovakia one didn't help them. We should be wary of the young attacker and his friends . It didn't occur to me at the time, but as the years passed, I came to see that incident as illustrative of an important difference between Canadian and Slovak society. At home, if something similar had happened, I would have been risking much less because most patrons of the bar would have approved of what I did, and would presumably have come to my aid if the young man had put up more resistance. But in Slovakia, you are on your own in such situations. As much as other people may sympathize with you, and may be sickened by what is happening, they will rarely do anything to help a stranger in trouble (especially if the stranger is a Gypsy). It's not a matter of cowardice or indifference to another's fate - it's that people aren't sure of what they can expect from one another when the chips are down. They lack the confidence you derive from a shared community and shared values, such as that one does not suffer a weaker person to be hurt. In Slovakia, no such glue binds strangers together. No social contract exists. *** �118 SLOV AKIA-2015 Again, it's hopelessly anecdotal, but I came to believe that I learned something fundamental about Slovaks in U Kuba that day in 1992. Confronted with an obnoxious teenager on a train, people will tend to look out the window rather than intervene, even if they are no fonder of public vandalism or casual violence than Canadians. The problem is that such incidents leave you with a horrible feeling inside if you don 't do anything. Whether you like it or not, you are involved, and looking out the window causes your soul to ache in a way that no punch on the nose can. Is it the same with corruption? Are we all like passengers on a train, every day witnessing gross misconduct by strangers and yet somehow failing to protest? Hating the offenders, but hating ourselves as well for looking out the window? For me, this is as good an explanation as any . Think back for a minute on the modem history of corruption in Slovakia: First came authoritarian PM Vladimir Meciar, who was captain of the ship when Czechoslovakia went down. Deciding not to risk a referendum on Slovak independence, Meciar soon revealed his hand. Everything revolved around privatization, around the use of public assets to create a "domestic capital group" that was politically loyal to the prime minister and his HZDS party . As we were later told by Stefan Gavomik, head of the FNM privatization agency, every Wednesday the Meciar government met privately to decide who would be allowed to buy what companies (Monday's regular cabinet meetings were devoted to public matters). Most sales were announced only after they had happened, leaving the media scrambling to find out who really stood behind "white horse" purchasers. In many instances, the purchase price was only a fraction of the real worth of the shares (onesixth, in the case of gas storage company Nafta Gbely, for instance). And even then, agreed purchase prices were often spread over many years, or could be paid in the form of unverifiable ' investments' into the privatized company. Information on privatization was closely guarded, none more so than by the secret service, whose director, Ivan Lexa, had been Meciar's first choice as privatization minister before President Michal Kovac refused to appoint him to the post. Understandably, privatization was a major campaign issue in the 1998 elections, which proved so crucial to Slovakia's future direction as a country. Mikulas Dzurinda, who defeated Meciar, promised that his government would go after malefactors, and ministers in the �SLOV AKIA-2015 119 first Dzurinda government began compiling 'black books' of misdeeds by their predecessors. And then - silence. The new leadership of the FNM, we were told, had realized there was little point in launching some 700 legal challenges to past privatization deals victory would take many years and countless man-hours, it was far from certain that the courts would side with the government, while the fall-out in terms of social unrest and damage to the principle of legal certainty might be severe. And so the first Dzurinda government reached 'an accommodation' with Meciar's privatizers, allowing almost all of them to keep their assets. Knowledge of human nature tells us that this detente must have been built on payoffs by privatizers to the new stewards of state property. Regardless, the Dzurinda administration soon had privatization scandals of its own, including some involving ' financial groups' that had arisen at the end of the 1990s. While these groups featured a few names from the past - the son of a Meciar-era state bank chief (Patrik Tkcic), for example, or the last boss of the Communist-era secret police (Aloiz Lorenz) - on the whole they were far more sophisticated than Meciar's crude privatizers, and invested far more in public relations. When these groups bought state assets for suspiciously little money, stripped them down and achieved enormous profits - Penta group boss Jaroslav Hascak once said he wouldn't look at a deal that did not yield at least a 30 percent annual return on investment - they were actually bringing efficiency to the business environment, we were told. Their partnership with the first and second Dzurinda administrations was so close that, according to leaked cables from the US embassy in Bratislava, they helped draft legislation and bribed MPs to pass it (which is the very definition of 'state capture '). And when the second Dzurinda government fell in 2005, leaving undone some key privatization deals, Penta financed the purchase of a new parliamentary majority from independent MPs. Meanwhile, a professed social democrat named Robert Fico was waiting in the wings . Fico's Smer party was reportedly sponsored by people who had become rich under Meciar, and who had changed horses following his defeat in 1998 after realizing that the authoritarian former PM would never again lead a government. Fico finally came to power in 2006 by criticizing insensitive economic reforms and corruption under Dzurinda. But again, no further action was tak- �120 SLOV AKIA-2015 en against the alleged malefactors, while Fico himself battled charges of massive corruption in public procurement to the benefit of his alleged sponsors. And so it went, through another change in government in 2010, and back to Fico two years later. At the end of December in 2011 , on one of the darkest days of the year, a file was uploaded to the Internet containing transcripts of conversations that took place in a Bratislava apartment in 2006 . Dubbed "the Gorilla file," the document was the result of a secret service surveillance operation that had monitored meetings between top government officials and politicians on the one hand, and Hascak of Penta on the other. The transcripts suggested that financial groups were not only benefiting from privatization decisions but in some cases were also helping to make them; that they had managed to have their own employees named to key state posts; and that they used a sophisticated system of bribery and kickbacks to get what they wanted from public servants. The Gorilla file also revealed that incumbent officials had refused to aid police investigations of their predecessors, a practice in keeping with what Interior Minister Daniel Lipsie described as an "unspoken agreement" among the political elite that no one important would ever go to jail in Slovakia. When I first read the Gorilla file over five years ago, I was struck not just by the extent of the corruption, but also by how well organized it was, how brisk and businesslike. Now I am more amazed at the lack of public response - for all the anger and disgust people felt on reading the Gorilla file , for all the suspicions confirmed and then exceeded, the largest public demonstration at the height of the Gorilla scandal in February 2012 still only drew a few thousand people to SNP Square in Bratislava. What was everyone else doing? *** All that is necessary for evil to succeed is for good people to do nothing, the saying goes, and the modem history of Slovakia is as good a case as any . So what will it take to get people to act? I am confident the problem is not one of indifference. A book I wrote in 2012 on the Gorilla case sold over 50,000 copies, a record for nonfiction in this country, which is a pretty reliable sign that people wanted to know about it. And having met with thousands of people around Slovakia over the past two years, I know that they are still �SLOVAKIA-2015 121 angry and upset. But for some reason all that emotion remains bottled up . One popular and very persuasive explanation goes as follows: the reason that Slovaks don't respond more vigorously to corruption is that most people, if they had the opportunity, would behave exactly the same as the main actors in the Gorilla file. Lacking that opportunity, most people are just as likely to be corrupt in their daily lives. Corruption may be technically illegal in Slovakia, but it is far from clear that it violates the informal rules that govern how Slovak society actually works. On the surface this argument makes sense, but upon examination it has important flaws . I have taught at a dozen Slovak postsecondary schools over the past twenty years (currently I teach at five). I have always had problems with cheating and plagiarism in my courses, despite the fact that in the first lesson I always warn my students against it (even this year, I had to fail seven out of twentyeight students in an investigative journalism course because they plagiarized their term papers). So yes, I would say students here cheat more than they do in Canada. In trying to get Slovak students to stop cheating, however, I have never had the support of a single school administratr beyond the obligatory verbal commitments. Once, in 2009, a student submitted as his term paper a 500-word article that had been published in the SME newspaper that I worked for at the time. He hadn't bothered to do more than change the font, perhaps believing that as the brother of a Slovak film producer he didn't need to break a sweat. A couple of queries established that he had done the same to other course instructors. But even a joint submission before the disciplinary commission failed to produce more than a promise to supervise the student's future work. A few years ago I had a chance to ask a student and a university professor about plagiarism over a few beers. The student admitted that she and many of her peers did it, but asked why they should behave differently given that their teachers never read their papers. Why make the effort, if no one cares one way or another? For his part, the professor admitted that full-time teaching duties at three different universities - a load he had to carry in order to support his family - left him with no time to do more than make sure students met the formal requirements to hand in an essay and attend class. No �122 SLOV AKIA-2015 time, that is, to actually read anything beyond exam papers and dissertation theses. I'm convinced that while it may appear that ordinary Slovaks are as corrupt as their political and economic leaders, their corruption has different roots. It springs from the fact that basic things don ' t work in this country, which turns 'low-level' corruption into a coping mechanism. Rather than waste three hours at the doctor's office, or risk an indifferent diagnosis or treatment, people go through informal, tribal channels to get what they need . Rather than spend several hours at a police station to get a car registered, they may give a cop friend twenty euros to speed things up. Rather than spend two weeks on a school assignment that will end up in the waste bin, unread, they copy and paste from Wikipedia . 'High-level' corruption, on the other hand, is not a coping mechanism. It is a strategy to capture the state, to hijack democratic mechanisms for personal gain. It is not the result of a malfunctioning public sector; it is the direct cause of it. Clearly, if the Slovak state could be rescued from the hijackers, several things would happen. First, ordinary people would have fewer reasons to cheat or offer bribes, because basic services would improve. Without the massive financial drain of systemic corruption, teachers and medical staff could be paid more; free from its captors, the state and its servants could once again serve the public interest, including making sure that teachers and doctors did their (now better-paid) jobs properly. There would be more money for fixing potholes and building better roads, and more pressure on civil servants to provide them . The garbage littering public spaces, in a figurative sense, would be cleaned up, improving everyone's mood and challenging the belief that "things don't work" in Slovakia. In other words - if we could fix high-level corruption, we would at the same time be eliminating the largest cause of low-level corruption. Easier said than done, of course. But perhaps not impossible. *** One thing you learn from reading about successful anticorruption fights around the world is that there is no magic formula. Successful strategies do have common elements, however: they engage the widest possible spectrum of society by giving people small, �SLOVAKIA-2015 123 non-confrontational tasks that allow them to participate without fear of sanction. In Slovakia, if the objective is to retake the state from the oligarchs who captured it, the battle will have to be fought on several fronts. First, we need to create a community of people united by other than ethnic or tribal loyalties; one that is united by shared beliefs, such as that the Slovak state belongs to its people. Building this community requires more than just putting people in touch with each other, however. It requires a statotvorny akt of the kind that was lacking before 1993 . Then, we have to offer this community small but tangible acts of resistance that they can perform. We have to enable them to recapture their state through a kind of guerilla warfare, which while peaceful must be fought on multiple fronts at the same time. After Slovakia's gold medal victory in 2002 at the World Hockey Championships in Sweden, it did indeed seem, as sociologist Sona Szomolanyi claimed, that in the ensuing celebration we were witnessing the birth of the modem Slovak nation. People were finally assembling on city squares for reasons other than political protest; the winning team had a multi-ethnic roster; and team captain Miroslav Satan was even scolding politicians for betraying the interests of the nation : "this is what we can achieve when we play as a team," he said during a parliamentary address. How brief and how shallow that moment of triumph now seems. A hockey championship could never have triggered the birth of the modem Slovak nation because the brilliant play of the hockey team was in such stark contrast to the dysfunction of the rest of the country. Calling it a statotvorny moment was thus merely wishful thinking; in reality, states arise when a critical mass of people agrees that they need it, want it and can run it themselves. This year, the 25 th anniversary of the end of Communism, we are officially too old for wishful thinking. We know now that our state has been kidnapped and is being used by wealthy men hidden from our sight. We lack a community of like-minded people to oppose them, and to take their state back. Can one be created, before this second coming of normalizacia entrenches the oligarchs in power for a generation to come? This is the challenge facing all third-sector (non-profit) actors whose focus is on corruption and public activism. One thing we have �124 SLOVAKIA-2015 learned is that people need to be better informed - it is not enough to simply expect that they will be able to decipher politics from the occasional evening news broadcast or from their morning tabloids. They must be shown how power is used in this country - how politics really works. They need - and incredibly, still do not have - a history of the past twenty years that puts all the scandals and the disappointments and the betrayals in a context that will help voters make better choices at election time. Above all, they need to be connected to each other. Everyone who despairs at the state of Slovakia and wants to do something about it needs to feel part of a community of likeminded strangers. Only then will they be able to overcome the apathy that they feel as individuals. Shortly after the 2012 elections I founded a civic association, Pod povrchom, that aims to do these things - educate people about politics and public affairs, and provide an Internet platform for them to associate with each other. Through regular meetings with secondary school and university students (sixty-two schools so far), we are slowly building up a database of contacts to people who are concerned about corruption and want to do something about it (over 2,000 to date). We have also set up a Center for Independent Journalism that publishes investigative articles and provides training and mentoring for young would-be journalists. But as the months go by, it has become clear to me that the people leading the fight against corruption - NGOs, journalists, political activists - must themselves unite if we can hope to create a strong and lasting community of concerned Slovaks. Because on the other side of the barriers, the process of state capture is accelerating, not only in politics but everywhere that society remains open and independent. In a development that would have been inconceivable at the height of the Gorilla demonstrations, the giant holding company Penta and its managing partner Jaroslav Hascak have rolled out an aggressive strategy to buy up over half a dozen Slovak TV, online and print media assets. In early September of 2014 he announced the capture of the tabloid publisher 7 Plus (which gives him the mostread weekly Plus 7 dni and the second-most read daily Plus 1 den), as well as of the respected business weekly Trend. Later in the month Hascak admitted he had bid for a controlling share in Petit Press, �SLOV AKIA-2015 125 publisher of over thirty titles including the iconic and feisty Sme broadsheet, which remains a symbol of journalistic independence. If his bid is accepted - and at the time of writing this essay there was nothing standing in his way - the Sme newsroom and management will be gutted, which was perhaps Hascak:' s true purpose in buying the paper in the first place. After all, it was Petit Press that published my book on the Gorilla scandal - and Petit Press that Penta sued, unsuccessfully, to keep the book off the shelves. �� 112 SLOVAKIA-2015 CORRUPTION IN SLOVAKIA: TIME TO RECLAIM THE STATE 1 Tom Nicholson On the way home one March night, I lost a hubcap. I heard it pop off the front right wheel of my car as I smashed into a massive pothole on the main road from Bratislava to Svaty Jur. The impact was so severe that it bent the wheel rim and punctured the tire. If my son had been present he might have learned a few new English cusswords to go with his rich Slovak collection. I didn't own a car when I first came to Slovakia in 1992, so I can't say whether there are more potholes now than then. But it seems to me there are altogether too many potholes here for a European Union member country (the closest comparison I can come to Slovak roads in the spring is Moldova, or maybe rural Cuba). And there are definitely way too many potholes - and it takes way too long to fill them in - for a country that has had twenty years to get its shit together. Sure, they have potholes in Canada (I can no longer say 'we' because I have long since transferred my allegiance to Slovak potholes). But even though the winters in the Great White North are far more severe, and Canada has about a quintillion miles more roads, potholes are infrequent, and drivers are alerted to them with a homey Canadian solicitousness - a SO-meter flashing DANGER sign, say, or a cordon of Mounties in reflecto-vests. Not here. Even on Racianska ulica, a four-lane artery into the heart of the capital, the worst holes after three weeks get a perfunctory monocle of paint, promising a pending repair in the indefinite future (that paint is the Slovak equivalent of the Mexican 'manana'). For me, Slovakia's potholes are another entry on the list of basic Slovak things that don't work as they should. It's a depressingly long list - education, health care, justice, politics (especially politics). And it provides a starting point for understanding why corruption continues to flourish in this country. 1 This is a revised and updated version ofmy original article "Je cas dat tomuto statu zmysel," in Odkial' a kam ? Dvadsat' rokov samostatnosti, ed. by Martin Butora et. al. (Bratislava: Kalligram, 2013), 281-304. �SLOV AKIA-2015 113 *** If I had been asked to write an essay about corruption in Slovakia a few years ago, I know what I would have come up with - a rogues' gallery of powerful figures who had abused other people's trust over the years to enrich themselves. But last year I was swept up in the Gori/a scandal, a political tempest that challenged my certainties and changed my life. As much as I wanted to remain detached as a journalist, I found myself speaking at public rallies and giving interviews . Suddenly, I was expected to tell people not just where corruption could be found , but how to defeat it as well. And I discovered that I actually knew very little about it. For starters, the story of corruption in Slovakia is not just one of rich people gaming the system. Corruption takes many forms and has many causes - such as that the country presents innumerable small but vexing barriers to living one's life without vexation. Some of these barriers encourage people to give small bribes (the box of chocolates for the doctor, the cash envelope for the building permit officer). Others - a plague of potholes, for example - just let everyone know that public servants could care less about serving the public interest, creating an atmosphere that indirectly encourages bribery. But none of these stories, it seems to me, answer the key question: why corruption flourishes after twenty years of independence and a decade of EU membership, six general elections and countless devastating political scandals. We now know, thanks to Gori/a, exactly what high- level corruption looks like. We see oligarchs enriching themselves, we see politicians and civil servants abusing their offices and neglecting their duties to us. And still it continues, and still the potholes proliferate. So why don't Slovaks do something about it? *** Over the past year, I've often been told how ironic it is that a foreigner had to bring the Gori/a scandal to light, as if a Slovak journalist would have done differently. This does a great disservice to the probity of my colleagues, and greatly exaggerates my own. If a foreigner can be of service here, it is perhaps to see things in a context that is not available to Slovaks, not having grown up elsewhere. �114 SLOV AKIA-2015 Now, I' ve read enough foreign descriptions of Slovak life to know how flawed this 'vision' can be, especially when delivered to foreign audiences that have no opportunity to verify its authenticity (the film Hostel comes to mind). But I'm hoping I can be an exception. As a transplanted Canadian who has spent twenty years in this country, I am still struck by the loyalty that people feel to their tribes - to family, to friends, to old classmates, to other people who come from their hometowns. These tribal bonds are what Slovaks living abroad miss most about their country . In modem Slovakia, there are still no higher loyalties. This is striking for a Canadian because our country does not run on informal networks. Sure, we have tribal loyalties, but they often divide us - there isn't much that Greek Canadians have in common with Chinese Canadians, say, or with Jamaican Canadians, except the fact that we all live in Canada. Perhaps that's why Canada has such a strong political identity: without ethnic, cultural or other natural bonds, we need it to hold us together. After all, we have few common traditions or national dishes in the sense that Slovaks have bryndzove halusky. But I'm pretty sure most Canadians could tell you what values the country stands for - tolerance, social solidarity, respect for human rights, and caring more about the rest of the world than Americans, for starters. How many Slovaks could do the same? While I'm sure people could name traits that Slovaks have as an ethnic nation - you can't live here for twenty years without hearing a thing or two about zavist or pohostinnost', for example - what about the ideals and principles their country is founded on? Slovaks can be forgiven for not having a clear idea of what values the modem Slovak state stands for. The average person, after all, was not consulted before the division of Czechoslovakia in 1993, despite repeated promises of a referendum, and probably regarded the project of an independent Slovakia as something foisted on him from above. And because he had no hand in creating the state - and in many cases probably hadn't even wanted it, or at least hadn ' t wanted it yet - it's understandable that the average person might have felt that the modem Slovak state was someone else's responsibility. Common ideals, like the Constitution, would be scripted by old, grey men behind closed doors, while Slovakia's tribes would go about their business as they always had. �SLOV AKIA-2015 115 You could say that 'the state', on Slovak territory, had always been someone else's responsibility. Magyars, Austrians, Czechs, Germans, Russians, then Czechs again . After centuries of having someone else to fill in the potholes and make sure people paid their taxes, it's understandable that Slovaks were slow to respond to the call to administer their own affairs. But everything might have worked out differently if the Slovak Republic had come into being from a statotvorny akt, by which I mean an experience that unites a people as a political nation rather than just an ethnic one. Americans had their War of Independence, the Brits had Napoleon, while early Canadians ran a cruel gauntlet of Constitutional Conferences (a punishment that continues to be imposed on Canadian history students as an object lesson in the burning sincerity of all boredom). Slovaks, meanwhile, had no birthing experience that could rival the moral, economic and civilizational value of Czechoslovakia. They had nothing to comfort or inspire them when Czechoslovakia was dismantled, beyond the sour nationalism of pubs and football matches. The way Slovakia came into the world, as a child welcomed only by nationalists and political opportunists, left a dangerous vacuum at the center of the Slovak body politic. People naturally shrank from any new duties towards a state they hadn't wanted or had a hand in creating. In doing so, they abandoned public affairs to anyone claiming to want the responsibility. And there was no shortage of applicants. Twenty years later, this vacuum is still full of dark matter, dead stars and other space junk - stuff that absorbs light rather than produces it. It is responsible for many of the ills that afflict Slovakia, among them the indifference that ordinary people feel towards their state and towards the millions of strangers who inhabit it. If I had to give this ailment a name, I would call it the "mam v pici" disease. *** Let me describe some of the symptoms of this disease. Slovaks rarely sing their national anthem at sporting events, even at important internationals in front of tens of thousands of people (compare that to British football fans or Canadian hockey fans) . People complain incessantly about corruption in politics, and according to a recent survey trust their leaders less than almost any country on earth - but few �116 SLOVAKIA-2015 are willing to even get off the couch to attend a protest rally. More than half of each secondary school graduating class intends to emigrate, rather than stay home and help fix what ails the country. Or, if you prefer a local perspective: truck drivers in my village regularly make their deliveries while blocking traffic in both directions, reasoning that they have work to do so everyone else can just wait. People shovel snow from in front of their houses into the street, apparently indifferent to the inconvenience of other drivers. Private homes are beautifully renovated and tenderly cared for, while discarded bottles and other garbage litter the edges of public streets and walkways. In the summer, even though signs claim the forest above the village is a protected area and off-limits to vehicles, motorcycles and A TVs constantly disturb the peace of man and beast. And the potholes would be a disgrace anywhere. I know that a great many objections can be raised to each example I have mentioned . Maybe Slovaks don't know the words to their national anthem; maybe it's just not a very sing-able song. And Slovakia hardly has a monopoly on apathy, selfishness and bad roads . But after twenty years in this country, I'm convinced there is something else going on here. For a country to work, it has to inspire its citizens with an idea that is bigger than themselves individually. It has to give them areason to look beyond their tribes and take an interest in public affairs. It has to give people a sense of political community, of mutual responsibility to each other as citizens. Without this sense of community, people will rarely have the confidence to resist social diseases like corruption, or to stand up for unwritten standards of public behavior. I got a taste of this in 1984 as a tipsy 17-year-old returning by train from a baseball game in Toronto. They had been giving away free bars of soap that day, and my friend and I thought it would be fun to mark up the backs of the seats in front of us. As I scrawled away, an older man behind me leaned over and told me to stop . Cowed, but still insolent, I asked why I should. "Because he told you to," said another man, and I had the feeling the entire train carriage was sharing in and approving my humiliation. As much as the public embarrassment stung at the time, the experience left a deeper impression - that in Canada, you could stand up to bullies and miscreants, and other people would have your back. �SLOVAKIA-2015 117 A decade later, in late 1992, I was sitting in the U Kuba pub in Senec with my best friend Sean Ellacott. We were both in our 20s, university graduates taking a year off to teach English in Czechoslovakia. At a nearby table were two dark-skinned men whom we wouldn't have noticed if not for the fact that they were slowly getting beaten up. Twice I had seen a young man from a party of youths come over and punch one of the dark-skinned men in the face - hard, repeatedly, drawing blood. The victim made no attempt to protect himself, and no one else seemed to pay the slightest attention. As the young puncher approached for a third round, I had had enough and grabbed him from behind by the shoulders. He wasn't big, and seemed more surprised than belligerent, so we wrestled to a standoff and he went back to his chair and I to mine. At no point did anyone else in the bar intervene in our little drama or give any sign they supported my actions. On the contrary, as the waiter brought me a brandy ordered by the battered victim, an older patron drew up a chair at our table. The men who had been attacked were Gypsies, he said, and in Slovakia one didn't help them. We should be wary of the young attacker and his friends . It didn't occur to me at the time, but as the years passed, I came to see that incident as illustrative of an important difference between Canadian and Slovak society. At home, if something similar had happened, I would have been risking much less because most patrons of the bar would have approved of what I did, and would presumably have come to my aid if the young man had put up more resistance. But in Slovakia, you are on your own in such situations. As much as other people may sympathize with you, and may be sickened by what is happening, they will rarely do anything to help a stranger in trouble (especially if the stranger is a Gypsy). It's not a matter of cowardice or indifference to another's fate - it's that people aren't sure of what they can expect from one another when the chips are down. They lack the confidence you derive from a shared community and shared values, such as that one does not suffer a weaker person to be hurt. In Slovakia, no such glue binds strangers together. No social contract exists. *** �118 SLOV AKIA-2015 Again, it's hopelessly anecdotal, but I came to believe that I learned something fundamental about Slovaks in U Kuba that day in 1992. Confronted with an obnoxious teenager on a train, people will tend to look out the window rather than intervene, even if they are no fonder of public vandalism or casual violence than Canadians. The problem is that such incidents leave you with a horrible feeling inside if you don 't do anything. Whether you like it or not, you are involved, and looking out the window causes your soul to ache in a way that no punch on the nose can. Is it the same with corruption? Are we all like passengers on a train, every day witnessing gross misconduct by strangers and yet somehow failing to protest? Hating the offenders, but hating ourselves as well for looking out the window? For me, this is as good an explanation as any . Think back for a minute on the modem history of corruption in Slovakia: First came authoritarian PM Vladimir Meciar, who was captain of the ship when Czechoslovakia went down. Deciding not to risk a referendum on Slovak independence, Meciar soon revealed his hand. Everything revolved around privatization, around the use of public assets to create a "domestic capital group" that was politically loyal to the prime minister and his HZDS party . As we were later told by Stefan Gavomik, head of the FNM privatization agency, every Wednesday the Meciar government met privately to decide who would be allowed to buy what companies (Monday's regular cabinet meetings were devoted to public matters). Most sales were announced only after they had happened, leaving the media scrambling to find out who really stood behind "white horse" purchasers. In many instances, the purchase price was only a fraction of the real worth of the shares (onesixth, in the case of gas storage company Nafta Gbely, for instance). And even then, agreed purchase prices were often spread over many years, or could be paid in the form of unverifiable ' investments' into the privatized company. Information on privatization was closely guarded, none more so than by the secret service, whose director, Ivan Lexa, had been Meciar's first choice as privatization minister before President Michal Kovac refused to appoint him to the post. Understandably, privatization was a major campaign issue in the 1998 elections, which proved so crucial to Slovakia's future direction as a country. Mikulas Dzurinda, who defeated Meciar, promised that his government would go after malefactors, and ministers in the �SLOV AKIA-2015 119 first Dzurinda government began compiling 'black books' of misdeeds by their predecessors. And then - silence. The new leadership of the FNM, we were told, had realized there was little point in launching some 700 legal challenges to past privatization deals victory would take many years and countless man-hours, it was far from certain that the courts would side with the government, while the fall-out in terms of social unrest and damage to the principle of legal certainty might be severe. And so the first Dzurinda government reached 'an accommodation' with Meciar's privatizers, allowing almost all of them to keep their assets. Knowledge of human nature tells us that this detente must have been built on payoffs by privatizers to the new stewards of state property. Regardless, the Dzurinda administration soon had privatization scandals of its own, including some involving ' financial groups' that had arisen at the end of the 1990s. While these groups featured a few names from the past - the son of a Meciar-era state bank chief (Patrik Tkcic), for example, or the last boss of the Communist-era secret police (Aloiz Lorenz) - on the whole they were far more sophisticated than Meciar's crude privatizers, and invested far more in public relations. When these groups bought state assets for suspiciously little money, stripped them down and achieved enormous profits - Penta group boss Jaroslav Hascak once said he wouldn't look at a deal that did not yield at least a 30 percent annual return on investment - they were actually bringing efficiency to the business environment, we were told. Their partnership with the first and second Dzurinda administrations was so close that, according to leaked cables from the US embassy in Bratislava, they helped draft legislation and bribed MPs to pass it (which is the very definition of 'state capture '). And when the second Dzurinda government fell in 2005, leaving undone some key privatization deals, Penta financed the purchase of a new parliamentary majority from independent MPs. Meanwhile, a professed social democrat named Robert Fico was waiting in the wings . Fico's Smer party was reportedly sponsored by people who had become rich under Meciar, and who had changed horses following his defeat in 1998 after realizing that the authoritarian former PM would never again lead a government. Fico finally came to power in 2006 by criticizing insensitive economic reforms and corruption under Dzurinda. But again, no further action was tak- �120 SLOV AKIA-2015 en against the alleged malefactors, while Fico himself battled charges of massive corruption in public procurement to the benefit of his alleged sponsors. And so it went, through another change in government in 2010, and back to Fico two years later. At the end of December in 2011 , on one of the darkest days of the year, a file was uploaded to the Internet containing transcripts of conversations that took place in a Bratislava apartment in 2006 . Dubbed "the Gorilla file," the document was the result of a secret service surveillance operation that had monitored meetings between top government officials and politicians on the one hand, and Hascak of Penta on the other. The transcripts suggested that financial groups were not only benefiting from privatization decisions but in some cases were also helping to make them; that they had managed to have their own employees named to key state posts; and that they used a sophisticated system of bribery and kickbacks to get what they wanted from public servants. The Gorilla file also revealed that incumbent officials had refused to aid police investigations of their predecessors, a practice in keeping with what Interior Minister Daniel Lipsie described as an "unspoken agreement" among the political elite that no one important would ever go to jail in Slovakia. When I first read the Gorilla file over five years ago, I was struck not just by the extent of the corruption, but also by how well organized it was, how brisk and businesslike. Now I am more amazed at the lack of public response - for all the anger and disgust people felt on reading the Gorilla file , for all the suspicions confirmed and then exceeded, the largest public demonstration at the height of the Gorilla scandal in February 2012 still only drew a few thousand people to SNP Square in Bratislava. What was everyone else doing? *** All that is necessary for evil to succeed is for good people to do nothing, the saying goes, and the modem history of Slovakia is as good a case as any . So what will it take to get people to act? I am confident the problem is not one of indifference. A book I wrote in 2012 on the Gorilla case sold over 50,000 copies, a record for nonfiction in this country, which is a pretty reliable sign that people wanted to know about it. And having met with thousands of people around Slovakia over the past two years, I know that they are still �SLOVAKIA-2015 121 angry and upset. But for some reason all that emotion remains bottled up . One popular and very persuasive explanation goes as follows: the reason that Slovaks don't respond more vigorously to corruption is that most people, if they had the opportunity, would behave exactly the same as the main actors in the Gorilla file. Lacking that opportunity, most people are just as likely to be corrupt in their daily lives. Corruption may be technically illegal in Slovakia, but it is far from clear that it violates the informal rules that govern how Slovak society actually works. On the surface this argument makes sense, but upon examination it has important flaws . I have taught at a dozen Slovak postsecondary schools over the past twenty years (currently I teach at five). I have always had problems with cheating and plagiarism in my courses, despite the fact that in the first lesson I always warn my students against it (even this year, I had to fail seven out of twentyeight students in an investigative journalism course because they plagiarized their term papers). So yes, I would say students here cheat more than they do in Canada. In trying to get Slovak students to stop cheating, however, I have never had the support of a single school administratr beyond the obligatory verbal commitments. Once, in 2009, a student submitted as his term paper a 500-word article that had been published in the SME newspaper that I worked for at the time. He hadn't bothered to do more than change the font, perhaps believing that as the brother of a Slovak film producer he didn't need to break a sweat. A couple of queries established that he had done the same to other course instructors. But even a joint submission before the disciplinary commission failed to produce more than a promise to supervise the student's future work. A few years ago I had a chance to ask a student and a university professor about plagiarism over a few beers. The student admitted that she and many of her peers did it, but asked why they should behave differently given that their teachers never read their papers. Why make the effort, if no one cares one way or another? For his part, the professor admitted that full-time teaching duties at three different universities - a load he had to carry in order to support his family - left him with no time to do more than make sure students met the formal requirements to hand in an essay and attend class. No �122 SLOV AKIA-2015 time, that is, to actually read anything beyond exam papers and dissertation theses. I'm convinced that while it may appear that ordinary Slovaks are as corrupt as their political and economic leaders, their corruption has different roots. It springs from the fact that basic things don ' t work in this country, which turns 'low-level' corruption into a coping mechanism. Rather than waste three hours at the doctor's office, or risk an indifferent diagnosis or treatment, people go through informal, tribal channels to get what they need . Rather than spend several hours at a police station to get a car registered, they may give a cop friend twenty euros to speed things up. Rather than spend two weeks on a school assignment that will end up in the waste bin, unread, they copy and paste from Wikipedia . 'High-level' corruption, on the other hand, is not a coping mechanism. It is a strategy to capture the state, to hijack democratic mechanisms for personal gain. It is not the result of a malfunctioning public sector; it is the direct cause of it. Clearly, if the Slovak state could be rescued from the hijackers, several things would happen. First, ordinary people would have fewer reasons to cheat or offer bribes, because basic services would improve. Without the massive financial drain of systemic corruption, teachers and medical staff could be paid more; free from its captors, the state and its servants could once again serve the public interest, including making sure that teachers and doctors did their (now better-paid) jobs properly. There would be more money for fixing potholes and building better roads, and more pressure on civil servants to provide them . The garbage littering public spaces, in a figurative sense, would be cleaned up, improving everyone's mood and challenging the belief that "things don't work" in Slovakia. In other words - if we could fix high-level corruption, we would at the same time be eliminating the largest cause of low-level corruption. Easier said than done, of course. But perhaps not impossible. *** One thing you learn from reading about successful anticorruption fights around the world is that there is no magic formula. Successful strategies do have common elements, however: they engage the widest possible spectrum of society by giving people small, �SLOVAKIA-2015 123 non-confrontational tasks that allow them to participate without fear of sanction. In Slovakia, if the objective is to retake the state from the oligarchs who captured it, the battle will have to be fought on several fronts. First, we need to create a community of people united by other than ethnic or tribal loyalties; one that is united by shared beliefs, such as that the Slovak state belongs to its people. Building this community requires more than just putting people in touch with each other, however. It requires a statotvorny akt of the kind that was lacking before 1993 . Then, we have to offer this community small but tangible acts of resistance that they can perform. We have to enable them to recapture their state through a kind of guerilla warfare, which while peaceful must be fought on multiple fronts at the same time. After Slovakia's gold medal victory in 2002 at the World Hockey Championships in Sweden, it did indeed seem, as sociologist Sona Szomolanyi claimed, that in the ensuing celebration we were witnessing the birth of the modem Slovak nation. People were finally assembling on city squares for reasons other than political protest; the winning team had a multi-ethnic roster; and team captain Miroslav Satan was even scolding politicians for betraying the interests of the nation : "this is what we can achieve when we play as a team," he said during a parliamentary address. How brief and how shallow that moment of triumph now seems. A hockey championship could never have triggered the birth of the modem Slovak nation because the brilliant play of the hockey team was in such stark contrast to the dysfunction of the rest of the country. Calling it a statotvorny moment was thus merely wishful thinking; in reality, states arise when a critical mass of people agrees that they need it, want it and can run it themselves. This year, the 25 th anniversary of the end of Communism, we are officially too old for wishful thinking. We know now that our state has been kidnapped and is being used by wealthy men hidden from our sight. We lack a community of like-minded people to oppose them, and to take their state back. Can one be created, before this second coming of normalizacia entrenches the oligarchs in power for a generation to come? This is the challenge facing all third-sector (non-profit) actors whose focus is on corruption and public activism. One thing we have �124 SLOVAKIA-2015 learned is that people need to be better informed - it is not enough to simply expect that they will be able to decipher politics from the occasional evening news broadcast or from their morning tabloids. They must be shown how power is used in this country - how politics really works. They need - and incredibly, still do not have - a history of the past twenty years that puts all the scandals and the disappointments and the betrayals in a context that will help voters make better choices at election time. Above all, they need to be connected to each other. Everyone who despairs at the state of Slovakia and wants to do something about it needs to feel part of a community of likeminded strangers. Only then will they be able to overcome the apathy that they feel as individuals. Shortly after the 2012 elections I founded a civic association, Pod povrchom, that aims to do these things - educate people about politics and public affairs, and provide an Internet platform for them to associate with each other. Through regular meetings with secondary school and university students (sixty-two schools so far), we are slowly building up a database of contacts to people who are concerned about corruption and want to do something about it (over 2,000 to date). We have also set up a Center for Independent Journalism that publishes investigative articles and provides training and mentoring for young would-be journalists. But as the months go by, it has become clear to me that the people leading the fight against corruption - NGOs, journalists, political activists - must themselves unite if we can hope to create a strong and lasting community of concerned Slovaks. Because on the other side of the barriers, the process of state capture is accelerating, not only in politics but everywhere that society remains open and independent. In a development that would have been inconceivable at the height of the Gorilla demonstrations, the giant holding company Penta and its managing partner Jaroslav Hascak have rolled out an aggressive strategy to buy up over half a dozen Slovak TV, online and print media assets. In early September of 2014 he announced the capture of the tabloid publisher 7 Plus (which gives him the mostread weekly Plus 7 dni and the second-most read daily Plus 1 den), as well as of the respected business weekly Trend. Later in the month Hascak admitted he had bid for a controlling share in Petit Press, �SLOV AKIA-2015 125 publisher of over thirty titles including the iconic and feisty Sme broadsheet, which remains a symbol of journalistic independence. If his bid is accepted - and at the time of writing this essay there was nothing standing in his way - the Sme newsroom and management will be gutted, which was perhaps Hascak:' s true purpose in buying the paper in the first place. After all, it was Petit Press that published my book on the Gorilla scandal - and Petit Press that Penta sued, unsuccessfully, to keep the book off the shelves. �� Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2015, Vol. 42 Description An account of the resource Vol. 42 (No. 78-79), 2015. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2015 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 112 SLOVAKIA-2015 CORRUPTION IN SLOVAKIA: TIME TO RECLAIM THE STATE 1 Tom Nicholson On the way home one March night, I lost a hubcap. I heard it pop off the front right wheel of my car as I smashed into a massive pothole on the main road from Bratislava to Svaty Jur. The impact was so severe that it bent the wheel rim and punctured the tire. If my son had been present he might have learned a few new English cusswords to go with his rich Slovak collection. I didn't own a car when I first came to Slovakia in 1992, so I can't say whether there are more potholes now than then. But it seems to me there are altogether too many potholes here for a European Union member country (the closest comparison I can come to Slovak roads in the spring is Moldova, or maybe rural Cuba). And there are definitely way too many potholes - and it takes way too long to fill them in - for a country that has had twenty years to get its shit together. Sure, they have potholes in Canada (I can no longer say 'we' because I have long since transferred my allegiance to Slovak potholes). But even though the winters in the Great White North are far more severe, and Canada has about a quintillion miles more roads, potholes are infrequent, and drivers are alerted to them with a homey Canadian solicitousness - a SO-meter flashing DANGER sign, say, or a cordon of Mounties in reflecto-vests. Not here. Even on Racianska ulica, a four-lane artery into the heart of the capital, the worst holes after three weeks get a perfunctory monocle of paint, promising a pending repair in the indefinite future (that paint is the Slovak equivalent of the Mexican 'manana'). For me, Slovakia's potholes are another entry on the list of basic Slovak things that don't work as they should. It's a depressingly long list - education, health care, justice, politics (especially politics). And it provides a starting point for understanding why corruption continues to flourish in this country. 1 This is a revised and updated version ofmy original article "Je cas dat tomuto statu zmysel," in Odkial' a kam ? Dvadsat' rokov samostatnosti, ed. by Martin Butora et. al. (Bratislava: Kalligram, 2013), 281-304. SLOV AKIA-2015 113 *** If I had been asked to write an essay about corruption in Slovakia a few years ago, I know what I would have come up with - a rogues' gallery of powerful figures who had abused other people's trust over the years to enrich themselves. But last year I was swept up in the Gori/a scandal, a political tempest that challenged my certainties and changed my life. As much as I wanted to remain detached as a journalist, I found myself speaking at public rallies and giving interviews . Suddenly, I was expected to tell people not just where corruption could be found , but how to defeat it as well. And I discovered that I actually knew very little about it. For starters, the story of corruption in Slovakia is not just one of rich people gaming the system. Corruption takes many forms and has many causes - such as that the country presents innumerable small but vexing barriers to living one's life without vexation. Some of these barriers encourage people to give small bribes (the box of chocolates for the doctor, the cash envelope for the building permit officer). Others - a plague of potholes, for example - just let everyone know that public servants could care less about serving the public interest, creating an atmosphere that indirectly encourages bribery. But none of these stories, it seems to me, answer the key question: why corruption flourishes after twenty years of independence and a decade of EU membership, six general elections and countless devastating political scandals. We now know, thanks to Gori/a, exactly what high- level corruption looks like. We see oligarchs enriching themselves, we see politicians and civil servants abusing their offices and neglecting their duties to us. And still it continues, and still the potholes proliferate. So why don't Slovaks do something about it? *** Over the past year, I've often been told how ironic it is that a foreigner had to bring the Gori/a scandal to light, as if a Slovak journalist would have done differently. This does a great disservice to the probity of my colleagues, and greatly exaggerates my own. If a foreigner can be of service here, it is perhaps to see things in a context that is not available to Slovaks, not having grown up elsewhere. 114 SLOV AKIA-2015 Now, I' ve read enough foreign descriptions of Slovak life to know how flawed this 'vision' can be, especially when delivered to foreign audiences that have no opportunity to verify its authenticity (the film Hostel comes to mind). But I'm hoping I can be an exception. As a transplanted Canadian who has spent twenty years in this country, I am still struck by the loyalty that people feel to their tribes - to family, to friends, to old classmates, to other people who come from their hometowns. These tribal bonds are what Slovaks living abroad miss most about their country . In modem Slovakia, there are still no higher loyalties. This is striking for a Canadian because our country does not run on informal networks. Sure, we have tribal loyalties, but they often divide us - there isn't much that Greek Canadians have in common with Chinese Canadians, say, or with Jamaican Canadians, except the fact that we all live in Canada. Perhaps that's why Canada has such a strong political identity: without ethnic, cultural or other natural bonds, we need it to hold us together. After all, we have few common traditions or national dishes in the sense that Slovaks have bryndzove halusky. But I'm pretty sure most Canadians could tell you what values the country stands for - tolerance, social solidarity, respect for human rights, and caring more about the rest of the world than Americans, for starters. How many Slovaks could do the same? While I'm sure people could name traits that Slovaks have as an ethnic nation - you can't live here for twenty years without hearing a thing or two about zavist or pohostinnost', for example - what about the ideals and principles their country is founded on? Slovaks can be forgiven for not having a clear idea of what values the modem Slovak state stands for. The average person, after all, was not consulted before the division of Czechoslovakia in 1993, despite repeated promises of a referendum, and probably regarded the project of an independent Slovakia as something foisted on him from above. And because he had no hand in creating the state - and in many cases probably hadn't even wanted it, or at least hadn ' t wanted it yet - it's understandable that the average person might have felt that the modem Slovak state was someone else's responsibility. Common ideals, like the Constitution, would be scripted by old, grey men behind closed doors, while Slovakia's tribes would go about their business as they always had. SLOV AKIA-2015 115 You could say that 'the state', on Slovak territory, had always been someone else's responsibility. Magyars, Austrians, Czechs, Germans, Russians, then Czechs again . After centuries of having someone else to fill in the potholes and make sure people paid their taxes, it's understandable that Slovaks were slow to respond to the call to administer their own affairs. But everything might have worked out differently if the Slovak Republic had come into being from a statotvorny akt, by which I mean an experience that unites a people as a political nation rather than just an ethnic one. Americans had their War of Independence, the Brits had Napoleon, while early Canadians ran a cruel gauntlet of Constitutional Conferences (a punishment that continues to be imposed on Canadian history students as an object lesson in the burning sincerity of all boredom). Slovaks, meanwhile, had no birthing experience that could rival the moral, economic and civilizational value of Czechoslovakia. They had nothing to comfort or inspire them when Czechoslovakia was dismantled, beyond the sour nationalism of pubs and football matches. The way Slovakia came into the world, as a child welcomed only by nationalists and political opportunists, left a dangerous vacuum at the center of the Slovak body politic. People naturally shrank from any new duties towards a state they hadn't wanted or had a hand in creating. In doing so, they abandoned public affairs to anyone claiming to want the responsibility. And there was no shortage of applicants. Twenty years later, this vacuum is still full of dark matter, dead stars and other space junk - stuff that absorbs light rather than produces it. It is responsible for many of the ills that afflict Slovakia, among them the indifference that ordinary people feel towards their state and towards the millions of strangers who inhabit it. If I had to give this ailment a name, I would call it the "mam v pici" disease. *** Let me describe some of the symptoms of this disease. Slovaks rarely sing their national anthem at sporting events, even at important internationals in front of tens of thousands of people (compare that to British football fans or Canadian hockey fans) . People complain incessantly about corruption in politics, and according to a recent survey trust their leaders less than almost any country on earth - but few 116 SLOVAKIA-2015 are willing to even get off the couch to attend a protest rally. More than half of each secondary school graduating class intends to emigrate, rather than stay home and help fix what ails the country. Or, if you prefer a local perspective: truck drivers in my village regularly make their deliveries while blocking traffic in both directions, reasoning that they have work to do so everyone else can just wait. People shovel snow from in front of their houses into the street, apparently indifferent to the inconvenience of other drivers. Private homes are beautifully renovated and tenderly cared for, while discarded bottles and other garbage litter the edges of public streets and walkways. In the summer, even though signs claim the forest above the village is a protected area and off-limits to vehicles, motorcycles and A TVs constantly disturb the peace of man and beast. And the potholes would be a disgrace anywhere. I know that a great many objections can be raised to each example I have mentioned . Maybe Slovaks don't know the words to their national anthem; maybe it's just not a very sing-able song. And Slovakia hardly has a monopoly on apathy, selfishness and bad roads . But after twenty years in this country, I'm convinced there is something else going on here. For a country to work, it has to inspire its citizens with an idea that is bigger than themselves individually. It has to give them areason to look beyond their tribes and take an interest in public affairs. It has to give people a sense of political community, of mutual responsibility to each other as citizens. Without this sense of community, people will rarely have the confidence to resist social diseases like corruption, or to stand up for unwritten standards of public behavior. I got a taste of this in 1984 as a tipsy 17-year-old returning by train from a baseball game in Toronto. They had been giving away free bars of soap that day, and my friend and I thought it would be fun to mark up the backs of the seats in front of us. As I scrawled away, an older man behind me leaned over and told me to stop . Cowed, but still insolent, I asked why I should. "Because he told you to," said another man, and I had the feeling the entire train carriage was sharing in and approving my humiliation. As much as the public embarrassment stung at the time, the experience left a deeper impression - that in Canada, you could stand up to bullies and miscreants, and other people would have your back. SLOVAKIA-2015 117 A decade later, in late 1992, I was sitting in the U Kuba pub in Senec with my best friend Sean Ellacott. We were both in our 20s, university graduates taking a year off to teach English in Czechoslovakia. At a nearby table were two dark-skinned men whom we wouldn't have noticed if not for the fact that they were slowly getting beaten up. Twice I had seen a young man from a party of youths come over and punch one of the dark-skinned men in the face - hard, repeatedly, drawing blood. The victim made no attempt to protect himself, and no one else seemed to pay the slightest attention. As the young puncher approached for a third round, I had had enough and grabbed him from behind by the shoulders. He wasn't big, and seemed more surprised than belligerent, so we wrestled to a standoff and he went back to his chair and I to mine. At no point did anyone else in the bar intervene in our little drama or give any sign they supported my actions. On the contrary, as the waiter brought me a brandy ordered by the battered victim, an older patron drew up a chair at our table. The men who had been attacked were Gypsies, he said, and in Slovakia one didn't help them. We should be wary of the young attacker and his friends . It didn't occur to me at the time, but as the years passed, I came to see that incident as illustrative of an important difference between Canadian and Slovak society. At home, if something similar had happened, I would have been risking much less because most patrons of the bar would have approved of what I did, and would presumably have come to my aid if the young man had put up more resistance. But in Slovakia, you are on your own in such situations. As much as other people may sympathize with you, and may be sickened by what is happening, they will rarely do anything to help a stranger in trouble (especially if the stranger is a Gypsy). It's not a matter of cowardice or indifference to another's fate - it's that people aren't sure of what they can expect from one another when the chips are down. They lack the confidence you derive from a shared community and shared values, such as that one does not suffer a weaker person to be hurt. In Slovakia, no such glue binds strangers together. No social contract exists. *** 118 SLOV AKIA-2015 Again, it's hopelessly anecdotal, but I came to believe that I learned something fundamental about Slovaks in U Kuba that day in 1992. Confronted with an obnoxious teenager on a train, people will tend to look out the window rather than intervene, even if they are no fonder of public vandalism or casual violence than Canadians. The problem is that such incidents leave you with a horrible feeling inside if you don 't do anything. Whether you like it or not, you are involved, and looking out the window causes your soul to ache in a way that no punch on the nose can. Is it the same with corruption? Are we all like passengers on a train, every day witnessing gross misconduct by strangers and yet somehow failing to protest? Hating the offenders, but hating ourselves as well for looking out the window? For me, this is as good an explanation as any . Think back for a minute on the modem history of corruption in Slovakia: First came authoritarian PM Vladimir Meciar, who was captain of the ship when Czechoslovakia went down. Deciding not to risk a referendum on Slovak independence, Meciar soon revealed his hand. Everything revolved around privatization, around the use of public assets to create a "domestic capital group" that was politically loyal to the prime minister and his HZDS party . As we were later told by Stefan Gavomik, head of the FNM privatization agency, every Wednesday the Meciar government met privately to decide who would be allowed to buy what companies (Monday's regular cabinet meetings were devoted to public matters). Most sales were announced only after they had happened, leaving the media scrambling to find out who really stood behind "white horse" purchasers. In many instances, the purchase price was only a fraction of the real worth of the shares (onesixth, in the case of gas storage company Nafta Gbely, for instance). And even then, agreed purchase prices were often spread over many years, or could be paid in the form of unverifiable ' investments' into the privatized company. Information on privatization was closely guarded, none more so than by the secret service, whose director, Ivan Lexa, had been Meciar's first choice as privatization minister before President Michal Kovac refused to appoint him to the post. Understandably, privatization was a major campaign issue in the 1998 elections, which proved so crucial to Slovakia's future direction as a country. Mikulas Dzurinda, who defeated Meciar, promised that his government would go after malefactors, and ministers in the SLOV AKIA-2015 119 first Dzurinda government began compiling 'black books' of misdeeds by their predecessors. And then - silence. The new leadership of the FNM, we were told, had realized there was little point in launching some 700 legal challenges to past privatization deals victory would take many years and countless man-hours, it was far from certain that the courts would side with the government, while the fall-out in terms of social unrest and damage to the principle of legal certainty might be severe. And so the first Dzurinda government reached 'an accommodation' with Meciar's privatizers, allowing almost all of them to keep their assets. Knowledge of human nature tells us that this detente must have been built on payoffs by privatizers to the new stewards of state property. Regardless, the Dzurinda administration soon had privatization scandals of its own, including some involving ' financial groups' that had arisen at the end of the 1990s. While these groups featured a few names from the past - the son of a Meciar-era state bank chief (Patrik Tkcic), for example, or the last boss of the Communist-era secret police (Aloiz Lorenz) - on the whole they were far more sophisticated than Meciar's crude privatizers, and invested far more in public relations. When these groups bought state assets for suspiciously little money, stripped them down and achieved enormous profits - Penta group boss Jaroslav Hascak once said he wouldn't look at a deal that did not yield at least a 30 percent annual return on investment - they were actually bringing efficiency to the business environment, we were told. Their partnership with the first and second Dzurinda administrations was so close that, according to leaked cables from the US embassy in Bratislava, they helped draft legislation and bribed MPs to pass it (which is the very definition of 'state capture '). And when the second Dzurinda government fell in 2005, leaving undone some key privatization deals, Penta financed the purchase of a new parliamentary majority from independent MPs. Meanwhile, a professed social democrat named Robert Fico was waiting in the wings . Fico's Smer party was reportedly sponsored by people who had become rich under Meciar, and who had changed horses following his defeat in 1998 after realizing that the authoritarian former PM would never again lead a government. Fico finally came to power in 2006 by criticizing insensitive economic reforms and corruption under Dzurinda. But again, no further action was tak- 120 SLOV AKIA-2015 en against the alleged malefactors, while Fico himself battled charges of massive corruption in public procurement to the benefit of his alleged sponsors. And so it went, through another change in government in 2010, and back to Fico two years later. At the end of December in 2011 , on one of the darkest days of the year, a file was uploaded to the Internet containing transcripts of conversations that took place in a Bratislava apartment in 2006 . Dubbed "the Gorilla file," the document was the result of a secret service surveillance operation that had monitored meetings between top government officials and politicians on the one hand, and Hascak of Penta on the other. The transcripts suggested that financial groups were not only benefiting from privatization decisions but in some cases were also helping to make them; that they had managed to have their own employees named to key state posts; and that they used a sophisticated system of bribery and kickbacks to get what they wanted from public servants. The Gorilla file also revealed that incumbent officials had refused to aid police investigations of their predecessors, a practice in keeping with what Interior Minister Daniel Lipsie described as an "unspoken agreement" among the political elite that no one important would ever go to jail in Slovakia. When I first read the Gorilla file over five years ago, I was struck not just by the extent of the corruption, but also by how well organized it was, how brisk and businesslike. Now I am more amazed at the lack of public response - for all the anger and disgust people felt on reading the Gorilla file , for all the suspicions confirmed and then exceeded, the largest public demonstration at the height of the Gorilla scandal in February 2012 still only drew a few thousand people to SNP Square in Bratislava. What was everyone else doing? *** All that is necessary for evil to succeed is for good people to do nothing, the saying goes, and the modem history of Slovakia is as good a case as any . So what will it take to get people to act? I am confident the problem is not one of indifference. A book I wrote in 2012 on the Gorilla case sold over 50,000 copies, a record for nonfiction in this country, which is a pretty reliable sign that people wanted to know about it. And having met with thousands of people around Slovakia over the past two years, I know that they are still SLOVAKIA-2015 121 angry and upset. But for some reason all that emotion remains bottled up . One popular and very persuasive explanation goes as follows: the reason that Slovaks don't respond more vigorously to corruption is that most people, if they had the opportunity, would behave exactly the same as the main actors in the Gorilla file. Lacking that opportunity, most people are just as likely to be corrupt in their daily lives. Corruption may be technically illegal in Slovakia, but it is far from clear that it violates the informal rules that govern how Slovak society actually works. On the surface this argument makes sense, but upon examination it has important flaws . I have taught at a dozen Slovak postsecondary schools over the past twenty years (currently I teach at five). I have always had problems with cheating and plagiarism in my courses, despite the fact that in the first lesson I always warn my students against it (even this year, I had to fail seven out of twentyeight students in an investigative journalism course because they plagiarized their term papers). So yes, I would say students here cheat more than they do in Canada. In trying to get Slovak students to stop cheating, however, I have never had the support of a single school administratr beyond the obligatory verbal commitments. Once, in 2009, a student submitted as his term paper a 500-word article that had been published in the SME newspaper that I worked for at the time. He hadn't bothered to do more than change the font, perhaps believing that as the brother of a Slovak film producer he didn't need to break a sweat. A couple of queries established that he had done the same to other course instructors. But even a joint submission before the disciplinary commission failed to produce more than a promise to supervise the student's future work. A few years ago I had a chance to ask a student and a university professor about plagiarism over a few beers. The student admitted that she and many of her peers did it, but asked why they should behave differently given that their teachers never read their papers. Why make the effort, if no one cares one way or another? For his part, the professor admitted that full-time teaching duties at three different universities - a load he had to carry in order to support his family - left him with no time to do more than make sure students met the formal requirements to hand in an essay and attend class. No 122 SLOV AKIA-2015 time, that is, to actually read anything beyond exam papers and dissertation theses. I'm convinced that while it may appear that ordinary Slovaks are as corrupt as their political and economic leaders, their corruption has different roots. It springs from the fact that basic things don ' t work in this country, which turns 'low-level' corruption into a coping mechanism. Rather than waste three hours at the doctor's office, or risk an indifferent diagnosis or treatment, people go through informal, tribal channels to get what they need . Rather than spend several hours at a police station to get a car registered, they may give a cop friend twenty euros to speed things up. Rather than spend two weeks on a school assignment that will end up in the waste bin, unread, they copy and paste from Wikipedia . 'High-level' corruption, on the other hand, is not a coping mechanism. It is a strategy to capture the state, to hijack democratic mechanisms for personal gain. It is not the result of a malfunctioning public sector; it is the direct cause of it. Clearly, if the Slovak state could be rescued from the hijackers, several things would happen. First, ordinary people would have fewer reasons to cheat or offer bribes, because basic services would improve. Without the massive financial drain of systemic corruption, teachers and medical staff could be paid more; free from its captors, the state and its servants could once again serve the public interest, including making sure that teachers and doctors did their (now better-paid) jobs properly. There would be more money for fixing potholes and building better roads, and more pressure on civil servants to provide them . The garbage littering public spaces, in a figurative sense, would be cleaned up, improving everyone's mood and challenging the belief that "things don't work" in Slovakia. In other words - if we could fix high-level corruption, we would at the same time be eliminating the largest cause of low-level corruption. Easier said than done, of course. But perhaps not impossible. *** One thing you learn from reading about successful anticorruption fights around the world is that there is no magic formula. Successful strategies do have common elements, however: they engage the widest possible spectrum of society by giving people small, SLOVAKIA-2015 123 non-confrontational tasks that allow them to participate without fear of sanction. In Slovakia, if the objective is to retake the state from the oligarchs who captured it, the battle will have to be fought on several fronts. First, we need to create a community of people united by other than ethnic or tribal loyalties; one that is united by shared beliefs, such as that the Slovak state belongs to its people. Building this community requires more than just putting people in touch with each other, however. It requires a statotvorny akt of the kind that was lacking before 1993 . Then, we have to offer this community small but tangible acts of resistance that they can perform. We have to enable them to recapture their state through a kind of guerilla warfare, which while peaceful must be fought on multiple fronts at the same time. After Slovakia's gold medal victory in 2002 at the World Hockey Championships in Sweden, it did indeed seem, as sociologist Sona Szomolanyi claimed, that in the ensuing celebration we were witnessing the birth of the modem Slovak nation. People were finally assembling on city squares for reasons other than political protest; the winning team had a multi-ethnic roster; and team captain Miroslav Satan was even scolding politicians for betraying the interests of the nation : "this is what we can achieve when we play as a team," he said during a parliamentary address. How brief and how shallow that moment of triumph now seems. A hockey championship could never have triggered the birth of the modem Slovak nation because the brilliant play of the hockey team was in such stark contrast to the dysfunction of the rest of the country. Calling it a statotvorny moment was thus merely wishful thinking; in reality, states arise when a critical mass of people agrees that they need it, want it and can run it themselves. This year, the 25 th anniversary of the end of Communism, we are officially too old for wishful thinking. We know now that our state has been kidnapped and is being used by wealthy men hidden from our sight. We lack a community of like-minded people to oppose them, and to take their state back. Can one be created, before this second coming of normalizacia entrenches the oligarchs in power for a generation to come? This is the challenge facing all third-sector (non-profit) actors whose focus is on corruption and public activism. One thing we have 124 SLOVAKIA-2015 learned is that people need to be better informed - it is not enough to simply expect that they will be able to decipher politics from the occasional evening news broadcast or from their morning tabloids. They must be shown how power is used in this country - how politics really works. They need - and incredibly, still do not have - a history of the past twenty years that puts all the scandals and the disappointments and the betrayals in a context that will help voters make better choices at election time. Above all, they need to be connected to each other. Everyone who despairs at the state of Slovakia and wants to do something about it needs to feel part of a community of likeminded strangers. Only then will they be able to overcome the apathy that they feel as individuals. Shortly after the 2012 elections I founded a civic association, Pod povrchom, that aims to do these things - educate people about politics and public affairs, and provide an Internet platform for them to associate with each other. Through regular meetings with secondary school and university students (sixty-two schools so far), we are slowly building up a database of contacts to people who are concerned about corruption and want to do something about it (over 2,000 to date). We have also set up a Center for Independent Journalism that publishes investigative articles and provides training and mentoring for young would-be journalists. But as the months go by, it has become clear to me that the people leading the fight against corruption - NGOs, journalists, political activists - must themselves unite if we can hope to create a strong and lasting community of concerned Slovaks. Because on the other side of the barriers, the process of state capture is accelerating, not only in politics but everywhere that society remains open and independent. In a development that would have been inconceivable at the height of the Gorilla demonstrations, the giant holding company Penta and its managing partner Jaroslav Hascak have rolled out an aggressive strategy to buy up over half a dozen Slovak TV, online and print media assets. In early September of 2014 he announced the capture of the tabloid publisher 7 Plus (which gives him the mostread weekly Plus 7 dni and the second-most read daily Plus 1 den), as well as of the respected business weekly Trend. Later in the month Hascak admitted he had bid for a controlling share in Petit Press, SLOV AKIA-2015 125 publisher of over thirty titles including the iconic and feisty Sme broadsheet, which remains a symbol of journalistic independence. If his bid is accepted - and at the time of writing this essay there was nothing standing in his way - the Sme newsroom and management will be gutted, which was perhaps Hascak:' s true purpose in buying the paper in the first place. After all, it was Petit Press that published my book on the Gorilla scandal - and Petit Press that Penta sued, unsuccessfully, to keep the book off the shelves.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Corruption in Slovakia: Time to Reclaim the State Description An account of the resource Tom Nicholson Slovakia, Vol. 42 (No. 78-79), 2015 pp. 112-125 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Nicholson, Tom, 1966- Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2015 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/1b6aa8b60ef2073de9fe05b9e503ffae.pdf 0bb63d00d817c93fde2ecfc3ae9b90ef PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA Published By THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA ��SLOVAKIA VOLUME XLII NUMBERS 78- 79 2015 A scholarly annual devoted to the history, literature and culture of the Slovaks the world over Editor M. MARK STOLARIK University of Ottawa Editorial Board ROBERT K. EVANSON University of Missouri JAMES R. FELAK University of Washington MICHAEL NOV AK American Enterprise Institute PETER PETRO University of British Columbia CAROL S. LEFF University of Illinois PATRICIA KRAFCIK The Evergreen State College Publisher Slovak League of America 205 Madison Street Passaic, NJ 07055, USA Inquiries regarding subscriptions should be sent to the above address. The cost of a single issue is U.S. $10.00 Manuscripts for possible publication and books for review should be sent to M. Mark Stolarik, Editor, Slovakia 22 Bren-Maur Road, Ottawa, Ontario, Canada K2J 3Z7 stolarik@uottawa .ca ��Table of Contents ARTICLES The 1919 Census on the Territory of Slovakia Rebekah Klein-Pejsova ... .......... ..... ...... .... ..... ... ............ .... ........ .... 7 The Journey of Four Slovak Catholic Bi shops to the USA in 1926 Stefan Kucik .. ............. ................ ............ ........ ............................ 3 5 The Birth of Lexicographic Works in North America with Special Emphasis on J. J. Konus Dalibor Mikula§ .. ..... .. .... ... .... .. ... ...... .... ... ......... ...... ... .. ... .......... .. 50 The Development of Cu ltural Cooperation between the Slovak Republic and the Independent State of Croatia, 1941-1945 Miroslav Michela ....................... ... ..... .. ........ ........ .... .... .... .... .. .... 66 My Rocky Relationship with the Matica slovenska During the Second Era of Communism in Czechoslovakia, 1970-1989: A Personal Memoir M. Mark Stolarik .... ........ .. .. ... ...... ............... ......... ..... .......... ........ 87 Corruption in Slovakia: Time to Reclaim the State Tom Nicholson ........... .......... .... ... .......... ................. ........ ... ... .. .. 11 2 REVIEWS Jan Rychlik, Magdalena Rychlikova, Podkarpatska Rus 1919-1939 C. Winston Chrislock ... ........ ...... ......... ................. ... ....... ..... ... .. 129 David Doellinger, Turning Prayers into Protests Jam es Ramon Felak ........... ...... ...... .. ... ... .. ............... ..... .... ..... ... 132 James Mace Ward, Priest, Politician, Collaborator Gregory C. Ference .. ............ ............. .... ....................... .. .. ....... 134 �4 SLOV AKIA-2015 Miroslav Londak, Ekonomicke reformy Martin Pospisil ...... ............ ........... ....... ..... ............ ....... ....... ...... 13 7 Jan Carnogursky, Dennik, 1994-2007 Jan Rychlik ......... ................. .. .... .. .............. ............. .. .... ........ .... 141 Robert M. Zecker, Race and America 's Immigrant Press M Mark Stolarik .......... .......... ..... ......... .... ........ ..... ... .... ....... ..... . 143 M. Mark Stolarik, Where is my Home ? William J Galush .......... .. ... .. ...... ..... .... ..... .. ......... ....... ....... ..... ... .. 145 Contributors .. ...... .... ............ ........... ....................... ... ...... .. .... ... .... .... . 148 Guidelines for Manuscripts ... ... ............... ....... .... .. ... .... ..... ...... ....... .. 150 �ARTICLES �� SLOVAKIA Published By THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA ��SLOVAKIA VOLUME XLII NUMBERS 78- 79 2015 A scholarly annual devoted to the history, literature and culture of the Slovaks the world over Editor M. MARK STOLARIK University of Ottawa Editorial Board ROBERT K. EVANSON University of Missouri JAMES R. FELAK University of Washington MICHAEL NOV AK American Enterprise Institute PETER PETRO University of British Columbia CAROL S. LEFF University of Illinois PATRICIA KRAFCIK The Evergreen State College Publisher Slovak League of America 205 Madison Street Passaic, NJ 07055, USA Inquiries regarding subscriptions should be sent to the above address. The cost of a single issue is U.S. $10.00 Manuscripts for possible publication and books for review should be sent to M. Mark Stolarik, Editor, Slovakia 22 Bren-Maur Road, Ottawa, Ontario, Canada K2J 3Z7 stolarik@uottawa .ca ��Table of Contents ARTICLES The 1919 Census on the Territory of Slovakia Rebekah Klein-Pejsova ... .......... ..... ...... .... ..... ... ............ .... ........ .... 7 The Journey of Four Slovak Catholic Bi shops to the USA in 1926 Stefan Kucik .. ............. ................ ............ ........ ............................ 3 5 The Birth of Lexicographic Works in North America with Special Emphasis on J. J. Konus Dalibor Mikula§ .. ..... .. .... ... .... .. ... ...... .... ... ......... ...... ... .. ... .......... .. 50 The Development of Cu ltural Cooperation between the Slovak Republic and the Independent State of Croatia, 1941-1945 Miroslav Michela ....................... ... ..... .. ........ ........ .... .... .... .... .. .... 66 My Rocky Relationship with the Matica slovenska During the Second Era of Communism in Czechoslovakia, 1970-1989: A Personal Memoir M. Mark Stolarik .... ........ .. .. ... ...... ............... ......... ..... .......... ........ 87 Corruption in Slovakia: Time to Reclaim the State Tom Nicholson ........... .......... .... ... .......... ................. ........ ... ... .. .. 11 2 REVIEWS Jan Rychlik, Magdalena Rychlikova, Podkarpatska Rus 1919-1939 C. Winston Chrislock ... ........ ...... ......... ................. ... ....... ..... ... .. 129 David Doellinger, Turning Prayers into Protests Jam es Ramon Felak ........... ...... ...... .. ... ... .. ............... ..... .... ..... ... 132 James Mace Ward, Priest, Politician, Collaborator Gregory C. Ference .. ............ ............. .... ....................... .. .. ....... 134 �4 SLOV AKIA-2015 Miroslav Londak, Ekonomicke reformy Martin Pospisil ...... ............ ........... ....... ..... ............ ....... ....... ...... 13 7 Jan Carnogursky, Dennik, 1994-2007 Jan Rychlik ......... ................. .. .... .. .............. ............. .. .... ........ .... 141 Robert M. Zecker, Race and America 's Immigrant Press M Mark Stolarik .......... .......... ..... ......... .... ........ ..... ... .... ....... ..... . 143 M. Mark Stolarik, Where is my Home ? William J Galush .......... .. ... .. ...... ..... .... ..... .. ......... ....... ....... ..... ... .. 145 Contributors .. ...... .... ............ ........... ....................... ... ...... .. .... ... .... .... . 148 Guidelines for Manuscripts ... ... ............... ....... .... .. ... .... ..... ...... ....... .. 150 �ARTICLES �� Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2015, Vol. 42 Description An account of the resource Vol. 42 (No. 78-79), 2015. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2015 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA Published By THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA SLOVAKIA VOLUME XLII NUMBERS 78- 79 2015 A scholarly annual devoted to the history, literature and culture of the Slovaks the world over Editor M. MARK STOLARIK University of Ottawa Editorial Board ROBERT K. EVANSON University of Missouri JAMES R. FELAK University of Washington MICHAEL NOV AK American Enterprise Institute PETER PETRO University of British Columbia CAROL S. LEFF University of Illinois PATRICIA KRAFCIK The Evergreen State College Publisher Slovak League of America 205 Madison Street Passaic, NJ 07055, USA Inquiries regarding subscriptions should be sent to the above address. The cost of a single issue is U.S. $10.00 Manuscripts for possible publication and books for review should be sent to M. Mark Stolarik, Editor, Slovakia 22 Bren-Maur Road, Ottawa, Ontario, Canada K2J 3Z7 stolarik@uottawa .ca Table of Contents ARTICLES The 1919 Census on the Territory of Slovakia Rebekah Klein-Pejsova ... .......... ..... ...... .... ..... ... ............ .... ........ .... 7 The Journey of Four Slovak Catholic Bi shops to the USA in 1926 Stefan Kucik .. ............. ................ ............ ........ ............................ 3 5 The Birth of Lexicographic Works in North America with Special Emphasis on J. J. Konus Dalibor Mikula§ .. ..... .. .... ... .... .. ... ...... .... ... ......... ...... ... .. ... .......... .. 50 The Development of Cu ltural Cooperation between the Slovak Republic and the Independent State of Croatia, 1941-1945 Miroslav Michela ....................... ... ..... .. ........ ........ .... .... .... .... .. .... 66 My Rocky Relationship with the Matica slovenska During the Second Era of Communism in Czechoslovakia, 1970-1989: A Personal Memoir M. Mark Stolarik .... ........ .. .. ... ...... ............... ......... ..... .......... ........ 87 Corruption in Slovakia: Time to Reclaim the State Tom Nicholson ........... .......... .... ... .......... ................. ........ ... ... .. .. 11 2 REVIEWS Jan Rychlik, Magdalena Rychlikova, Podkarpatska Rus 1919-1939 C. Winston Chrislock ... ........ ...... ......... ................. ... ....... ..... ... .. 129 David Doellinger, Turning Prayers into Protests Jam es Ramon Felak ........... ...... ...... .. ... ... .. ............... ..... .... ..... ... 132 James Mace Ward, Priest, Politician, Collaborator Gregory C. Ference .. ............ ............. .... ....................... .. .. ....... 134 4 SLOV AKIA-2015 Miroslav Londak, Ekonomicke reformy Martin Pospisil ...... ............ ........... ....... ..... ............ ....... ....... ...... 13 7 Jan Carnogursky, Dennik, 1994-2007 Jan Rychlik ......... ................. .. .... .. .............. ............. .. .... ........ .... 141 Robert M. Zecker, Race and America 's Immigrant Press M Mark Stolarik .......... .......... ..... ......... .... ........ ..... ... .... ....... ..... . 143 M. Mark Stolarik, Where is my Home ? William J Galush .......... .. ... .. ...... ..... .... ..... .. ......... ....... ....... ..... ... .. 145 Contributors .. ...... .... ............ ........... ....................... ... ...... .. .... ... .... .... . 148 Guidelines for Manuscripts ... ... ............... ....... .... .. ... .... ..... ...... ....... .. 150 ARTICLES  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Front Matter, Slovakia, Vol. 42 (No. 78-79) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2015 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/5daeb5886d2db173574ea0230273ca70.pdf 811db6938405321f6af578fbb5e18ef3 PDF Text Text SLOV AKIA-2015 87 MY ROCKY RELATIONSHIP WITH THE MATICA SLOVENSKA. DURING THE SECOND ERA OF COMMUNISM IN CZECHOSLOVAKIA, 1970-1989: A PERSONAL MEMOIR M. Mark Stolarik When I first visited Slovakia in the summer of 1968, I established friendly contacts with the Matica slovenska in Martin . 1 Never did I dream that, a short while later, one of its employees would publicly attack me. This happened because the political situation in Czechoslovakia changed as a result of the Warsaw Pact invasion of August, 1968. The so-called "Prague Spring," led by the Slovak reformer Alexander Dubcek, who wished to transform Czech and Slovak society into "socialism with a human face," was crushed under the weight of Warsaw Pact tanks. Less than a year later, Dubcek was replaced as First Secretary of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia by the turncoat Gustav Husak, who proceeded to "normalize" the state. What started out as a year of high hopes turned into one of great disappointment. 2 Even though I was born in Slovakia in 1943, my parents decided to evacuate the whole family into Austria before the Russian front came through in January of 1945 . I did not return to my home town of Martin until July of 1968. 3 Dr. Jozef Telgarsky, the Director of the National Library, which then belonged to the Matica slovenska, 1 A shorter, Slovak version of this article first appeared as "Matica slovenska pod dohl'adom Statnej bezpecnosti," in Matica slovenska v narodnych dejinach, ed. by Imrich Sedlak (Martin : Matica slovenska, 2013), 174-78. I initially described this trip in greater detail as "My Memories of Slovakia under Communism (S ummer of 1968)," in Narodny kalendar CVII (Pittsburgh, 1999), 96-99 . 2 For the latest scholarship on the " Prague Spring" see The Prague Spring and the Warsaw Pact Invasion of Czechoslovakia, 1968: Forty Years Later, ed. by M. Mark Stolarik (Mundelein, IL: Bolchazi-Carducci, 2010). For the period of "normalization" in Slovakia see Norbert Kmet' and Juraj Marusiak, comp., S/ovensko a reiim normalizacii (Presov: Michal Vasko, 2002). 3 1 described my family's Odyssey, as well as Slovak emigration in general, in Where is my Home? Slovak Emigration to North America (1870-2010) (Bern: Peter Lang, 2012). �88 SLOV AKIA-2015 heartily welcomed me. He was delighted that, after so many years of being cut off from the West, he could once again establish contacts with Slovaks in the West. 4 I had come to Slovakia in the summer of 1968 as a Ph.D. student from the University of Minnesota in order to study the villaie origins of Slovak emigration to North America in the 19 th and 20 centuries. I had already studied the parish records of various Slovak communities in the United States and Canada and wished to link them with those in Slovakia. At the same time, I had started to collect archival materials for the newly-established Immigrant Archives at the University of Minnesota. When I finished my research in Slovakia in September of 1968, I promised Telgarsky, that I would begin to send duplicate archival and library materials concerning Slovaks in the USA and Canada to the Slovak National Library in return for the SNL sending me the latest publications of historians in Slovakia. 5 After I finished my doctoral studies at the University of Minnesota, I was employed by several professional institutions but never lost contact with the Matica slovenska. At first I was employed by the Cleveland State University as a Lecturer and Assistant Professor (1972-76), then as an Historical Researcher at the National Museum of Man in Ottawa (1977-78), then as President and CEO of the Balch Institute for Ethnic Studies in Philadelphia (1979-91) and finally as Professor and Chairholder of the only Chair in Slovak History and Culture in the Western World at the University of Ottawa (1992 to the present). During all of these years I continued my program of exchange with the Matica slovenska. I wish that I could say that our relations were always good, but it was not to be. While I worked at the National Museum of Man in Ottawa, I took the initiative to establish a new scholarly organization. In 1975 a Czechoslovak History Conference had been founded by a group of historians in the United States. 6 From my study of Czech and Slovak history, I knew that, as always, Slovak history, and Slovak scholars, 4 When I returned to the USA, it occurred to me that Jozef Telgarsky was the author of my favorite children's book - Zirafa [The Giraffe] (Martin: Matica slovenska, 1946). While we were refugees in Austria from 1945-1950, my mother often read me sections of this book. I still have it and cherish it. 5 JozefTelgarsky to Marian Stolarik, May 13, 1969, NK 289 20/69-St. See Appendix 1, page 97. 6The history of this organization can be found in its Czechoslovak History Ne wsletter, founded in 1979. �SLOV AKIA-2015 89 would play "second fiddle" in such an organization. Therefore, at the annual meeting of the American Association for the Advancement of Slavic Studies in Washington, D.C. in October of 1977, I persuaded half a dozen scholars in the USA and Canada to create our own Slovak Studies Association. Since I took the initiative in founding this organization, I was elected its first Secretary-Treasurer and Newsletter Editor. I then contacted as many scholars as I knew had an interest in Slovak studies and invited them to join. By 1983 our ranks had grown to 120 members. Meanwhile, the American Association for the Advancement of Slavic Studies accepted us as an affiliated organization and the officers and I organized regular sessions of the Slovak Studies Association at the annual meetings of the AAASS. 7 As Newsletter Editor, I also informed our members of recent scholarly developments in Slovakia, as well as of the activities and publications of our members. Meanwhile, in 1968 the Matica slovenska began to publish a semi-weekly newspaper entitled Maticne citanie and put me on its mailing list. 8 At the beginning this newspaper reflected a good dose of Slovak nationalism and on its masthead carried a stylized Slovak national emblem, which had been banned by the Communists. 9 However, under the weight of Gustav Husak's, "normalization" campaign, in 1973 the Slovak emblem disappeared from the Matica's letterhead and in 1978 the Maticne citanie folded . It was then replaced by the glossy monthly Slovensko. At the same time, Jozef Telgarsky no longer corresponded with me. Instead, two hard-line Communists, at first Jaroslav Celko and later Stefan Krivus, both Directors of the Matica, continued the correspondence. The masthead of their letters no longer carried the Slovak emblem; it was replaced by the letters MS , for the Matica slovenska. 10 It was clear from these changes that the Matica was being purged . Nevertheless, I kept exchanging materials with the Matica and hoped for the best. 7 The history of the Slovak Studies Association can be found in the Newsletter of the Slovak Studies Association, published since October, 1977. Recently the AAASS changed its name to the American Association for Slavic and Eurasian Studies. 8 A complete run of this newspaper can be found in the Slovak Archives, Archives and Special Collections, University of Ottawa. 9 See the first issue of Maticne citanie dated October 28, 1968, Appendix 2, pages 98-99. 10 See the letters of Jaroslav Celko, dated March 27, 1973 and Stefan Krivus, dated October 23, 1974 to Mark Stolarik, Appendices 3, page 100, and App 4, page 10 I. �90 SLOV AKIA-2015 Unfortunately, in the 1980's my relations with the Matica slovenska took a tum for the worse. The first sign that something was amiss came in 1980 when the "Oddelenie pre zahranicnych Slovakov" (the Department for Slovaks Abroad) of the Matica slovenska sponsored an international scholarly conference on "Vyst'ahovalectvo a zivot krajanov vo svete" (Emigration and the Life of Countrymen Abroad) and published the papers.11 Even though I had met and befriended Jan Siracky, the Director, and Frantisek Bielek, one of their researchers in 1968 when the Department was established in Bratislava, and they knew that I specialized in the history of the immigration of Slovaks to North America, they did not invite me to this conference. Instead, they invited my good friend and colleague Thomas D. Marzik (originally Mrazik), an Associate Professor of history at St. Joseph's University in Philadelphia. A scholar of Central Europe, Marzik specialized on T.G. Masaryk and the Slovakophile Czech Karel Kalal. He had done no archival research on Slovak immigration. Nevertheless, the conference organizers asked him to present a paper on "The State of American Scholarly Research on Slovak Emigration and on American Slovaks," which he read in English, since he could not speak Slovak. He must have taken the conference organizers by surprise when he asserted, among other things, that "M. Mark Stolarik is currently the most productive scholar concerning the history American Slovaks," and then added, "currently, he is the Executive Director of the Balch Institute for Ethnic Studies in Philadelphia... .In this capacity, he can be very helpful in encouraging further research on American Slovaks." 12 When I received a copy of the Proceedings of this conference, I no longer regretted not having been invited. As I leafed through the book, I noticed that the conference had been opened by Viliam Salgovic, at that time the Chairman of the Slovak National Council, but formerly the Deputy Minister of the Interior in 1968, who betrayed his colleagues in the "Prague Spring" by collaborating with the invading Warsaw Pact forces . It turns out that Salgovic had been an agent of the Soviet KGB and was one of the most hated individu11 Vyst'ahova/ectvo a iivot krajanov vo svete. K storocnici masoveho vyst'ahova/ectva s/ovenskeho /'udu do zamoria. Zbornik prispevkov k vedeckej konferencii. Zost. Frantisek Bielik, Jan Siracky a Claude Balaz (Martin: Matica slovenska, 1982). 12 Ibid., 131-32. The compilers arranged for Marzik's article to be translated into Slovak. �SLOVAKIA-2015 91 als in Slovakia. 13 Furthermore, the conference organizers also invited the retired grade-school teacher and communist activist Helen Vrabel-Saunders of Los Angeles and the Canadian Slovak communist activist Jan Rumisek to present papers on the Slovak communities in their respective countries. 14 These individuals reflected poorly on the scholarly level of this conference. When Marzik returned to Philadelphia and described the conference to me, he mocked the presentations of these so-called "experts." However, when the Proceedings arrived in the mail in 1982, I mocked Marzik for the company he had kept. The second bad sign from Czechoslovakia came in 1982. At that time my wife and I had decided that, even though the Matica did not invite me to its scholarly conference, we would visit our native Slovakia on our own. As was required at that time, we applied for a visitor 's visa to Czechoslovakia, but, much to our surprise, the Czechoslovak Embassy in Washington denied our application, without any explanation. 15 When we had visited Czechoslovakia in the summers of 1968 and 1970, we had acquired visas without any difficulty. The third bad sign occurred in 1983 when, to my great surprise, a certain writer for the Matica's monthly Slovensko, began to attack me. Even though he signed his articles as Milos Biel, he was, in fact, Miroslav Andreansky, a collaborator of the STB (State Security), who edited the Cudzojazicnu prilohu (Foreign-Language Supplement) of Slovensko. 16 In the 1970's, using the cover name Tacovsky, he had served a spy for the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic in West Germany. 17 13 For Salgovic's welcoming remarks see Ibid., 12-16. For his role in the "Prague Spring" see William Shawcross, Dubcek (London: Weidenfeld and Nicholson, 1970), 154. Soon after the Communists relinquished power during the "Velvet Revolution" in I 989, Salgovic committed suicide. 14 For their papers see Vyst'ahova/ectvo, 270-87 and 340-42. 15 Chief of the Visa Section (unreadable signature), Embassy of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic to Mark Stolarik, June 4, 1982 (in author's personal papers) . 16 Dr. Tomas Klubert, an employee of the Ustav pamdti naroda (The Nation 's Memory Institute) of the Slovak Republic, in a reply to my query dated September 3, 2010, confirmed that Andreansky was indeed a collaborator of the STB. His cover name was "Korunka." Unfortunately, his file was shredded on October 8t11, 1988. 17 See the article"Co na to pan Prokes?" published in the monthly Svedectvo: Casopis politickych vdznov na Slovensku, I, no. 4 (April 1992), page 18. �92 SLOV AKIA-2015 Andreansky/Biel had learned about the Slovak Studies Association from Thomas D. Marzik. The Matica slovenska had invited the latter to another international conference in Martin on July 5-7, 1983, on the occasion of the Matica's 120th anniversary. Knowing that the Matica had once again failed to invite Stolarik to this conference, Marzik urged it to establish formal relations with the Slovak Studies Association and also to invite "more American experts" to future conferences.18 Andreansky/Biel replied to Marzik's appeal in the Foreign Language Supplement of the August issue of Slovensko. In an article entitled "?Slovak Studies Association?" Andreansky/Biel wrote: "Direct contact with such leading personalities in the SSA as Stanislav J. Kirschbaum, M. Mark Stolarik and Renee Mikus, because of their hostility [towards the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic] are, at the moment, impossible." 19 This reply was laughable, because neither Stanislav J. Kirschbaum, nor Renee Mikus, held any office in the SSA! I suspect that Stan Kirschbaum was on the "black list" of Czechoslovak authorities because he was the son of Jozef Kirschbaum, who at that time was one of the Executive VicePresidents of the Slovak World Congress and Renee Mikus was married to Jozef Mikus, who also held a high office in the SWC. Indeed, both the elderly Kirschbaum and his colleague Mikus were former diplomats in the service of the first Slovak Republic (1939-1945) as well as members of the Slovak People 's Party, and, as such, supporters of Slovak independence. 20 Thus, they were anathema to the Husak regime. Andreansky/Biel probably did not like Mark Stolarik because he was the son of Imrich Stolarik, also a former member of the Slovak People's Party and, therefore a "separatist" who often wrote articles advocating Slovak independence in the weekly 18 Thomas D. Marzik, "K problematike Slovensko-americkych akademickych vzt'ahov," in Zahranicni S/ovaci a narodne kulturne dedictvo: Zbornik prispevkov z vedeckeho seminara k 120. vyrociu zaloienia Matice s/ovenskej, compiled by Frantisek Bielik, Jan Siracky and Claude Balaz (Martin : Matica slovenska, 1984), 10109. Once again, the Matica arranged to translate Marzik' s article into Slovak. 19 Slovensko, 8 (August, 1983), Foreign Language Supplement. See Appendix 5, gage 102. °For the history of the first ten years of the Slovak World Congress, see Desat' rokov cinnosti SKS, comp . by JozefM. Kirschbaum (Toronto: Slovak World Congress, 1981). For the struggle for Slovak independence, see J. M . Kirschbaum, Nas boj o samostatnost' Slovensko (Cleveland: Slovak Institute, 1958; reprinted by the Matica slovenska, Martin, 2000). �SLOVAKIA-2015 93 Kanadsky Slovak. For this reason Andreansky/Biel wrote to Mark Stolarik on November 14, 1983 and asked the latter to repudiate an article written by his father in Kanadsky Slovak on September 24, 1983, which had criticized the August issue of Slovensko.2 1 Andreansky/Biel even promised to publish Stolarik' s reply in the next issue of Slovensko! Instead, Mark Stolarik wrote to Andreansky/Biel as follows : "I will not polemicize with you . Your job is to create propaganda. Mine is to write history. In this instance, I will have the last word." 22 Andreansky/Biel ' s letter showed that, at that time he had more power in the Matica slovenska than its president, the "Narodny umelec" (national artist) and writer Vladimir Mi nae, a member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Slovakia. After having read Andrensky/Biel's attack upon me in Slovensko, I complained to Mi nae in a letter dated September 3, 1983 .23 In his reply of October 4, 1983, Minac wrote the following: "I am sorry about what happened in the periodical Slovensko . I have no direct control over the editorial content of the magazine, but, as much as I can, I will try to prevent such future misunderstandings." 24 Meanwhile, Victor S. Mamatey, considered the "dean" of Czech and Slovak historians in the United States, also reacted to the machinations of the Matica slovenska. In the Slovak monthly Horizont, published by emigres in Switzerland, he wrote the following: Slovaks abroad need cultural contacts with their homeland and Slovakia needs contacts with Slovaks abroad . Unfortunately, at the moment such contacts are weak and inadequate. The Matica and the entire regime need to understand that not they, but Slovaks abroad have the right to decide who will represent them at conferences and who will properly interpret their needs. 25 Vladimir Minac could not have been sincere in his reply to Mark Stolarik's complaint because, as indicated above, Andreansky/Biel wrote me again on November 141\ Furthermore, in 1988, during the 21 Milos Biel to Mark Stolarik, November 14, 1983 . See Appendix 6, page 103 . See also Appendix 7, page I 04, for the article in Kanadsky Slowik, September 24, 1983 . 22 Mark Stolarik to Milos Biel, November 29, 1983. See Appendix 8, page 105 . 23 Mark Stolarik to Vladimir Mimic, September 3, 1983 . See Appendix 9, pages 106 and 107. 24 Vladimir Minac to Mark Stolarik, October 4, 1983 . See Appendix 10, page 108. 25 Horizon/ (Zurich), September-October, 1983. �94 SLOV AKIA-2015 era of "Glasnost" and "Perestrojka," as promoted in the Soviet Union and its satellites by General Secretary Mikhail Goobachev in the late 1980's,2.6 I was finally invited to attend another Matica conference in Bratislava. There I met Vladimir Mimic at a Matica-sponsored reception at Bratislava Castle. After the opening ceremonies ended, a tipsy Mimic approached me and asked in a voice reeking of wine "ci vas otec stale serie do toho Kanadskeho Slovaka?" (Is your father still crapping into Kanadsky Slovak?) .27 This vulgar question revealed what was really bothering Minac (and Andreansky/Biel): that my father was freely advocating independence for Slovakia in Kanadsky Slovak. Another reason why Andreansky/Biel attacked me in Slovensko is that I revealed the truth about how it was published. When Tom Marzik returned from the second Matica conference in 1983, he promptly informed me that Slovensko was published in two versions : one for domestic consumption and one for Slovaks abroad. Only the foreign version contained a "Foreign Language Supplement," which carried news about the activities of Slovaks in the wider world. I informed the readers of the Newsletter of the Slovak Studies Association of these two versions in the June, I 984 issue.28 In its August 22 nd issue, the largest-circulation Slovak-American newspaper, the Jednota, official organ of the First Catholic Slovak Union, congratulated me for having provided this information. It pointed out that the Matica slovenska was sending Slovensko for free to Slovaks all over the world, and they had no idea that it was published in two versions.29 This information so infuriated Andreansky/Biel that he reacted with a full-page response in the January, 1985 issue of Slovensko. The jist of his response was that the publishers of Slovensko did not have enough paper to offer the "Foreign Language Supplement" to domestic readers.30 The best reaction to this absurd excuse came from Juraj Virsik, editor of the Slovak-Australian Monitor. In an article beginning with the Slovak proverb "Trafena hus zagaga," (A Struck Goose 26 For the Gorbachev era see Angus Roxburgh, The Second Russian Revolution: The Struggle for Power in the Kremlin (London : BBC Books, 1991). 27 1 described this episode in greater detail under the pseudonym Leo Carpenter in "Looking for Mr. Glasnost in Today ' s Czechoslovakia," in the monthly Crisis: A Journal of Lay Catholic Opinion, 7, no. 7 (July-August, 1989), 33-39. 28 "Slovensko for Two Audiences," SSA Newsletter, 8, no. 1 (June, 1984), p. 13. 29 Jednota (Middletown, PA), August 22, 1984. 30 Slovensko, 1 (1985), "Cudzojazycna priloha.," Appendix 11 , pages 109 and 110. �SLOVAKIA-2015 95 will Squawk), Virsik provocatively suggested that, if Slovakia indeed suffered from a shortage of paper, it could easily turn to the Bulletin of the Slovak World Congress, published in Canada, which had an abundance of newsprint, and the Bulletin would willingly publish any news that the Matica might send it. 31 Andreansky-Biel did not react to Virsik's article. Finally, in 1988, probably as a result of Mikhail Gorbachev's "Glasnost," which also penetrated into the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, the Matica slovenska invited Mark Stolarik to another of its scholarly conferences, this time to be held in Bratislava on July 46. When I arrived in Bratislava and met with Frantisek Bielik, whom I had not seen since 1970, I asked him who was Miloslav Andreansky/Milos Biel? A surprised Bielik answered, "Don't you know?" "No, I don ' t," I replied. "But, you must know, he continued ." "No I don ' t, I answered." He was still afraid to openly tell me. I then asked where was Andreansky/Biel? Bielik answered, "in Martin." Perhaps Andreansky/ Biel did not attend the conference for fear that I would confront him . As a result, I never met him. After the fall of Communism in Czechoslovakia, I inquired about his whereabouts and discovered that Andreansky/ Biel had left the Matica and was living in Vrutky, a small railroad town north of Martin. He had apparently joined the ultra-nationalist Slovak National Party and was its representative in that town. Since I had met and befriended Jozef Prokes, one of the founders of the Slovak National Party, when he had visited Canada in 1992, I wrote to Prokes and asked him how it was that a former collaborator of the STB was now working for the Slovak National Party?32 Prokes did not answer my letter. Meanwhile, many interesting individuals attended the Bratislava conference. After I presented my paper on the declining use of the Slovak language in the United States, 33 an elderly gentleman ap31 Slovak-Australian Monitor (March, 1985). See Appendix 12, page 111. Mark Stolarik to Jozef Prokes, August 27, 1992 (author's archive). When I visited the Matica at another conference in February of 2013, and once again inquired about the whereabouts of Andreansky/Biel, the older employees, who had known him, sheepishly answered that a few years earlier he had passed away. 33 "A Historical Perspective on the Declining Use of the Slovak Language in the United States of America," in Zahranicni Slowici a materinsky jazyk. Zbornik prispevkov z vedeckeho symposia k 125. vyrociu zaloienia Matice slovenskej, " comp. by Frantisek Bielik and Claude Balaz (Martin : Matica slovenska, 1990), I 7277. 32 �96 SLOVAKIA-2015 proached me. He was Dr. Belo Polla, an employee of the Matica in the l 940's, who had been purged and later found himself working for the Archaeological Institute of the Slovak Academy of Sciences in Nitra, approached me. He was delighted that, in my presentation, I had mentioned his former colleagues at the Matica such as its director J.C. Hronsky and the publicist Konstantin Culen, as well as the historian Frantisek Hrusovsky and the journalist Jozef Pauco. He added that those names had been "taboo" in Czechoslovakia in the previous years. He was also delighted that emigres such as the linguist I:ubomir Durovic of Sweden and the political scientist Milan Durica of Italy were able to participate in the conference. Such was the influence of Mikhail Gorbachev's "Glasnost," which would eventually lead to the collapse of Communism in Eastern Europe during the summer and fall of 1989.34 After the fall of Communism in Czechoslovakia in November of 1989, the situation in the Matica slovenska immediately improved. The "old guard" either retired or was fired and the new leaders of the Matica immediately re-established friendly contacts with Slovaks in the West. There were no longer any attacks in the monthly Slovensko against me or any other members of the Slovak Studies Association. Indeed, in 1991 the Matica signed a formal agreement between the University of Ottawa and itself in which it pledged to supply the newly-established Chair in Slovak History and Culture all the books that it needed in order to properly function .35 As a result, in January, 1992, the Chair received hundreds of recently-published books from the Matica and this program of exchange continues to this day. Thus, since 1989 the Chair in Slovak History and Culture at the University of Ottawa and the Matica slovenska (and its National Library, which split off in 2000), continue to have good relations. 36 34 For the "Velvet Revolution" in Czechoslovakia see Jozef Zatkuliak et. al., Nove mber '89: Medznik vo vyvoji slovenskej spolocnosti a jeho medzinarodny kontext (Bratislava: Historicky ustav SA V vo vydavatel'stve Prodama, 2009). 35 Agreement between the Matica slovenska in Martin and the University of Ottawa (Chair in Slovak History and Culture), signed by Marcel Hamelin, Rector, University of Ottawa, September 4, 1991 and Imrich Sedlak, Director, Matica slovenska, November 18, 1991 (author's archive). 36 The National Library of Slovakia split off from the Matica slovenska on July 1, 2000. E-mail from Maria Kurhajcova to Mark Stolarik, July 21, 2000 (author's archive). �SLOV AKIA-2015 97 APPENDIX 1 L C V C: N S K A ,'J • )S1;'ELK A A AOU RE P UHLth Y M A ls1:TIN. Mudrol"lova ,e . 3:i. t e lefOn 2348. 2347 , 2340, :it34Q , 3 197 University of Minnesota, College of Liberal ArtsDepartment of History, Mr. M. St O l 8 r i k M_i_n_n_e_a_e_o_l_i_s Minnesota 55455 - US A v•l i l:111 :rn.a.6k,y1:a, o d,'\.-. 30.III.1969 Na" :an•~k.:i r:r:""maja 1969 l>'K .t.'7 20/69-St Voe Vazen:f pan Stolarik, Na VaA list z 30. marca 1969, ktory ate p!sali Dr . Sir ackemu , oznamujeme V!lm, l!e mikrofillll.Y lfosopisov "Obzor" a "Dom a 1!kol'l" sa ul! r-obia a koncom ~ Vam ich po!!leme. Obzor od roku 1863 do roku 1905 /41 ro~n!kov/ a Dom a Akola od roku 1885 do roku 1897 /13 ro~nikov/. Z ~asopisu Dom a §kola Vam zasielame 4 ro~n!lcy ~ascpisu, kedze mame viac exemplarov. Dufame, l!e Vam to vyhovie. PokiaY ide o pletenie, snhlasime a tym, aby ate nam poslsli mikrofil111.Y: Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny, Slovak v Amerike, Jednota a Narodne noviny, pretol!e ni~ v uplnosti nemAme. MOzete nam tiel! oznami t, kde v USA sa tieto ~asopisy na.cMdzaju v uplnosti. Sme radi, ze ste sa ohlasili a ponukame Vam aj dal§iu spolupracu. Ochotne Vam yoaleme zo Slovenska vAetko, ~o potrebujete z novej literatucy a mOze prist do uvahy aj star§ia literatllra, pretoze mame dost dubletov. Boli by sme radi, keby sa na University of Minnesota vybudovalo slu§ne oddelenie slovenskej historickej /alebo inej, podYa potreby/ literatllry. Te§ime ea ns spolupracu s Vsmi a srde~ne Vas pozdravujeme .J ,;R I 1} /lflftl,,\ riadi teY ,N&J-.~nej ' knHnice Ma ti,ce i-'~ lovenske j Dr. J. 'Telgarslcy ~ List bol vrateny, dl\a 27. VI.1969! neznemy �~ \ 1 ~, ' j •t . 1 t ► rr-• .-.... 1..-.••........~-, }:,.\,,_" ·, 1 .. -~·\·.t Propa1atd i!lslo ~"i'darr ... -- J} •~\i ~ · ,, ... .,i\ 1-, ~.c 1·1 •• -~ '; ::;, ' {:,:~ ."1'. •%·"'" ,, __ ~~. • -~ \l ' if ::, ,_ l.;.t.•~~·~ ! ,, '... . · f }If n•Yhno1U 1141- • n« lrult6ru v61:»c, l kullt\rn, ,1:1tvrat ma• .:.zmi. ~~:,,,d:.n.tuh~':!~:.!P~I~,,f ~6,an11 T~PI opqitl~ -,:a b ~ I ,tart JJlllOd' f:111V1tov1J price, • luqttry, lap ako J,)q-lSWCn61µt ~tDltela. lkO ntitro)a. 1, aOC(&llatlc);QIZ\ n•dt-ln,U •Yte' Jebb dobr<d. tradld u, rw n11 t'.'!: =:r.u~~:mi:"!4~• 9!:-=~~::;~ •:~;VJ~~, J• to ~~•~~,b(~~~•v:d;:,,:i=!t~1 = I ~ ron9J1 1l4rodMt, U1f6rr, na prOdeate dn1f ill'1Mtt d.lliliom• fta,ahl1 • napokon l • llltwtdfctou D6~J\:-:a~·":iii!:;,:*..:r::r.' ~~~=·~l: :~~~ • _,,1 ' OT,VA·RAM.E\J,i:\i- ~l, T MeM ~• ''f'iW'• Hu If VfcW..o p,~ ftf'1 chr4'f"M ,q .t~ •.rl#ttf• ~awo po~o, .Jl«)fjatqj ~J\lt~ tUl&V, pred'Htn4lt# 4 mu 6-u,,:Ericuc/1'«/l ~' I ~ ltc&1ic ~,ut OfH'.:UjN Mprifie' ,o. N-.i6~ ho ~,=~~~.;::; ,1,ottt P"lhl¥• 100/•j ,uutl o ptttflduoei• •"' tu4tlto«I t4t, •••,-. :i:siltf~i!'"~:~ ntl11pr())flrtotnf; ,,aop; ml tltlm~Hftw k,. Off llocl 11 opak. ·'Ct potort r>0ff t•Jto irdnU &it =:::r:~~,,. bot, Cn. tr~ dt•"" ·no.:iptllf~ hdllj 01'D~QBIE ~-., l · .& -· ·1 ..•t<,., ~~ ,:.•m ·~t.·~c .j '!Ii~. h l'udslwstt,,. ,,: .. ---- N0,V;£ · l ·- . ,' . -__:_ - ...,.. t l . --= U P I , .-,/J ~ ~ ••~___..,...:..,.. ~- 0'i.~~, Uv~pk ,1,, 'l VY_D(,..VA, MATICA SLOVENS"f V M ' "';~ ~·z., N ~ 0 z --= --= tr! > I (ll .... N 0 < > e:> 0 t""' r:,, '° = �SLOV AKIA-2015 99 APPENDIX2 Za prava ,slo,enciny okrecov dfla e. 10. 19et •yledaJ• •• taJto bttl. nojbo dr.tmla prlaclp Ttato Lueencl praeanf YO . .reJaal runkctl arladiC fu.akcla •lc•prHldan · OceftuJema. te \I 10vls.l ta • tuakclu prdbo pod • •l•bo • 6ra.de., Polladnky tederActou nOho At , aa s1ov,a1 .. a.by Maduo•, .. by ktor6 •IUJ, predHdu ktortl k 50. vtroCJu CSR to ■ t• ta:■Jllf atllf ( •I .. aJoobsahoull podobae aka H • tame, iloat4ve H na progt H ■at"fdl 1Jrol6cb) po mad'■ r• •tnhu itlan6bo dko ■ a ■ awrbuJ• ob1■ daova.al• t-■ kel• •kJ~ •Y d01taU afton.a1 -ped- •I othb postavenla nar noltl. Konltatujema v1ek , kl••· mJ ■ lalra • tt6taaho tajoaud• ~.1K• •,~~:r:1.!:~~~n~;f.~U• na Jkodu vecl n,hrh IA.k1 VycbHsa•• a dotereJlfch Ila. n·ebol vopred pred uvere) ufml trpkfcb ak6Hao1U Slo4. Poprl hlatorlclry a•HI• · L S6b1Hfm■ so He ■lm ti. Y6kov • tobto A•em.Ja. Ul ,Ill.a- nlm 1Dterne konzultovanf I. ala pokl ■ dime ae newy- a fcb a6nocb 'Slovenaki ••· l.rajlla daada • d!ollasyt■ oa- organlUlcleml N•rod. tro1 haulnA doplal( ho b ■ ltalo • rodnl rad• a Cnll:6 ••rodal ti H prett SlovUom aeutf• Term.Io vereJn•J dlskusle rad• l nalogld:y podra lafch n ■ fm, I ■ ..• CSSR .. •16 eet15. 10. 198& Ja prfllJ kri Hl■ tat, la ◄ 6 povlnDf nlln a a 1lonntlaa tlob11 ro•· ■ •now Cl1tno1 dd CSSR. na to, abJ n mohll nlekt dla( po matfanlrf, t,yt tda 116taych )HJ' · vlld• Sloveaalr■ I 1oclallatlc■ oprh ■ ycb kGY ... naJasn~ mlesla n•vrhu nl dvojJ ■ aytaf. Kedle ahtb 6 kel republllry, wllda Cukaj 1CuU.be stllooa • t!I. ◄ IZ u - 11te vysvttllt u kompetl ■oclall•llclr■ J rapubllkJ ( Ire• nych mletaach. Tfmto kooltatonalm .. be • 1 ■ -te dltoaa poulluf lraz■ J• nblC ■ ltl•k aa n6 • IH potwrdzoj■ skul0Cao1f, alto oflcl61ae n6ny \Nirodnfl Predodetkfw Ide o f rodaosU • •m•,.. odllirodttio.-aala lllllllle a■ lo Dripecl• nhrhu zJikona, ktorf hov ktod objektl-ue Je1h,1je, I• rada Sloun•kel ■oc lall1Ucltal fllruje, taUe H m6h delltotlt Jnykml lt6taJcb ora• · rapubllky ■ Nlrodn6 rada 0 prhach prlslu!n"lkov 101 na vzdelanlt nArodnostt n6tlalr) takfto u •Jb16tlt eo repullll• aoclell1llclcaJ CeskaJ ••• 11 tdll•• • •alowneloa, svoJom jnyku a O poutJv SlovUov nlj ■ kf dkon • alto M to koolt ■ taje •I • ti. kf. tohto Juyka v styku • Qr, pt.. takfmto nflllakom vf· S. Uplalnlt • celo,n dkoae I ■hrhu flttHnlho dkona. ml bei akfihOkotvek da lll( 'tittlDJml 1 ■ s1kmJ led■ ai ■ d o fader•Udcll CSSR 1.hatlu, alov ■- ■-cbri.D1, je ta N!l'1ne urCenla. Sme toho nboru, aebe1petanstwo, l• Slodcl tH1kJ nirodaosU jlf6cich • -te •letlry n•tanonnl• tfk•· f6ce u arlad'ovnla federil • , oa tomto 6aemf, ktorf an•• , prho na vrdelenle u m, essa.. die aleb11 aa oeneutl■ per konkrettzovaf na ,1upel\ l Z. NHrbuJean ■, ahy .. prl nycb orahoY, lch komp■ l ■a· ly 1 ,oeesne u mall staJ mad'anlry, aiel1111.h u nebu pliant atuu n ■ l■ I republlky, cl• • unlu lch organh:lcl• vlt podmlenky, za akfch m a prhomocl n mHu menlt dO mGcf doma vo •ereJ011j 1polo•nflt fC&1ko· poulf• ■ l t:l ■ aostl uplatolt, ala bud6 Slonn1kol ; to plall ■ I o pl· Iba oa Uklad• d'allfcb 61ln• 00 uladovaf !koly vyUle ako Uklad.n~ho typu. 1 w,-ranlll •J bez-treala6mu IJ~ prfshalnfbo prfdantbo ofch 1'ko110-... n ■I mH ■ f be1ko-1lovell&kf: Cu• U. I( ni't'rhu 6atua6bo al - kauovaalu. Stovky raaol6CII lsto u1 ~ v 1omto nivrhu t ko .. lonnsk, republlka, t:H• Ilona • a6rodao,tlacb : be konlm:itlzovat, akfm SJ • ,talnoat[. lrtori polltlckfm • 11'taJ• l!laltafom • or1• · sobom sa mA uplatnlt 'l>ti pod.J. ko-alon- ■ lrf lltc • menttnovfch n8.rodnostf %iada111e, ■ bJ H • ■ hrbu ao• SloY6cl • toblo 6.nmla ,.;~:.~D•;::111,~:.:~b\ed::-:.~ VJ'PU&tll ,ad, v kloro ■ •• vlastoibo Jazy poutfvaole po1lelaJ6.. d •«llml ,.,Ntl!afm J•I•• arladlt funkci• pradH- bo•or1, la atrodao1II m•l6 v st_yFu s dradml. n;~:.,.~:- .. undHt bod lllu • podpn ...du, lrllrri by .,prho poalfnf nol Juyk • Tleto ltyllzicle n8.\'rhu .a dkooa VJ"••ch, aHaka •• obudaouU alternaU••• dradnom 1tyku". auje u poutl-..ote • mad'artl • s1avn6ho zakona sQ v roz1 Uthapcom C•sbJ aoc:la.Uatlc· re •J s akentm program1 rato pr•vo by utml pre ■J t• laayko• ltltnych "'· kll r1pub1Jky aJtbo Slo•en • Ov KSS. lebo n4vrb z6ko Slodkov lijliclcb • 1111lela· rodnoaU) • lllradnom ,tylta. ebJ eoclall•tiek•I repu•UlrJ, 511 nez.mleftuJe o povtnno v alJku H nojlml prad•t• · 1lovao1ko•m ■ dar1kfch prltom tty aa afrodn6 nsli· a:fcb n6rodnostof vllarml ,. pollllckfch • ltit• prtslu~nrkov peoie v tfchlo fankdich oblutlach malo nfml ••· aby s ! pomocou t mentin, • nirod m.lH:u uycb orgjnocb priualv6 d6tledkJ. Praklicky atrltdalo podf• funktnfch znaloatJ. osvoJo,'all v~erko t 081 u poull-...C not IHJk. No by soemol6ou1o Slodkom r obdobt. ,:iemolao _ doko ■ ca dko - hatstvo ees kej II slovens• • ttm prlsplev kulrGry .aoru _ n6Uf Slodko• uClf k -\ldjomn6mu s1>0z.ntvar ■a po mad'llhk.) , aby M•cf•rl ,. ■lyku • aJml mohli upl•t · • spolutll1u nirodov • r ubaapeCe11A rodno1H v CSSR . dfJoaom alt Konlunu1eme. ta Slov6cl prflu. Moho tu mlmocbo• IOChtO oblbtlach, kde stl dom upuoralC na krlkfno odchodd poataY■nie Slod • n61 v memlln e, mohll by doataf podra do1erejleJ p1 lrov • Mad'araku, ktort• u xe • poclporou dstavn6ho , • podobnfch prhacb a ■ I 1- ■ kona ' do 11tuAcle, ktora ,, k .o1 .. t nnmia. mo dbsledkoch Tole 1tale •t ■ aoviako ■ a- neentch aaaff. ta by •m• boll proll vlHf k odn6rodf'iovaolu p prfiv a,.ro4aostf, aluJnfkov llitotvorn6bo n.61 :a■ ru~a■ la •I• aem&hme a6bl•alf I poi- da, prfpad ne k lcb 1lteku kodzonnlm Slodkov, lclol"f tfc bto iUemf ■ IovensUbo o , by malo by1 dO.lellltom ale• roda. -. kforjtb _prt• urul!e ■ fch ••- • .J)rginy, lriorf ad nlnter tovan6 na pTlpr,\'e Qstevn .rodaostiHn .,. predlolenom bo zalcooa, by mall uvUlf. ahrbu d•tndbo dkona. by nebolo vbodn6 ,,yhlheci .. tobto Ukona Casove navl * Pracovalcl Matice slovenskej ut na ust1nov11n1e zAkoaa ate · ho odlol federallrAcll. v Martine dt'Ja 8. 10. 196'1 vyslovlU k vl4dnemu ntvrhu • ltylldcle dOsledneftle pr • prekonzultowaf • myallef o postavent nirod• Ukon■ nostl v C:SSR Ueto prlpo• vtetkfcb zlotktch N• rodn ho tronru. mleoky: Publtktcle nivrhu astavntMatt e• slovenska ako c ho Ulkooa -vyvolalo n1Jml v lon4rodn.6 ustanovl.Zeft al p mlestnycb odboroch Matice ldada u morllnu povtnno 1lovenskt1J 01 futnom Sloven- ur,ozornlf na tao.to probl61 sku a.naent ohlaa. Vframe ut •I preto, lebo se 01 ru sa to l)teJavtlo •I ·n, porade v teJto vttel obraceJO tlensl ■ Joie/ Smrhoikj L /Ulo 196& no ndolteoc v Uortln~. m1111tn~bo ~~~1~~. oraanlz.tde 1 cel61 predstavltefov v Mahci ,tovenskeJ, ,nwe:I odpoot.4111 no aktwtlne: otdik~. l'I~"~"'" " ,.............. - .. .. - ~ Foto: A. V. H•id• (Vrouo sprduca MS 4r. Jd,t Mart4k.J Jaqko,adaf '"•• tudowft• lt6ta SAV prlJal k abrbu dkOH O flNf•nlldcH .CS51 ■ atnba filtHatbo dkDDI • ■ trodaC¥,tlacb 1taoo•lako, _. ktorAllo ')'llertme. �SLOVAKIA-2015 100 APPENDIX3 , MATICA SLOVENSK A 1863 1973 NOS!Tlr.RA IADtl IIPl11tlltY The Cleveland Stete University DepArtment of History - College of Arts et Sciences Mr . Marien St olarik C 1 e_v_e_l_ a_n_d_, Ohio 44115 U.S. A. VU li,t anatlty Vee: 10 d6a 26/II/73 Na la I natlta 4-63/1157/35 4/73 - St Martin 27. marca 1973 Vaieny pan Stolarik, ~akuje me za Va§ list, ktory nam umoihuje nadvi azat medzinarodny vymenny styk s The Cleveland State University , Department of History , Cleveland, Ohio prostrednictvom Va§ej pOaobnosti na tejto univerzi te. Avizovam1 publikaciu sme este zatial' ned ostali, nakol'ko doru~enie zasielky trva v priemere tri mesiace. Matice slovenska, Martin s radostou pr!jme predpletne na ~asopis v ramci vymeny "The International Migration Review", ako aj vybavenie na§ich objednavok ns publikacie, ktore Vam budeme postupne, taktiez v remci vymeny posiela t, Vyme nn~ rekepitulacie si budeme viest individuelne na zaklade Va si ch zasielok s cenemi a prip ! §eme v prospech Va§ho vymenneho konte , ako aj z naAej strany zasielane potvrdenky s uvedenim cien pre Va§u evidenciu. Zatial' sme Varn po slali 9 publikacii z oblasti historie su~~snej produkcie podl'a Va§ej po~iadavky dha 15.III,1973 a dal'sie publikacie , tykajuce sa tejto obla sti Vam postupne po~leme, Dufame , te s tymto postu~om budete s uhlbsit a roz s!ri sa fond o slovacika na Va§ej univerzite, ako aj f ond Matice slovenskej s publika ciami , o ktore bud eme ziadat na zaklsde excerpt z Cumulative Book Index s zoznamov vydani j ednotlivych vydavatel'ov. Tymto by sme pokladali dohodu z nasej strany za uzavretu a prosime Vas o pisomny suhlas, Te§ime sa na Va §u odpoved ~ sme / s pozdravom ~ -=- Prof.dr.Ing . Jarosl ov .~ELKO , CSc, / Spravco Matice slovenskej v,b .. •i" Stuchlikova Tclt:r6n 2Sf6, 2547, 2548, 25+9, 5197 Oalekopi1 0755:SI 0)6 5 2Martin, Mud ro6ova M �SLOVAKIA-2015 101 APPENDIX4 , MATICA SLOVENSKA NOSIT£t K A RADU RIP U B LIKY Kr. Ph. D. KarU.n Stol6rii: The Cleveland State Univereity CLEVELAND, Ohio 44115 U SA V' j Ii SI I.oa t ")' zo d na Ma r tin Nala znal': K a 5-63 /1JtlJ/Ff l14-U Vee: 23.10.1974 ~ai:)lje■ e Vma Ba list a vr,ten,y ponui:ovy zozJ:lUl. Poaielee Vo !iadan4 knihy a! na tri tituly, i:tor4 eu •! rocobra• n41 1. Ju!n4 Slovenako 2. Ratkoil1 Pra■ ene k dejinmn Vel'kej Koravy 3e Sedla1 Preilovek4 kolegium v elovenekych dejin,ch Dll:fame, !e oetatn4 knihy dostanete ~o najekar av poriadku. ~akujeme Vu aj za aaaopia "Ethnicity•. Sudame ve:rmi r~ di, ked ho pre n,a objean,te. S pozdravo■ / ~f~ Stefan Krivuil spr,vca Matice slovenakej Vy b ovujec Ulbr ichtov, Kiria Tcler6n 2346, 2347, 2548, 2349, 3197 Oalek.opi1 0753,1 0'652 Mar tin, Mu d r ufi ova 35 �102 SLOV AKIA-2015 APPENDIXS a Cudzojazycnci priloha Sefredali:to, Stefan Hovlo r. Zosto vi l M iloslo v And re6nsky Vydalo Mati ce slo.,en 1k6 v Ma rti ne. Tlotili TSNP, z6 v< Neogrofla , Martin, CSSR v m6Ji 1983. fllowcnal:o a 1983 roku u ma konat' 14. d: 17. okt6bra vo Washing• tone, na budud rok v Kansas City). Madzl elenml SSA je I nlalcorko vyznamnych 7 SLOVAK STUDIES ASSOCIATION 7 Tato apoloalosf ui 120 vedec:kych p.-.covnikov s1ov..-.. p6vodu a priatefov slovenekef vedy, lwttury • umenla nielen z USA• Kanady, ale I z cfalilch lblitov ..,_ zlskava prootrednfo. tvom The Balch lnstitut vo Phlladelphll, USA, od Matice olovaMkef, Slovenakej akademle vied a cfalilch . - k y c h kultumych inititudl e.aoplsy, zbomlky a knlhy. VosvoJom ,,Newsletter", ktory ut po 8 rolcov vyd6va dvakrU do roka, oboznamuje avofich Benov • prostrednk:tvom nlch I sV9tOvu vect.cku verejnosf • knlhaml ■ zbomflcml a upozoffluje na zaujfm■Ye ~Hinley v tasoplsoch. Okrem toho Jnfonnuje •J o knihKfl a - - V 6uopi9och O Slovikoch, a alovenakef problematlke, ktore vytll v cudzlne. Bohutlar napriek evidentnaJ snahe po objekttvnom, nezaujatom rwferovanf prmu len pravlida zimer uprlamlf pozomosf na publlkacle a ttanky a obuhom niilmu lblitu a zrladenlu naprlatersky orlentovanych. SSA mi •I vl■-u edialu l!lnnosf preva!ne V apolupr6cl - ao Slovanakjm Ustavom v Clevelande, oriento-v■ nU nepri■tal'slry voa n,m. Zatlar eo predaada a elenovla vyboru sa vprlebehu rokov - pokier am■ to mall mofnost ■ ledovat menlli, trvalU pozldu ta)omnfka a pokladnlka od r. 1978 mi M . Marl< Stolarik. ktory je aj Ndalctorom .,Newsletter" . SSA je lnltttucionlilnym aenom American Assoclation for Advenc:ement of Slavic Studies • aktivne aa zututiluje na Jej nirodnych konvandich (toho kn)anakych vadeckych p.-.covnlkov, lctori ma)u s Matlcou alovenskou dobre kontalcty. Medzl inyml Mrs. Nonna Rudlnski, Gerald J . Sabo, June Alexander, John Berta, Saly Staruch, Tom Marzik • d'alif z USA.. prof. Peter Petro a Yvonne Grabowski z Kanady ako I J . M. Rydlo zo avajaarska a dalil. AJctfvna Bnn~ tychto k spoluprild • Maticou lllovenskou na kuttumom poff ochotnych llanov SSA, vytvira perapektivu, le v buducnostf aa bude m6ct' celkom aeri6zne uva!ovaf I o konkretnej prlamej apoluprid Matice alovenekej ao Slovak Studies Anoclatlon v oblastl propagicle vyaledkov alovanokef vacly, kultury • umenla vo . - .. Zatlar, • vyhradou propagide nim naprlat.rokej litera• tury, pozltlvna hodnotima snahu SSA oboznamovat svetoW vededc:U vsejnost o nallch uspechoch v oblutl vedy, literatury • umanla. Priame kontalctyvtak vzhradom na neprlat.rsky postoj preclovtetkym takych vplyvnych oaobnostf v SSA ako SU Stanislav J . IOrachbaum, M. Mark Stolarik ■ Renee Mikus, nie SU v SUbsnoatl mOZ"'. Je to aamozrejme na ikodu vecf, ktor.6 nim je opolol!ni: propagidl slovan■kaj vacly. lfteratury a umenla na svatovom f6rw. MILOS BIEL �SLOV AKIA-2015 103 APPENDIX6 VYD/..VA MA.TICA SLOVlNSK/.. no&luil'b bdu repubUky MARTIN 14. Dovembra 1983. VAS LIST ZNA<'!KY Valent pe p~. lla.rlc K. Stolarik The i!lalch lMtit~te 18 S., 1th Street ZO Di'IA N~A ZNA<'!KA Philadelphia, Pa. 19106 VYBAVUJE Kiloll Bie]l. VEC: Vll!eny pain pro:f'e aorl V pr:!10118 Vllm zasielam :f'otokopiu a aajho l!lilnlcu, a SSA v nallom l!aeopiae Slovenako l!.6/83 a :f'otokopiu replilcy z Kanadak4ho Sloviika l!.37, rot. 42 z 24.9.1983, hoci J>Nldpoklaau, !e ich ob11ah d poznate. Ak oba l!llllllcy poromllte a apoaeaiete ei na to1 l!o ate nap1aali predaedovi Matice alovenalcej DIU'o 111119lcovi Vlatia!rovi Kinal!ovi i na jeho odpoved, bude Vu zre,im4, !e Vu Va6i priatelia z Kanadak4ho SlovlUca (Vall otec??) poalcytli aedvadiu alu!bu. Ol!akav.,._, !a ea nad oboma l!lllnkud zllJIIYalite, najd nad ich doaahoa v elovenalalj varejnoati za hranicaai, zaujaete jednoznaln4 a pravde zodpovedaj uce etanoviako a po!iadate redalcciu Kanadak4ho Sloviika o opravu. Ky v Slovensku ame tie! oohotn1 Valle atanoviako publikova~. �SLOVAKIA-2015 104 APPENDIX 7 kor..ne s mojfm prt,dpllllnym . Zarove~ pr1p•J11m MO na 23 dolarov, t. J. 20 11ko predplatne 11 3 na podporu. Zarovel\ m1pr11vde , ktor4 oko!0 nM 11li:1(l _ _______ _ ne. No to si pocnete s eecno- _ ........_,,.;,;._..;..,.....;...,._,,.. slovakm i a podobnymi pobhi- nerobl dobru slufbu medzl sh,denymi oveckami? . venskyml vyst'ahovalcaml na amerlckom konllnente. To by . sl mall uvedomll' af II, ktorl 1:: chcli hfadaf spolupracu so I~sJovenskym exllom v slobod- r-----------------------7 , Mm citatelia opiitovne Vas chceme poprosit', aby ste si prezreli zaznam pri Vasej adrese. Ak mate este stale na konci dvojku (2). tak Vase predplatne vyprsalo. Nedavno sme poslali cfalsfch vyse sto (100) iiadosti o vyrovnanie si predplatneho. Prosfme aj tych, ktori maju na konci trojku (3) a mesiac ai po okt6ber, nech si laskavo vyrovnaju predplatne, lebo im sa uz t' · k c ·1 UI' h • a •d k 1ez s on_ '. o a . c1 1e nam pr cu a vy a_v Y na znamky t1ez. riakureme Varn za porozum~nie Admin1strac1a K . S. I nom svete. I Je zfavne, fe reflm na SloI vensku podnlk6 11 bude podI' nlkaf kroky, aby potupoval sloI venskych ntlrodovcov v exlle a 1' aby podryvallch f"dnotu a akll- J I vltu " 11 kafdom poN. Bolo by ., pod nalu d0stofnosl', aby sme 115 komunlstlckyml ldeol6gml debatovall II vledll s nlml dla16gy. Tym bysme Im roblll sluf- -------------------------• - bu, uzn6vall lch za parlnerov, s kloryml stofl ZII lo sedl ..t' ZII USA a pollllkov sa nezaobera. PIie vedecke prtlce O sloven• skom vyst'ahov,.1lectve do USA _-_·-- •-=;-- ' ~ 11 fe uzntivanou uutorltou medzl amerlckyml hlstorlkml II vedeckyml lnAlllliclaml Podra Andrnansk~ho-Blela Pod tltulom .Ohlasy" uverejnl,. ~ b._g.rof. Sto"rlka,.Je.Jt lo ,.Slovensko'", klore mt! byt' f ·srov ~Sludle._!. kulllirno-spolotenskym s _~ c 18 11 0 ,. 11 b y t 8 t •0 mesatnlkom a je vydavane Ma- ";iiofot!nosr mor.t'a reprezentollcou slovenskou v Turtlan- ,vat' Slovakov medzl amerlckyskom Svlltom Marline, vo svo- ml hlstorlkml a v Slavic Stujom tlsle z flila 1983 naslrane6 dies Association 8 teda Slov,icl utok na Msgr. F. Fugu , ktory je n e b O II p O ne ch an I p O d slovenskym narodovcom a patronatom ,.Czechoslovak predsedom Zahranltnef Mall- Studies Assoclnllon'". Ide O tisce slovenskej, ktora nle je mar- te vedeckli spolotnosl" hlstoxlsllcka ako hi na Slovensku. rlkov slovensl<eho p0vodu, Clanok .Kio klame a dezlnfor- ktorl sa hlasla k slovenskemu muje'" naplsal Mlloslav Andre- rodu a pf§u o slovenskef otazansky. ke vedeckym spOsobom, teda Ten lsty Mlloslav Andretln- objektlvne. sky (alias MIiot Blel) v augusToto sa pravdafe, M. Andretovom tisle Slovenska uveref- tlnskemu-Blelovl nep6tl, lebo nil znova lltok na dr. M. Stoia- sa tam nechvall techoslovaklzrlka, klory fe najkvallflkovanef- mus a marx-lenlnlzmus. !Im slovenskym hlslorlkom v Taketo plsanle Sloyenska spolotnym stolom. J" nam Nto, fe na amerlc• kom konllnenle mtl komunls!Icky reflm na Slovensku svoflch obdlvovatel'ov a kolaborantov, ale tych my anl nepresvedtlme, anl neziskame. Tleto litoky, krltlky, alebo I za. lletanl■ tasoplsu Slovensko nas e§te vlac upevnla v tom, f~ budeme mOcr dOsledne br6nlt a chranlt' mravne a narodne hodnoty slovenskeho exllu a P.rllva slov:en~ e~~9 , .n_a,[.(1da pra~ neAl'astna_~~ ! slovenska v Tufe1anskom Svlltom Martine t~k ne~_f.!)eba Z[pdlla a zre_d.,u. Y m me vel'a svojlch vlaslnej§lch a nallehavejAlch liloh. (R) s/itort �SLOV AKIA-2015 105 APPENDIX8 lHE BALCH INSTITLJrE for ElHNIC STUDIES 18 South Seventh Street, Philadelphia, PA. Or M. Men STOlorik Uecutive Director Boord cJ Trustees Samuel H 8olklm. .k Ch011mon .JohnC Hoen ViceCr'\Otlmon AlexO:"'1010 8 Goloslu 19106 November 29, 1983 P4'n MiloS Biel Reda'kcia Slovensko 036 52 M a ~ Mudroifo va 35 Czechoslovakia Europe DrahY pcln Biel: Secrelo,y v.f$ .John F White heosu16' wo11er ~ Afooe, t0w1ence J 9ornh0'\T r, oc:e,1 C Cho01n MOn Beo111ce K Chemock lh90CJOl8 H Cov11 Th0m01 J F111oei-010 list zo dn'a 14 . novembra, 1983, som dO.e s obdrZal. Mlt~ yravdu ,/ed p{sete Z\ pozn~ obsah ~lo":,enskfch C:asop1;sov. Ako h isto ri k c!tam vsetke Slovenske tasopisy ktore vychadzaju na zapade. Aj niektore' zo Slovenska. Mam tiez' p{somne sty'ky zo Slovak.mi po celom svete. Pre mXa ti e to tasopisy a li s t y su pramene pre deji ny Slova'kov v 20. storoc'i. Lis t y od v;{s pa tt:i a mc dz i nima. Or Muffov J:.11eomon WdhOmL GfolO Dr Roso Bo~e Green Pl"Ol A W~liom Hogiuno Rooe,tM HOwe Moue A ledeler Corv L8Ylnson. Esci Mri- Fronk P louchheln'\ Set C Mo-npon MictlOel Novak Vrvion W Piosoc:k1 Mrs Meve, P Potomlun Em11vC m1ev Prof Timothy l. Smith Consiontine S. Sosongells Dr Jomes Ton11 1-1on Pou! A TroncMellO hOn Mno Cibott1 Ve,no Dr tv'torvin Wocnmon Ho~, Notnan1e1Wos.,1ngton c ec,110 Mov veo Polemizovaf s valmi neb1;,dem. \'1Sa tfloha je robi'! '!,ropa gandu . Mo'ja j e p{sal de jiny. V tomto pripade budem ~ ma'E posledne slovo. Ked chcete da~o uverejni'f v c!as opise Sl ovensk o , zasi ela'm vfm Clanok z Horizontu, o semin.iri v Martine. Vi k t or M.amatey , n.JS by'vali predseda, ho napisal a celkom s nlm s\Jhlasim. P{sat mOtete Co chcete. Historici budu vSetko posudzo vat. "Pravda vitazi," ako hovoril Masaryk. S k rajansk[m pozdrav om , /~ Emet1tu1 Prot fo.....o'O p HuTC""l1nson / (215) 925-8090 /-r?'i / v -~ Maria'n Stolclri k 0-< �SLOV AKIA-2015 106 APPENDIX 9 Slovak Studies Association Affiliated with the American Association for the Advancement of Slavic Studies 700 Pe nfie ld Ave. , Havertown , PA 19083 Septemb e r 3 , 1983 Dr . Vladimfr !tinll! Predseda Matice slovenakej 812 51 Bratislava Pugai!"evova 2 Czechoslovakia 1968, I have of scholarly asked for my agreed . Over thousands of exchange. Since my first research tri p to Slovakia in the summe r of actively cooperated with the Matica elovensk8 in the exchange materials . Dr. Jan Martak and Dr. ~tefan Krivulf wrote me and cooperation in this program of cultural exchange and I gladly the last fifteen years I have sent the Mat i ca slovenska dollars worth of book.a and periodicals as a part of this You can imagine what a s hock and aurprise it was to me, therefore , to open your monthly magazine Slovensko (No.8, 1983) and to find, on page 6 of your supplement, 11 Slovensko krajanom, 11 an attack upon me by a certain MiloJ Biel. He accuses me, aa editor of the Slovak Studies Newsletter , of bringing to people's attention articles and publications "whose contents are hostile to our state I a political system," of working "in cooperation 11 with the Slovak Institute in Cleveland, 11 and of taking an unfriendly s tand" towards Slovakia. Cont'd on page 107 �SLOV AKIA-2015 107 APPENDIX9 Besides being false, these charges betray a certain naivte by Mr. Biel about historical scholarship and conditions in the West. You, as a scholar and poet, must realize that serious historians have to consider all sources when writing their history, not just those that a certain political philosophy calls for. That i s the very essence of objectivity. Furthermore, it is the duty of true scholars to have contacts with all institutions that contain historical meterials, whether they be located ~Slovakia or in the United States. Finally, we in the West believe in openness and pluralism. For instance, the Slovak Studies Association, of which I am the founder and Secretary-Treasurer, has among its members Slovak Catholics, Lutherans, Calvinists, Greek Catholics, Jews, nationalis ts, 'Czechoslovaks' and Marxists. We do not exclude people because of their religion or political orientation. We are open to all scholars who are interested in promoting Slovak studies the world over . Therefore, Mr. Biel' s clumsy attempt to list 1 'friendly 11 and "unfriendly" members of the Slovak Studies Association is going to backfire and hurt the good contacts that the Hatica slovenska has developed with Slovaks in the West over the last several years. I s uggest that you have Mr. Biel retract his crude and unwarranted attack upon me in the next issue of Slovensko . If he does not, I have a feeling that most of the goodwill that the Hatica slovensklhas built up with young scholars in the Western World will very quickly disappear. Yours Sincerely, l ·f i~ �108 SLOV AKIA-2015 APPENDIX 10 Bratislava, 4,10,1983 Vazeny pan Stolarik! Iste Vas nemusfm ubezpe ~ovaf o tom, ako Matici slovenskej zalezf na vsetkom, co sa aotyka dejin i su~asnosti slovenskej narodnej kultury, ako nam teda zalezi aj na kazdom, kto s nami chce v mene buducnosti tejto kultury spo lupracovaf, To sa dotyka aj Slovak Studies newsletter i Vas osobne, Mrzf ma to, co sa stale v ~asopise Slovensko, Nemam priam_y vplyv na redigovania ~asopisu, ale pokia! to bude v mojich silach., zabranim v buducnosti moznym nedorozumeniam . Rozumia sa, za mame rozliCne nazory na zivot spolocnosti a na jej buducnost . Ale mame aj spoloCnu starost, ktorou je slovenska narodna kultura, jej dejiey a osudy - na celom svete, Dufam teda, ze nam v oalse.j spolupraci nezabrania malichernosti a ostavam so srdeCnym pozaravom dJ.l~-t~~ / t/ • Vazeny pan M,Mark Stolarik 7U0 Penfiela Ave. Havertown, ~A 19083 ~~~U Narodny umelec Vladimir Minal! �SLOV AKIA-2015 109 APPENDIX 11 - s--!.. =■ ~ S:io'-'6,1,~Ko t /tJ.,~f. HIOll4CIIKl:1:t c::==s ilowc11td::~ ► --. 5: Slovensko pre ,,dva druhy citatefov" Pod tymto Hver•vr•vnYffl .. l&IVom uv--tnM p6n M...Wn Mtt Stolarik. tajomnlk • po-. ......· - - • e t ipolotnOfll (Slovak StudlN \Noc:Ultion) v USA vo •vojom "MWUetter rot. I , tWo 1/iun 1114, str. I . nuledujUCU pomemku : ,Sloven•ko, oflcialny meu~ "Ilk M•tH» •lov•n•k• J vych'· dz.a vo dvoch veni,ch, p,-. dv• r,dliln4 titat•l•k4 ve,.jna.rl. Predpok/adal aom, I • ..,,•tci nd i ~novla to vedill, • I• n• d4vn o .am zlstil l e to tak nle ,._ Vlalna 1. v,. J. v domienk•. h Slo~o. tron dost'"'• t• Vy ■Jja, jetenl•tvtuop/a, lrto,Y cirltulu}9 ,,. Slowm•ku. f•li•. Aku pozome adlv■ t• n• lcror,hofvek 8•/o V"h o U•ooi•u SloVM1•ko, vlimnite al, le mtKUi 16. • 17. atranou hlevnej t..•ti ~nopi•u je Cudzofuytn' prf/ohe, r,ro Cudzoj•~n, prlloha znaman, oval• vlec n#Jl vyzer,. ObuhuJ• tiel ~,,,.. ky v •loventine, ilu•troven4 ,, Toho tuu ,,.jchUlo•tiwjjoo ....cou je otbb •lav•n•k•J prl• lo hy Sloven.Ice. v,1ho m • ~ nib, wnov• MJ Jcr• Janom v u hr•ni8, ,,. ktof'U m• upozornlll •i vlac»rl )ednotllvcl. PodobM elco Stol• rilc v Slov• lc Studi• ._ Pouvelu;t• a WICI, uda t•ru ul r,ro prlloh• v •lowrwt.•f rKi b y mohl• by( •U~•fou rl•dM otlaloven'(Ch .rr, n Slovt1M ka, • to •i pre 6it•t• l ov v • t•rom kr•JI. Cudzojuytry prllohe by u moh/M vloli( do ~•oplsu Hp■ r,rne. Predillo by u zbytotn•J krltilce, nedtr wre, yYSmelnYm • ultll)«:nYm pozn,mlcem • Jcont,..ver• zil, I• u Ju ,ob4v• t• uUnf titetefom dome '. S.m ozre/m, w c, Je potombyste melivybe,..f • pr'vy od 01db v,m pr!Jat111nych.,, Ne dldede tohoto llstu sm• pochopHI, le naM nepriatalls v auf•l•J sneh• dlskredftova! n'6 tasopls. c:hytaJU N kaJdel prildfto.tl, aby naMI Umlen• 2) bu<f vy va ml moriadtis!■ Sk>vensb 2 X do roka • ru u rok Magufn, ako •m• to uroblll v rokoch 1811 s 1NZ. 3) elebo prUollt NmostatnU prflohu ku kald,mu tulu Slovenska, 1rtor• bud• ••· pedov•n• U.,enom. Bolo n,m Ja.sn',, le form• pristupu ku luajanom vytadu}11. ■by ttat.M slovo, ktorym .. bud•m• obraca! ku krajaq_om. bolo vy,obeM najmodern9llou tachn.lkou • na kv■• litnom ps.,...-1. preto.le all.nm toho, le bude plnft' nu-odnouvedomovadu • fflformKnU funk.du, bude slutff •J ako ,.._ pruenUda nai•J SUtesnosd. Preto rozhoduJUdml taktorml, ~ urtlll tretlu alt.emaUvu ako opdmilnu • reelb.ovstel'nU, boll: pridal kvalhMho pa• piera a Aulomberka, ftnentn. prostriedky poa«ytovan, Ml• nlst.erstvom lwlturf SSA. pwaoniln• ubupet:enl• redak• tn't'ch pnc bu zvylenla at.aw redaktorov • konetne 11..padta tlatlarM. NaN Slovensko •ko Matupc:a MatitMho ffianlll vych6du ul 6smy roll. Ptvyc:h I rokov vyc:hadulo i.k ako teraz n• 32 stnMc:h, ale z toho Ian na I farebnych. Nlekol'ko stovik vytlatkov Slov•nslta :uslelalo byval4 Oddelenle MS ~ U· hranltnjch Slov,kov I n■JJm knjanom predovletkym do Fnl'tCUului, Juhosljvle • Kanady. 11M I do USA• Auatr611e. 0d roku 1813, v a&JvlslMtl • I► ho vlalm umeranhn do uhran~•• rodlriM sme fa,.bnU ten' n11 11 atrin. bez avylenla cany Ka 5, - :u a.Jo. To ale znamenelo t1atH oety tuopfs na kvalftnom ,,..,_... Nale tov,,.I\ v Rulombertc.u vyr6ba skutotne kv•lltnY pepler, ktory Je yYZ.namnYffl exportn,;m ;rovania • udriovania kontak tov • lu■janml • v ""•ha po m6d im v kh Ualll o udrianll sloven~o n,rodn~ pov• dornla a podtu •~upatrit nosd • Jedrom n6rods P04 T atraml, alto I umo.t:ntr Im YU )omn, poznanl• krsjan~ livota v r6znyc:h tastiac:h sva ta Itek ako sma to uv&edl v 1/14 Bale Slov•nslui). Ak by sm• chcall dod6v• prilohu Slovansko krajanon I na domic:I trh, potrebovaU b• ame prlnajmen9' o 30 % vyt.t pridel p,aJNer•. to u daneJ vj robne4 sftuKM v n.&J:ombe, • k•J tov6rni nle }e moln4i. Tak ti&I by sme muMII ;rvyi,lt' cani tasopisu na dom6com trhu, 6t tlel v sutasnoati Ne Je ul.alM TNI• •ko vldlta, m ill luaja nl a, calkom proukk6 flnant " '• ma....Ulna • techrdck, d6 vody Mt pntinou, pre&t tj ta.Slovenaka, ktor6 Ja ur6en6 kni janom • :uoberi N prevs.tn. luajanskou problematikou nil Je k dlt,poddl I domkam1 Btat.rovl. Cudzojuyl"' priloha J• tla 6an, na obytajnom 1.-.bnon novl novom pepl■ rt, aby ZyY ru.nlla a oddelllll prlohu 0< ostat,,..,o taxtu . Talrto nie J4 ponJien6 kontlnulta taxtu pr1 domidch tltatelov • kr■J•n sky at.atel' dOSUva svoj u prflo hu komp,aktnU. Konettla treba p. Mar5'nov Stolarikovl prlpomenut', h pr avojef vedlajiej tinnostl altc r.dsktor • vydav■tel' Nawalet• tar al mohol (ubudol alebo nec:hcel1) Yilmnuf, le sko oudzolazytni prilohe, tak I Slo· vansko lu■Janom majU NmoatatnU tlril. to v novin6rskej praxl anama"'-, la hod Je Jedan vydav■ W I Ufr.daktor. prMaa to, to do.Uvs, SU vlast• ne tri Nmostatn4i periodlld (hod I spolu zoliU). ktor6 m~ tu byf upedov•M • rodlro• Cont'd on page 110 �SLOV AKIA-2015 110 APPENDIX 11 • ~ • to priMU a , nky o s1ov, lcoch na UpatH. Slovkl dom• tuto prllohu niltdy navkl~ . Vla•tMUwry .iurobteMml." Nepovdov•II •m• dopot,lal' uWM ,-govat' na alee dot.. .nultov•n&i. ... pNdu len U'9jmU domyeel'noet' uv.. defMlpmNlmlryvNew.iett:•. Medd6uo,n u I\U v I.ta opjul llnjan a NSR. pr.ea nedoetaf v CSSR i!uopla SbveMlco • prilohou 8&ovenako lulljanom. Odpovadal am• mu p&.omne pnllmo • on naM vywetaenieakoeptoval. Oo.teM ..,... vlak d'.U 19t a USA od vjzn,amrwho krajanakMto kutbimeho Bnltel'-. v ktorom bol nuledufQd od- u ......, dWttod &u ndavnutomli, PN koho taeopl• vycUvama ■ v ■ tom rouahu, roahod.W .me N podllf ilrokej knjanilk•J Y«9jnoatl vywedanie. 0 d6vodoch, ktcri nN • nM nadrtadenf Ol'Pn - Mlnlnera:tvo 11.ulb;ry 8SR - vleclll le tomu, ■by am• vycMv■ II tlHMM alovo pre lualanov, MM plull oblim• ne tomto m'-te v 9/M a.le Slovanaka. Tu tr..bll objaantt' Iba technldw .trinJa.i rulldde. Z Uvah, ■ ko rHll.zov■t i.nto dme,, vykryttall.zovall J ■har­ t111tfvy: 1) bud' vydjvaf Nmo.tab'tf fuopl■ pre knjaftOV (kvr(.-O<J. vyN>ba, Ide na uport. Napatr"' Ullf' aoaUiva pre, tuumsko ■ ,. prfen■ llmH.ovan6. N•t tuopq doetaval tie.I urtfty prid.a tohoto papi.,.. (n■ I _,.n). 0d roku 1N3 bol prklel r,ylent na pokrytM I farebnych strin (d'.tlkh) ■ I rilin prflohy PN lu■Janov. baopta 810¥'9ftN0 I• WWnY' ..........................ho atatel'■ : 70 % Nlldadu Ide na dom'4:il trh ■ len 25 % ,. prilohou) pre lnjanov ■ I % pre on.atnu GUdzlnu. Tyoh 21 "' "'ldadu. apolu • c:uckoluy6nou p,9ohou • prlohou Slownako kntrlanom IMnC:1Ujeme a~Matloe.aov.n•uJ dotovaMho ~om kuhury &SR v UUJm• Na UV..- .. t ied.a podotknUf, ta ,ri..,.a tych rucMckofaM.tkkych luuhov, kto" •ita necMvno qltovall, aby Mm lln)ani• Slovenako vrac.all Cnapr. tt.nadaky Slodk), .. aruu DZYV• fartzajsk.6 atarost• lfvo.t o nilho do""oeho tltaWa. la nav&dl iu.JaN116 priohu. :Um..- Je fun'i' • jednoanat:nj . Cheu Mm polllodK, otrevovaf vzfahy nwwdal narnl • krajanml. lrtoN .. 1 naprielc lch lntria'm .,.,.,.. • Ua,pe,tn• roMJaJ'I . .... anahy hod~ nflnonn, • hod I n• Cpeaudo) ved41Ckej Oroml aem,ow"' prukn6 alto myclo"' bubllna. pr.tole pr■ vda )e ,.. n-■J nadvA- Cud1oja1yCnd prnoha Rlowcnallo ~ S...- Htl.i.., Z -fll M ,i.,1 .. A ~,t--AOI V~MMl1lcaoi...-U• • " " ' -· 'i.t.llTS""'.••"' .w(- "-9,_fJa. MolniA, (l.$a • - 1,n . . . , . �SLOV AKIA-2015 111 APPENDIX 12 TRAFENA HUS ZAGAGA is a Slovak saying meaning literally •the goose that is hit will maJce a loud cackle• . .I t caoos to one's mind when reading the article in SLOVENSKO *) ,tbe.:.official monthly publication of'Hatica slovenska (Czecho-Slovakia) attacking Hark H. Stolarik, Secretary-Treasurer of the SlovaJc Studies' Asscr ciation (USA) far his brief remark in the Association's Newsletter (June 1984, see also SM 5 &6, p.28). Stolarik informed about the non-availability of SLCNENSKO' s supplement SLDIENSKO XRAJANOH (aimed at Slovaks outside Sl~ vakia) to readers in J;lovakia. According to SLOIENSXO,the re~ sons f.or this non-availability are econcmi c : paper . shortage• •though no mention •is made of the fact that they are flooding the West with 'canplimentary copies' of their books printed on very expensive paper. I t takes them the best part of a page to say this, when a simple ,sentence •because of economic reasQllS we cannot supply the Supplement for no extra cost to readers in Slovakia, however they can obtain i t· ·e asily for an additional subscription . & . Kcs ... • would have been sufficient. But ·this they dia ..cot want tD say! By the way, one is concerned~ bout access to SLCNENSKO KRAJANOH not as i f this was the best way to inform people in Slovakia . - about Slovak life in the West, but because Hatica slovenska herself has been encouraging Slovaks in the -west to establish contactJwith their old homeland through h'Z"iting ·to SLCNENSKO. I f the only obstacles to establishing such contacts were economic , a simple solution would be this : The BULI£TIN of the SLCNAX WCRLD CONGRESS states that it: "is available to readers in Slovakia free of charge• (there is no paper shortage in Canada !J. Why does not Hatica slovenska undertaJce to distribute the BULI£TIN free .of charge among the subscribers of SLOVENSKO in .Slovakia, and have in exchange the Slovak World Congress distribute SWVENSKO KRAJANOH free of charge to the readers of their BULLETIN in the West. Nobody could then canplain about lack of contacts : •I t was too much of a temptation to resist, namely to present to our readers the final part of the article in SWVENSKO with ·al:1 -its orwellian beauty (their English sUD1Dary contains neither this nor the vitriolic attaak .on H. Stolarik) : Those who dared to question the availability of SLOVENSKO KRAJANOH are •fascists• and "pharisees• (what a combination !) who "want to damage and poison the r~ lationship between us [i.e. Hatica] and our countrymen, which shows a premising and successful development despite their [i. e. the fascists' and pharisees' J intrigues. Their attempts, though cunning and presented on a {pseudo) scientific level .will burst like a soap bubble because .the truth is on our side.• � SLOV AKIA-2015 87 MY ROCKY RELATIONSHIP WITH THE MATICA SLOVENSKA. DURING THE SECOND ERA OF COMMUNISM IN CZECHOSLOVAKIA, 1970-1989: A PERSONAL MEMOIR M. Mark Stolarik When I first visited Slovakia in the summer of 1968, I established friendly contacts with the Matica slovenska in Martin . 1 Never did I dream that, a short while later, one of its employees would publicly attack me. This happened because the political situation in Czechoslovakia changed as a result of the Warsaw Pact invasion of August, 1968. The so-called "Prague Spring," led by the Slovak reformer Alexander Dubcek, who wished to transform Czech and Slovak society into "socialism with a human face," was crushed under the weight of Warsaw Pact tanks. Less than a year later, Dubcek was replaced as First Secretary of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia by the turncoat Gustav Husak, who proceeded to "normalize" the state. What started out as a year of high hopes turned into one of great disappointment. 2 Even though I was born in Slovakia in 1943, my parents decided to evacuate the whole family into Austria before the Russian front came through in January of 1945 . I did not return to my home town of Martin until July of 1968. 3 Dr. Jozef Telgarsky, the Director of the National Library, which then belonged to the Matica slovenska, 1 A shorter, Slovak version of this article first appeared as "Matica slovenska pod dohl'adom Statnej bezpecnosti," in Matica slovenska v narodnych dejinach, ed. by Imrich Sedlak (Martin : Matica slovenska, 2013), 174-78. I initially described this trip in greater detail as "My Memories of Slovakia under Communism (S ummer of 1968)," in Narodny kalendar CVII (Pittsburgh, 1999), 96-99 . 2 For the latest scholarship on the " Prague Spring" see The Prague Spring and the Warsaw Pact Invasion of Czechoslovakia, 1968: Forty Years Later, ed. by M. Mark Stolarik (Mundelein, IL: Bolchazi-Carducci, 2010). For the period of "normalization" in Slovakia see Norbert Kmet' and Juraj Marusiak, comp., S/ovensko a reiim normalizacii (Presov: Michal Vasko, 2002). 3 1 described my family's Odyssey, as well as Slovak emigration in general, in Where is my Home? Slovak Emigration to North America (1870-2010) (Bern: Peter Lang, 2012). �88 SLOV AKIA-2015 heartily welcomed me. He was delighted that, after so many years of being cut off from the West, he could once again establish contacts with Slovaks in the West. 4 I had come to Slovakia in the summer of 1968 as a Ph.D. student from the University of Minnesota in order to study the villaie origins of Slovak emigration to North America in the 19 th and 20 centuries. I had already studied the parish records of various Slovak communities in the United States and Canada and wished to link them with those in Slovakia. At the same time, I had started to collect archival materials for the newly-established Immigrant Archives at the University of Minnesota. When I finished my research in Slovakia in September of 1968, I promised Telgarsky, that I would begin to send duplicate archival and library materials concerning Slovaks in the USA and Canada to the Slovak National Library in return for the SNL sending me the latest publications of historians in Slovakia. 5 After I finished my doctoral studies at the University of Minnesota, I was employed by several professional institutions but never lost contact with the Matica slovenska. At first I was employed by the Cleveland State University as a Lecturer and Assistant Professor (1972-76), then as an Historical Researcher at the National Museum of Man in Ottawa (1977-78), then as President and CEO of the Balch Institute for Ethnic Studies in Philadelphia (1979-91) and finally as Professor and Chairholder of the only Chair in Slovak History and Culture in the Western World at the University of Ottawa (1992 to the present). During all of these years I continued my program of exchange with the Matica slovenska. I wish that I could say that our relations were always good, but it was not to be. While I worked at the National Museum of Man in Ottawa, I took the initiative to establish a new scholarly organization. In 1975 a Czechoslovak History Conference had been founded by a group of historians in the United States. 6 From my study of Czech and Slovak history, I knew that, as always, Slovak history, and Slovak scholars, 4 When I returned to the USA, it occurred to me that Jozef Telgarsky was the author of my favorite children's book - Zirafa [The Giraffe] (Martin: Matica slovenska, 1946). While we were refugees in Austria from 1945-1950, my mother often read me sections of this book. I still have it and cherish it. 5 JozefTelgarsky to Marian Stolarik, May 13, 1969, NK 289 20/69-St. See Appendix 1, page 97. 6The history of this organization can be found in its Czechoslovak History Ne wsletter, founded in 1979. �SLOV AKIA-2015 89 would play "second fiddle" in such an organization. Therefore, at the annual meeting of the American Association for the Advancement of Slavic Studies in Washington, D.C. in October of 1977, I persuaded half a dozen scholars in the USA and Canada to create our own Slovak Studies Association. Since I took the initiative in founding this organization, I was elected its first Secretary-Treasurer and Newsletter Editor. I then contacted as many scholars as I knew had an interest in Slovak studies and invited them to join. By 1983 our ranks had grown to 120 members. Meanwhile, the American Association for the Advancement of Slavic Studies accepted us as an affiliated organization and the officers and I organized regular sessions of the Slovak Studies Association at the annual meetings of the AAASS. 7 As Newsletter Editor, I also informed our members of recent scholarly developments in Slovakia, as well as of the activities and publications of our members. Meanwhile, in 1968 the Matica slovenska began to publish a semi-weekly newspaper entitled Maticne citanie and put me on its mailing list. 8 At the beginning this newspaper reflected a good dose of Slovak nationalism and on its masthead carried a stylized Slovak national emblem, which had been banned by the Communists. 9 However, under the weight of Gustav Husak's, "normalization" campaign, in 1973 the Slovak emblem disappeared from the Matica's letterhead and in 1978 the Maticne citanie folded . It was then replaced by the glossy monthly Slovensko. At the same time, Jozef Telgarsky no longer corresponded with me. Instead, two hard-line Communists, at first Jaroslav Celko and later Stefan Krivus, both Directors of the Matica, continued the correspondence. The masthead of their letters no longer carried the Slovak emblem; it was replaced by the letters MS , for the Matica slovenska. 10 It was clear from these changes that the Matica was being purged . Nevertheless, I kept exchanging materials with the Matica and hoped for the best. 7 The history of the Slovak Studies Association can be found in the Newsletter of the Slovak Studies Association, published since October, 1977. Recently the AAASS changed its name to the American Association for Slavic and Eurasian Studies. 8 A complete run of this newspaper can be found in the Slovak Archives, Archives and Special Collections, University of Ottawa. 9 See the first issue of Maticne citanie dated October 28, 1968, Appendix 2, pages 98-99. 10 See the letters of Jaroslav Celko, dated March 27, 1973 and Stefan Krivus, dated October 23, 1974 to Mark Stolarik, Appendices 3, page 100, and App 4, page 10 I. �90 SLOV AKIA-2015 Unfortunately, in the 1980's my relations with the Matica slovenska took a tum for the worse. The first sign that something was amiss came in 1980 when the "Oddelenie pre zahranicnych Slovakov" (the Department for Slovaks Abroad) of the Matica slovenska sponsored an international scholarly conference on "Vyst'ahovalectvo a zivot krajanov vo svete" (Emigration and the Life of Countrymen Abroad) and published the papers.11 Even though I had met and befriended Jan Siracky, the Director, and Frantisek Bielek, one of their researchers in 1968 when the Department was established in Bratislava, and they knew that I specialized in the history of the immigration of Slovaks to North America, they did not invite me to this conference. Instead, they invited my good friend and colleague Thomas D. Marzik (originally Mrazik), an Associate Professor of history at St. Joseph's University in Philadelphia. A scholar of Central Europe, Marzik specialized on T.G. Masaryk and the Slovakophile Czech Karel Kalal. He had done no archival research on Slovak immigration. Nevertheless, the conference organizers asked him to present a paper on "The State of American Scholarly Research on Slovak Emigration and on American Slovaks," which he read in English, since he could not speak Slovak. He must have taken the conference organizers by surprise when he asserted, among other things, that "M. Mark Stolarik is currently the most productive scholar concerning the history American Slovaks," and then added, "currently, he is the Executive Director of the Balch Institute for Ethnic Studies in Philadelphia... .In this capacity, he can be very helpful in encouraging further research on American Slovaks." 12 When I received a copy of the Proceedings of this conference, I no longer regretted not having been invited. As I leafed through the book, I noticed that the conference had been opened by Viliam Salgovic, at that time the Chairman of the Slovak National Council, but formerly the Deputy Minister of the Interior in 1968, who betrayed his colleagues in the "Prague Spring" by collaborating with the invading Warsaw Pact forces . It turns out that Salgovic had been an agent of the Soviet KGB and was one of the most hated individu11 Vyst'ahova/ectvo a iivot krajanov vo svete. K storocnici masoveho vyst'ahova/ectva s/ovenskeho /'udu do zamoria. Zbornik prispevkov k vedeckej konferencii. Zost. Frantisek Bielik, Jan Siracky a Claude Balaz (Martin: Matica slovenska, 1982). 12 Ibid., 131-32. The compilers arranged for Marzik's article to be translated into Slovak. �SLOVAKIA-2015 91 als in Slovakia. 13 Furthermore, the conference organizers also invited the retired grade-school teacher and communist activist Helen Vrabel-Saunders of Los Angeles and the Canadian Slovak communist activist Jan Rumisek to present papers on the Slovak communities in their respective countries. 14 These individuals reflected poorly on the scholarly level of this conference. When Marzik returned to Philadelphia and described the conference to me, he mocked the presentations of these so-called "experts." However, when the Proceedings arrived in the mail in 1982, I mocked Marzik for the company he had kept. The second bad sign from Czechoslovakia came in 1982. At that time my wife and I had decided that, even though the Matica did not invite me to its scholarly conference, we would visit our native Slovakia on our own. As was required at that time, we applied for a visitor 's visa to Czechoslovakia, but, much to our surprise, the Czechoslovak Embassy in Washington denied our application, without any explanation. 15 When we had visited Czechoslovakia in the summers of 1968 and 1970, we had acquired visas without any difficulty. The third bad sign occurred in 1983 when, to my great surprise, a certain writer for the Matica's monthly Slovensko, began to attack me. Even though he signed his articles as Milos Biel, he was, in fact, Miroslav Andreansky, a collaborator of the STB (State Security), who edited the Cudzojazicnu prilohu (Foreign-Language Supplement) of Slovensko. 16 In the 1970's, using the cover name Tacovsky, he had served a spy for the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic in West Germany. 17 13 For Salgovic's welcoming remarks see Ibid., 12-16. For his role in the "Prague Spring" see William Shawcross, Dubcek (London: Weidenfeld and Nicholson, 1970), 154. Soon after the Communists relinquished power during the "Velvet Revolution" in I 989, Salgovic committed suicide. 14 For their papers see Vyst'ahova/ectvo, 270-87 and 340-42. 15 Chief of the Visa Section (unreadable signature), Embassy of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic to Mark Stolarik, June 4, 1982 (in author's personal papers) . 16 Dr. Tomas Klubert, an employee of the Ustav pamdti naroda (The Nation 's Memory Institute) of the Slovak Republic, in a reply to my query dated September 3, 2010, confirmed that Andreansky was indeed a collaborator of the STB. His cover name was "Korunka." Unfortunately, his file was shredded on October 8t11, 1988. 17 See the article"Co na to pan Prokes?" published in the monthly Svedectvo: Casopis politickych vdznov na Slovensku, I, no. 4 (April 1992), page 18. �92 SLOV AKIA-2015 Andreansky/Biel had learned about the Slovak Studies Association from Thomas D. Marzik. The Matica slovenska had invited the latter to another international conference in Martin on July 5-7, 1983, on the occasion of the Matica's 120th anniversary. Knowing that the Matica had once again failed to invite Stolarik to this conference, Marzik urged it to establish formal relations with the Slovak Studies Association and also to invite "more American experts" to future conferences.18 Andreansky/Biel replied to Marzik's appeal in the Foreign Language Supplement of the August issue of Slovensko. In an article entitled "?Slovak Studies Association?" Andreansky/Biel wrote: "Direct contact with such leading personalities in the SSA as Stanislav J. Kirschbaum, M. Mark Stolarik and Renee Mikus, because of their hostility [towards the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic] are, at the moment, impossible." 19 This reply was laughable, because neither Stanislav J. Kirschbaum, nor Renee Mikus, held any office in the SSA! I suspect that Stan Kirschbaum was on the "black list" of Czechoslovak authorities because he was the son of Jozef Kirschbaum, who at that time was one of the Executive VicePresidents of the Slovak World Congress and Renee Mikus was married to Jozef Mikus, who also held a high office in the SWC. Indeed, both the elderly Kirschbaum and his colleague Mikus were former diplomats in the service of the first Slovak Republic (1939-1945) as well as members of the Slovak People 's Party, and, as such, supporters of Slovak independence. 20 Thus, they were anathema to the Husak regime. Andreansky/Biel probably did not like Mark Stolarik because he was the son of Imrich Stolarik, also a former member of the Slovak People's Party and, therefore a "separatist" who often wrote articles advocating Slovak independence in the weekly 18 Thomas D. Marzik, "K problematike Slovensko-americkych akademickych vzt'ahov," in Zahranicni S/ovaci a narodne kulturne dedictvo: Zbornik prispevkov z vedeckeho seminara k 120. vyrociu zaloienia Matice s/ovenskej, compiled by Frantisek Bielik, Jan Siracky and Claude Balaz (Martin : Matica slovenska, 1984), 10109. Once again, the Matica arranged to translate Marzik' s article into Slovak. 19 Slovensko, 8 (August, 1983), Foreign Language Supplement. See Appendix 5, gage 102. °For the history of the first ten years of the Slovak World Congress, see Desat' rokov cinnosti SKS, comp . by JozefM. Kirschbaum (Toronto: Slovak World Congress, 1981). For the struggle for Slovak independence, see J. M . Kirschbaum, Nas boj o samostatnost' Slovensko (Cleveland: Slovak Institute, 1958; reprinted by the Matica slovenska, Martin, 2000). �SLOVAKIA-2015 93 Kanadsky Slovak. For this reason Andreansky/Biel wrote to Mark Stolarik on November 14, 1983 and asked the latter to repudiate an article written by his father in Kanadsky Slovak on September 24, 1983, which had criticized the August issue of Slovensko.2 1 Andreansky/Biel even promised to publish Stolarik' s reply in the next issue of Slovensko! Instead, Mark Stolarik wrote to Andreansky/Biel as follows : "I will not polemicize with you . Your job is to create propaganda. Mine is to write history. In this instance, I will have the last word." 22 Andreansky/Biel ' s letter showed that, at that time he had more power in the Matica slovenska than its president, the "Narodny umelec" (national artist) and writer Vladimir Mi nae, a member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Slovakia. After having read Andrensky/Biel's attack upon me in Slovensko, I complained to Mi nae in a letter dated September 3, 1983 .23 In his reply of October 4, 1983, Minac wrote the following: "I am sorry about what happened in the periodical Slovensko . I have no direct control over the editorial content of the magazine, but, as much as I can, I will try to prevent such future misunderstandings." 24 Meanwhile, Victor S. Mamatey, considered the "dean" of Czech and Slovak historians in the United States, also reacted to the machinations of the Matica slovenska. In the Slovak monthly Horizont, published by emigres in Switzerland, he wrote the following: Slovaks abroad need cultural contacts with their homeland and Slovakia needs contacts with Slovaks abroad . Unfortunately, at the moment such contacts are weak and inadequate. The Matica and the entire regime need to understand that not they, but Slovaks abroad have the right to decide who will represent them at conferences and who will properly interpret their needs. 25 Vladimir Minac could not have been sincere in his reply to Mark Stolarik's complaint because, as indicated above, Andreansky/Biel wrote me again on November 141\ Furthermore, in 1988, during the 21 Milos Biel to Mark Stolarik, November 14, 1983 . See Appendix 6, page 103 . See also Appendix 7, page I 04, for the article in Kanadsky Slowik, September 24, 1983 . 22 Mark Stolarik to Milos Biel, November 29, 1983. See Appendix 8, page 105 . 23 Mark Stolarik to Vladimir Mimic, September 3, 1983 . See Appendix 9, pages 106 and 107. 24 Vladimir Minac to Mark Stolarik, October 4, 1983 . See Appendix 10, page 108. 25 Horizon/ (Zurich), September-October, 1983. �94 SLOV AKIA-2015 era of "Glasnost" and "Perestrojka," as promoted in the Soviet Union and its satellites by General Secretary Mikhail Goobachev in the late 1980's,2.6 I was finally invited to attend another Matica conference in Bratislava. There I met Vladimir Mimic at a Matica-sponsored reception at Bratislava Castle. After the opening ceremonies ended, a tipsy Mimic approached me and asked in a voice reeking of wine "ci vas otec stale serie do toho Kanadskeho Slovaka?" (Is your father still crapping into Kanadsky Slovak?) .27 This vulgar question revealed what was really bothering Minac (and Andreansky/Biel): that my father was freely advocating independence for Slovakia in Kanadsky Slovak. Another reason why Andreansky/Biel attacked me in Slovensko is that I revealed the truth about how it was published. When Tom Marzik returned from the second Matica conference in 1983, he promptly informed me that Slovensko was published in two versions : one for domestic consumption and one for Slovaks abroad. Only the foreign version contained a "Foreign Language Supplement," which carried news about the activities of Slovaks in the wider world. I informed the readers of the Newsletter of the Slovak Studies Association of these two versions in the June, I 984 issue.28 In its August 22 nd issue, the largest-circulation Slovak-American newspaper, the Jednota, official organ of the First Catholic Slovak Union, congratulated me for having provided this information. It pointed out that the Matica slovenska was sending Slovensko for free to Slovaks all over the world, and they had no idea that it was published in two versions.29 This information so infuriated Andreansky/Biel that he reacted with a full-page response in the January, 1985 issue of Slovensko. The jist of his response was that the publishers of Slovensko did not have enough paper to offer the "Foreign Language Supplement" to domestic readers.30 The best reaction to this absurd excuse came from Juraj Virsik, editor of the Slovak-Australian Monitor. In an article beginning with the Slovak proverb "Trafena hus zagaga," (A Struck Goose 26 For the Gorbachev era see Angus Roxburgh, The Second Russian Revolution: The Struggle for Power in the Kremlin (London : BBC Books, 1991). 27 1 described this episode in greater detail under the pseudonym Leo Carpenter in "Looking for Mr. Glasnost in Today ' s Czechoslovakia," in the monthly Crisis: A Journal of Lay Catholic Opinion, 7, no. 7 (July-August, 1989), 33-39. 28 "Slovensko for Two Audiences," SSA Newsletter, 8, no. 1 (June, 1984), p. 13. 29 Jednota (Middletown, PA), August 22, 1984. 30 Slovensko, 1 (1985), "Cudzojazycna priloha.," Appendix 11 , pages 109 and 110. �SLOVAKIA-2015 95 will Squawk), Virsik provocatively suggested that, if Slovakia indeed suffered from a shortage of paper, it could easily turn to the Bulletin of the Slovak World Congress, published in Canada, which had an abundance of newsprint, and the Bulletin would willingly publish any news that the Matica might send it. 31 Andreansky-Biel did not react to Virsik's article. Finally, in 1988, probably as a result of Mikhail Gorbachev's "Glasnost," which also penetrated into the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, the Matica slovenska invited Mark Stolarik to another of its scholarly conferences, this time to be held in Bratislava on July 46. When I arrived in Bratislava and met with Frantisek Bielik, whom I had not seen since 1970, I asked him who was Miloslav Andreansky/Milos Biel? A surprised Bielik answered, "Don't you know?" "No, I don ' t," I replied. "But, you must know, he continued ." "No I don ' t, I answered." He was still afraid to openly tell me. I then asked where was Andreansky/Biel? Bielik answered, "in Martin." Perhaps Andreansky/ Biel did not attend the conference for fear that I would confront him . As a result, I never met him. After the fall of Communism in Czechoslovakia, I inquired about his whereabouts and discovered that Andreansky/ Biel had left the Matica and was living in Vrutky, a small railroad town north of Martin. He had apparently joined the ultra-nationalist Slovak National Party and was its representative in that town. Since I had met and befriended Jozef Prokes, one of the founders of the Slovak National Party, when he had visited Canada in 1992, I wrote to Prokes and asked him how it was that a former collaborator of the STB was now working for the Slovak National Party?32 Prokes did not answer my letter. Meanwhile, many interesting individuals attended the Bratislava conference. After I presented my paper on the declining use of the Slovak language in the United States, 33 an elderly gentleman ap31 Slovak-Australian Monitor (March, 1985). See Appendix 12, page 111. Mark Stolarik to Jozef Prokes, August 27, 1992 (author's archive). When I visited the Matica at another conference in February of 2013, and once again inquired about the whereabouts of Andreansky/Biel, the older employees, who had known him, sheepishly answered that a few years earlier he had passed away. 33 "A Historical Perspective on the Declining Use of the Slovak Language in the United States of America," in Zahranicni Slowici a materinsky jazyk. Zbornik prispevkov z vedeckeho symposia k 125. vyrociu zaloienia Matice slovenskej, " comp. by Frantisek Bielik and Claude Balaz (Martin : Matica slovenska, 1990), I 7277. 32 �96 SLOVAKIA-2015 proached me. He was Dr. Belo Polla, an employee of the Matica in the l 940's, who had been purged and later found himself working for the Archaeological Institute of the Slovak Academy of Sciences in Nitra, approached me. He was delighted that, in my presentation, I had mentioned his former colleagues at the Matica such as its director J.C. Hronsky and the publicist Konstantin Culen, as well as the historian Frantisek Hrusovsky and the journalist Jozef Pauco. He added that those names had been "taboo" in Czechoslovakia in the previous years. He was also delighted that emigres such as the linguist I:ubomir Durovic of Sweden and the political scientist Milan Durica of Italy were able to participate in the conference. Such was the influence of Mikhail Gorbachev's "Glasnost," which would eventually lead to the collapse of Communism in Eastern Europe during the summer and fall of 1989.34 After the fall of Communism in Czechoslovakia in November of 1989, the situation in the Matica slovenska immediately improved. The "old guard" either retired or was fired and the new leaders of the Matica immediately re-established friendly contacts with Slovaks in the West. There were no longer any attacks in the monthly Slovensko against me or any other members of the Slovak Studies Association. Indeed, in 1991 the Matica signed a formal agreement between the University of Ottawa and itself in which it pledged to supply the newly-established Chair in Slovak History and Culture all the books that it needed in order to properly function .35 As a result, in January, 1992, the Chair received hundreds of recently-published books from the Matica and this program of exchange continues to this day. Thus, since 1989 the Chair in Slovak History and Culture at the University of Ottawa and the Matica slovenska (and its National Library, which split off in 2000), continue to have good relations. 36 34 For the "Velvet Revolution" in Czechoslovakia see Jozef Zatkuliak et. al., Nove mber '89: Medznik vo vyvoji slovenskej spolocnosti a jeho medzinarodny kontext (Bratislava: Historicky ustav SA V vo vydavatel'stve Prodama, 2009). 35 Agreement between the Matica slovenska in Martin and the University of Ottawa (Chair in Slovak History and Culture), signed by Marcel Hamelin, Rector, University of Ottawa, September 4, 1991 and Imrich Sedlak, Director, Matica slovenska, November 18, 1991 (author's archive). 36 The National Library of Slovakia split off from the Matica slovenska on July 1, 2000. E-mail from Maria Kurhajcova to Mark Stolarik, July 21, 2000 (author's archive). �SLOV AKIA-2015 97 APPENDIX 1 L C V C: N S K A ,'J • )S1;'ELK A A AOU RE P UHLth Y M A ls1:TIN. Mudrol"lova ,e . 3:i. t e lefOn 2348. 2347 , 2340, :it34Q , 3 197 University of Minnesota, College of Liberal ArtsDepartment of History, Mr. M. St O l 8 r i k M_i_n_n_e_a_e_o_l_i_s Minnesota 55455 - US A v•l i l:111 :rn.a.6k,y1:a, o d,'\.-. 30.III.1969 Na" :an•~k.:i r:r:""maja 1969 l>'K .t.'7 20/69-St Voe Vazen:f pan Stolarik, Na VaA list z 30. marca 1969, ktory ate p!sali Dr . Sir ackemu , oznamujeme V!lm, l!e mikrofillll.Y lfosopisov "Obzor" a "Dom a 1!kol'l" sa ul! r-obia a koncom ~ Vam ich po!!leme. Obzor od roku 1863 do roku 1905 /41 ro~n!kov/ a Dom a Akola od roku 1885 do roku 1897 /13 ro~nikov/. Z ~asopisu Dom a §kola Vam zasielame 4 ro~n!lcy ~ascpisu, kedze mame viac exemplarov. Dufame, l!e Vam to vyhovie. PokiaY ide o pletenie, snhlasime a tym, aby ate nam poslsli mikrofil111.Y: Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny, Slovak v Amerike, Jednota a Narodne noviny, pretol!e ni~ v uplnosti nemAme. MOzete nam tiel! oznami t, kde v USA sa tieto ~asopisy na.cMdzaju v uplnosti. Sme radi, ze ste sa ohlasili a ponukame Vam aj dal§iu spolupracu. Ochotne Vam yoaleme zo Slovenska vAetko, ~o potrebujete z novej literatucy a mOze prist do uvahy aj star§ia literatllra, pretoze mame dost dubletov. Boli by sme radi, keby sa na University of Minnesota vybudovalo slu§ne oddelenie slovenskej historickej /alebo inej, podYa potreby/ literatllry. Te§ime ea ns spolupracu s Vsmi a srde~ne Vas pozdravujeme .J ,;R I 1} /lflftl,,\ riadi teY ,N&J-.~nej ' knHnice Ma ti,ce i-'~ lovenske j Dr. J. 'Telgarslcy ~ List bol vrateny, dl\a 27. VI.1969! neznemy �~ \ 1 ~, ' j •t . 1 t ► rr-• .-.... 1..-.••........~-, }:,.\,,_" ·, 1 .. -~·\·.t Propa1atd i!lslo ~"i'darr ... -- J} •~\i ~ · ,, ... .,i\ 1-, ~.c 1·1 •• -~ '; ::;, ' {:,:~ ."1'. •%·"'" ,, __ ~~. • -~ \l ' if ::, ,_ l.;.t.•~~·~ ! ,, '... . · f }If n•Yhno1U 1141- • n« lrult6ru v61:»c, l kullt\rn, ,1:1tvrat ma• .:.zmi. ~~:,,,d:.n.tuh~':!~:.!P~I~,,f ~6,an11 T~PI opqitl~ -,:a b ~ I ,tart JJlllOd' f:111V1tov1J price, • luqttry, lap ako J,)q-lSWCn61µt ~tDltela. lkO ntitro)a. 1, aOC(&llatlc);QIZ\ n•dt-ln,U •Yte' Jebb dobr<d. tradld u, rw n11 t'.'!: =:r.u~~:mi:"!4~• 9!:-=~~::;~ •:~;VJ~~, J• to ~~•~~,b(~~~•v:d;:,,:i=!t~1 = I ~ ron9J1 1l4rodMt, U1f6rr, na prOdeate dn1f ill'1Mtt d.lliliom• fta,ahl1 • napokon l • llltwtdfctou D6~J\:-:a~·":iii!:;,:*..:r::r.' ~~~=·~l: :~~~ • _,,1 ' OT,VA·RAM.E\J,i:\i- ~l, T MeM ~• ''f'iW'• Hu If VfcW..o p,~ ftf'1 chr4'f"M ,q .t~ •.rl#ttf• ~awo po~o, .Jl«)fjatqj ~J\lt~ tUl&V, pred'Htn4lt# 4 mu 6-u,,:Ericuc/1'«/l ~' I ~ ltc&1ic ~,ut OfH'.:UjN Mprifie' ,o. N-.i6~ ho ~,=~~~.;::; ,1,ottt P"lhl¥• 100/•j ,uutl o ptttflduoei• •"' tu4tlto«I t4t, •••,-. :i:siltf~i!'"~:~ ntl11pr())flrtotnf; ,,aop; ml tltlm~Hftw k,. Off llocl 11 opak. ·'Ct potort r>0ff t•Jto irdnU &it =:::r:~~,,. bot, Cn. tr~ dt•"" ·no.:iptllf~ hdllj 01'D~QBIE ~-., l · .& -· ·1 ..•t<,., ~~ ,:.•m ·~t.·~c .j '!Ii~. h l'udslwstt,,. ,,: .. ---- N0,V;£ · l ·- . ,' . -__:_ - ...,.. t l . --= U P I , .-,/J ~ ~ ••~___..,...:..,.. ~- 0'i.~~, Uv~pk ,1,, 'l VY_D(,..VA, MATICA SLOVENS"f V M ' "';~ ~·z., N ~ 0 z --= --= tr! > I (ll .... N 0 < > e:> 0 t""' r:,, '° = �SLOV AKIA-2015 99 APPENDIX2 Za prava ,slo,enciny okrecov dfla e. 10. 19et •yledaJ• •• taJto bttl. nojbo dr.tmla prlaclp Ttato Lueencl praeanf YO . .reJaal runkctl arladiC fu.akcla •lc•prHldan · OceftuJema. te \I 10vls.l ta • tuakclu prdbo pod • •l•bo • 6ra.de., Polladnky tederActou nOho At , aa s1ov,a1 .. a.by Maduo•, .. by ktor6 •IUJ, predHdu ktortl k 50. vtroCJu CSR to ■ t• ta:■Jllf atllf ( •I .. aJoobsahoull podobae aka H • tame, iloat4ve H na progt H ■at"fdl 1Jrol6cb) po mad'■ r• •tnhu itlan6bo dko ■ a ■ awrbuJ• ob1■ daova.al• t-■ kel• •kJ~ •Y d01taU afton.a1 -ped- •I othb postavenla nar noltl. Konltatujema v1ek , kl••· mJ ■ lalra • tt6taaho tajoaud• ~.1K• •,~~:r:1.!:~~~n~;f.~U• na Jkodu vecl n,hrh IA.k1 VycbHsa•• a dotereJlfch Ila. n·ebol vopred pred uvere) ufml trpkfcb ak6Hao1U Slo4. Poprl hlatorlclry a•HI• · L S6b1Hfm■ so He ■lm ti. Y6kov • tobto A•em.Ja. Ul ,Ill.a- nlm 1Dterne konzultovanf I. ala pokl ■ dime ae newy- a fcb a6nocb 'Slovenaki ••· l.rajlla daada • d!ollasyt■ oa- organlUlcleml N•rod. tro1 haulnA doplal( ho b ■ ltalo • rodnl rad• a Cnll:6 ••rodal ti H prett SlovUom aeutf• Term.Io vereJn•J dlskusle rad• l nalogld:y podra lafch n ■ fm, I ■ ..• CSSR .. •16 eet15. 10. 198& Ja prfllJ kri Hl■ tat, la ◄ 6 povlnDf nlln a a 1lonntlaa tlob11 ro•· ■ •now Cl1tno1 dd CSSR. na to, abJ n mohll nlekt dla( po matfanlrf, t,yt tda 116taych )HJ' · vlld• Sloveaalr■ I 1oclallatlc■ oprh ■ ycb kGY ... naJasn~ mlesla n•vrhu nl dvojJ ■ aytaf. Kedle ahtb 6 kel republllry, wllda Cukaj 1CuU.be stllooa • t!I. ◄ IZ u - 11te vysvttllt u kompetl ■oclall•llclr■ J rapubllkJ ( Ire• nych mletaach. Tfmto kooltatonalm .. be • 1 ■ -te dltoaa poulluf lraz■ J• nblC ■ ltl•k aa n6 • IH potwrdzoj■ skul0Cao1f, alto oflcl61ae n6ny \Nirodnfl Predodetkfw Ide o f rodaosU • •m•,.. odllirodttio.-aala lllllllle a■ lo Dripecl• nhrhu zJikona, ktorf hov ktod objektl-ue Je1h,1je, I• rada Sloun•kel ■oc lall1Ucltal fllruje, taUe H m6h delltotlt Jnykml lt6taJcb ora• · rapubllky ■ Nlrodn6 rada 0 prhach prlslu!n"lkov 101 na vzdelanlt nArodnostt n6tlalr) takfto u •Jb16tlt eo repullll• aoclell1llclcaJ CeskaJ ••• 11 tdll•• • •alowneloa, svoJom jnyku a O poutJv SlovUov nlj ■ kf dkon • alto M to koolt ■ taje •I • ti. kf. tohto Juyka v styku • Qr, pt.. takfmto nflllakom vf· S. Uplalnlt • celo,n dkoae I ■hrhu flttHnlho dkona. ml bei akfihOkotvek da lll( 'tittlDJml 1 ■ s1kmJ led■ ai ■ d o fader•Udcll CSSR 1.hatlu, alov ■- ■-cbri.D1, je ta N!l'1ne urCenla. Sme toho nboru, aebe1petanstwo, l• Slodcl tH1kJ nirodaosU jlf6cich • -te •letlry n•tanonnl• tfk•· f6ce u arlad'ovnla federil • , oa tomto 6aemf, ktorf an•• , prho na vrdelenle u m, essa.. die aleb11 aa oeneutl■ per konkrettzovaf na ,1upel\ l Z. NHrbuJean ■, ahy .. prl nycb orahoY, lch komp■ l ■a· ly 1 ,oeesne u mall staJ mad'anlry, aiel1111.h u nebu pliant atuu n ■ l■ I republlky, cl• • unlu lch organh:lcl• vlt podmlenky, za akfch m a prhomocl n mHu menlt dO mGcf doma vo •ereJ011j 1polo•nflt fC&1ko· poulf• ■ l t:l ■ aostl uplatolt, ala bud6 Slonn1kol ; to plall ■ I o pl· Iba oa Uklad• d'allfcb 61ln• 00 uladovaf !koly vyUle ako Uklad.n~ho typu. 1 w,-ranlll •J bez-treala6mu IJ~ prfshalnfbo prfdantbo ofch 1'ko110-... n ■I mH ■ f be1ko-1lovell&kf: Cu• U. I( ni't'rhu 6atua6bo al - kauovaalu. Stovky raaol6CII lsto u1 ~ v 1omto nivrhu t ko .. lonnsk, republlka, t:H• Ilona • a6rodao,tlacb : be konlm:itlzovat, akfm SJ • ,talnoat[. lrtori polltlckfm • 11'taJ• l!laltafom • or1• · sobom sa mA uplatnlt 'l>ti pod.J. ko-alon- ■ lrf lltc • menttnovfch n8.rodnostf %iada111e, ■ bJ H • ■ hrbu ao• SloY6cl • toblo 6.nmla ,.;~:.~D•;::111,~:.:~b\ed::-:.~ VJ'PU&tll ,ad, v kloro ■ •• vlastoibo Jazy poutfvaole po1lelaJ6.. d •«llml ,.,Ntl!afm J•I•• arladlt funkci• pradH- bo•or1, la atrodao1II m•l6 v st_yFu s dradml. n;~:.,.~:- .. undHt bod lllu • podpn ...du, lrllrri by .,prho poalfnf nol Juyk • Tleto ltyllzicle n8.\'rhu .a dkooa VJ"••ch, aHaka •• obudaouU alternaU••• dradnom 1tyku". auje u poutl-..ote • mad'artl • s1avn6ho zakona sQ v roz1 Uthapcom C•sbJ aoc:la.Uatlc· re •J s akentm program1 rato pr•vo by utml pre ■J t• laayko• ltltnych "'· kll r1pub1Jky aJtbo Slo•en • Ov KSS. lebo n4vrb z6ko Slodkov lijliclcb • 1111lela· rodnoaU) • lllradnom ,tylta. ebJ eoclall•tiek•I repu•UlrJ, 511 nez.mleftuJe o povtnno v alJku H nojlml prad•t• · 1lovao1ko•m ■ dar1kfch prltom tty aa afrodn6 nsli· a:fcb n6rodnostof vllarml ,. pollllckfch • ltit• prtslu~nrkov peoie v tfchlo fankdich oblutlach malo nfml ••· aby s ! pomocou t mentin, • nirod m.lH:u uycb orgjnocb priualv6 d6tledkJ. Praklicky atrltdalo podf• funktnfch znaloatJ. osvoJo,'all v~erko t 081 u poull-...C not IHJk. No by soemol6ou1o Slodkom r obdobt. ,:iemolao _ doko ■ ca dko - hatstvo ees kej II slovens• • ttm prlsplev kulrGry .aoru _ n6Uf Slodko• uClf k -\ldjomn6mu s1>0z.ntvar ■a po mad'llhk.) , aby M•cf•rl ,. ■lyku • aJml mohli upl•t · • spolutll1u nirodov • r ubaapeCe11A rodno1H v CSSR . dfJoaom alt Konlunu1eme. ta Slov6cl prflu. Moho tu mlmocbo• IOChtO oblbtlach, kde stl dom upuoralC na krlkfno odchodd poataY■nie Slod • n61 v memlln e, mohll by doataf podra do1erejleJ p1 lrov • Mad'araku, ktort• u xe • poclporou dstavn6ho , • podobnfch prhacb a ■ I 1- ■ kona ' do 11tuAcle, ktora ,, k .o1 .. t nnmia. mo dbsledkoch Tole 1tale •t ■ aoviako ■ a- neentch aaaff. ta by •m• boll proll vlHf k odn6rodf'iovaolu p prfiv a,.ro4aostf, aluJnfkov llitotvorn6bo n.61 :a■ ru~a■ la •I• aem&hme a6bl•alf I poi- da, prfpad ne k lcb 1lteku kodzonnlm Slodkov, lclol"f tfc bto iUemf ■ IovensUbo o , by malo by1 dO.lellltom ale• roda. -. kforjtb _prt• urul!e ■ fch ••- • .J)rginy, lriorf ad nlnter tovan6 na pTlpr,\'e Qstevn .rodaostiHn .,. predlolenom bo zalcooa, by mall uvUlf. ahrbu d•tndbo dkona. by nebolo vbodn6 ,,yhlheci .. tobto Ukona Casove navl * Pracovalcl Matice slovenskej ut na ust1nov11n1e zAkoaa ate · ho odlol federallrAcll. v Martine dt'Ja 8. 10. 196'1 vyslovlU k vl4dnemu ntvrhu • ltylldcle dOsledneftle pr • prekonzultowaf • myallef o postavent nirod• Ukon■ nostl v C:SSR Ueto prlpo• vtetkfcb zlotktch N• rodn ho tronru. mleoky: Publtktcle nivrhu astavntMatt e• slovenska ako c ho Ulkooa -vyvolalo n1Jml v lon4rodn.6 ustanovl.Zeft al p mlestnycb odboroch Matice ldada u morllnu povtnno 1lovenskt1J 01 futnom Sloven- ur,ozornlf na tao.to probl61 sku a.naent ohlaa. Vframe ut •I preto, lebo se 01 ru sa to l)teJavtlo •I ·n, porade v teJto vttel obraceJO tlensl ■ Joie/ Smrhoikj L /Ulo 196& no ndolteoc v Uortln~. m1111tn~bo ~~~1~~. oraanlz.tde 1 cel61 predstavltefov v Mahci ,tovenskeJ, ,nwe:I odpoot.4111 no aktwtlne: otdik~. l'I~"~"'" " ,.............. - .. .. - ~ Foto: A. V. H•id• (Vrouo sprduca MS 4r. Jd,t Mart4k.J Jaqko,adaf '"•• tudowft• lt6ta SAV prlJal k abrbu dkOH O flNf•nlldcH .CS51 ■ atnba filtHatbo dkDDI • ■ trodaC¥,tlacb 1taoo•lako, _. ktorAllo ')'llertme. �SLOVAKIA-2015 100 APPENDIX3 , MATICA SLOVENSK A 1863 1973 NOS!Tlr.RA IADtl IIPl11tlltY The Cleveland Stete University DepArtment of History - College of Arts et Sciences Mr . Marien St olarik C 1 e_v_e_l_ a_n_d_, Ohio 44115 U.S. A. VU li,t anatlty Vee: 10 d6a 26/II/73 Na la I natlta 4-63/1157/35 4/73 - St Martin 27. marca 1973 Vaieny pan Stolarik, ~akuje me za Va§ list, ktory nam umoihuje nadvi azat medzinarodny vymenny styk s The Cleveland State University , Department of History , Cleveland, Ohio prostrednictvom Va§ej pOaobnosti na tejto univerzi te. Avizovam1 publikaciu sme este zatial' ned ostali, nakol'ko doru~enie zasielky trva v priemere tri mesiace. Matice slovenska, Martin s radostou pr!jme predpletne na ~asopis v ramci vymeny "The International Migration Review", ako aj vybavenie na§ich objednavok ns publikacie, ktore Vam budeme postupne, taktiez v remci vymeny posiela t, Vyme nn~ rekepitulacie si budeme viest individuelne na zaklade Va si ch zasielok s cenemi a prip ! §eme v prospech Va§ho vymenneho konte , ako aj z naAej strany zasielane potvrdenky s uvedenim cien pre Va§u evidenciu. Zatial' sme Varn po slali 9 publikacii z oblasti historie su~~snej produkcie podl'a Va§ej po~iadavky dha 15.III,1973 a dal'sie publikacie , tykajuce sa tejto obla sti Vam postupne po~leme, Dufame , te s tymto postu~om budete s uhlbsit a roz s!ri sa fond o slovacika na Va§ej univerzite, ako aj f ond Matice slovenskej s publika ciami , o ktore bud eme ziadat na zaklsde excerpt z Cumulative Book Index s zoznamov vydani j ednotlivych vydavatel'ov. Tymto by sme pokladali dohodu z nasej strany za uzavretu a prosime Vas o pisomny suhlas, Te§ime sa na Va §u odpoved ~ sme / s pozdravom ~ -=- Prof.dr.Ing . Jarosl ov .~ELKO , CSc, / Spravco Matice slovenskej v,b .. •i" Stuchlikova Tclt:r6n 2Sf6, 2547, 2548, 25+9, 5197 Oalekopi1 0755:SI 0)6 5 2Martin, Mud ro6ova M �SLOVAKIA-2015 101 APPENDIX4 , MATICA SLOVENSKA NOSIT£t K A RADU RIP U B LIKY Kr. Ph. D. KarU.n Stol6rii: The Cleveland State Univereity CLEVELAND, Ohio 44115 U SA V' j Ii SI I.oa t ")' zo d na Ma r tin Nala znal': K a 5-63 /1JtlJ/Ff l14-U Vee: 23.10.1974 ~ai:)lje■ e Vma Ba list a vr,ten,y ponui:ovy zozJ:lUl. Poaielee Vo !iadan4 knihy a! na tri tituly, i:tor4 eu •! rocobra• n41 1. Ju!n4 Slovenako 2. Ratkoil1 Pra■ ene k dejinmn Vel'kej Koravy 3e Sedla1 Preilovek4 kolegium v elovenekych dejin,ch Dll:fame, !e oetatn4 knihy dostanete ~o najekar av poriadku. ~akujeme Vu aj za aaaopia "Ethnicity•. Sudame ve:rmi r~ di, ked ho pre n,a objean,te. S pozdravo■ / ~f~ Stefan Krivuil spr,vca Matice slovenakej Vy b ovujec Ulbr ichtov, Kiria Tcler6n 2346, 2347, 2548, 2349, 3197 Oalek.opi1 0753,1 0'652 Mar tin, Mu d r ufi ova 35 �102 SLOV AKIA-2015 APPENDIXS a Cudzojazycnci priloha Sefredali:to, Stefan Hovlo r. Zosto vi l M iloslo v And re6nsky Vydalo Mati ce slo.,en 1k6 v Ma rti ne. Tlotili TSNP, z6 v< Neogrofla , Martin, CSSR v m6Ji 1983. fllowcnal:o a 1983 roku u ma konat' 14. d: 17. okt6bra vo Washing• tone, na budud rok v Kansas City). Madzl elenml SSA je I nlalcorko vyznamnych 7 SLOVAK STUDIES ASSOCIATION 7 Tato apoloalosf ui 120 vedec:kych p.-.covnikov s1ov..-.. p6vodu a priatefov slovenekef vedy, lwttury • umenla nielen z USA• Kanady, ale I z cfalilch lblitov ..,_ zlskava prootrednfo. tvom The Balch lnstitut vo Phlladelphll, USA, od Matice olovaMkef, Slovenakej akademle vied a cfalilch . - k y c h kultumych inititudl e.aoplsy, zbomlky a knlhy. VosvoJom ,,Newsletter", ktory ut po 8 rolcov vyd6va dvakrU do roka, oboznamuje avofich Benov • prostrednk:tvom nlch I sV9tOvu vect.cku verejnosf • knlhaml ■ zbomflcml a upozoffluje na zaujfm■Ye ~Hinley v tasoplsoch. Okrem toho Jnfonnuje •J o knihKfl a - - V 6uopi9och O Slovikoch, a alovenakef problematlke, ktore vytll v cudzlne. Bohutlar napriek evidentnaJ snahe po objekttvnom, nezaujatom rwferovanf prmu len pravlida zimer uprlamlf pozomosf na publlkacle a ttanky a obuhom niilmu lblitu a zrladenlu naprlatersky orlentovanych. SSA mi •I vl■-u edialu l!lnnosf preva!ne V apolupr6cl - ao Slovanakjm Ustavom v Clevelande, oriento-v■ nU nepri■tal'slry voa n,m. Zatlar eo predaada a elenovla vyboru sa vprlebehu rokov - pokier am■ to mall mofnost ■ ledovat menlli, trvalU pozldu ta)omnfka a pokladnlka od r. 1978 mi M . Marl< Stolarik. ktory je aj Ndalctorom .,Newsletter" . SSA je lnltttucionlilnym aenom American Assoclation for Advenc:ement of Slavic Studies • aktivne aa zututiluje na Jej nirodnych konvandich (toho kn)anakych vadeckych p.-.covnlkov, lctori ma)u s Matlcou alovenskou dobre kontalcty. Medzl inyml Mrs. Nonna Rudlnski, Gerald J . Sabo, June Alexander, John Berta, Saly Staruch, Tom Marzik • d'alif z USA.. prof. Peter Petro a Yvonne Grabowski z Kanady ako I J . M. Rydlo zo avajaarska a dalil. AJctfvna Bnn~ tychto k spoluprild • Maticou lllovenskou na kuttumom poff ochotnych llanov SSA, vytvira perapektivu, le v buducnostf aa bude m6ct' celkom aeri6zne uva!ovaf I o konkretnej prlamej apoluprid Matice alovenekej ao Slovak Studies Anoclatlon v oblastl propagicle vyaledkov alovanokef vacly, kultury • umenla vo . - .. Zatlar, • vyhradou propagide nim naprlat.rokej litera• tury, pozltlvna hodnotima snahu SSA oboznamovat svetoW vededc:U vsejnost o nallch uspechoch v oblutl vedy, literatury • umanla. Priame kontalctyvtak vzhradom na neprlat.rsky postoj preclovtetkym takych vplyvnych oaobnostf v SSA ako SU Stanislav J . IOrachbaum, M. Mark Stolarik ■ Renee Mikus, nie SU v SUbsnoatl mOZ"'. Je to aamozrejme na ikodu vecf, ktor.6 nim je opolol!ni: propagidl slovan■kaj vacly. lfteratury a umenla na svatovom f6rw. MILOS BIEL �SLOV AKIA-2015 103 APPENDIX6 VYD/..VA MA.TICA SLOVlNSK/.. no&luil'b bdu repubUky MARTIN 14. Dovembra 1983. VAS LIST ZNA<'!KY Valent pe p~. lla.rlc K. Stolarik The i!lalch lMtit~te 18 S., 1th Street ZO Di'IA N~A ZNA<'!KA Philadelphia, Pa. 19106 VYBAVUJE Kiloll Bie]l. VEC: Vll!eny pain pro:f'e aorl V pr:!10118 Vllm zasielam :f'otokopiu a aajho l!lilnlcu, a SSA v nallom l!aeopiae Slovenako l!.6/83 a :f'otokopiu replilcy z Kanadak4ho Sloviika l!.37, rot. 42 z 24.9.1983, hoci J>Nldpoklaau, !e ich ob11ah d poznate. Ak oba l!llllllcy poromllte a apoaeaiete ei na to1 l!o ate nap1aali predaedovi Matice alovenalcej DIU'o 111119lcovi Vlatia!rovi Kinal!ovi i na jeho odpoved, bude Vu zre,im4, !e Vu Va6i priatelia z Kanadak4ho SlovlUca (Vall otec??) poalcytli aedvadiu alu!bu. Ol!akav.,._, !a ea nad oboma l!lllnkud zllJIIYalite, najd nad ich doaahoa v elovenalalj varejnoati za hranicaai, zaujaete jednoznaln4 a pravde zodpovedaj uce etanoviako a po!iadate redalcciu Kanadak4ho Sloviika o opravu. Ky v Slovensku ame tie! oohotn1 Valle atanoviako publikova~. �SLOVAKIA-2015 104 APPENDIX 7 kor..ne s mojfm prt,dpllllnym . Zarove~ pr1p•J11m MO na 23 dolarov, t. J. 20 11ko predplatne 11 3 na podporu. Zarovel\ m1pr11vde , ktor4 oko!0 nM 11li:1(l _ _______ _ ne. No to si pocnete s eecno- _ ........_,,.;,;._..;..,.....;...,._,,.. slovakm i a podobnymi pobhi- nerobl dobru slufbu medzl sh,denymi oveckami? . venskyml vyst'ahovalcaml na amerlckom konllnente. To by . sl mall uvedomll' af II, ktorl 1:: chcli hfadaf spolupracu so I~sJovenskym exllom v slobod- r-----------------------7 , Mm citatelia opiitovne Vas chceme poprosit', aby ste si prezreli zaznam pri Vasej adrese. Ak mate este stale na konci dvojku (2). tak Vase predplatne vyprsalo. Nedavno sme poslali cfalsfch vyse sto (100) iiadosti o vyrovnanie si predplatneho. Prosfme aj tych, ktori maju na konci trojku (3) a mesiac ai po okt6ber, nech si laskavo vyrovnaju predplatne, lebo im sa uz t' · k c ·1 UI' h • a •d k 1ez s on_ '. o a . c1 1e nam pr cu a vy a_v Y na znamky t1ez. riakureme Varn za porozum~nie Admin1strac1a K . S. I nom svete. I Je zfavne, fe reflm na SloI vensku podnlk6 11 bude podI' nlkaf kroky, aby potupoval sloI venskych ntlrodovcov v exlle a 1' aby podryvallch f"dnotu a akll- J I vltu " 11 kafdom poN. Bolo by ., pod nalu d0stofnosl', aby sme 115 komunlstlckyml ldeol6gml debatovall II vledll s nlml dla16gy. Tym bysme Im roblll sluf- -------------------------• - bu, uzn6vall lch za parlnerov, s kloryml stofl ZII lo sedl ..t' ZII USA a pollllkov sa nezaobera. PIie vedecke prtlce O sloven• skom vyst'ahov,.1lectve do USA _-_·-- •-=;-- ' ~ 11 fe uzntivanou uutorltou medzl amerlckyml hlstorlkml II vedeckyml lnAlllliclaml Podra Andrnansk~ho-Blela Pod tltulom .Ohlasy" uverejnl,. ~ b._g.rof. Sto"rlka,.Je.Jt lo ,.Slovensko'", klore mt! byt' f ·srov ~Sludle._!. kulllirno-spolotenskym s _~ c 18 11 0 ,. 11 b y t 8 t •0 mesatnlkom a je vydavane Ma- ";iiofot!nosr mor.t'a reprezentollcou slovenskou v Turtlan- ,vat' Slovakov medzl amerlckyskom Svlltom Marline, vo svo- ml hlstorlkml a v Slavic Stujom tlsle z flila 1983 naslrane6 dies Association 8 teda Slov,icl utok na Msgr. F. Fugu , ktory je n e b O II p O ne ch an I p O d slovenskym narodovcom a patronatom ,.Czechoslovak predsedom Zahranltnef Mall- Studies Assoclnllon'". Ide O tisce slovenskej, ktora nle je mar- te vedeckli spolotnosl" hlstoxlsllcka ako hi na Slovensku. rlkov slovensl<eho p0vodu, Clanok .Kio klame a dezlnfor- ktorl sa hlasla k slovenskemu muje'" naplsal Mlloslav Andre- rodu a pf§u o slovenskef otazansky. ke vedeckym spOsobom, teda Ten lsty Mlloslav Andretln- objektlvne. sky (alias MIiot Blel) v augusToto sa pravdafe, M. Andretovom tisle Slovenska uveref- tlnskemu-Blelovl nep6tl, lebo nil znova lltok na dr. M. Stoia- sa tam nechvall techoslovaklzrlka, klory fe najkvallflkovanef- mus a marx-lenlnlzmus. !Im slovenskym hlslorlkom v Taketo plsanle Sloyenska spolotnym stolom. J" nam Nto, fe na amerlc• kom konllnenle mtl komunls!Icky reflm na Slovensku svoflch obdlvovatel'ov a kolaborantov, ale tych my anl nepresvedtlme, anl neziskame. Tleto litoky, krltlky, alebo I za. lletanl■ tasoplsu Slovensko nas e§te vlac upevnla v tom, f~ budeme mOcr dOsledne br6nlt a chranlt' mravne a narodne hodnoty slovenskeho exllu a P.rllva slov:en~ e~~9 , .n_a,[.(1da pra~ neAl'astna_~~ ! slovenska v Tufe1anskom Svlltom Martine t~k ne~_f.!)eba Z[pdlla a zre_d.,u. Y m me vel'a svojlch vlaslnej§lch a nallehavejAlch liloh. (R) s/itort �SLOV AKIA-2015 105 APPENDIX8 lHE BALCH INSTITLJrE for ElHNIC STUDIES 18 South Seventh Street, Philadelphia, PA. Or M. Men STOlorik Uecutive Director Boord cJ Trustees Samuel H 8olklm. .k Ch011mon .JohnC Hoen ViceCr'\Otlmon AlexO:"'1010 8 Goloslu 19106 November 29, 1983 P4'n MiloS Biel Reda'kcia Slovensko 036 52 M a ~ Mudroifo va 35 Czechoslovakia Europe DrahY pcln Biel: Secrelo,y v.f$ .John F White heosu16' wo11er ~ Afooe, t0w1ence J 9ornh0'\T r, oc:e,1 C Cho01n MOn Beo111ce K Chemock lh90CJOl8 H Cov11 Th0m01 J F111oei-010 list zo dn'a 14 . novembra, 1983, som dO.e s obdrZal. Mlt~ yravdu ,/ed p{sete Z\ pozn~ obsah ~lo":,enskfch C:asop1;sov. Ako h isto ri k c!tam vsetke Slovenske tasopisy ktore vychadzaju na zapade. Aj niektore' zo Slovenska. Mam tiez' p{somne sty'ky zo Slovak.mi po celom svete. Pre mXa ti e to tasopisy a li s t y su pramene pre deji ny Slova'kov v 20. storoc'i. Lis t y od v;{s pa tt:i a mc dz i nima. Or Muffov J:.11eomon WdhOmL GfolO Dr Roso Bo~e Green Pl"Ol A W~liom Hogiuno Rooe,tM HOwe Moue A ledeler Corv L8Ylnson. Esci Mri- Fronk P louchheln'\ Set C Mo-npon MictlOel Novak Vrvion W Piosoc:k1 Mrs Meve, P Potomlun Em11vC m1ev Prof Timothy l. Smith Consiontine S. Sosongells Dr Jomes Ton11 1-1on Pou! A TroncMellO hOn Mno Cibott1 Ve,no Dr tv'torvin Wocnmon Ho~, Notnan1e1Wos.,1ngton c ec,110 Mov veo Polemizovaf s valmi neb1;,dem. \'1Sa tfloha je robi'! '!,ropa gandu . Mo'ja j e p{sal de jiny. V tomto pripade budem ~ ma'E posledne slovo. Ked chcete da~o uverejni'f v c!as opise Sl ovensk o , zasi ela'm vfm Clanok z Horizontu, o semin.iri v Martine. Vi k t or M.amatey , n.JS by'vali predseda, ho napisal a celkom s nlm s\Jhlasim. P{sat mOtete Co chcete. Historici budu vSetko posudzo vat. "Pravda vitazi," ako hovoril Masaryk. S k rajansk[m pozdrav om , /~ Emet1tu1 Prot fo.....o'O p HuTC""l1nson / (215) 925-8090 /-r?'i / v -~ Maria'n Stolclri k 0-< �SLOV AKIA-2015 106 APPENDIX 9 Slovak Studies Association Affiliated with the American Association for the Advancement of Slavic Studies 700 Pe nfie ld Ave. , Havertown , PA 19083 Septemb e r 3 , 1983 Dr . Vladimfr !tinll! Predseda Matice slovenakej 812 51 Bratislava Pugai!"evova 2 Czechoslovakia 1968, I have of scholarly asked for my agreed . Over thousands of exchange. Since my first research tri p to Slovakia in the summe r of actively cooperated with the Matica elovensk8 in the exchange materials . Dr. Jan Martak and Dr. ~tefan Krivulf wrote me and cooperation in this program of cultural exchange and I gladly the last fifteen years I have sent the Mat i ca slovenska dollars worth of book.a and periodicals as a part of this You can imagine what a s hock and aurprise it was to me, therefore , to open your monthly magazine Slovensko (No.8, 1983) and to find, on page 6 of your supplement, 11 Slovensko krajanom, 11 an attack upon me by a certain MiloJ Biel. He accuses me, aa editor of the Slovak Studies Newsletter , of bringing to people's attention articles and publications "whose contents are hostile to our state I a political system," of working "in cooperation 11 with the Slovak Institute in Cleveland, 11 and of taking an unfriendly s tand" towards Slovakia. Cont'd on page 107 �SLOV AKIA-2015 107 APPENDIX9 Besides being false, these charges betray a certain naivte by Mr. Biel about historical scholarship and conditions in the West. You, as a scholar and poet, must realize that serious historians have to consider all sources when writing their history, not just those that a certain political philosophy calls for. That i s the very essence of objectivity. Furthermore, it is the duty of true scholars to have contacts with all institutions that contain historical meterials, whether they be located ~Slovakia or in the United States. Finally, we in the West believe in openness and pluralism. For instance, the Slovak Studies Association, of which I am the founder and Secretary-Treasurer, has among its members Slovak Catholics, Lutherans, Calvinists, Greek Catholics, Jews, nationalis ts, 'Czechoslovaks' and Marxists. We do not exclude people because of their religion or political orientation. We are open to all scholars who are interested in promoting Slovak studies the world over . Therefore, Mr. Biel' s clumsy attempt to list 1 'friendly 11 and "unfriendly" members of the Slovak Studies Association is going to backfire and hurt the good contacts that the Hatica slovenska has developed with Slovaks in the West over the last several years. I s uggest that you have Mr. Biel retract his crude and unwarranted attack upon me in the next issue of Slovensko . If he does not, I have a feeling that most of the goodwill that the Hatica slovensklhas built up with young scholars in the Western World will very quickly disappear. Yours Sincerely, l ·f i~ �108 SLOV AKIA-2015 APPENDIX 10 Bratislava, 4,10,1983 Vazeny pan Stolarik! Iste Vas nemusfm ubezpe ~ovaf o tom, ako Matici slovenskej zalezf na vsetkom, co sa aotyka dejin i su~asnosti slovenskej narodnej kultury, ako nam teda zalezi aj na kazdom, kto s nami chce v mene buducnosti tejto kultury spo lupracovaf, To sa dotyka aj Slovak Studies newsletter i Vas osobne, Mrzf ma to, co sa stale v ~asopise Slovensko, Nemam priam_y vplyv na redigovania ~asopisu, ale pokia! to bude v mojich silach., zabranim v buducnosti moznym nedorozumeniam . Rozumia sa, za mame rozliCne nazory na zivot spolocnosti a na jej buducnost . Ale mame aj spoloCnu starost, ktorou je slovenska narodna kultura, jej dejiey a osudy - na celom svete, Dufam teda, ze nam v oalse.j spolupraci nezabrania malichernosti a ostavam so srdeCnym pozaravom dJ.l~-t~~ / t/ • Vazeny pan M,Mark Stolarik 7U0 Penfiela Ave. Havertown, ~A 19083 ~~~U Narodny umelec Vladimir Minal! �SLOV AKIA-2015 109 APPENDIX 11 - s--!.. =■ ~ S:io'-'6,1,~Ko t /tJ.,~f. HIOll4CIIKl:1:t c::==s ilowc11td::~ ► --. 5: Slovensko pre ,,dva druhy citatefov" Pod tymto Hver•vr•vnYffl .. l&IVom uv--tnM p6n M...Wn Mtt Stolarik. tajomnlk • po-. ......· - - • e t ipolotnOfll (Slovak StudlN \Noc:Ultion) v USA vo •vojom "MWUetter rot. I , tWo 1/iun 1114, str. I . nuledujUCU pomemku : ,Sloven•ko, oflcialny meu~ "Ilk M•tH» •lov•n•k• J vych'· dz.a vo dvoch veni,ch, p,-. dv• r,dliln4 titat•l•k4 ve,.jna.rl. Predpok/adal aom, I • ..,,•tci nd i ~novla to vedill, • I• n• d4vn o .am zlstil l e to tak nle ,._ Vlalna 1. v,. J. v domienk•. h Slo~o. tron dost'"'• t• Vy ■Jja, jetenl•tvtuop/a, lrto,Y cirltulu}9 ,,. Slowm•ku. f•li•. Aku pozome adlv■ t• n• lcror,hofvek 8•/o V"h o U•ooi•u SloVM1•ko, vlimnite al, le mtKUi 16. • 17. atranou hlevnej t..•ti ~nopi•u je Cudzofuytn' prf/ohe, r,ro Cudzoj•~n, prlloha znaman, oval• vlec n#Jl vyzer,. ObuhuJ• tiel ~,,,.. ky v •loventine, ilu•troven4 ,, Toho tuu ,,.jchUlo•tiwjjoo ....cou je otbb •lav•n•k•J prl• lo hy Sloven.Ice. v,1ho m • ~ nib, wnov• MJ Jcr• Janom v u hr•ni8, ,,. ktof'U m• upozornlll •i vlac»rl )ednotllvcl. PodobM elco Stol• rilc v Slov• lc Studi• ._ Pouvelu;t• a WICI, uda t•ru ul r,ro prlloh• v •lowrwt.•f rKi b y mohl• by( •U~•fou rl•dM otlaloven'(Ch .rr, n Slovt1M ka, • to •i pre 6it•t• l ov v • t•rom kr•JI. Cudzojuytry prllohe by u moh/M vloli( do ~•oplsu Hp■ r,rne. Predillo by u zbytotn•J krltilce, nedtr wre, yYSmelnYm • ultll)«:nYm pozn,mlcem • Jcont,..ver• zil, I• u Ju ,ob4v• t• uUnf titetefom dome '. S.m ozre/m, w c, Je potombyste melivybe,..f • pr'vy od 01db v,m pr!Jat111nych.,, Ne dldede tohoto llstu sm• pochopHI, le naM nepriatalls v auf•l•J sneh• dlskredftova! n'6 tasopls. c:hytaJU N kaJdel prildfto.tl, aby naMI Umlen• 2) bu<f vy va ml moriadtis!■ Sk>vensb 2 X do roka • ru u rok Magufn, ako •m• to uroblll v rokoch 1811 s 1NZ. 3) elebo prUollt NmostatnU prflohu ku kald,mu tulu Slovenska, 1rtor• bud• ••· pedov•n• U.,enom. Bolo n,m Ja.sn',, le form• pristupu ku luajanom vytadu}11. ■by ttat.M slovo, ktorym .. bud•m• obraca! ku krajaq_om. bolo vy,obeM najmodern9llou tachn.lkou • na kv■• litnom ps.,...-1. preto.le all.nm toho, le bude plnft' nu-odnouvedomovadu • fflformKnU funk.du, bude slutff •J ako ,.._ pruenUda nai•J SUtesnosd. Preto rozhoduJUdml taktorml, ~ urtlll tretlu alt.emaUvu ako opdmilnu • reelb.ovstel'nU, boll: pridal kvalhMho pa• piera a Aulomberka, ftnentn. prostriedky poa«ytovan, Ml• nlst.erstvom lwlturf SSA. pwaoniln• ubupet:enl• redak• tn't'ch pnc bu zvylenla at.aw redaktorov • konetne 11..padta tlatlarM. NaN Slovensko •ko Matupc:a MatitMho ffianlll vych6du ul 6smy roll. Ptvyc:h I rokov vyc:hadulo i.k ako teraz n• 32 stnMc:h, ale z toho Ian na I farebnych. Nlekol'ko stovik vytlatkov Slov•nslta :uslelalo byval4 Oddelenle MS ~ U· hranltnjch Slov,kov I n■JJm knjanom predovletkym do Fnl'tCUului, Juhosljvle • Kanady. 11M I do USA• Auatr611e. 0d roku 1813, v a&JvlslMtl • I► ho vlalm umeranhn do uhran~•• rodlriM sme fa,.bnU ten' n11 11 atrin. bez avylenla cany Ka 5, - :u a.Jo. To ale znamenelo t1atH oety tuopfs na kvalftnom ,,..,_... Nale tov,,.I\ v Rulombertc.u vyr6ba skutotne kv•lltnY pepler, ktory Je yYZ.namnYffl exportn,;m ;rovania • udriovania kontak tov • lu■janml • v ""•ha po m6d im v kh Ualll o udrianll sloven~o n,rodn~ pov• dornla a podtu •~upatrit nosd • Jedrom n6rods P04 T atraml, alto I umo.t:ntr Im YU )omn, poznanl• krsjan~ livota v r6znyc:h tastiac:h sva ta Itek ako sma to uv&edl v 1/14 Bale Slov•nslui). Ak by sm• chcall dod6v• prilohu Slovansko krajanon I na domic:I trh, potrebovaU b• ame prlnajmen9' o 30 % vyt.t pridel p,aJNer•. to u daneJ vj robne4 sftuKM v n.&J:ombe, • k•J tov6rni nle }e moln4i. Tak ti&I by sme muMII ;rvyi,lt' cani tasopisu na dom6com trhu, 6t tlel v sutasnoati Ne Je ul.alM TNI• •ko vldlta, m ill luaja nl a, calkom proukk6 flnant " '• ma....Ulna • techrdck, d6 vody Mt pntinou, pre&t tj ta.Slovenaka, ktor6 Ja ur6en6 kni janom • :uoberi N prevs.tn. luajanskou problematikou nil Je k dlt,poddl I domkam1 Btat.rovl. Cudzojuyl"' priloha J• tla 6an, na obytajnom 1.-.bnon novl novom pepl■ rt, aby ZyY ru.nlla a oddelllll prlohu 0< ostat,,..,o taxtu . Talrto nie J4 ponJien6 kontlnulta taxtu pr1 domidch tltatelov • kr■J•n sky at.atel' dOSUva svoj u prflo hu komp,aktnU. Konettla treba p. Mar5'nov Stolarikovl prlpomenut', h pr avojef vedlajiej tinnostl altc r.dsktor • vydav■tel' Nawalet• tar al mohol (ubudol alebo nec:hcel1) Yilmnuf, le sko oudzolazytni prilohe, tak I Slo· vansko lu■Janom majU NmoatatnU tlril. to v novin6rskej praxl anama"'-, la hod Je Jedan vydav■ W I Ufr.daktor. prMaa to, to do.Uvs, SU vlast• ne tri Nmostatn4i periodlld (hod I spolu zoliU). ktor6 m~ tu byf upedov•M • rodlro• Cont'd on page 110 �SLOV AKIA-2015 110 APPENDIX 11 • ~ • to priMU a , nky o s1ov, lcoch na UpatH. Slovkl dom• tuto prllohu niltdy navkl~ . Vla•tMUwry .iurobteMml." Nepovdov•II •m• dopot,lal' uWM ,-govat' na alee dot.. .nultov•n&i. ... pNdu len U'9jmU domyeel'noet' uv.. defMlpmNlmlryvNew.iett:•. Medd6uo,n u I\U v I.ta opjul llnjan a NSR. pr.ea nedoetaf v CSSR i!uopla SbveMlco • prilohou 8&ovenako lulljanom. Odpovadal am• mu p&.omne pnllmo • on naM vywetaenieakoeptoval. Oo.teM ..,... vlak d'.U 19t a USA od vjzn,amrwho krajanakMto kutbimeho Bnltel'-. v ktorom bol nuledufQd od- u ......, dWttod &u ndavnutomli, PN koho taeopl• vycUvama ■ v ■ tom rouahu, roahod.W .me N podllf ilrokej knjanilk•J Y«9jnoatl vywedanie. 0 d6vodoch, ktcri nN • nM nadrtadenf Ol'Pn - Mlnlnera:tvo 11.ulb;ry 8SR - vleclll le tomu, ■by am• vycMv■ II tlHMM alovo pre lualanov, MM plull oblim• ne tomto m'-te v 9/M a.le Slovanaka. Tu tr..bll objaantt' Iba technldw .trinJa.i rulldde. Z Uvah, ■ ko rHll.zov■t i.nto dme,, vykryttall.zovall J ■har­ t111tfvy: 1) bud' vydjvaf Nmo.tab'tf fuopl■ pre knjaftOV (kvr(.-O<J. vyN>ba, Ide na uport. Napatr"' Ullf' aoaUiva pre, tuumsko ■ ,. prfen■ llmH.ovan6. N•t tuopq doetaval tie.I urtfty prid.a tohoto papi.,.. (n■ I _,.n). 0d roku 1N3 bol prklel r,ylent na pokrytM I farebnych strin (d'.tlkh) ■ I rilin prflohy PN lu■Janov. baopta 810¥'9ftN0 I• WWnY' ..........................ho atatel'■ : 70 % Nlldadu Ide na dom'4:il trh ■ len 25 % ,. prilohou) pre lnjanov ■ I % pre on.atnu GUdzlnu. Tyoh 21 "' "'ldadu. apolu • c:uckoluy6nou p,9ohou • prlohou Slownako kntrlanom IMnC:1Ujeme a~Matloe.aov.n•uJ dotovaMho ~om kuhury &SR v UUJm• Na UV..- .. t ied.a podotknUf, ta ,ri..,.a tych rucMckofaM.tkkych luuhov, kto" •ita necMvno qltovall, aby Mm lln)ani• Slovenako vrac.all Cnapr. tt.nadaky Slodk), .. aruu DZYV• fartzajsk.6 atarost• lfvo.t o nilho do""oeho tltaWa. la nav&dl iu.JaN116 priohu. :Um..- Je fun'i' • jednoanat:nj . Cheu Mm polllodK, otrevovaf vzfahy nwwdal narnl • krajanml. lrtoN .. 1 naprielc lch lntria'm .,.,.,.. • Ua,pe,tn• roMJaJ'I . .... anahy hod~ nflnonn, • hod I n• Cpeaudo) ved41Ckej Oroml aem,ow"' prukn6 alto myclo"' bubllna. pr.tole pr■ vda )e ,.. n-■J nadvA- Cud1oja1yCnd prnoha Rlowcnallo ~ S...- Htl.i.., Z -fll M ,i.,1 .. A ~,t--AOI V~MMl1lcaoi...-U• • " " ' -· 'i.t.llTS""'.••"' .w(- "-9,_fJa. MolniA, (l.$a • - 1,n . . . , . �SLOV AKIA-2015 111 APPENDIX 12 TRAFENA HUS ZAGAGA is a Slovak saying meaning literally •the goose that is hit will maJce a loud cackle• . .I t caoos to one's mind when reading the article in SLOVENSKO *) ,tbe.:.official monthly publication of'Hatica slovenska (Czecho-Slovakia) attacking Hark H. Stolarik, Secretary-Treasurer of the SlovaJc Studies' Asscr ciation (USA) far his brief remark in the Association's Newsletter (June 1984, see also SM 5 &6, p.28). Stolarik informed about the non-availability of SLCNENSKO' s supplement SLDIENSKO XRAJANOH (aimed at Slovaks outside Sl~ vakia) to readers in J;lovakia. According to SLOIENSXO,the re~ sons f.or this non-availability are econcmi c : paper . shortage• •though no mention •is made of the fact that they are flooding the West with 'canplimentary copies' of their books printed on very expensive paper. I t takes them the best part of a page to say this, when a simple ,sentence •because of economic reasQllS we cannot supply the Supplement for no extra cost to readers in Slovakia, however they can obtain i t· ·e asily for an additional subscription . & . Kcs ... • would have been sufficient. But ·this they dia ..cot want tD say! By the way, one is concerned~ bout access to SLCNENSKO KRAJANOH not as i f this was the best way to inform people in Slovakia . - about Slovak life in the West, but because Hatica slovenska herself has been encouraging Slovaks in the -west to establish contactJwith their old homeland through h'Z"iting ·to SLCNENSKO. I f the only obstacles to establishing such contacts were economic , a simple solution would be this : The BULI£TIN of the SLCNAX WCRLD CONGRESS states that it: "is available to readers in Slovakia free of charge• (there is no paper shortage in Canada !J. Why does not Hatica slovenska undertaJce to distribute the BULI£TIN free .of charge among the subscribers of SLOVENSKO in .Slovakia, and have in exchange the Slovak World Congress distribute SWVENSKO KRAJANOH free of charge to the readers of their BULLETIN in the West. Nobody could then canplain about lack of contacts : •I t was too much of a temptation to resist, namely to present to our readers the final part of the article in SWVENSKO with ·al:1 -its orwellian beauty (their English sUD1Dary contains neither this nor the vitriolic attaak .on H. Stolarik) : Those who dared to question the availability of SLOVENSKO KRAJANOH are •fascists• and "pharisees• (what a combination !) who "want to damage and poison the r~ lationship between us [i.e. Hatica] and our countrymen, which shows a premising and successful development despite their [i. e. the fascists' and pharisees' J intrigues. Their attempts, though cunning and presented on a {pseudo) scientific level .will burst like a soap bubble because .the truth is on our side.• � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2015, Vol. 42 Description An account of the resource Vol. 42 (No. 78-79), 2015. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2015 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOV AKIA-2015 87 MY ROCKY RELATIONSHIP WITH THE MATICA SLOVENSKA. DURING THE SECOND ERA OF COMMUNISM IN CZECHOSLOVAKIA, 1970-1989: A PERSONAL MEMOIR M. Mark Stolarik When I first visited Slovakia in the summer of 1968, I established friendly contacts with the Matica slovenska in Martin . 1 Never did I dream that, a short while later, one of its employees would publicly attack me. This happened because the political situation in Czechoslovakia changed as a result of the Warsaw Pact invasion of August, 1968. The so-called "Prague Spring," led by the Slovak reformer Alexander Dubcek, who wished to transform Czech and Slovak society into "socialism with a human face," was crushed under the weight of Warsaw Pact tanks. Less than a year later, Dubcek was replaced as First Secretary of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia by the turncoat Gustav Husak, who proceeded to "normalize" the state. What started out as a year of high hopes turned into one of great disappointment. 2 Even though I was born in Slovakia in 1943, my parents decided to evacuate the whole family into Austria before the Russian front came through in January of 1945 . I did not return to my home town of Martin until July of 1968. 3 Dr. Jozef Telgarsky, the Director of the National Library, which then belonged to the Matica slovenska, 1 A shorter, Slovak version of this article first appeared as "Matica slovenska pod dohl'adom Statnej bezpecnosti," in Matica slovenska v narodnych dejinach, ed. by Imrich Sedlak (Martin : Matica slovenska, 2013), 174-78. I initially described this trip in greater detail as "My Memories of Slovakia under Communism (S ummer of 1968)," in Narodny kalendar CVII (Pittsburgh, 1999), 96-99 . 2 For the latest scholarship on the " Prague Spring" see The Prague Spring and the Warsaw Pact Invasion of Czechoslovakia, 1968: Forty Years Later, ed. by M. Mark Stolarik (Mundelein, IL: Bolchazi-Carducci, 2010). For the period of "normalization" in Slovakia see Norbert Kmet' and Juraj Marusiak, comp., S/ovensko a reiim normalizacii (Presov: Michal Vasko, 2002). 3 1 described my family's Odyssey, as well as Slovak emigration in general, in Where is my Home? Slovak Emigration to North America (1870-2010) (Bern: Peter Lang, 2012). 88 SLOV AKIA-2015 heartily welcomed me. He was delighted that, after so many years of being cut off from the West, he could once again establish contacts with Slovaks in the West. 4 I had come to Slovakia in the summer of 1968 as a Ph.D. student from the University of Minnesota in order to study the villaie origins of Slovak emigration to North America in the 19 th and 20 centuries. I had already studied the parish records of various Slovak communities in the United States and Canada and wished to link them with those in Slovakia. At the same time, I had started to collect archival materials for the newly-established Immigrant Archives at the University of Minnesota. When I finished my research in Slovakia in September of 1968, I promised Telgarsky, that I would begin to send duplicate archival and library materials concerning Slovaks in the USA and Canada to the Slovak National Library in return for the SNL sending me the latest publications of historians in Slovakia. 5 After I finished my doctoral studies at the University of Minnesota, I was employed by several professional institutions but never lost contact with the Matica slovenska. At first I was employed by the Cleveland State University as a Lecturer and Assistant Professor (1972-76), then as an Historical Researcher at the National Museum of Man in Ottawa (1977-78), then as President and CEO of the Balch Institute for Ethnic Studies in Philadelphia (1979-91) and finally as Professor and Chairholder of the only Chair in Slovak History and Culture in the Western World at the University of Ottawa (1992 to the present). During all of these years I continued my program of exchange with the Matica slovenska. I wish that I could say that our relations were always good, but it was not to be. While I worked at the National Museum of Man in Ottawa, I took the initiative to establish a new scholarly organization. In 1975 a Czechoslovak History Conference had been founded by a group of historians in the United States. 6 From my study of Czech and Slovak history, I knew that, as always, Slovak history, and Slovak scholars, 4 When I returned to the USA, it occurred to me that Jozef Telgarsky was the author of my favorite children's book - Zirafa [The Giraffe] (Martin: Matica slovenska, 1946). While we were refugees in Austria from 1945-1950, my mother often read me sections of this book. I still have it and cherish it. 5 JozefTelgarsky to Marian Stolarik, May 13, 1969, NK 289 20/69-St. See Appendix 1, page 97. 6The history of this organization can be found in its Czechoslovak History Ne wsletter, founded in 1979. SLOV AKIA-2015 89 would play "second fiddle" in such an organization. Therefore, at the annual meeting of the American Association for the Advancement of Slavic Studies in Washington, D.C. in October of 1977, I persuaded half a dozen scholars in the USA and Canada to create our own Slovak Studies Association. Since I took the initiative in founding this organization, I was elected its first Secretary-Treasurer and Newsletter Editor. I then contacted as many scholars as I knew had an interest in Slovak studies and invited them to join. By 1983 our ranks had grown to 120 members. Meanwhile, the American Association for the Advancement of Slavic Studies accepted us as an affiliated organization and the officers and I organized regular sessions of the Slovak Studies Association at the annual meetings of the AAASS. 7 As Newsletter Editor, I also informed our members of recent scholarly developments in Slovakia, as well as of the activities and publications of our members. Meanwhile, in 1968 the Matica slovenska began to publish a semi-weekly newspaper entitled Maticne citanie and put me on its mailing list. 8 At the beginning this newspaper reflected a good dose of Slovak nationalism and on its masthead carried a stylized Slovak national emblem, which had been banned by the Communists. 9 However, under the weight of Gustav Husak's, "normalization" campaign, in 1973 the Slovak emblem disappeared from the Matica's letterhead and in 1978 the Maticne citanie folded . It was then replaced by the glossy monthly Slovensko. At the same time, Jozef Telgarsky no longer corresponded with me. Instead, two hard-line Communists, at first Jaroslav Celko and later Stefan Krivus, both Directors of the Matica, continued the correspondence. The masthead of their letters no longer carried the Slovak emblem; it was replaced by the letters MS , for the Matica slovenska. 10 It was clear from these changes that the Matica was being purged . Nevertheless, I kept exchanging materials with the Matica and hoped for the best. 7 The history of the Slovak Studies Association can be found in the Newsletter of the Slovak Studies Association, published since October, 1977. Recently the AAASS changed its name to the American Association for Slavic and Eurasian Studies. 8 A complete run of this newspaper can be found in the Slovak Archives, Archives and Special Collections, University of Ottawa. 9 See the first issue of Maticne citanie dated October 28, 1968, Appendix 2, pages 98-99. 10 See the letters of Jaroslav Celko, dated March 27, 1973 and Stefan Krivus, dated October 23, 1974 to Mark Stolarik, Appendices 3, page 100, and App 4, page 10 I. 90 SLOV AKIA-2015 Unfortunately, in the 1980's my relations with the Matica slovenska took a tum for the worse. The first sign that something was amiss came in 1980 when the "Oddelenie pre zahranicnych Slovakov" (the Department for Slovaks Abroad) of the Matica slovenska sponsored an international scholarly conference on "Vyst'ahovalectvo a zivot krajanov vo svete" (Emigration and the Life of Countrymen Abroad) and published the papers.11 Even though I had met and befriended Jan Siracky, the Director, and Frantisek Bielek, one of their researchers in 1968 when the Department was established in Bratislava, and they knew that I specialized in the history of the immigration of Slovaks to North America, they did not invite me to this conference. Instead, they invited my good friend and colleague Thomas D. Marzik (originally Mrazik), an Associate Professor of history at St. Joseph's University in Philadelphia. A scholar of Central Europe, Marzik specialized on T.G. Masaryk and the Slovakophile Czech Karel Kalal. He had done no archival research on Slovak immigration. Nevertheless, the conference organizers asked him to present a paper on "The State of American Scholarly Research on Slovak Emigration and on American Slovaks," which he read in English, since he could not speak Slovak. He must have taken the conference organizers by surprise when he asserted, among other things, that "M. Mark Stolarik is currently the most productive scholar concerning the history American Slovaks," and then added, "currently, he is the Executive Director of the Balch Institute for Ethnic Studies in Philadelphia... .In this capacity, he can be very helpful in encouraging further research on American Slovaks." 12 When I received a copy of the Proceedings of this conference, I no longer regretted not having been invited. As I leafed through the book, I noticed that the conference had been opened by Viliam Salgovic, at that time the Chairman of the Slovak National Council, but formerly the Deputy Minister of the Interior in 1968, who betrayed his colleagues in the "Prague Spring" by collaborating with the invading Warsaw Pact forces . It turns out that Salgovic had been an agent of the Soviet KGB and was one of the most hated individu11 Vyst'ahova/ectvo a iivot krajanov vo svete. K storocnici masoveho vyst'ahova/ectva s/ovenskeho /'udu do zamoria. Zbornik prispevkov k vedeckej konferencii. Zost. Frantisek Bielik, Jan Siracky a Claude Balaz (Martin: Matica slovenska, 1982). 12 Ibid., 131-32. The compilers arranged for Marzik's article to be translated into Slovak. SLOVAKIA-2015 91 als in Slovakia. 13 Furthermore, the conference organizers also invited the retired grade-school teacher and communist activist Helen Vrabel-Saunders of Los Angeles and the Canadian Slovak communist activist Jan Rumisek to present papers on the Slovak communities in their respective countries. 14 These individuals reflected poorly on the scholarly level of this conference. When Marzik returned to Philadelphia and described the conference to me, he mocked the presentations of these so-called "experts." However, when the Proceedings arrived in the mail in 1982, I mocked Marzik for the company he had kept. The second bad sign from Czechoslovakia came in 1982. At that time my wife and I had decided that, even though the Matica did not invite me to its scholarly conference, we would visit our native Slovakia on our own. As was required at that time, we applied for a visitor 's visa to Czechoslovakia, but, much to our surprise, the Czechoslovak Embassy in Washington denied our application, without any explanation. 15 When we had visited Czechoslovakia in the summers of 1968 and 1970, we had acquired visas without any difficulty. The third bad sign occurred in 1983 when, to my great surprise, a certain writer for the Matica's monthly Slovensko, began to attack me. Even though he signed his articles as Milos Biel, he was, in fact, Miroslav Andreansky, a collaborator of the STB (State Security), who edited the Cudzojazicnu prilohu (Foreign-Language Supplement) of Slovensko. 16 In the 1970's, using the cover name Tacovsky, he had served a spy for the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic in West Germany. 17 13 For Salgovic's welcoming remarks see Ibid., 12-16. For his role in the "Prague Spring" see William Shawcross, Dubcek (London: Weidenfeld and Nicholson, 1970), 154. Soon after the Communists relinquished power during the "Velvet Revolution" in I 989, Salgovic committed suicide. 14 For their papers see Vyst'ahova/ectvo, 270-87 and 340-42. 15 Chief of the Visa Section (unreadable signature), Embassy of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic to Mark Stolarik, June 4, 1982 (in author's personal papers) . 16 Dr. Tomas Klubert, an employee of the Ustav pamdti naroda (The Nation 's Memory Institute) of the Slovak Republic, in a reply to my query dated September 3, 2010, confirmed that Andreansky was indeed a collaborator of the STB. His cover name was "Korunka." Unfortunately, his file was shredded on October 8t11, 1988. 17 See the article"Co na to pan Prokes?" published in the monthly Svedectvo: Casopis politickych vdznov na Slovensku, I, no. 4 (April 1992), page 18. 92 SLOV AKIA-2015 Andreansky/Biel had learned about the Slovak Studies Association from Thomas D. Marzik. The Matica slovenska had invited the latter to another international conference in Martin on July 5-7, 1983, on the occasion of the Matica's 120th anniversary. Knowing that the Matica had once again failed to invite Stolarik to this conference, Marzik urged it to establish formal relations with the Slovak Studies Association and also to invite "more American experts" to future conferences.18 Andreansky/Biel replied to Marzik's appeal in the Foreign Language Supplement of the August issue of Slovensko. In an article entitled "?Slovak Studies Association?" Andreansky/Biel wrote: "Direct contact with such leading personalities in the SSA as Stanislav J. Kirschbaum, M. Mark Stolarik and Renee Mikus, because of their hostility [towards the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic] are, at the moment, impossible." 19 This reply was laughable, because neither Stanislav J. Kirschbaum, nor Renee Mikus, held any office in the SSA! I suspect that Stan Kirschbaum was on the "black list" of Czechoslovak authorities because he was the son of Jozef Kirschbaum, who at that time was one of the Executive VicePresidents of the Slovak World Congress and Renee Mikus was married to Jozef Mikus, who also held a high office in the SWC. Indeed, both the elderly Kirschbaum and his colleague Mikus were former diplomats in the service of the first Slovak Republic (1939-1945) as well as members of the Slovak People 's Party, and, as such, supporters of Slovak independence. 20 Thus, they were anathema to the Husak regime. Andreansky/Biel probably did not like Mark Stolarik because he was the son of Imrich Stolarik, also a former member of the Slovak People's Party and, therefore a "separatist" who often wrote articles advocating Slovak independence in the weekly 18 Thomas D. Marzik, "K problematike Slovensko-americkych akademickych vzt'ahov," in Zahranicni S/ovaci a narodne kulturne dedictvo: Zbornik prispevkov z vedeckeho seminara k 120. vyrociu zaloienia Matice s/ovenskej, compiled by Frantisek Bielik, Jan Siracky and Claude Balaz (Martin : Matica slovenska, 1984), 10109. Once again, the Matica arranged to translate Marzik' s article into Slovak. 19 Slovensko, 8 (August, 1983), Foreign Language Supplement. See Appendix 5, gage 102. °For the history of the first ten years of the Slovak World Congress, see Desat' rokov cinnosti SKS, comp . by JozefM. Kirschbaum (Toronto: Slovak World Congress, 1981). For the struggle for Slovak independence, see J. M . Kirschbaum, Nas boj o samostatnost' Slovensko (Cleveland: Slovak Institute, 1958; reprinted by the Matica slovenska, Martin, 2000). SLOVAKIA-2015 93 Kanadsky Slovak. For this reason Andreansky/Biel wrote to Mark Stolarik on November 14, 1983 and asked the latter to repudiate an article written by his father in Kanadsky Slovak on September 24, 1983, which had criticized the August issue of Slovensko.2 1 Andreansky/Biel even promised to publish Stolarik' s reply in the next issue of Slovensko! Instead, Mark Stolarik wrote to Andreansky/Biel as follows : "I will not polemicize with you . Your job is to create propaganda. Mine is to write history. In this instance, I will have the last word." 22 Andreansky/Biel ' s letter showed that, at that time he had more power in the Matica slovenska than its president, the "Narodny umelec" (national artist) and writer Vladimir Mi nae, a member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Slovakia. After having read Andrensky/Biel's attack upon me in Slovensko, I complained to Mi nae in a letter dated September 3, 1983 .23 In his reply of October 4, 1983, Minac wrote the following: "I am sorry about what happened in the periodical Slovensko . I have no direct control over the editorial content of the magazine, but, as much as I can, I will try to prevent such future misunderstandings." 24 Meanwhile, Victor S. Mamatey, considered the "dean" of Czech and Slovak historians in the United States, also reacted to the machinations of the Matica slovenska. In the Slovak monthly Horizont, published by emigres in Switzerland, he wrote the following: Slovaks abroad need cultural contacts with their homeland and Slovakia needs contacts with Slovaks abroad . Unfortunately, at the moment such contacts are weak and inadequate. The Matica and the entire regime need to understand that not they, but Slovaks abroad have the right to decide who will represent them at conferences and who will properly interpret their needs. 25 Vladimir Minac could not have been sincere in his reply to Mark Stolarik's complaint because, as indicated above, Andreansky/Biel wrote me again on November 141\ Furthermore, in 1988, during the 21 Milos Biel to Mark Stolarik, November 14, 1983 . See Appendix 6, page 103 . See also Appendix 7, page I 04, for the article in Kanadsky Slowik, September 24, 1983 . 22 Mark Stolarik to Milos Biel, November 29, 1983. See Appendix 8, page 105 . 23 Mark Stolarik to Vladimir Mimic, September 3, 1983 . See Appendix 9, pages 106 and 107. 24 Vladimir Minac to Mark Stolarik, October 4, 1983 . See Appendix 10, page 108. 25 Horizon/ (Zurich), September-October, 1983. 94 SLOV AKIA-2015 era of "Glasnost" and "Perestrojka," as promoted in the Soviet Union and its satellites by General Secretary Mikhail Goobachev in the late 1980's,2.6 I was finally invited to attend another Matica conference in Bratislava. There I met Vladimir Mimic at a Matica-sponsored reception at Bratislava Castle. After the opening ceremonies ended, a tipsy Mimic approached me and asked in a voice reeking of wine "ci vas otec stale serie do toho Kanadskeho Slovaka?" (Is your father still crapping into Kanadsky Slovak?) .27 This vulgar question revealed what was really bothering Minac (and Andreansky/Biel): that my father was freely advocating independence for Slovakia in Kanadsky Slovak. Another reason why Andreansky/Biel attacked me in Slovensko is that I revealed the truth about how it was published. When Tom Marzik returned from the second Matica conference in 1983, he promptly informed me that Slovensko was published in two versions : one for domestic consumption and one for Slovaks abroad. Only the foreign version contained a "Foreign Language Supplement," which carried news about the activities of Slovaks in the wider world. I informed the readers of the Newsletter of the Slovak Studies Association of these two versions in the June, I 984 issue.28 In its August 22 nd issue, the largest-circulation Slovak-American newspaper, the Jednota, official organ of the First Catholic Slovak Union, congratulated me for having provided this information. It pointed out that the Matica slovenska was sending Slovensko for free to Slovaks all over the world, and they had no idea that it was published in two versions.29 This information so infuriated Andreansky/Biel that he reacted with a full-page response in the January, 1985 issue of Slovensko. The jist of his response was that the publishers of Slovensko did not have enough paper to offer the "Foreign Language Supplement" to domestic readers.30 The best reaction to this absurd excuse came from Juraj Virsik, editor of the Slovak-Australian Monitor. In an article beginning with the Slovak proverb "Trafena hus zagaga," (A Struck Goose 26 For the Gorbachev era see Angus Roxburgh, The Second Russian Revolution: The Struggle for Power in the Kremlin (London : BBC Books, 1991). 27 1 described this episode in greater detail under the pseudonym Leo Carpenter in "Looking for Mr. Glasnost in Today ' s Czechoslovakia," in the monthly Crisis: A Journal of Lay Catholic Opinion, 7, no. 7 (July-August, 1989), 33-39. 28 "Slovensko for Two Audiences," SSA Newsletter, 8, no. 1 (June, 1984), p. 13. 29 Jednota (Middletown, PA), August 22, 1984. 30 Slovensko, 1 (1985), "Cudzojazycna priloha.," Appendix 11 , pages 109 and 110. SLOVAKIA-2015 95 will Squawk), Virsik provocatively suggested that, if Slovakia indeed suffered from a shortage of paper, it could easily turn to the Bulletin of the Slovak World Congress, published in Canada, which had an abundance of newsprint, and the Bulletin would willingly publish any news that the Matica might send it. 31 Andreansky-Biel did not react to Virsik's article. Finally, in 1988, probably as a result of Mikhail Gorbachev's "Glasnost," which also penetrated into the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, the Matica slovenska invited Mark Stolarik to another of its scholarly conferences, this time to be held in Bratislava on July 46. When I arrived in Bratislava and met with Frantisek Bielik, whom I had not seen since 1970, I asked him who was Miloslav Andreansky/Milos Biel? A surprised Bielik answered, "Don't you know?" "No, I don ' t," I replied. "But, you must know, he continued ." "No I don ' t, I answered." He was still afraid to openly tell me. I then asked where was Andreansky/Biel? Bielik answered, "in Martin." Perhaps Andreansky/ Biel did not attend the conference for fear that I would confront him . As a result, I never met him. After the fall of Communism in Czechoslovakia, I inquired about his whereabouts and discovered that Andreansky/ Biel had left the Matica and was living in Vrutky, a small railroad town north of Martin. He had apparently joined the ultra-nationalist Slovak National Party and was its representative in that town. Since I had met and befriended Jozef Prokes, one of the founders of the Slovak National Party, when he had visited Canada in 1992, I wrote to Prokes and asked him how it was that a former collaborator of the STB was now working for the Slovak National Party?32 Prokes did not answer my letter. Meanwhile, many interesting individuals attended the Bratislava conference. After I presented my paper on the declining use of the Slovak language in the United States, 33 an elderly gentleman ap31 Slovak-Australian Monitor (March, 1985). See Appendix 12, page 111. Mark Stolarik to Jozef Prokes, August 27, 1992 (author's archive). When I visited the Matica at another conference in February of 2013, and once again inquired about the whereabouts of Andreansky/Biel, the older employees, who had known him, sheepishly answered that a few years earlier he had passed away. 33 "A Historical Perspective on the Declining Use of the Slovak Language in the United States of America," in Zahranicni Slowici a materinsky jazyk. Zbornik prispevkov z vedeckeho symposia k 125. vyrociu zaloienia Matice slovenskej, " comp. by Frantisek Bielik and Claude Balaz (Martin : Matica slovenska, 1990), I 7277. 32 96 SLOVAKIA-2015 proached me. He was Dr. Belo Polla, an employee of the Matica in the l 940's, who had been purged and later found himself working for the Archaeological Institute of the Slovak Academy of Sciences in Nitra, approached me. He was delighted that, in my presentation, I had mentioned his former colleagues at the Matica such as its director J.C. Hronsky and the publicist Konstantin Culen, as well as the historian Frantisek Hrusovsky and the journalist Jozef Pauco. He added that those names had been "taboo" in Czechoslovakia in the previous years. He was also delighted that emigres such as the linguist I:ubomir Durovic of Sweden and the political scientist Milan Durica of Italy were able to participate in the conference. Such was the influence of Mikhail Gorbachev's "Glasnost," which would eventually lead to the collapse of Communism in Eastern Europe during the summer and fall of 1989.34 After the fall of Communism in Czechoslovakia in November of 1989, the situation in the Matica slovenska immediately improved. The "old guard" either retired or was fired and the new leaders of the Matica immediately re-established friendly contacts with Slovaks in the West. There were no longer any attacks in the monthly Slovensko against me or any other members of the Slovak Studies Association. Indeed, in 1991 the Matica signed a formal agreement between the University of Ottawa and itself in which it pledged to supply the newly-established Chair in Slovak History and Culture all the books that it needed in order to properly function .35 As a result, in January, 1992, the Chair received hundreds of recently-published books from the Matica and this program of exchange continues to this day. Thus, since 1989 the Chair in Slovak History and Culture at the University of Ottawa and the Matica slovenska (and its National Library, which split off in 2000), continue to have good relations. 36 34 For the "Velvet Revolution" in Czechoslovakia see Jozef Zatkuliak et. al., Nove mber '89: Medznik vo vyvoji slovenskej spolocnosti a jeho medzinarodny kontext (Bratislava: Historicky ustav SA V vo vydavatel'stve Prodama, 2009). 35 Agreement between the Matica slovenska in Martin and the University of Ottawa (Chair in Slovak History and Culture), signed by Marcel Hamelin, Rector, University of Ottawa, September 4, 1991 and Imrich Sedlak, Director, Matica slovenska, November 18, 1991 (author's archive). 36 The National Library of Slovakia split off from the Matica slovenska on July 1, 2000. E-mail from Maria Kurhajcova to Mark Stolarik, July 21, 2000 (author's archive). SLOV AKIA-2015 97 APPENDIX 1 L C V C: N S K A ,'J • )S1;'ELK A A AOU RE P UHLth Y M A ls1:TIN. Mudrol"lova ,e . 3:i. t e lefOn 2348. 2347 , 2340, :it34Q , 3 197 University of Minnesota, College of Liberal ArtsDepartment of History, Mr. M. St O l 8 r i k M_i_n_n_e_a_e_o_l_i_s Minnesota 55455 - US A v•l i l:111 :rn.a.6k,y1:a, o d,'\.-. 30.III.1969 Na" :an•~k.:i r:r:""maja 1969 l>'K .t.'7 20/69-St Voe Vazen:f pan Stolarik, Na VaA list z 30. marca 1969, ktory ate p!sali Dr . Sir ackemu , oznamujeme V!lm, l!e mikrofillll.Y lfosopisov "Obzor" a "Dom a 1!kol'l" sa ul! r-obia a koncom ~ Vam ich po!!leme. Obzor od roku 1863 do roku 1905 /41 ro~n!kov/ a Dom a Akola od roku 1885 do roku 1897 /13 ro~nikov/. Z ~asopisu Dom a §kola Vam zasielame 4 ro~n!lcy ~ascpisu, kedze mame viac exemplarov. Dufame, l!e Vam to vyhovie. PokiaY ide o pletenie, snhlasime a tym, aby ate nam poslsli mikrofil111.Y: Amerikansko-Slovenske noviny, Slovak v Amerike, Jednota a Narodne noviny, pretol!e ni~ v uplnosti nemAme. MOzete nam tiel! oznami t, kde v USA sa tieto ~asopisy na.cMdzaju v uplnosti. Sme radi, ze ste sa ohlasili a ponukame Vam aj dal§iu spolupracu. Ochotne Vam yoaleme zo Slovenska vAetko, ~o potrebujete z novej literatucy a mOze prist do uvahy aj star§ia literatllra, pretoze mame dost dubletov. Boli by sme radi, keby sa na University of Minnesota vybudovalo slu§ne oddelenie slovenskej historickej /alebo inej, podYa potreby/ literatllry. Te§ime ea ns spolupracu s Vsmi a srde~ne Vas pozdravujeme .J ,;R I 1} /lflftl,,\ riadi teY ,N&J-.~nej ' knHnice Ma ti,ce i-'~ lovenske j Dr. J. 'Telgarslcy ~ List bol vrateny, dl\a 27. VI.1969! neznemy ~ \ 1 ~, ' j •t . 1 t ► rr-• .-.... 1..-.••........~-, }:,.\,,_" ·, 1 .. -~·\·.t Propa1atd i!lslo ~"i'darr ... -- J} •~\i ~ · ,, ... .,i\ 1-, ~.c 1·1 •• -~ '; ::;, ' {:,:~ ."1'. •%·"'" ,, __ ~~. • -~ \l ' if ::, ,_ l.;.t.•~~·~ ! ,, '... . · f }If n•Yhno1U 1141- • n« lrult6ru v61:»c, l kullt\rn, ,1:1tvrat ma• .:.zmi. ~~:,,,d:.n.tuh~':!~:.!P~I~,,f ~6,an11 T~PI opqitl~ -,:a b ~ I ,tart JJlllOd' f:111V1tov1J price, • luqttry, lap ako J,)q-lSWCn61µt ~tDltela. lkO ntitro)a. 1, aOC(&llatlc);QIZ\ n•dt-ln,U •Yte' Jebb dobr<d. tradld u, rw n11 t'.'!: =:r.u~~:mi:"!4~• 9!:-=~~::;~ •:~;VJ~~, J• to ~~•~~,b(~~~•v:d;:,,:i=!t~1 = I ~ ron9J1 1l4rodMt, U1f6rr, na prOdeate dn1f ill'1Mtt d.lliliom• fta,ahl1 • napokon l • llltwtdfctou D6~J\:-:a~·":iii!:;,:*..:r::r.' ~~~=·~l: :~~~ • _,,1 ' OT,VA·RAM.E\J,i:\i- ~l, T MeM ~• ''f'iW'• Hu If VfcW..o p,~ ftf'1 chr4'f"M ,q .t~ •.rl#ttf• ~awo po~o, .Jl«)fjatqj ~J\lt~ tUl&V, pred'Htn4lt# 4 mu 6-u,,:Ericuc/1'«/l ~' I ~ ltc&1ic ~,ut OfH'.:UjN Mprifie' ,o. N-.i6~ ho ~,=~~~.;::; ,1,ottt P"lhl¥• 100/•j ,uutl o ptttflduoei• •"' tu4tlto«I t4t, •••,-. :i:siltf~i!'"~:~ ntl11pr())flrtotnf; ,,aop; ml tltlm~Hftw k,. Off llocl 11 opak. ·'Ct potort r>0ff t•Jto irdnU &it =:::r:~~,,. bot, Cn. tr~ dt•"" ·no.:iptllf~ hdllj 01'D~QBIE ~-., l · .& -· ·1 ..•t<,., ~~ ,:.•m ·~t.·~c .j '!Ii~. h l'udslwstt,,. ,,: .. ---- N0,V;£ · l ·- . ,' . -__:_ - ...,.. t l . --= U P I , .-,/J ~ ~ ••~___..,...:..,.. ~- 0'i.~~, Uv~pk ,1,, 'l VY_D(,..VA, MATICA SLOVENS"f V M ' "';~ ~·z., N ~ 0 z --= --= tr! > I (ll .... N 0 < > e:> 0 t""' r:,, '° = SLOV AKIA-2015 99 APPENDIX2 Za prava ,slo,enciny okrecov dfla e. 10. 19et •yledaJ• •• taJto bttl. nojbo dr.tmla prlaclp Ttato Lueencl praeanf YO . .reJaal runkctl arladiC fu.akcla •lc•prHldan · OceftuJema. te \I 10vls.l ta • tuakclu prdbo pod • •l•bo • 6ra.de., Polladnky tederActou nOho At , aa s1ov,a1 .. a.by Maduo•, .. by ktor6 •IUJ, predHdu ktortl k 50. vtroCJu CSR to ■ t• ta:■Jllf atllf ( •I .. aJoobsahoull podobae aka H • tame, iloat4ve H na progt H ■at"fdl 1Jrol6cb) po mad'■ r• •tnhu itlan6bo dko ■ a ■ awrbuJ• ob1■ daova.al• t-■ kel• •kJ~ •Y d01taU afton.a1 -ped- •I othb postavenla nar noltl. Konltatujema v1ek , kl••· mJ ■ lalra • tt6taaho tajoaud• ~.1K• •,~~:r:1.!:~~~n~;f.~U• na Jkodu vecl n,hrh IA.k1 VycbHsa•• a dotereJlfch Ila. n·ebol vopred pred uvere) ufml trpkfcb ak6Hao1U Slo4. Poprl hlatorlclry a•HI• · L S6b1Hfm■ so He ■lm ti. Y6kov • tobto A•em.Ja. Ul ,Ill.a- nlm 1Dterne konzultovanf I. ala pokl ■ dime ae newy- a fcb a6nocb 'Slovenaki ••· l.rajlla daada • d!ollasyt■ oa- organlUlcleml N•rod. tro1 haulnA doplal( ho b ■ ltalo • rodnl rad• a Cnll:6 ••rodal ti H prett SlovUom aeutf• Term.Io vereJn•J dlskusle rad• l nalogld:y podra lafch n ■ fm, I ■ ..• CSSR .. •16 eet15. 10. 198& Ja prfllJ kri Hl■ tat, la ◄ 6 povlnDf nlln a a 1lonntlaa tlob11 ro•· ■ •now Cl1tno1 dd CSSR. na to, abJ n mohll nlekt dla( po matfanlrf, t,yt tda 116taych )HJ' · vlld• Sloveaalr■ I 1oclallatlc■ oprh ■ ycb kGY ... naJasn~ mlesla n•vrhu nl dvojJ ■ aytaf. Kedle ahtb 6 kel republllry, wllda Cukaj 1CuU.be stllooa • t!I. ◄ IZ u - 11te vysvttllt u kompetl ■oclall•llclr■ J rapubllkJ ( Ire• nych mletaach. Tfmto kooltatonalm .. be • 1 ■ -te dltoaa poulluf lraz■ J• nblC ■ ltl•k aa n6 • IH potwrdzoj■ skul0Cao1f, alto oflcl61ae n6ny \Nirodnfl Predodetkfw Ide o f rodaosU • •m•,.. odllirodttio.-aala lllllllle a■ lo Dripecl• nhrhu zJikona, ktorf hov ktod objektl-ue Je1h,1je, I• rada Sloun•kel ■oc lall1Ucltal fllruje, taUe H m6h delltotlt Jnykml lt6taJcb ora• · rapubllky ■ Nlrodn6 rada 0 prhach prlslu!n"lkov 101 na vzdelanlt nArodnostt n6tlalr) takfto u •Jb16tlt eo repullll• aoclell1llclcaJ CeskaJ ••• 11 tdll•• • •alowneloa, svoJom jnyku a O poutJv SlovUov nlj ■ kf dkon • alto M to koolt ■ taje •I • ti. kf. tohto Juyka v styku • Qr, pt.. takfmto nflllakom vf· S. Uplalnlt • celo,n dkoae I ■hrhu flttHnlho dkona. ml bei akfihOkotvek da lll( 'tittlDJml 1 ■ s1kmJ led■ ai ■ d o fader•Udcll CSSR 1.hatlu, alov ■- ■-cbri.D1, je ta N!l'1ne urCenla. Sme toho nboru, aebe1petanstwo, l• Slodcl tH1kJ nirodaosU jlf6cich • -te •letlry n•tanonnl• tfk•· f6ce u arlad'ovnla federil • , oa tomto 6aemf, ktorf an•• , prho na vrdelenle u m, essa.. die aleb11 aa oeneutl■ per konkrettzovaf na ,1upel\ l Z. NHrbuJean ■, ahy .. prl nycb orahoY, lch komp■ l ■a· ly 1 ,oeesne u mall staJ mad'anlry, aiel1111.h u nebu pliant atuu n ■ l■ I republlky, cl• • unlu lch organh:lcl• vlt podmlenky, za akfch m a prhomocl n mHu menlt dO mGcf doma vo •ereJ011j 1polo•nflt fC&1ko· poulf• ■ l t:l ■ aostl uplatolt, ala bud6 Slonn1kol ; to plall ■ I o pl· Iba oa Uklad• d'allfcb 61ln• 00 uladovaf !koly vyUle ako Uklad.n~ho typu. 1 w,-ranlll •J bez-treala6mu IJ~ prfshalnfbo prfdantbo ofch 1'ko110-... n ■I mH ■ f be1ko-1lovell&kf: Cu• U. I( ni't'rhu 6atua6bo al - kauovaalu. Stovky raaol6CII lsto u1 ~ v 1omto nivrhu t ko .. lonnsk, republlka, t:H• Ilona • a6rodao,tlacb : be konlm:itlzovat, akfm SJ • ,talnoat[. lrtori polltlckfm • 11'taJ• l!laltafom • or1• · sobom sa mA uplatnlt 'l>ti pod.J. ko-alon- ■ lrf lltc • menttnovfch n8.rodnostf %iada111e, ■ bJ H • ■ hrbu ao• SloY6cl • toblo 6.nmla ,.;~:.~D•;::111,~:.:~b\ed::-:.~ VJ'PU&tll ,ad, v kloro ■ •• vlastoibo Jazy poutfvaole po1lelaJ6.. d •«llml ,.,Ntl!afm J•I•• arladlt funkci• pradH- bo•or1, la atrodao1II m•l6 v st_yFu s dradml. n;~:.,.~:- .. undHt bod lllu • podpn ...du, lrllrri by .,prho poalfnf nol Juyk • Tleto ltyllzicle n8.\'rhu .a dkooa VJ"••ch, aHaka •• obudaouU alternaU••• dradnom 1tyku". auje u poutl-..ote • mad'artl • s1avn6ho zakona sQ v roz1 Uthapcom C•sbJ aoc:la.Uatlc· re •J s akentm program1 rato pr•vo by utml pre ■J t• laayko• ltltnych "'· kll r1pub1Jky aJtbo Slo•en • Ov KSS. lebo n4vrb z6ko Slodkov lijliclcb • 1111lela· rodnoaU) • lllradnom ,tylta. ebJ eoclall•tiek•I repu•UlrJ, 511 nez.mleftuJe o povtnno v alJku H nojlml prad•t• · 1lovao1ko•m ■ dar1kfch prltom tty aa afrodn6 nsli· a:fcb n6rodnostof vllarml ,. pollllckfch • ltit• prtslu~nrkov peoie v tfchlo fankdich oblutlach malo nfml ••· aby s ! pomocou t mentin, • nirod m.lH:u uycb orgjnocb priualv6 d6tledkJ. Praklicky atrltdalo podf• funktnfch znaloatJ. osvoJo,'all v~erko t 081 u poull-...C not IHJk. No by soemol6ou1o Slodkom r obdobt. ,:iemolao _ doko ■ ca dko - hatstvo ees kej II slovens• • ttm prlsplev kulrGry .aoru _ n6Uf Slodko• uClf k -\ldjomn6mu s1>0z.ntvar ■a po mad'llhk.) , aby M•cf•rl ,. ■lyku • aJml mohli upl•t · • spolutll1u nirodov • r ubaapeCe11A rodno1H v CSSR . dfJoaom alt Konlunu1eme. ta Slov6cl prflu. Moho tu mlmocbo• IOChtO oblbtlach, kde stl dom upuoralC na krlkfno odchodd poataY■nie Slod • n61 v memlln e, mohll by doataf podra do1erejleJ p1 lrov • Mad'araku, ktort• u xe • poclporou dstavn6ho , • podobnfch prhacb a ■ I 1- ■ kona ' do 11tuAcle, ktora ,, k .o1 .. t nnmia. mo dbsledkoch Tole 1tale •t ■ aoviako ■ a- neentch aaaff. ta by •m• boll proll vlHf k odn6rodf'iovaolu p prfiv a,.ro4aostf, aluJnfkov llitotvorn6bo n.61 :a■ ru~a■ la •I• aem&hme a6bl•alf I poi- da, prfpad ne k lcb 1lteku kodzonnlm Slodkov, lclol"f tfc bto iUemf ■ IovensUbo o , by malo by1 dO.lellltom ale• roda. -. kforjtb _prt• urul!e ■ fch ••- • .J)rginy, lriorf ad nlnter tovan6 na pTlpr,\'e Qstevn .rodaostiHn .,. predlolenom bo zalcooa, by mall uvUlf. ahrbu d•tndbo dkona. by nebolo vbodn6 ,,yhlheci .. tobto Ukona Casove navl * Pracovalcl Matice slovenskej ut na ust1nov11n1e zAkoaa ate · ho odlol federallrAcll. v Martine dt'Ja 8. 10. 196'1 vyslovlU k vl4dnemu ntvrhu • ltylldcle dOsledneftle pr • prekonzultowaf • myallef o postavent nirod• Ukon■ nostl v C:SSR Ueto prlpo• vtetkfcb zlotktch N• rodn ho tronru. mleoky: Publtktcle nivrhu astavntMatt e• slovenska ako c ho Ulkooa -vyvolalo n1Jml v lon4rodn.6 ustanovl.Zeft al p mlestnycb odboroch Matice ldada u morllnu povtnno 1lovenskt1J 01 futnom Sloven- ur,ozornlf na tao.to probl61 sku a.naent ohlaa. Vframe ut •I preto, lebo se 01 ru sa to l)teJavtlo •I ·n, porade v teJto vttel obraceJO tlensl ■ Joie/ Smrhoikj L /Ulo 196& no ndolteoc v Uortln~. m1111tn~bo ~~~1~~. oraanlz.tde 1 cel61 predstavltefov v Mahci ,tovenskeJ, ,nwe:I odpoot.4111 no aktwtlne: otdik~. l'I~"~"'" " ,.............. - .. .. - ~ Foto: A. V. H•id• (Vrouo sprduca MS 4r. Jd,t Mart4k.J Jaqko,adaf '"•• tudowft• lt6ta SAV prlJal k abrbu dkOH O flNf•nlldcH .CS51 ■ atnba filtHatbo dkDDI • ■ trodaC¥,tlacb 1taoo•lako, _. ktorAllo ')'llertme. SLOVAKIA-2015 100 APPENDIX3 , MATICA SLOVENSK A 1863 1973 NOS!Tlr.RA IADtl IIPl11tlltY The Cleveland Stete University DepArtment of History - College of Arts et Sciences Mr . Marien St olarik C 1 e_v_e_l_ a_n_d_, Ohio 44115 U.S. A. VU li,t anatlty Vee: 10 d6a 26/II/73 Na la I natlta 4-63/1157/35 4/73 - St Martin 27. marca 1973 Vaieny pan Stolarik, ~akuje me za Va§ list, ktory nam umoihuje nadvi azat medzinarodny vymenny styk s The Cleveland State University , Department of History , Cleveland, Ohio prostrednictvom Va§ej pOaobnosti na tejto univerzi te. Avizovam1 publikaciu sme este zatial' ned ostali, nakol'ko doru~enie zasielky trva v priemere tri mesiace. Matice slovenska, Martin s radostou pr!jme predpletne na ~asopis v ramci vymeny "The International Migration Review", ako aj vybavenie na§ich objednavok ns publikacie, ktore Vam budeme postupne, taktiez v remci vymeny posiela t, Vyme nn~ rekepitulacie si budeme viest individuelne na zaklade Va si ch zasielok s cenemi a prip ! §eme v prospech Va§ho vymenneho konte , ako aj z naAej strany zasielane potvrdenky s uvedenim cien pre Va§u evidenciu. Zatial' sme Varn po slali 9 publikacii z oblasti historie su~~snej produkcie podl'a Va§ej po~iadavky dha 15.III,1973 a dal'sie publikacie , tykajuce sa tejto obla sti Vam postupne po~leme, Dufame , te s tymto postu~om budete s uhlbsit a roz s!ri sa fond o slovacika na Va§ej univerzite, ako aj f ond Matice slovenskej s publika ciami , o ktore bud eme ziadat na zaklsde excerpt z Cumulative Book Index s zoznamov vydani j ednotlivych vydavatel'ov. Tymto by sme pokladali dohodu z nasej strany za uzavretu a prosime Vas o pisomny suhlas, Te§ime sa na Va §u odpoved ~ sme / s pozdravom ~ -=- Prof.dr.Ing . Jarosl ov .~ELKO , CSc, / Spravco Matice slovenskej v,b .. •i" Stuchlikova Tclt:r6n 2Sf6, 2547, 2548, 25+9, 5197 Oalekopi1 0755:SI 0)6 5 2Martin, Mud ro6ova M SLOVAKIA-2015 101 APPENDIX4 , MATICA SLOVENSKA NOSIT£t K A RADU RIP U B LIKY Kr. Ph. D. KarU.n Stol6rii: The Cleveland State Univereity CLEVELAND, Ohio 44115 U SA V' j Ii SI I.oa t ")' zo d na Ma r tin Nala znal': K a 5-63 /1JtlJ/Ff l14-U Vee: 23.10.1974 ~ai:)lje■ e Vma Ba list a vr,ten,y ponui:ovy zozJ:lUl. Poaielee Vo !iadan4 knihy a! na tri tituly, i:tor4 eu •! rocobra• n41 1. Ju!n4 Slovenako 2. Ratkoil1 Pra■ ene k dejinmn Vel'kej Koravy 3e Sedla1 Preilovek4 kolegium v elovenekych dejin,ch Dll:fame, !e oetatn4 knihy dostanete ~o najekar av poriadku. ~akujeme Vu aj za aaaopia "Ethnicity•. Sudame ve:rmi r~ di, ked ho pre n,a objean,te. S pozdravo■ / ~f~ Stefan Krivuil spr,vca Matice slovenakej Vy b ovujec Ulbr ichtov, Kiria Tcler6n 2346, 2347, 2548, 2349, 3197 Oalek.opi1 0753,1 0'652 Mar tin, Mu d r ufi ova 35 102 SLOV AKIA-2015 APPENDIXS a Cudzojazycnci priloha Sefredali:to, Stefan Hovlo r. Zosto vi l M iloslo v And re6nsky Vydalo Mati ce slo.,en 1k6 v Ma rti ne. Tlotili TSNP, z6 v< Neogrofla , Martin, CSSR v m6Ji 1983. fllowcnal:o a 1983 roku u ma konat' 14. d: 17. okt6bra vo Washing• tone, na budud rok v Kansas City). Madzl elenml SSA je I nlalcorko vyznamnych 7 SLOVAK STUDIES ASSOCIATION 7 Tato apoloalosf ui 120 vedec:kych p.-.covnikov s1ov..-.. p6vodu a priatefov slovenekef vedy, lwttury • umenla nielen z USA• Kanady, ale I z cfalilch lblitov ..,_ zlskava prootrednfo. tvom The Balch lnstitut vo Phlladelphll, USA, od Matice olovaMkef, Slovenakej akademle vied a cfalilch . - k y c h kultumych inititudl e.aoplsy, zbomlky a knlhy. VosvoJom ,,Newsletter", ktory ut po 8 rolcov vyd6va dvakrU do roka, oboznamuje avofich Benov • prostrednk:tvom nlch I sV9tOvu vect.cku verejnosf • knlhaml ■ zbomflcml a upozoffluje na zaujfm■Ye ~Hinley v tasoplsoch. Okrem toho Jnfonnuje •J o knihKfl a - - V 6uopi9och O Slovikoch, a alovenakef problematlke, ktore vytll v cudzlne. Bohutlar napriek evidentnaJ snahe po objekttvnom, nezaujatom rwferovanf prmu len pravlida zimer uprlamlf pozomosf na publlkacle a ttanky a obuhom niilmu lblitu a zrladenlu naprlatersky orlentovanych. SSA mi •I vl■-u edialu l!lnnosf preva!ne V apolupr6cl - ao Slovanakjm Ustavom v Clevelande, oriento-v■ nU nepri■tal'slry voa n,m. Zatlar eo predaada a elenovla vyboru sa vprlebehu rokov - pokier am■ to mall mofnost ■ ledovat menlli, trvalU pozldu ta)omnfka a pokladnlka od r. 1978 mi M . Marl< Stolarik. ktory je aj Ndalctorom .,Newsletter" . SSA je lnltttucionlilnym aenom American Assoclation for Advenc:ement of Slavic Studies • aktivne aa zututiluje na Jej nirodnych konvandich (toho kn)anakych vadeckych p.-.covnlkov, lctori ma)u s Matlcou alovenskou dobre kontalcty. Medzl inyml Mrs. Nonna Rudlnski, Gerald J . Sabo, June Alexander, John Berta, Saly Staruch, Tom Marzik • d'alif z USA.. prof. Peter Petro a Yvonne Grabowski z Kanady ako I J . M. Rydlo zo avajaarska a dalil. AJctfvna Bnn~ tychto k spoluprild • Maticou lllovenskou na kuttumom poff ochotnych llanov SSA, vytvira perapektivu, le v buducnostf aa bude m6ct' celkom aeri6zne uva!ovaf I o konkretnej prlamej apoluprid Matice alovenekej ao Slovak Studies Anoclatlon v oblastl propagicle vyaledkov alovanokef vacly, kultury • umenla vo . - .. Zatlar, • vyhradou propagide nim naprlat.rokej litera• tury, pozltlvna hodnotima snahu SSA oboznamovat svetoW vededc:U vsejnost o nallch uspechoch v oblutl vedy, literatury • umanla. Priame kontalctyvtak vzhradom na neprlat.rsky postoj preclovtetkym takych vplyvnych oaobnostf v SSA ako SU Stanislav J . IOrachbaum, M. Mark Stolarik ■ Renee Mikus, nie SU v SUbsnoatl mOZ"'. Je to aamozrejme na ikodu vecf, ktor.6 nim je opolol!ni: propagidl slovan■kaj vacly. lfteratury a umenla na svatovom f6rw. MILOS BIEL SLOV AKIA-2015 103 APPENDIX6 VYD/..VA MA.TICA SLOVlNSK/.. no&luil'b bdu repubUky MARTIN 14. Dovembra 1983. VAS LIST ZNA<'!KY Valent pe p~. lla.rlc K. Stolarik The i!lalch lMtit~te 18 S., 1th Street ZO Di'IA N~A ZNA<'!KA Philadelphia, Pa. 19106 VYBAVUJE Kiloll Bie]l. VEC: Vll!eny pain pro:f'e aorl V pr:!10118 Vllm zasielam :f'otokopiu a aajho l!lilnlcu, a SSA v nallom l!aeopiae Slovenako l!.6/83 a :f'otokopiu replilcy z Kanadak4ho Sloviika l!.37, rot. 42 z 24.9.1983, hoci J>Nldpoklaau, !e ich ob11ah d poznate. Ak oba l!llllllcy poromllte a apoaeaiete ei na to1 l!o ate nap1aali predaedovi Matice alovenalcej DIU'o 111119lcovi Vlatia!rovi Kinal!ovi i na jeho odpoved, bude Vu zre,im4, !e Vu Va6i priatelia z Kanadak4ho SlovlUca (Vall otec??) poalcytli aedvadiu alu!bu. Ol!akav.,._, !a ea nad oboma l!lllnkud zllJIIYalite, najd nad ich doaahoa v elovenalalj varejnoati za hranicaai, zaujaete jednoznaln4 a pravde zodpovedaj uce etanoviako a po!iadate redalcciu Kanadak4ho Sloviika o opravu. Ky v Slovensku ame tie! oohotn1 Valle atanoviako publikova~. SLOVAKIA-2015 104 APPENDIX 7 kor..ne s mojfm prt,dpllllnym . Zarove~ pr1p•J11m MO na 23 dolarov, t. J. 20 11ko predplatne 11 3 na podporu. Zarovel\ m1pr11vde , ktor4 oko!0 nM 11li:1(l _ _______ _ ne. No to si pocnete s eecno- _ ........_,,.;,;._..;..,.....;...,._,,.. slovakm i a podobnymi pobhi- nerobl dobru slufbu medzl sh,denymi oveckami? . venskyml vyst'ahovalcaml na amerlckom konllnente. To by . sl mall uvedomll' af II, ktorl 1:: chcli hfadaf spolupracu so I~sJovenskym exllom v slobod- r-----------------------7 , Mm citatelia opiitovne Vas chceme poprosit', aby ste si prezreli zaznam pri Vasej adrese. Ak mate este stale na konci dvojku (2). tak Vase predplatne vyprsalo. Nedavno sme poslali cfalsfch vyse sto (100) iiadosti o vyrovnanie si predplatneho. Prosfme aj tych, ktori maju na konci trojku (3) a mesiac ai po okt6ber, nech si laskavo vyrovnaju predplatne, lebo im sa uz t' · k c ·1 UI' h • a •d k 1ez s on_ '. o a . c1 1e nam pr cu a vy a_v Y na znamky t1ez. riakureme Varn za porozum~nie Admin1strac1a K . S. I nom svete. I Je zfavne, fe reflm na SloI vensku podnlk6 11 bude podI' nlkaf kroky, aby potupoval sloI venskych ntlrodovcov v exlle a 1' aby podryvallch f"dnotu a akll- J I vltu " 11 kafdom poN. Bolo by ., pod nalu d0stofnosl', aby sme 115 komunlstlckyml ldeol6gml debatovall II vledll s nlml dla16gy. Tym bysme Im roblll sluf- -------------------------• - bu, uzn6vall lch za parlnerov, s kloryml stofl ZII lo sedl ..t' ZII USA a pollllkov sa nezaobera. PIie vedecke prtlce O sloven• skom vyst'ahov,.1lectve do USA _-_·-- •-=;-- ' ~ 11 fe uzntivanou uutorltou medzl amerlckyml hlstorlkml II vedeckyml lnAlllliclaml Podra Andrnansk~ho-Blela Pod tltulom .Ohlasy" uverejnl,. ~ b._g.rof. Sto"rlka,.Je.Jt lo ,.Slovensko'", klore mt! byt' f ·srov ~Sludle._!. kulllirno-spolotenskym s _~ c 18 11 0 ,. 11 b y t 8 t •0 mesatnlkom a je vydavane Ma- ";iiofot!nosr mor.t'a reprezentollcou slovenskou v Turtlan- ,vat' Slovakov medzl amerlckyskom Svlltom Marline, vo svo- ml hlstorlkml a v Slavic Stujom tlsle z flila 1983 naslrane6 dies Association 8 teda Slov,icl utok na Msgr. F. Fugu , ktory je n e b O II p O ne ch an I p O d slovenskym narodovcom a patronatom ,.Czechoslovak predsedom Zahranltnef Mall- Studies Assoclnllon'". Ide O tisce slovenskej, ktora nle je mar- te vedeckli spolotnosl" hlstoxlsllcka ako hi na Slovensku. rlkov slovensl<eho p0vodu, Clanok .Kio klame a dezlnfor- ktorl sa hlasla k slovenskemu muje'" naplsal Mlloslav Andre- rodu a pf§u o slovenskef otazansky. ke vedeckym spOsobom, teda Ten lsty Mlloslav Andretln- objektlvne. sky (alias MIiot Blel) v augusToto sa pravdafe, M. Andretovom tisle Slovenska uveref- tlnskemu-Blelovl nep6tl, lebo nil znova lltok na dr. M. Stoia- sa tam nechvall techoslovaklzrlka, klory fe najkvallflkovanef- mus a marx-lenlnlzmus. !Im slovenskym hlslorlkom v Taketo plsanle Sloyenska spolotnym stolom. J" nam Nto, fe na amerlc• kom konllnenle mtl komunls!Icky reflm na Slovensku svoflch obdlvovatel'ov a kolaborantov, ale tych my anl nepresvedtlme, anl neziskame. Tleto litoky, krltlky, alebo I za. lletanl■ tasoplsu Slovensko nas e§te vlac upevnla v tom, f~ budeme mOcr dOsledne br6nlt a chranlt' mravne a narodne hodnoty slovenskeho exllu a P.rllva slov:en~ e~~9 , .n_a,[.(1da pra~ neAl'astna_~~ ! slovenska v Tufe1anskom Svlltom Martine t~k ne~_f.!)eba Z[pdlla a zre_d.,u. Y m me vel'a svojlch vlaslnej§lch a nallehavejAlch liloh. (R) s/itort SLOV AKIA-2015 105 APPENDIX8 lHE BALCH INSTITLJrE for ElHNIC STUDIES 18 South Seventh Street, Philadelphia, PA. Or M. Men STOlorik Uecutive Director Boord cJ Trustees Samuel H 8olklm. .k Ch011mon .JohnC Hoen ViceCr'\Otlmon AlexO:"'1010 8 Goloslu 19106 November 29, 1983 P4'n MiloS Biel Reda'kcia Slovensko 036 52 M a ~ Mudroifo va 35 Czechoslovakia Europe DrahY pcln Biel: Secrelo,y v.f$ .John F White heosu16' wo11er ~ Afooe, t0w1ence J 9ornh0'\T r, oc:e,1 C Cho01n MOn Beo111ce K Chemock lh90CJOl8 H Cov11 Th0m01 J F111oei-010 list zo dn'a 14 . novembra, 1983, som dO.e s obdrZal. Mlt~ yravdu ,/ed p{sete Z\ pozn~ obsah ~lo":,enskfch C:asop1;sov. Ako h isto ri k c!tam vsetke Slovenske tasopisy ktore vychadzaju na zapade. Aj niektore' zo Slovenska. Mam tiez' p{somne sty'ky zo Slovak.mi po celom svete. Pre mXa ti e to tasopisy a li s t y su pramene pre deji ny Slova'kov v 20. storoc'i. Lis t y od v;{s pa tt:i a mc dz i nima. Or Muffov J:.11eomon WdhOmL GfolO Dr Roso Bo~e Green Pl"Ol A W~liom Hogiuno Rooe,tM HOwe Moue A ledeler Corv L8Ylnson. Esci Mri- Fronk P louchheln'\ Set C Mo-npon MictlOel Novak Vrvion W Piosoc:k1 Mrs Meve, P Potomlun Em11vC m1ev Prof Timothy l. Smith Consiontine S. Sosongells Dr Jomes Ton11 1-1on Pou! A TroncMellO hOn Mno Cibott1 Ve,no Dr tv'torvin Wocnmon Ho~, Notnan1e1Wos.,1ngton c ec,110 Mov veo Polemizovaf s valmi neb1;,dem. \'1Sa tfloha je robi'! '!,ropa gandu . Mo'ja j e p{sal de jiny. V tomto pripade budem ~ ma'E posledne slovo. Ked chcete da~o uverejni'f v c!as opise Sl ovensk o , zasi ela'm vfm Clanok z Horizontu, o semin.iri v Martine. Vi k t or M.amatey , n.JS by'vali predseda, ho napisal a celkom s nlm s\Jhlasim. P{sat mOtete Co chcete. Historici budu vSetko posudzo vat. "Pravda vitazi," ako hovoril Masaryk. S k rajansk[m pozdrav om , /~ Emet1tu1 Prot fo.....o'O p HuTC""l1nson / (215) 925-8090 /-r?'i / v -~ Maria'n Stolclri k 0-< SLOV AKIA-2015 106 APPENDIX 9 Slovak Studies Association Affiliated with the American Association for the Advancement of Slavic Studies 700 Pe nfie ld Ave. , Havertown , PA 19083 Septemb e r 3 , 1983 Dr . Vladimfr !tinll! Predseda Matice slovenakej 812 51 Bratislava Pugai!"evova 2 Czechoslovakia 1968, I have of scholarly asked for my agreed . Over thousands of exchange. Since my first research tri p to Slovakia in the summe r of actively cooperated with the Matica elovensk8 in the exchange materials . Dr. Jan Martak and Dr. ~tefan Krivulf wrote me and cooperation in this program of cultural exchange and I gladly the last fifteen years I have sent the Mat i ca slovenska dollars worth of book.a and periodicals as a part of this You can imagine what a s hock and aurprise it was to me, therefore , to open your monthly magazine Slovensko (No.8, 1983) and to find, on page 6 of your supplement, 11 Slovensko krajanom, 11 an attack upon me by a certain MiloJ Biel. He accuses me, aa editor of the Slovak Studies Newsletter , of bringing to people's attention articles and publications "whose contents are hostile to our state I a political system," of working "in cooperation 11 with the Slovak Institute in Cleveland, 11 and of taking an unfriendly s tand" towards Slovakia. Cont'd on page 107 SLOV AKIA-2015 107 APPENDIX9 Besides being false, these charges betray a certain naivte by Mr. Biel about historical scholarship and conditions in the West. You, as a scholar and poet, must realize that serious historians have to consider all sources when writing their history, not just those that a certain political philosophy calls for. That i s the very essence of objectivity. Furthermore, it is the duty of true scholars to have contacts with all institutions that contain historical meterials, whether they be located ~Slovakia or in the United States. Finally, we in the West believe in openness and pluralism. For instance, the Slovak Studies Association, of which I am the founder and Secretary-Treasurer, has among its members Slovak Catholics, Lutherans, Calvinists, Greek Catholics, Jews, nationalis ts, 'Czechoslovaks' and Marxists. We do not exclude people because of their religion or political orientation. We are open to all scholars who are interested in promoting Slovak studies the world over . Therefore, Mr. Biel' s clumsy attempt to list 1 'friendly 11 and "unfriendly" members of the Slovak Studies Association is going to backfire and hurt the good contacts that the Hatica slovenska has developed with Slovaks in the West over the last several years. I s uggest that you have Mr. Biel retract his crude and unwarranted attack upon me in the next issue of Slovensko . If he does not, I have a feeling that most of the goodwill that the Hatica slovensklhas built up with young scholars in the Western World will very quickly disappear. Yours Sincerely, l ·f i~ 108 SLOV AKIA-2015 APPENDIX 10 Bratislava, 4,10,1983 Vazeny pan Stolarik! Iste Vas nemusfm ubezpe ~ovaf o tom, ako Matici slovenskej zalezf na vsetkom, co sa aotyka dejin i su~asnosti slovenskej narodnej kultury, ako nam teda zalezi aj na kazdom, kto s nami chce v mene buducnosti tejto kultury spo lupracovaf, To sa dotyka aj Slovak Studies newsletter i Vas osobne, Mrzf ma to, co sa stale v ~asopise Slovensko, Nemam priam_y vplyv na redigovania ~asopisu, ale pokia! to bude v mojich silach., zabranim v buducnosti moznym nedorozumeniam . Rozumia sa, za mame rozliCne nazory na zivot spolocnosti a na jej buducnost . Ale mame aj spoloCnu starost, ktorou je slovenska narodna kultura, jej dejiey a osudy - na celom svete, Dufam teda, ze nam v oalse.j spolupraci nezabrania malichernosti a ostavam so srdeCnym pozaravom dJ.l~-t~~ / t/ • Vazeny pan M,Mark Stolarik 7U0 Penfiela Ave. Havertown, ~A 19083 ~~~U Narodny umelec Vladimir Minal! SLOV AKIA-2015 109 APPENDIX 11 - s--!.. =■ ~ S:io'-'6,1,~Ko t /tJ.,~f. HIOll4CIIKl:1:t c::==s ilowc11td::~ ► --. 5: Slovensko pre ,,dva druhy citatefov" Pod tymto Hver•vr•vnYffl .. l&IVom uv--tnM p6n M...Wn Mtt Stolarik. tajomnlk • po-. ......· - - • e t ipolotnOfll (Slovak StudlN \Noc:Ultion) v USA vo •vojom "MWUetter rot. I , tWo 1/iun 1114, str. I . nuledujUCU pomemku : ,Sloven•ko, oflcialny meu~ "Ilk M•tH» •lov•n•k• J vych'· dz.a vo dvoch veni,ch, p,-. dv• r,dliln4 titat•l•k4 ve,.jna.rl. Predpok/adal aom, I • ..,,•tci nd i ~novla to vedill, • I• n• d4vn o .am zlstil l e to tak nle ,._ Vlalna 1. v,. J. v domienk•. h Slo~o. tron dost'"'• t• Vy ■Jja, jetenl•tvtuop/a, lrto,Y cirltulu}9 ,,. Slowm•ku. f•li•. Aku pozome adlv■ t• n• lcror,hofvek 8•/o V"h o U•ooi•u SloVM1•ko, vlimnite al, le mtKUi 16. • 17. atranou hlevnej t..•ti ~nopi•u je Cudzofuytn' prf/ohe, r,ro Cudzoj•~n, prlloha znaman, oval• vlec n#Jl vyzer,. ObuhuJ• tiel ~,,,.. ky v •loventine, ilu•troven4 ,, Toho tuu ,,.jchUlo•tiwjjoo ....cou je otbb •lav•n•k•J prl• lo hy Sloven.Ice. v,1ho m • ~ nib, wnov• MJ Jcr• Janom v u hr•ni8, ,,. ktof'U m• upozornlll •i vlac»rl )ednotllvcl. PodobM elco Stol• rilc v Slov• lc Studi• ._ Pouvelu;t• a WICI, uda t•ru ul r,ro prlloh• v •lowrwt.•f rKi b y mohl• by( •U~•fou rl•dM otlaloven'(Ch .rr, n Slovt1M ka, • to •i pre 6it•t• l ov v • t•rom kr•JI. Cudzojuytry prllohe by u moh/M vloli( do ~•oplsu Hp■ r,rne. Predillo by u zbytotn•J krltilce, nedtr wre, yYSmelnYm • ultll)«:nYm pozn,mlcem • Jcont,..ver• zil, I• u Ju ,ob4v• t• uUnf titetefom dome '. S.m ozre/m, w c, Je potombyste melivybe,..f • pr'vy od 01db v,m pr!Jat111nych.,, Ne dldede tohoto llstu sm• pochopHI, le naM nepriatalls v auf•l•J sneh• dlskredftova! n'6 tasopls. c:hytaJU N kaJdel prildfto.tl, aby naMI Umlen• 2) bu<f vy va ml moriadtis!■ Sk>vensb 2 X do roka • ru u rok Magufn, ako •m• to uroblll v rokoch 1811 s 1NZ. 3) elebo prUollt NmostatnU prflohu ku kald,mu tulu Slovenska, 1rtor• bud• ••· pedov•n• U.,enom. Bolo n,m Ja.sn',, le form• pristupu ku luajanom vytadu}11. ■by ttat.M slovo, ktorym .. bud•m• obraca! ku krajaq_om. bolo vy,obeM najmodern9llou tachn.lkou • na kv■• litnom ps.,...-1. preto.le all.nm toho, le bude plnft' nu-odnouvedomovadu • fflformKnU funk.du, bude slutff •J ako ,.._ pruenUda nai•J SUtesnosd. Preto rozhoduJUdml taktorml, ~ urtlll tretlu alt.emaUvu ako opdmilnu • reelb.ovstel'nU, boll: pridal kvalhMho pa• piera a Aulomberka, ftnentn. prostriedky poa«ytovan, Ml• nlst.erstvom lwlturf SSA. pwaoniln• ubupet:enl• redak• tn't'ch pnc bu zvylenla at.aw redaktorov • konetne 11..padta tlatlarM. NaN Slovensko •ko Matupc:a MatitMho ffianlll vych6du ul 6smy roll. Ptvyc:h I rokov vyc:hadulo i.k ako teraz n• 32 stnMc:h, ale z toho Ian na I farebnych. Nlekol'ko stovik vytlatkov Slov•nslta :uslelalo byval4 Oddelenle MS ~ U· hranltnjch Slov,kov I n■JJm knjanom predovletkym do Fnl'tCUului, Juhosljvle • Kanady. 11M I do USA• Auatr611e. 0d roku 1813, v a&JvlslMtl • I► ho vlalm umeranhn do uhran~•• rodlriM sme fa,.bnU ten' n11 11 atrin. bez avylenla cany Ka 5, - :u a.Jo. To ale znamenelo t1atH oety tuopfs na kvalftnom ,,..,_... Nale tov,,.I\ v Rulombertc.u vyr6ba skutotne kv•lltnY pepler, ktory Je yYZ.namnYffl exportn,;m ;rovania • udriovania kontak tov • lu■janml • v ""•ha po m6d im v kh Ualll o udrianll sloven~o n,rodn~ pov• dornla a podtu •~upatrit nosd • Jedrom n6rods P04 T atraml, alto I umo.t:ntr Im YU )omn, poznanl• krsjan~ livota v r6znyc:h tastiac:h sva ta Itek ako sma to uv&edl v 1/14 Bale Slov•nslui). Ak by sm• chcall dod6v• prilohu Slovansko krajanon I na domic:I trh, potrebovaU b• ame prlnajmen9' o 30 % vyt.t pridel p,aJNer•. to u daneJ vj robne4 sftuKM v n.&J:ombe, • k•J tov6rni nle }e moln4i. Tak ti&I by sme muMII ;rvyi,lt' cani tasopisu na dom6com trhu, 6t tlel v sutasnoati Ne Je ul.alM TNI• •ko vldlta, m ill luaja nl a, calkom proukk6 flnant " '• ma....Ulna • techrdck, d6 vody Mt pntinou, pre&t tj ta.Slovenaka, ktor6 Ja ur6en6 kni janom • :uoberi N prevs.tn. luajanskou problematikou nil Je k dlt,poddl I domkam1 Btat.rovl. Cudzojuyl"' priloha J• tla 6an, na obytajnom 1.-.bnon novl novom pepl■ rt, aby ZyY ru.nlla a oddelllll prlohu 0< ostat,,..,o taxtu . Talrto nie J4 ponJien6 kontlnulta taxtu pr1 domidch tltatelov • kr■J•n sky at.atel' dOSUva svoj u prflo hu komp,aktnU. Konettla treba p. Mar5'nov Stolarikovl prlpomenut', h pr avojef vedlajiej tinnostl altc r.dsktor • vydav■tel' Nawalet• tar al mohol (ubudol alebo nec:hcel1) Yilmnuf, le sko oudzolazytni prilohe, tak I Slo· vansko lu■Janom majU NmoatatnU tlril. to v novin6rskej praxl anama"'-, la hod Je Jedan vydav■ W I Ufr.daktor. prMaa to, to do.Uvs, SU vlast• ne tri Nmostatn4i periodlld (hod I spolu zoliU). ktor6 m~ tu byf upedov•M • rodlro• Cont'd on page 110 SLOV AKIA-2015 110 APPENDIX 11 • ~ • to priMU a , nky o s1ov, lcoch na UpatH. Slovkl dom• tuto prllohu niltdy navkl~ . Vla•tMUwry .iurobteMml." Nepovdov•II •m• dopot,lal' uWM ,-govat' na alee dot.. .nultov•n&i. ... pNdu len U'9jmU domyeel'noet' uv.. defMlpmNlmlryvNew.iett:•. Medd6uo,n u I\U v I.ta opjul llnjan a NSR. pr.ea nedoetaf v CSSR i!uopla SbveMlco • prilohou 8&ovenako lulljanom. Odpovadal am• mu p&.omne pnllmo • on naM vywetaenieakoeptoval. Oo.teM ..,... vlak d'.U 19t a USA od vjzn,amrwho krajanakMto kutbimeho Bnltel'-. v ktorom bol nuledufQd od- u ......, dWttod &u ndavnutomli, PN koho taeopl• vycUvama ■ v ■ tom rouahu, roahod.W .me N podllf ilrokej knjanilk•J Y«9jnoatl vywedanie. 0 d6vodoch, ktcri nN • nM nadrtadenf Ol'Pn - Mlnlnera:tvo 11.ulb;ry 8SR - vleclll le tomu, ■by am• vycMv■ II tlHMM alovo pre lualanov, MM plull oblim• ne tomto m'-te v 9/M a.le Slovanaka. Tu tr..bll objaantt' Iba technldw .trinJa.i rulldde. Z Uvah, ■ ko rHll.zov■t i.nto dme,, vykryttall.zovall J ■har­ t111tfvy: 1) bud' vydjvaf Nmo.tab'tf fuopl■ pre knjaftOV (kvr(.-O<J. vyN>ba, Ide na uport. Napatr"' Ullf' aoaUiva pre, tuumsko ■ ,. prfen■ llmH.ovan6. N•t tuopq doetaval tie.I urtfty prid.a tohoto papi.,.. (n■ I _,.n). 0d roku 1N3 bol prklel r,ylent na pokrytM I farebnych strin (d'.tlkh) ■ I rilin prflohy PN lu■Janov. baopta 810¥'9ftN0 I• WWnY' ..........................ho atatel'■ : 70 % Nlldadu Ide na dom'4:il trh ■ len 25 % ,. prilohou) pre lnjanov ■ I % pre on.atnu GUdzlnu. Tyoh 21 "' "'ldadu. apolu • c:uckoluy6nou p,9ohou • prlohou Slownako kntrlanom IMnC:1Ujeme a~Matloe.aov.n•uJ dotovaMho ~om kuhury &SR v UUJm• Na UV..- .. t ied.a podotknUf, ta ,ri..,.a tych rucMckofaM.tkkych luuhov, kto" •ita necMvno qltovall, aby Mm lln)ani• Slovenako vrac.all Cnapr. tt.nadaky Slodk), .. aruu DZYV• fartzajsk.6 atarost• lfvo.t o nilho do""oeho tltaWa. la nav&dl iu.JaN116 priohu. :Um..- Je fun'i' • jednoanat:nj . Cheu Mm polllodK, otrevovaf vzfahy nwwdal narnl • krajanml. lrtoN .. 1 naprielc lch lntria'm .,.,.,.. • Ua,pe,tn• roMJaJ'I . .... anahy hod~ nflnonn, • hod I n• Cpeaudo) ved41Ckej Oroml aem,ow"' prukn6 alto myclo"' bubllna. pr.tole pr■ vda )e ,.. n-■J nadvA- Cud1oja1yCnd prnoha Rlowcnallo ~ S...- Htl.i.., Z -fll M ,i.,1 .. A ~,t--AOI V~MMl1lcaoi...-U• • " " ' -· 'i.t.llTS""'.••"' .w(- "-9,_fJa. MolniA, (l.$a • - 1,n . . . , . SLOV AKIA-2015 111 APPENDIX 12 TRAFENA HUS ZAGAGA is a Slovak saying meaning literally •the goose that is hit will maJce a loud cackle• . .I t caoos to one's mind when reading the article in SLOVENSKO *) ,tbe.:.official monthly publication of'Hatica slovenska (Czecho-Slovakia) attacking Hark H. Stolarik, Secretary-Treasurer of the SlovaJc Studies' Asscr ciation (USA) far his brief remark in the Association's Newsletter (June 1984, see also SM 5 &6, p.28). Stolarik informed about the non-availability of SLCNENSKO' s supplement SLDIENSKO XRAJANOH (aimed at Slovaks outside Sl~ vakia) to readers in J;lovakia. According to SLOIENSXO,the re~ sons f.or this non-availability are econcmi c : paper . shortage• •though no mention •is made of the fact that they are flooding the West with 'canplimentary copies' of their books printed on very expensive paper. I t takes them the best part of a page to say this, when a simple ,sentence •because of economic reasQllS we cannot supply the Supplement for no extra cost to readers in Slovakia, however they can obtain i t· ·e asily for an additional subscription . & . Kcs ... • would have been sufficient. But ·this they dia ..cot want tD say! By the way, one is concerned~ bout access to SLCNENSKO KRAJANOH not as i f this was the best way to inform people in Slovakia . - about Slovak life in the West, but because Hatica slovenska herself has been encouraging Slovaks in the -west to establish contactJwith their old homeland through h'Z"iting ·to SLCNENSKO. I f the only obstacles to establishing such contacts were economic , a simple solution would be this : The BULI£TIN of the SLCNAX WCRLD CONGRESS states that it: "is available to readers in Slovakia free of charge• (there is no paper shortage in Canada !J. Why does not Hatica slovenska undertaJce to distribute the BULI£TIN free .of charge among the subscribers of SLOVENSKO in .Slovakia, and have in exchange the Slovak World Congress distribute SWVENSKO KRAJANOH free of charge to the readers of their BULLETIN in the West. Nobody could then canplain about lack of contacts : •I t was too much of a temptation to resist, namely to present to our readers the final part of the article in SWVENSKO with ·al:1 -its orwellian beauty (their English sUD1Dary contains neither this nor the vitriolic attaak .on H. Stolarik) : Those who dared to question the availability of SLOVENSKO KRAJANOH are •fascists• and "pharisees• (what a combination !) who "want to damage and poison the r~ lationship between us [i.e. Hatica] and our countrymen, which shows a premising and successful development despite their [i. e. the fascists' and pharisees' J intrigues. Their attempts, though cunning and presented on a {pseudo) scientific level .will burst like a soap bubble because .the truth is on our side.•  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource My Rocky Relationship with the Matica slovenská During the Second Era of Communism in Czechoslovakia, 1970-1989: A Personal Memoir Description An account of the resource M. Mark Stolarik Slovakia, Vol. 42 (No. 78-79), 2015 pp. 87-111 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Stolarik, M. Mark, 1943- Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2015 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/e25920766948699563a0acbdefd75be7.pdf 311692e45aaaa2d1efd87f6847f19be0 PDF Text Text SLOV AKIA-2015 7 THE 1919 CENSUS ON THE TERRITORY OF SLOV AKIA 1 Rebekah Klein-Pejsova When the First World War ended in 1918, the four empires that had determined the shape of state and social relations within and beyond their borders - the Habsburg, the German, the Russian, and the Ottoman - had dissolved. A state system based on the principle of national self-determination took their place in East Central Europe, in which citizenship and state belonging were seen through a national lens. Unrest and anarchy were characteristic of the prevailing atmosphere in many regions of the collapsing Austro-Hungarian Monarchy in the fall of 1918. In Slovakia, that instability was part of the larger struggle for the future of the newly bounded territory . Unlike other regions of former Hungary being incorporated into the new or transformed successor states, like Croatia (Yugoslavia) or Transylvania (Romania), Slovakia had never been administratively defined on its own, but solely as sixteen counties and four municipalities of northern Hungary. By the end of the war, the collapse of the old order without replacement by the new left Slovakia in a chaotic condition. Amid the upheaval, looting, and anti-Jewish excesses that typified the period, local National Councils had formed with the goal of consolidating the new state. But they were too weak to decisively resist regional Hungarian opposition and Budapest's efforts to maintain the territory. 2 While Czechoslovakia's birth was announced in Prague on October 28, 1918, the view from Slovakia was far less definitive. It was not a foregone conclusion that Slovakia would indeed be incorporated into the new state. Slovakia was in a precarious position, loosened from defeated Hungary, but not yet officially joined with Bohemia and Moravia. 1 This article is a version of a chapter originally published in my book Mapping Jewish Loyalties in !nterwar Slovakia (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 20 I 5). This material appears courtesy of Indiana University Press. All rights reserved. 2 Cubomir Liptak, "Slovakia in the 20 th Century," in Elena Mannova, ed ., A Concise History of Slovakia. Studia Historica Slovaca XXI (Bratislava: Historicky ustav SA V, 2000), 239 . �8 SLOV AKIA-2015 Slovak historians characterize the unstable "Prevrat " era as the "Struggle for Slovakia," a view that highlights Slovakia's contested status between the Magyars and the Czechs. Save for a handful of Slovak national leaders, the Slovaks themselves moved through this picture as a frustrated underclass, taking advantage of the volatile, chaotic climate to set upon state administrators, notaries, policemen, shopkeepers, innkeepers, and the propertied . Slovaks found themselves in a moment of great release. It offered them a chance to vent their anger and frustration at the war and the Hungarian system . The newly-formed local National Councils sought to mitigate these widespread outbreaks of violence. Yet these local organs had little control, or the ability to quell Hungarian resistance to the power transfer, which was further impeded by the power structure of the old state, still in place . A Hungarian demand for a referendum on the changes surfaced, relying on the fragmentation of the population along regional and social lines, degrees of national consciousness, and lack of information about the political transformation . It was the first time Budapest asked Slovaks for their opinions . The views of ordinary people, "varied from enthusiastic welcoming of the new state and the 'liberation' of Slovakia, through apathy and desire for peace, to fear of a new unknown situation, of uncertain permanence and threaten3 ing new bloodshed and military solutions. " The Hungarian National Council in Budapest came into being only on October 25, 1918, somewhat later than those of the national minorities. It was established by Count Mihaly Karolyi, who was widely believed to be the emperor-king's obvious choice for the new Prime Minister. Oszkar Jaszi, the progressive Hungarian social scientist, historian, and politician, drafted the Hungarian National Council's twelve-point program. It called for Hungarian independence, an immediate and separate peace treaty with the Allies, universal suffrage with a secret ballot, land reform, and recognition of the 4 rights of the national minorities within a federalized Hungary . When Emperor-King Charles appointed Count Janos Hadik instead, massive anti-government demonstrations broke out, demanding Karolyi. 5 3 Ibid. Peter Hanak, ed. , The Corvina History of Hungary: From Earliest Times Until lhe Present Day (Budapest: Corvina Books, 1991 ), 164. 5 Laszl6 Kontler, A History of Hungary (New York, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), 328. 4 �SLOV AKIA-2015 9 It was October 28, the same day as the declaration of the new Czechoslovak Republic in Prague. By the night of October 30 through 31, crowds of soldiers and civilians demonstrated in the streets of Budapest. They later occupied public buildings, prevented troops loyal to Karolyi from moving out of the city, captured Budapest's military governor, and freed political prisoners as in 1848. Soldiers tore off the emblems on their uniforms and replaced them with asters and rosettes. Emperor-King Charles retreated and Karolyi formed a new independent Hungarian government. Vanquished Hungary appeared to be on the path to democratization. 6 Meanwhile, Slovak national leaders, mostly from central Slovakia converged in Turciansky Svaty Martin, the seat of the Slovak national movement and established the Slovak National Council. They had little news of what was happening in Prague, Budapest, or Europe more broadly . The Council wished, however, to take a stand on the dramatically unfolding events . The Slovak politician Milan Hodza had been negotiating with Karolyi in Budapest. He arrived in Martin on October 30 just as the Council was about to issue the Martin Declaration, announcing the secession of Slovakia from Hungary, Slovak self-determination and a desire for inclusion in the Czechoslovak state, which fulfilled Prague's wishes .7 The Slovak National Council had no army, so it could not enforce its program or maintain order. Individual militias sprang up in towns and cities across Slovakia, engaging in a power struggle with the newly-formed Hungarian National Councils. It was a highly unstable environment. Demobilized Slovak soldiers (from the Hungarian army) formed the mainstay of active Slovak participation in the evolving power struggle. They created paramilitary groups in the forests, especially in western Slovakia, with about four thousand soldiers active around Bratislava. To dispel the threat of anarchy and establish control over the territory, the Czechoslovak National Council brought Slovak representatives into the newly formed National Assembly in Prague in early November of 1918. 8 Slovakia's first provisional "Slovak Government" was set up in Western Slovakia near the Moravia-Slovak border by the Czechoslo6 Hanak, ed ., Corvino History of Hungary , 164-5. Carol Skalnik Leff, National Conflict in Czechoslovakia: The Making and Remaking of a State, 1918-1 987 (New Jersey: Princeton Uni versity Press, 1988), 40-41 . 8 Liptak, "VII. Slovakia in th e 20 th Century," in Concise History of Slovakia, 239 . 7 �10 SLOV AKIA-2015 vak government in Prague, and began to function on November 6. It was led by Vavro Srobar, Minister Plenipotentiary for Slovakia. On Decemberl2, it was replaced by a Ministry for Slovakia, which Srobar established in Zilina in the midst of a combined Czech, French and Italian effort to drive Hungarian troops out of Slovak territory. 9 Less than two weeks later, on December 21, Czechoslovak Foreign Minister Edvard Benes successfully negotiated French 10 recognition of a demarcation line of the Slovak territory . Entente forces would drive Hungarian troops past the demarcation line on January 20, 1919. That line more or less became the country's official border with the signing of the Treaty of Trianon in 1920. 11 When Srobar's administration grew too large for Zilina, he deliberated with Samuel Zoch, a Lutheran clergyman from Modra near Pressburg (later Bratislava) who was the principal author of the Martin Declaration of October 30, 1918, on where Slovakia's central government should be moved . They decided in early January of 1919 to move the capital to Pressburg on February 4, 1919. Zoch was placed in charge of the Pressburg district administration (zupan), and orchestrated the Czechoslovak takeover of the city from January 1, 1919. "Bratislava" became the city's standard official name in March of 1919. 12 Hungary would make one more sustained military effort toward maintaining its prewar borders. Under Bela Kun's short-lived Hungarian Soviet Republic, lasting for 133 days beginning March 21, 1919, the Hungarian Red Army made significant inroads into Slovakia. It was driven out following an ultimatum by the Entente powers at the end of June 1919. The Hungarian Red Army finally retreated from Slovakia on June 30, 1919, and by July 24 the Czechoslovak government held the entire territory. 13 9 Peter Bugge, "The Making of a Slovak City: The Czechoslovak Renaming of Pressburg/Pozsony/Presporok, I 918-19," Austrian History Yearbook 35 (2004 ): 221. IOibid ., 213. 11 Liptak, "VII. Slovakia in the 20 th Century," in Concise History of Slovakia, 243. 12 Bugge, "The Making of a Slovak City," 221 . 13 For a detailed discussion of the series of revolutions in Hungary see: Laszlo Kontler, A History of Hungary (New York, Hampshire : Palgrave Macmillan, 2002) chapter VII "In Search of an Identity" , 324-344; Ivan Volgyes, ed., Hungary in Revolution, 1918-1919. Nine Essays (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1971 ); Andras Sikl6s, Revolution in Hungary and the Dissolution of the Multinational State 1918 (Budapest: Akademiai Kiad6, 1988); Rudolf I. Tokes, Bela Kun and the Hungarian �SLOV AKIA-2015 11 On the Czechoslovak state level, the Struggle for Slovakia entailed not only the physical, geographic aspect of territorial incorporation, but also the more slippery aspect of drawing the multinational population of Slovakia into the mental landscape of the new state. Coming to terms with the World War I Czech argument that the Czechs and Slovaks were two branches of the same Czechoslovak nation, and so should together form the dominant national group within the Czechoslovak nation-state, required a shift in direction . The events of the "Prevrat" underscore the tense relations between, first and foremost, Hungarians and Slovaks, and Jews and Slovaks, but also, increasingly between Czechs and Slovaks. These relationships would influence shifts in overall understandings of nationhood and nationality, as well as national political programs within the new state. Czechoslovakia was a nation-state in formation. Successful Czechoslovak state building required incorporating the territory and peoples of Slovakia. This was not to be accomplished by gradually building popular consensus, but through military engagement and diplomatic maneuvering. 14 Drawing the borders in this way would have significant implications for Czechoslovakia's domestic and international nationalities problems. Prague needed the Slovaks, a "state forming nation," 15 or there would be no independent Czechoslovakia. Without the Slovaks, the Czechs could not form a majority in the parliament and legitimately create a viable state. The Slovaks likewise needed the Czechs to help them leave Hungary. They needed the Czechs to help them establish a functioning civil and governmental infrastructure in Slovakia, and to create an educational system for producing Slovak national elites ready to take control of the developing infrastructure. The help the Slovaks desired was temporary_ 16 Soviet Republic (published for the Hoover Institution on War, Revolution and Peace at Stanford University by New York: Praeger Publishers, 1967). 14 Aviel Roshwald, Ethnic Nationalism and the Fall of Empires (Lo ndon, NY: Routledge, 200 I), I 62. 15 Liptak, "VII. Slovakia in the 20°1 Century," in A Concise History of Slovakia, 245. Czechs alone formed only 49 percent of the total Czechoslovak state population without the Slovaks. Whereas, accordin g to the 1921 Czechoslovak census, "Czechoslovaks" formed 65 .51 percent of the total Czechoslovak state population, and "Germans" 23.36 percent. 16 Liptak, "Vll. Slovakia in the 20°1 Century," in A Concise History of Slovakia, 245. �12 SLOV AKIA-2015 In the introduction to hi s memoir on the formative years 1918 through 1920, Osvobodene Slovensko (Liberated Slovakia), Vavro Srobar recounted hi s first meeting with R.W. Seton-Watson, the influential British historian and political activist who brought nationality questions in Austria-Hungary to the world's attention. In 1907 Seton-Watson came to R6zsahegy (Ruzomberok) in the central Slovak Low Tatra region, where Srobar was then working, while researching the national question for what would be his first major work, Racial Problems in Hungary. 17 Due to the objectivity and calm with which Seton-Watson di scussed Magyarization, Srobar found himself unable to discern where his visitor stood on the issue. Before they parted, Seton-Watson surprised Srobar with a question : "And what is your state program?" he asked. After a moment's hesitation, Srobar replied, "Great Moravia, 18 with Bohemia, Moravia, Silesia, Slovakia, and Pannonia," which Seton-Watson "accepted without commentary." "That [conversation] took place seven years before the outbreak of the world war," continued Srobar, "and eleven years afterward 'Great Moravia' received the name the 'Czechoslovak State."' 19 Language was the connection between the "Czechoslovak tribes" that Srobar professed in his memoir, from their ancient roots to the present. Even the establishment of a new literary language in Slovakia, thanks to I:udovit Stur's nineteenth century codification of the central Slovak dialect, "did not for a moment disturb the consciousness of Czechoslovak tribal unity," he asserted. "The longing for close cultural, economic, and political unity increased yearly in proportion to the growing pressure of brutal Magyarization," he added. 20 Srobar underscored a romantic one-thousand year story of the unitary Czechoslovak nation/tribe - focusing on shared language, history, 17 London : Archibald Constable & Co. Ltd., 1908 . "Great Moravia," a large Slavic state that existed between 833 and 906, was an important component of the Czechoslovak romantic national idea as well as the development of Slovak nationalism. Considered to have bridged the western Slavs with the Slavonic tribes in the Balkans and with Byzantium, the weakening state collapsed under attack by the Magyar tribes who settled in the Danube Basin in approximately 896. The Czech and Slovak tribes then underwent separate development. For more on Great Moravia see Jan Dekan, Vel'ka Morava: Doba a umenie (Bratislava: Tatran, 1976). 19 Vavro Srobar, Osvobodene Slovensko. Pamdti z rokov 191 8-1920, Svazok Prvy (Prague, 1928), 7-8. 20 Srobar, Osvobodene Slovensko, 11. 18 �SLOV AKIA-2015 13 interests, and ancestral ties - that had been so successful in garnering international support for the Czechoslovak state building project during the war in his celebratory and didactic jubilee year volume. While the idea of a unitary Czechoslovak nation prevailed internationally, the most compelling connection between the Czechs and Slovaks for the prospects of independent statehood was demographic. Though Czechs constituted a majority in Bohemia and Moravia, they feared that the collapse of Austria-Hungary would spell their incorporation into a Greater Germany, due to the existence of a substantial German minority in these lands . At the beginning of the war, Czech leaders first sought a reorganization of the Monarchy along federal lines with a large degree of autonomy for the Czechs, though soon discarded the plan as unfeasib!e.21 In working toward the ultimate goal of independence, the idea of incorporating the estimated three million strong Slovak population became an increasingly attractive solution to counterbalancing the significant German minority in Bohemia and Moravia. 22 By the end of the war T.G. Masaryk and Benes had the commitment of the Entente powers to an independent Czechoslovakia. The Slovak population became the key to the Czechoslovak nation's demographic legitimacy in its new multinational national state. The Paris Peace Conference called upon the Czechoslovak delegation to statistically demonstrate the dominance of the Slovaks in the multinational territory of Slovakia. The viability of the Czechoslovak state depended upon it. In order to collect the necessary data, the Czechoslovak government organized a provisional census for Slovakia. Such a census could not be carried out until the borders of the territory were defined and secured, and military upheavals had ceased . This meant waiting until the ultimatum given by the Entente powers had driven Bela Kun's Red Army troops out of Slovakia at the end of June 1919, and until the Czechoslovak government had control over the territory at the end of July. While the change of regimes was not officially over, and the borders were not fixed by law until Hungary signed the Treaty of Trianon on June 4, I 920, Czechoslovakia held the de facto borders securely enough by August 1919 that it was feasible to set the census in motion. The primary goal of the census was : 21 Joseph Rothschild, East Central Europe between the Two World Wars. A History o[. East Central Europe, vol. 9 (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1974), 76. 2 Leff, National Conflict in Czechoslovakia, 35. �14 SLOV AKIA-2015 [To gather] the necessary information for the Peace Conference concerning how many Slovaks there [were] in the occupied territory of the former Kingdom of Hungary, so that it would be possible to correct and prove false the Hungarian census of 1910, as well as to ascertain other general national proportions in Slovak communities, namely the [extent of] the Magyarization of these communities, the Magyarization of schools and churches. "23 The 1919 census was the first attempt by the Czechoslovak government to map the territory of Slovakia for state building purposes. Mapping Slovakia meant reframing the national ratios of multinational/ethnic/linguistic Slovakia in terms of Slovak, and thus Czechoslovak, dominance. The Czechoslovak government had to prove that the former government sought to create Magyar demographic superiority in the same lands through forced assimilation and manipulation of statistics. The aim of the census was, in other words, to find the ethnic Slovaks whose numbers would prove that a "falsification," or deliberate Magyarization of the nationalities had taken place in the decades before the war. Josef Mraz of the newly-created Czechoslovak State Statistical Office24 set out from Prague to Zilina, 25 the provisional capital of Slovakia, in mid-January 1919 to propose his ideas for the upcoming Slovak census to Vavro Srobar, the Minister Plenipotentiary for Slovakia.26 His talks with Srobar lasted an exhausting four days, during which time they debated how the structure, method, and concept of the census could best meet its chief goal: to find out how many Slovaks there were in Slovakia. Upon his arrival in Prague, he wrote up a report of the Zilina proceedings and the census instructions up23 Slovensky narodny archiv (hereafter SNA), file : Ministerstvo s plnou mocou pre spravu Slovenska, hereafter MPS, box 277, inv. no. 74. "Prozatimni scitani lidu na Slovensku." In this transitional period before the signing of the Treaty of Trianon, Slovakia was often denoted as the "occupied territory of the former Kingdom of Hungary." 24 Josef Mraz (1882-1934) was one of the co-founders of the Czechoslovak State Statistical Office, who had begun his work as a statistician for the Provincial Statistical Office of the Bohemian Kingdom. He is noted for his work on the first census in Slovakia ( I 9 I 9), as well as on statistical theory and agricultural statistics. Federalni statisticky ui'ad, 70 let ceskoslovenske statni statistiky (Praha, 1989), 194. 25 :Z:ilina was the provisional capital of Slovakia from December 12, 1918 through February 4, 1919, when Bratislava (Pozsony, Pressburg) became the capital. 26 Vavro Srobar was the Minister Plenipotentiary for Slovakia (Ministers plnou mocou pre spravu Slovenska, MPS). �SLOV AKIA-2015 15 on which they had agreed. He sent the instructions to be translated into Slovak, Magyar, and German. 27 Mraz included in hi s report a new, subjective definition of nationality that would challenge prewar methods of counting and classifyi ng th e population based on language. This definition would be th e point of departure for fresh debates and reevaluations of nationhood in the evolving circumstances of the interwar Czechoslovak state. He argued that, "In contrast to [mother tongue], the concept 'nationality' means adherence to a certain internal conviction, which cannot be explained in an ambi guous way, similar to reli gious conviction," and that it follows from this conclusion that Jews should have the option of declaring either for their own Jewish nationality, or for the nationality of others, without regard for religious affiliation.28 Debates over "Jewish nationali ty" formed the centerpiece of the overall reevaluation of nationality and nationhood in Czechoslovakia. Jewi sh nationality came to be used as an exceptional example in formulating opposing positions on the meaning, classification, and function of nationality in the new state. Through it, Czechoslovakia shifted the concept of nationality closer to an ethnic or racial understanding of the term, rather than a linguistic or cultural one. The Czechoslovak government, together with the multinational population of the state, initiated th e process of actualizing theoretical concepts of nationality and nationhood through the 1919 census in Slovakia. Responses to the 1919 census gave nationality meaning in the postwar environment, in the context of new states created on the principle of national self-determination . In the process of creating the 1919 Slovak census, Czechoslovak demographers also came to a preliminary decision regarding how 29 Czechoslovakia would "see" and count Jewish nationality . The Jewish case was especially problematic because Czechoslovakia did not consider the Jewish population in Czechoslovakia to possess its own national language, even in Slovakia and Sub-Carpathian Ruthenia where Yiddish language usage was more widespread, but never27 SNA, f. MPS, box 277, inv. no. IOI. From the report by Josef Mraz, "Prozatfmnf scftanf lidu na Slovensku," February 8, 1919 . 28 SNA, f. MPS , box 277, inv. No. 76 . "Prozatfmnf scitani lidu na Slovensku" 29 See: James C. Scott, Seeing Like a State: how certain schemes to improve the human condition have failed (New Haven, Ct.: Yale University Press, 1998), for thinking about ways the state "sees" the populat ion and makes it "legible." �16 SLOV AKIA-2015 theless did not dispute Jewish national status within the state. An influential work on national questions published in Prague in early 1919 declared: "Language forms the distinguishing characteristic of the nation : a nation must have its own language, otherwise it is not a nation." 30 How would the Czechoslovak state square its recognition of Jewish national status with the alleged lack of a distinctive national language among the Jews of Czechoslovakia? Debates surrounding Jewish nationality and its codification for census purposes lay at the core of a Czechoslovak reevaluation of the overall meaning of nationality in the postwar period . Decisions regarding the meaning and function of Jewish nationality within the Czechoslovak context went hand in hand with the process of integrating Slovakia into the Czechoslovak state. The Jewish case illuminates the way the process of Czechoslovak state building - including the interrelated efforts to arrive at the true number of Slovaks and Czechs, and to reconcile the dissonant linguistic-national circumstances of the Jewish population so as to codify Jewish nationality within Czechoslovakia - led to an increased unbundling of language from nationality as an absolute indicator of national belonging, and movement toward a definition of nationality as an internal conviction. To begin, it is helpful to take a step back to look at the relationship between language, nationalism, and nationhood; and then to consider their relationship as applied to the institutionalized collection of data for census purposes. First of all, for the peoples of East Central Europe, including the Jews, the nation building process was a fundamental component of modem politics. Nation building required raising the national consciousness of the members of the group, as well as making a convincing case to the world that the group was indeed a real nationality. The most important proof of national existence was language: a special, unique language belonging to the national group alone.31 Nineteenth century nationalism deemed language the most important characteristic marking one nation from another. Language 30 Bohdan Klineberger, Ncirod a ncirodnost (Praha, 1919), 53 . Ezra Mendelsohn, On Modern Jewish Politics (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), 128. 31 �SLOV AKIA-2015 17 was the primary determinant of nationhood .32 Nationalism assumes that people naturally group themselves into nations, that these nations have identifiable characteristics, and that their only legitimate form of government is self-government. 33 Making language central to nationalism, argues Elie Kedourie, erases the distinction between linguistic and racial nationalism, because then the conception of nationalism itself contains all linguistic, racial, religious and other features. The connection between language and ethnicity is also heightened. 34 Nation - "one of the most puzzling and tendentious items in the political lexicon" 35 - has been variously defined as dependent more on "objective" factors including language, religion and customs, territory and institutions; and alternatively as coalescing from "subjective" factors like attitudes, perceptions, and sentiments. 36 The features deemed "objective" have been conceived to mark the boundaries of nations, and features deemed "subjective" to give it internal cohesion and solidarity. "Objective" criteria like language are not enough in and of themselves to establish whether a group is a nation or not. Rather, suggests Walker Connor, "the essence of the nation is a psychological bond that joins a people and differentiates it, in the subconscious conviction of its members, from all nonmembers in a most vital way." 37 His conception closely agrees with Ernest Gellner's, where a common language does not bind a group into a nation without mutual recognition of each other. "A mere category of persons (say, occupants of a given territory or speakers of a given language, for example) becomes a nation if and when the members of the category firmly recognize certain mutual rights and duties to 32 "Let us fo llow our own path ... let all men speak we ll or ill of our nati on, our literature, our language: they are ours, they are ourselves, and let that be enough," 8 . Suphan, ed. , Johann Gottfried Herder, Sdmmtliche Werke (Berlin: Weidmann), in Smith, Nationalism, 27. 33 Elie Kedourie, Nationalism (London : Hutchinson, 1961 ), 68. 34 1bid. 35 Charles Tilly, The Formation of National States in Western Europe (Princeton, NJ : Princeton University Press, 1975 ), 6. 36 Anthony D. Smith, Nationalism: Theory, Ideology, History (Malden, MA : Blackwell Publishers Inc., 2001 ), I I. 37 Walker Connor, Ethnonationalism: The Quest fo r Understanding (Princeton University Press, 1994 ), 197. �18 SLOV AKIA-2015 each other in virtue of their shared membership in it. "38 A people must feel its nationhood. That feeling of nationhood, the condition of being a nation, has been theorized in two main ways in its European context. The first is considered to derive more from a sense of mutual belonging to a political community in which equal citizens participate in a common culture; while the second is regarded as more related to a sense of mutual belonging to an ethnocultural community of descent with political ambitions.39 Neither is exclusive, nor analogous to the state. States can be defined by their autonomous institutional activity, and by their "legitimate monopoly of coercion and extraction in a given territory," but the state itself is not the national political community. 40 Anthony Smith's paired conceptions of nation and ethnie highlight the group's internal cohesion, solidarity, and mutual loyalty. Smith defines nation as "a named human community occupying a homeland, and having common myths and a shared history, a common public culture, a single economy and common rights and duties for all members;" as distinguished from ethnie "a named human community connected to a homeland, possessing common myths of ancestry, shared memories, one or more elements of shared culture, and a measure of solidarity, at least among the elites."41 Smith's concept of the ethnie is especially important in the Jewish case for understanding the coherence of the group without territory and without a special, unique, shared vernacular. Late nineteenth century Jewish nationalism relied on "subjective" characteristics for modem Jewish nation building; above all a common heritage and shared historical experience. Language was conspicuously absent from the short list. "Who amongst us has a sufficient acquaintance with Hebrew to ask for a railway ticket in that language?" Theodor Herzl famously asked in 1896.42 38 Ernest Geitner, Nations and Natio nalism (Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 1983), 7. 39 Marsha L. Rozenblit, Reconstructing a National Identity: The Jews of Habsburg Austria during World War I (Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press, 2001), 7. 40 Smith, Nationalism, 12. 41 Ibid ., 13 . 42 Theodor Herzl, The Jewish State (New York: American Zionist Emergency Council, 1946), 145. �SLOV AKIA-2015 19 How then do you count "nationality" on the census? What, in fact, is being counted? Census-creating demographers differ from theorists in their need to count and quantify, classify and categorize state populations. Definitions of nation push and pull against the institutional demands of the state. The real question here is how the complex and fluctuating "nation" is tagged and boxed and bureaucratized for use by the state. What does it mean and how is it used ? Nation indeed becomes, as Rogers Brubaker explains, a "practical category, institutionalized form, contingent event, and category of prac43 tice." "We should not ask 'what is a nation,"' he writes, "but rather: how is nationhood as a political and cultural form institutionalized within and among states? How does nation work as a practical category, as classificatory scheme, as cognitive frame?" 44 The crystallization of Jewish nationality in Czechoslovakia exemplifies the process by which nation is bureaucratized and given institutional form in interwar East Central Europe. Jewish nationality became an exceptional category of practice within the borders of interwar Czechoslovakia; it was the only nationality in East Central Europe not bound by language . Demographers began to answer the question of how to count nationality on the census at the meeting of the International Statistical Congress in St. Petersburg in 1872. There, they agreed that language was the primary marker of nationality, and that counting nationality according to language was the most effective means of capturing and recording nationality for the interests of the state. The question of how to codify nationality in a state census had first been debated at the 1857 Congress in Vienna, but without conclusive results. The St. Petersburg Congress decided that language was the best objective indicator of nationality, the most reliable one, and the least confusing, as "each perfectly knows the language used since childhood to think and express oneself." 45 But how should the census ask about language? The conclusions of the St. Petersburg conference point to 43 Rogers Brubaker, Nationalism Reframed: Nationhood and the National Question in the New Europe (Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 1996), 7. 44 1bid, 16. 45 Dominique Arel , "Language categories in censuses : backward- or forward-looking?" David I. Kertzer and Dominique Arel , eds. , Census and Identity. The Politics of Race, Ethnicity, and Language in National Censuses. (Cambridge: Cambridge Un iversity Press, 2002), 95. �20 SLOV AKIA-2015 an acceptance of mother tongue as the most valid language situation type to use in codifying nationality for the census. Other language situation types include, but are not limited to: language most commonly used, language of daily use, family language, language in which one prays, and the language that one speaks with one's children. 46 Language was first counted on the Austrian and the Hungarian census in 1880. In Austria, language was counted according to "language of daily use" (Umgangssprache); while in the Kingdom of Hungary, language was counted according to "mother tongue" (anyanyelv). When Czechoslovakia came into existence after the First World War, it brought together two traditions of national codification through language proxy.In discussing the relationship of language to nationality for the development of the census, Czechoslovak demographers favored "mother tongue," as nationality was counted in the Kingdom of Hungary, over "language of daily use," as it was done in Austria. They argued that counting according to language of daily use had led to an under representation of Czechs on the Austrian census, and inherently underestimated the numbers of minority national groups where the official language was that of the dominant national group . The dependent position of the Czechs had resulted in more Czechs declaring themselves as Germans when counted this way, they asserted, because a Czech in a German language environment would indeed have used that language on a daily basis. Counting according to mother tongue had led to even greater statistical manipulations in the Kingdom of Hungary. Czechoslovak demographers contended that corruption of the census process in Hungary for the purpose of statistically increasing the number of Magyars had resulted in a gross underestimation of the number of ethnic Slovaks. Consequently, Slovaks as a people suffered more in Hungary than the Czechs in Austria. Yet they agreed that if the census were carried out properly, counting nationality by mother tongue would yield the most accurate and objective picture of 46 David I. Kertzer and Dominique Arel, "Censuses, Identity formation and the struggle for political power," in Kertzer and Arel, eds., 26, and Dominique Arel, "Language categories in censuses: backward- or forward-looking?" in Kertzer and Arel, eds. , 97. �SLOVAKIA-2015 21 47 the demographic composition of the state. Czechoslovak demographers accepted the definition of mother tongue as "the language which is most familiar to a person since childhood and with which they think, or simply the language which their parents taught them in their earliest youth. "48 Josef Mraz worked with the definition of mother tongue as well as its caveat, used on the 1910 census of the Kingdom of Hungary to make the mother tongue category as broad as possible, in reformulating the conception of nationality for the 1919 Slovak census. He did not dispute the Hungarian definition's core: mother tongue is the language "to which one confesses as one's own and with which one best and most gladly speaks. "49 It was the caveat that troubled him: Although mother tongue is identical with the language which everyone learned in their childhood in the majority of cases, usually from their mother, it can nevertheless happen that a child has another mother tongue than the mother, especially when the child acquired it in child-care (!), in school (!), or as a result of circumstances by which the parents have different mother tongues, another language than the language of the child's mother. 50 By broadening the definition of mother tongue so that it became disengaged from the language one's mother actually spoke, Hungarian demographers allowed for a greater number of people to declare for the Magyar mother tongue than would have otherwise been possible. While this definition may have obtained in a number of cases due to widespread linguistic assimilation in the Kingdom of Hungary, it left the door open for abuses . ... (Co ntinuation: Next page with Statistical Tables) 47 Jan Auerhan, "Kolik je cechoslovaku?" Ceskoslovensky statisticky vestnik (CSV) II ( 1921 ): 49, and Antonin Bohac, "Slovensko ve svetle statistiky -kniha Josefa Mraza," CSV II (1921): 225-6. 48 Cyril Horacek, "Narodnostni statistika," CSV II ( 1921 ): 187. 49 JosefMraz, Slovensko ve svetle statistiky (Praze, 1920), 33 . 50 Jbid. Exclamation marks in the original. �SLOV AKIA-2015 22 Table 2.1: Mother Tongue of the Hungarian Population According to Religion in 1910 According to Absolute Number Hungarian Total 10,888,138 5,924,665 Roman Catholic 304,570 2,025,508 Greek Catholic 2,573,683 2,621,329 Calvinist 418,449 1,340,143 Lutheran 2,987, 163 40,851 Greek Orthodox 74,296 73,267 Unitarian 932,458 705,488 Jewish 9,602 17,452 Other 20,886,487 10,050,5 75 Total Rusvn Roman Catholic Greek Catholic Calvinist Lutheran Greek Orthodox Unitarian Jewish Other Total German Slovak Romanian 1,372,103 1,406,207 8,531 1,785 79,338 1,133,671 26,964 429,687 2,494 10,645 463,912 706 1,412 1,592 1,799,255 168 203,230 1,004 2,037,435 64 5,830 1,268 1,967,9 70 559 991 3,021 2,949,032 Croatian Other Serbian 5,109 1,810,302 3,892 357,329 463,604 9,511 1,908 31,121 57 56 1,03 1 1,028 791 860 49 128 1,099,386 7,491 25,528 42,580 4 2,702 24 472,587 7 10,387 276 1,833,162 21 91 996 1,106,471 206 3,739 3,739 469,255 According to Absolute Percentage Roman Catholic Greek Catholic Calvinist Lutheran Greek Orthodox Unitarian Jewish Other Total Total 52.1 Hungarian 54.4 German 12.6 9.7 15.0 0.1 3.9 56.0 12.6 6.4 14.3 98.2 31.2 1.4 1.0 32.1 0.1 0.4 34.6 0.0 0.1 0.1 60.3 0.3 4.5 0.1 100 98.6 75.7 55.0 0.2 21.8 5.8 0.1 0.6 7.3 0.8 0.1 17.3 Slovak Romanian 12.9 0.1 �SLOV AKIA-2015 Roman Catholic Greek Catholic Calvinist Lutheran Greek Orthodox Unitarian Jewish Other 23 0.1 16.6 0.0 3.3 22.9 0.5 0.1 1.5 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.1 0.0 0.0 0.0 36.8 0.3 1.9 1.4 0.0 0.3 0.1 0.0 1.1 1.6 0.0 0.0 5.7 0.3 0.4 7.2 Magyar Statisztikai Evkonyv. Uj Folyam XXIII. I 9 I 5 (Budapest, 1918), 20, chart 13, "A nepesseg anyanyelve vallasok szerint 1910-ben." Table 2.2: Mother Tongue of the Hungarian Population in 1900 and 1910 Total Population Mother Tongue of the Population Hungary Magyar Geman Slovak Romanian Rusyn Croatian Serbian Other Total non Magyar Total 1900 absolute number 1910 percentage 8,651,520 1,999,060 2,002,165 2,798,559 424,774 191,432 437,737 333,008 8,186,735 16,838,255 absolute number 51.4 11.9 11.9 16.6 2.5 1.1 2.6 2.0 48.6 100 Percentage 9,944,627 1,903,357 1,946,357 2,948,186 464,270 194,808 461,516 401,412 8,319,906 18,264,533 54.4 10.4 10.7 16.1 2.5 1.1 2.5 2.9 45.5 100 CroatiaSlavonia Magyar German Slovak Romanian Rusyn Croatian Serbian Other 90,781 136,121 17,476 920 4,673 1,490,672 610,908 64,753 3.8 5.6 0.7 0.0 0.2 61.7 25.3 2.7 105,948 134,078 21,613 846 8,317 1,638,354 644,955 67,843 4.1 5.1 0.8 0.0 0.3 62.5 24.6 2.6 �24 Total non-Magyar Total SLOV AKIA-2015 2,325,523 96.2 2,516,006 95.9 2,416,304 100 2,621,954 100 Hungarian Kingdom Magyar 8,742,301 45.4 10,050,575 48.1 German 2,135,181 2,037,435 11.1 9.8 Slovak 2,019.641 10.5 1,967,970 9.4 Romanian 2,799,479 2,949,032 14.5 14.1 Rusyn 429,447 2.2 472,587 2.3 Croatian 1,682,104 8.7 1,833,162 8.8 Serbian 1,048,645 1,106,471 5.5 5.3 Other 397,761 469,255 2.1 2.2 Total 10,512,258 54.6 10,835,912 51.9 non-Magyar Total 19,254,559 100 20,886,487 100 Magyar Statisztikai Evkonyv. Uj Folyam XXl/l. 1915 (Budapest, 1918), 15, chart 11 , "A nepesseg anyanyelve es magyarul tudasa 1900-ban es 19 I 0-ben." In their analysis, and in their own efforts to bolster Slovak mnnbers, Czechoslovak demographers were uninterested in linguistic assimilation, seeking instead to strip the inhabitants of Slovakia down to their national skins . Their efforts illustrate what Dominique Arel has explained as a backward looking orientation toward language categories in censuses. Arel argues that, even though nationalists portray linguistic assimilation as "forced, unnatural, and fundamentally illegitimate, the result of destructive policies by an 'imperialist' state," it is in reality a normal and expected occurrence. Among speakers of a less prestigious language, there are individuals who will choose to linguistically assimilate for social advancement. 51 In those cases declaration of mother tongue as the "language one best and most gladly speaks" may well differ from the language of one's mother. According to this reasoning, Czechoslovak demographers were backwards-looking because they sought to discover the "real" nationality of the inhabitants of Slovakia, their "true group belong- 51 Arel, "Language categories in censuses," in Census and Identity, Kertzer and Arel, eds., 93 . �SLOV AKIA-2015 25 ing" based on their ancestral origins, rather than linguistic assimilation: whether coerced, statistically falsified, or voluntary. Czechoslovak demographers sought to demonstrate the unreliability of the 1910 census of the Kingdom of Hungary through critical comparative examination of the data collected within the language categories of "mother tongue" and "language knowledge. "52 In a typical example, Jan Auerhan 53 pointed to the 301,694 Magyars with knowledge of Slovak counted on the 1910 census within the sixteen counties and four municipalities of the Kingdom of Hungary which in whole or part became Slovakia. Two-thirds of them were likely to be ethnic Slovaks, he concluded. Counting them as Slovaks, instead of as Magyars with Slovak language knowledge, would raise the ethnic Slovak number from 1,708,592 to 1,900,000.54 The likelihood that a Slovak would be proficient in the Magyar language in an environment where Magyar was the official language - the language of instruction in schools, the language used in government offices and the court system - was incomparably greater than a Magyar proficient in Slovak. Mother tongue was not a perfect indicator of nationality, but what could be offered in its stead to collect national data? Mraz, in his Zilina report, strikingly concluded that "nationality" alone be used. Rather than employ language proxy, the census should ask the people directly for their nationality. This was a controversial method due its high level of subjectivity. Nationality declaration would not be linked to language as an external marker. Considering the ways in which Czechoslovak demographers regarded mother tongue to have been manipulated on the censuses of the Kingdom of Hungary, Mraz wrote: 52 Auerhan, "Kolik je cechoslovaku?"; Mraz,"Dva dukazy o falesnosti mad'arskych dat o feci matefske na zaklade dat o znalosti feci," ; and Hora.eek, "Narodnostni statistika," all in CSV II (1921). 53 Jan Auerhan (1880-1942) worked as a statistician for the Provincial Statistical Office of the Bohemian Kingdom from 1906, and became the undersecretary to the president of the Czechoslovak State Statistical Office at its founding in January 1919. He is most noted for his work in the demographic and anthro-geographic fields, the study of Czech and Slovak minorities abroad, and minority questions more generally. Federalni statisticky ufad, 70 let ceskoslovenske statni statistiky, 186. 54 Jan Auerhan, "Kolik je cechoslovaku?" CSV II ( 1921 ): 51 . �26 SLOV AKIA-2015 In contrast to [mother tongue], the concept "nationality" means confession to a certain internal conviction, which cannot be explained in an ambiguous way, similar to religious conviction . That confession to a certain nationality is the only correct one for ascertaining national ratios. "Mother tongue" has for this reason been eliminated from the demographic markers and as a surrogate question for "nationality." In connection with this is the question at hand, whether a separate "Jewish nationality" should be accepted without regard to religious affiliation. It follows from the concept of nationality described that it is not possible to force someone to declare a separate Jewish nationality, if [that declaration] is to express their internal conviction; because the Jews indeed form a separate race, there will, however, be no recommendation in the instructions for this procedure, except that Jewish nationality shall be left to the rubric of "Other nationality." The Jews should be left the option of declaring themselves either for their own separate nationality or for the nationality of others, which with the influence of environment and education or the like they have accepted as their own. For the stating of the Jewish race the remaining rules of the statement of affiliation to the Jewish confession shall suffice.55 Mraz's interpretation of nationality as an "internal conviction" was most closely related to the definition advanced by Karoly Keleti at the International Statistical Congress meeting in St. Petersburg in 1872. Keleti was the first director of the Hungarian Statistical Bureau founded one year earlier. He helped create the 1867 and the 1880 censuses for the Kingdom of Hungary. 56 The 1872 St. Petersburg Congress not only debated nationality enumeration on the census, but the meaning of nationality itself. Three conceptions of nationality emerged from the deliberations : I) political, in which nationality is equivalent to state belonging; 2) physical, in which nationality is defined racially; and 3) psychical, in which nationality is understood as a psychological community penetrating individual feeling and collective endeavors. 57 Keleti took the 55 SNA, f. MPS, box 277, inv. no. 76. Italics added. Karoly Keleti (born 1833, Pozsony [Pressburg, Bratislava] - died 1892, Budapest) Eletrajzi lexikon. www.kereso.hu-yrk-Ryrgenwm/7502 accessed June 17, 2005 . 57 Bohac, "Narodnost ci jazyk?" CSV II (1921 ): 50. 56 �SLOV AKIA-2015 27 position that nationality cannot be equivalent to state belonging, as that is so-called political nationality, common in Western Europe, but not in the multinational states of Central and Eastern Europe. Nor does ethnic (Stamm) belonging answer to nationality, even if its main marker is language. Nationality was best defined, according to Keleti, as a "subjective state internal to the individual, a feeling analogous to religion that depends on origin and the environment in which a person lives and grows ."58 Keleti's definition was based on social-psychological criteria for which it is difficult to secure an objective external marker. It moved away from language as a definite indicator of nationality, leav ing room for belonging to a nationality whose language one may not use daily or that is not considered a viable national language (like Hebrew or Yiddish in the view of the Czechoslovak state). This was a big plus for Mraz and hi s colleagues, but also ambiguous enough to allow for pressures and fal sifications, like those they presumed embedded in the last Hungarian census before the war. Yet Keleti 's definition was attractive to the Czechoslovak demographers preparing the 1919 Slovak census. This definition would enable the indivi dual to confess nationality as directly as religion, as an expression of his/her internal conviction and self-understanding. Czechoslovak demographers hoped it would un cover the numbers of ethnic Slovaks who had previously been hidden from view because they were counted as Magyar-speakers. They would now be recorded under the banner of their "real" nationality, free to directly profess their "true" group belonging. Jews, too, would be able to declare their "true" group belonging for the first time; not only as a religion, but also as a distinct nationality . Antonin Bohac 59 found Keleti's definition to coincide with concepts of ethno-racial group belonging. "Since the means for express58 Ibid. , 49. Keleti publ is hed his views on nationality in 1880 in the Stalistische Monatschrift under the title "Zur Frage der Volksziihlung." [Cyril Horacek, "Narodnostni statistika," CSV I ( 1920): 187.] 59 Antonin Bohac ( 1882-1 950) is regarded as the fo under of Czechoslovak demographics, especially with regard to questi ons of nationality. He was a member of the Czechoslovak delegation to the Paris Peace Conference in 19 19, and worked fo r the Czechos lovak State Statistical Office upon his return. Bohac was the deputy chairman of the Society for the Study of Nationality Questi ons. Federalni statisticky ufad, 70 let ceskoslovenske statni statistiky (Prague, 1989), 195. Bohac was also associate professor of demography at the Charles Uni versity Faculty of Science where he lee- �28 SLOV AKIA-2015 ing psychological states is language," Bohac wrote, "as Keleti [elsewhere] has stated, the concept of nationality in this sense is quite close to the concept of nationality as ethnic/racial belonging (kmenova prislusnost), for which language is the main connecting bond and main external marker."60 Bohac was correct to observe that Keleti's definition bore a strong resemblance to a physical understanding of nationality, which gave race and/or ethnicity an expanded role. Language remained the main outward indicator of nationality, but was no longer considered identical to nationality itself. Espousing this conception moved nationality closer to ethnicity. It elevated ethnic understandings of the self and the group . The final formulation of the 1919 census shows that the Czechoslovak administration and its demographers accepted Mraz's definition of nationality, based on Keleti's: "an individual national-political conviction according to ethnic belonging to a certain national unit or nation ."61 Five sub-headings were placed under Nationality on the form: Slovaks and Czechs, Rusyns, Magyars, Germans, and Others .62 Czechoslovak demographers understood Jewish nationality to be included under the subheading "Others." While "Jewish nationality" was an available option, though not a requirement, for the Jewish population, the category remained invisible on the actual census form in 1919. The 1919 census asked directly for nationality without the intermediary of language. *** In the late August heat of 1919, census takers dispersed across the territory of Slovakia to ask the people about their nationality. Many complained that the whole endeavor was disorganized and insufficiently thought through. Census takers expressed frustration that they had not received the census forms with time enough to look tured on the "Basics of Population Science." He introduced the usage of punch card technology for processing Czechoslovak census data."Historie statistiky v Cechach po roce 1918," The Czech Statistical Office http ://www.czso.cz/csu/redakce.ns£'i/historie_statistiky_ v_cechach_po_roce_ l 918 (accessed January 9, 2012). 60 Federalni statisticky urad, 50. 61 Ufad statisticky, Scitani lidu v republice ceskoslovenske ze dne 15. unora 1921, 77* (cast textova). 62 SNA, f. MPS, box 277 . This carton contains the original hand-written forms used for collecting the raw data for the 1919 census. �SLOV AKIA-2015 29 them over, nor so that they could fill one out to use as an example. Due to lack of funds and inadequate organization, many found themselves forced to sleep in train stations and on park benches during the census period, which surely affected their ability to fulfill their duties. One census taker reported that his census materials were stolen from him while he slept! The population, and oftentimes even local community officials, had not been informed about the purpose of the census, nor when it would take place.63 If these complaints are accurate, they undermine the seriousness with which the Czechoslovak administrators prepared the foundation of the 1919 census, as well as the importance they placed upon it as a means of accurately proving national ratios in Slovakia. Yet last minute pre-census agitation to prepare the Slovak population did take place. The prominent Slovak national newspaper Narodnie noviny called on Slovaks " ... to consciously and openly confess their Slovak stock ... to let the beautiful words: 'I am Slovak' 64 consciously and boldly sound from the mouths of loyal citizens. " This example is atypical, however, as the agitation took place in the central Slovak town of Turciansky Svaty Martin, the seat of the Slovak national movement and home to the Matica slovenska, the Slovak cultural society. Narodnie noviny explained that the purpose of the census was to prove that Slovakia was Slovak, and that it was essential for building its own independent country. Every citizen could participate in building that independent state through the census, the article stressed, an idea meant to reinforce the democratic spirit of the new era.65 "You have no reason to be ashamed of [declaring Slovak nationality]," counseled the leading newspaper in Saris county, a region of eastern Slovakia where national consciousness remained weak, "the Czechoslovak name has the best reputation not only in Europe, but also in America and Asia." The paper ran boldface announcements at the foot of its pages urging all Slovaks to proudly declare to the census taker that they were Slovaks. 66 These reassurances did little to assuage prevalent Slovak fears about the real purpose of the census. This terribly urgent appeal itself 63 SNA, f. MPS , box 380, inv. nos. 7, 8-9. Scitani lidu na Slovensku 1919. Anketa mezi popisujicimi povei'niky. 64 "Scitanie l'udu," Nizrodnie noviny (Turciansky Svaty Martin), August 22, 1919. 65 Ibid. 66 "Slovaci!" Sari.fake hlasy (Presov), August 24, 1919. �30 SLOVAKIA-2015 may have caused anxiety for a population with a low-level of national consciousness. Suspicions ranged from the belief that the goal was to raise or introduce new taxes, undertake military recruitment, or to carry out a plebiscite to divide the territory . The military rumor was the most widespread. Many Slovaks worried that a war would soon break out between the Poles and Magyars, and the job of the census takers was to find able-bodied men to fight. Whoever declared Slovak nationality would be conscripted to fight once again, while other nationalities would be freed from that duty. While it was later revealed that the rumor began in Magyar circles, many people in the border counties still held back from declaring themselves Slovak. Others believed the census to be connected to imminent requisitioning of cattle and grain. Some, more optimistically, believed more satisfactory food and fuel distribution would follow, and possibly a more advantageous land distribution. Still others imagined the census to be an exercise in identifying foreigners (especially Magyars, Poles, and Magyarone Slovaks) and expelling them from Czechoslovakia.67 Widespread fears and suspicions about the real intentions of the 1919 census underscored the atmosphere of uncertainty and insecurity in Slovakia at the beginning of the Czechoslovak state building project, as well as contributed to a certain level of inaccuracy in the results. Of the four national groups which were the most interesting to the state: Slovaks, Magyars, Germans, and Jews, the greatest difficulties arose in recording the nationality of the Slovaks and the Jews. Magyars and Germans were by-and-large ready for the census and decisive in their national declarations. Within the ethnic Magyar population, only state and municipal employees exhibited uncertainty in their national declarations. 68 Magyar language use, national uncertainty, fear and mistrust accounted for the greatest difficulties in recording the highest possible number of Slovaks on the 1919 census. Magyar or Magyarone Slovak census takers were known to record entire ethnic Slovak or mixed nationality villages as Magyar, or count individuals as Magyar because they were able to communicate with Magyar-speaking cen67 Mraz, "O pfedbeznem scitani lidu na Slovensku roku 1919," CSV II (1921 ): 133134. 68 SNA, f. MPS , box 380, inv. no. 4. "O Mad'arech, Nemcich a zidech" �SLOV AKIA-2015 31 sus takers without the help of an interpreter. 69 The latter illustrates precisely what Mraz and his colleagues had hoped to avoid in bypassing language as identical with or as a surrogate for nationality . They did not want ethnic Slovaks counted as Magyars based on their Magyar language proficiency. Other problems stemmed from uncertainty surrounding the meaning of nationality (primarily in eastern Slovakia). Many Slovaks feared what might happen to them if they did not declare themselves as Magyars. They distrusted the "godless Czechs" and "false prophets from Prague" who came to their doors. 70 The Slovak population tended to be more religious than the highly secularized Czech one, and Slovak national leaders expressed wari71 ness about the "agnostic progressivism" of the Czech intelligentsia. Common answers among Slovaks when asked about their nationality included: Slovak and Magyar ("aji Slovak, aji Mad'ar"), it doesn't matter ("to vsetko jedno"), and Hungarian Slovak ("Uhorsky Slovak"). 72 In eastern Slovakia, other answers included : I speak Slovak and Magyar ("hutorim 73 po slovensky i po mad'arsky"), I pray in Slovak ("modlim sa po slovensky"), and Catholic ("katolik") . Mraz noted in his analysis of the results that Slovaks often confused religion with nationality. 74 Interestingly, this observation recalls the proximity of religious and national feeling within Czechoslovakia's re-conceptualization of nationality, as well as the fine distinction made between them in rec69 Ibid., 7. "O opravnych navrzich pro pfisti scitani. Ibid., 5. "O nepfistojnostech pfi scitani," and Josef Mraz, "O pfedbeznem scitani lidu na Slovensku roku 1919," CSV II (1921): 135 . 71 Leff, National Conflict in Czechoslovakia, 23. 72 All the Slavic languages differentiate the word "Hungarian" from ,,Magyar." The former refers to citizens of the Kingdom of Hungary, whereas the latter refers to the predominant ethnic group in that Kingdom. In Slovak, these terms are "Mad'ar" (ethnic Hungarian), Uhorsko (the Kingdom of Hungary), and uhorsky (deriving from the Kingdom of Hungary) . In the early 19 th century, Magyar nationalists followed the lead of Count Istvan Szechenyi in equating "Magyar" and "Hungarian" in foreign languages as part of their drive to assimilate all the non-Magyar nationalities into Magyar language and culture. The non-Magyar nationalities of Hungary rejected the equating of "Magyar" with "Hungarian" and still do. For more on Szechyni ' s activities see Dejiny S/ovenska II ( 1526-1848), ed. Samuel Cambel (Bratislava: VEDA, 1987), 488-90. 73 "Hutorit'" is the Saris form of "hovorit'," to speak. 74 JosefMraz, "O pfedbeznem scitani lidu na Slovensku roku 1919," CSV II ( 192 1): 135. II 70 �32 SLOV AKIA-2015 ognizing "Jewish nationality." Nationality was something to be understood and felt as an "internal conviction, similar to religious confession," but consciously separated, and given a higher position than religion in the hierarchy of self and group values of definition. One's nationality, not one's religion, was of the greatest interest to the state. One's nationality, not one's religion, was the primary indicator of one's most strongly held inner values and loyalties. For the Jewish population, answers to the question of nationality were most striking for their variety. Census takers disparaged the eclecticism of the Jewish response, attributing it to opportunism . In some cases, they remarked, national declarations among Jews reached comical proportions: the head of one household declared as a Slovak, his wife as a German, and the children as Hungarians . They noted, however, that often Jews stuck to Jewish nationality so that they would not have to affiliate with any of the other nationality choices.75 The majority of Jews in Slovakia chose the Jewish nationality option on the 1919 census, officially recorded as "Other." Census takers recommended that a separate column be made available on the next census for Jewish nationality because so many Jews had expressly asked for it. 76 In the uncertain environment which prevailed in Slovakia in August 1919, shortly after the rollback of Bela Kun's Hungarian Red Army forces but before the de jure securing of the Czechoslovak borders, Jews in Slovakia wished to avoid a difficult and possibly treacherous national affiliation decision through declaring Jewish nationality. Many Jews viewed Jewish nationality as an escape from the nationality conflict. Choosing Jewish nationality appeared to be a good way to opt out, to take a neutral position, to make the safest bet on an unpredictable future. Basing the decision to declare for Jewish nationality on these criteria made it more a strategic and less a heart-felt choice. For the time being, at least, it had less to do with deep-seated feelings of belonging to a Jewish national group, and more to do with trying to make the best possible choice in 75 SNA, f. MPS , box 380, inv. no. 4. "Mad'arech, Nemcich a zidech." JosefMniz, "O pfedbeznem scitani lidu na Slovensku roku 1919," CSV II (192 1): 129. Unfortunately, the demographic breakdown of those who chose "Other" on the 1919 Slovak census is unavailable, so the conclusion that the majority of Jews declared for Jewish nationality comes from census taker reports and their insistence that it be included as a separate column on the next census. See footnote : Statni ufad statisticky, Scitani lidu v republice ceskoslovenske ze dne 15. unora 1921, 77*. 76 �SLOV AKIA-2015 33 a high-stakes gamble. The Jewish population in Slovakia overall, counted by religion and nationality, numbered 135,918 according to the 1921 statewide Czechoslovak census, and 354,342 in the state as a whole. 77 Slovaks, counted only under the nationality rubric "Czechoslovak" on the interwar censuses, numbered 1,954,446 in 1919 and 2,025,003 in 1921, a positive change of 3.61 percent. 78 The popularity of the Jewish nationality declaration on the 1919 Slovak census (as "Other"), combined with a majority of ethnic Slovaks declaring as "Slovak" 79 led to a significant decrease in the number of Magyars recorded in Slovakia compared with the last prewar census. This decline heightened the Czechoslovak administration's awareness of further potential benefits rendered to the state by Jewish nationality . If the Jews, who traditionally affiliated with Germanspeakers in Bohemia and Moravia, and Magyar-speakers in Slovakia, declared for Jewish nationality, then the statistical legitimacy of the Czechoslovak nation-state would rise as the numbers of Germans and Hungarians fell. "Jewish nationality" would work to the advantage of the dominant "Czechoslovak" nationality and national state. If, as this argument goes, Jewish nationality favored the Czechoslovak nationality in solving the state's nationalities problems, then declaring Jewish nationality was not really a way of opting out. It was not a neutral position. It could not be an escape from the nationality conflict if it meant - once again - casting one's lot with the dominant state nationality. Jewish nationality may have seemed like an exit, but this was an illusion. One could not avoid taking sides in the interwar nationality conflicts . *** It is a valid and important point that the Czechoslovak government would favor Jewish nationality for its ability to statistically reduce the number of Germans and Magyars in the state. But that con77 Antonin Bohac, Narodnostni mapa republiky ceskoslovenske. Podrobny popis narodnostnich hranic, ostrovu a mensin (Prague, 1926), pp. 148-155 . 78 Ufad statisticky, Scitani lidu v republice ceskoslovenske ze dne 15. unora I 92 / Prague, 19240, Table 74: Narodnosti na Slovensku podle scitani lidu z roku 1919 a 1921 . 79 Slovaks who declared as Slovak, according to the options presented on the 1919 Slovak census, were recorded as "Czechoslovak." Slovaks were not recorded as "Slovak" until the 1930 statewide census. �34 SLOV AKIA-2015 clusion neglects the deeper meaning of its inclusion beyond the statistical benefits it could render. Creating a Jewish nationality category manifested the ways in which the meaning of national affiliation had transformed through the cataclysm of the First World War and the establishment of East Central European successor states based on the national principle. Josef Mraz elegantly and succinctly summed up these changes when he stated that declaring for a certain nationality was an expression of internal conviction . Because the very meaning of national affiliation had changed, "Jewish nationality" emerged as a recognized nationality category . Nationality had taken on the problematic role of the manifestation of one's personal convictions, inner values, and ultimate loyalty . Nationality moved ever closer to an essential ethnic or racial understandings of "true" group belonging. The methods and results of the 1919 special census in Slovakia were useful in providing a tested model of nationality investigation based on subjective, internal, ethnic/racial criteria, already approved before an international body (the Paris Peace Conference). The 1919 census had been an experiment in bringing methods of counting and recording the population into line with the new postwar vision of the national state. The 1921 census would build on 1919 methods in circumstances which required more than securing the new borders; they required filling the demarcated territory with meaning, as well as answering the dual questions of what Czechoslovakia was and how nationality and nationhood would function in this state. Examining the 1919 Slovak census offers insight into how Czechoslovakia understood itself as the manifestation of Czechoslovak: self-determination, and the place of the rights of the other nationalities to their own self-determination within this framework. � SLOV AKIA-2015 7 THE 1919 CENSUS ON THE TERRITORY OF SLOV AKIA 1 Rebekah Klein-Pejsova When the First World War ended in 1918, the four empires that had determined the shape of state and social relations within and beyond their borders - the Habsburg, the German, the Russian, and the Ottoman - had dissolved. A state system based on the principle of national self-determination took their place in East Central Europe, in which citizenship and state belonging were seen through a national lens. Unrest and anarchy were characteristic of the prevailing atmosphere in many regions of the collapsing Austro-Hungarian Monarchy in the fall of 1918. In Slovakia, that instability was part of the larger struggle for the future of the newly bounded territory . Unlike other regions of former Hungary being incorporated into the new or transformed successor states, like Croatia (Yugoslavia) or Transylvania (Romania), Slovakia had never been administratively defined on its own, but solely as sixteen counties and four municipalities of northern Hungary. By the end of the war, the collapse of the old order without replacement by the new left Slovakia in a chaotic condition. Amid the upheaval, looting, and anti-Jewish excesses that typified the period, local National Councils had formed with the goal of consolidating the new state. But they were too weak to decisively resist regional Hungarian opposition and Budapest's efforts to maintain the territory. 2 While Czechoslovakia's birth was announced in Prague on October 28, 1918, the view from Slovakia was far less definitive. It was not a foregone conclusion that Slovakia would indeed be incorporated into the new state. Slovakia was in a precarious position, loosened from defeated Hungary, but not yet officially joined with Bohemia and Moravia. 1 This article is a version of a chapter originally published in my book Mapping Jewish Loyalties in !nterwar Slovakia (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 20 I 5). This material appears courtesy of Indiana University Press. All rights reserved. 2 Cubomir Liptak, "Slovakia in the 20 th Century," in Elena Mannova, ed ., A Concise History of Slovakia. Studia Historica Slovaca XXI (Bratislava: Historicky ustav SA V, 2000), 239 . �8 SLOV AKIA-2015 Slovak historians characterize the unstable "Prevrat " era as the "Struggle for Slovakia," a view that highlights Slovakia's contested status between the Magyars and the Czechs. Save for a handful of Slovak national leaders, the Slovaks themselves moved through this picture as a frustrated underclass, taking advantage of the volatile, chaotic climate to set upon state administrators, notaries, policemen, shopkeepers, innkeepers, and the propertied . Slovaks found themselves in a moment of great release. It offered them a chance to vent their anger and frustration at the war and the Hungarian system . The newly-formed local National Councils sought to mitigate these widespread outbreaks of violence. Yet these local organs had little control, or the ability to quell Hungarian resistance to the power transfer, which was further impeded by the power structure of the old state, still in place . A Hungarian demand for a referendum on the changes surfaced, relying on the fragmentation of the population along regional and social lines, degrees of national consciousness, and lack of information about the political transformation . It was the first time Budapest asked Slovaks for their opinions . The views of ordinary people, "varied from enthusiastic welcoming of the new state and the 'liberation' of Slovakia, through apathy and desire for peace, to fear of a new unknown situation, of uncertain permanence and threaten3 ing new bloodshed and military solutions. " The Hungarian National Council in Budapest came into being only on October 25, 1918, somewhat later than those of the national minorities. It was established by Count Mihaly Karolyi, who was widely believed to be the emperor-king's obvious choice for the new Prime Minister. Oszkar Jaszi, the progressive Hungarian social scientist, historian, and politician, drafted the Hungarian National Council's twelve-point program. It called for Hungarian independence, an immediate and separate peace treaty with the Allies, universal suffrage with a secret ballot, land reform, and recognition of the 4 rights of the national minorities within a federalized Hungary . When Emperor-King Charles appointed Count Janos Hadik instead, massive anti-government demonstrations broke out, demanding Karolyi. 5 3 Ibid. Peter Hanak, ed. , The Corvina History of Hungary: From Earliest Times Until lhe Present Day (Budapest: Corvina Books, 1991 ), 164. 5 Laszl6 Kontler, A History of Hungary (New York, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), 328. 4 �SLOV AKIA-2015 9 It was October 28, the same day as the declaration of the new Czechoslovak Republic in Prague. By the night of October 30 through 31, crowds of soldiers and civilians demonstrated in the streets of Budapest. They later occupied public buildings, prevented troops loyal to Karolyi from moving out of the city, captured Budapest's military governor, and freed political prisoners as in 1848. Soldiers tore off the emblems on their uniforms and replaced them with asters and rosettes. Emperor-King Charles retreated and Karolyi formed a new independent Hungarian government. Vanquished Hungary appeared to be on the path to democratization. 6 Meanwhile, Slovak national leaders, mostly from central Slovakia converged in Turciansky Svaty Martin, the seat of the Slovak national movement and established the Slovak National Council. They had little news of what was happening in Prague, Budapest, or Europe more broadly . The Council wished, however, to take a stand on the dramatically unfolding events . The Slovak politician Milan Hodza had been negotiating with Karolyi in Budapest. He arrived in Martin on October 30 just as the Council was about to issue the Martin Declaration, announcing the secession of Slovakia from Hungary, Slovak self-determination and a desire for inclusion in the Czechoslovak state, which fulfilled Prague's wishes .7 The Slovak National Council had no army, so it could not enforce its program or maintain order. Individual militias sprang up in towns and cities across Slovakia, engaging in a power struggle with the newly-formed Hungarian National Councils. It was a highly unstable environment. Demobilized Slovak soldiers (from the Hungarian army) formed the mainstay of active Slovak participation in the evolving power struggle. They created paramilitary groups in the forests, especially in western Slovakia, with about four thousand soldiers active around Bratislava. To dispel the threat of anarchy and establish control over the territory, the Czechoslovak National Council brought Slovak representatives into the newly formed National Assembly in Prague in early November of 1918. 8 Slovakia's first provisional "Slovak Government" was set up in Western Slovakia near the Moravia-Slovak border by the Czechoslo6 Hanak, ed ., Corvino History of Hungary , 164-5. Carol Skalnik Leff, National Conflict in Czechoslovakia: The Making and Remaking of a State, 1918-1 987 (New Jersey: Princeton Uni versity Press, 1988), 40-41 . 8 Liptak, "VII. Slovakia in th e 20 th Century," in Concise History of Slovakia, 239 . 7 �10 SLOV AKIA-2015 vak government in Prague, and began to function on November 6. It was led by Vavro Srobar, Minister Plenipotentiary for Slovakia. On Decemberl2, it was replaced by a Ministry for Slovakia, which Srobar established in Zilina in the midst of a combined Czech, French and Italian effort to drive Hungarian troops out of Slovak territory. 9 Less than two weeks later, on December 21, Czechoslovak Foreign Minister Edvard Benes successfully negotiated French 10 recognition of a demarcation line of the Slovak territory . Entente forces would drive Hungarian troops past the demarcation line on January 20, 1919. That line more or less became the country's official border with the signing of the Treaty of Trianon in 1920. 11 When Srobar's administration grew too large for Zilina, he deliberated with Samuel Zoch, a Lutheran clergyman from Modra near Pressburg (later Bratislava) who was the principal author of the Martin Declaration of October 30, 1918, on where Slovakia's central government should be moved . They decided in early January of 1919 to move the capital to Pressburg on February 4, 1919. Zoch was placed in charge of the Pressburg district administration (zupan), and orchestrated the Czechoslovak takeover of the city from January 1, 1919. "Bratislava" became the city's standard official name in March of 1919. 12 Hungary would make one more sustained military effort toward maintaining its prewar borders. Under Bela Kun's short-lived Hungarian Soviet Republic, lasting for 133 days beginning March 21, 1919, the Hungarian Red Army made significant inroads into Slovakia. It was driven out following an ultimatum by the Entente powers at the end of June 1919. The Hungarian Red Army finally retreated from Slovakia on June 30, 1919, and by July 24 the Czechoslovak government held the entire territory. 13 9 Peter Bugge, "The Making of a Slovak City: The Czechoslovak Renaming of Pressburg/Pozsony/Presporok, I 918-19," Austrian History Yearbook 35 (2004 ): 221. IOibid ., 213. 11 Liptak, "VII. Slovakia in the 20 th Century," in Concise History of Slovakia, 243. 12 Bugge, "The Making of a Slovak City," 221 . 13 For a detailed discussion of the series of revolutions in Hungary see: Laszlo Kontler, A History of Hungary (New York, Hampshire : Palgrave Macmillan, 2002) chapter VII "In Search of an Identity" , 324-344; Ivan Volgyes, ed., Hungary in Revolution, 1918-1919. Nine Essays (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1971 ); Andras Sikl6s, Revolution in Hungary and the Dissolution of the Multinational State 1918 (Budapest: Akademiai Kiad6, 1988); Rudolf I. Tokes, Bela Kun and the Hungarian �SLOV AKIA-2015 11 On the Czechoslovak state level, the Struggle for Slovakia entailed not only the physical, geographic aspect of territorial incorporation, but also the more slippery aspect of drawing the multinational population of Slovakia into the mental landscape of the new state. Coming to terms with the World War I Czech argument that the Czechs and Slovaks were two branches of the same Czechoslovak nation, and so should together form the dominant national group within the Czechoslovak nation-state, required a shift in direction . The events of the "Prevrat" underscore the tense relations between, first and foremost, Hungarians and Slovaks, and Jews and Slovaks, but also, increasingly between Czechs and Slovaks. These relationships would influence shifts in overall understandings of nationhood and nationality, as well as national political programs within the new state. Czechoslovakia was a nation-state in formation. Successful Czechoslovak state building required incorporating the territory and peoples of Slovakia. This was not to be accomplished by gradually building popular consensus, but through military engagement and diplomatic maneuvering. 14 Drawing the borders in this way would have significant implications for Czechoslovakia's domestic and international nationalities problems. Prague needed the Slovaks, a "state forming nation," 15 or there would be no independent Czechoslovakia. Without the Slovaks, the Czechs could not form a majority in the parliament and legitimately create a viable state. The Slovaks likewise needed the Czechs to help them leave Hungary. They needed the Czechs to help them establish a functioning civil and governmental infrastructure in Slovakia, and to create an educational system for producing Slovak national elites ready to take control of the developing infrastructure. The help the Slovaks desired was temporary_ 16 Soviet Republic (published for the Hoover Institution on War, Revolution and Peace at Stanford University by New York: Praeger Publishers, 1967). 14 Aviel Roshwald, Ethnic Nationalism and the Fall of Empires (Lo ndon, NY: Routledge, 200 I), I 62. 15 Liptak, "VII. Slovakia in the 20°1 Century," in A Concise History of Slovakia, 245. Czechs alone formed only 49 percent of the total Czechoslovak state population without the Slovaks. Whereas, accordin g to the 1921 Czechoslovak census, "Czechoslovaks" formed 65 .51 percent of the total Czechoslovak state population, and "Germans" 23.36 percent. 16 Liptak, "Vll. Slovakia in the 20°1 Century," in A Concise History of Slovakia, 245. �12 SLOV AKIA-2015 In the introduction to hi s memoir on the formative years 1918 through 1920, Osvobodene Slovensko (Liberated Slovakia), Vavro Srobar recounted hi s first meeting with R.W. Seton-Watson, the influential British historian and political activist who brought nationality questions in Austria-Hungary to the world's attention. In 1907 Seton-Watson came to R6zsahegy (Ruzomberok) in the central Slovak Low Tatra region, where Srobar was then working, while researching the national question for what would be his first major work, Racial Problems in Hungary. 17 Due to the objectivity and calm with which Seton-Watson di scussed Magyarization, Srobar found himself unable to discern where his visitor stood on the issue. Before they parted, Seton-Watson surprised Srobar with a question : "And what is your state program?" he asked. After a moment's hesitation, Srobar replied, "Great Moravia, 18 with Bohemia, Moravia, Silesia, Slovakia, and Pannonia," which Seton-Watson "accepted without commentary." "That [conversation] took place seven years before the outbreak of the world war," continued Srobar, "and eleven years afterward 'Great Moravia' received the name the 'Czechoslovak State."' 19 Language was the connection between the "Czechoslovak tribes" that Srobar professed in his memoir, from their ancient roots to the present. Even the establishment of a new literary language in Slovakia, thanks to I:udovit Stur's nineteenth century codification of the central Slovak dialect, "did not for a moment disturb the consciousness of Czechoslovak tribal unity," he asserted. "The longing for close cultural, economic, and political unity increased yearly in proportion to the growing pressure of brutal Magyarization," he added. 20 Srobar underscored a romantic one-thousand year story of the unitary Czechoslovak nation/tribe - focusing on shared language, history, 17 London : Archibald Constable & Co. Ltd., 1908 . "Great Moravia," a large Slavic state that existed between 833 and 906, was an important component of the Czechoslovak romantic national idea as well as the development of Slovak nationalism. Considered to have bridged the western Slavs with the Slavonic tribes in the Balkans and with Byzantium, the weakening state collapsed under attack by the Magyar tribes who settled in the Danube Basin in approximately 896. The Czech and Slovak tribes then underwent separate development. For more on Great Moravia see Jan Dekan, Vel'ka Morava: Doba a umenie (Bratislava: Tatran, 1976). 19 Vavro Srobar, Osvobodene Slovensko. Pamdti z rokov 191 8-1920, Svazok Prvy (Prague, 1928), 7-8. 20 Srobar, Osvobodene Slovensko, 11. 18 �SLOV AKIA-2015 13 interests, and ancestral ties - that had been so successful in garnering international support for the Czechoslovak state building project during the war in his celebratory and didactic jubilee year volume. While the idea of a unitary Czechoslovak nation prevailed internationally, the most compelling connection between the Czechs and Slovaks for the prospects of independent statehood was demographic. Though Czechs constituted a majority in Bohemia and Moravia, they feared that the collapse of Austria-Hungary would spell their incorporation into a Greater Germany, due to the existence of a substantial German minority in these lands . At the beginning of the war, Czech leaders first sought a reorganization of the Monarchy along federal lines with a large degree of autonomy for the Czechs, though soon discarded the plan as unfeasib!e.21 In working toward the ultimate goal of independence, the idea of incorporating the estimated three million strong Slovak population became an increasingly attractive solution to counterbalancing the significant German minority in Bohemia and Moravia. 22 By the end of the war T.G. Masaryk and Benes had the commitment of the Entente powers to an independent Czechoslovakia. The Slovak population became the key to the Czechoslovak nation's demographic legitimacy in its new multinational national state. The Paris Peace Conference called upon the Czechoslovak delegation to statistically demonstrate the dominance of the Slovaks in the multinational territory of Slovakia. The viability of the Czechoslovak state depended upon it. In order to collect the necessary data, the Czechoslovak government organized a provisional census for Slovakia. Such a census could not be carried out until the borders of the territory were defined and secured, and military upheavals had ceased . This meant waiting until the ultimatum given by the Entente powers had driven Bela Kun's Red Army troops out of Slovakia at the end of June 1919, and until the Czechoslovak government had control over the territory at the end of July. While the change of regimes was not officially over, and the borders were not fixed by law until Hungary signed the Treaty of Trianon on June 4, I 920, Czechoslovakia held the de facto borders securely enough by August 1919 that it was feasible to set the census in motion. The primary goal of the census was : 21 Joseph Rothschild, East Central Europe between the Two World Wars. A History o[. East Central Europe, vol. 9 (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1974), 76. 2 Leff, National Conflict in Czechoslovakia, 35. �14 SLOV AKIA-2015 [To gather] the necessary information for the Peace Conference concerning how many Slovaks there [were] in the occupied territory of the former Kingdom of Hungary, so that it would be possible to correct and prove false the Hungarian census of 1910, as well as to ascertain other general national proportions in Slovak communities, namely the [extent of] the Magyarization of these communities, the Magyarization of schools and churches. "23 The 1919 census was the first attempt by the Czechoslovak government to map the territory of Slovakia for state building purposes. Mapping Slovakia meant reframing the national ratios of multinational/ethnic/linguistic Slovakia in terms of Slovak, and thus Czechoslovak, dominance. The Czechoslovak government had to prove that the former government sought to create Magyar demographic superiority in the same lands through forced assimilation and manipulation of statistics. The aim of the census was, in other words, to find the ethnic Slovaks whose numbers would prove that a "falsification," or deliberate Magyarization of the nationalities had taken place in the decades before the war. Josef Mraz of the newly-created Czechoslovak State Statistical Office24 set out from Prague to Zilina, 25 the provisional capital of Slovakia, in mid-January 1919 to propose his ideas for the upcoming Slovak census to Vavro Srobar, the Minister Plenipotentiary for Slovakia.26 His talks with Srobar lasted an exhausting four days, during which time they debated how the structure, method, and concept of the census could best meet its chief goal: to find out how many Slovaks there were in Slovakia. Upon his arrival in Prague, he wrote up a report of the Zilina proceedings and the census instructions up23 Slovensky narodny archiv (hereafter SNA), file : Ministerstvo s plnou mocou pre spravu Slovenska, hereafter MPS, box 277, inv. no. 74. "Prozatimni scitani lidu na Slovensku." In this transitional period before the signing of the Treaty of Trianon, Slovakia was often denoted as the "occupied territory of the former Kingdom of Hungary." 24 Josef Mraz (1882-1934) was one of the co-founders of the Czechoslovak State Statistical Office, who had begun his work as a statistician for the Provincial Statistical Office of the Bohemian Kingdom. He is noted for his work on the first census in Slovakia ( I 9 I 9), as well as on statistical theory and agricultural statistics. Federalni statisticky ui'ad, 70 let ceskoslovenske statni statistiky (Praha, 1989), 194. 25 :Z:ilina was the provisional capital of Slovakia from December 12, 1918 through February 4, 1919, when Bratislava (Pozsony, Pressburg) became the capital. 26 Vavro Srobar was the Minister Plenipotentiary for Slovakia (Ministers plnou mocou pre spravu Slovenska, MPS). �SLOV AKIA-2015 15 on which they had agreed. He sent the instructions to be translated into Slovak, Magyar, and German. 27 Mraz included in hi s report a new, subjective definition of nationality that would challenge prewar methods of counting and classifyi ng th e population based on language. This definition would be th e point of departure for fresh debates and reevaluations of nationhood in the evolving circumstances of the interwar Czechoslovak state. He argued that, "In contrast to [mother tongue], the concept 'nationality' means adherence to a certain internal conviction, which cannot be explained in an ambi guous way, similar to reli gious conviction," and that it follows from this conclusion that Jews should have the option of declaring either for their own Jewish nationality, or for the nationality of others, without regard for religious affiliation.28 Debates over "Jewish nationali ty" formed the centerpiece of the overall reevaluation of nationality and nationhood in Czechoslovakia. Jewi sh nationality came to be used as an exceptional example in formulating opposing positions on the meaning, classification, and function of nationality in the new state. Through it, Czechoslovakia shifted the concept of nationality closer to an ethnic or racial understanding of the term, rather than a linguistic or cultural one. The Czechoslovak government, together with the multinational population of the state, initiated th e process of actualizing theoretical concepts of nationality and nationhood through the 1919 census in Slovakia. Responses to the 1919 census gave nationality meaning in the postwar environment, in the context of new states created on the principle of national self-determination . In the process of creating the 1919 Slovak census, Czechoslovak demographers also came to a preliminary decision regarding how 29 Czechoslovakia would "see" and count Jewish nationality . The Jewish case was especially problematic because Czechoslovakia did not consider the Jewish population in Czechoslovakia to possess its own national language, even in Slovakia and Sub-Carpathian Ruthenia where Yiddish language usage was more widespread, but never27 SNA, f. MPS, box 277, inv. no. IOI. From the report by Josef Mraz, "Prozatfmnf scftanf lidu na Slovensku," February 8, 1919 . 28 SNA, f. MPS , box 277, inv. No. 76 . "Prozatfmnf scitani lidu na Slovensku" 29 See: James C. Scott, Seeing Like a State: how certain schemes to improve the human condition have failed (New Haven, Ct.: Yale University Press, 1998), for thinking about ways the state "sees" the populat ion and makes it "legible." �16 SLOV AKIA-2015 theless did not dispute Jewish national status within the state. An influential work on national questions published in Prague in early 1919 declared: "Language forms the distinguishing characteristic of the nation : a nation must have its own language, otherwise it is not a nation." 30 How would the Czechoslovak state square its recognition of Jewish national status with the alleged lack of a distinctive national language among the Jews of Czechoslovakia? Debates surrounding Jewish nationality and its codification for census purposes lay at the core of a Czechoslovak reevaluation of the overall meaning of nationality in the postwar period . Decisions regarding the meaning and function of Jewish nationality within the Czechoslovak context went hand in hand with the process of integrating Slovakia into the Czechoslovak state. The Jewish case illuminates the way the process of Czechoslovak state building - including the interrelated efforts to arrive at the true number of Slovaks and Czechs, and to reconcile the dissonant linguistic-national circumstances of the Jewish population so as to codify Jewish nationality within Czechoslovakia - led to an increased unbundling of language from nationality as an absolute indicator of national belonging, and movement toward a definition of nationality as an internal conviction. To begin, it is helpful to take a step back to look at the relationship between language, nationalism, and nationhood; and then to consider their relationship as applied to the institutionalized collection of data for census purposes. First of all, for the peoples of East Central Europe, including the Jews, the nation building process was a fundamental component of modem politics. Nation building required raising the national consciousness of the members of the group, as well as making a convincing case to the world that the group was indeed a real nationality. The most important proof of national existence was language: a special, unique language belonging to the national group alone.31 Nineteenth century nationalism deemed language the most important characteristic marking one nation from another. Language 30 Bohdan Klineberger, Ncirod a ncirodnost (Praha, 1919), 53 . Ezra Mendelsohn, On Modern Jewish Politics (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), 128. 31 �SLOV AKIA-2015 17 was the primary determinant of nationhood .32 Nationalism assumes that people naturally group themselves into nations, that these nations have identifiable characteristics, and that their only legitimate form of government is self-government. 33 Making language central to nationalism, argues Elie Kedourie, erases the distinction between linguistic and racial nationalism, because then the conception of nationalism itself contains all linguistic, racial, religious and other features. The connection between language and ethnicity is also heightened. 34 Nation - "one of the most puzzling and tendentious items in the political lexicon" 35 - has been variously defined as dependent more on "objective" factors including language, religion and customs, territory and institutions; and alternatively as coalescing from "subjective" factors like attitudes, perceptions, and sentiments. 36 The features deemed "objective" have been conceived to mark the boundaries of nations, and features deemed "subjective" to give it internal cohesion and solidarity. "Objective" criteria like language are not enough in and of themselves to establish whether a group is a nation or not. Rather, suggests Walker Connor, "the essence of the nation is a psychological bond that joins a people and differentiates it, in the subconscious conviction of its members, from all nonmembers in a most vital way." 37 His conception closely agrees with Ernest Gellner's, where a common language does not bind a group into a nation without mutual recognition of each other. "A mere category of persons (say, occupants of a given territory or speakers of a given language, for example) becomes a nation if and when the members of the category firmly recognize certain mutual rights and duties to 32 "Let us fo llow our own path ... let all men speak we ll or ill of our nati on, our literature, our language: they are ours, they are ourselves, and let that be enough," 8 . Suphan, ed. , Johann Gottfried Herder, Sdmmtliche Werke (Berlin: Weidmann), in Smith, Nationalism, 27. 33 Elie Kedourie, Nationalism (London : Hutchinson, 1961 ), 68. 34 1bid. 35 Charles Tilly, The Formation of National States in Western Europe (Princeton, NJ : Princeton University Press, 1975 ), 6. 36 Anthony D. Smith, Nationalism: Theory, Ideology, History (Malden, MA : Blackwell Publishers Inc., 2001 ), I I. 37 Walker Connor, Ethnonationalism: The Quest fo r Understanding (Princeton University Press, 1994 ), 197. �18 SLOV AKIA-2015 each other in virtue of their shared membership in it. "38 A people must feel its nationhood. That feeling of nationhood, the condition of being a nation, has been theorized in two main ways in its European context. The first is considered to derive more from a sense of mutual belonging to a political community in which equal citizens participate in a common culture; while the second is regarded as more related to a sense of mutual belonging to an ethnocultural community of descent with political ambitions.39 Neither is exclusive, nor analogous to the state. States can be defined by their autonomous institutional activity, and by their "legitimate monopoly of coercion and extraction in a given territory," but the state itself is not the national political community. 40 Anthony Smith's paired conceptions of nation and ethnie highlight the group's internal cohesion, solidarity, and mutual loyalty. Smith defines nation as "a named human community occupying a homeland, and having common myths and a shared history, a common public culture, a single economy and common rights and duties for all members;" as distinguished from ethnie "a named human community connected to a homeland, possessing common myths of ancestry, shared memories, one or more elements of shared culture, and a measure of solidarity, at least among the elites."41 Smith's concept of the ethnie is especially important in the Jewish case for understanding the coherence of the group without territory and without a special, unique, shared vernacular. Late nineteenth century Jewish nationalism relied on "subjective" characteristics for modem Jewish nation building; above all a common heritage and shared historical experience. Language was conspicuously absent from the short list. "Who amongst us has a sufficient acquaintance with Hebrew to ask for a railway ticket in that language?" Theodor Herzl famously asked in 1896.42 38 Ernest Geitner, Nations and Natio nalism (Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 1983), 7. 39 Marsha L. Rozenblit, Reconstructing a National Identity: The Jews of Habsburg Austria during World War I (Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press, 2001), 7. 40 Smith, Nationalism, 12. 41 Ibid ., 13 . 42 Theodor Herzl, The Jewish State (New York: American Zionist Emergency Council, 1946), 145. �SLOV AKIA-2015 19 How then do you count "nationality" on the census? What, in fact, is being counted? Census-creating demographers differ from theorists in their need to count and quantify, classify and categorize state populations. Definitions of nation push and pull against the institutional demands of the state. The real question here is how the complex and fluctuating "nation" is tagged and boxed and bureaucratized for use by the state. What does it mean and how is it used ? Nation indeed becomes, as Rogers Brubaker explains, a "practical category, institutionalized form, contingent event, and category of prac43 tice." "We should not ask 'what is a nation,"' he writes, "but rather: how is nationhood as a political and cultural form institutionalized within and among states? How does nation work as a practical category, as classificatory scheme, as cognitive frame?" 44 The crystallization of Jewish nationality in Czechoslovakia exemplifies the process by which nation is bureaucratized and given institutional form in interwar East Central Europe. Jewish nationality became an exceptional category of practice within the borders of interwar Czechoslovakia; it was the only nationality in East Central Europe not bound by language . Demographers began to answer the question of how to count nationality on the census at the meeting of the International Statistical Congress in St. Petersburg in 1872. There, they agreed that language was the primary marker of nationality, and that counting nationality according to language was the most effective means of capturing and recording nationality for the interests of the state. The question of how to codify nationality in a state census had first been debated at the 1857 Congress in Vienna, but without conclusive results. The St. Petersburg Congress decided that language was the best objective indicator of nationality, the most reliable one, and the least confusing, as "each perfectly knows the language used since childhood to think and express oneself." 45 But how should the census ask about language? The conclusions of the St. Petersburg conference point to 43 Rogers Brubaker, Nationalism Reframed: Nationhood and the National Question in the New Europe (Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 1996), 7. 44 1bid, 16. 45 Dominique Arel , "Language categories in censuses : backward- or forward-looking?" David I. Kertzer and Dominique Arel , eds. , Census and Identity. The Politics of Race, Ethnicity, and Language in National Censuses. (Cambridge: Cambridge Un iversity Press, 2002), 95. �20 SLOV AKIA-2015 an acceptance of mother tongue as the most valid language situation type to use in codifying nationality for the census. Other language situation types include, but are not limited to: language most commonly used, language of daily use, family language, language in which one prays, and the language that one speaks with one's children. 46 Language was first counted on the Austrian and the Hungarian census in 1880. In Austria, language was counted according to "language of daily use" (Umgangssprache); while in the Kingdom of Hungary, language was counted according to "mother tongue" (anyanyelv). When Czechoslovakia came into existence after the First World War, it brought together two traditions of national codification through language proxy.In discussing the relationship of language to nationality for the development of the census, Czechoslovak demographers favored "mother tongue," as nationality was counted in the Kingdom of Hungary, over "language of daily use," as it was done in Austria. They argued that counting according to language of daily use had led to an under representation of Czechs on the Austrian census, and inherently underestimated the numbers of minority national groups where the official language was that of the dominant national group . The dependent position of the Czechs had resulted in more Czechs declaring themselves as Germans when counted this way, they asserted, because a Czech in a German language environment would indeed have used that language on a daily basis. Counting according to mother tongue had led to even greater statistical manipulations in the Kingdom of Hungary. Czechoslovak demographers contended that corruption of the census process in Hungary for the purpose of statistically increasing the number of Magyars had resulted in a gross underestimation of the number of ethnic Slovaks. Consequently, Slovaks as a people suffered more in Hungary than the Czechs in Austria. Yet they agreed that if the census were carried out properly, counting nationality by mother tongue would yield the most accurate and objective picture of 46 David I. Kertzer and Dominique Arel, "Censuses, Identity formation and the struggle for political power," in Kertzer and Arel, eds., 26, and Dominique Arel, "Language categories in censuses: backward- or forward-looking?" in Kertzer and Arel, eds. , 97. �SLOVAKIA-2015 21 47 the demographic composition of the state. Czechoslovak demographers accepted the definition of mother tongue as "the language which is most familiar to a person since childhood and with which they think, or simply the language which their parents taught them in their earliest youth. "48 Josef Mraz worked with the definition of mother tongue as well as its caveat, used on the 1910 census of the Kingdom of Hungary to make the mother tongue category as broad as possible, in reformulating the conception of nationality for the 1919 Slovak census. He did not dispute the Hungarian definition's core: mother tongue is the language "to which one confesses as one's own and with which one best and most gladly speaks. "49 It was the caveat that troubled him: Although mother tongue is identical with the language which everyone learned in their childhood in the majority of cases, usually from their mother, it can nevertheless happen that a child has another mother tongue than the mother, especially when the child acquired it in child-care (!), in school (!), or as a result of circumstances by which the parents have different mother tongues, another language than the language of the child's mother. 50 By broadening the definition of mother tongue so that it became disengaged from the language one's mother actually spoke, Hungarian demographers allowed for a greater number of people to declare for the Magyar mother tongue than would have otherwise been possible. While this definition may have obtained in a number of cases due to widespread linguistic assimilation in the Kingdom of Hungary, it left the door open for abuses . ... (Co ntinuation: Next page with Statistical Tables) 47 Jan Auerhan, "Kolik je cechoslovaku?" Ceskoslovensky statisticky vestnik (CSV) II ( 1921 ): 49, and Antonin Bohac, "Slovensko ve svetle statistiky -kniha Josefa Mraza," CSV II (1921): 225-6. 48 Cyril Horacek, "Narodnostni statistika," CSV II ( 1921 ): 187. 49 JosefMraz, Slovensko ve svetle statistiky (Praze, 1920), 33 . 50 Jbid. Exclamation marks in the original. �SLOV AKIA-2015 22 Table 2.1: Mother Tongue of the Hungarian Population According to Religion in 1910 According to Absolute Number Hungarian Total 10,888,138 5,924,665 Roman Catholic 304,570 2,025,508 Greek Catholic 2,573,683 2,621,329 Calvinist 418,449 1,340,143 Lutheran 2,987, 163 40,851 Greek Orthodox 74,296 73,267 Unitarian 932,458 705,488 Jewish 9,602 17,452 Other 20,886,487 10,050,5 75 Total Rusvn Roman Catholic Greek Catholic Calvinist Lutheran Greek Orthodox Unitarian Jewish Other Total German Slovak Romanian 1,372,103 1,406,207 8,531 1,785 79,338 1,133,671 26,964 429,687 2,494 10,645 463,912 706 1,412 1,592 1,799,255 168 203,230 1,004 2,037,435 64 5,830 1,268 1,967,9 70 559 991 3,021 2,949,032 Croatian Other Serbian 5,109 1,810,302 3,892 357,329 463,604 9,511 1,908 31,121 57 56 1,03 1 1,028 791 860 49 128 1,099,386 7,491 25,528 42,580 4 2,702 24 472,587 7 10,387 276 1,833,162 21 91 996 1,106,471 206 3,739 3,739 469,255 According to Absolute Percentage Roman Catholic Greek Catholic Calvinist Lutheran Greek Orthodox Unitarian Jewish Other Total Total 52.1 Hungarian 54.4 German 12.6 9.7 15.0 0.1 3.9 56.0 12.6 6.4 14.3 98.2 31.2 1.4 1.0 32.1 0.1 0.4 34.6 0.0 0.1 0.1 60.3 0.3 4.5 0.1 100 98.6 75.7 55.0 0.2 21.8 5.8 0.1 0.6 7.3 0.8 0.1 17.3 Slovak Romanian 12.9 0.1 �SLOV AKIA-2015 Roman Catholic Greek Catholic Calvinist Lutheran Greek Orthodox Unitarian Jewish Other 23 0.1 16.6 0.0 3.3 22.9 0.5 0.1 1.5 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.1 0.0 0.0 0.0 36.8 0.3 1.9 1.4 0.0 0.3 0.1 0.0 1.1 1.6 0.0 0.0 5.7 0.3 0.4 7.2 Magyar Statisztikai Evkonyv. Uj Folyam XXIII. I 9 I 5 (Budapest, 1918), 20, chart 13, "A nepesseg anyanyelve vallasok szerint 1910-ben." Table 2.2: Mother Tongue of the Hungarian Population in 1900 and 1910 Total Population Mother Tongue of the Population Hungary Magyar Geman Slovak Romanian Rusyn Croatian Serbian Other Total non Magyar Total 1900 absolute number 1910 percentage 8,651,520 1,999,060 2,002,165 2,798,559 424,774 191,432 437,737 333,008 8,186,735 16,838,255 absolute number 51.4 11.9 11.9 16.6 2.5 1.1 2.6 2.0 48.6 100 Percentage 9,944,627 1,903,357 1,946,357 2,948,186 464,270 194,808 461,516 401,412 8,319,906 18,264,533 54.4 10.4 10.7 16.1 2.5 1.1 2.5 2.9 45.5 100 CroatiaSlavonia Magyar German Slovak Romanian Rusyn Croatian Serbian Other 90,781 136,121 17,476 920 4,673 1,490,672 610,908 64,753 3.8 5.6 0.7 0.0 0.2 61.7 25.3 2.7 105,948 134,078 21,613 846 8,317 1,638,354 644,955 67,843 4.1 5.1 0.8 0.0 0.3 62.5 24.6 2.6 �24 Total non-Magyar Total SLOV AKIA-2015 2,325,523 96.2 2,516,006 95.9 2,416,304 100 2,621,954 100 Hungarian Kingdom Magyar 8,742,301 45.4 10,050,575 48.1 German 2,135,181 2,037,435 11.1 9.8 Slovak 2,019.641 10.5 1,967,970 9.4 Romanian 2,799,479 2,949,032 14.5 14.1 Rusyn 429,447 2.2 472,587 2.3 Croatian 1,682,104 8.7 1,833,162 8.8 Serbian 1,048,645 1,106,471 5.5 5.3 Other 397,761 469,255 2.1 2.2 Total 10,512,258 54.6 10,835,912 51.9 non-Magyar Total 19,254,559 100 20,886,487 100 Magyar Statisztikai Evkonyv. Uj Folyam XXl/l. 1915 (Budapest, 1918), 15, chart 11 , "A nepesseg anyanyelve es magyarul tudasa 1900-ban es 19 I 0-ben." In their analysis, and in their own efforts to bolster Slovak mnnbers, Czechoslovak demographers were uninterested in linguistic assimilation, seeking instead to strip the inhabitants of Slovakia down to their national skins . Their efforts illustrate what Dominique Arel has explained as a backward looking orientation toward language categories in censuses. Arel argues that, even though nationalists portray linguistic assimilation as "forced, unnatural, and fundamentally illegitimate, the result of destructive policies by an 'imperialist' state," it is in reality a normal and expected occurrence. Among speakers of a less prestigious language, there are individuals who will choose to linguistically assimilate for social advancement. 51 In those cases declaration of mother tongue as the "language one best and most gladly speaks" may well differ from the language of one's mother. According to this reasoning, Czechoslovak demographers were backwards-looking because they sought to discover the "real" nationality of the inhabitants of Slovakia, their "true group belong- 51 Arel, "Language categories in censuses," in Census and Identity, Kertzer and Arel, eds., 93 . �SLOV AKIA-2015 25 ing" based on their ancestral origins, rather than linguistic assimilation: whether coerced, statistically falsified, or voluntary. Czechoslovak demographers sought to demonstrate the unreliability of the 1910 census of the Kingdom of Hungary through critical comparative examination of the data collected within the language categories of "mother tongue" and "language knowledge. "52 In a typical example, Jan Auerhan 53 pointed to the 301,694 Magyars with knowledge of Slovak counted on the 1910 census within the sixteen counties and four municipalities of the Kingdom of Hungary which in whole or part became Slovakia. Two-thirds of them were likely to be ethnic Slovaks, he concluded. Counting them as Slovaks, instead of as Magyars with Slovak language knowledge, would raise the ethnic Slovak number from 1,708,592 to 1,900,000.54 The likelihood that a Slovak would be proficient in the Magyar language in an environment where Magyar was the official language - the language of instruction in schools, the language used in government offices and the court system - was incomparably greater than a Magyar proficient in Slovak. Mother tongue was not a perfect indicator of nationality, but what could be offered in its stead to collect national data? Mraz, in his Zilina report, strikingly concluded that "nationality" alone be used. Rather than employ language proxy, the census should ask the people directly for their nationality. This was a controversial method due its high level of subjectivity. Nationality declaration would not be linked to language as an external marker. Considering the ways in which Czechoslovak demographers regarded mother tongue to have been manipulated on the censuses of the Kingdom of Hungary, Mraz wrote: 52 Auerhan, "Kolik je cechoslovaku?"; Mraz,"Dva dukazy o falesnosti mad'arskych dat o feci matefske na zaklade dat o znalosti feci," ; and Hora.eek, "Narodnostni statistika," all in CSV II (1921). 53 Jan Auerhan (1880-1942) worked as a statistician for the Provincial Statistical Office of the Bohemian Kingdom from 1906, and became the undersecretary to the president of the Czechoslovak State Statistical Office at its founding in January 1919. He is most noted for his work in the demographic and anthro-geographic fields, the study of Czech and Slovak minorities abroad, and minority questions more generally. Federalni statisticky ufad, 70 let ceskoslovenske statni statistiky, 186. 54 Jan Auerhan, "Kolik je cechoslovaku?" CSV II ( 1921 ): 51 . �26 SLOV AKIA-2015 In contrast to [mother tongue], the concept "nationality" means confession to a certain internal conviction, which cannot be explained in an ambiguous way, similar to religious conviction . That confession to a certain nationality is the only correct one for ascertaining national ratios. "Mother tongue" has for this reason been eliminated from the demographic markers and as a surrogate question for "nationality." In connection with this is the question at hand, whether a separate "Jewish nationality" should be accepted without regard to religious affiliation. It follows from the concept of nationality described that it is not possible to force someone to declare a separate Jewish nationality, if [that declaration] is to express their internal conviction; because the Jews indeed form a separate race, there will, however, be no recommendation in the instructions for this procedure, except that Jewish nationality shall be left to the rubric of "Other nationality." The Jews should be left the option of declaring themselves either for their own separate nationality or for the nationality of others, which with the influence of environment and education or the like they have accepted as their own. For the stating of the Jewish race the remaining rules of the statement of affiliation to the Jewish confession shall suffice.55 Mraz's interpretation of nationality as an "internal conviction" was most closely related to the definition advanced by Karoly Keleti at the International Statistical Congress meeting in St. Petersburg in 1872. Keleti was the first director of the Hungarian Statistical Bureau founded one year earlier. He helped create the 1867 and the 1880 censuses for the Kingdom of Hungary. 56 The 1872 St. Petersburg Congress not only debated nationality enumeration on the census, but the meaning of nationality itself. Three conceptions of nationality emerged from the deliberations : I) political, in which nationality is equivalent to state belonging; 2) physical, in which nationality is defined racially; and 3) psychical, in which nationality is understood as a psychological community penetrating individual feeling and collective endeavors. 57 Keleti took the 55 SNA, f. MPS, box 277, inv. no. 76. Italics added. Karoly Keleti (born 1833, Pozsony [Pressburg, Bratislava] - died 1892, Budapest) Eletrajzi lexikon. www.kereso.hu-yrk-Ryrgenwm/7502 accessed June 17, 2005 . 57 Bohac, "Narodnost ci jazyk?" CSV II (1921 ): 50. 56 �SLOV AKIA-2015 27 position that nationality cannot be equivalent to state belonging, as that is so-called political nationality, common in Western Europe, but not in the multinational states of Central and Eastern Europe. Nor does ethnic (Stamm) belonging answer to nationality, even if its main marker is language. Nationality was best defined, according to Keleti, as a "subjective state internal to the individual, a feeling analogous to religion that depends on origin and the environment in which a person lives and grows ."58 Keleti's definition was based on social-psychological criteria for which it is difficult to secure an objective external marker. It moved away from language as a definite indicator of nationality, leav ing room for belonging to a nationality whose language one may not use daily or that is not considered a viable national language (like Hebrew or Yiddish in the view of the Czechoslovak state). This was a big plus for Mraz and hi s colleagues, but also ambiguous enough to allow for pressures and fal sifications, like those they presumed embedded in the last Hungarian census before the war. Yet Keleti 's definition was attractive to the Czechoslovak demographers preparing the 1919 Slovak census. This definition would enable the indivi dual to confess nationality as directly as religion, as an expression of his/her internal conviction and self-understanding. Czechoslovak demographers hoped it would un cover the numbers of ethnic Slovaks who had previously been hidden from view because they were counted as Magyar-speakers. They would now be recorded under the banner of their "real" nationality, free to directly profess their "true" group belonging. Jews, too, would be able to declare their "true" group belonging for the first time; not only as a religion, but also as a distinct nationality . Antonin Bohac 59 found Keleti's definition to coincide with concepts of ethno-racial group belonging. "Since the means for express58 Ibid. , 49. Keleti publ is hed his views on nationality in 1880 in the Stalistische Monatschrift under the title "Zur Frage der Volksziihlung." [Cyril Horacek, "Narodnostni statistika," CSV I ( 1920): 187.] 59 Antonin Bohac ( 1882-1 950) is regarded as the fo under of Czechoslovak demographics, especially with regard to questi ons of nationality. He was a member of the Czechoslovak delegation to the Paris Peace Conference in 19 19, and worked fo r the Czechos lovak State Statistical Office upon his return. Bohac was the deputy chairman of the Society for the Study of Nationality Questi ons. Federalni statisticky ufad, 70 let ceskoslovenske statni statistiky (Prague, 1989), 195. Bohac was also associate professor of demography at the Charles Uni versity Faculty of Science where he lee- �28 SLOV AKIA-2015 ing psychological states is language," Bohac wrote, "as Keleti [elsewhere] has stated, the concept of nationality in this sense is quite close to the concept of nationality as ethnic/racial belonging (kmenova prislusnost), for which language is the main connecting bond and main external marker."60 Bohac was correct to observe that Keleti's definition bore a strong resemblance to a physical understanding of nationality, which gave race and/or ethnicity an expanded role. Language remained the main outward indicator of nationality, but was no longer considered identical to nationality itself. Espousing this conception moved nationality closer to ethnicity. It elevated ethnic understandings of the self and the group . The final formulation of the 1919 census shows that the Czechoslovak administration and its demographers accepted Mraz's definition of nationality, based on Keleti's: "an individual national-political conviction according to ethnic belonging to a certain national unit or nation ."61 Five sub-headings were placed under Nationality on the form: Slovaks and Czechs, Rusyns, Magyars, Germans, and Others .62 Czechoslovak demographers understood Jewish nationality to be included under the subheading "Others." While "Jewish nationality" was an available option, though not a requirement, for the Jewish population, the category remained invisible on the actual census form in 1919. The 1919 census asked directly for nationality without the intermediary of language. *** In the late August heat of 1919, census takers dispersed across the territory of Slovakia to ask the people about their nationality. Many complained that the whole endeavor was disorganized and insufficiently thought through. Census takers expressed frustration that they had not received the census forms with time enough to look tured on the "Basics of Population Science." He introduced the usage of punch card technology for processing Czechoslovak census data."Historie statistiky v Cechach po roce 1918," The Czech Statistical Office http ://www.czso.cz/csu/redakce.ns£'i/historie_statistiky_ v_cechach_po_roce_ l 918 (accessed January 9, 2012). 60 Federalni statisticky urad, 50. 61 Ufad statisticky, Scitani lidu v republice ceskoslovenske ze dne 15. unora 1921, 77* (cast textova). 62 SNA, f. MPS, box 277 . This carton contains the original hand-written forms used for collecting the raw data for the 1919 census. �SLOV AKIA-2015 29 them over, nor so that they could fill one out to use as an example. Due to lack of funds and inadequate organization, many found themselves forced to sleep in train stations and on park benches during the census period, which surely affected their ability to fulfill their duties. One census taker reported that his census materials were stolen from him while he slept! The population, and oftentimes even local community officials, had not been informed about the purpose of the census, nor when it would take place.63 If these complaints are accurate, they undermine the seriousness with which the Czechoslovak administrators prepared the foundation of the 1919 census, as well as the importance they placed upon it as a means of accurately proving national ratios in Slovakia. Yet last minute pre-census agitation to prepare the Slovak population did take place. The prominent Slovak national newspaper Narodnie noviny called on Slovaks " ... to consciously and openly confess their Slovak stock ... to let the beautiful words: 'I am Slovak' 64 consciously and boldly sound from the mouths of loyal citizens. " This example is atypical, however, as the agitation took place in the central Slovak town of Turciansky Svaty Martin, the seat of the Slovak national movement and home to the Matica slovenska, the Slovak cultural society. Narodnie noviny explained that the purpose of the census was to prove that Slovakia was Slovak, and that it was essential for building its own independent country. Every citizen could participate in building that independent state through the census, the article stressed, an idea meant to reinforce the democratic spirit of the new era.65 "You have no reason to be ashamed of [declaring Slovak nationality]," counseled the leading newspaper in Saris county, a region of eastern Slovakia where national consciousness remained weak, "the Czechoslovak name has the best reputation not only in Europe, but also in America and Asia." The paper ran boldface announcements at the foot of its pages urging all Slovaks to proudly declare to the census taker that they were Slovaks. 66 These reassurances did little to assuage prevalent Slovak fears about the real purpose of the census. This terribly urgent appeal itself 63 SNA, f. MPS , box 380, inv. nos. 7, 8-9. Scitani lidu na Slovensku 1919. Anketa mezi popisujicimi povei'niky. 64 "Scitanie l'udu," Nizrodnie noviny (Turciansky Svaty Martin), August 22, 1919. 65 Ibid. 66 "Slovaci!" Sari.fake hlasy (Presov), August 24, 1919. �30 SLOVAKIA-2015 may have caused anxiety for a population with a low-level of national consciousness. Suspicions ranged from the belief that the goal was to raise or introduce new taxes, undertake military recruitment, or to carry out a plebiscite to divide the territory . The military rumor was the most widespread. Many Slovaks worried that a war would soon break out between the Poles and Magyars, and the job of the census takers was to find able-bodied men to fight. Whoever declared Slovak nationality would be conscripted to fight once again, while other nationalities would be freed from that duty. While it was later revealed that the rumor began in Magyar circles, many people in the border counties still held back from declaring themselves Slovak. Others believed the census to be connected to imminent requisitioning of cattle and grain. Some, more optimistically, believed more satisfactory food and fuel distribution would follow, and possibly a more advantageous land distribution. Still others imagined the census to be an exercise in identifying foreigners (especially Magyars, Poles, and Magyarone Slovaks) and expelling them from Czechoslovakia.67 Widespread fears and suspicions about the real intentions of the 1919 census underscored the atmosphere of uncertainty and insecurity in Slovakia at the beginning of the Czechoslovak state building project, as well as contributed to a certain level of inaccuracy in the results. Of the four national groups which were the most interesting to the state: Slovaks, Magyars, Germans, and Jews, the greatest difficulties arose in recording the nationality of the Slovaks and the Jews. Magyars and Germans were by-and-large ready for the census and decisive in their national declarations. Within the ethnic Magyar population, only state and municipal employees exhibited uncertainty in their national declarations. 68 Magyar language use, national uncertainty, fear and mistrust accounted for the greatest difficulties in recording the highest possible number of Slovaks on the 1919 census. Magyar or Magyarone Slovak census takers were known to record entire ethnic Slovak or mixed nationality villages as Magyar, or count individuals as Magyar because they were able to communicate with Magyar-speaking cen67 Mraz, "O pfedbeznem scitani lidu na Slovensku roku 1919," CSV II (1921 ): 133134. 68 SNA, f. MPS , box 380, inv. no. 4. "O Mad'arech, Nemcich a zidech" �SLOV AKIA-2015 31 sus takers without the help of an interpreter. 69 The latter illustrates precisely what Mraz and his colleagues had hoped to avoid in bypassing language as identical with or as a surrogate for nationality . They did not want ethnic Slovaks counted as Magyars based on their Magyar language proficiency. Other problems stemmed from uncertainty surrounding the meaning of nationality (primarily in eastern Slovakia). Many Slovaks feared what might happen to them if they did not declare themselves as Magyars. They distrusted the "godless Czechs" and "false prophets from Prague" who came to their doors. 70 The Slovak population tended to be more religious than the highly secularized Czech one, and Slovak national leaders expressed wari71 ness about the "agnostic progressivism" of the Czech intelligentsia. Common answers among Slovaks when asked about their nationality included: Slovak and Magyar ("aji Slovak, aji Mad'ar"), it doesn't matter ("to vsetko jedno"), and Hungarian Slovak ("Uhorsky Slovak"). 72 In eastern Slovakia, other answers included : I speak Slovak and Magyar ("hutorim 73 po slovensky i po mad'arsky"), I pray in Slovak ("modlim sa po slovensky"), and Catholic ("katolik") . Mraz noted in his analysis of the results that Slovaks often confused religion with nationality. 74 Interestingly, this observation recalls the proximity of religious and national feeling within Czechoslovakia's re-conceptualization of nationality, as well as the fine distinction made between them in rec69 Ibid., 7. "O opravnych navrzich pro pfisti scitani. Ibid., 5. "O nepfistojnostech pfi scitani," and Josef Mraz, "O pfedbeznem scitani lidu na Slovensku roku 1919," CSV II (1921): 135 . 71 Leff, National Conflict in Czechoslovakia, 23. 72 All the Slavic languages differentiate the word "Hungarian" from ,,Magyar." The former refers to citizens of the Kingdom of Hungary, whereas the latter refers to the predominant ethnic group in that Kingdom. In Slovak, these terms are "Mad'ar" (ethnic Hungarian), Uhorsko (the Kingdom of Hungary), and uhorsky (deriving from the Kingdom of Hungary) . In the early 19 th century, Magyar nationalists followed the lead of Count Istvan Szechenyi in equating "Magyar" and "Hungarian" in foreign languages as part of their drive to assimilate all the non-Magyar nationalities into Magyar language and culture. The non-Magyar nationalities of Hungary rejected the equating of "Magyar" with "Hungarian" and still do. For more on Szechyni ' s activities see Dejiny S/ovenska II ( 1526-1848), ed. Samuel Cambel (Bratislava: VEDA, 1987), 488-90. 73 "Hutorit'" is the Saris form of "hovorit'," to speak. 74 JosefMraz, "O pfedbeznem scitani lidu na Slovensku roku 1919," CSV II ( 192 1): 135. II 70 �32 SLOV AKIA-2015 ognizing "Jewish nationality." Nationality was something to be understood and felt as an "internal conviction, similar to religious confession," but consciously separated, and given a higher position than religion in the hierarchy of self and group values of definition. One's nationality, not one's religion, was of the greatest interest to the state. One's nationality, not one's religion, was the primary indicator of one's most strongly held inner values and loyalties. For the Jewish population, answers to the question of nationality were most striking for their variety. Census takers disparaged the eclecticism of the Jewish response, attributing it to opportunism . In some cases, they remarked, national declarations among Jews reached comical proportions: the head of one household declared as a Slovak, his wife as a German, and the children as Hungarians . They noted, however, that often Jews stuck to Jewish nationality so that they would not have to affiliate with any of the other nationality choices.75 The majority of Jews in Slovakia chose the Jewish nationality option on the 1919 census, officially recorded as "Other." Census takers recommended that a separate column be made available on the next census for Jewish nationality because so many Jews had expressly asked for it. 76 In the uncertain environment which prevailed in Slovakia in August 1919, shortly after the rollback of Bela Kun's Hungarian Red Army forces but before the de jure securing of the Czechoslovak borders, Jews in Slovakia wished to avoid a difficult and possibly treacherous national affiliation decision through declaring Jewish nationality. Many Jews viewed Jewish nationality as an escape from the nationality conflict. Choosing Jewish nationality appeared to be a good way to opt out, to take a neutral position, to make the safest bet on an unpredictable future. Basing the decision to declare for Jewish nationality on these criteria made it more a strategic and less a heart-felt choice. For the time being, at least, it had less to do with deep-seated feelings of belonging to a Jewish national group, and more to do with trying to make the best possible choice in 75 SNA, f. MPS , box 380, inv. no. 4. "Mad'arech, Nemcich a zidech." JosefMniz, "O pfedbeznem scitani lidu na Slovensku roku 1919," CSV II (192 1): 129. Unfortunately, the demographic breakdown of those who chose "Other" on the 1919 Slovak census is unavailable, so the conclusion that the majority of Jews declared for Jewish nationality comes from census taker reports and their insistence that it be included as a separate column on the next census. See footnote : Statni ufad statisticky, Scitani lidu v republice ceskoslovenske ze dne 15. unora 1921, 77*. 76 �SLOV AKIA-2015 33 a high-stakes gamble. The Jewish population in Slovakia overall, counted by religion and nationality, numbered 135,918 according to the 1921 statewide Czechoslovak census, and 354,342 in the state as a whole. 77 Slovaks, counted only under the nationality rubric "Czechoslovak" on the interwar censuses, numbered 1,954,446 in 1919 and 2,025,003 in 1921, a positive change of 3.61 percent. 78 The popularity of the Jewish nationality declaration on the 1919 Slovak census (as "Other"), combined with a majority of ethnic Slovaks declaring as "Slovak" 79 led to a significant decrease in the number of Magyars recorded in Slovakia compared with the last prewar census. This decline heightened the Czechoslovak administration's awareness of further potential benefits rendered to the state by Jewish nationality . If the Jews, who traditionally affiliated with Germanspeakers in Bohemia and Moravia, and Magyar-speakers in Slovakia, declared for Jewish nationality, then the statistical legitimacy of the Czechoslovak nation-state would rise as the numbers of Germans and Hungarians fell. "Jewish nationality" would work to the advantage of the dominant "Czechoslovak" nationality and national state. If, as this argument goes, Jewish nationality favored the Czechoslovak nationality in solving the state's nationalities problems, then declaring Jewish nationality was not really a way of opting out. It was not a neutral position. It could not be an escape from the nationality conflict if it meant - once again - casting one's lot with the dominant state nationality. Jewish nationality may have seemed like an exit, but this was an illusion. One could not avoid taking sides in the interwar nationality conflicts . *** It is a valid and important point that the Czechoslovak government would favor Jewish nationality for its ability to statistically reduce the number of Germans and Magyars in the state. But that con77 Antonin Bohac, Narodnostni mapa republiky ceskoslovenske. Podrobny popis narodnostnich hranic, ostrovu a mensin (Prague, 1926), pp. 148-155 . 78 Ufad statisticky, Scitani lidu v republice ceskoslovenske ze dne 15. unora I 92 / Prague, 19240, Table 74: Narodnosti na Slovensku podle scitani lidu z roku 1919 a 1921 . 79 Slovaks who declared as Slovak, according to the options presented on the 1919 Slovak census, were recorded as "Czechoslovak." Slovaks were not recorded as "Slovak" until the 1930 statewide census. �34 SLOV AKIA-2015 clusion neglects the deeper meaning of its inclusion beyond the statistical benefits it could render. Creating a Jewish nationality category manifested the ways in which the meaning of national affiliation had transformed through the cataclysm of the First World War and the establishment of East Central European successor states based on the national principle. Josef Mraz elegantly and succinctly summed up these changes when he stated that declaring for a certain nationality was an expression of internal conviction . Because the very meaning of national affiliation had changed, "Jewish nationality" emerged as a recognized nationality category . Nationality had taken on the problematic role of the manifestation of one's personal convictions, inner values, and ultimate loyalty . Nationality moved ever closer to an essential ethnic or racial understandings of "true" group belonging. The methods and results of the 1919 special census in Slovakia were useful in providing a tested model of nationality investigation based on subjective, internal, ethnic/racial criteria, already approved before an international body (the Paris Peace Conference). The 1919 census had been an experiment in bringing methods of counting and recording the population into line with the new postwar vision of the national state. The 1921 census would build on 1919 methods in circumstances which required more than securing the new borders; they required filling the demarcated territory with meaning, as well as answering the dual questions of what Czechoslovakia was and how nationality and nationhood would function in this state. Examining the 1919 Slovak census offers insight into how Czechoslovakia understood itself as the manifestation of Czechoslovak: self-determination, and the place of the rights of the other nationalities to their own self-determination within this framework. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2015, Vol. 42 Description An account of the resource Vol. 42 (No. 78-79), 2015. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2015 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOV AKIA-2015 7 THE 1919 CENSUS ON THE TERRITORY OF SLOV AKIA 1 Rebekah Klein-Pejsova When the First World War ended in 1918, the four empires that had determined the shape of state and social relations within and beyond their borders - the Habsburg, the German, the Russian, and the Ottoman - had dissolved. A state system based on the principle of national self-determination took their place in East Central Europe, in which citizenship and state belonging were seen through a national lens. Unrest and anarchy were characteristic of the prevailing atmosphere in many regions of the collapsing Austro-Hungarian Monarchy in the fall of 1918. In Slovakia, that instability was part of the larger struggle for the future of the newly bounded territory . Unlike other regions of former Hungary being incorporated into the new or transformed successor states, like Croatia (Yugoslavia) or Transylvania (Romania), Slovakia had never been administratively defined on its own, but solely as sixteen counties and four municipalities of northern Hungary. By the end of the war, the collapse of the old order without replacement by the new left Slovakia in a chaotic condition. Amid the upheaval, looting, and anti-Jewish excesses that typified the period, local National Councils had formed with the goal of consolidating the new state. But they were too weak to decisively resist regional Hungarian opposition and Budapest's efforts to maintain the territory. 2 While Czechoslovakia's birth was announced in Prague on October 28, 1918, the view from Slovakia was far less definitive. It was not a foregone conclusion that Slovakia would indeed be incorporated into the new state. Slovakia was in a precarious position, loosened from defeated Hungary, but not yet officially joined with Bohemia and Moravia. 1 This article is a version of a chapter originally published in my book Mapping Jewish Loyalties in !nterwar Slovakia (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 20 I 5). This material appears courtesy of Indiana University Press. All rights reserved. 2 Cubomir Liptak, "Slovakia in the 20 th Century," in Elena Mannova, ed ., A Concise History of Slovakia. Studia Historica Slovaca XXI (Bratislava: Historicky ustav SA V, 2000), 239 . 8 SLOV AKIA-2015 Slovak historians characterize the unstable "Prevrat " era as the "Struggle for Slovakia," a view that highlights Slovakia's contested status between the Magyars and the Czechs. Save for a handful of Slovak national leaders, the Slovaks themselves moved through this picture as a frustrated underclass, taking advantage of the volatile, chaotic climate to set upon state administrators, notaries, policemen, shopkeepers, innkeepers, and the propertied . Slovaks found themselves in a moment of great release. It offered them a chance to vent their anger and frustration at the war and the Hungarian system . The newly-formed local National Councils sought to mitigate these widespread outbreaks of violence. Yet these local organs had little control, or the ability to quell Hungarian resistance to the power transfer, which was further impeded by the power structure of the old state, still in place . A Hungarian demand for a referendum on the changes surfaced, relying on the fragmentation of the population along regional and social lines, degrees of national consciousness, and lack of information about the political transformation . It was the first time Budapest asked Slovaks for their opinions . The views of ordinary people, "varied from enthusiastic welcoming of the new state and the 'liberation' of Slovakia, through apathy and desire for peace, to fear of a new unknown situation, of uncertain permanence and threaten3 ing new bloodshed and military solutions. " The Hungarian National Council in Budapest came into being only on October 25, 1918, somewhat later than those of the national minorities. It was established by Count Mihaly Karolyi, who was widely believed to be the emperor-king's obvious choice for the new Prime Minister. Oszkar Jaszi, the progressive Hungarian social scientist, historian, and politician, drafted the Hungarian National Council's twelve-point program. It called for Hungarian independence, an immediate and separate peace treaty with the Allies, universal suffrage with a secret ballot, land reform, and recognition of the 4 rights of the national minorities within a federalized Hungary . When Emperor-King Charles appointed Count Janos Hadik instead, massive anti-government demonstrations broke out, demanding Karolyi. 5 3 Ibid. Peter Hanak, ed. , The Corvina History of Hungary: From Earliest Times Until lhe Present Day (Budapest: Corvina Books, 1991 ), 164. 5 Laszl6 Kontler, A History of Hungary (New York, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), 328. 4 SLOV AKIA-2015 9 It was October 28, the same day as the declaration of the new Czechoslovak Republic in Prague. By the night of October 30 through 31, crowds of soldiers and civilians demonstrated in the streets of Budapest. They later occupied public buildings, prevented troops loyal to Karolyi from moving out of the city, captured Budapest's military governor, and freed political prisoners as in 1848. Soldiers tore off the emblems on their uniforms and replaced them with asters and rosettes. Emperor-King Charles retreated and Karolyi formed a new independent Hungarian government. Vanquished Hungary appeared to be on the path to democratization. 6 Meanwhile, Slovak national leaders, mostly from central Slovakia converged in Turciansky Svaty Martin, the seat of the Slovak national movement and established the Slovak National Council. They had little news of what was happening in Prague, Budapest, or Europe more broadly . The Council wished, however, to take a stand on the dramatically unfolding events . The Slovak politician Milan Hodza had been negotiating with Karolyi in Budapest. He arrived in Martin on October 30 just as the Council was about to issue the Martin Declaration, announcing the secession of Slovakia from Hungary, Slovak self-determination and a desire for inclusion in the Czechoslovak state, which fulfilled Prague's wishes .7 The Slovak National Council had no army, so it could not enforce its program or maintain order. Individual militias sprang up in towns and cities across Slovakia, engaging in a power struggle with the newly-formed Hungarian National Councils. It was a highly unstable environment. Demobilized Slovak soldiers (from the Hungarian army) formed the mainstay of active Slovak participation in the evolving power struggle. They created paramilitary groups in the forests, especially in western Slovakia, with about four thousand soldiers active around Bratislava. To dispel the threat of anarchy and establish control over the territory, the Czechoslovak National Council brought Slovak representatives into the newly formed National Assembly in Prague in early November of 1918. 8 Slovakia's first provisional "Slovak Government" was set up in Western Slovakia near the Moravia-Slovak border by the Czechoslo6 Hanak, ed ., Corvino History of Hungary , 164-5. Carol Skalnik Leff, National Conflict in Czechoslovakia: The Making and Remaking of a State, 1918-1 987 (New Jersey: Princeton Uni versity Press, 1988), 40-41 . 8 Liptak, "VII. Slovakia in th e 20 th Century," in Concise History of Slovakia, 239 . 7 10 SLOV AKIA-2015 vak government in Prague, and began to function on November 6. It was led by Vavro Srobar, Minister Plenipotentiary for Slovakia. On Decemberl2, it was replaced by a Ministry for Slovakia, which Srobar established in Zilina in the midst of a combined Czech, French and Italian effort to drive Hungarian troops out of Slovak territory. 9 Less than two weeks later, on December 21, Czechoslovak Foreign Minister Edvard Benes successfully negotiated French 10 recognition of a demarcation line of the Slovak territory . Entente forces would drive Hungarian troops past the demarcation line on January 20, 1919. That line more or less became the country's official border with the signing of the Treaty of Trianon in 1920. 11 When Srobar's administration grew too large for Zilina, he deliberated with Samuel Zoch, a Lutheran clergyman from Modra near Pressburg (later Bratislava) who was the principal author of the Martin Declaration of October 30, 1918, on where Slovakia's central government should be moved . They decided in early January of 1919 to move the capital to Pressburg on February 4, 1919. Zoch was placed in charge of the Pressburg district administration (zupan), and orchestrated the Czechoslovak takeover of the city from January 1, 1919. "Bratislava" became the city's standard official name in March of 1919. 12 Hungary would make one more sustained military effort toward maintaining its prewar borders. Under Bela Kun's short-lived Hungarian Soviet Republic, lasting for 133 days beginning March 21, 1919, the Hungarian Red Army made significant inroads into Slovakia. It was driven out following an ultimatum by the Entente powers at the end of June 1919. The Hungarian Red Army finally retreated from Slovakia on June 30, 1919, and by July 24 the Czechoslovak government held the entire territory. 13 9 Peter Bugge, "The Making of a Slovak City: The Czechoslovak Renaming of Pressburg/Pozsony/Presporok, I 918-19," Austrian History Yearbook 35 (2004 ): 221. IOibid ., 213. 11 Liptak, "VII. Slovakia in the 20 th Century," in Concise History of Slovakia, 243. 12 Bugge, "The Making of a Slovak City," 221 . 13 For a detailed discussion of the series of revolutions in Hungary see: Laszlo Kontler, A History of Hungary (New York, Hampshire : Palgrave Macmillan, 2002) chapter VII "In Search of an Identity" , 324-344; Ivan Volgyes, ed., Hungary in Revolution, 1918-1919. Nine Essays (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1971 ); Andras Sikl6s, Revolution in Hungary and the Dissolution of the Multinational State 1918 (Budapest: Akademiai Kiad6, 1988); Rudolf I. Tokes, Bela Kun and the Hungarian SLOV AKIA-2015 11 On the Czechoslovak state level, the Struggle for Slovakia entailed not only the physical, geographic aspect of territorial incorporation, but also the more slippery aspect of drawing the multinational population of Slovakia into the mental landscape of the new state. Coming to terms with the World War I Czech argument that the Czechs and Slovaks were two branches of the same Czechoslovak nation, and so should together form the dominant national group within the Czechoslovak nation-state, required a shift in direction . The events of the "Prevrat" underscore the tense relations between, first and foremost, Hungarians and Slovaks, and Jews and Slovaks, but also, increasingly between Czechs and Slovaks. These relationships would influence shifts in overall understandings of nationhood and nationality, as well as national political programs within the new state. Czechoslovakia was a nation-state in formation. Successful Czechoslovak state building required incorporating the territory and peoples of Slovakia. This was not to be accomplished by gradually building popular consensus, but through military engagement and diplomatic maneuvering. 14 Drawing the borders in this way would have significant implications for Czechoslovakia's domestic and international nationalities problems. Prague needed the Slovaks, a "state forming nation," 15 or there would be no independent Czechoslovakia. Without the Slovaks, the Czechs could not form a majority in the parliament and legitimately create a viable state. The Slovaks likewise needed the Czechs to help them leave Hungary. They needed the Czechs to help them establish a functioning civil and governmental infrastructure in Slovakia, and to create an educational system for producing Slovak national elites ready to take control of the developing infrastructure. The help the Slovaks desired was temporary_ 16 Soviet Republic (published for the Hoover Institution on War, Revolution and Peace at Stanford University by New York: Praeger Publishers, 1967). 14 Aviel Roshwald, Ethnic Nationalism and the Fall of Empires (Lo ndon, NY: Routledge, 200 I), I 62. 15 Liptak, "VII. Slovakia in the 20°1 Century," in A Concise History of Slovakia, 245. Czechs alone formed only 49 percent of the total Czechoslovak state population without the Slovaks. Whereas, accordin g to the 1921 Czechoslovak census, "Czechoslovaks" formed 65 .51 percent of the total Czechoslovak state population, and "Germans" 23.36 percent. 16 Liptak, "Vll. Slovakia in the 20°1 Century," in A Concise History of Slovakia, 245. 12 SLOV AKIA-2015 In the introduction to hi s memoir on the formative years 1918 through 1920, Osvobodene Slovensko (Liberated Slovakia), Vavro Srobar recounted hi s first meeting with R.W. Seton-Watson, the influential British historian and political activist who brought nationality questions in Austria-Hungary to the world's attention. In 1907 Seton-Watson came to R6zsahegy (Ruzomberok) in the central Slovak Low Tatra region, where Srobar was then working, while researching the national question for what would be his first major work, Racial Problems in Hungary. 17 Due to the objectivity and calm with which Seton-Watson di scussed Magyarization, Srobar found himself unable to discern where his visitor stood on the issue. Before they parted, Seton-Watson surprised Srobar with a question : "And what is your state program?" he asked. After a moment's hesitation, Srobar replied, "Great Moravia, 18 with Bohemia, Moravia, Silesia, Slovakia, and Pannonia," which Seton-Watson "accepted without commentary." "That [conversation] took place seven years before the outbreak of the world war," continued Srobar, "and eleven years afterward 'Great Moravia' received the name the 'Czechoslovak State."' 19 Language was the connection between the "Czechoslovak tribes" that Srobar professed in his memoir, from their ancient roots to the present. Even the establishment of a new literary language in Slovakia, thanks to I:udovit Stur's nineteenth century codification of the central Slovak dialect, "did not for a moment disturb the consciousness of Czechoslovak tribal unity," he asserted. "The longing for close cultural, economic, and political unity increased yearly in proportion to the growing pressure of brutal Magyarization," he added. 20 Srobar underscored a romantic one-thousand year story of the unitary Czechoslovak nation/tribe - focusing on shared language, history, 17 London : Archibald Constable & Co. Ltd., 1908 . "Great Moravia," a large Slavic state that existed between 833 and 906, was an important component of the Czechoslovak romantic national idea as well as the development of Slovak nationalism. Considered to have bridged the western Slavs with the Slavonic tribes in the Balkans and with Byzantium, the weakening state collapsed under attack by the Magyar tribes who settled in the Danube Basin in approximately 896. The Czech and Slovak tribes then underwent separate development. For more on Great Moravia see Jan Dekan, Vel'ka Morava: Doba a umenie (Bratislava: Tatran, 1976). 19 Vavro Srobar, Osvobodene Slovensko. Pamdti z rokov 191 8-1920, Svazok Prvy (Prague, 1928), 7-8. 20 Srobar, Osvobodene Slovensko, 11. 18 SLOV AKIA-2015 13 interests, and ancestral ties - that had been so successful in garnering international support for the Czechoslovak state building project during the war in his celebratory and didactic jubilee year volume. While the idea of a unitary Czechoslovak nation prevailed internationally, the most compelling connection between the Czechs and Slovaks for the prospects of independent statehood was demographic. Though Czechs constituted a majority in Bohemia and Moravia, they feared that the collapse of Austria-Hungary would spell their incorporation into a Greater Germany, due to the existence of a substantial German minority in these lands . At the beginning of the war, Czech leaders first sought a reorganization of the Monarchy along federal lines with a large degree of autonomy for the Czechs, though soon discarded the plan as unfeasib!e.21 In working toward the ultimate goal of independence, the idea of incorporating the estimated three million strong Slovak population became an increasingly attractive solution to counterbalancing the significant German minority in Bohemia and Moravia. 22 By the end of the war T.G. Masaryk and Benes had the commitment of the Entente powers to an independent Czechoslovakia. The Slovak population became the key to the Czechoslovak nation's demographic legitimacy in its new multinational national state. The Paris Peace Conference called upon the Czechoslovak delegation to statistically demonstrate the dominance of the Slovaks in the multinational territory of Slovakia. The viability of the Czechoslovak state depended upon it. In order to collect the necessary data, the Czechoslovak government organized a provisional census for Slovakia. Such a census could not be carried out until the borders of the territory were defined and secured, and military upheavals had ceased . This meant waiting until the ultimatum given by the Entente powers had driven Bela Kun's Red Army troops out of Slovakia at the end of June 1919, and until the Czechoslovak government had control over the territory at the end of July. While the change of regimes was not officially over, and the borders were not fixed by law until Hungary signed the Treaty of Trianon on June 4, I 920, Czechoslovakia held the de facto borders securely enough by August 1919 that it was feasible to set the census in motion. The primary goal of the census was : 21 Joseph Rothschild, East Central Europe between the Two World Wars. A History o[. East Central Europe, vol. 9 (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1974), 76. 2 Leff, National Conflict in Czechoslovakia, 35. 14 SLOV AKIA-2015 [To gather] the necessary information for the Peace Conference concerning how many Slovaks there [were] in the occupied territory of the former Kingdom of Hungary, so that it would be possible to correct and prove false the Hungarian census of 1910, as well as to ascertain other general national proportions in Slovak communities, namely the [extent of] the Magyarization of these communities, the Magyarization of schools and churches. "23 The 1919 census was the first attempt by the Czechoslovak government to map the territory of Slovakia for state building purposes. Mapping Slovakia meant reframing the national ratios of multinational/ethnic/linguistic Slovakia in terms of Slovak, and thus Czechoslovak, dominance. The Czechoslovak government had to prove that the former government sought to create Magyar demographic superiority in the same lands through forced assimilation and manipulation of statistics. The aim of the census was, in other words, to find the ethnic Slovaks whose numbers would prove that a "falsification," or deliberate Magyarization of the nationalities had taken place in the decades before the war. Josef Mraz of the newly-created Czechoslovak State Statistical Office24 set out from Prague to Zilina, 25 the provisional capital of Slovakia, in mid-January 1919 to propose his ideas for the upcoming Slovak census to Vavro Srobar, the Minister Plenipotentiary for Slovakia.26 His talks with Srobar lasted an exhausting four days, during which time they debated how the structure, method, and concept of the census could best meet its chief goal: to find out how many Slovaks there were in Slovakia. Upon his arrival in Prague, he wrote up a report of the Zilina proceedings and the census instructions up23 Slovensky narodny archiv (hereafter SNA), file : Ministerstvo s plnou mocou pre spravu Slovenska, hereafter MPS, box 277, inv. no. 74. "Prozatimni scitani lidu na Slovensku." In this transitional period before the signing of the Treaty of Trianon, Slovakia was often denoted as the "occupied territory of the former Kingdom of Hungary." 24 Josef Mraz (1882-1934) was one of the co-founders of the Czechoslovak State Statistical Office, who had begun his work as a statistician for the Provincial Statistical Office of the Bohemian Kingdom. He is noted for his work on the first census in Slovakia ( I 9 I 9), as well as on statistical theory and agricultural statistics. Federalni statisticky ui'ad, 70 let ceskoslovenske statni statistiky (Praha, 1989), 194. 25 :Z:ilina was the provisional capital of Slovakia from December 12, 1918 through February 4, 1919, when Bratislava (Pozsony, Pressburg) became the capital. 26 Vavro Srobar was the Minister Plenipotentiary for Slovakia (Ministers plnou mocou pre spravu Slovenska, MPS). SLOV AKIA-2015 15 on which they had agreed. He sent the instructions to be translated into Slovak, Magyar, and German. 27 Mraz included in hi s report a new, subjective definition of nationality that would challenge prewar methods of counting and classifyi ng th e population based on language. This definition would be th e point of departure for fresh debates and reevaluations of nationhood in the evolving circumstances of the interwar Czechoslovak state. He argued that, "In contrast to [mother tongue], the concept 'nationality' means adherence to a certain internal conviction, which cannot be explained in an ambi guous way, similar to reli gious conviction," and that it follows from this conclusion that Jews should have the option of declaring either for their own Jewish nationality, or for the nationality of others, without regard for religious affiliation.28 Debates over "Jewish nationali ty" formed the centerpiece of the overall reevaluation of nationality and nationhood in Czechoslovakia. Jewi sh nationality came to be used as an exceptional example in formulating opposing positions on the meaning, classification, and function of nationality in the new state. Through it, Czechoslovakia shifted the concept of nationality closer to an ethnic or racial understanding of the term, rather than a linguistic or cultural one. The Czechoslovak government, together with the multinational population of the state, initiated th e process of actualizing theoretical concepts of nationality and nationhood through the 1919 census in Slovakia. Responses to the 1919 census gave nationality meaning in the postwar environment, in the context of new states created on the principle of national self-determination . In the process of creating the 1919 Slovak census, Czechoslovak demographers also came to a preliminary decision regarding how 29 Czechoslovakia would "see" and count Jewish nationality . The Jewish case was especially problematic because Czechoslovakia did not consider the Jewish population in Czechoslovakia to possess its own national language, even in Slovakia and Sub-Carpathian Ruthenia where Yiddish language usage was more widespread, but never27 SNA, f. MPS, box 277, inv. no. IOI. From the report by Josef Mraz, "Prozatfmnf scftanf lidu na Slovensku," February 8, 1919 . 28 SNA, f. MPS , box 277, inv. No. 76 . "Prozatfmnf scitani lidu na Slovensku" 29 See: James C. Scott, Seeing Like a State: how certain schemes to improve the human condition have failed (New Haven, Ct.: Yale University Press, 1998), for thinking about ways the state "sees" the populat ion and makes it "legible." 16 SLOV AKIA-2015 theless did not dispute Jewish national status within the state. An influential work on national questions published in Prague in early 1919 declared: "Language forms the distinguishing characteristic of the nation : a nation must have its own language, otherwise it is not a nation." 30 How would the Czechoslovak state square its recognition of Jewish national status with the alleged lack of a distinctive national language among the Jews of Czechoslovakia? Debates surrounding Jewish nationality and its codification for census purposes lay at the core of a Czechoslovak reevaluation of the overall meaning of nationality in the postwar period . Decisions regarding the meaning and function of Jewish nationality within the Czechoslovak context went hand in hand with the process of integrating Slovakia into the Czechoslovak state. The Jewish case illuminates the way the process of Czechoslovak state building - including the interrelated efforts to arrive at the true number of Slovaks and Czechs, and to reconcile the dissonant linguistic-national circumstances of the Jewish population so as to codify Jewish nationality within Czechoslovakia - led to an increased unbundling of language from nationality as an absolute indicator of national belonging, and movement toward a definition of nationality as an internal conviction. To begin, it is helpful to take a step back to look at the relationship between language, nationalism, and nationhood; and then to consider their relationship as applied to the institutionalized collection of data for census purposes. First of all, for the peoples of East Central Europe, including the Jews, the nation building process was a fundamental component of modem politics. Nation building required raising the national consciousness of the members of the group, as well as making a convincing case to the world that the group was indeed a real nationality. The most important proof of national existence was language: a special, unique language belonging to the national group alone.31 Nineteenth century nationalism deemed language the most important characteristic marking one nation from another. Language 30 Bohdan Klineberger, Ncirod a ncirodnost (Praha, 1919), 53 . Ezra Mendelsohn, On Modern Jewish Politics (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), 128. 31 SLOV AKIA-2015 17 was the primary determinant of nationhood .32 Nationalism assumes that people naturally group themselves into nations, that these nations have identifiable characteristics, and that their only legitimate form of government is self-government. 33 Making language central to nationalism, argues Elie Kedourie, erases the distinction between linguistic and racial nationalism, because then the conception of nationalism itself contains all linguistic, racial, religious and other features. The connection between language and ethnicity is also heightened. 34 Nation - "one of the most puzzling and tendentious items in the political lexicon" 35 - has been variously defined as dependent more on "objective" factors including language, religion and customs, territory and institutions; and alternatively as coalescing from "subjective" factors like attitudes, perceptions, and sentiments. 36 The features deemed "objective" have been conceived to mark the boundaries of nations, and features deemed "subjective" to give it internal cohesion and solidarity. "Objective" criteria like language are not enough in and of themselves to establish whether a group is a nation or not. Rather, suggests Walker Connor, "the essence of the nation is a psychological bond that joins a people and differentiates it, in the subconscious conviction of its members, from all nonmembers in a most vital way." 37 His conception closely agrees with Ernest Gellner's, where a common language does not bind a group into a nation without mutual recognition of each other. "A mere category of persons (say, occupants of a given territory or speakers of a given language, for example) becomes a nation if and when the members of the category firmly recognize certain mutual rights and duties to 32 "Let us fo llow our own path ... let all men speak we ll or ill of our nati on, our literature, our language: they are ours, they are ourselves, and let that be enough," 8 . Suphan, ed. , Johann Gottfried Herder, Sdmmtliche Werke (Berlin: Weidmann), in Smith, Nationalism, 27. 33 Elie Kedourie, Nationalism (London : Hutchinson, 1961 ), 68. 34 1bid. 35 Charles Tilly, The Formation of National States in Western Europe (Princeton, NJ : Princeton University Press, 1975 ), 6. 36 Anthony D. Smith, Nationalism: Theory, Ideology, History (Malden, MA : Blackwell Publishers Inc., 2001 ), I I. 37 Walker Connor, Ethnonationalism: The Quest fo r Understanding (Princeton University Press, 1994 ), 197. 18 SLOV AKIA-2015 each other in virtue of their shared membership in it. "38 A people must feel its nationhood. That feeling of nationhood, the condition of being a nation, has been theorized in two main ways in its European context. The first is considered to derive more from a sense of mutual belonging to a political community in which equal citizens participate in a common culture; while the second is regarded as more related to a sense of mutual belonging to an ethnocultural community of descent with political ambitions.39 Neither is exclusive, nor analogous to the state. States can be defined by their autonomous institutional activity, and by their "legitimate monopoly of coercion and extraction in a given territory," but the state itself is not the national political community. 40 Anthony Smith's paired conceptions of nation and ethnie highlight the group's internal cohesion, solidarity, and mutual loyalty. Smith defines nation as "a named human community occupying a homeland, and having common myths and a shared history, a common public culture, a single economy and common rights and duties for all members;" as distinguished from ethnie "a named human community connected to a homeland, possessing common myths of ancestry, shared memories, one or more elements of shared culture, and a measure of solidarity, at least among the elites."41 Smith's concept of the ethnie is especially important in the Jewish case for understanding the coherence of the group without territory and without a special, unique, shared vernacular. Late nineteenth century Jewish nationalism relied on "subjective" characteristics for modem Jewish nation building; above all a common heritage and shared historical experience. Language was conspicuously absent from the short list. "Who amongst us has a sufficient acquaintance with Hebrew to ask for a railway ticket in that language?" Theodor Herzl famously asked in 1896.42 38 Ernest Geitner, Nations and Natio nalism (Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 1983), 7. 39 Marsha L. Rozenblit, Reconstructing a National Identity: The Jews of Habsburg Austria during World War I (Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press, 2001), 7. 40 Smith, Nationalism, 12. 41 Ibid ., 13 . 42 Theodor Herzl, The Jewish State (New York: American Zionist Emergency Council, 1946), 145. SLOV AKIA-2015 19 How then do you count "nationality" on the census? What, in fact, is being counted? Census-creating demographers differ from theorists in their need to count and quantify, classify and categorize state populations. Definitions of nation push and pull against the institutional demands of the state. The real question here is how the complex and fluctuating "nation" is tagged and boxed and bureaucratized for use by the state. What does it mean and how is it used ? Nation indeed becomes, as Rogers Brubaker explains, a "practical category, institutionalized form, contingent event, and category of prac43 tice." "We should not ask 'what is a nation,"' he writes, "but rather: how is nationhood as a political and cultural form institutionalized within and among states? How does nation work as a practical category, as classificatory scheme, as cognitive frame?" 44 The crystallization of Jewish nationality in Czechoslovakia exemplifies the process by which nation is bureaucratized and given institutional form in interwar East Central Europe. Jewish nationality became an exceptional category of practice within the borders of interwar Czechoslovakia; it was the only nationality in East Central Europe not bound by language . Demographers began to answer the question of how to count nationality on the census at the meeting of the International Statistical Congress in St. Petersburg in 1872. There, they agreed that language was the primary marker of nationality, and that counting nationality according to language was the most effective means of capturing and recording nationality for the interests of the state. The question of how to codify nationality in a state census had first been debated at the 1857 Congress in Vienna, but without conclusive results. The St. Petersburg Congress decided that language was the best objective indicator of nationality, the most reliable one, and the least confusing, as "each perfectly knows the language used since childhood to think and express oneself." 45 But how should the census ask about language? The conclusions of the St. Petersburg conference point to 43 Rogers Brubaker, Nationalism Reframed: Nationhood and the National Question in the New Europe (Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 1996), 7. 44 1bid, 16. 45 Dominique Arel , "Language categories in censuses : backward- or forward-looking?" David I. Kertzer and Dominique Arel , eds. , Census and Identity. The Politics of Race, Ethnicity, and Language in National Censuses. (Cambridge: Cambridge Un iversity Press, 2002), 95. 20 SLOV AKIA-2015 an acceptance of mother tongue as the most valid language situation type to use in codifying nationality for the census. Other language situation types include, but are not limited to: language most commonly used, language of daily use, family language, language in which one prays, and the language that one speaks with one's children. 46 Language was first counted on the Austrian and the Hungarian census in 1880. In Austria, language was counted according to "language of daily use" (Umgangssprache); while in the Kingdom of Hungary, language was counted according to "mother tongue" (anyanyelv). When Czechoslovakia came into existence after the First World War, it brought together two traditions of national codification through language proxy.In discussing the relationship of language to nationality for the development of the census, Czechoslovak demographers favored "mother tongue," as nationality was counted in the Kingdom of Hungary, over "language of daily use," as it was done in Austria. They argued that counting according to language of daily use had led to an under representation of Czechs on the Austrian census, and inherently underestimated the numbers of minority national groups where the official language was that of the dominant national group . The dependent position of the Czechs had resulted in more Czechs declaring themselves as Germans when counted this way, they asserted, because a Czech in a German language environment would indeed have used that language on a daily basis. Counting according to mother tongue had led to even greater statistical manipulations in the Kingdom of Hungary. Czechoslovak demographers contended that corruption of the census process in Hungary for the purpose of statistically increasing the number of Magyars had resulted in a gross underestimation of the number of ethnic Slovaks. Consequently, Slovaks as a people suffered more in Hungary than the Czechs in Austria. Yet they agreed that if the census were carried out properly, counting nationality by mother tongue would yield the most accurate and objective picture of 46 David I. Kertzer and Dominique Arel, "Censuses, Identity formation and the struggle for political power," in Kertzer and Arel, eds., 26, and Dominique Arel, "Language categories in censuses: backward- or forward-looking?" in Kertzer and Arel, eds. , 97. SLOVAKIA-2015 21 47 the demographic composition of the state. Czechoslovak demographers accepted the definition of mother tongue as "the language which is most familiar to a person since childhood and with which they think, or simply the language which their parents taught them in their earliest youth. "48 Josef Mraz worked with the definition of mother tongue as well as its caveat, used on the 1910 census of the Kingdom of Hungary to make the mother tongue category as broad as possible, in reformulating the conception of nationality for the 1919 Slovak census. He did not dispute the Hungarian definition's core: mother tongue is the language "to which one confesses as one's own and with which one best and most gladly speaks. "49 It was the caveat that troubled him: Although mother tongue is identical with the language which everyone learned in their childhood in the majority of cases, usually from their mother, it can nevertheless happen that a child has another mother tongue than the mother, especially when the child acquired it in child-care (!), in school (!), or as a result of circumstances by which the parents have different mother tongues, another language than the language of the child's mother. 50 By broadening the definition of mother tongue so that it became disengaged from the language one's mother actually spoke, Hungarian demographers allowed for a greater number of people to declare for the Magyar mother tongue than would have otherwise been possible. While this definition may have obtained in a number of cases due to widespread linguistic assimilation in the Kingdom of Hungary, it left the door open for abuses . ... (Co ntinuation: Next page with Statistical Tables) 47 Jan Auerhan, "Kolik je cechoslovaku?" Ceskoslovensky statisticky vestnik (CSV) II ( 1921 ): 49, and Antonin Bohac, "Slovensko ve svetle statistiky -kniha Josefa Mraza," CSV II (1921): 225-6. 48 Cyril Horacek, "Narodnostni statistika," CSV II ( 1921 ): 187. 49 JosefMraz, Slovensko ve svetle statistiky (Praze, 1920), 33 . 50 Jbid. Exclamation marks in the original. SLOV AKIA-2015 22 Table 2.1: Mother Tongue of the Hungarian Population According to Religion in 1910 According to Absolute Number Hungarian Total 10,888,138 5,924,665 Roman Catholic 304,570 2,025,508 Greek Catholic 2,573,683 2,621,329 Calvinist 418,449 1,340,143 Lutheran 2,987, 163 40,851 Greek Orthodox 74,296 73,267 Unitarian 932,458 705,488 Jewish 9,602 17,452 Other 20,886,487 10,050,5 75 Total Rusvn Roman Catholic Greek Catholic Calvinist Lutheran Greek Orthodox Unitarian Jewish Other Total German Slovak Romanian 1,372,103 1,406,207 8,531 1,785 79,338 1,133,671 26,964 429,687 2,494 10,645 463,912 706 1,412 1,592 1,799,255 168 203,230 1,004 2,037,435 64 5,830 1,268 1,967,9 70 559 991 3,021 2,949,032 Croatian Other Serbian 5,109 1,810,302 3,892 357,329 463,604 9,511 1,908 31,121 57 56 1,03 1 1,028 791 860 49 128 1,099,386 7,491 25,528 42,580 4 2,702 24 472,587 7 10,387 276 1,833,162 21 91 996 1,106,471 206 3,739 3,739 469,255 According to Absolute Percentage Roman Catholic Greek Catholic Calvinist Lutheran Greek Orthodox Unitarian Jewish Other Total Total 52.1 Hungarian 54.4 German 12.6 9.7 15.0 0.1 3.9 56.0 12.6 6.4 14.3 98.2 31.2 1.4 1.0 32.1 0.1 0.4 34.6 0.0 0.1 0.1 60.3 0.3 4.5 0.1 100 98.6 75.7 55.0 0.2 21.8 5.8 0.1 0.6 7.3 0.8 0.1 17.3 Slovak Romanian 12.9 0.1 SLOV AKIA-2015 Roman Catholic Greek Catholic Calvinist Lutheran Greek Orthodox Unitarian Jewish Other 23 0.1 16.6 0.0 3.3 22.9 0.5 0.1 1.5 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.1 0.0 0.0 0.0 36.8 0.3 1.9 1.4 0.0 0.3 0.1 0.0 1.1 1.6 0.0 0.0 5.7 0.3 0.4 7.2 Magyar Statisztikai Evkonyv. Uj Folyam XXIII. I 9 I 5 (Budapest, 1918), 20, chart 13, "A nepesseg anyanyelve vallasok szerint 1910-ben." Table 2.2: Mother Tongue of the Hungarian Population in 1900 and 1910 Total Population Mother Tongue of the Population Hungary Magyar Geman Slovak Romanian Rusyn Croatian Serbian Other Total non Magyar Total 1900 absolute number 1910 percentage 8,651,520 1,999,060 2,002,165 2,798,559 424,774 191,432 437,737 333,008 8,186,735 16,838,255 absolute number 51.4 11.9 11.9 16.6 2.5 1.1 2.6 2.0 48.6 100 Percentage 9,944,627 1,903,357 1,946,357 2,948,186 464,270 194,808 461,516 401,412 8,319,906 18,264,533 54.4 10.4 10.7 16.1 2.5 1.1 2.5 2.9 45.5 100 CroatiaSlavonia Magyar German Slovak Romanian Rusyn Croatian Serbian Other 90,781 136,121 17,476 920 4,673 1,490,672 610,908 64,753 3.8 5.6 0.7 0.0 0.2 61.7 25.3 2.7 105,948 134,078 21,613 846 8,317 1,638,354 644,955 67,843 4.1 5.1 0.8 0.0 0.3 62.5 24.6 2.6 24 Total non-Magyar Total SLOV AKIA-2015 2,325,523 96.2 2,516,006 95.9 2,416,304 100 2,621,954 100 Hungarian Kingdom Magyar 8,742,301 45.4 10,050,575 48.1 German 2,135,181 2,037,435 11.1 9.8 Slovak 2,019.641 10.5 1,967,970 9.4 Romanian 2,799,479 2,949,032 14.5 14.1 Rusyn 429,447 2.2 472,587 2.3 Croatian 1,682,104 8.7 1,833,162 8.8 Serbian 1,048,645 1,106,471 5.5 5.3 Other 397,761 469,255 2.1 2.2 Total 10,512,258 54.6 10,835,912 51.9 non-Magyar Total 19,254,559 100 20,886,487 100 Magyar Statisztikai Evkonyv. Uj Folyam XXl/l. 1915 (Budapest, 1918), 15, chart 11 , "A nepesseg anyanyelve es magyarul tudasa 1900-ban es 19 I 0-ben." In their analysis, and in their own efforts to bolster Slovak mnnbers, Czechoslovak demographers were uninterested in linguistic assimilation, seeking instead to strip the inhabitants of Slovakia down to their national skins . Their efforts illustrate what Dominique Arel has explained as a backward looking orientation toward language categories in censuses. Arel argues that, even though nationalists portray linguistic assimilation as "forced, unnatural, and fundamentally illegitimate, the result of destructive policies by an 'imperialist' state," it is in reality a normal and expected occurrence. Among speakers of a less prestigious language, there are individuals who will choose to linguistically assimilate for social advancement. 51 In those cases declaration of mother tongue as the "language one best and most gladly speaks" may well differ from the language of one's mother. According to this reasoning, Czechoslovak demographers were backwards-looking because they sought to discover the "real" nationality of the inhabitants of Slovakia, their "true group belong- 51 Arel, "Language categories in censuses," in Census and Identity, Kertzer and Arel, eds., 93 . SLOV AKIA-2015 25 ing" based on their ancestral origins, rather than linguistic assimilation: whether coerced, statistically falsified, or voluntary. Czechoslovak demographers sought to demonstrate the unreliability of the 1910 census of the Kingdom of Hungary through critical comparative examination of the data collected within the language categories of "mother tongue" and "language knowledge. "52 In a typical example, Jan Auerhan 53 pointed to the 301,694 Magyars with knowledge of Slovak counted on the 1910 census within the sixteen counties and four municipalities of the Kingdom of Hungary which in whole or part became Slovakia. Two-thirds of them were likely to be ethnic Slovaks, he concluded. Counting them as Slovaks, instead of as Magyars with Slovak language knowledge, would raise the ethnic Slovak number from 1,708,592 to 1,900,000.54 The likelihood that a Slovak would be proficient in the Magyar language in an environment where Magyar was the official language - the language of instruction in schools, the language used in government offices and the court system - was incomparably greater than a Magyar proficient in Slovak. Mother tongue was not a perfect indicator of nationality, but what could be offered in its stead to collect national data? Mraz, in his Zilina report, strikingly concluded that "nationality" alone be used. Rather than employ language proxy, the census should ask the people directly for their nationality. This was a controversial method due its high level of subjectivity. Nationality declaration would not be linked to language as an external marker. Considering the ways in which Czechoslovak demographers regarded mother tongue to have been manipulated on the censuses of the Kingdom of Hungary, Mraz wrote: 52 Auerhan, "Kolik je cechoslovaku?"; Mraz,"Dva dukazy o falesnosti mad'arskych dat o feci matefske na zaklade dat o znalosti feci," ; and Hora.eek, "Narodnostni statistika," all in CSV II (1921). 53 Jan Auerhan (1880-1942) worked as a statistician for the Provincial Statistical Office of the Bohemian Kingdom from 1906, and became the undersecretary to the president of the Czechoslovak State Statistical Office at its founding in January 1919. He is most noted for his work in the demographic and anthro-geographic fields, the study of Czech and Slovak minorities abroad, and minority questions more generally. Federalni statisticky ufad, 70 let ceskoslovenske statni statistiky, 186. 54 Jan Auerhan, "Kolik je cechoslovaku?" CSV II ( 1921 ): 51 . 26 SLOV AKIA-2015 In contrast to [mother tongue], the concept "nationality" means confession to a certain internal conviction, which cannot be explained in an ambiguous way, similar to religious conviction . That confession to a certain nationality is the only correct one for ascertaining national ratios. "Mother tongue" has for this reason been eliminated from the demographic markers and as a surrogate question for "nationality." In connection with this is the question at hand, whether a separate "Jewish nationality" should be accepted without regard to religious affiliation. It follows from the concept of nationality described that it is not possible to force someone to declare a separate Jewish nationality, if [that declaration] is to express their internal conviction; because the Jews indeed form a separate race, there will, however, be no recommendation in the instructions for this procedure, except that Jewish nationality shall be left to the rubric of "Other nationality." The Jews should be left the option of declaring themselves either for their own separate nationality or for the nationality of others, which with the influence of environment and education or the like they have accepted as their own. For the stating of the Jewish race the remaining rules of the statement of affiliation to the Jewish confession shall suffice.55 Mraz's interpretation of nationality as an "internal conviction" was most closely related to the definition advanced by Karoly Keleti at the International Statistical Congress meeting in St. Petersburg in 1872. Keleti was the first director of the Hungarian Statistical Bureau founded one year earlier. He helped create the 1867 and the 1880 censuses for the Kingdom of Hungary. 56 The 1872 St. Petersburg Congress not only debated nationality enumeration on the census, but the meaning of nationality itself. Three conceptions of nationality emerged from the deliberations : I) political, in which nationality is equivalent to state belonging; 2) physical, in which nationality is defined racially; and 3) psychical, in which nationality is understood as a psychological community penetrating individual feeling and collective endeavors. 57 Keleti took the 55 SNA, f. MPS, box 277, inv. no. 76. Italics added. Karoly Keleti (born 1833, Pozsony [Pressburg, Bratislava] - died 1892, Budapest) Eletrajzi lexikon. www.kereso.hu-yrk-Ryrgenwm/7502 accessed June 17, 2005 . 57 Bohac, "Narodnost ci jazyk?" CSV II (1921 ): 50. 56 SLOV AKIA-2015 27 position that nationality cannot be equivalent to state belonging, as that is so-called political nationality, common in Western Europe, but not in the multinational states of Central and Eastern Europe. Nor does ethnic (Stamm) belonging answer to nationality, even if its main marker is language. Nationality was best defined, according to Keleti, as a "subjective state internal to the individual, a feeling analogous to religion that depends on origin and the environment in which a person lives and grows ."58 Keleti's definition was based on social-psychological criteria for which it is difficult to secure an objective external marker. It moved away from language as a definite indicator of nationality, leav ing room for belonging to a nationality whose language one may not use daily or that is not considered a viable national language (like Hebrew or Yiddish in the view of the Czechoslovak state). This was a big plus for Mraz and hi s colleagues, but also ambiguous enough to allow for pressures and fal sifications, like those they presumed embedded in the last Hungarian census before the war. Yet Keleti 's definition was attractive to the Czechoslovak demographers preparing the 1919 Slovak census. This definition would enable the indivi dual to confess nationality as directly as religion, as an expression of his/her internal conviction and self-understanding. Czechoslovak demographers hoped it would un cover the numbers of ethnic Slovaks who had previously been hidden from view because they were counted as Magyar-speakers. They would now be recorded under the banner of their "real" nationality, free to directly profess their "true" group belonging. Jews, too, would be able to declare their "true" group belonging for the first time; not only as a religion, but also as a distinct nationality . Antonin Bohac 59 found Keleti's definition to coincide with concepts of ethno-racial group belonging. "Since the means for express58 Ibid. , 49. Keleti publ is hed his views on nationality in 1880 in the Stalistische Monatschrift under the title "Zur Frage der Volksziihlung." [Cyril Horacek, "Narodnostni statistika," CSV I ( 1920): 187.] 59 Antonin Bohac ( 1882-1 950) is regarded as the fo under of Czechoslovak demographics, especially with regard to questi ons of nationality. He was a member of the Czechoslovak delegation to the Paris Peace Conference in 19 19, and worked fo r the Czechos lovak State Statistical Office upon his return. Bohac was the deputy chairman of the Society for the Study of Nationality Questi ons. Federalni statisticky ufad, 70 let ceskoslovenske statni statistiky (Prague, 1989), 195. Bohac was also associate professor of demography at the Charles Uni versity Faculty of Science where he lee- 28 SLOV AKIA-2015 ing psychological states is language," Bohac wrote, "as Keleti [elsewhere] has stated, the concept of nationality in this sense is quite close to the concept of nationality as ethnic/racial belonging (kmenova prislusnost), for which language is the main connecting bond and main external marker."60 Bohac was correct to observe that Keleti's definition bore a strong resemblance to a physical understanding of nationality, which gave race and/or ethnicity an expanded role. Language remained the main outward indicator of nationality, but was no longer considered identical to nationality itself. Espousing this conception moved nationality closer to ethnicity. It elevated ethnic understandings of the self and the group . The final formulation of the 1919 census shows that the Czechoslovak administration and its demographers accepted Mraz's definition of nationality, based on Keleti's: "an individual national-political conviction according to ethnic belonging to a certain national unit or nation ."61 Five sub-headings were placed under Nationality on the form: Slovaks and Czechs, Rusyns, Magyars, Germans, and Others .62 Czechoslovak demographers understood Jewish nationality to be included under the subheading "Others." While "Jewish nationality" was an available option, though not a requirement, for the Jewish population, the category remained invisible on the actual census form in 1919. The 1919 census asked directly for nationality without the intermediary of language. *** In the late August heat of 1919, census takers dispersed across the territory of Slovakia to ask the people about their nationality. Many complained that the whole endeavor was disorganized and insufficiently thought through. Census takers expressed frustration that they had not received the census forms with time enough to look tured on the "Basics of Population Science." He introduced the usage of punch card technology for processing Czechoslovak census data."Historie statistiky v Cechach po roce 1918," The Czech Statistical Office http ://www.czso.cz/csu/redakce.ns£'i/historie_statistiky_ v_cechach_po_roce_ l 918 (accessed January 9, 2012). 60 Federalni statisticky urad, 50. 61 Ufad statisticky, Scitani lidu v republice ceskoslovenske ze dne 15. unora 1921, 77* (cast textova). 62 SNA, f. MPS, box 277 . This carton contains the original hand-written forms used for collecting the raw data for the 1919 census. SLOV AKIA-2015 29 them over, nor so that they could fill one out to use as an example. Due to lack of funds and inadequate organization, many found themselves forced to sleep in train stations and on park benches during the census period, which surely affected their ability to fulfill their duties. One census taker reported that his census materials were stolen from him while he slept! The population, and oftentimes even local community officials, had not been informed about the purpose of the census, nor when it would take place.63 If these complaints are accurate, they undermine the seriousness with which the Czechoslovak administrators prepared the foundation of the 1919 census, as well as the importance they placed upon it as a means of accurately proving national ratios in Slovakia. Yet last minute pre-census agitation to prepare the Slovak population did take place. The prominent Slovak national newspaper Narodnie noviny called on Slovaks " ... to consciously and openly confess their Slovak stock ... to let the beautiful words: 'I am Slovak' 64 consciously and boldly sound from the mouths of loyal citizens. " This example is atypical, however, as the agitation took place in the central Slovak town of Turciansky Svaty Martin, the seat of the Slovak national movement and home to the Matica slovenska, the Slovak cultural society. Narodnie noviny explained that the purpose of the census was to prove that Slovakia was Slovak, and that it was essential for building its own independent country. Every citizen could participate in building that independent state through the census, the article stressed, an idea meant to reinforce the democratic spirit of the new era.65 "You have no reason to be ashamed of [declaring Slovak nationality]," counseled the leading newspaper in Saris county, a region of eastern Slovakia where national consciousness remained weak, "the Czechoslovak name has the best reputation not only in Europe, but also in America and Asia." The paper ran boldface announcements at the foot of its pages urging all Slovaks to proudly declare to the census taker that they were Slovaks. 66 These reassurances did little to assuage prevalent Slovak fears about the real purpose of the census. This terribly urgent appeal itself 63 SNA, f. MPS , box 380, inv. nos. 7, 8-9. Scitani lidu na Slovensku 1919. Anketa mezi popisujicimi povei'niky. 64 "Scitanie l'udu," Nizrodnie noviny (Turciansky Svaty Martin), August 22, 1919. 65 Ibid. 66 "Slovaci!" Sari.fake hlasy (Presov), August 24, 1919. 30 SLOVAKIA-2015 may have caused anxiety for a population with a low-level of national consciousness. Suspicions ranged from the belief that the goal was to raise or introduce new taxes, undertake military recruitment, or to carry out a plebiscite to divide the territory . The military rumor was the most widespread. Many Slovaks worried that a war would soon break out between the Poles and Magyars, and the job of the census takers was to find able-bodied men to fight. Whoever declared Slovak nationality would be conscripted to fight once again, while other nationalities would be freed from that duty. While it was later revealed that the rumor began in Magyar circles, many people in the border counties still held back from declaring themselves Slovak. Others believed the census to be connected to imminent requisitioning of cattle and grain. Some, more optimistically, believed more satisfactory food and fuel distribution would follow, and possibly a more advantageous land distribution. Still others imagined the census to be an exercise in identifying foreigners (especially Magyars, Poles, and Magyarone Slovaks) and expelling them from Czechoslovakia.67 Widespread fears and suspicions about the real intentions of the 1919 census underscored the atmosphere of uncertainty and insecurity in Slovakia at the beginning of the Czechoslovak state building project, as well as contributed to a certain level of inaccuracy in the results. Of the four national groups which were the most interesting to the state: Slovaks, Magyars, Germans, and Jews, the greatest difficulties arose in recording the nationality of the Slovaks and the Jews. Magyars and Germans were by-and-large ready for the census and decisive in their national declarations. Within the ethnic Magyar population, only state and municipal employees exhibited uncertainty in their national declarations. 68 Magyar language use, national uncertainty, fear and mistrust accounted for the greatest difficulties in recording the highest possible number of Slovaks on the 1919 census. Magyar or Magyarone Slovak census takers were known to record entire ethnic Slovak or mixed nationality villages as Magyar, or count individuals as Magyar because they were able to communicate with Magyar-speaking cen67 Mraz, "O pfedbeznem scitani lidu na Slovensku roku 1919," CSV II (1921 ): 133134. 68 SNA, f. MPS , box 380, inv. no. 4. "O Mad'arech, Nemcich a zidech" SLOV AKIA-2015 31 sus takers without the help of an interpreter. 69 The latter illustrates precisely what Mraz and his colleagues had hoped to avoid in bypassing language as identical with or as a surrogate for nationality . They did not want ethnic Slovaks counted as Magyars based on their Magyar language proficiency. Other problems stemmed from uncertainty surrounding the meaning of nationality (primarily in eastern Slovakia). Many Slovaks feared what might happen to them if they did not declare themselves as Magyars. They distrusted the "godless Czechs" and "false prophets from Prague" who came to their doors. 70 The Slovak population tended to be more religious than the highly secularized Czech one, and Slovak national leaders expressed wari71 ness about the "agnostic progressivism" of the Czech intelligentsia. Common answers among Slovaks when asked about their nationality included: Slovak and Magyar ("aji Slovak, aji Mad'ar"), it doesn't matter ("to vsetko jedno"), and Hungarian Slovak ("Uhorsky Slovak"). 72 In eastern Slovakia, other answers included : I speak Slovak and Magyar ("hutorim 73 po slovensky i po mad'arsky"), I pray in Slovak ("modlim sa po slovensky"), and Catholic ("katolik") . Mraz noted in his analysis of the results that Slovaks often confused religion with nationality. 74 Interestingly, this observation recalls the proximity of religious and national feeling within Czechoslovakia's re-conceptualization of nationality, as well as the fine distinction made between them in rec69 Ibid., 7. "O opravnych navrzich pro pfisti scitani. Ibid., 5. "O nepfistojnostech pfi scitani," and Josef Mraz, "O pfedbeznem scitani lidu na Slovensku roku 1919," CSV II (1921): 135 . 71 Leff, National Conflict in Czechoslovakia, 23. 72 All the Slavic languages differentiate the word "Hungarian" from ,,Magyar." The former refers to citizens of the Kingdom of Hungary, whereas the latter refers to the predominant ethnic group in that Kingdom. In Slovak, these terms are "Mad'ar" (ethnic Hungarian), Uhorsko (the Kingdom of Hungary), and uhorsky (deriving from the Kingdom of Hungary) . In the early 19 th century, Magyar nationalists followed the lead of Count Istvan Szechenyi in equating "Magyar" and "Hungarian" in foreign languages as part of their drive to assimilate all the non-Magyar nationalities into Magyar language and culture. The non-Magyar nationalities of Hungary rejected the equating of "Magyar" with "Hungarian" and still do. For more on Szechyni ' s activities see Dejiny S/ovenska II ( 1526-1848), ed. Samuel Cambel (Bratislava: VEDA, 1987), 488-90. 73 "Hutorit'" is the Saris form of "hovorit'," to speak. 74 JosefMraz, "O pfedbeznem scitani lidu na Slovensku roku 1919," CSV II ( 192 1): 135. II 70 32 SLOV AKIA-2015 ognizing "Jewish nationality." Nationality was something to be understood and felt as an "internal conviction, similar to religious confession," but consciously separated, and given a higher position than religion in the hierarchy of self and group values of definition. One's nationality, not one's religion, was of the greatest interest to the state. One's nationality, not one's religion, was the primary indicator of one's most strongly held inner values and loyalties. For the Jewish population, answers to the question of nationality were most striking for their variety. Census takers disparaged the eclecticism of the Jewish response, attributing it to opportunism . In some cases, they remarked, national declarations among Jews reached comical proportions: the head of one household declared as a Slovak, his wife as a German, and the children as Hungarians . They noted, however, that often Jews stuck to Jewish nationality so that they would not have to affiliate with any of the other nationality choices.75 The majority of Jews in Slovakia chose the Jewish nationality option on the 1919 census, officially recorded as "Other." Census takers recommended that a separate column be made available on the next census for Jewish nationality because so many Jews had expressly asked for it. 76 In the uncertain environment which prevailed in Slovakia in August 1919, shortly after the rollback of Bela Kun's Hungarian Red Army forces but before the de jure securing of the Czechoslovak borders, Jews in Slovakia wished to avoid a difficult and possibly treacherous national affiliation decision through declaring Jewish nationality. Many Jews viewed Jewish nationality as an escape from the nationality conflict. Choosing Jewish nationality appeared to be a good way to opt out, to take a neutral position, to make the safest bet on an unpredictable future. Basing the decision to declare for Jewish nationality on these criteria made it more a strategic and less a heart-felt choice. For the time being, at least, it had less to do with deep-seated feelings of belonging to a Jewish national group, and more to do with trying to make the best possible choice in 75 SNA, f. MPS , box 380, inv. no. 4. "Mad'arech, Nemcich a zidech." JosefMniz, "O pfedbeznem scitani lidu na Slovensku roku 1919," CSV II (192 1): 129. Unfortunately, the demographic breakdown of those who chose "Other" on the 1919 Slovak census is unavailable, so the conclusion that the majority of Jews declared for Jewish nationality comes from census taker reports and their insistence that it be included as a separate column on the next census. See footnote : Statni ufad statisticky, Scitani lidu v republice ceskoslovenske ze dne 15. unora 1921, 77*. 76 SLOV AKIA-2015 33 a high-stakes gamble. The Jewish population in Slovakia overall, counted by religion and nationality, numbered 135,918 according to the 1921 statewide Czechoslovak census, and 354,342 in the state as a whole. 77 Slovaks, counted only under the nationality rubric "Czechoslovak" on the interwar censuses, numbered 1,954,446 in 1919 and 2,025,003 in 1921, a positive change of 3.61 percent. 78 The popularity of the Jewish nationality declaration on the 1919 Slovak census (as "Other"), combined with a majority of ethnic Slovaks declaring as "Slovak" 79 led to a significant decrease in the number of Magyars recorded in Slovakia compared with the last prewar census. This decline heightened the Czechoslovak administration's awareness of further potential benefits rendered to the state by Jewish nationality . If the Jews, who traditionally affiliated with Germanspeakers in Bohemia and Moravia, and Magyar-speakers in Slovakia, declared for Jewish nationality, then the statistical legitimacy of the Czechoslovak nation-state would rise as the numbers of Germans and Hungarians fell. "Jewish nationality" would work to the advantage of the dominant "Czechoslovak" nationality and national state. If, as this argument goes, Jewish nationality favored the Czechoslovak nationality in solving the state's nationalities problems, then declaring Jewish nationality was not really a way of opting out. It was not a neutral position. It could not be an escape from the nationality conflict if it meant - once again - casting one's lot with the dominant state nationality. Jewish nationality may have seemed like an exit, but this was an illusion. One could not avoid taking sides in the interwar nationality conflicts . *** It is a valid and important point that the Czechoslovak government would favor Jewish nationality for its ability to statistically reduce the number of Germans and Magyars in the state. But that con77 Antonin Bohac, Narodnostni mapa republiky ceskoslovenske. Podrobny popis narodnostnich hranic, ostrovu a mensin (Prague, 1926), pp. 148-155 . 78 Ufad statisticky, Scitani lidu v republice ceskoslovenske ze dne 15. unora I 92 / Prague, 19240, Table 74: Narodnosti na Slovensku podle scitani lidu z roku 1919 a 1921 . 79 Slovaks who declared as Slovak, according to the options presented on the 1919 Slovak census, were recorded as "Czechoslovak." Slovaks were not recorded as "Slovak" until the 1930 statewide census. 34 SLOV AKIA-2015 clusion neglects the deeper meaning of its inclusion beyond the statistical benefits it could render. Creating a Jewish nationality category manifested the ways in which the meaning of national affiliation had transformed through the cataclysm of the First World War and the establishment of East Central European successor states based on the national principle. Josef Mraz elegantly and succinctly summed up these changes when he stated that declaring for a certain nationality was an expression of internal conviction . Because the very meaning of national affiliation had changed, "Jewish nationality" emerged as a recognized nationality category . Nationality had taken on the problematic role of the manifestation of one's personal convictions, inner values, and ultimate loyalty . Nationality moved ever closer to an essential ethnic or racial understandings of "true" group belonging. The methods and results of the 1919 special census in Slovakia were useful in providing a tested model of nationality investigation based on subjective, internal, ethnic/racial criteria, already approved before an international body (the Paris Peace Conference). The 1919 census had been an experiment in bringing methods of counting and recording the population into line with the new postwar vision of the national state. The 1921 census would build on 1919 methods in circumstances which required more than securing the new borders; they required filling the demarcated territory with meaning, as well as answering the dual questions of what Czechoslovakia was and how nationality and nationhood would function in this state. Examining the 1919 Slovak census offers insight into how Czechoslovakia understood itself as the manifestation of Czechoslovak: self-determination, and the place of the rights of the other nationalities to their own self-determination within this framework.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The 1919 Census on the Territory of Slovakia Description An account of the resource Rebekah Klein-Pejšová Slovakia, Vol. 42 (No. 78-79), 2015 pp. 7-34 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Klein-Pejšová, Rebekah, 1972- Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2015 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/c9f3421fefc835397e1825fe1d41f08b.pdf e4b7ca934a2cb12d830a6397fb72344d PDF Text Text 50 SLOV AKIA-2015 THE BIRTH OF LEXICOGRAPHIC WORKS IN NORTH AMERICA WITH SPECIAL EMPHASIS ON J. J. KONUS Dalibor Mikulas Slovak immigration to the United States of America and Canada has been of great importance for the history of Slovaks since the 1870s. In this context special attention should be paid to the SlovakAmerican press, analyzed by such scholars as Konstantin Culen, or by Marian Mark Stolarik. One of the many important contributions made by Slovak immigrants to North America was their creation of Slovak-English dictionaries. The main goal of this article is to survey Slovak emigration/immigration, the Slovak-American press and specifically the role and situation of Slovak lexicographic works published in North America between 1887 and 1990, with a special focus on one of the most significant Slovak-American personalities in this field, Joseph James Konus. Slovaks were among many nations, which for various reasons (economic, political, ethnic, religious, cultural, etc.), decided to move to the New World in the late 19 th and early 20 th centuries. Francis Raska subdivided the waves of immigration to the United States of America as follows: the Colonial Era (1609-1775), the Open Door Era (1776-1881 ); the Era of Regulation ( 1882-1916); the Era of Restriction (1917-1964); and the Era of Liberalization (1965) .1 As Francis Raska specified in the context of the Immigration Act passed by the United States Congress in 1965 (The Hart-Celler Act), preferring the immigration of people with skills on the one hand and family members of American citizens on the other, the consequences of the aforementioned Act were fundamental. While in the period before 1970 the proportion of three major immigrant groups in the USA consisted of 41% from Europe, 15% from Mexico and 10% from Asia, in the 1970s the representation was as follows : less than 12% from Europe, 30.2% from Mexico and 25% from Asia. 2 The last 1 See Francis Raska, "An Historical Overview of United States Immigration Policy since 1965," Journal of Interdisciplinary Philology 2, no. 1 (20 11 ): 6-9. 2rbid., 16 - 17. �SLOV AKIA-2015 51 decades of the 20 th century continued on this trend . Thus, it is possible to consider the year 1965 as a significant breakpoint for immigration to the USA not just generally, but to a certain extent also with respect to the immigration of the Slovaks into the USA and to the volume of their activities in the new environment. However, Slovak immigration to the USA had started much earlier. It became a mass movement in the last decades of the 19 th century. As shown by M. Mark Stolarik, in the period of 1870-1914, approximately half a million Slovaks immigrated to North America searching for work in the coal mines, steel mills and oil refineries . They mainly concentrated in the American Northeast and Midwest: Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana and Illinois. According to Stolarik, Slovak immigrants established in the New World three pillars of their communities: fraternal-benefit societies; parish churches; and a newspaper press .3 As far as the newspaper press was concerned, at least 220 Slovak different newspapers were published in the United States between 1885 and 1970, representing a wide variety of genres and subclasses.4 Informed by the classification of Konstantin Culen, 5 Stolarik subdivided the Slovak- American press into eleven kinds of publications that reflected four distinct political orientations: Slovak nationalist, Magyarone, Czechoslovak, and socialist or communist. The newspapers appeared in the principal areas of Slovak settlement in the United States, and they mirrored the religious composition of the Slovak people (Roman Catholic, Lutheran, Calvinist, and Greek Catholic). The Slovak press in America, therefore, was as complex as that of any other group in this country. 6 While dealing with this particular study by M. M. Stolarik, it is especially useful to pay attention to the provided details with all the 3 M. Mark Stolarik, "The Slovak League of America and the Canadian Slovak Lea=gue in the Struggle for the Self-Determination of the Nation, 1907 - 1992," Emigration to the English Speaking World, ed. Janka Kascakova - Dalibor Mikulas (Rufomberok,Catholic University in Rufomberok, 2006), 186. 4 M. Mark Stolarik, "The Slovak-American Press, 1885 - 1984," The Ethnic Press in the United States: A Historical Analysis and Handbook, ed . Sally M. Miller (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1987), 353 . 5 Konstantin Culen, Slovenske casopisy v Amerike (Cleveland: First Catholic Slovak Union, 1970). 6 Stolarik, "The Slovak American Press," 353. �52 SLOV AKIA-2015 corresponding titles and size of newspapers and magazines, names of editors, period and circulation data, etc. as well as to the methodological and thematic subdivision of the press. The above mentioned eleven kinds of publications refer to the following thematic categories: the independent, commercial, general news press (approximately 40 % of the overall number); the religious press; the fraternal press; the socialist and communist press; literary journals; family magazines; humor magazines; organizational publications; and periodicals for the youth and students The overall enumeration and subdivision of the above mentioned periodicals would be inadequate without mentioning the generations of Slovak personalities, editors and journalists. As Stolarik puts it, by the mid-80s of the 20 th century it is possible to speak about three generations of editors of the Slovak-American press in the United States. The first generation was represented by such pioneers as the fraternalist, editor and businessman P. V. Rovnianek, the fratemalist and editor Reverend Stefan Furdek, the writer and editor Jan A. Feriencik and the writer and editor Gustav Marsal-Petrovsky, who came to the United States as educated adults. The second consisted of immigrants who came to the States as children or as young adults in the 1890s, or at the beginning of the 20 th century, e.g. the fraternalist and editor Jan Pankuch, the editor Jozef Husek, the editor Ivan Bielek, the fraternalist and Lutheran pastor Jaroslav Pelikan, Sr., the editor Milan Getting, and so on. The third generation consisted of those who were born in the United States as children of Slovak parents, and were fully bilingual: the fratemalist and editor John C. Sciranka, the editor Edward Kovac, Jr., the fratemalist and editor Peter P. Hletko, the teacher and editor Philip Hrobak, the teacher and editor Andrew V. Pier, and the teacher and editor Joseph C. Krajsa, among others, represent this generation. 7 An analysis of these sources in relation to individual Slovak editors and journalists also helps us to properly understand the authorship of Slovak lexicographic works, which were published in the United States in the 19 th and 20 th centuries. Many of these persons compiled their dictionaries because they were sure that these lexicographic works were needed and important for thousands of Slovak immigrants. Among such compilers were the journalists Janko Slov7 Ibid., 359-60. �SLOV AKIA-2015 53 ensky, Gustav Marsal-Petrovsky, Paul K. Kadak, Albert Mamatey, Edward Kovac, Jr. and Philip Hrobak. With respect to this issue in the first decades of the 20 th century, Ada Bohmerova, the author of several studies related to Slovak lexicographic Anglicist works, states that, at the time the great Slovak poet Pavol Orszagh Hviezdoslav was translating Shakespeare into Slovak, English-Slovak dictionaries had been in existence in the United States for at least four decades. However, they were unknown in Slovakia.8 Bohmerova added that these works were created where their need was acute. Knowledge of English became an existential necessity for American Slovaks, a condicio sine qua non, to get a job and secure an everyday existence outside the Slovak, or Slavic community .9 A question which remains unanswered is the number and exact specification of Slovak dictionaries published in North America. The early historian of American Slovaks, Konstatntin Culen, while writing about the first Slovak dictionary published in the USA in an eastern Slovak dialect in 1887 stated, among other things, that this dictionary was the most essential Slovak book, since it had been written by the pioneer Janko Slovensky, because it enabled Slovaks to show what they knew. 10 However, Culen added that after this dictionary, 11 various authors published in various editions at least 50 to70 more. Even though Konstantin Culen had direct contact with pioneering American Slovaks, he did not have the advantages we enjoy in doing research today. For example, he did not have contact with North American libraries and related institutions, the Internet, or the IT digitalizing potential. So, if he estimated such a large number of Slovak lexicographic works published in North America, current 8 Ada Bohmerova, "Rane dielo slovenskej anglistickej lexikografie," Slovo v slovniku. Aspekty lexiktilnej semantiky - gramatika - stylistika (pragmatika). Na pocesr Alexandry Jarosovej, ed. Klara Buzzassyova, Bronislava Chocholova, Nicola Janockova (Bratislava:Veda, 20 12), 246. 9 Ibid. 1 °Konstantin Culen. J. S/ovensky. Zivotopis zakladatefa prvych slovenskych novin v Amerike (Winnipeg: Kanadsky Slovak, 1954), 160-1. Janko Slovensky. Americky Tlumac ku naucenu se najpotrebnejsich zacatecnych znamoscoch z ang/'ickej reci pre uherskych S/ovakach v Amerike i ijucich (Pittsburgh: Author' s publication, 1887). For more on Janko Slovensky see Slovensky biograjicky slovnik V, R-S (Martin: Matica slovenska, 1992), 296. 11 Culen, 160. �54 SLOV AKIA-2015 research should confirm or disprove such a hypothesis . David E. Washburn listed only nine such works in the following order: Julius Bucko. Dictionary of the English and Slovak Languages (Chicago: Rovnost' /'udu,1920). 612 pp; Philip A. Hrobak. Hrobak's EnglishSlovak Dictionary (Middletown, PA: Jednota Printery, 1944). 702 pp; Paul K. Kadak. Prakticny slovensko-anglicky tlumac (and) The Practical English-Slovak Dictionary (New York: Slovak v Amerike, 1905), 204 and 263 pp; Joseph J. Konus, New English-Slovak Dictionary (Pittsburgh, PA: J. J. Kon us, 1941 ), 646 pp; Joseph J. Konus. Slovak-English Phraseological Dictionary (Passaic, NJ: Slovak Catholic Sokol, 1969), 1664 pp; Joseph J. Konus. Slovensko-anglicky slovnik. Slovak-English Dictionary (Middletown, PA: Slovak Catholic Federation, 1930), 628 pp; Edward Kovac, Jr. Prakticky slovensko-anglicky slovnik (Scranton, PA: Obrana Press, 1950), 240 pp; Edward Kovac, Jr. Slovensko-anglicky tlmac. Prakticky anglicko-slovensky a slovensko-anglicky. 2nd ed. (Scranton, PA: Obrana Press, 1951), 489 pp; and Emil Nitray. Slovensko-anglicky a anglickoslovensky vreckovy slovnik (New York: Emil Nyitray, n.d), 139 andl I 6 pp. 12 As we can see, the list does not include the oldest Slovak dictionary by Janko Slovensky, and in fact, this particular book was published in large numbers and several editions. 13A critical linguistic analysis of this dictionary was provided by Adela Bohmerova. 14 Other quite well-known Slovak works of lexicography are absent in the 12 David. E. Washburn. The Peoples of Pennsylvania: An Annotated Bibliography of Resource Materials (Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1981), 204. [online]. Available at: http://books .google.sk/books?id=06rnKYe2KK wC&pg=PA204&1pg=PA204&dq =BU%C4%8CKO,+J%C3 %BAlius :+Slovn%C3%ADk+anglicko-slovensk%C3 %BD, +Chicago,+Illinois+ I 920&source=bl&ots=Kk4jp 112y &sig=3mSiiNHfpucr2Baww7t6zworOWY&hl=sk&sa=X&ei=ymTUU9rkF8iZyA T324KgDg&ved=0CC8Q6AEwAg#v=onepage&q=BU%C4%8CKO%2C%20J% C3%BAlius%3A %20Slovn%C3%ADk%20anglicko-slovensk%C3%BD%2C%20Chicago%2C%20Illinois%201920&f=false 13 See Frantisek Bielik a kol. Slovaci vo svete 2 (Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1980), 141-2. The same source adds that in 1895 the newspaper Slovak v Amerike published the first edition of the new American interpreter, Novy slovensko-anglicky tlmocnik, which by 1920 had been published in ten editions. 14 Adela Bohmerova, "Rane dielo slovenskej anglistickej lexikografie," Slovo v slovniku. Aspekty lexikalnej semantiky - gramatika - stylistika (pragmatika) . Na pocest' Alexandry Jarosovej. ed. Klara Buzassyova, Bronislava Chocholova, Nicol Janockova (Bratislava: Veda, 2012), 245 - 53. �SLOV AKIA-2015 55 above list as well. These were the works of Gustav Marsal-Petrovsky (his dictionary Novy anglicky tlumac was published in many editions), the fratemalist Albert Mamatey (the practical dictionary he prepared was published in ten editions), or the works of the editor C. 15 L. Orbach . While enumerating Slovak lexicographic work in North America, it is important to focus also on student books and grammars of the Slovak language. For instance, Slavo Moravek's Slovak (Slavish) Self-Taught was published for Americans who were in daily contact with Slovaks (inappropriately called "Slavish people") almost every day, and who wanted to speak the Slovak language in their business or employment. 16 This book contains a Slovak-English and English-Slovak dictionary on pages 96-125 . Quite a similar situation is connected with the grammar books published by Philip Hrobak. The above mentioned book "The Peoples of Pennsylvania: An Annotated Bibliography of Resource Materials" introduces in the column "Slovak Language Books-Texts, etc. published in the United States of America" altogether nineteen books written by such authors as the educator Stefan Blasko, the Rev. Bonaventura Bue, Charles Dixon, the Rev. Stefan Furdek, the Rev. Stanislav F. Gmuca, Sr. M. G. Hricko, the educator Filip A. Hrobak, the lexicologist Jozef J. Konus, H.A. Macko, the lexicographer Slavo Moravek, M. M. E. Petrasek and the Rev. Gregor K. Vaniscak. Even this list seems incomplete. While working with this bibliographic book and the Slovak dictionaries listed there (the book is still a very important source for the proper understanding of Slovak lexicographic works published in North America), it is necessary to notice the absence of Slovak lexicographic works appearing in North America after the death of Konstantin Culen. In this respect we must mention such outstanding works as the Comprehensive Etymological Dictionary of the English Language, written by E. Klein, 17 or Jan Simko' s EnglishSlovak Dictionary. 18 15 Bielik, Slowici vo svete, 142 Slavo Moravek. Slovak (slavish) self-taught (Wilkes-Barre, PA: Bratstvo Publishing, 1917). 17 E. Klein. Comprehensive Etymological Dictionary of the English Language (Amsterdam, London, New York: Elsevier Publishing Co., 1966). 18 Jan Simko. English-Slovak Dictionary; Anglicko-slovensky slovnik (Waudonda: IL, Bolchazy-Carducci, 1991 ). 16 �56 SLOV AKIA-2015 As we have seen, Slovak lexicographic works published in North America in the two previous centuries represent a large and unique area of study. Joseph James Konus is unique in this respect, because his publications represent the high point in the lexicographic work of Slovaks in North America. J. J. Konus and his Lexicographic Efforts As Joseph Konus himself put it in his larger New English-Slovak Dictionary, This English-Slovak dictionary is the answer to the persistent clamor of some one million Slovak-born Americans for an adequate tool with which the better to comprehend their adopted tongue. In defining more than 80,000 words, as well as many thousands of phrases and technical terms, the book is of such scope as to enable Slovaks both here and abroad better to appreciate the richness of the English language and the beauty of English literature. Moreover, it will especially enable the Slovak editors in the United States and Canada more accurately to interpret American intellectual and social values to the Slovak-reading public. 19 Konus privately published the book in 1941 . However, he had started working on it in the first half of the l 920s .20 In March of 1924, while responding to the second letter written to him by Stefan Krcmery, the secretary of the Matica slovenska, Konus, as a young intellectual raised in the United States, was seriously concerned with the question of an appropriate and up-to-date system of orthography that he was planning to use in his lexicographic works.21 In the first half of 1924, he wanted to complete his work on a purely SlovakEnglish dictionary . In addition, Konus asked the secretary for some 19 Joseph J. Konus . New English-Slovak Dictionary (Pittsburgh, PA : J. J. Konus, 1941 ), V. 2 Konus, the son of Slovak immigrants, was born on February 25, 1904 and died in Boca Raton, Florida on April 12, 1995 at age 91. He was educated in American schools and for a time in the l 930 's taught at the Slovak Benedictine High School in Cleveland, Ohio. Cf. Bielik, Slovaci vo sve/e 2, 143 . No-one has yet written his bio~raphy. 1 Letter from J. J. Konus dated March 3, 1924 to the secretary of the Matica slovenska in Frantisek Bielik. Slovenske vyst'ahovalectvo. Dokumenty Ill. Korespondencia z rokov 1893-1939 (Martin : Matica Slovenska, 1976), 207-8 . ° �SLOV AKIA-2015 57 advice about the pronunciation of every Slovak word and he also sought advice as to whether it would not be better to prepare a Slovak- English and English-Slovak dictionary. In the same letter he asked if the Matica slovenska would be willing to publish his work, since he had not found any publishing house in the United States which would accept his dictionary. Finally, what seems to be quite important for a proper understanding of his lexicographic work is that J. J. Konus explicitly expressed his desire to write and address his thoughts in English, since he would then have an opportunity to express himself more clearly . Konus continued in his lexicographic work while reading literary masterpieces by such distinguished writers as Pavo! OrszaghHviezdoslav, Martin Kukucin, Jozef Skultety, Svetozar HurbanVajansky and Jozef Gregor - Tajovsky. In April of 1928, he wrote to the American Slovak editor Karol Stiasny concerning cultural life among the American Slovaks.22 Konus complained that Slovak newspapers in the USA (namely the weekly Obrana) informed their readers that a group of Slovak students, supported by editors Pavo! Kavulic, J. Gessay and H. Macko, were planning to publish a Slovak-English dictionary. However, after contacting them, Konus discovered that the aforementioned individuals were neither theoretically nor practically capable of such a demanding task. Meanwhile, Konus did mention that, in his six years of lexicographic work, he had collected more than 45,000 Slovak words, although they were not yet properly catalogued. The letter to Stiasny also revealed two things. First, that Konus was supposedly the only person with such a collection of words. Secondly, J. J. Konus expressed certain uneasiness about the activities of Slovak leaders living in the United States. In September of 1930, the Slovak Catholic Federation of America published the Slovak-English Dictionary compiled by J. J. Konus. The book was dedicated to the wealthy Michal Bosak of Scranton, Pennsylvanisa, patron of Slovak writings in America. In its Preface Konus stated that, before the publication of this dictionary, there had been a few small dictionaries which had fulfilled the objectives and needs of their time.23 However, by 1930 these works were no longer 22 Bielik, Slovenske vysrahovalectvo. Dokumenty III., 220-2. Letter from J. J. Konus to Karol Stiasny, April 18, 1928. 23 Konus, Joseph J. Slovensko-anglicky slovnik. Slovak-English Dictionary (Middletown, PA : Slovak Catholic Federation, 1930), no pagination in the Preface. �58 SLOV AKIA-2015 available and if they were, they were rather dated. That is why his dictionary met the requirements of the public for a richer source of Slovak words and expressions. Konus stated that words in his dictionary originated in Slovak literature and, if positively accepted by the public, a second edition would soon be under way and would contain up to 100,000 words. Konus expressed his gratitude to several individuals who helped him by reviewing and giving him advice. The Russian-American scholar O.D. Koreff reviewed the English part of the dictionary. The editors Jozef Zary, Jozef Husek, the Rev. Jozef Dulik, and Ivan Bielek supported him as well. Konus gave special thanks to Jozef Chill, a Slovak in Whiting in Indiana, who provided him with favorable working conditions. As already indicated, in 1941 J. J. Konus self-published the New English-Slovak Dictionary. It contained more than 80,000 words, so it approached the l 00,000 promised in 1930. The author sacrificed his own time and money to produce the dictionary and spent 19351937 in Slovakia, checking the accuracy of his research. With respect to the quality of his work, Kon us stated that Typographically the work may seem a bit odd because capital letters are used for entries. This form economy dictated, since there had to be different type left in the same type face to distinguish the setup of the phraseology. Economy also dictated the methodology, but not, it is hoped, at the expense of clarity or scholarship. English adverbial forms ending in -ly appended to an adjective are for the most part omitted in this dictionary, except when changes of spelling or meaning render their inclusion necessary. Abbreviations appear at the end of the book. The pronunciation of only 5,000 basic words is given; with the mastery of those, the student is ready to refer to a standard dictionary. 24 Konus continued working on Slovak and English lexicographic works, but at the same time he had other duties. In a letter written to Dr. Frantisek Subik (alias Andrej Zarnov), in 1955, Konus admitted that he had worked for the Federal Bureau oflnvestigation (FBI). He went on, 24 Konus, Joseph J. New English-Slovak Dictionary (Pittsburgh, PA: J. J. Konus, 1941 ), v-vi. �SLOV AKIA-2015 59 Yes, I was lucky in obtaining the transfer to Florida. But I was determined to leave Washington just the same. My budding arthritis and allergy headaches were such that I was getting desperate . One thing is sure now: even if there is no improvement in my health, things will certainly not get worse. In Washington I was sinking. (Dr. Mikus saw the letter of transfer I received from the FBI Director himself; he thought it was awfully nice. I had no chance to show it to you. It is presumed that the Bureau was reluctant to lose a Slavonic expert.) Since no Slovak knows of my connection with the FBI, I would ask you not to disclose this to any of our countrymen [ ... ] I probably would not even have told you about my Government work had I not been determined to quit last summer. You know there can be plenty of jealousy and what-not. Don 't even tell anyone about my living in Florida_2s It seems that Konus had a very close relationship with Dr. Subik, who was known as a living voice of the Slovak nation in the free world. 26 Speaking about his further lexicographic works, Konus, wrote in the same letter, again in a very cautious manner: As to my cooperation with the Slovak Institute, etc., I feel that at the present time, in view of my health, the only contribution I can make to the Slovak cause (so dear to you and me) is my continued work on the Slovak-English dictionary of which there is a dire need everywhere. I'm going to make several copies of letters A and B to show Dr. Hrusovsky and others as samples of my work. If I see enough interest in such an all-inclusive or comprehensive dictionary, then I'll continue the project. That is, interest in getting or helping it to be published. I can't for the 25 Letter from J. J. Konus to Dr. Frantisek Subik, October 24, 1955 . University of Ottawa, Archives and Special Collections. Joseph Stasko Fonds, X20-2, 206.16. 26 Subik had been a Professor of Pathology at the Slovak University in Bratislava and Chief of the Department of Health. He was one of the experts who joined Red Cross representatives from Switzerland to examine the thousands of bodies found by the German Army in the Katyn forest, in the Soviet Union, where the NKVD had executed around 15,000-20,000 Polish officers and intellectuals in April of 1940. Subik was also famous for his collection of patriotic poems . After 1945 he was twice imprisoned by the Communists and in 1952 escaped and ended up living in the USA . �60 SLOV AKIA-2015 world of me see how anyone can properly translate Slovak literature without a good dictionary. For instance, that poem of yours in "Most", concerning your escape from Slovakia, could and should be translated for some important literary journal. If it's already translated, I didn 't see it. But I was toying with the idea of rendering it into English, even ifl'm not much of a poet. 27 Konus described his work on his large Slovak-English dictionary in another letter to Dr. Subik, written in November 1957. In it he asked Subik for help with the definitions of such words or expressions as: NARKOTIZACNY APARAT OZUBICA (chrupka okolo zubov) INDIKACNA T ABlEKA (medical chart?) OSETROVNE (fee for professional services?) PREDPA TNA KOST KRIMINALKA (za naivny toast pri majalesi recnik dostal k-u; k-u z veci robit') PREZIDIALKA (board meeting?) PRiPATNA KOST GYC (Dial.) MANZELSKA POSTEi: (marriage bed? twin bed?)28 . Konus mentioned that, thanks to the U. S. government' s decision to send him to Florida, he was able to complete his work on a so needed dictionary. In this respect Kon us appreciated the help provided by Dr. Janko Mihal, who was then a pensioner in Slovakia and had enough time to focus on lexicographic details. Nevertheless, it wasn't until 1969 that the Slovak Catholic Sokol finally published his Slovak-English Phraseological Dictionary. A critical review of this book by Zlata P. Meyerstein, a contemporary Lexicographer, appeared in the Slavic and East European Journa/. 29 27 Letter from J. J. Konus to Dr. Frantisek Subik of October 24, 1955 . University of Ottawa, Archives and Special Collections. Joseph Stasko Fonds, X20-2, 206.16 28 Letter from J. J. Konus to Dr. Frantisek Subik of October 24, 1955. University of Ottawa, Archives and Special Collections. Joseph Stasko Fonds, X20-2 , 206.16. 29 Zlata P Meyerstein, "Slovak-English Phraseological Dictionary by Jozef J. Konus," The Slavic and East European Journal 17, no. 1 (Spring, 1973), pp. I 09-111. Available at: �SLOV AKIA-2015 61 In the 1970s, on the advice of the historian-artist Dr. Joseph Cincik, 30 J. J. Konus contacted the writer-editor Jan Oka!' in Berwyn Illinois and continued: "[I have] a sort of a favor to ask of you, compliance with which would be very much appreciated by the undersigned (whom you have met several times in Slovakia back in the thirties)." 31 While thinking of his other lexicographic work, Konus added : Enclosed herewith are two pages of a manuscript of my Comprehensive Slovak-English Dictionary, which please set up as follows on your linotype: Width of line: 3 inches Size of type:7-point type for all entries 6 points for the rest of the text except that all underlined matter must be in bold . The 6-point type ' s accents may necessitate a 61/2-slug. You figure it out. 32 He explained the reason for his avoidance of italics as follows: I hate to have the dictionary phraseology in italics because that's hard on old folks ' eyesight. My plan requires no italics whatsoever. The enclosed Xerox copy will illustrate what I mean and would like to see. 33 http ://www.jstor.org/discover/ l 0.2307/306571 ?uid=2&uid=60&uid=2490 I 34643&u id=70&uid=21 34&uid=3&uid=3739024&uid=2490 I 34653&purchasetype=article&accessType=none&sid=2 1I 05932295323&showMy J storPss=false&se ~= I &showAccess=false 0 or. Cincik was the former Director of the Artistic Division of the Matica slovenska in the 1930' s and during World War II. He fled to the West in 1945 and emigrated to the United States, and was later known as an author and editor of publications concerned with the old and modem paintings and sculptures in Slovakia. As a resident in Cleveland, Ohio he specialized in reli gious art and worked in the field of church painting and decorating. 1 Letter from J.J. Konus to Jan Okal' of October 14, 1974. University of Ottawa, Archives and Special Collections. X20- 16, JozefKonus Fonds, 1571.6 32 Ibid. 33 Ibid. �62 SLOV AKIA-2015 Even more significant is the size of his manuscript. Konus wrote that his dictionary manuscript consisted of 3037 pages. As far as the publishing of such a large work was concerned, the author wrote: It is supposed to be published by SAV in Bratislava, but its officials are still waiting for a political decision for a green light. Hence, I'm making plans to have the work published in the States, depending on who funds the project, your shop may even be asked to bid on the work. 34 That is why J. J.Konus needed from Jan Okal' those two pages of the manuscript "A Comprehensive Slovak-English Dictionary" printed, so that he would be able to send them as samples to potential publishing houses in the United States.35 Jan Okal' remembered J. J. Konus very well. He considered him as a great Slovak scholar, comparable to Anton Bemolak, or the American Noah Webster. He liked to recall regular lunch meetings on Saturdays with such distinguished Slovak leaders as the Rev. Jan J. Lach, Msgr. Milos Mlynarovic and Joseph Chill when they discussed how they admired and respected the enormous energy and skill that J. J. Konus put into his lexicographic activities .36 However, Jan Okal' faced serious difficulties with Konus's request. First of all, he no longer had his own printery. Due to severe health problems, he had to sell it. Nonetheless, after recovering, he started working for some other printeries to earn a living. One of them was printing publications for a larger Czech organization and thus it might have been useful for J. J. Konus's purposes . But the Czech printery was just then modernizing and transforming the whole process of hot metal typesetting to cold type. In addition, the modem type lacked Slavonic characters as well as a Slovak keyboard. On the other hand, those printeries which did not modernize suffered from the poor condition of their machinery. Factories in the USA stopped manufacturing the old type of printing machinery, together with spare parts. Printeries with the old technology had to order spare parts from Europe, which was very costly. Jan Okal' even added that he did not possess the 34 Ibid. Ibid. November 3, 1974. 36 Letter from Jan Okal' to J. J. Konus of November 11 , 1974. University of Ottawa, Archives and Special Collections. Jozef Konus Fonds, X20-16, 1571.6 35 �SLOV AKIA-2015 63 skills necessary for working with the new technology and that is why he was unable to help. Nevertheless, Okal' was familiar with possibilities which were still available such as the printeries of the First Catholic Slovak Union in Middletown, Pennsylvania, the Slovak Catholic Sokol in Passaic, New Jersey, and the Slavia Printery in Cleveland. So, he promised J. J. Konus to search for options once in Cleveland. In his letter of November 17, 1974, after trying to get some support in Cleveland, Oka!' had to admit that he failed and thus could not help with printing the samples for Konus. 37 For political reasons, even the Slovak Academy of Science in Bratislava did not help. A more favorable condition for the publishing of Konus's large dictionary appeared in the 1980s. Ladislav G. Bolchazy, of the Bolchazy-Carducci Publishers in W aucondia, Illinois, showed some interest in reprinting his dictionary. In a letter of June 23, 1988, J. J. Konus had written to Bolchazy the following: Dear Sir; Just arrived from a vacation in Australia, hence the delay in answering your interesting letter. Well, I could cooperate in having my "New English-Slovak Dictionary" reprinted as for your suggestion or plan . My only conditions are here: Since the book should be updated because it is a mediumsized collecting English vocabulary, I (or someone else) should prepare a typed-up addenda and some corrigenda. The work could take some six months [ ... ] There are many new and popular items to add [ ... ] and thus make the book more interesting and valuable. 38 By then, however, Konus was 85 years old and concerned with his health. In addition to the delay in answering the initial letter from Bolchazy, Konus also needed more time to prepare an addenda for the dictionary. There were also other issues related to editing and 37 Letter from Jan Okal' to J. J. Konus ofNovember 17, 1974. University of Ottawa, Archives and Special Collections. X20-16, JozefKonus Fonds, 1571.6 38 Letter from J. J. Konus to L. G. Bolchazy (Bolchazy-Carducci Publishers) of June 23, 1988. University of Ottawa, Archives and Special Collections. X20-16, Jan Okal' Fonds, 1572.3 0 �64 SLOV AKIA-2015 corrections, and there also were those technical facets of the work, which had been troublesome in the 1970s. Meanwhile, by the 1980's Slovaks in the United States had in their midst another lexicographer. This time it was a Slovak-born and professionally-trained linguist, a scholar, and much younger Anglicist-Dr. Jan Simko. He had come to the USA in 1967 to study at the Folger Shakespeare Library in Washington, D. C. and decided to remain after the Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968. Simko had published an English-Slovak dictionary in Slovakia in 1967, 1968 and 1971. Unfortunately, Konus and Simko never got together to possibly cooperate in publishing a joint dictionary. Instead, Bolchazy ended up publishing a reprint of Simko ' s 1971 dictionary in 1991. 39 The publication of Simko's dictionary, however, does not diminish the important role that J. J. Konus had played in the field of Slovak-American lexicography throughout the 20 th century. We must remain grateful for his enormous efforts in this field and his work still calls for a deeper examination. Conclusion Slovak lexicographic works published in North America represent a unique contribution to Slovak cultural heritage. "The indisputable role in the beginnings of learning English, and in the birth of Slovak Anglicist lexicography on the American continent as well, was played by the first Slovak book printed in the United States, and at the same time one of the most precious of rare specimens of Slovak books." 40 The dictionary written by Janko Slovensky in 1887 was followed by dozens of other works by amateur Slovak lexicographers in the USA and their numerous editions served the purposes of thousands of ordinary people. The highpoint in the field of lexicographic erudition was reached in the works of Joseph James Konus. Slovak dictionaries mentioned in this short contribution by a number of authors point at the robustness of the books written by Slovak immigrants and their descendants in North America. Without any doubt they deserve (and they should have also deserved in the past) our respect and deep appreciation. The government of the independ39 40 Jan Simko, English-Slovak Dictionary (Wauconda, IL : Bolchazi-Carducci, 1991 ). Bohmerova, "Rane dielo slovenskej anglistickej lexikografie," p. 247. �SLOV AKIA-2015 65 ent Slovak Republic should do all that it can do to protect and preserve the Slovak heritage on the soil of the United States of America. Joseph James Konus (1904 - 1995) � 50 SLOV AKIA-2015 THE BIRTH OF LEXICOGRAPHIC WORKS IN NORTH AMERICA WITH SPECIAL EMPHASIS ON J. J. KONUS Dalibor Mikulas Slovak immigration to the United States of America and Canada has been of great importance for the history of Slovaks since the 1870s. In this context special attention should be paid to the SlovakAmerican press, analyzed by such scholars as Konstantin Culen, or by Marian Mark Stolarik. One of the many important contributions made by Slovak immigrants to North America was their creation of Slovak-English dictionaries. The main goal of this article is to survey Slovak emigration/immigration, the Slovak-American press and specifically the role and situation of Slovak lexicographic works published in North America between 1887 and 1990, with a special focus on one of the most significant Slovak-American personalities in this field, Joseph James Konus. Slovaks were among many nations, which for various reasons (economic, political, ethnic, religious, cultural, etc.), decided to move to the New World in the late 19 th and early 20 th centuries. Francis Raska subdivided the waves of immigration to the United States of America as follows: the Colonial Era (1609-1775), the Open Door Era (1776-1881 ); the Era of Regulation ( 1882-1916); the Era of Restriction (1917-1964); and the Era of Liberalization (1965) .1 As Francis Raska specified in the context of the Immigration Act passed by the United States Congress in 1965 (The Hart-Celler Act), preferring the immigration of people with skills on the one hand and family members of American citizens on the other, the consequences of the aforementioned Act were fundamental. While in the period before 1970 the proportion of three major immigrant groups in the USA consisted of 41% from Europe, 15% from Mexico and 10% from Asia, in the 1970s the representation was as follows : less than 12% from Europe, 30.2% from Mexico and 25% from Asia. 2 The last 1 See Francis Raska, "An Historical Overview of United States Immigration Policy since 1965," Journal of Interdisciplinary Philology 2, no. 1 (20 11 ): 6-9. 2rbid., 16 - 17. �SLOV AKIA-2015 51 decades of the 20 th century continued on this trend . Thus, it is possible to consider the year 1965 as a significant breakpoint for immigration to the USA not just generally, but to a certain extent also with respect to the immigration of the Slovaks into the USA and to the volume of their activities in the new environment. However, Slovak immigration to the USA had started much earlier. It became a mass movement in the last decades of the 19 th century. As shown by M. Mark Stolarik, in the period of 1870-1914, approximately half a million Slovaks immigrated to North America searching for work in the coal mines, steel mills and oil refineries . They mainly concentrated in the American Northeast and Midwest: Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana and Illinois. According to Stolarik, Slovak immigrants established in the New World three pillars of their communities: fraternal-benefit societies; parish churches; and a newspaper press .3 As far as the newspaper press was concerned, at least 220 Slovak different newspapers were published in the United States between 1885 and 1970, representing a wide variety of genres and subclasses.4 Informed by the classification of Konstantin Culen, 5 Stolarik subdivided the Slovak- American press into eleven kinds of publications that reflected four distinct political orientations: Slovak nationalist, Magyarone, Czechoslovak, and socialist or communist. The newspapers appeared in the principal areas of Slovak settlement in the United States, and they mirrored the religious composition of the Slovak people (Roman Catholic, Lutheran, Calvinist, and Greek Catholic). The Slovak press in America, therefore, was as complex as that of any other group in this country. 6 While dealing with this particular study by M. M. Stolarik, it is especially useful to pay attention to the provided details with all the 3 M. Mark Stolarik, "The Slovak League of America and the Canadian Slovak Lea=gue in the Struggle for the Self-Determination of the Nation, 1907 - 1992," Emigration to the English Speaking World, ed. Janka Kascakova - Dalibor Mikulas (Rufomberok,Catholic University in Rufomberok, 2006), 186. 4 M. Mark Stolarik, "The Slovak-American Press, 1885 - 1984," The Ethnic Press in the United States: A Historical Analysis and Handbook, ed . Sally M. Miller (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1987), 353 . 5 Konstantin Culen, Slovenske casopisy v Amerike (Cleveland: First Catholic Slovak Union, 1970). 6 Stolarik, "The Slovak American Press," 353. �52 SLOV AKIA-2015 corresponding titles and size of newspapers and magazines, names of editors, period and circulation data, etc. as well as to the methodological and thematic subdivision of the press. The above mentioned eleven kinds of publications refer to the following thematic categories: the independent, commercial, general news press (approximately 40 % of the overall number); the religious press; the fraternal press; the socialist and communist press; literary journals; family magazines; humor magazines; organizational publications; and periodicals for the youth and students The overall enumeration and subdivision of the above mentioned periodicals would be inadequate without mentioning the generations of Slovak personalities, editors and journalists. As Stolarik puts it, by the mid-80s of the 20 th century it is possible to speak about three generations of editors of the Slovak-American press in the United States. The first generation was represented by such pioneers as the fraternalist, editor and businessman P. V. Rovnianek, the fratemalist and editor Reverend Stefan Furdek, the writer and editor Jan A. Feriencik and the writer and editor Gustav Marsal-Petrovsky, who came to the United States as educated adults. The second consisted of immigrants who came to the States as children or as young adults in the 1890s, or at the beginning of the 20 th century, e.g. the fraternalist and editor Jan Pankuch, the editor Jozef Husek, the editor Ivan Bielek, the fraternalist and Lutheran pastor Jaroslav Pelikan, Sr., the editor Milan Getting, and so on. The third generation consisted of those who were born in the United States as children of Slovak parents, and were fully bilingual: the fratemalist and editor John C. Sciranka, the editor Edward Kovac, Jr., the fratemalist and editor Peter P. Hletko, the teacher and editor Philip Hrobak, the teacher and editor Andrew V. Pier, and the teacher and editor Joseph C. Krajsa, among others, represent this generation. 7 An analysis of these sources in relation to individual Slovak editors and journalists also helps us to properly understand the authorship of Slovak lexicographic works, which were published in the United States in the 19 th and 20 th centuries. Many of these persons compiled their dictionaries because they were sure that these lexicographic works were needed and important for thousands of Slovak immigrants. Among such compilers were the journalists Janko Slov7 Ibid., 359-60. �SLOV AKIA-2015 53 ensky, Gustav Marsal-Petrovsky, Paul K. Kadak, Albert Mamatey, Edward Kovac, Jr. and Philip Hrobak. With respect to this issue in the first decades of the 20 th century, Ada Bohmerova, the author of several studies related to Slovak lexicographic Anglicist works, states that, at the time the great Slovak poet Pavol Orszagh Hviezdoslav was translating Shakespeare into Slovak, English-Slovak dictionaries had been in existence in the United States for at least four decades. However, they were unknown in Slovakia.8 Bohmerova added that these works were created where their need was acute. Knowledge of English became an existential necessity for American Slovaks, a condicio sine qua non, to get a job and secure an everyday existence outside the Slovak, or Slavic community .9 A question which remains unanswered is the number and exact specification of Slovak dictionaries published in North America. The early historian of American Slovaks, Konstatntin Culen, while writing about the first Slovak dictionary published in the USA in an eastern Slovak dialect in 1887 stated, among other things, that this dictionary was the most essential Slovak book, since it had been written by the pioneer Janko Slovensky, because it enabled Slovaks to show what they knew. 10 However, Culen added that after this dictionary, 11 various authors published in various editions at least 50 to70 more. Even though Konstantin Culen had direct contact with pioneering American Slovaks, he did not have the advantages we enjoy in doing research today. For example, he did not have contact with North American libraries and related institutions, the Internet, or the IT digitalizing potential. So, if he estimated such a large number of Slovak lexicographic works published in North America, current 8 Ada Bohmerova, "Rane dielo slovenskej anglistickej lexikografie," Slovo v slovniku. Aspekty lexiktilnej semantiky - gramatika - stylistika (pragmatika). Na pocesr Alexandry Jarosovej, ed. Klara Buzzassyova, Bronislava Chocholova, Nicola Janockova (Bratislava:Veda, 20 12), 246. 9 Ibid. 1 °Konstantin Culen. J. S/ovensky. Zivotopis zakladatefa prvych slovenskych novin v Amerike (Winnipeg: Kanadsky Slovak, 1954), 160-1. Janko Slovensky. Americky Tlumac ku naucenu se najpotrebnejsich zacatecnych znamoscoch z ang/'ickej reci pre uherskych S/ovakach v Amerike i ijucich (Pittsburgh: Author' s publication, 1887). For more on Janko Slovensky see Slovensky biograjicky slovnik V, R-S (Martin: Matica slovenska, 1992), 296. 11 Culen, 160. �54 SLOV AKIA-2015 research should confirm or disprove such a hypothesis . David E. Washburn listed only nine such works in the following order: Julius Bucko. Dictionary of the English and Slovak Languages (Chicago: Rovnost' /'udu,1920). 612 pp; Philip A. Hrobak. Hrobak's EnglishSlovak Dictionary (Middletown, PA: Jednota Printery, 1944). 702 pp; Paul K. Kadak. Prakticny slovensko-anglicky tlumac (and) The Practical English-Slovak Dictionary (New York: Slovak v Amerike, 1905), 204 and 263 pp; Joseph J. Konus, New English-Slovak Dictionary (Pittsburgh, PA: J. J. Kon us, 1941 ), 646 pp; Joseph J. Konus. Slovak-English Phraseological Dictionary (Passaic, NJ: Slovak Catholic Sokol, 1969), 1664 pp; Joseph J. Konus. Slovensko-anglicky slovnik. Slovak-English Dictionary (Middletown, PA: Slovak Catholic Federation, 1930), 628 pp; Edward Kovac, Jr. Prakticky slovensko-anglicky slovnik (Scranton, PA: Obrana Press, 1950), 240 pp; Edward Kovac, Jr. Slovensko-anglicky tlmac. Prakticky anglicko-slovensky a slovensko-anglicky. 2nd ed. (Scranton, PA: Obrana Press, 1951), 489 pp; and Emil Nitray. Slovensko-anglicky a anglickoslovensky vreckovy slovnik (New York: Emil Nyitray, n.d), 139 andl I 6 pp. 12 As we can see, the list does not include the oldest Slovak dictionary by Janko Slovensky, and in fact, this particular book was published in large numbers and several editions. 13A critical linguistic analysis of this dictionary was provided by Adela Bohmerova. 14 Other quite well-known Slovak works of lexicography are absent in the 12 David. E. Washburn. The Peoples of Pennsylvania: An Annotated Bibliography of Resource Materials (Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1981), 204. [online]. Available at: http://books .google.sk/books?id=06rnKYe2KK wC&pg=PA204&1pg=PA204&dq =BU%C4%8CKO,+J%C3 %BAlius :+Slovn%C3%ADk+anglicko-slovensk%C3 %BD, +Chicago,+Illinois+ I 920&source=bl&ots=Kk4jp 112y &sig=3mSiiNHfpucr2Baww7t6zworOWY&hl=sk&sa=X&ei=ymTUU9rkF8iZyA T324KgDg&ved=0CC8Q6AEwAg#v=onepage&q=BU%C4%8CKO%2C%20J% C3%BAlius%3A %20Slovn%C3%ADk%20anglicko-slovensk%C3%BD%2C%20Chicago%2C%20Illinois%201920&f=false 13 See Frantisek Bielik a kol. Slovaci vo svete 2 (Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1980), 141-2. The same source adds that in 1895 the newspaper Slovak v Amerike published the first edition of the new American interpreter, Novy slovensko-anglicky tlmocnik, which by 1920 had been published in ten editions. 14 Adela Bohmerova, "Rane dielo slovenskej anglistickej lexikografie," Slovo v slovniku. Aspekty lexikalnej semantiky - gramatika - stylistika (pragmatika) . Na pocest' Alexandry Jarosovej. ed. Klara Buzassyova, Bronislava Chocholova, Nicol Janockova (Bratislava: Veda, 2012), 245 - 53. �SLOV AKIA-2015 55 above list as well. These were the works of Gustav Marsal-Petrovsky (his dictionary Novy anglicky tlumac was published in many editions), the fratemalist Albert Mamatey (the practical dictionary he prepared was published in ten editions), or the works of the editor C. 15 L. Orbach . While enumerating Slovak lexicographic work in North America, it is important to focus also on student books and grammars of the Slovak language. For instance, Slavo Moravek's Slovak (Slavish) Self-Taught was published for Americans who were in daily contact with Slovaks (inappropriately called "Slavish people") almost every day, and who wanted to speak the Slovak language in their business or employment. 16 This book contains a Slovak-English and English-Slovak dictionary on pages 96-125 . Quite a similar situation is connected with the grammar books published by Philip Hrobak. The above mentioned book "The Peoples of Pennsylvania: An Annotated Bibliography of Resource Materials" introduces in the column "Slovak Language Books-Texts, etc. published in the United States of America" altogether nineteen books written by such authors as the educator Stefan Blasko, the Rev. Bonaventura Bue, Charles Dixon, the Rev. Stefan Furdek, the Rev. Stanislav F. Gmuca, Sr. M. G. Hricko, the educator Filip A. Hrobak, the lexicologist Jozef J. Konus, H.A. Macko, the lexicographer Slavo Moravek, M. M. E. Petrasek and the Rev. Gregor K. Vaniscak. Even this list seems incomplete. While working with this bibliographic book and the Slovak dictionaries listed there (the book is still a very important source for the proper understanding of Slovak lexicographic works published in North America), it is necessary to notice the absence of Slovak lexicographic works appearing in North America after the death of Konstantin Culen. In this respect we must mention such outstanding works as the Comprehensive Etymological Dictionary of the English Language, written by E. Klein, 17 or Jan Simko' s EnglishSlovak Dictionary. 18 15 Bielik, Slowici vo svete, 142 Slavo Moravek. Slovak (slavish) self-taught (Wilkes-Barre, PA: Bratstvo Publishing, 1917). 17 E. Klein. Comprehensive Etymological Dictionary of the English Language (Amsterdam, London, New York: Elsevier Publishing Co., 1966). 18 Jan Simko. English-Slovak Dictionary; Anglicko-slovensky slovnik (Waudonda: IL, Bolchazy-Carducci, 1991 ). 16 �56 SLOV AKIA-2015 As we have seen, Slovak lexicographic works published in North America in the two previous centuries represent a large and unique area of study. Joseph James Konus is unique in this respect, because his publications represent the high point in the lexicographic work of Slovaks in North America. J. J. Konus and his Lexicographic Efforts As Joseph Konus himself put it in his larger New English-Slovak Dictionary, This English-Slovak dictionary is the answer to the persistent clamor of some one million Slovak-born Americans for an adequate tool with which the better to comprehend their adopted tongue. In defining more than 80,000 words, as well as many thousands of phrases and technical terms, the book is of such scope as to enable Slovaks both here and abroad better to appreciate the richness of the English language and the beauty of English literature. Moreover, it will especially enable the Slovak editors in the United States and Canada more accurately to interpret American intellectual and social values to the Slovak-reading public. 19 Konus privately published the book in 1941 . However, he had started working on it in the first half of the l 920s .20 In March of 1924, while responding to the second letter written to him by Stefan Krcmery, the secretary of the Matica slovenska, Konus, as a young intellectual raised in the United States, was seriously concerned with the question of an appropriate and up-to-date system of orthography that he was planning to use in his lexicographic works.21 In the first half of 1924, he wanted to complete his work on a purely SlovakEnglish dictionary . In addition, Konus asked the secretary for some 19 Joseph J. Konus . New English-Slovak Dictionary (Pittsburgh, PA : J. J. Konus, 1941 ), V. 2 Konus, the son of Slovak immigrants, was born on February 25, 1904 and died in Boca Raton, Florida on April 12, 1995 at age 91. He was educated in American schools and for a time in the l 930 's taught at the Slovak Benedictine High School in Cleveland, Ohio. Cf. Bielik, Slovaci vo sve/e 2, 143 . No-one has yet written his bio~raphy. 1 Letter from J. J. Konus dated March 3, 1924 to the secretary of the Matica slovenska in Frantisek Bielik. Slovenske vyst'ahovalectvo. Dokumenty Ill. Korespondencia z rokov 1893-1939 (Martin : Matica Slovenska, 1976), 207-8 . ° �SLOV AKIA-2015 57 advice about the pronunciation of every Slovak word and he also sought advice as to whether it would not be better to prepare a Slovak- English and English-Slovak dictionary. In the same letter he asked if the Matica slovenska would be willing to publish his work, since he had not found any publishing house in the United States which would accept his dictionary. Finally, what seems to be quite important for a proper understanding of his lexicographic work is that J. J. Konus explicitly expressed his desire to write and address his thoughts in English, since he would then have an opportunity to express himself more clearly . Konus continued in his lexicographic work while reading literary masterpieces by such distinguished writers as Pavo! OrszaghHviezdoslav, Martin Kukucin, Jozef Skultety, Svetozar HurbanVajansky and Jozef Gregor - Tajovsky. In April of 1928, he wrote to the American Slovak editor Karol Stiasny concerning cultural life among the American Slovaks.22 Konus complained that Slovak newspapers in the USA (namely the weekly Obrana) informed their readers that a group of Slovak students, supported by editors Pavo! Kavulic, J. Gessay and H. Macko, were planning to publish a Slovak-English dictionary. However, after contacting them, Konus discovered that the aforementioned individuals were neither theoretically nor practically capable of such a demanding task. Meanwhile, Konus did mention that, in his six years of lexicographic work, he had collected more than 45,000 Slovak words, although they were not yet properly catalogued. The letter to Stiasny also revealed two things. First, that Konus was supposedly the only person with such a collection of words. Secondly, J. J. Konus expressed certain uneasiness about the activities of Slovak leaders living in the United States. In September of 1930, the Slovak Catholic Federation of America published the Slovak-English Dictionary compiled by J. J. Konus. The book was dedicated to the wealthy Michal Bosak of Scranton, Pennsylvanisa, patron of Slovak writings in America. In its Preface Konus stated that, before the publication of this dictionary, there had been a few small dictionaries which had fulfilled the objectives and needs of their time.23 However, by 1930 these works were no longer 22 Bielik, Slovenske vysrahovalectvo. Dokumenty III., 220-2. Letter from J. J. Konus to Karol Stiasny, April 18, 1928. 23 Konus, Joseph J. Slovensko-anglicky slovnik. Slovak-English Dictionary (Middletown, PA : Slovak Catholic Federation, 1930), no pagination in the Preface. �58 SLOV AKIA-2015 available and if they were, they were rather dated. That is why his dictionary met the requirements of the public for a richer source of Slovak words and expressions. Konus stated that words in his dictionary originated in Slovak literature and, if positively accepted by the public, a second edition would soon be under way and would contain up to 100,000 words. Konus expressed his gratitude to several individuals who helped him by reviewing and giving him advice. The Russian-American scholar O.D. Koreff reviewed the English part of the dictionary. The editors Jozef Zary, Jozef Husek, the Rev. Jozef Dulik, and Ivan Bielek supported him as well. Konus gave special thanks to Jozef Chill, a Slovak in Whiting in Indiana, who provided him with favorable working conditions. As already indicated, in 1941 J. J. Konus self-published the New English-Slovak Dictionary. It contained more than 80,000 words, so it approached the l 00,000 promised in 1930. The author sacrificed his own time and money to produce the dictionary and spent 19351937 in Slovakia, checking the accuracy of his research. With respect to the quality of his work, Kon us stated that Typographically the work may seem a bit odd because capital letters are used for entries. This form economy dictated, since there had to be different type left in the same type face to distinguish the setup of the phraseology. Economy also dictated the methodology, but not, it is hoped, at the expense of clarity or scholarship. English adverbial forms ending in -ly appended to an adjective are for the most part omitted in this dictionary, except when changes of spelling or meaning render their inclusion necessary. Abbreviations appear at the end of the book. The pronunciation of only 5,000 basic words is given; with the mastery of those, the student is ready to refer to a standard dictionary. 24 Konus continued working on Slovak and English lexicographic works, but at the same time he had other duties. In a letter written to Dr. Frantisek Subik (alias Andrej Zarnov), in 1955, Konus admitted that he had worked for the Federal Bureau oflnvestigation (FBI). He went on, 24 Konus, Joseph J. New English-Slovak Dictionary (Pittsburgh, PA: J. J. Konus, 1941 ), v-vi. �SLOV AKIA-2015 59 Yes, I was lucky in obtaining the transfer to Florida. But I was determined to leave Washington just the same. My budding arthritis and allergy headaches were such that I was getting desperate . One thing is sure now: even if there is no improvement in my health, things will certainly not get worse. In Washington I was sinking. (Dr. Mikus saw the letter of transfer I received from the FBI Director himself; he thought it was awfully nice. I had no chance to show it to you. It is presumed that the Bureau was reluctant to lose a Slavonic expert.) Since no Slovak knows of my connection with the FBI, I would ask you not to disclose this to any of our countrymen [ ... ] I probably would not even have told you about my Government work had I not been determined to quit last summer. You know there can be plenty of jealousy and what-not. Don 't even tell anyone about my living in Florida_2s It seems that Konus had a very close relationship with Dr. Subik, who was known as a living voice of the Slovak nation in the free world. 26 Speaking about his further lexicographic works, Konus, wrote in the same letter, again in a very cautious manner: As to my cooperation with the Slovak Institute, etc., I feel that at the present time, in view of my health, the only contribution I can make to the Slovak cause (so dear to you and me) is my continued work on the Slovak-English dictionary of which there is a dire need everywhere. I'm going to make several copies of letters A and B to show Dr. Hrusovsky and others as samples of my work. If I see enough interest in such an all-inclusive or comprehensive dictionary, then I'll continue the project. That is, interest in getting or helping it to be published. I can't for the 25 Letter from J. J. Konus to Dr. Frantisek Subik, October 24, 1955 . University of Ottawa, Archives and Special Collections. Joseph Stasko Fonds, X20-2, 206.16. 26 Subik had been a Professor of Pathology at the Slovak University in Bratislava and Chief of the Department of Health. He was one of the experts who joined Red Cross representatives from Switzerland to examine the thousands of bodies found by the German Army in the Katyn forest, in the Soviet Union, where the NKVD had executed around 15,000-20,000 Polish officers and intellectuals in April of 1940. Subik was also famous for his collection of patriotic poems . After 1945 he was twice imprisoned by the Communists and in 1952 escaped and ended up living in the USA . �60 SLOV AKIA-2015 world of me see how anyone can properly translate Slovak literature without a good dictionary. For instance, that poem of yours in "Most", concerning your escape from Slovakia, could and should be translated for some important literary journal. If it's already translated, I didn 't see it. But I was toying with the idea of rendering it into English, even ifl'm not much of a poet. 27 Konus described his work on his large Slovak-English dictionary in another letter to Dr. Subik, written in November 1957. In it he asked Subik for help with the definitions of such words or expressions as: NARKOTIZACNY APARAT OZUBICA (chrupka okolo zubov) INDIKACNA T ABlEKA (medical chart?) OSETROVNE (fee for professional services?) PREDPA TNA KOST KRIMINALKA (za naivny toast pri majalesi recnik dostal k-u; k-u z veci robit') PREZIDIALKA (board meeting?) PRiPATNA KOST GYC (Dial.) MANZELSKA POSTEi: (marriage bed? twin bed?)28 . Konus mentioned that, thanks to the U. S. government' s decision to send him to Florida, he was able to complete his work on a so needed dictionary. In this respect Kon us appreciated the help provided by Dr. Janko Mihal, who was then a pensioner in Slovakia and had enough time to focus on lexicographic details. Nevertheless, it wasn't until 1969 that the Slovak Catholic Sokol finally published his Slovak-English Phraseological Dictionary. A critical review of this book by Zlata P. Meyerstein, a contemporary Lexicographer, appeared in the Slavic and East European Journa/. 29 27 Letter from J. J. Konus to Dr. Frantisek Subik of October 24, 1955 . University of Ottawa, Archives and Special Collections. Joseph Stasko Fonds, X20-2, 206.16 28 Letter from J. J. Konus to Dr. Frantisek Subik of October 24, 1955. University of Ottawa, Archives and Special Collections. Joseph Stasko Fonds, X20-2 , 206.16. 29 Zlata P Meyerstein, "Slovak-English Phraseological Dictionary by Jozef J. Konus," The Slavic and East European Journal 17, no. 1 (Spring, 1973), pp. I 09-111. Available at: �SLOV AKIA-2015 61 In the 1970s, on the advice of the historian-artist Dr. Joseph Cincik, 30 J. J. Konus contacted the writer-editor Jan Oka!' in Berwyn Illinois and continued: "[I have] a sort of a favor to ask of you, compliance with which would be very much appreciated by the undersigned (whom you have met several times in Slovakia back in the thirties)." 31 While thinking of his other lexicographic work, Konus added : Enclosed herewith are two pages of a manuscript of my Comprehensive Slovak-English Dictionary, which please set up as follows on your linotype: Width of line: 3 inches Size of type:7-point type for all entries 6 points for the rest of the text except that all underlined matter must be in bold . The 6-point type ' s accents may necessitate a 61/2-slug. You figure it out. 32 He explained the reason for his avoidance of italics as follows: I hate to have the dictionary phraseology in italics because that's hard on old folks ' eyesight. My plan requires no italics whatsoever. The enclosed Xerox copy will illustrate what I mean and would like to see. 33 http ://www.jstor.org/discover/ l 0.2307/306571 ?uid=2&uid=60&uid=2490 I 34643&u id=70&uid=21 34&uid=3&uid=3739024&uid=2490 I 34653&purchasetype=article&accessType=none&sid=2 1I 05932295323&showMy J storPss=false&se ~= I &showAccess=false 0 or. Cincik was the former Director of the Artistic Division of the Matica slovenska in the 1930' s and during World War II. He fled to the West in 1945 and emigrated to the United States, and was later known as an author and editor of publications concerned with the old and modem paintings and sculptures in Slovakia. As a resident in Cleveland, Ohio he specialized in reli gious art and worked in the field of church painting and decorating. 1 Letter from J.J. Konus to Jan Okal' of October 14, 1974. University of Ottawa, Archives and Special Collections. X20- 16, JozefKonus Fonds, 1571.6 32 Ibid. 33 Ibid. �62 SLOV AKIA-2015 Even more significant is the size of his manuscript. Konus wrote that his dictionary manuscript consisted of 3037 pages. As far as the publishing of such a large work was concerned, the author wrote: It is supposed to be published by SAV in Bratislava, but its officials are still waiting for a political decision for a green light. Hence, I'm making plans to have the work published in the States, depending on who funds the project, your shop may even be asked to bid on the work. 34 That is why J. J.Konus needed from Jan Okal' those two pages of the manuscript "A Comprehensive Slovak-English Dictionary" printed, so that he would be able to send them as samples to potential publishing houses in the United States.35 Jan Okal' remembered J. J. Konus very well. He considered him as a great Slovak scholar, comparable to Anton Bemolak, or the American Noah Webster. He liked to recall regular lunch meetings on Saturdays with such distinguished Slovak leaders as the Rev. Jan J. Lach, Msgr. Milos Mlynarovic and Joseph Chill when they discussed how they admired and respected the enormous energy and skill that J. J. Konus put into his lexicographic activities .36 However, Jan Okal' faced serious difficulties with Konus's request. First of all, he no longer had his own printery. Due to severe health problems, he had to sell it. Nonetheless, after recovering, he started working for some other printeries to earn a living. One of them was printing publications for a larger Czech organization and thus it might have been useful for J. J. Konus's purposes . But the Czech printery was just then modernizing and transforming the whole process of hot metal typesetting to cold type. In addition, the modem type lacked Slavonic characters as well as a Slovak keyboard. On the other hand, those printeries which did not modernize suffered from the poor condition of their machinery. Factories in the USA stopped manufacturing the old type of printing machinery, together with spare parts. Printeries with the old technology had to order spare parts from Europe, which was very costly. Jan Okal' even added that he did not possess the 34 Ibid. Ibid. November 3, 1974. 36 Letter from Jan Okal' to J. J. Konus of November 11 , 1974. University of Ottawa, Archives and Special Collections. Jozef Konus Fonds, X20-16, 1571.6 35 �SLOV AKIA-2015 63 skills necessary for working with the new technology and that is why he was unable to help. Nevertheless, Okal' was familiar with possibilities which were still available such as the printeries of the First Catholic Slovak Union in Middletown, Pennsylvania, the Slovak Catholic Sokol in Passaic, New Jersey, and the Slavia Printery in Cleveland. So, he promised J. J. Konus to search for options once in Cleveland. In his letter of November 17, 1974, after trying to get some support in Cleveland, Oka!' had to admit that he failed and thus could not help with printing the samples for Konus. 37 For political reasons, even the Slovak Academy of Science in Bratislava did not help. A more favorable condition for the publishing of Konus's large dictionary appeared in the 1980s. Ladislav G. Bolchazy, of the Bolchazy-Carducci Publishers in W aucondia, Illinois, showed some interest in reprinting his dictionary. In a letter of June 23, 1988, J. J. Konus had written to Bolchazy the following: Dear Sir; Just arrived from a vacation in Australia, hence the delay in answering your interesting letter. Well, I could cooperate in having my "New English-Slovak Dictionary" reprinted as for your suggestion or plan . My only conditions are here: Since the book should be updated because it is a mediumsized collecting English vocabulary, I (or someone else) should prepare a typed-up addenda and some corrigenda. The work could take some six months [ ... ] There are many new and popular items to add [ ... ] and thus make the book more interesting and valuable. 38 By then, however, Konus was 85 years old and concerned with his health. In addition to the delay in answering the initial letter from Bolchazy, Konus also needed more time to prepare an addenda for the dictionary. There were also other issues related to editing and 37 Letter from Jan Okal' to J. J. Konus ofNovember 17, 1974. University of Ottawa, Archives and Special Collections. X20-16, JozefKonus Fonds, 1571.6 38 Letter from J. J. Konus to L. G. Bolchazy (Bolchazy-Carducci Publishers) of June 23, 1988. University of Ottawa, Archives and Special Collections. X20-16, Jan Okal' Fonds, 1572.3 0 �64 SLOV AKIA-2015 corrections, and there also were those technical facets of the work, which had been troublesome in the 1970s. Meanwhile, by the 1980's Slovaks in the United States had in their midst another lexicographer. This time it was a Slovak-born and professionally-trained linguist, a scholar, and much younger Anglicist-Dr. Jan Simko. He had come to the USA in 1967 to study at the Folger Shakespeare Library in Washington, D. C. and decided to remain after the Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968. Simko had published an English-Slovak dictionary in Slovakia in 1967, 1968 and 1971. Unfortunately, Konus and Simko never got together to possibly cooperate in publishing a joint dictionary. Instead, Bolchazy ended up publishing a reprint of Simko ' s 1971 dictionary in 1991. 39 The publication of Simko's dictionary, however, does not diminish the important role that J. J. Konus had played in the field of Slovak-American lexicography throughout the 20 th century. We must remain grateful for his enormous efforts in this field and his work still calls for a deeper examination. Conclusion Slovak lexicographic works published in North America represent a unique contribution to Slovak cultural heritage. "The indisputable role in the beginnings of learning English, and in the birth of Slovak Anglicist lexicography on the American continent as well, was played by the first Slovak book printed in the United States, and at the same time one of the most precious of rare specimens of Slovak books." 40 The dictionary written by Janko Slovensky in 1887 was followed by dozens of other works by amateur Slovak lexicographers in the USA and their numerous editions served the purposes of thousands of ordinary people. The highpoint in the field of lexicographic erudition was reached in the works of Joseph James Konus. Slovak dictionaries mentioned in this short contribution by a number of authors point at the robustness of the books written by Slovak immigrants and their descendants in North America. Without any doubt they deserve (and they should have also deserved in the past) our respect and deep appreciation. The government of the independ39 40 Jan Simko, English-Slovak Dictionary (Wauconda, IL : Bolchazi-Carducci, 1991 ). Bohmerova, "Rane dielo slovenskej anglistickej lexikografie," p. 247. �SLOV AKIA-2015 65 ent Slovak Republic should do all that it can do to protect and preserve the Slovak heritage on the soil of the United States of America. Joseph James Konus (1904 - 1995) � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2015, Vol. 42 Description An account of the resource Vol. 42 (No. 78-79), 2015. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2015 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 50 SLOV AKIA-2015 THE BIRTH OF LEXICOGRAPHIC WORKS IN NORTH AMERICA WITH SPECIAL EMPHASIS ON J. J. KONUS Dalibor Mikulas Slovak immigration to the United States of America and Canada has been of great importance for the history of Slovaks since the 1870s. In this context special attention should be paid to the SlovakAmerican press, analyzed by such scholars as Konstantin Culen, or by Marian Mark Stolarik. One of the many important contributions made by Slovak immigrants to North America was their creation of Slovak-English dictionaries. The main goal of this article is to survey Slovak emigration/immigration, the Slovak-American press and specifically the role and situation of Slovak lexicographic works published in North America between 1887 and 1990, with a special focus on one of the most significant Slovak-American personalities in this field, Joseph James Konus. Slovaks were among many nations, which for various reasons (economic, political, ethnic, religious, cultural, etc.), decided to move to the New World in the late 19 th and early 20 th centuries. Francis Raska subdivided the waves of immigration to the United States of America as follows: the Colonial Era (1609-1775), the Open Door Era (1776-1881 ); the Era of Regulation ( 1882-1916); the Era of Restriction (1917-1964); and the Era of Liberalization (1965) .1 As Francis Raska specified in the context of the Immigration Act passed by the United States Congress in 1965 (The Hart-Celler Act), preferring the immigration of people with skills on the one hand and family members of American citizens on the other, the consequences of the aforementioned Act were fundamental. While in the period before 1970 the proportion of three major immigrant groups in the USA consisted of 41% from Europe, 15% from Mexico and 10% from Asia, in the 1970s the representation was as follows : less than 12% from Europe, 30.2% from Mexico and 25% from Asia. 2 The last 1 See Francis Raska, "An Historical Overview of United States Immigration Policy since 1965," Journal of Interdisciplinary Philology 2, no. 1 (20 11 ): 6-9. 2rbid., 16 - 17. SLOV AKIA-2015 51 decades of the 20 th century continued on this trend . Thus, it is possible to consider the year 1965 as a significant breakpoint for immigration to the USA not just generally, but to a certain extent also with respect to the immigration of the Slovaks into the USA and to the volume of their activities in the new environment. However, Slovak immigration to the USA had started much earlier. It became a mass movement in the last decades of the 19 th century. As shown by M. Mark Stolarik, in the period of 1870-1914, approximately half a million Slovaks immigrated to North America searching for work in the coal mines, steel mills and oil refineries . They mainly concentrated in the American Northeast and Midwest: Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana and Illinois. According to Stolarik, Slovak immigrants established in the New World three pillars of their communities: fraternal-benefit societies; parish churches; and a newspaper press .3 As far as the newspaper press was concerned, at least 220 Slovak different newspapers were published in the United States between 1885 and 1970, representing a wide variety of genres and subclasses.4 Informed by the classification of Konstantin Culen, 5 Stolarik subdivided the Slovak- American press into eleven kinds of publications that reflected four distinct political orientations: Slovak nationalist, Magyarone, Czechoslovak, and socialist or communist. The newspapers appeared in the principal areas of Slovak settlement in the United States, and they mirrored the religious composition of the Slovak people (Roman Catholic, Lutheran, Calvinist, and Greek Catholic). The Slovak press in America, therefore, was as complex as that of any other group in this country. 6 While dealing with this particular study by M. M. Stolarik, it is especially useful to pay attention to the provided details with all the 3 M. Mark Stolarik, "The Slovak League of America and the Canadian Slovak Lea=gue in the Struggle for the Self-Determination of the Nation, 1907 - 1992," Emigration to the English Speaking World, ed. Janka Kascakova - Dalibor Mikulas (Rufomberok,Catholic University in Rufomberok, 2006), 186. 4 M. Mark Stolarik, "The Slovak-American Press, 1885 - 1984," The Ethnic Press in the United States: A Historical Analysis and Handbook, ed . Sally M. Miller (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1987), 353 . 5 Konstantin Culen, Slovenske casopisy v Amerike (Cleveland: First Catholic Slovak Union, 1970). 6 Stolarik, "The Slovak American Press," 353. 52 SLOV AKIA-2015 corresponding titles and size of newspapers and magazines, names of editors, period and circulation data, etc. as well as to the methodological and thematic subdivision of the press. The above mentioned eleven kinds of publications refer to the following thematic categories: the independent, commercial, general news press (approximately 40 % of the overall number); the religious press; the fraternal press; the socialist and communist press; literary journals; family magazines; humor magazines; organizational publications; and periodicals for the youth and students The overall enumeration and subdivision of the above mentioned periodicals would be inadequate without mentioning the generations of Slovak personalities, editors and journalists. As Stolarik puts it, by the mid-80s of the 20 th century it is possible to speak about three generations of editors of the Slovak-American press in the United States. The first generation was represented by such pioneers as the fraternalist, editor and businessman P. V. Rovnianek, the fratemalist and editor Reverend Stefan Furdek, the writer and editor Jan A. Feriencik and the writer and editor Gustav Marsal-Petrovsky, who came to the United States as educated adults. The second consisted of immigrants who came to the States as children or as young adults in the 1890s, or at the beginning of the 20 th century, e.g. the fraternalist and editor Jan Pankuch, the editor Jozef Husek, the editor Ivan Bielek, the fraternalist and Lutheran pastor Jaroslav Pelikan, Sr., the editor Milan Getting, and so on. The third generation consisted of those who were born in the United States as children of Slovak parents, and were fully bilingual: the fratemalist and editor John C. Sciranka, the editor Edward Kovac, Jr., the fratemalist and editor Peter P. Hletko, the teacher and editor Philip Hrobak, the teacher and editor Andrew V. Pier, and the teacher and editor Joseph C. Krajsa, among others, represent this generation. 7 An analysis of these sources in relation to individual Slovak editors and journalists also helps us to properly understand the authorship of Slovak lexicographic works, which were published in the United States in the 19 th and 20 th centuries. Many of these persons compiled their dictionaries because they were sure that these lexicographic works were needed and important for thousands of Slovak immigrants. Among such compilers were the journalists Janko Slov7 Ibid., 359-60. SLOV AKIA-2015 53 ensky, Gustav Marsal-Petrovsky, Paul K. Kadak, Albert Mamatey, Edward Kovac, Jr. and Philip Hrobak. With respect to this issue in the first decades of the 20 th century, Ada Bohmerova, the author of several studies related to Slovak lexicographic Anglicist works, states that, at the time the great Slovak poet Pavol Orszagh Hviezdoslav was translating Shakespeare into Slovak, English-Slovak dictionaries had been in existence in the United States for at least four decades. However, they were unknown in Slovakia.8 Bohmerova added that these works were created where their need was acute. Knowledge of English became an existential necessity for American Slovaks, a condicio sine qua non, to get a job and secure an everyday existence outside the Slovak, or Slavic community .9 A question which remains unanswered is the number and exact specification of Slovak dictionaries published in North America. The early historian of American Slovaks, Konstatntin Culen, while writing about the first Slovak dictionary published in the USA in an eastern Slovak dialect in 1887 stated, among other things, that this dictionary was the most essential Slovak book, since it had been written by the pioneer Janko Slovensky, because it enabled Slovaks to show what they knew. 10 However, Culen added that after this dictionary, 11 various authors published in various editions at least 50 to70 more. Even though Konstantin Culen had direct contact with pioneering American Slovaks, he did not have the advantages we enjoy in doing research today. For example, he did not have contact with North American libraries and related institutions, the Internet, or the IT digitalizing potential. So, if he estimated such a large number of Slovak lexicographic works published in North America, current 8 Ada Bohmerova, "Rane dielo slovenskej anglistickej lexikografie," Slovo v slovniku. Aspekty lexiktilnej semantiky - gramatika - stylistika (pragmatika). Na pocesr Alexandry Jarosovej, ed. Klara Buzzassyova, Bronislava Chocholova, Nicola Janockova (Bratislava:Veda, 20 12), 246. 9 Ibid. 1 °Konstantin Culen. J. S/ovensky. Zivotopis zakladatefa prvych slovenskych novin v Amerike (Winnipeg: Kanadsky Slovak, 1954), 160-1. Janko Slovensky. Americky Tlumac ku naucenu se najpotrebnejsich zacatecnych znamoscoch z ang/'ickej reci pre uherskych S/ovakach v Amerike i ijucich (Pittsburgh: Author' s publication, 1887). For more on Janko Slovensky see Slovensky biograjicky slovnik V, R-S (Martin: Matica slovenska, 1992), 296. 11 Culen, 160. 54 SLOV AKIA-2015 research should confirm or disprove such a hypothesis . David E. Washburn listed only nine such works in the following order: Julius Bucko. Dictionary of the English and Slovak Languages (Chicago: Rovnost' /'udu,1920). 612 pp; Philip A. Hrobak. Hrobak's EnglishSlovak Dictionary (Middletown, PA: Jednota Printery, 1944). 702 pp; Paul K. Kadak. Prakticny slovensko-anglicky tlumac (and) The Practical English-Slovak Dictionary (New York: Slovak v Amerike, 1905), 204 and 263 pp; Joseph J. Konus, New English-Slovak Dictionary (Pittsburgh, PA: J. J. Kon us, 1941 ), 646 pp; Joseph J. Konus. Slovak-English Phraseological Dictionary (Passaic, NJ: Slovak Catholic Sokol, 1969), 1664 pp; Joseph J. Konus. Slovensko-anglicky slovnik. Slovak-English Dictionary (Middletown, PA: Slovak Catholic Federation, 1930), 628 pp; Edward Kovac, Jr. Prakticky slovensko-anglicky slovnik (Scranton, PA: Obrana Press, 1950), 240 pp; Edward Kovac, Jr. Slovensko-anglicky tlmac. Prakticky anglicko-slovensky a slovensko-anglicky. 2nd ed. (Scranton, PA: Obrana Press, 1951), 489 pp; and Emil Nitray. Slovensko-anglicky a anglickoslovensky vreckovy slovnik (New York: Emil Nyitray, n.d), 139 andl I 6 pp. 12 As we can see, the list does not include the oldest Slovak dictionary by Janko Slovensky, and in fact, this particular book was published in large numbers and several editions. 13A critical linguistic analysis of this dictionary was provided by Adela Bohmerova. 14 Other quite well-known Slovak works of lexicography are absent in the 12 David. E. Washburn. The Peoples of Pennsylvania: An Annotated Bibliography of Resource Materials (Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1981), 204. [online]. Available at: http://books .google.sk/books?id=06rnKYe2KK wC&pg=PA204&1pg=PA204&dq =BU%C4%8CKO,+J%C3 %BAlius :+Slovn%C3%ADk+anglicko-slovensk%C3 %BD, +Chicago,+Illinois+ I 920&source=bl&ots=Kk4jp 112y &sig=3mSiiNHfpucr2Baww7t6zworOWY&hl=sk&sa=X&ei=ymTUU9rkF8iZyA T324KgDg&ved=0CC8Q6AEwAg#v=onepage&q=BU%C4%8CKO%2C%20J% C3%BAlius%3A %20Slovn%C3%ADk%20anglicko-slovensk%C3%BD%2C%20Chicago%2C%20Illinois%201920&f=false 13 See Frantisek Bielik a kol. Slovaci vo svete 2 (Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1980), 141-2. The same source adds that in 1895 the newspaper Slovak v Amerike published the first edition of the new American interpreter, Novy slovensko-anglicky tlmocnik, which by 1920 had been published in ten editions. 14 Adela Bohmerova, "Rane dielo slovenskej anglistickej lexikografie," Slovo v slovniku. Aspekty lexikalnej semantiky - gramatika - stylistika (pragmatika) . Na pocest' Alexandry Jarosovej. ed. Klara Buzassyova, Bronislava Chocholova, Nicol Janockova (Bratislava: Veda, 2012), 245 - 53. SLOV AKIA-2015 55 above list as well. These were the works of Gustav Marsal-Petrovsky (his dictionary Novy anglicky tlumac was published in many editions), the fratemalist Albert Mamatey (the practical dictionary he prepared was published in ten editions), or the works of the editor C. 15 L. Orbach . While enumerating Slovak lexicographic work in North America, it is important to focus also on student books and grammars of the Slovak language. For instance, Slavo Moravek's Slovak (Slavish) Self-Taught was published for Americans who were in daily contact with Slovaks (inappropriately called "Slavish people") almost every day, and who wanted to speak the Slovak language in their business or employment. 16 This book contains a Slovak-English and English-Slovak dictionary on pages 96-125 . Quite a similar situation is connected with the grammar books published by Philip Hrobak. The above mentioned book "The Peoples of Pennsylvania: An Annotated Bibliography of Resource Materials" introduces in the column "Slovak Language Books-Texts, etc. published in the United States of America" altogether nineteen books written by such authors as the educator Stefan Blasko, the Rev. Bonaventura Bue, Charles Dixon, the Rev. Stefan Furdek, the Rev. Stanislav F. Gmuca, Sr. M. G. Hricko, the educator Filip A. Hrobak, the lexicologist Jozef J. Konus, H.A. Macko, the lexicographer Slavo Moravek, M. M. E. Petrasek and the Rev. Gregor K. Vaniscak. Even this list seems incomplete. While working with this bibliographic book and the Slovak dictionaries listed there (the book is still a very important source for the proper understanding of Slovak lexicographic works published in North America), it is necessary to notice the absence of Slovak lexicographic works appearing in North America after the death of Konstantin Culen. In this respect we must mention such outstanding works as the Comprehensive Etymological Dictionary of the English Language, written by E. Klein, 17 or Jan Simko' s EnglishSlovak Dictionary. 18 15 Bielik, Slowici vo svete, 142 Slavo Moravek. Slovak (slavish) self-taught (Wilkes-Barre, PA: Bratstvo Publishing, 1917). 17 E. Klein. Comprehensive Etymological Dictionary of the English Language (Amsterdam, London, New York: Elsevier Publishing Co., 1966). 18 Jan Simko. English-Slovak Dictionary; Anglicko-slovensky slovnik (Waudonda: IL, Bolchazy-Carducci, 1991 ). 16 56 SLOV AKIA-2015 As we have seen, Slovak lexicographic works published in North America in the two previous centuries represent a large and unique area of study. Joseph James Konus is unique in this respect, because his publications represent the high point in the lexicographic work of Slovaks in North America. J. J. Konus and his Lexicographic Efforts As Joseph Konus himself put it in his larger New English-Slovak Dictionary, This English-Slovak dictionary is the answer to the persistent clamor of some one million Slovak-born Americans for an adequate tool with which the better to comprehend their adopted tongue. In defining more than 80,000 words, as well as many thousands of phrases and technical terms, the book is of such scope as to enable Slovaks both here and abroad better to appreciate the richness of the English language and the beauty of English literature. Moreover, it will especially enable the Slovak editors in the United States and Canada more accurately to interpret American intellectual and social values to the Slovak-reading public. 19 Konus privately published the book in 1941 . However, he had started working on it in the first half of the l 920s .20 In March of 1924, while responding to the second letter written to him by Stefan Krcmery, the secretary of the Matica slovenska, Konus, as a young intellectual raised in the United States, was seriously concerned with the question of an appropriate and up-to-date system of orthography that he was planning to use in his lexicographic works.21 In the first half of 1924, he wanted to complete his work on a purely SlovakEnglish dictionary . In addition, Konus asked the secretary for some 19 Joseph J. Konus . New English-Slovak Dictionary (Pittsburgh, PA : J. J. Konus, 1941 ), V. 2 Konus, the son of Slovak immigrants, was born on February 25, 1904 and died in Boca Raton, Florida on April 12, 1995 at age 91. He was educated in American schools and for a time in the l 930 's taught at the Slovak Benedictine High School in Cleveland, Ohio. Cf. Bielik, Slovaci vo sve/e 2, 143 . No-one has yet written his bio~raphy. 1 Letter from J. J. Konus dated March 3, 1924 to the secretary of the Matica slovenska in Frantisek Bielik. Slovenske vyst'ahovalectvo. Dokumenty Ill. Korespondencia z rokov 1893-1939 (Martin : Matica Slovenska, 1976), 207-8 . ° SLOV AKIA-2015 57 advice about the pronunciation of every Slovak word and he also sought advice as to whether it would not be better to prepare a Slovak- English and English-Slovak dictionary. In the same letter he asked if the Matica slovenska would be willing to publish his work, since he had not found any publishing house in the United States which would accept his dictionary. Finally, what seems to be quite important for a proper understanding of his lexicographic work is that J. J. Konus explicitly expressed his desire to write and address his thoughts in English, since he would then have an opportunity to express himself more clearly . Konus continued in his lexicographic work while reading literary masterpieces by such distinguished writers as Pavo! OrszaghHviezdoslav, Martin Kukucin, Jozef Skultety, Svetozar HurbanVajansky and Jozef Gregor - Tajovsky. In April of 1928, he wrote to the American Slovak editor Karol Stiasny concerning cultural life among the American Slovaks.22 Konus complained that Slovak newspapers in the USA (namely the weekly Obrana) informed their readers that a group of Slovak students, supported by editors Pavo! Kavulic, J. Gessay and H. Macko, were planning to publish a Slovak-English dictionary. However, after contacting them, Konus discovered that the aforementioned individuals were neither theoretically nor practically capable of such a demanding task. Meanwhile, Konus did mention that, in his six years of lexicographic work, he had collected more than 45,000 Slovak words, although they were not yet properly catalogued. The letter to Stiasny also revealed two things. First, that Konus was supposedly the only person with such a collection of words. Secondly, J. J. Konus expressed certain uneasiness about the activities of Slovak leaders living in the United States. In September of 1930, the Slovak Catholic Federation of America published the Slovak-English Dictionary compiled by J. J. Konus. The book was dedicated to the wealthy Michal Bosak of Scranton, Pennsylvanisa, patron of Slovak writings in America. In its Preface Konus stated that, before the publication of this dictionary, there had been a few small dictionaries which had fulfilled the objectives and needs of their time.23 However, by 1930 these works were no longer 22 Bielik, Slovenske vysrahovalectvo. Dokumenty III., 220-2. Letter from J. J. Konus to Karol Stiasny, April 18, 1928. 23 Konus, Joseph J. Slovensko-anglicky slovnik. Slovak-English Dictionary (Middletown, PA : Slovak Catholic Federation, 1930), no pagination in the Preface. 58 SLOV AKIA-2015 available and if they were, they were rather dated. That is why his dictionary met the requirements of the public for a richer source of Slovak words and expressions. Konus stated that words in his dictionary originated in Slovak literature and, if positively accepted by the public, a second edition would soon be under way and would contain up to 100,000 words. Konus expressed his gratitude to several individuals who helped him by reviewing and giving him advice. The Russian-American scholar O.D. Koreff reviewed the English part of the dictionary. The editors Jozef Zary, Jozef Husek, the Rev. Jozef Dulik, and Ivan Bielek supported him as well. Konus gave special thanks to Jozef Chill, a Slovak in Whiting in Indiana, who provided him with favorable working conditions. As already indicated, in 1941 J. J. Konus self-published the New English-Slovak Dictionary. It contained more than 80,000 words, so it approached the l 00,000 promised in 1930. The author sacrificed his own time and money to produce the dictionary and spent 19351937 in Slovakia, checking the accuracy of his research. With respect to the quality of his work, Kon us stated that Typographically the work may seem a bit odd because capital letters are used for entries. This form economy dictated, since there had to be different type left in the same type face to distinguish the setup of the phraseology. Economy also dictated the methodology, but not, it is hoped, at the expense of clarity or scholarship. English adverbial forms ending in -ly appended to an adjective are for the most part omitted in this dictionary, except when changes of spelling or meaning render their inclusion necessary. Abbreviations appear at the end of the book. The pronunciation of only 5,000 basic words is given; with the mastery of those, the student is ready to refer to a standard dictionary. 24 Konus continued working on Slovak and English lexicographic works, but at the same time he had other duties. In a letter written to Dr. Frantisek Subik (alias Andrej Zarnov), in 1955, Konus admitted that he had worked for the Federal Bureau oflnvestigation (FBI). He went on, 24 Konus, Joseph J. New English-Slovak Dictionary (Pittsburgh, PA: J. J. Konus, 1941 ), v-vi. SLOV AKIA-2015 59 Yes, I was lucky in obtaining the transfer to Florida. But I was determined to leave Washington just the same. My budding arthritis and allergy headaches were such that I was getting desperate . One thing is sure now: even if there is no improvement in my health, things will certainly not get worse. In Washington I was sinking. (Dr. Mikus saw the letter of transfer I received from the FBI Director himself; he thought it was awfully nice. I had no chance to show it to you. It is presumed that the Bureau was reluctant to lose a Slavonic expert.) Since no Slovak knows of my connection with the FBI, I would ask you not to disclose this to any of our countrymen [ ... ] I probably would not even have told you about my Government work had I not been determined to quit last summer. You know there can be plenty of jealousy and what-not. Don 't even tell anyone about my living in Florida_2s It seems that Konus had a very close relationship with Dr. Subik, who was known as a living voice of the Slovak nation in the free world. 26 Speaking about his further lexicographic works, Konus, wrote in the same letter, again in a very cautious manner: As to my cooperation with the Slovak Institute, etc., I feel that at the present time, in view of my health, the only contribution I can make to the Slovak cause (so dear to you and me) is my continued work on the Slovak-English dictionary of which there is a dire need everywhere. I'm going to make several copies of letters A and B to show Dr. Hrusovsky and others as samples of my work. If I see enough interest in such an all-inclusive or comprehensive dictionary, then I'll continue the project. That is, interest in getting or helping it to be published. I can't for the 25 Letter from J. J. Konus to Dr. Frantisek Subik, October 24, 1955 . University of Ottawa, Archives and Special Collections. Joseph Stasko Fonds, X20-2, 206.16. 26 Subik had been a Professor of Pathology at the Slovak University in Bratislava and Chief of the Department of Health. He was one of the experts who joined Red Cross representatives from Switzerland to examine the thousands of bodies found by the German Army in the Katyn forest, in the Soviet Union, where the NKVD had executed around 15,000-20,000 Polish officers and intellectuals in April of 1940. Subik was also famous for his collection of patriotic poems . After 1945 he was twice imprisoned by the Communists and in 1952 escaped and ended up living in the USA . 60 SLOV AKIA-2015 world of me see how anyone can properly translate Slovak literature without a good dictionary. For instance, that poem of yours in "Most", concerning your escape from Slovakia, could and should be translated for some important literary journal. If it's already translated, I didn 't see it. But I was toying with the idea of rendering it into English, even ifl'm not much of a poet. 27 Konus described his work on his large Slovak-English dictionary in another letter to Dr. Subik, written in November 1957. In it he asked Subik for help with the definitions of such words or expressions as: NARKOTIZACNY APARAT OZUBICA (chrupka okolo zubov) INDIKACNA T ABlEKA (medical chart?) OSETROVNE (fee for professional services?) PREDPA TNA KOST KRIMINALKA (za naivny toast pri majalesi recnik dostal k-u; k-u z veci robit') PREZIDIALKA (board meeting?) PRiPATNA KOST GYC (Dial.) MANZELSKA POSTEi: (marriage bed? twin bed?)28 . Konus mentioned that, thanks to the U. S. government' s decision to send him to Florida, he was able to complete his work on a so needed dictionary. In this respect Kon us appreciated the help provided by Dr. Janko Mihal, who was then a pensioner in Slovakia and had enough time to focus on lexicographic details. Nevertheless, it wasn't until 1969 that the Slovak Catholic Sokol finally published his Slovak-English Phraseological Dictionary. A critical review of this book by Zlata P. Meyerstein, a contemporary Lexicographer, appeared in the Slavic and East European Journa/. 29 27 Letter from J. J. Konus to Dr. Frantisek Subik of October 24, 1955 . University of Ottawa, Archives and Special Collections. Joseph Stasko Fonds, X20-2, 206.16 28 Letter from J. J. Konus to Dr. Frantisek Subik of October 24, 1955. University of Ottawa, Archives and Special Collections. Joseph Stasko Fonds, X20-2 , 206.16. 29 Zlata P Meyerstein, "Slovak-English Phraseological Dictionary by Jozef J. Konus," The Slavic and East European Journal 17, no. 1 (Spring, 1973), pp. I 09-111. Available at: SLOV AKIA-2015 61 In the 1970s, on the advice of the historian-artist Dr. Joseph Cincik, 30 J. J. Konus contacted the writer-editor Jan Oka!' in Berwyn Illinois and continued: "[I have] a sort of a favor to ask of you, compliance with which would be very much appreciated by the undersigned (whom you have met several times in Slovakia back in the thirties)." 31 While thinking of his other lexicographic work, Konus added : Enclosed herewith are two pages of a manuscript of my Comprehensive Slovak-English Dictionary, which please set up as follows on your linotype: Width of line: 3 inches Size of type:7-point type for all entries 6 points for the rest of the text except that all underlined matter must be in bold . The 6-point type ' s accents may necessitate a 61/2-slug. You figure it out. 32 He explained the reason for his avoidance of italics as follows: I hate to have the dictionary phraseology in italics because that's hard on old folks ' eyesight. My plan requires no italics whatsoever. The enclosed Xerox copy will illustrate what I mean and would like to see. 33 http ://www.jstor.org/discover/ l 0.2307/306571 ?uid=2&uid=60&uid=2490 I 34643&u id=70&uid=21 34&uid=3&uid=3739024&uid=2490 I 34653&purchasetype=article&accessType=none&sid=2 1I 05932295323&showMy J storPss=false&se ~= I &showAccess=false 0 or. Cincik was the former Director of the Artistic Division of the Matica slovenska in the 1930' s and during World War II. He fled to the West in 1945 and emigrated to the United States, and was later known as an author and editor of publications concerned with the old and modem paintings and sculptures in Slovakia. As a resident in Cleveland, Ohio he specialized in reli gious art and worked in the field of church painting and decorating. 1 Letter from J.J. Konus to Jan Okal' of October 14, 1974. University of Ottawa, Archives and Special Collections. X20- 16, JozefKonus Fonds, 1571.6 32 Ibid. 33 Ibid. 62 SLOV AKIA-2015 Even more significant is the size of his manuscript. Konus wrote that his dictionary manuscript consisted of 3037 pages. As far as the publishing of such a large work was concerned, the author wrote: It is supposed to be published by SAV in Bratislava, but its officials are still waiting for a political decision for a green light. Hence, I'm making plans to have the work published in the States, depending on who funds the project, your shop may even be asked to bid on the work. 34 That is why J. J.Konus needed from Jan Okal' those two pages of the manuscript "A Comprehensive Slovak-English Dictionary" printed, so that he would be able to send them as samples to potential publishing houses in the United States.35 Jan Okal' remembered J. J. Konus very well. He considered him as a great Slovak scholar, comparable to Anton Bemolak, or the American Noah Webster. He liked to recall regular lunch meetings on Saturdays with such distinguished Slovak leaders as the Rev. Jan J. Lach, Msgr. Milos Mlynarovic and Joseph Chill when they discussed how they admired and respected the enormous energy and skill that J. J. Konus put into his lexicographic activities .36 However, Jan Okal' faced serious difficulties with Konus's request. First of all, he no longer had his own printery. Due to severe health problems, he had to sell it. Nonetheless, after recovering, he started working for some other printeries to earn a living. One of them was printing publications for a larger Czech organization and thus it might have been useful for J. J. Konus's purposes . But the Czech printery was just then modernizing and transforming the whole process of hot metal typesetting to cold type. In addition, the modem type lacked Slavonic characters as well as a Slovak keyboard. On the other hand, those printeries which did not modernize suffered from the poor condition of their machinery. Factories in the USA stopped manufacturing the old type of printing machinery, together with spare parts. Printeries with the old technology had to order spare parts from Europe, which was very costly. Jan Okal' even added that he did not possess the 34 Ibid. Ibid. November 3, 1974. 36 Letter from Jan Okal' to J. J. Konus of November 11 , 1974. University of Ottawa, Archives and Special Collections. Jozef Konus Fonds, X20-16, 1571.6 35 SLOV AKIA-2015 63 skills necessary for working with the new technology and that is why he was unable to help. Nevertheless, Okal' was familiar with possibilities which were still available such as the printeries of the First Catholic Slovak Union in Middletown, Pennsylvania, the Slovak Catholic Sokol in Passaic, New Jersey, and the Slavia Printery in Cleveland. So, he promised J. J. Konus to search for options once in Cleveland. In his letter of November 17, 1974, after trying to get some support in Cleveland, Oka!' had to admit that he failed and thus could not help with printing the samples for Konus. 37 For political reasons, even the Slovak Academy of Science in Bratislava did not help. A more favorable condition for the publishing of Konus's large dictionary appeared in the 1980s. Ladislav G. Bolchazy, of the Bolchazy-Carducci Publishers in W aucondia, Illinois, showed some interest in reprinting his dictionary. In a letter of June 23, 1988, J. J. Konus had written to Bolchazy the following: Dear Sir; Just arrived from a vacation in Australia, hence the delay in answering your interesting letter. Well, I could cooperate in having my "New English-Slovak Dictionary" reprinted as for your suggestion or plan . My only conditions are here: Since the book should be updated because it is a mediumsized collecting English vocabulary, I (or someone else) should prepare a typed-up addenda and some corrigenda. The work could take some six months [ ... ] There are many new and popular items to add [ ... ] and thus make the book more interesting and valuable. 38 By then, however, Konus was 85 years old and concerned with his health. In addition to the delay in answering the initial letter from Bolchazy, Konus also needed more time to prepare an addenda for the dictionary. There were also other issues related to editing and 37 Letter from Jan Okal' to J. J. Konus ofNovember 17, 1974. University of Ottawa, Archives and Special Collections. X20-16, JozefKonus Fonds, 1571.6 38 Letter from J. J. Konus to L. G. Bolchazy (Bolchazy-Carducci Publishers) of June 23, 1988. University of Ottawa, Archives and Special Collections. X20-16, Jan Okal' Fonds, 1572.3 0 64 SLOV AKIA-2015 corrections, and there also were those technical facets of the work, which had been troublesome in the 1970s. Meanwhile, by the 1980's Slovaks in the United States had in their midst another lexicographer. This time it was a Slovak-born and professionally-trained linguist, a scholar, and much younger Anglicist-Dr. Jan Simko. He had come to the USA in 1967 to study at the Folger Shakespeare Library in Washington, D. C. and decided to remain after the Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968. Simko had published an English-Slovak dictionary in Slovakia in 1967, 1968 and 1971. Unfortunately, Konus and Simko never got together to possibly cooperate in publishing a joint dictionary. Instead, Bolchazy ended up publishing a reprint of Simko ' s 1971 dictionary in 1991. 39 The publication of Simko's dictionary, however, does not diminish the important role that J. J. Konus had played in the field of Slovak-American lexicography throughout the 20 th century. We must remain grateful for his enormous efforts in this field and his work still calls for a deeper examination. Conclusion Slovak lexicographic works published in North America represent a unique contribution to Slovak cultural heritage. "The indisputable role in the beginnings of learning English, and in the birth of Slovak Anglicist lexicography on the American continent as well, was played by the first Slovak book printed in the United States, and at the same time one of the most precious of rare specimens of Slovak books." 40 The dictionary written by Janko Slovensky in 1887 was followed by dozens of other works by amateur Slovak lexicographers in the USA and their numerous editions served the purposes of thousands of ordinary people. The highpoint in the field of lexicographic erudition was reached in the works of Joseph James Konus. Slovak dictionaries mentioned in this short contribution by a number of authors point at the robustness of the books written by Slovak immigrants and their descendants in North America. Without any doubt they deserve (and they should have also deserved in the past) our respect and deep appreciation. The government of the independ39 40 Jan Simko, English-Slovak Dictionary (Wauconda, IL : Bolchazi-Carducci, 1991 ). Bohmerova, "Rane dielo slovenskej anglistickej lexikografie," p. 247. SLOV AKIA-2015 65 ent Slovak Republic should do all that it can do to protect and preserve the Slovak heritage on the soil of the United States of America. Joseph James Konus (1904 - 1995)  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Birth of Lexicographic Works in North America with Special Emphasis on J. J. Konuš Description An account of the resource Dalibor Mikuláš Slovakia, Vol. 42 (No. 78-79), 2015 pp. 50-65 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Mikuláš, Dalibor Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2015 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/b418d6362b5374e999cecdce2273fecc.pdf 44016909e30ed47f43f76d674c578c5b PDF Text Text 66 SLOV AKIA-2015 THE DEVELOPMENT OF CULTURAL COOPERATION BETWEEN THE SLOVAK REPUBLIC AND THE INDEPENDENT STATE OF CROATIA, 1941-1945 1 Miroslav Michela The foreign policy of Slovakia in the years 1939 - 1945 has been quite a popular research topic of Slovak historians over the last ten to twenty years. 2 Significant achievements in this regard relate primarily to research on Slovak-German relations,3 but there are also several 1 1 would like to express my gratitude to prof. Mark Stolarik and his family for significant help in my research on Slovak emigres, and especially on the biography of Slovak journalist and politician Karol Murgas. My research in the Slovak collections in the Archives and Special Collections of the University of Ottawa Library would not have been possible without the support of the Helen and John lvanco Memorial Research Bursary. 2 Here I would like to list a few publications, which appeared in recent years, mostly as a result of long-term academic interest: Michal Schvarc, "Zahranicna politika Slovenskej republiky 1939-1945 a jej postavenie v ramci nemeckej sfery vplyvu," in Kfucove problemy modernych slovenskych dejin 1848-1992, ed. Valerian Bystricky et. al. (Bratislava: Veda, 2012), 231-52; Edita lvanickova et. al. , Slovenslui republika 1939-1945 v medzinarodnych suvislostiach (Bratislava: Historicky ustav SAV, 2012); Pavo! Petruf, Zahranicna politika Slovenskej republiky 1939-1945: nacrt problematiky (Bratislava: Historicky ustav SAV, 2011); James Mace Ward, Priest, Politician, Collaborator: Jozef Tiso and the Making of Fascist Slovakia (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2013). 3 For example: Sicherheitsdienst a Slovens/ca v rokach 1938-1944: od auton6mie po Povstanie. Slovensky stat vo vybranych spravach SD od jesene 1943 do septembra 1944, ed. Michal Schvarc (Bratislava: Slovenske narodne muzeum-Muzeum karpatskych Nemcov, 2006) ; "Tretia risa" a vznik Slovenskeho statu;dokumenty. /., ed. Michal Schvarc, Martin Holak and David Schriftl (Bratislava: Ustav pamati naroda, SNM- Muzeum kultury Karpatskych Nemcov, 2008); "Tretia risa" a vznik Slovenskeho statu : dokumenty. II. ed. Michal Schvarc and David Schriftl (Bratislava: Ustav pamati naroda, Historicky ustav SAV, SNM - Muzeum kultury Karpatskych Nemcov, 2010) ; Slovensko-nemecke vzt'ahy 1938-1941 v dokumentoch I.:od Mnichova k vojne proti ZSSR , ed. Eduard Nizi\.ansky et. al. (Presov: Universum, 2009); Slovensko-nemecke vzt'ahy 1941-1945 v dokumentoch II. :od vojny proti ZSSR po zanik Slovenskej republiky v roku 1945, ed. Eduard Niznansky et. al. (Presov: Universum-EU, 20 11); Von Munchen bis Salzburg 1938- 1940. Dokumente und Essay. Buch 1. Buch 2. Slovensko v jeseni 1944, ed. Ladislav Susko (Bratislava: Luc, 2008); Tatjana Tonsmeyer, Das Dritte Reich und die Slowakei, 1939-1945. Politi- �SLOVAKIA 67 studies concerning the relationship between Slovakia and the Great Powers .4 In the context of diplomatic relations with neighboring countries, plenty of studies are oriented on the Slovak-Polish and Slovak-Hungarian relationships at different levels of politics.5 In the last decade studies relating to Slovak-Croatian diplomatic relations have also appeared. 6 Generally speaking, with a few exceptions, the2008); Tatjana Tonsmeyer, Das Dritte Reich und die Slowakei, 1939-1945. Politischer Al/tag zwischen Kooperation und Eigensinn (Paderbom : Ferdinand Schoningh, 2003 ). 4 For example: Politicke vzt'ahy medzi Francuzskom a Ceskoslovenskom a Francuzskom a Slovenskom (1 939-1948): vyber dokumentov, ed. Pavo! Petruf (Martin: Matica slovenska, 2003); Dagmar Ciema-Lantayova, Pohfady na vychod: Postoje k Rusku v slovenskej politike 1934-1944 (Bratislava: Veda, 2002); Slavomir Michalek, "Niekol'ko problemov slovensko-americkych vzt'ahov pocas druhej svetovej vojny," in Edita Ivanickova et. al. Slovenska republiko /939-1945 v medzinarodnych suvislostiach, 139-61 ; Petr Kubik, Slovensko-talianske vzt'ahy 1939-1945 (Bratislava: Ustav pamiiti naroda, 20 IO); Edita Ivanickova, "Zapadne vel'moci a slovensky stat 1939-1945," in Slovensky stat 1939-1945: predstavy a reality, eds. Martina Fiamova, Jan Hlavinka and Michal Schvarc (Bratislava: Historicky ustav SA V, 2014), 8193 . 5 Here is a sample of some interesting works by young scholars: Aliaksandr Piahanau, "Slovak-Hungarian Relations in the Mirror of the German-Soviet Conflictive Alliance (1939-1941 )," Prague Papers on the History of International Relations 16 (2012): 144-63; Isvtan Janek, "The Issue of Hungarian- Slovak Diplomatic Connections in the Hungarian Parliament in 1939- 1940," Prague Papers on the History of International Relations 18 (2014): 128-41 ; Istvan Janek, "Mad'arsko-slovenske diplomaticke vzt'ahy v rokoch 1939-1941 , " in Slovenska republika 1939-1945 ocami mladych historikov, IV. , eds. Michal Smigel' and Peter Micko (Banska Bystrica: Katedra hist6rie Fakulty humanitnych vied Univerzity Mateja Bela, 2005 ), 334-51 ; Mateusz Gniazdowski, "Kontakty PHsudczyk6w ze Slowakami w latach 19391945," Niepodleglosi: 55 (2005): I 07-50; Dusan Seges, "The Slovak Question and its International Context during World War Two," in 1945 - A Break with the Past, ed. Zdenko Cepic (Ljubljana: Institut za novejso zgodovino, 2008), 213-26; Dusan Seges, Dvojkrii v silociarach bieleho or/a. Slovenska otazka v politike pol'skej exi/ovej vlady za 2. svetovej vojny (Bratislava: Veda, 2009); Holy Case, "The Holocaust in Regional Perspective: Anti-Semitism and the Holocaust in Hungary, Romania and Slovakia," in Varieties of Anti-Semitism, eds . Peter Kenez and Bruce Thompson (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 2009), 76-92. 6 Jan Rychlik, "Slovensko-chorvatske vztahy v letech 1941-1945 ," Slovanske historicke studie 26 (2000): 265-83 ; Miroslav Michela, "Vznik slovenskeho vyslanectva v Chorvatsku a cinnost' Karola Murgasa, charge d 'affaires v Zahrebe v roku 1941 ," in Slovenska republika 1939 - 1945 ocami mladych historikov fl , ed. Martin Lacko (Bratislava: Merkury, 2003), 97-123 ; Miroslav Michela, "K otazke slovensko-chorvatskej kulturnej spoluprace v rokoch 1941-45," Slavica Slovaca 38 (2003): 112-22; Jan Tkac, "Slovensko-juhoslovanske a slovensko-chorvatske vzt'ahy �68 SLOVAKIA-2015 se works are mainly focused on the issues of diplomacy and the traditional history of politics. They describe the ideas and activities of major political players, thus complementing our knowledge about the process of negotiating and building the "New Europe." 7 The present study aims primarily to explain a few basic factors in the context of building official Slovak-Croatian cultural cooperation in the period from 1941 to 1945 . The foundation of the Independent State of Croatia (Nezavisna Drzava Hrvatska - NDH) on April 10th, 1941 resulted in the expansion of cultural interaction between it and the newly- independent Slovak Republic, as the representatives of both states shared similar experiences of national struggles and now ideological and political interests. The Slovak Republic officially recognized the NDH on v rokoch 1939-1941 ," Historicky zbornik 19 (2009): 154-68; Jan Tkac, "Chorvatsko v politike Slovenskej republiky v rokoch 1941-1945," Historicky casopis 58 (2010): 659-83 ; Alena Bartlova, "Dr. Jozef Cieker, vyslanec Slovenskej republiky," in Dr. Jozef Cieker: seminar pri prileiitosti nedoi itym 90. narodenincim Jozefa Ciekera v Tvrdosine 20. juna 1997, ed. Juraj Chovan-Rehak (Martin : Matica slovenska, 2000), 71-92; Jan Jankovic, Chorvcitska literatura v slovenskej kulture If. (19391948), (Bratislava: Veda, 2002); Jan Jankovic, Stanis/av Meciar - chorvatofil (Bratislava: Ustav svetovej literatury SAV, 2001); Martin Jarinkovic, "Pohl'ad slovenskej dennej tlace na chorvatsku otazku v rokoch 1941-1944," in Od Salzburgu do vypuknutia Povstania. Slovenskci republika 1939-1945 ocami mladych historikov VIII, ed. Peter Sokolovic (Bratislava: Ustav pamati naroda, 2009), 261-88; Martin Jarinkovic, "Spolkovy zivot v prvej Slovenskej republike na priklade Slovenskochorvatskej spolocnosti v rokoch 1942-1944," in Zivot v Slovenskej republike. Slovenskci republika 1939-1945 ocami mladych historikov 9., ed. Peter Sokolovic (Bratislava: Ustav pamati naroda 2010), 305-24; Oldfich Pejs, "Nakup koni v Chorvatsku pro slovenskou armadu v roce 1944," Vojenskci hist6ria 8 (2004): 87-95; Oldfich Pejs, "Na okraj dodavky slovenskych zbrani do Chorvatska v roce 1942," Historie a vojenstvi 45 (1996): 56-73 . 7 See the following : Michal Schvarc, "Statna suverenita len ako fasada? Zasahy Nemecka do slovenskeho zakonodarstva v rokoch 1939-1940," in Slovensko v labyrinte modernych eur6pskych dejin : pocta historikov Milanovi Zemkovi, ed . Slavomir Michalek (Bratislava: Historicky ustav SAV, 20 14), 641-57; Pavo) Petruf, "Zahranicna politika Slovenskeho statu 1939-1945 : niekol'ko poznamok o jej vzniku, zamerani a kratkodobej existencii," in Riesenie iidovskej otcizky v spojeneckych krajincich nacistickeho Nemecka, ed. Viera Kovacova et. al. (Banska Bystrica: Muzeum Slovenskeho narodneho povstania, 20 12), 17-29; Pavo I Petruf, "Terna "novej Eur6py", "noveho eur6pskeho poriadku" a "zivotneho priestoru" na strankach novin Slovak ( I 939-1940)," in Kapitoly z hist6rie stredoeur6pskeho priestoru v 19. a 20. storoci: pocta k 70-rocnemu jubileu Dusana Kovcica, ed. Edita Ivanickova et. al. (Bratislava: Historicky ustav SAV, 201 I), 338-54. �SLOVAKIA 69 May 5th, 194 l along with other Axis members and satellites - Germany, Italy and Hungary. 8 The NDH's political role in the "New Europe" was outlined in the Treaty of Rome, signed on May 18, 194 l, which established long-term Italian patronage. After Croatia gained its sovereignty, this subordination was immediately subject to much domestic criticism. During the following Croatian-Slovak diplomatic discussions, both parties set out a preferred vision of German rather than Italian supervision, seeing in Nazi Germany a common protector and liberator and also admiring the state and the Flihrer. In May of 194 l the government of the Slovak Republic surprisingly appointed the radical Karol Murgas, as its charge d'affaires to Croatia. The request was officially delivered by German authorities, as there was no direct contact between the two parties at that time. 9 Murgas had no diplomatic experience and was known for his awkward and hot-tempered behavior in public, which might have caused some hesitation, but his paramilitary experience in the Hlinka Guard and his demonstrated sympathy for Croatian nationalists made their mark. Murgas himself saw the move as an attempt to remove him from Slovak domestic politics, as he had previously enjoyed the prominent post of head of the Department of Propaganda. 10 In May of 194 l Viliam Kovar, the distinguished Slovak journalist, visited Croatia. During his stay he met influential statesmen and leaders of the Ustasha movement and examined the potential for mu- 8 Croatia - Congratulations of president Jozef Tiso, file 1300/41 , box 61 , collection Kancelaria prezidenta republiky - Slovensky narodny archiv (SNA) - Bratislava. For more about Slovak-Yugoslav relations see: Jan Nemecek, "K slovensko-jugoslavskym vztahum 1939-45," in Evropa mezi Nemeckem a Ruskem. Sbornik praci k sedmdesatinam Jaroslava Valenty, eds. Miroslav Sestak and Emil Voracek (Praha: Historicky ustav Akademie ved Ceske republiky, 2000), 385-98; Martin Jarinkovic, "Slovensko-juhoslovanske hospodarske a obchodne kontakty v rokoch 1939-1941 ," Pamdt' naroda 7 (20 11 ): 4-17. 9 S/ovak, May 11, I 941, 3. Zagreb's official approval of Murgas's mission came on May 15, but information ' s about it had already appeared in Grenzebote on the 4th of May 1941. For this question see also: File 79/41 , Box 1155 and File 77/41 , Box 213 , MZV, SNA. 10 See: Miroslav Michela, "Miesto a uloha Karola Murgasa v radikalnom prude slovenskej politiky v obdobi rokov 1939-1941 ," in S/ovenska republika 1939-1945 ocami mladych historikov, ed. Martin Lacko (Trnava : Katedra hist6rie Filozofickej fakulty Univerzity Cyrila a Metoda, 2002), 77-105 . �70 SLOVAKIA-2015 tual cultural cooperation. 11 In a letter to his colleague Stanislav Meciar, the editor- in-chief of the journal Slovenske pohl'ady, Kovar suggested sending a series of congratulatory letters on Croatia's independence to demonstrate Slovak sympathy and support. 12 Meciar was known to be a Croatophile and ardent admirer of writer and politician Mile Budak, who later became Minister of Education and Religion of the newly-founded NDH. 13 In a letter dated May 23, Meciar asserted the brotherhood of both nations and expressed satisfaction with both countries' successful completion of the struggle for independence. In his words, "Croats were a sincere nation close to us" and "the future of Slovakia will be much safer when developed in tandem with the present beautiful reality of Croatia." 14 Such declarations of sympathy were common in contemporary formal communications and were not deemed awkward . The Slovak press continuously monitored the Croatian struggle for independence and dedicated significant space to discussions with Croat emancipation activists : the Ustasha and Hlinka Guard officials; and to both nations' notable historical figures, such as Ljudevit Gaj , Ban Jelacic and Ante Starcevic on the one hand, and Jan Kollar, Stefan Moyzes and Andrej Hlinka on the other. A lot of attention was also paid to contemporary figures such as Mile Budak, Milo Urban and Alexander Mach, the commander-in-chief of the Hlinka Guard. Andrej Vrbacky, the Slovak translator, deserves credit for this written presentation. On May 26, 1941, Karol Murgas paid an official visit to Ante Pavelic, Croatia's supreme leader - poglavnik. In his formal address, Murgas pointed to the similarities of both nation's histories and suggested close cooperation in future political and cultural activities. 15 After this the Slovak embassy was officially opened. Interestingly, although an embassy agreement was offered to Murgas, he came to Zagreb with the official status of an envoy, which the Croatian side considered insufficient and demanded diplomatic representation at 11 Croatia trip reports. Box 4, Papers of Viliam Kovar, Literarny archiv Slovenskej narodnej kniznici V Martine (LA SNK). 12 Letter of V. Kovar to S. Meciar, August 26, 1941 . File 164 E 20, LA SNK. 13 See for example: Stanislav Meciar, "Chorvatsky klasik Mile Budak," Slovenske pohl'ady 56 ( 1940): 429-44. 14 Letter of S. Meciar to M. Budak, May 21 , 1941. File 164 N 17, LA SNK. 15 File 8/41 , Box 1155, MZV, SNA; Karol Murgas, "Pred tridsiatimi rokmi v Zahrebe," Slovak a svet I (Chicago, 1971 ): 15. �SLOVAKIA 71 the top level. A month later, on June 25, Slovak president Jozef Tiso accepted the nomination of Dragutin Toth as Croatian charge d' affaires to Slovakia. 16 Murgas objected to this nomination, rating Toth as a liberal-orientated leftist. Toth's first audience with President Tiso took place on August l st, and his opening statement was dedicated again to both nations' independence. It is worth mentioning that he gave the speech in his native tongue, yet the president answered him in Slovak. This established a precedent for Tiso's interactions with envoys of Slavic states. 17 The newly-established Slovak embassy in Zagreb attracted broad interest and numerous appeals for bilateral cooperation. Both parties declared their intention to closely coordinate their political, economic, social and cultural activities. NOH officials wanted information on the organization of economic and social life in Slovakia. A common topic of bilateral talks was the means of settling the debts of former parent states (Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia). After initial negotiations with Murgas, Anton Bonifacic, head of the Croatian Department of Culture of the Slovak Ministry of Foreign Affairs, worked out a "Proposal for Establishing Cultural Cooperation between the NOH and the Slovak Republic". Its aim was to build economic, social and cultural ties based on the mutual exchange of publications, translations of literature, the exchange of students, writers and task groups; and organizing art exhibitions, concerts etc. The proposal included a suggestion for the legal recognition and protec18 tion of Croats living in Slovakia and Slovaks in the NOH. The position of the latter was at that time far from satisfactory. Slovak minority rights gained during the former Yugoslavia were largely ignored by the Ustasha regime. 19 The first objective of the Slovak representatives in Croatia was to improve this situation. Within the Slo16 File 4961 /41 , Box 213, MZV, SNA. Rychlik, Slovensko-chorvatske vztahy ... , 270. 18 File 244/41 , Box 1157, MZV, SNA. 19 About the Slovak minority in Croatia, see: Vit Usak, Slovcici v Chorvcitsku - historicky ncicrt (C leveland-Rim : Historicky ustav, 1978); Sprievodca slovenskym zahranicim, ed. I.'.ubica Bartalska (Bratislava: Dom zahranicnych Slovakov, 2001), 8790; Report of J. Cieker, February 12, 1942. File 27/48 JozefCieker papers, Okresny l'udovy sud v Bratislave 1945-1947 (O1..'.S BA), Statny oblastny archiv Bratislava (SABa). Information about the exact number of Slovaks in Croatia at that time differed. The daily Slovak, on October 22, 1941 , page 3, estimated a maximum of 22,000 countrymen ; other sources gave higher numbers . 17 �72 SLOV AKIA-2015 vak community itself, there were further differences related to religious orientation. The Catholic population lacked education and schools, and its national identity was rapidly disappearing. On the other hand, Lutheran villages were keeping their traditions alive, with much of the work done by local pastors.20 However, the Lutheran community had stronger ties to the former Yugoslav regime and was treated with suspicion by Ustasha authorities. In numerous cases the Slovak embassy had to intervene to help individuals (conscripts of the Yugoslav army) who had been captured in the previous war with Germany. The chaos and scarcities following the transition of power also forced a lot of Slovaks to seek help at the embassy. Ever since the foundation of the NDH, leaders of the Slovak expatriate community were planning to set up a minority organization, the so-called Slovak National Group in Croatia, with a common official statute recognized by the Croatian regime. The eventual failure of this initiative was largely due to the fact that they were not coordinated with the Croatian side, which feared a potential precedent that wou ld allow other minorities to raise similar claims. The only minority to achieve the privilege of an officially recognized status was the German one, with a population up to 150,000 and enjoying the benefits of the parent country ' s political dominance. Following the negotiations of June 25, 1941 , Croatia and Slovakia announced a mutual settlement of their claims regarding real estate belonging to their predecessor states (Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia).21 Murgas managed to obtain the property of the former Czech-Slovak society Beseda in Lipovljani for the Slovak side.22 The issue of schools for the Slovak minority was a frequently negotiated topic from early on. In spite of the initial mistrust by the Ustasha authorities, which culminated in the arrests of several Slovak teachers, Slovak primary education was preserved. 23 Mutual contacts also developed in the field of pedagogy and science. A visit by Croatian medics and an Ustasha Youth delegation to °File 36, Box 266, MZV, SNA . 2 21 File 217/41 , Box 1157 and File 217/41 , Box 1155 , MZV, SNA . The society officially dissolved on July 30, 1941. See Slovak Beseda in Bratislava. Box 207, f. Policajne riaditel'stvo v Bratislave (PR Ba), SNA; File 325/41 , Box 214 and File 20518/41 , Box 48, MZV, SNA. 23 File 33880/41 , Box 213 and File 20518/41 , Box 48 , MZV, SNA. Gardista, September 21 , 1941 , 3; Gardista, October 22, 1941 , 3. 22 �SLOVAKIA 73 Slovakia was met by great domestic publicity. 24 A program of student exchange and scholarship financing was launched by numerous institutions: The Science Society for Foreign Slovaks (mainly focused on student exchange, support of Slovak foreign education and distribution of Slovak literature abroad), the Matica slovenska, The Society of St. Adalbert, the Slovak University, and the Hlinka Youth. The Croatian partner organizations included the Saint Jerome Society, the Matica Hrvatska, and later the new Croatian-Slovak Society. The pace at which interest in Croatia spread was almost overwhelming for the Slovak Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which decided to halt the uncontrolled influx of NDH visitors . The Ministry then published a directive stating that it must approve all Croatian visits. 25 The founding of the already mentioned Croatian-Slovak Society (August 13, 1941) was a milestone in cultural interaction. The Slovak envoy requested the speedy assignment of a cultural attache to Croatia, recommending Jozef Ambrus, who had been studying in Zagreb. This request was turned down, as was his later proposal of founding an office of the Society in Bratislava. 26 A fact worth mentioning is that Murgas proposed Alexander Mach, the Minister of the Interior, to be the chairman of this branch. 27 The Slovak authorities, however, took a rather cautious approach and decided to wait until their Croatian counterparts founded a similar branch of the Society in Zagreb. 28 These facts indicate a kind of cautiousness on the Slovak part, caused primarily by foreign political factors. Contrary to their cordial relations and shared long-term plans, practical cooperation between Slovakia and Croatia was difficult from the beginning. Later on, such cooperation was also damaged by the Ustasha regime's inability to make good on its commitments. Meanwhile, the Croatian and Slovak Society was founded in Zagreb. Franjo Dujmovic, 29 the editor-in-chief of the daily Nova Hrvat24 See for example: Gardista, July 26, 1941, 3; Gardista , July 27, 1941, 3; Gardista, August 26, 1941, 3; File 32595/41, Box 213 , MZV, SNA. 25 Ibid, File 6978/41. 26 Reports of K. Murgas, August 19, 1941 and August 26, 1941. Box 143, MZV, SNA; File 20518/41 , Box 48, MZV, SNA. See also: Jarinkovic, Spolkovy i ivot v frvej Slovenskej republike ... , 305-24. 7 File 544/41, Box 1155 and File 137/41, Box 1160, MZV, SNA. 28 File 32.702/41, Box 118, MZV, SNA. 29 Initially led by the Croatian Minister of the Interior and well-known Ustasha activist Adrija Artukovic. �74 SLOVAKIA-2015 ska (New Croatia) , was appointed its President, with Mile Starcevic and Eugen Ftillop as Vice-Presidents, and Zlatko Milkovic as Secretary. The Society ' s Board included a number of significant individuals whose positions suggested strong links with Croatian state institutions .3° The Society's goal was to develop cultural relations and to promote the Slovak Republic in the NDH. Stanislav Meciar also hoped to expand cultural cooperation, with special focus on the new Croatian literature. When asked about which Slovak novelists he would recommend for translation, he included Jozef Ciger Hronsky, Milo Urban, Tido J. Gaspar, Julius Horvath, and Margita Figuli. He rejected Peter Jilemnicky, whom he labelled a Czech and a Communist. Among Slovak poets he suggested Valentin Beniak, Andrej Zamov, Emil Boleslav Lukac, Jan Smrek, Rudolf Dilong, I:udo Ondrejov, Ladislav Novomesky, Jan R. Ponican and Jan Kostra, with the comment that "the last three were Communists, but have written valuable Slovak poems; here you ought to make your own decision." 31 He also decided to publish a special issue of the Slovenske pohl'ady on the subject of Croatia. 32 As early as 1941 discussions began about the possibility of closer cooperation between Romania, Slovakia, and Croatia, a project designed to raise the profile of all three states. The incentive to establish this bloc came from Romania, mainly as a reaction to Hungarian irredentism. At the same time, the three states intended to revisit their territorial losses to Hungary between 193 8 and 1941. Agreement to create the bloc was soon disclosed and the Hungarian Government protested against "reviving the spirit of the Little Entente," referring to the interwar East-Central European military alliance against Hungary. In spite of the initial hesitation of Slovak politicians, by early 1942 Vojtech Tuka, the Slovak Foreign Minister, showed great interest in such cooperation. He emphasized that the alliance could not be labelled with the "stigma of Pan-Slavism," referring to criticism raised by some representatives of the Slovak government. On the one hand, as soon as the Germans indicated that no such efforts would be tolerated within their sphere of influence, the 30 Tatre i Velebit, December 25 , 1942, 155 . Letter of S. Meciar to Zlatko Milkovic from August 26, I 941. File 164 P 17, LA SNK. 32 See Jankovic, Chorvatska literatura v slovenskej kulture II. (1939-1948), 52-83. 31 �SLOVAKIA 75 Slovak Republic 's activities declined rapidly . On the other hand, the Slovaks discovered that the NDH was not a reliable partner. 33 In the fall of 1941 some changes were made to the charge d' affaires positions in both countries. Jozef Cieker replaced the undisciplined Karol Murgas. Cieker had previously worked in Yugoslavia and was knowledgeable about Croatian affairs. He presented his credentials in Zagreb on December 12, 1941. At the same time, there was also a change in the Croatian diplomatic posting in Bratislava. Josip Berkovic, the new envoy, presented his credentials on December 19. These changes had no impact on the mutual convergence, and the Croatian Embassy in Bratislava appointed a cultural attache, Geno Sencic who energetically participated in the development of Slovak and Croatian cultural relations. In January of 1942, Tido J. Gaspar, Head of the Propaganda Office, charged Jozef Ambrus with preparing the ground for establishing the Slovak and Croatian Society in Slovakia. The general assembly of this cultural institution took place on March 13, 1942, in the Slovak University ' s amphitheater. Slovak Ministers Alexander Mach, Gejza Medricky and Ferdinand Catlos, as well as other major figures of political and cultural life attended, as did a numerous Croatian delegation. This meeting received broad media coverage. This general assembly prescribed uniforms as a part of the dress code. The Society set as its goal to unite all Croatophiles, spread the Croatian culture and develop mutual relationships. Political issues were to be avoided. Alexander Mach was acclaimed as the Society 's President. In his acceptance speech he pointed out the parallels between the Autonomists ' first paramilitary organization, the Rodobrana (Native Defense), the subsequent Hlinka Guards and the Croatian Ustasha movement. He added that cooperation between Slovakia and Croatia "is not based on the pharisaical chimera of the notorious Slavic solidarity," which had led to humiliation, suffering and disappointment for both nations. These contacts, he continued, "are supported by a good tradition, the present struggle for a common goal, which we all have before our eyes in the New Europe." Mach's 33 See Miroslav Tejchman, "Slovensko-rumunsko-chorvatska spoluprace v letech druhe svetove valley a Mad'arsko," Slovansky pfehled 78 (1992) : 161-71 ; Cubomir Liptak, "Mad'arsko v slovenskej politike za druhej svetovej vojny," in Prispevky k dejinam fasizmu v Ceskos/ovensku a v Mad'arsku, ed. Gyorgy Ranki (Bratislava: Vydavatel'stvo Slovenskej akademie vied, 1969), 222-30. �76 SLOVAKIA-2015 speech marked the boundaries of the cultural society. He also delegated Stanislav Meciar, Anton Misik, Jozef Ambrus as its VicePresidents, Viliam Kovar, Eduard Urban as its Secretaries, and Belo Franc as the Treasurer. Many important people working in the area of culture and politics became board members .34 The next day, the first issue of the Slovak-and-Croatian literary review entitled Tatre i Velebit appeared.35 Josip Andric became the editor-in-chief. He had visited Slovakia since the 1920s, and maintained good contacts with the representatives of the Hlinka Slovak People 's Party. In the first issue's introductory address, Ferdinand Catlos, Slovak Minister of Defense, noted : "With the help of the Germans, both our nations have become autonomous and integrated as state actors among the nations of young Europe." He praised the shared destiny and goals, desires and hopes of both nations who required no written agreements to confirm their mutual relationships.36 It is evident that both societies had ideologically compatible people in the leadership, with close links to the official regime. It was typical of both states to infuse culture with politics, especially with propaganda. However, as Jan Jankovic pointed out, in spite of major ideological links, there was also much freedom, which he demonstrated by using literature translations that often avoided an ideological undertone. Once the Slovak Croatian Society was founded, the organization of commonly-held events grew in intensity, and the Society substantially participated in promoting cooperation with other cultural institutions. Contacts were developed in the area of sports as well, but did not exceed the norm. At that time, the establishment of the autonomy of Slovakia in October of 1938 was celebrated. The cultural program focused on Slovak popular sonfs and included lectures given by the country's major personalities.3 In Bratislava on April 9, 1942, the Society celebrated the first anniversary of the NDH' s inception by arranging a red-carpet procession in the highly representative build34 For example: Stefan Bella, Juraj Cecetka, Alojz Macek, Jozef Kutnik-Smalov, Valentin Beniak, Aladar Kocis, Karol Klinovsky, Karol Studenc, Alexander Moyzes and honorsry members included Jozef Skultety, Tido J. Gaspar, Rudolf Vavra, Ferdinand Catlos and Gejza Medricky. Slovak-Croatian Society. File 38/68, Box 204, PR-BA, SNA. 35 More precisely about the revue Tatre i Velebit, see: Jankovic, Chorwitska literatura v slovenskej kulture II. (1939-1948), 39-51. 36 Tatre i Velebit, March 14, 1942, 5. 31 Tatre i Velebit, December 25, 1942, 156. �SLOVAKIA 77 ing of the Reduta. On the next day, a Pontifical High Mass was celebrated by Bishop Michal Buzalka in Saint Martin's Cathedral, and on this occasion the Slovak dailies published special issues. 38 At that time a numerous group of Slovak journalists, cultural workers and politicians set off to Croatia to celebrate the first anniversary of the state. Besides Minister Mach and Secretary Kovar, the group included prominent Hlinka guard officers Otomar Kubala, Alexander Cunderlik, Frantisek Galan, and other persons who also discussed mutual cooperation in the area of culture. Within the context of the cooperation of Slovakia, Romania and Croatia, a meeting was held on May 13 in Bucharest, where the participants agreed to compile national bibliographies of major works, to organize regular visits, to promote each other and to organize so-called weeks of reciprocal culture. An Agreement on Cultural Cooperation between the Slovak Republic and the NDH was signed in Zagreb, which dealt with the foundation of a Chair of the Croatian Language, Literature and History and a Department of the Croatian Language and Literature at the Slovak University, with similar Slovak institutes in Zagreb. An important clause focused on maintaining and extending elementary schools for minorities. Both partners committed to support reciprocal visits and a minimum of two student scholarships. 39 The Agreement also included a clause on the recognition of academic titles, scientific education benefits for young people, and book exchanges. They also promised not to permit the publication of things "which could present the other state in a bad light." The Agreement established a Slovak and Croatian Cultural Committee to observe the provisions of the mutual agreements and to deepen relationships. The Agreement was for a period of five years and based on the principle of reciprocity .40 In spite of the fact that similar plans had existed since 1941, and that the final agreement was prepared in 1942, neither this Agreement, nor another cultural Agreement between the Slovak Republic and NDH came into force . This was due to their inability to make and perform agreements, and a certain inflexibility characteristic of both parties, which were the basic problems associated with the development of relations between Slovakia and Croatia. Some of these problems were caused by the fact that the NDH was not con38 /bid, 164-5 . Slovak-Croatian reciprocal scholarships. File 255/43, Box 2 14, MZV, SNA . 40 File 8/ 100/43 , Box 118, MZV, SNA. 39 �78 SLOVAKIA-2015 solidated politically and economically, that both countries were involved in the war, in a complicated foreign-policy situation, and also in the relationship of satellite states with their protector, Germany . The issue of the legal status of the Slovak minority in the NDH was perceived in a very sensitive way, and tackled unsuccessfully throughout the entire existence of the NDH. Frequent excesses of the Ustasha towards Slovak inhabitants in Croatia did not contribute to mutual trust. It is well-known that from the beginning some Slovaks rejected Croatian citizenship because they had supported the previous regime, they had to deal with poor living conditions and showed increased interest in repatriation to Slovakia. Viliam Kovar's visit to Lipovljany on June 14, 1941 created a stir. During his visit, Kovar showed concern about the situation of the local Slovaks and suggested repatriation in exchange for Croats living in Slovakia. This proposal resonated and some Slovaks in Croatia appealed to the embassy for help. 41 However, charge d'affaires Murgas viewed Kovar's initiative very critically. Croatians intended to repatriate the Slovak minority to the Slovak Republic, which Murgas found detrimental to the state.42 In any case, official Slovak circles showed no serious interest in repatriation to Slovakia. What did not make such a big stir was settling the issue of the validity of Jewish travel documents. The Slovak Ministry of Foreign Affairs had acknowledged their validity (until March 31, 1942), but at the same time the Ministry told Murgas not to intervene in these matters, to which he would agree. 43 The legation had the right to decide each Jewish case, but their objective was to ensure that these Jews would not return to Slovakia because they were "a useless and harmful element, " 44 which corresponded to the official policy of the Slovak Republic. 45 In the NDH 41 File 116/41 , Box 1160, MZV, SNA; Report written by representatives of the Slovak minority in the NDH regarding the visit of Viliam Kovar, June 16, 1941. Box 143, MZV, SNA. See also: Oldfich Pejs, "Slovenska diplomacie a valecni zajatci slovenske narodnosti (1939-1942)," Vojenska hist6ria 15 (2011), 122-41. 42 '1n today's situation we don't have the space and employment opportunities for returnees ... " Report ofK. Murgas, August 19, 1941 , Box 143 and File 20518/41 , Box 48 , MZV, SNA. 43 File 903/41 and 1347/41 , Box 1158, MZV, SNA. 44 File 62/41 , Box 1158, MZV, SNA. 45 For a comparison of the Slovak and Croatian anti-Jewish policies, see: Eduard Niznansky and Jana Mnahoncakova, "Vymedzenie pojmu Zid na Slovensku a v �SLOVAKIA 79 the Jewish issue was "promptly resolved," and Serbs also became an "unwanted element." 46 The greatest boom of cultural relations between Slovakia and Croatia occurred in 1942. Numerous visits and social events were organized in order to strengthen this cooperation. For example, during the summer several Croatian delegations visited the Slovak Republic. From June 28 until July 4, a "Croatian Week" in Slovakia was organized to promote Croatian culture. Slovak Radio participated very actively by broadcasting Croatian music and a series of interviews by a number of major figures in culture and politics.47 At that time an ensemble of amateur actors form Croatia toured Slovakia with their theater program dedicated to Croatian dances.48 Reciprocal visits and presentations became the most typical component of Slovak-Croatian cultural policy, most frequently realized through national theatrical and music productions. As in Slovakia, various events were held in the NDH which concentrated on mutual convergence, such as the presentation of the Articles of Association of the Slovak National Unity (Slovenska narodna jednota) to the relevant Croatian authorities who promised their recognition. The Slovak Reading Club in Ilok organized Slovaks in the NDH. In spite of promises made, the Croatian administration did nothing. 49 The Slovak Day planned for August 30, 1942, in Stara Pazova, where Vladimir Hurban Vladimirov, a famous descendant of the writer Svetozar Hurban Vajansky, served as a Protestant minister, was postponed because of guerilla warfare.50 Jozef Cieker constantly pointed out the complicated situation in the country and the Ustasha's excesses. "The scope of action of ministers is limited to minis- Chorvatsku - pokus o porovnanie," in Z dejin holokaustu ajeho popierania, ed. Eduard Nizi\.ansky (Bratislava: Stimul, 2007), 107-30. 46 See Nevenko Bartulin, The Racial Idea in the Independent State of Croatia: Origins and Theory (Leiden: Brill, 2014). 47 Alexander Mach, Mladen Lorkovic, Stanislav Meciar, Jozef Ambrus, Valentin Beniak, Alexander Moyzes, Viliam Kovar, Mile Starcevic, Zlatko Milkovic, Franjo Dujmovic, Mile Budak, Viliam Peros, Josip Horvat, Geno Senecic and others. 48 Tatre i Velebit, December 25, I 942, p.165. 49 Report of J. Cieker, May 24, I 943. File 27/48 Jozef Cieker papers, O1:S BA, SABa. 50 Slovaks in Yugoslavia. File 6452/41-1 , Box 143, MZV, SNA. �80 SLOV AKIA-2015 terial buildings and a small region around Zagreb." 51 He perceived Slovak-Croatian relations as weak and suggested that it would be unwise to limit mutual relations to Ustasha Croatia and suggested that the two nations should relate to one another as wholes. The Ustasha were not pleased with the activities of the Slovak charge d'affaires in Zagreb, and therefore they suggested that he should be removed. Cieker often met with opposition groups, members of the higher clergy and criticized the situation in the country. These statements show that there were certain differences between Slovakia and Croatia. Conservative representatives in Croatia were the more moderate Catholics of a nationalist orientation, represented in the past by the Croatian Popular Peasant Party (the Hrvatska pucka seljacka stranka). In that sense, they were competitors of the Ustasha. The Slovak Republic supported the regular Croatian army - the militia, with supplies of arms and equipment. However, much more evident were the contacts between the radical representatives of the Hlinka Guard and the Ustasha. They were ideologically close, and strongly involved in the development of mutual relations, for instance between the Hlinka Youth and the Ustasha Youth. Despite these differences, cultural contacts continued to evolve. Each autumn international commercial fairs were held in both Bratislava and Zagreb. Both states sent delegations of major figures of economic and political life to the fairs. In June of 1942, an agreement between Croatia and Slovakia was signed in Bratislava on the regulation of mutual contact under civil law. At the end of October, the Minister of Justice, Gejza Fritz, signed in Zagreb an interstate agreement on extradition and propertylaw assistance in criminal issues. Like the economic agreement entered into in October of 1941, these agreements came into force too late, and therefore had no significant impact on the actual relationship between the Slovak Republic and the NDH. 52 Also, an agreement was concluded on cooperation between the Slovak and Croatian academic youth.53 This cooperation seemed promising from the summer of 1941 and many young people from Croatia visited Slovakia. The Hlinka Youth, jointly with the Ustasha Youth and 51 Report of J. Cieker, August 28, 1942. File 27/48 Jozef Cieker papers, O1:S BA, SABa. 52 Rychlik, Slovensko-chorvatske vztahy ... , 273-74. 53 Medunarodni ugovori 1943, p. 208-10. Box 214, MZV, SNA. �SLOVAKIA 81 Hitlerjugend, organized camps for their members . In this regard, there was a significant involvement by Alojz Macek and lvo Orsanic, the leaders of organizations in the Slovak Republic and the NDH, . As in the preceding year, the autumn of 1942 witnessed certain changes in Slovak- Croatian relations. Activist Viliam Kovar enlisted in the Slovak army and treasurer Belo Fronc replaced him. The NDH Government underwent a major reorganization which resolved the conflict between the Poglavnik and the Minister of Defense, Marshall Slavko Kvaternik. Kvaternik came to recover to Slovakia, when he probably sought some political support. However, the Government's reconstruction did not disturb the NDH's relations with the Slovak Republic. Promoting one another continued, which is evident in the Slovak Culture Week held in Zagreb from November 29, 1942, to December 5, 1942. 54 This event had some response. Besides abundant musical performances, several contributions were made on the present and the past of the relationships between Slovaks and Croatians. At that time, Andric's Slovak Language Grammar was published.55 By the end of that year, yet another change took place in diplomatic postings. Charge d'affaires Berkovic was dismissed and replaced with Blaz Lorkovic, who presented his credentials to President Tiso on December 22. In his speech, he remarked: "The Poglavnik appointed me as the charge d'affaires in Slovakia in his belief that our brother Slovaks wish to have an old and well-proven Ustasha as the charge d'affaires of the NDH."56 In 1943 further talks were held on cooperation between Romania, Slovakia and the NDH . It was evident that Ante Pavelic's Croatia was very weak as a partner, and, therefore, the Slovak representatives focused mainly on negotiations with the Romanians. In the end, however, these attempts also failed to improve cooperation and the idea of a tightly-bound Slovak and Croatian bloc against Hungary was unsuccessful. 57 In January of 1943, a full length propaganda film 54 At that time the following Slovaks visited Croatia: Stanislav Meciar, Andrej Mraz, Karol Ki:irper, Jan Pi:istenyi, Jozef Pauco, Jan Doransky as we ll as representatives of the Ministry of Defense, the Ministry of Education, the Matica slovenska, the Slovak-Croatian Society, the Society of St. Adalbert and the Bratislava Chamber Quintet. 55 Tatre i Velebit, December 25 , 1942, 157-159; File Slovaks in Yugoslavia, Box 143, MZV, SNA. 56 File 35.591 /42, Box 219, MZV, SNA. 57 Tejchman, Slovensko-rumunsko-chorvatska spoluprace ... , 166-67 . �82 SLOV AKIA-2015 From the Tatras to the Sea of Azov was shown in the NDH, which highlighted the Slovak Army's activity on the Eastern Front in order to strengthen the idea of a joint struggle against Bolshevism . In the field of news reporting, a regular exchange of newsreels took place and a number of contributions on Croatian topics were broadcast over Slovak Radio. The fourth anniversary celebrations of independence in Zagreb were not as spectacular as in the preceding year. In addition to compulsory lectures and articles in the Croatian press, the Croatian and Slovak Society organized a tea party on March 13th. The next morning, a Pontifical High Mass was celebrated and attended by representatives of the Croatian Government. 58 On March 25, 1943 the second general assembly of the Slovak and Croatian Society was held . Once again, this event became a manifestation of fondness for each other. Many prominent people of that period's political and cultural life participated, headed by ministers Mach, Medricky and charge d'affaires Blaz Lorkovic, who was elected an honorary member. A declaration of efforts to extend the statutes of the Society was made since there was an interest in establishing branches in other towns of Slovakia (it was planned to establish branches in Presov, Zilina and Banska Bystrica), and to extend activities in the field of culture.59 The general assembly also launched the celebration of Croatian independence, which was accompanied by a number of cultural events including a gala concert of the Slovak Radio on April 9th. Employees of Mach's Ministry of the Interior were invited to turn out in strength. A Croatian issue of the newspaper Gardista (Guardsman) was published to celebrate the third anniversary of the NDH's creation. During his visit to Slovakia in May, 1943, Ivan Veres, a Protestant minister, reported on the difficult situation of Slovaks in the NDH. Again, the unresolved issues emerged, especially those regarding culture. Based on this information Alexander Mach invited the Croatian charge d'affaires to an audience and gave him notice that the situation of Slovaks in the NDH could directly affect the future relations between Slovakia and Croatia. In this respect, Mach even intended to stop honoring Josip Andric, the writer, with a high 58 Tatre i Velebit, June 15, 1943, 61. The Slovak-Croatian Society - Minutes of the Second General Assembly. File 38/68, Box 204, PR Ba, SNA. 59 �SLOVAKIA 83 state award, and issued a command to suspend the establishment of the Slovak and Croatian Society's branches. Jozef Cieker also made a statement on the nature of the mutual relationships by pointing out that people in Bratislava had too many illusions, but the reality was much more complicated. 60 In spite of the fact that the negotiations on signing the Slovak and Croatian Cultural Convention continued, no consensus was reached. Croatia refused to recognize the special status of Slovaks in the NDH because of other minorities, who would then demand similar rights. However, the Croats were willing to guarantee Slovak education through separate legislation. They also demanded that the SNU should not be a political organization to represent Slovaks in the NDH and should not claim the property of former Czechoslovak: associations. However, at that time, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Slovak Republic was more interested in concluding the Slovak and Italian cultural convention, after which the Ministry would be willing to continue negotiations about the convention with Croatia.61 The fall of Mussolini in 1943 brought about an "unpleasant awakening" in the NDH. Nevertheless, Ante Pavelic, with Germany's support, managed to hold on to power and maintain the illusion of the existence of an independent Croatian state, and on September 10, 1943, he announced that previous Italian and Croatian agreements were no longer valid, as the Italians had failed to fulfil their obligations and agreed to an armistice with the enemy. 62 At that time, a number of Croatian politicians and their families, who refused to stay in the NDH for various reasons, were in Slovakia. This is very interesting, because the Slovak Republic granted asylum to persons whose blood-stained careers were inscribed in the NDH' s infamous history. For instance, this applied to Eugen "Dido" Kvaternik, the former commander of the Croatian secret police! Jozef Cieker tried unsuccessfully to reject entry visas to exponents of the Ustasha re• 63 g1me. 60 Report of J. Cieker, May 24, 1943. File 27/48 Jozef Cieker papers, 01.'.S BA, SABa. 61 Report of J. Cieker from July 7, 1943. Box 143, MZV, SNA. 62 Jbid, File 313 2/43 . 63 Report of J. Cieker, September 9, 1943. File 27/48 Jozef Cieker papers, 01.'.S BA, SABa. �84 SLOV AKIA-2015 In the reality of that time, Slovak and Croatian cultural cooperation decreased and in 1943 the Tatre i Velebit cultural review folded . The Slovak Embassy in Zagreb pointed to the unbearable problems of the NDH, which were also reflected in its failure to fulfil economic contractual obligations. The embassy also dealt with propertyrelated sanctions and the loss of freedom which Slovaks in the NDH had to struggle with every day. Despite plans for further cooperation, the mutual relationships had reached their zenith. Their abovestandard scope in the period between 1939 and 1944 is shown by the fact that nineteen translated Croatian fiction titles were published in Slovakia, which is more than in the case of most Allied countries. In addition, popular and scientific, political and religious literature was published, although their numbers are difficult to reconstruct. 64 At the beginning of February, 1944, Jozef Cieker was replaced in Zagreb by charge d'affaires Viktor Becko. 65 However, he would not bring any changes to Slovak-Croat relations. From his reports we learn that actual power in Croatia was shared by guerilla and German and Ustasha troops, and about the oppression of the population. As regards Slovak-Croatian relations, Becko noted that higher state authorities had an interest and a positive approach, which, however, faded at lower positions. Therefore, he suggested, that Croatians should be promised economic concessions in return for cultural and social offsets for Slovaks in the NDH. 66 In his report he summarized the mutual contacts which he considered to be less developed than expected and pointed out that a certain platform could be found as a support. In spite of that, he labelled the cultural and political relations as very good. As far as economic cooperation was concerned, he criticized the absence of a trade representative "whom the Croatians have in the Protectorate as well." 67 As regards the issue of the Slovaks in the NDH, he underscored the fact that Slovaks were transported to concentration camps based on the principle of collective guilt. Some Croatians hated the Slovaks because they were not obliged to join the army or the Ustasha, and local personal and prop64 See Jankovic, Chorvatska literatura v slovenskej kulture II. (1939-1948), 166-176. Slovak, February 2, 1944, p. 4; Slovak, February 9, 1944, p. 3. 66 Report of V. Becka, March 20, 1944. File 27/48 Jozef Cieker papers, O1.'.S BA, SABa. 67 Political reports from Zagreb - 1944, Report of V. Becka, April 25, 1944. Box 213, MZV, SNA. 65 �SLOVAKIA 85 erty-related conflicts played an important role as well. He pointed to the nationalist attitudes of the Ustasha, who did not like "foreign elements" in their country. 68 However, the repatriation of Slovaks was technically impossible at that time.69 Contacts between Slovaks and Croats were not limited to the official political position, which I intended to describe in this paper. There was also significant cooperation among anti-fascist forces in the Slovak Republic, the NDH and elsewhere in Europe. Tomislav Poglajen-Kolakovic, a Catholic priest who worked in Slovakia from September of 1943 and joined the anti-fascist forces, was an outstanding person involved in this convergence. 70 In the last stages of the existence of both states, mutual contacts died out completely, and the dissolution of the Slovak and Croatian Society in Slovakia on May 25th, 1945, 71 was just a formality, because most of the Society's representatives had fled abroad, where they continued to develop contacts with the Croats. Relationships between Slovakia and Croatia from 1941 to 1945 were affected by the political climate. Despite comparable efforts by Slovaks and Croats to attain national emancipation in the inter-war period and deep historical roots of mutual cooperation multiplied at that time by the concept of "historical inevitability," it was the ideological adherence of political representatives and their mentors (especially Germany) which played an important role in the mutual convergence. Cultural cooperation took a similar path, but it could not overcome the ideological framework. Due to both practical and political obstacles, such cooperation would not reach the desired form, and it peaked between 1942 and the first half of 1943 . However, as Viliam Kovar wrote about the activities of the Slovak and Croatian Society, which was supposed to reflect these relationships : 68 Political reports from Zagreb - 1944, Report of V. Becka, January 8, 1945 . Box 213, MZV, SNA . 69 Letter from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to V. Becka, January 26, 1945. Box I 160, MZV, SNA. 70 More precisely see: Jozef Jablonicky, Podoby nasilia (Bratislava: Kalligram, 2000), 9-27. For the official Croatian reaction to the uprising in Slovakia, see: Jan Rychlik, "Obdobie pred Slovenskym narodnym povstanim v spravach chorvatskeho vyslanca v Bratislave," Historicky casopis 56 (2008): 349-84. ; Jan Rychlik, "Slovenske narodne povstanie v spravach chorvatskeho diplomata," Historicky casopis 54 (2006) : 315-52. 71 Slovak-Croatian Society. File 38/68, Box 20 14, PR Ba, SNA . �86 SLOV AKIA-2015 " ... (the Society) failed to do as much as one could possibly expect, but did not miss one chance to inform the Slovak public and make it familiar with the life of Croatia and its representatives." 72 It was clear before the end of World War II, which both countries entered on the side of Germany, that neither state would outlive it. However, this did not mean the end of mutual cultural contacts, which after the War took place in a brand new geopolitical and ideological environment. 72 Report of the Society' s secretary. File 38/68, Box 2014, PR Ba, SNA. � 66 SLOV AKIA-2015 THE DEVELOPMENT OF CULTURAL COOPERATION BETWEEN THE SLOVAK REPUBLIC AND THE INDEPENDENT STATE OF CROATIA, 1941-1945 1 Miroslav Michela The foreign policy of Slovakia in the years 1939 - 1945 has been quite a popular research topic of Slovak historians over the last ten to twenty years. 2 Significant achievements in this regard relate primarily to research on Slovak-German relations,3 but there are also several 1 1 would like to express my gratitude to prof. Mark Stolarik and his family for significant help in my research on Slovak emigres, and especially on the biography of Slovak journalist and politician Karol Murgas. My research in the Slovak collections in the Archives and Special Collections of the University of Ottawa Library would not have been possible without the support of the Helen and John lvanco Memorial Research Bursary. 2 Here I would like to list a few publications, which appeared in recent years, mostly as a result of long-term academic interest: Michal Schvarc, "Zahranicna politika Slovenskej republiky 1939-1945 a jej postavenie v ramci nemeckej sfery vplyvu," in Kfucove problemy modernych slovenskych dejin 1848-1992, ed. Valerian Bystricky et. al. (Bratislava: Veda, 2012), 231-52; Edita lvanickova et. al. , Slovenslui republika 1939-1945 v medzinarodnych suvislostiach (Bratislava: Historicky ustav SAV, 2012); Pavo! Petruf, Zahranicna politika Slovenskej republiky 1939-1945: nacrt problematiky (Bratislava: Historicky ustav SAV, 2011); James Mace Ward, Priest, Politician, Collaborator: Jozef Tiso and the Making of Fascist Slovakia (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2013). 3 For example: Sicherheitsdienst a Slovens/ca v rokach 1938-1944: od auton6mie po Povstanie. Slovensky stat vo vybranych spravach SD od jesene 1943 do septembra 1944, ed. Michal Schvarc (Bratislava: Slovenske narodne muzeum-Muzeum karpatskych Nemcov, 2006) ; "Tretia risa" a vznik Slovenskeho statu;dokumenty. /., ed. Michal Schvarc, Martin Holak and David Schriftl (Bratislava: Ustav pamati naroda, SNM- Muzeum kultury Karpatskych Nemcov, 2008); "Tretia risa" a vznik Slovenskeho statu : dokumenty. II. ed. Michal Schvarc and David Schriftl (Bratislava: Ustav pamati naroda, Historicky ustav SAV, SNM - Muzeum kultury Karpatskych Nemcov, 2010) ; Slovensko-nemecke vzt'ahy 1938-1941 v dokumentoch I.:od Mnichova k vojne proti ZSSR , ed. Eduard Nizi\.ansky et. al. (Presov: Universum, 2009); Slovensko-nemecke vzt'ahy 1941-1945 v dokumentoch II. :od vojny proti ZSSR po zanik Slovenskej republiky v roku 1945, ed. Eduard Niznansky et. al. (Presov: Universum-EU, 20 11); Von Munchen bis Salzburg 1938- 1940. Dokumente und Essay. Buch 1. Buch 2. Slovensko v jeseni 1944, ed. Ladislav Susko (Bratislava: Luc, 2008); Tatjana Tonsmeyer, Das Dritte Reich und die Slowakei, 1939-1945. Politi- �SLOVAKIA 67 studies concerning the relationship between Slovakia and the Great Powers .4 In the context of diplomatic relations with neighboring countries, plenty of studies are oriented on the Slovak-Polish and Slovak-Hungarian relationships at different levels of politics.5 In the last decade studies relating to Slovak-Croatian diplomatic relations have also appeared. 6 Generally speaking, with a few exceptions, the2008); Tatjana Tonsmeyer, Das Dritte Reich und die Slowakei, 1939-1945. Politischer Al/tag zwischen Kooperation und Eigensinn (Paderbom : Ferdinand Schoningh, 2003 ). 4 For example: Politicke vzt'ahy medzi Francuzskom a Ceskoslovenskom a Francuzskom a Slovenskom (1 939-1948): vyber dokumentov, ed. Pavo! Petruf (Martin: Matica slovenska, 2003); Dagmar Ciema-Lantayova, Pohfady na vychod: Postoje k Rusku v slovenskej politike 1934-1944 (Bratislava: Veda, 2002); Slavomir Michalek, "Niekol'ko problemov slovensko-americkych vzt'ahov pocas druhej svetovej vojny," in Edita Ivanickova et. al. Slovenska republiko /939-1945 v medzinarodnych suvislostiach, 139-61 ; Petr Kubik, Slovensko-talianske vzt'ahy 1939-1945 (Bratislava: Ustav pamiiti naroda, 20 IO); Edita Ivanickova, "Zapadne vel'moci a slovensky stat 1939-1945," in Slovensky stat 1939-1945: predstavy a reality, eds. Martina Fiamova, Jan Hlavinka and Michal Schvarc (Bratislava: Historicky ustav SA V, 2014), 8193 . 5 Here is a sample of some interesting works by young scholars: Aliaksandr Piahanau, "Slovak-Hungarian Relations in the Mirror of the German-Soviet Conflictive Alliance (1939-1941 )," Prague Papers on the History of International Relations 16 (2012): 144-63; Isvtan Janek, "The Issue of Hungarian- Slovak Diplomatic Connections in the Hungarian Parliament in 1939- 1940," Prague Papers on the History of International Relations 18 (2014): 128-41 ; Istvan Janek, "Mad'arsko-slovenske diplomaticke vzt'ahy v rokoch 1939-1941 , " in Slovenska republika 1939-1945 ocami mladych historikov, IV. , eds. Michal Smigel' and Peter Micko (Banska Bystrica: Katedra hist6rie Fakulty humanitnych vied Univerzity Mateja Bela, 2005 ), 334-51 ; Mateusz Gniazdowski, "Kontakty PHsudczyk6w ze Slowakami w latach 19391945," Niepodleglosi: 55 (2005): I 07-50; Dusan Seges, "The Slovak Question and its International Context during World War Two," in 1945 - A Break with the Past, ed. Zdenko Cepic (Ljubljana: Institut za novejso zgodovino, 2008), 213-26; Dusan Seges, Dvojkrii v silociarach bieleho or/a. Slovenska otazka v politike pol'skej exi/ovej vlady za 2. svetovej vojny (Bratislava: Veda, 2009); Holy Case, "The Holocaust in Regional Perspective: Anti-Semitism and the Holocaust in Hungary, Romania and Slovakia," in Varieties of Anti-Semitism, eds . Peter Kenez and Bruce Thompson (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 2009), 76-92. 6 Jan Rychlik, "Slovensko-chorvatske vztahy v letech 1941-1945 ," Slovanske historicke studie 26 (2000): 265-83 ; Miroslav Michela, "Vznik slovenskeho vyslanectva v Chorvatsku a cinnost' Karola Murgasa, charge d 'affaires v Zahrebe v roku 1941 ," in Slovenska republika 1939 - 1945 ocami mladych historikov fl , ed. Martin Lacko (Bratislava: Merkury, 2003), 97-123 ; Miroslav Michela, "K otazke slovensko-chorvatskej kulturnej spoluprace v rokoch 1941-45," Slavica Slovaca 38 (2003): 112-22; Jan Tkac, "Slovensko-juhoslovanske a slovensko-chorvatske vzt'ahy �68 SLOVAKIA-2015 se works are mainly focused on the issues of diplomacy and the traditional history of politics. They describe the ideas and activities of major political players, thus complementing our knowledge about the process of negotiating and building the "New Europe." 7 The present study aims primarily to explain a few basic factors in the context of building official Slovak-Croatian cultural cooperation in the period from 1941 to 1945 . The foundation of the Independent State of Croatia (Nezavisna Drzava Hrvatska - NDH) on April 10th, 1941 resulted in the expansion of cultural interaction between it and the newly- independent Slovak Republic, as the representatives of both states shared similar experiences of national struggles and now ideological and political interests. The Slovak Republic officially recognized the NDH on v rokoch 1939-1941 ," Historicky zbornik 19 (2009): 154-68; Jan Tkac, "Chorvatsko v politike Slovenskej republiky v rokoch 1941-1945," Historicky casopis 58 (2010): 659-83 ; Alena Bartlova, "Dr. Jozef Cieker, vyslanec Slovenskej republiky," in Dr. Jozef Cieker: seminar pri prileiitosti nedoi itym 90. narodenincim Jozefa Ciekera v Tvrdosine 20. juna 1997, ed. Juraj Chovan-Rehak (Martin : Matica slovenska, 2000), 71-92; Jan Jankovic, Chorvcitska literatura v slovenskej kulture If. (19391948), (Bratislava: Veda, 2002); Jan Jankovic, Stanis/av Meciar - chorvatofil (Bratislava: Ustav svetovej literatury SAV, 2001); Martin Jarinkovic, "Pohl'ad slovenskej dennej tlace na chorvatsku otazku v rokoch 1941-1944," in Od Salzburgu do vypuknutia Povstania. Slovenskci republika 1939-1945 ocami mladych historikov VIII, ed. Peter Sokolovic (Bratislava: Ustav pamati naroda, 2009), 261-88; Martin Jarinkovic, "Spolkovy zivot v prvej Slovenskej republike na priklade Slovenskochorvatskej spolocnosti v rokoch 1942-1944," in Zivot v Slovenskej republike. Slovenskci republika 1939-1945 ocami mladych historikov 9., ed. Peter Sokolovic (Bratislava: Ustav pamati naroda 2010), 305-24; Oldfich Pejs, "Nakup koni v Chorvatsku pro slovenskou armadu v roce 1944," Vojenskci hist6ria 8 (2004): 87-95; Oldfich Pejs, "Na okraj dodavky slovenskych zbrani do Chorvatska v roce 1942," Historie a vojenstvi 45 (1996): 56-73 . 7 See the following : Michal Schvarc, "Statna suverenita len ako fasada? Zasahy Nemecka do slovenskeho zakonodarstva v rokoch 1939-1940," in Slovensko v labyrinte modernych eur6pskych dejin : pocta historikov Milanovi Zemkovi, ed . Slavomir Michalek (Bratislava: Historicky ustav SAV, 20 14), 641-57; Pavo) Petruf, "Zahranicna politika Slovenskeho statu 1939-1945 : niekol'ko poznamok o jej vzniku, zamerani a kratkodobej existencii," in Riesenie iidovskej otcizky v spojeneckych krajincich nacistickeho Nemecka, ed. Viera Kovacova et. al. (Banska Bystrica: Muzeum Slovenskeho narodneho povstania, 20 12), 17-29; Pavo I Petruf, "Terna "novej Eur6py", "noveho eur6pskeho poriadku" a "zivotneho priestoru" na strankach novin Slovak ( I 939-1940)," in Kapitoly z hist6rie stredoeur6pskeho priestoru v 19. a 20. storoci: pocta k 70-rocnemu jubileu Dusana Kovcica, ed. Edita Ivanickova et. al. (Bratislava: Historicky ustav SAV, 201 I), 338-54. �SLOVAKIA 69 May 5th, 194 l along with other Axis members and satellites - Germany, Italy and Hungary. 8 The NDH's political role in the "New Europe" was outlined in the Treaty of Rome, signed on May 18, 194 l, which established long-term Italian patronage. After Croatia gained its sovereignty, this subordination was immediately subject to much domestic criticism. During the following Croatian-Slovak diplomatic discussions, both parties set out a preferred vision of German rather than Italian supervision, seeing in Nazi Germany a common protector and liberator and also admiring the state and the Flihrer. In May of 194 l the government of the Slovak Republic surprisingly appointed the radical Karol Murgas, as its charge d'affaires to Croatia. The request was officially delivered by German authorities, as there was no direct contact between the two parties at that time. 9 Murgas had no diplomatic experience and was known for his awkward and hot-tempered behavior in public, which might have caused some hesitation, but his paramilitary experience in the Hlinka Guard and his demonstrated sympathy for Croatian nationalists made their mark. Murgas himself saw the move as an attempt to remove him from Slovak domestic politics, as he had previously enjoyed the prominent post of head of the Department of Propaganda. 10 In May of 194 l Viliam Kovar, the distinguished Slovak journalist, visited Croatia. During his stay he met influential statesmen and leaders of the Ustasha movement and examined the potential for mu- 8 Croatia - Congratulations of president Jozef Tiso, file 1300/41 , box 61 , collection Kancelaria prezidenta republiky - Slovensky narodny archiv (SNA) - Bratislava. For more about Slovak-Yugoslav relations see: Jan Nemecek, "K slovensko-jugoslavskym vztahum 1939-45," in Evropa mezi Nemeckem a Ruskem. Sbornik praci k sedmdesatinam Jaroslava Valenty, eds. Miroslav Sestak and Emil Voracek (Praha: Historicky ustav Akademie ved Ceske republiky, 2000), 385-98; Martin Jarinkovic, "Slovensko-juhoslovanske hospodarske a obchodne kontakty v rokoch 1939-1941 ," Pamdt' naroda 7 (20 11 ): 4-17. 9 S/ovak, May 11, I 941, 3. Zagreb's official approval of Murgas's mission came on May 15, but information ' s about it had already appeared in Grenzebote on the 4th of May 1941. For this question see also: File 79/41 , Box 1155 and File 77/41 , Box 213 , MZV, SNA. 10 See: Miroslav Michela, "Miesto a uloha Karola Murgasa v radikalnom prude slovenskej politiky v obdobi rokov 1939-1941 ," in S/ovenska republika 1939-1945 ocami mladych historikov, ed. Martin Lacko (Trnava : Katedra hist6rie Filozofickej fakulty Univerzity Cyrila a Metoda, 2002), 77-105 . �70 SLOVAKIA-2015 tual cultural cooperation. 11 In a letter to his colleague Stanislav Meciar, the editor- in-chief of the journal Slovenske pohl'ady, Kovar suggested sending a series of congratulatory letters on Croatia's independence to demonstrate Slovak sympathy and support. 12 Meciar was known to be a Croatophile and ardent admirer of writer and politician Mile Budak, who later became Minister of Education and Religion of the newly-founded NDH. 13 In a letter dated May 23, Meciar asserted the brotherhood of both nations and expressed satisfaction with both countries' successful completion of the struggle for independence. In his words, "Croats were a sincere nation close to us" and "the future of Slovakia will be much safer when developed in tandem with the present beautiful reality of Croatia." 14 Such declarations of sympathy were common in contemporary formal communications and were not deemed awkward . The Slovak press continuously monitored the Croatian struggle for independence and dedicated significant space to discussions with Croat emancipation activists : the Ustasha and Hlinka Guard officials; and to both nations' notable historical figures, such as Ljudevit Gaj , Ban Jelacic and Ante Starcevic on the one hand, and Jan Kollar, Stefan Moyzes and Andrej Hlinka on the other. A lot of attention was also paid to contemporary figures such as Mile Budak, Milo Urban and Alexander Mach, the commander-in-chief of the Hlinka Guard. Andrej Vrbacky, the Slovak translator, deserves credit for this written presentation. On May 26, 1941, Karol Murgas paid an official visit to Ante Pavelic, Croatia's supreme leader - poglavnik. In his formal address, Murgas pointed to the similarities of both nation's histories and suggested close cooperation in future political and cultural activities. 15 After this the Slovak embassy was officially opened. Interestingly, although an embassy agreement was offered to Murgas, he came to Zagreb with the official status of an envoy, which the Croatian side considered insufficient and demanded diplomatic representation at 11 Croatia trip reports. Box 4, Papers of Viliam Kovar, Literarny archiv Slovenskej narodnej kniznici V Martine (LA SNK). 12 Letter of V. Kovar to S. Meciar, August 26, 1941 . File 164 E 20, LA SNK. 13 See for example: Stanislav Meciar, "Chorvatsky klasik Mile Budak," Slovenske pohl'ady 56 ( 1940): 429-44. 14 Letter of S. Meciar to M. Budak, May 21 , 1941. File 164 N 17, LA SNK. 15 File 8/41 , Box 1155, MZV, SNA; Karol Murgas, "Pred tridsiatimi rokmi v Zahrebe," Slovak a svet I (Chicago, 1971 ): 15. �SLOVAKIA 71 the top level. A month later, on June 25, Slovak president Jozef Tiso accepted the nomination of Dragutin Toth as Croatian charge d' affaires to Slovakia. 16 Murgas objected to this nomination, rating Toth as a liberal-orientated leftist. Toth's first audience with President Tiso took place on August l st, and his opening statement was dedicated again to both nations' independence. It is worth mentioning that he gave the speech in his native tongue, yet the president answered him in Slovak. This established a precedent for Tiso's interactions with envoys of Slavic states. 17 The newly-established Slovak embassy in Zagreb attracted broad interest and numerous appeals for bilateral cooperation. Both parties declared their intention to closely coordinate their political, economic, social and cultural activities. NOH officials wanted information on the organization of economic and social life in Slovakia. A common topic of bilateral talks was the means of settling the debts of former parent states (Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia). After initial negotiations with Murgas, Anton Bonifacic, head of the Croatian Department of Culture of the Slovak Ministry of Foreign Affairs, worked out a "Proposal for Establishing Cultural Cooperation between the NOH and the Slovak Republic". Its aim was to build economic, social and cultural ties based on the mutual exchange of publications, translations of literature, the exchange of students, writers and task groups; and organizing art exhibitions, concerts etc. The proposal included a suggestion for the legal recognition and protec18 tion of Croats living in Slovakia and Slovaks in the NOH. The position of the latter was at that time far from satisfactory. Slovak minority rights gained during the former Yugoslavia were largely ignored by the Ustasha regime. 19 The first objective of the Slovak representatives in Croatia was to improve this situation. Within the Slo16 File 4961 /41 , Box 213, MZV, SNA. Rychlik, Slovensko-chorvatske vztahy ... , 270. 18 File 244/41 , Box 1157, MZV, SNA. 19 About the Slovak minority in Croatia, see: Vit Usak, Slovcici v Chorvcitsku - historicky ncicrt (C leveland-Rim : Historicky ustav, 1978); Sprievodca slovenskym zahranicim, ed. I.'.ubica Bartalska (Bratislava: Dom zahranicnych Slovakov, 2001), 8790; Report of J. Cieker, February 12, 1942. File 27/48 JozefCieker papers, Okresny l'udovy sud v Bratislave 1945-1947 (O1..'.S BA), Statny oblastny archiv Bratislava (SABa). Information about the exact number of Slovaks in Croatia at that time differed. The daily Slovak, on October 22, 1941 , page 3, estimated a maximum of 22,000 countrymen ; other sources gave higher numbers . 17 �72 SLOV AKIA-2015 vak community itself, there were further differences related to religious orientation. The Catholic population lacked education and schools, and its national identity was rapidly disappearing. On the other hand, Lutheran villages were keeping their traditions alive, with much of the work done by local pastors.20 However, the Lutheran community had stronger ties to the former Yugoslav regime and was treated with suspicion by Ustasha authorities. In numerous cases the Slovak embassy had to intervene to help individuals (conscripts of the Yugoslav army) who had been captured in the previous war with Germany. The chaos and scarcities following the transition of power also forced a lot of Slovaks to seek help at the embassy. Ever since the foundation of the NDH, leaders of the Slovak expatriate community were planning to set up a minority organization, the so-called Slovak National Group in Croatia, with a common official statute recognized by the Croatian regime. The eventual failure of this initiative was largely due to the fact that they were not coordinated with the Croatian side, which feared a potential precedent that wou ld allow other minorities to raise similar claims. The only minority to achieve the privilege of an officially recognized status was the German one, with a population up to 150,000 and enjoying the benefits of the parent country ' s political dominance. Following the negotiations of June 25, 1941 , Croatia and Slovakia announced a mutual settlement of their claims regarding real estate belonging to their predecessor states (Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia).21 Murgas managed to obtain the property of the former Czech-Slovak society Beseda in Lipovljani for the Slovak side.22 The issue of schools for the Slovak minority was a frequently negotiated topic from early on. In spite of the initial mistrust by the Ustasha authorities, which culminated in the arrests of several Slovak teachers, Slovak primary education was preserved. 23 Mutual contacts also developed in the field of pedagogy and science. A visit by Croatian medics and an Ustasha Youth delegation to °File 36, Box 266, MZV, SNA . 2 21 File 217/41 , Box 1157 and File 217/41 , Box 1155 , MZV, SNA . The society officially dissolved on July 30, 1941. See Slovak Beseda in Bratislava. Box 207, f. Policajne riaditel'stvo v Bratislave (PR Ba), SNA; File 325/41 , Box 214 and File 20518/41 , Box 48, MZV, SNA. 23 File 33880/41 , Box 213 and File 20518/41 , Box 48 , MZV, SNA. Gardista, September 21 , 1941 , 3; Gardista, October 22, 1941 , 3. 22 �SLOVAKIA 73 Slovakia was met by great domestic publicity. 24 A program of student exchange and scholarship financing was launched by numerous institutions: The Science Society for Foreign Slovaks (mainly focused on student exchange, support of Slovak foreign education and distribution of Slovak literature abroad), the Matica slovenska, The Society of St. Adalbert, the Slovak University, and the Hlinka Youth. The Croatian partner organizations included the Saint Jerome Society, the Matica Hrvatska, and later the new Croatian-Slovak Society. The pace at which interest in Croatia spread was almost overwhelming for the Slovak Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which decided to halt the uncontrolled influx of NDH visitors . The Ministry then published a directive stating that it must approve all Croatian visits. 25 The founding of the already mentioned Croatian-Slovak Society (August 13, 1941) was a milestone in cultural interaction. The Slovak envoy requested the speedy assignment of a cultural attache to Croatia, recommending Jozef Ambrus, who had been studying in Zagreb. This request was turned down, as was his later proposal of founding an office of the Society in Bratislava. 26 A fact worth mentioning is that Murgas proposed Alexander Mach, the Minister of the Interior, to be the chairman of this branch. 27 The Slovak authorities, however, took a rather cautious approach and decided to wait until their Croatian counterparts founded a similar branch of the Society in Zagreb. 28 These facts indicate a kind of cautiousness on the Slovak part, caused primarily by foreign political factors. Contrary to their cordial relations and shared long-term plans, practical cooperation between Slovakia and Croatia was difficult from the beginning. Later on, such cooperation was also damaged by the Ustasha regime's inability to make good on its commitments. Meanwhile, the Croatian and Slovak Society was founded in Zagreb. Franjo Dujmovic, 29 the editor-in-chief of the daily Nova Hrvat24 See for example: Gardista, July 26, 1941, 3; Gardista , July 27, 1941, 3; Gardista, August 26, 1941, 3; File 32595/41, Box 213 , MZV, SNA. 25 Ibid, File 6978/41. 26 Reports of K. Murgas, August 19, 1941 and August 26, 1941. Box 143, MZV, SNA; File 20518/41 , Box 48, MZV, SNA. See also: Jarinkovic, Spolkovy i ivot v frvej Slovenskej republike ... , 305-24. 7 File 544/41, Box 1155 and File 137/41, Box 1160, MZV, SNA. 28 File 32.702/41, Box 118, MZV, SNA. 29 Initially led by the Croatian Minister of the Interior and well-known Ustasha activist Adrija Artukovic. �74 SLOVAKIA-2015 ska (New Croatia) , was appointed its President, with Mile Starcevic and Eugen Ftillop as Vice-Presidents, and Zlatko Milkovic as Secretary. The Society ' s Board included a number of significant individuals whose positions suggested strong links with Croatian state institutions .3° The Society's goal was to develop cultural relations and to promote the Slovak Republic in the NDH. Stanislav Meciar also hoped to expand cultural cooperation, with special focus on the new Croatian literature. When asked about which Slovak novelists he would recommend for translation, he included Jozef Ciger Hronsky, Milo Urban, Tido J. Gaspar, Julius Horvath, and Margita Figuli. He rejected Peter Jilemnicky, whom he labelled a Czech and a Communist. Among Slovak poets he suggested Valentin Beniak, Andrej Zamov, Emil Boleslav Lukac, Jan Smrek, Rudolf Dilong, I:udo Ondrejov, Ladislav Novomesky, Jan R. Ponican and Jan Kostra, with the comment that "the last three were Communists, but have written valuable Slovak poems; here you ought to make your own decision." 31 He also decided to publish a special issue of the Slovenske pohl'ady on the subject of Croatia. 32 As early as 1941 discussions began about the possibility of closer cooperation between Romania, Slovakia, and Croatia, a project designed to raise the profile of all three states. The incentive to establish this bloc came from Romania, mainly as a reaction to Hungarian irredentism. At the same time, the three states intended to revisit their territorial losses to Hungary between 193 8 and 1941. Agreement to create the bloc was soon disclosed and the Hungarian Government protested against "reviving the spirit of the Little Entente," referring to the interwar East-Central European military alliance against Hungary. In spite of the initial hesitation of Slovak politicians, by early 1942 Vojtech Tuka, the Slovak Foreign Minister, showed great interest in such cooperation. He emphasized that the alliance could not be labelled with the "stigma of Pan-Slavism," referring to criticism raised by some representatives of the Slovak government. On the one hand, as soon as the Germans indicated that no such efforts would be tolerated within their sphere of influence, the 30 Tatre i Velebit, December 25 , 1942, 155 . Letter of S. Meciar to Zlatko Milkovic from August 26, I 941. File 164 P 17, LA SNK. 32 See Jankovic, Chorvatska literatura v slovenskej kulture II. (1939-1948), 52-83. 31 �SLOVAKIA 75 Slovak Republic 's activities declined rapidly . On the other hand, the Slovaks discovered that the NDH was not a reliable partner. 33 In the fall of 1941 some changes were made to the charge d' affaires positions in both countries. Jozef Cieker replaced the undisciplined Karol Murgas. Cieker had previously worked in Yugoslavia and was knowledgeable about Croatian affairs. He presented his credentials in Zagreb on December 12, 1941. At the same time, there was also a change in the Croatian diplomatic posting in Bratislava. Josip Berkovic, the new envoy, presented his credentials on December 19. These changes had no impact on the mutual convergence, and the Croatian Embassy in Bratislava appointed a cultural attache, Geno Sencic who energetically participated in the development of Slovak and Croatian cultural relations. In January of 1942, Tido J. Gaspar, Head of the Propaganda Office, charged Jozef Ambrus with preparing the ground for establishing the Slovak and Croatian Society in Slovakia. The general assembly of this cultural institution took place on March 13, 1942, in the Slovak University ' s amphitheater. Slovak Ministers Alexander Mach, Gejza Medricky and Ferdinand Catlos, as well as other major figures of political and cultural life attended, as did a numerous Croatian delegation. This meeting received broad media coverage. This general assembly prescribed uniforms as a part of the dress code. The Society set as its goal to unite all Croatophiles, spread the Croatian culture and develop mutual relationships. Political issues were to be avoided. Alexander Mach was acclaimed as the Society 's President. In his acceptance speech he pointed out the parallels between the Autonomists ' first paramilitary organization, the Rodobrana (Native Defense), the subsequent Hlinka Guards and the Croatian Ustasha movement. He added that cooperation between Slovakia and Croatia "is not based on the pharisaical chimera of the notorious Slavic solidarity," which had led to humiliation, suffering and disappointment for both nations. These contacts, he continued, "are supported by a good tradition, the present struggle for a common goal, which we all have before our eyes in the New Europe." Mach's 33 See Miroslav Tejchman, "Slovensko-rumunsko-chorvatska spoluprace v letech druhe svetove valley a Mad'arsko," Slovansky pfehled 78 (1992) : 161-71 ; Cubomir Liptak, "Mad'arsko v slovenskej politike za druhej svetovej vojny," in Prispevky k dejinam fasizmu v Ceskos/ovensku a v Mad'arsku, ed. Gyorgy Ranki (Bratislava: Vydavatel'stvo Slovenskej akademie vied, 1969), 222-30. �76 SLOVAKIA-2015 speech marked the boundaries of the cultural society. He also delegated Stanislav Meciar, Anton Misik, Jozef Ambrus as its VicePresidents, Viliam Kovar, Eduard Urban as its Secretaries, and Belo Franc as the Treasurer. Many important people working in the area of culture and politics became board members .34 The next day, the first issue of the Slovak-and-Croatian literary review entitled Tatre i Velebit appeared.35 Josip Andric became the editor-in-chief. He had visited Slovakia since the 1920s, and maintained good contacts with the representatives of the Hlinka Slovak People 's Party. In the first issue's introductory address, Ferdinand Catlos, Slovak Minister of Defense, noted : "With the help of the Germans, both our nations have become autonomous and integrated as state actors among the nations of young Europe." He praised the shared destiny and goals, desires and hopes of both nations who required no written agreements to confirm their mutual relationships.36 It is evident that both societies had ideologically compatible people in the leadership, with close links to the official regime. It was typical of both states to infuse culture with politics, especially with propaganda. However, as Jan Jankovic pointed out, in spite of major ideological links, there was also much freedom, which he demonstrated by using literature translations that often avoided an ideological undertone. Once the Slovak Croatian Society was founded, the organization of commonly-held events grew in intensity, and the Society substantially participated in promoting cooperation with other cultural institutions. Contacts were developed in the area of sports as well, but did not exceed the norm. At that time, the establishment of the autonomy of Slovakia in October of 1938 was celebrated. The cultural program focused on Slovak popular sonfs and included lectures given by the country's major personalities.3 In Bratislava on April 9, 1942, the Society celebrated the first anniversary of the NDH' s inception by arranging a red-carpet procession in the highly representative build34 For example: Stefan Bella, Juraj Cecetka, Alojz Macek, Jozef Kutnik-Smalov, Valentin Beniak, Aladar Kocis, Karol Klinovsky, Karol Studenc, Alexander Moyzes and honorsry members included Jozef Skultety, Tido J. Gaspar, Rudolf Vavra, Ferdinand Catlos and Gejza Medricky. Slovak-Croatian Society. File 38/68, Box 204, PR-BA, SNA. 35 More precisely about the revue Tatre i Velebit, see: Jankovic, Chorwitska literatura v slovenskej kulture II. (1939-1948), 39-51. 36 Tatre i Velebit, March 14, 1942, 5. 31 Tatre i Velebit, December 25, 1942, 156. �SLOVAKIA 77 ing of the Reduta. On the next day, a Pontifical High Mass was celebrated by Bishop Michal Buzalka in Saint Martin's Cathedral, and on this occasion the Slovak dailies published special issues. 38 At that time a numerous group of Slovak journalists, cultural workers and politicians set off to Croatia to celebrate the first anniversary of the state. Besides Minister Mach and Secretary Kovar, the group included prominent Hlinka guard officers Otomar Kubala, Alexander Cunderlik, Frantisek Galan, and other persons who also discussed mutual cooperation in the area of culture. Within the context of the cooperation of Slovakia, Romania and Croatia, a meeting was held on May 13 in Bucharest, where the participants agreed to compile national bibliographies of major works, to organize regular visits, to promote each other and to organize so-called weeks of reciprocal culture. An Agreement on Cultural Cooperation between the Slovak Republic and the NDH was signed in Zagreb, which dealt with the foundation of a Chair of the Croatian Language, Literature and History and a Department of the Croatian Language and Literature at the Slovak University, with similar Slovak institutes in Zagreb. An important clause focused on maintaining and extending elementary schools for minorities. Both partners committed to support reciprocal visits and a minimum of two student scholarships. 39 The Agreement also included a clause on the recognition of academic titles, scientific education benefits for young people, and book exchanges. They also promised not to permit the publication of things "which could present the other state in a bad light." The Agreement established a Slovak and Croatian Cultural Committee to observe the provisions of the mutual agreements and to deepen relationships. The Agreement was for a period of five years and based on the principle of reciprocity .40 In spite of the fact that similar plans had existed since 1941, and that the final agreement was prepared in 1942, neither this Agreement, nor another cultural Agreement between the Slovak Republic and NDH came into force . This was due to their inability to make and perform agreements, and a certain inflexibility characteristic of both parties, which were the basic problems associated with the development of relations between Slovakia and Croatia. Some of these problems were caused by the fact that the NDH was not con38 /bid, 164-5 . Slovak-Croatian reciprocal scholarships. File 255/43, Box 2 14, MZV, SNA . 40 File 8/ 100/43 , Box 118, MZV, SNA. 39 �78 SLOVAKIA-2015 solidated politically and economically, that both countries were involved in the war, in a complicated foreign-policy situation, and also in the relationship of satellite states with their protector, Germany . The issue of the legal status of the Slovak minority in the NDH was perceived in a very sensitive way, and tackled unsuccessfully throughout the entire existence of the NDH. Frequent excesses of the Ustasha towards Slovak inhabitants in Croatia did not contribute to mutual trust. It is well-known that from the beginning some Slovaks rejected Croatian citizenship because they had supported the previous regime, they had to deal with poor living conditions and showed increased interest in repatriation to Slovakia. Viliam Kovar's visit to Lipovljany on June 14, 1941 created a stir. During his visit, Kovar showed concern about the situation of the local Slovaks and suggested repatriation in exchange for Croats living in Slovakia. This proposal resonated and some Slovaks in Croatia appealed to the embassy for help. 41 However, charge d'affaires Murgas viewed Kovar's initiative very critically. Croatians intended to repatriate the Slovak minority to the Slovak Republic, which Murgas found detrimental to the state.42 In any case, official Slovak circles showed no serious interest in repatriation to Slovakia. What did not make such a big stir was settling the issue of the validity of Jewish travel documents. The Slovak Ministry of Foreign Affairs had acknowledged their validity (until March 31, 1942), but at the same time the Ministry told Murgas not to intervene in these matters, to which he would agree. 43 The legation had the right to decide each Jewish case, but their objective was to ensure that these Jews would not return to Slovakia because they were "a useless and harmful element, " 44 which corresponded to the official policy of the Slovak Republic. 45 In the NDH 41 File 116/41 , Box 1160, MZV, SNA; Report written by representatives of the Slovak minority in the NDH regarding the visit of Viliam Kovar, June 16, 1941. Box 143, MZV, SNA. See also: Oldfich Pejs, "Slovenska diplomacie a valecni zajatci slovenske narodnosti (1939-1942)," Vojenska hist6ria 15 (2011), 122-41. 42 '1n today's situation we don't have the space and employment opportunities for returnees ... " Report ofK. Murgas, August 19, 1941 , Box 143 and File 20518/41 , Box 48 , MZV, SNA. 43 File 903/41 and 1347/41 , Box 1158, MZV, SNA. 44 File 62/41 , Box 1158, MZV, SNA. 45 For a comparison of the Slovak and Croatian anti-Jewish policies, see: Eduard Niznansky and Jana Mnahoncakova, "Vymedzenie pojmu Zid na Slovensku a v �SLOVAKIA 79 the Jewish issue was "promptly resolved," and Serbs also became an "unwanted element." 46 The greatest boom of cultural relations between Slovakia and Croatia occurred in 1942. Numerous visits and social events were organized in order to strengthen this cooperation. For example, during the summer several Croatian delegations visited the Slovak Republic. From June 28 until July 4, a "Croatian Week" in Slovakia was organized to promote Croatian culture. Slovak Radio participated very actively by broadcasting Croatian music and a series of interviews by a number of major figures in culture and politics.47 At that time an ensemble of amateur actors form Croatia toured Slovakia with their theater program dedicated to Croatian dances.48 Reciprocal visits and presentations became the most typical component of Slovak-Croatian cultural policy, most frequently realized through national theatrical and music productions. As in Slovakia, various events were held in the NDH which concentrated on mutual convergence, such as the presentation of the Articles of Association of the Slovak National Unity (Slovenska narodna jednota) to the relevant Croatian authorities who promised their recognition. The Slovak Reading Club in Ilok organized Slovaks in the NDH. In spite of promises made, the Croatian administration did nothing. 49 The Slovak Day planned for August 30, 1942, in Stara Pazova, where Vladimir Hurban Vladimirov, a famous descendant of the writer Svetozar Hurban Vajansky, served as a Protestant minister, was postponed because of guerilla warfare.50 Jozef Cieker constantly pointed out the complicated situation in the country and the Ustasha's excesses. "The scope of action of ministers is limited to minis- Chorvatsku - pokus o porovnanie," in Z dejin holokaustu ajeho popierania, ed. Eduard Nizi\.ansky (Bratislava: Stimul, 2007), 107-30. 46 See Nevenko Bartulin, The Racial Idea in the Independent State of Croatia: Origins and Theory (Leiden: Brill, 2014). 47 Alexander Mach, Mladen Lorkovic, Stanislav Meciar, Jozef Ambrus, Valentin Beniak, Alexander Moyzes, Viliam Kovar, Mile Starcevic, Zlatko Milkovic, Franjo Dujmovic, Mile Budak, Viliam Peros, Josip Horvat, Geno Senecic and others. 48 Tatre i Velebit, December 25, I 942, p.165. 49 Report of J. Cieker, May 24, I 943. File 27/48 Jozef Cieker papers, O1:S BA, SABa. 50 Slovaks in Yugoslavia. File 6452/41-1 , Box 143, MZV, SNA. �80 SLOV AKIA-2015 terial buildings and a small region around Zagreb." 51 He perceived Slovak-Croatian relations as weak and suggested that it would be unwise to limit mutual relations to Ustasha Croatia and suggested that the two nations should relate to one another as wholes. The Ustasha were not pleased with the activities of the Slovak charge d'affaires in Zagreb, and therefore they suggested that he should be removed. Cieker often met with opposition groups, members of the higher clergy and criticized the situation in the country. These statements show that there were certain differences between Slovakia and Croatia. Conservative representatives in Croatia were the more moderate Catholics of a nationalist orientation, represented in the past by the Croatian Popular Peasant Party (the Hrvatska pucka seljacka stranka). In that sense, they were competitors of the Ustasha. The Slovak Republic supported the regular Croatian army - the militia, with supplies of arms and equipment. However, much more evident were the contacts between the radical representatives of the Hlinka Guard and the Ustasha. They were ideologically close, and strongly involved in the development of mutual relations, for instance between the Hlinka Youth and the Ustasha Youth. Despite these differences, cultural contacts continued to evolve. Each autumn international commercial fairs were held in both Bratislava and Zagreb. Both states sent delegations of major figures of economic and political life to the fairs. In June of 1942, an agreement between Croatia and Slovakia was signed in Bratislava on the regulation of mutual contact under civil law. At the end of October, the Minister of Justice, Gejza Fritz, signed in Zagreb an interstate agreement on extradition and propertylaw assistance in criminal issues. Like the economic agreement entered into in October of 1941, these agreements came into force too late, and therefore had no significant impact on the actual relationship between the Slovak Republic and the NDH. 52 Also, an agreement was concluded on cooperation between the Slovak and Croatian academic youth.53 This cooperation seemed promising from the summer of 1941 and many young people from Croatia visited Slovakia. The Hlinka Youth, jointly with the Ustasha Youth and 51 Report of J. Cieker, August 28, 1942. File 27/48 Jozef Cieker papers, O1:S BA, SABa. 52 Rychlik, Slovensko-chorvatske vztahy ... , 273-74. 53 Medunarodni ugovori 1943, p. 208-10. Box 214, MZV, SNA. �SLOVAKIA 81 Hitlerjugend, organized camps for their members . In this regard, there was a significant involvement by Alojz Macek and lvo Orsanic, the leaders of organizations in the Slovak Republic and the NDH, . As in the preceding year, the autumn of 1942 witnessed certain changes in Slovak- Croatian relations. Activist Viliam Kovar enlisted in the Slovak army and treasurer Belo Fronc replaced him. The NDH Government underwent a major reorganization which resolved the conflict between the Poglavnik and the Minister of Defense, Marshall Slavko Kvaternik. Kvaternik came to recover to Slovakia, when he probably sought some political support. However, the Government's reconstruction did not disturb the NDH's relations with the Slovak Republic. Promoting one another continued, which is evident in the Slovak Culture Week held in Zagreb from November 29, 1942, to December 5, 1942. 54 This event had some response. Besides abundant musical performances, several contributions were made on the present and the past of the relationships between Slovaks and Croatians. At that time, Andric's Slovak Language Grammar was published.55 By the end of that year, yet another change took place in diplomatic postings. Charge d'affaires Berkovic was dismissed and replaced with Blaz Lorkovic, who presented his credentials to President Tiso on December 22. In his speech, he remarked: "The Poglavnik appointed me as the charge d'affaires in Slovakia in his belief that our brother Slovaks wish to have an old and well-proven Ustasha as the charge d'affaires of the NDH."56 In 1943 further talks were held on cooperation between Romania, Slovakia and the NDH . It was evident that Ante Pavelic's Croatia was very weak as a partner, and, therefore, the Slovak representatives focused mainly on negotiations with the Romanians. In the end, however, these attempts also failed to improve cooperation and the idea of a tightly-bound Slovak and Croatian bloc against Hungary was unsuccessful. 57 In January of 1943, a full length propaganda film 54 At that time the following Slovaks visited Croatia: Stanislav Meciar, Andrej Mraz, Karol Ki:irper, Jan Pi:istenyi, Jozef Pauco, Jan Doransky as we ll as representatives of the Ministry of Defense, the Ministry of Education, the Matica slovenska, the Slovak-Croatian Society, the Society of St. Adalbert and the Bratislava Chamber Quintet. 55 Tatre i Velebit, December 25 , 1942, 157-159; File Slovaks in Yugoslavia, Box 143, MZV, SNA. 56 File 35.591 /42, Box 219, MZV, SNA. 57 Tejchman, Slovensko-rumunsko-chorvatska spoluprace ... , 166-67 . �82 SLOV AKIA-2015 From the Tatras to the Sea of Azov was shown in the NDH, which highlighted the Slovak Army's activity on the Eastern Front in order to strengthen the idea of a joint struggle against Bolshevism . In the field of news reporting, a regular exchange of newsreels took place and a number of contributions on Croatian topics were broadcast over Slovak Radio. The fourth anniversary celebrations of independence in Zagreb were not as spectacular as in the preceding year. In addition to compulsory lectures and articles in the Croatian press, the Croatian and Slovak Society organized a tea party on March 13th. The next morning, a Pontifical High Mass was celebrated and attended by representatives of the Croatian Government. 58 On March 25, 1943 the second general assembly of the Slovak and Croatian Society was held . Once again, this event became a manifestation of fondness for each other. Many prominent people of that period's political and cultural life participated, headed by ministers Mach, Medricky and charge d'affaires Blaz Lorkovic, who was elected an honorary member. A declaration of efforts to extend the statutes of the Society was made since there was an interest in establishing branches in other towns of Slovakia (it was planned to establish branches in Presov, Zilina and Banska Bystrica), and to extend activities in the field of culture.59 The general assembly also launched the celebration of Croatian independence, which was accompanied by a number of cultural events including a gala concert of the Slovak Radio on April 9th. Employees of Mach's Ministry of the Interior were invited to turn out in strength. A Croatian issue of the newspaper Gardista (Guardsman) was published to celebrate the third anniversary of the NDH's creation. During his visit to Slovakia in May, 1943, Ivan Veres, a Protestant minister, reported on the difficult situation of Slovaks in the NDH. Again, the unresolved issues emerged, especially those regarding culture. Based on this information Alexander Mach invited the Croatian charge d'affaires to an audience and gave him notice that the situation of Slovaks in the NDH could directly affect the future relations between Slovakia and Croatia. In this respect, Mach even intended to stop honoring Josip Andric, the writer, with a high 58 Tatre i Velebit, June 15, 1943, 61. The Slovak-Croatian Society - Minutes of the Second General Assembly. File 38/68, Box 204, PR Ba, SNA. 59 �SLOVAKIA 83 state award, and issued a command to suspend the establishment of the Slovak and Croatian Society's branches. Jozef Cieker also made a statement on the nature of the mutual relationships by pointing out that people in Bratislava had too many illusions, but the reality was much more complicated. 60 In spite of the fact that the negotiations on signing the Slovak and Croatian Cultural Convention continued, no consensus was reached. Croatia refused to recognize the special status of Slovaks in the NDH because of other minorities, who would then demand similar rights. However, the Croats were willing to guarantee Slovak education through separate legislation. They also demanded that the SNU should not be a political organization to represent Slovaks in the NDH and should not claim the property of former Czechoslovak: associations. However, at that time, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Slovak Republic was more interested in concluding the Slovak and Italian cultural convention, after which the Ministry would be willing to continue negotiations about the convention with Croatia.61 The fall of Mussolini in 1943 brought about an "unpleasant awakening" in the NDH. Nevertheless, Ante Pavelic, with Germany's support, managed to hold on to power and maintain the illusion of the existence of an independent Croatian state, and on September 10, 1943, he announced that previous Italian and Croatian agreements were no longer valid, as the Italians had failed to fulfil their obligations and agreed to an armistice with the enemy. 62 At that time, a number of Croatian politicians and their families, who refused to stay in the NDH for various reasons, were in Slovakia. This is very interesting, because the Slovak Republic granted asylum to persons whose blood-stained careers were inscribed in the NDH' s infamous history. For instance, this applied to Eugen "Dido" Kvaternik, the former commander of the Croatian secret police! Jozef Cieker tried unsuccessfully to reject entry visas to exponents of the Ustasha re• 63 g1me. 60 Report of J. Cieker, May 24, 1943. File 27/48 Jozef Cieker papers, 01.'.S BA, SABa. 61 Report of J. Cieker from July 7, 1943. Box 143, MZV, SNA. 62 Jbid, File 313 2/43 . 63 Report of J. Cieker, September 9, 1943. File 27/48 Jozef Cieker papers, 01.'.S BA, SABa. �84 SLOV AKIA-2015 In the reality of that time, Slovak and Croatian cultural cooperation decreased and in 1943 the Tatre i Velebit cultural review folded . The Slovak Embassy in Zagreb pointed to the unbearable problems of the NDH, which were also reflected in its failure to fulfil economic contractual obligations. The embassy also dealt with propertyrelated sanctions and the loss of freedom which Slovaks in the NDH had to struggle with every day. Despite plans for further cooperation, the mutual relationships had reached their zenith. Their abovestandard scope in the period between 1939 and 1944 is shown by the fact that nineteen translated Croatian fiction titles were published in Slovakia, which is more than in the case of most Allied countries. In addition, popular and scientific, political and religious literature was published, although their numbers are difficult to reconstruct. 64 At the beginning of February, 1944, Jozef Cieker was replaced in Zagreb by charge d'affaires Viktor Becko. 65 However, he would not bring any changes to Slovak-Croat relations. From his reports we learn that actual power in Croatia was shared by guerilla and German and Ustasha troops, and about the oppression of the population. As regards Slovak-Croatian relations, Becko noted that higher state authorities had an interest and a positive approach, which, however, faded at lower positions. Therefore, he suggested, that Croatians should be promised economic concessions in return for cultural and social offsets for Slovaks in the NDH. 66 In his report he summarized the mutual contacts which he considered to be less developed than expected and pointed out that a certain platform could be found as a support. In spite of that, he labelled the cultural and political relations as very good. As far as economic cooperation was concerned, he criticized the absence of a trade representative "whom the Croatians have in the Protectorate as well." 67 As regards the issue of the Slovaks in the NDH, he underscored the fact that Slovaks were transported to concentration camps based on the principle of collective guilt. Some Croatians hated the Slovaks because they were not obliged to join the army or the Ustasha, and local personal and prop64 See Jankovic, Chorvatska literatura v slovenskej kulture II. (1939-1948), 166-176. Slovak, February 2, 1944, p. 4; Slovak, February 9, 1944, p. 3. 66 Report of V. Becka, March 20, 1944. File 27/48 Jozef Cieker papers, O1.'.S BA, SABa. 67 Political reports from Zagreb - 1944, Report of V. Becka, April 25, 1944. Box 213, MZV, SNA. 65 �SLOVAKIA 85 erty-related conflicts played an important role as well. He pointed to the nationalist attitudes of the Ustasha, who did not like "foreign elements" in their country. 68 However, the repatriation of Slovaks was technically impossible at that time.69 Contacts between Slovaks and Croats were not limited to the official political position, which I intended to describe in this paper. There was also significant cooperation among anti-fascist forces in the Slovak Republic, the NDH and elsewhere in Europe. Tomislav Poglajen-Kolakovic, a Catholic priest who worked in Slovakia from September of 1943 and joined the anti-fascist forces, was an outstanding person involved in this convergence. 70 In the last stages of the existence of both states, mutual contacts died out completely, and the dissolution of the Slovak and Croatian Society in Slovakia on May 25th, 1945, 71 was just a formality, because most of the Society's representatives had fled abroad, where they continued to develop contacts with the Croats. Relationships between Slovakia and Croatia from 1941 to 1945 were affected by the political climate. Despite comparable efforts by Slovaks and Croats to attain national emancipation in the inter-war period and deep historical roots of mutual cooperation multiplied at that time by the concept of "historical inevitability," it was the ideological adherence of political representatives and their mentors (especially Germany) which played an important role in the mutual convergence. Cultural cooperation took a similar path, but it could not overcome the ideological framework. Due to both practical and political obstacles, such cooperation would not reach the desired form, and it peaked between 1942 and the first half of 1943 . However, as Viliam Kovar wrote about the activities of the Slovak and Croatian Society, which was supposed to reflect these relationships : 68 Political reports from Zagreb - 1944, Report of V. Becka, January 8, 1945 . Box 213, MZV, SNA . 69 Letter from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to V. Becka, January 26, 1945. Box I 160, MZV, SNA. 70 More precisely see: Jozef Jablonicky, Podoby nasilia (Bratislava: Kalligram, 2000), 9-27. For the official Croatian reaction to the uprising in Slovakia, see: Jan Rychlik, "Obdobie pred Slovenskym narodnym povstanim v spravach chorvatskeho vyslanca v Bratislave," Historicky casopis 56 (2008): 349-84. ; Jan Rychlik, "Slovenske narodne povstanie v spravach chorvatskeho diplomata," Historicky casopis 54 (2006) : 315-52. 71 Slovak-Croatian Society. File 38/68, Box 20 14, PR Ba, SNA . �86 SLOV AKIA-2015 " ... (the Society) failed to do as much as one could possibly expect, but did not miss one chance to inform the Slovak public and make it familiar with the life of Croatia and its representatives." 72 It was clear before the end of World War II, which both countries entered on the side of Germany, that neither state would outlive it. However, this did not mean the end of mutual cultural contacts, which after the War took place in a brand new geopolitical and ideological environment. 72 Report of the Society' s secretary. File 38/68, Box 2014, PR Ba, SNA. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2015, Vol. 42 Description An account of the resource Vol. 42 (No. 78-79), 2015. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2015 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 66 SLOV AKIA-2015 THE DEVELOPMENT OF CULTURAL COOPERATION BETWEEN THE SLOVAK REPUBLIC AND THE INDEPENDENT STATE OF CROATIA, 1941-1945 1 Miroslav Michela The foreign policy of Slovakia in the years 1939 - 1945 has been quite a popular research topic of Slovak historians over the last ten to twenty years. 2 Significant achievements in this regard relate primarily to research on Slovak-German relations,3 but there are also several 1 1 would like to express my gratitude to prof. Mark Stolarik and his family for significant help in my research on Slovak emigres, and especially on the biography of Slovak journalist and politician Karol Murgas. My research in the Slovak collections in the Archives and Special Collections of the University of Ottawa Library would not have been possible without the support of the Helen and John lvanco Memorial Research Bursary. 2 Here I would like to list a few publications, which appeared in recent years, mostly as a result of long-term academic interest: Michal Schvarc, "Zahranicna politika Slovenskej republiky 1939-1945 a jej postavenie v ramci nemeckej sfery vplyvu," in Kfucove problemy modernych slovenskych dejin 1848-1992, ed. Valerian Bystricky et. al. (Bratislava: Veda, 2012), 231-52; Edita lvanickova et. al. , Slovenslui republika 1939-1945 v medzinarodnych suvislostiach (Bratislava: Historicky ustav SAV, 2012); Pavo! Petruf, Zahranicna politika Slovenskej republiky 1939-1945: nacrt problematiky (Bratislava: Historicky ustav SAV, 2011); James Mace Ward, Priest, Politician, Collaborator: Jozef Tiso and the Making of Fascist Slovakia (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2013). 3 For example: Sicherheitsdienst a Slovens/ca v rokach 1938-1944: od auton6mie po Povstanie. Slovensky stat vo vybranych spravach SD od jesene 1943 do septembra 1944, ed. Michal Schvarc (Bratislava: Slovenske narodne muzeum-Muzeum karpatskych Nemcov, 2006) ; "Tretia risa" a vznik Slovenskeho statu;dokumenty. /., ed. Michal Schvarc, Martin Holak and David Schriftl (Bratislava: Ustav pamati naroda, SNM- Muzeum kultury Karpatskych Nemcov, 2008); "Tretia risa" a vznik Slovenskeho statu : dokumenty. II. ed. Michal Schvarc and David Schriftl (Bratislava: Ustav pamati naroda, Historicky ustav SAV, SNM - Muzeum kultury Karpatskych Nemcov, 2010) ; Slovensko-nemecke vzt'ahy 1938-1941 v dokumentoch I.:od Mnichova k vojne proti ZSSR , ed. Eduard Nizi\.ansky et. al. (Presov: Universum, 2009); Slovensko-nemecke vzt'ahy 1941-1945 v dokumentoch II. :od vojny proti ZSSR po zanik Slovenskej republiky v roku 1945, ed. Eduard Niznansky et. al. (Presov: Universum-EU, 20 11); Von Munchen bis Salzburg 1938- 1940. Dokumente und Essay. Buch 1. Buch 2. Slovensko v jeseni 1944, ed. Ladislav Susko (Bratislava: Luc, 2008); Tatjana Tonsmeyer, Das Dritte Reich und die Slowakei, 1939-1945. Politi- SLOVAKIA 67 studies concerning the relationship between Slovakia and the Great Powers .4 In the context of diplomatic relations with neighboring countries, plenty of studies are oriented on the Slovak-Polish and Slovak-Hungarian relationships at different levels of politics.5 In the last decade studies relating to Slovak-Croatian diplomatic relations have also appeared. 6 Generally speaking, with a few exceptions, the2008); Tatjana Tonsmeyer, Das Dritte Reich und die Slowakei, 1939-1945. Politischer Al/tag zwischen Kooperation und Eigensinn (Paderbom : Ferdinand Schoningh, 2003 ). 4 For example: Politicke vzt'ahy medzi Francuzskom a Ceskoslovenskom a Francuzskom a Slovenskom (1 939-1948): vyber dokumentov, ed. Pavo! Petruf (Martin: Matica slovenska, 2003); Dagmar Ciema-Lantayova, Pohfady na vychod: Postoje k Rusku v slovenskej politike 1934-1944 (Bratislava: Veda, 2002); Slavomir Michalek, "Niekol'ko problemov slovensko-americkych vzt'ahov pocas druhej svetovej vojny," in Edita Ivanickova et. al. Slovenska republiko /939-1945 v medzinarodnych suvislostiach, 139-61 ; Petr Kubik, Slovensko-talianske vzt'ahy 1939-1945 (Bratislava: Ustav pamiiti naroda, 20 IO); Edita Ivanickova, "Zapadne vel'moci a slovensky stat 1939-1945," in Slovensky stat 1939-1945: predstavy a reality, eds. Martina Fiamova, Jan Hlavinka and Michal Schvarc (Bratislava: Historicky ustav SA V, 2014), 8193 . 5 Here is a sample of some interesting works by young scholars: Aliaksandr Piahanau, "Slovak-Hungarian Relations in the Mirror of the German-Soviet Conflictive Alliance (1939-1941 )," Prague Papers on the History of International Relations 16 (2012): 144-63; Isvtan Janek, "The Issue of Hungarian- Slovak Diplomatic Connections in the Hungarian Parliament in 1939- 1940," Prague Papers on the History of International Relations 18 (2014): 128-41 ; Istvan Janek, "Mad'arsko-slovenske diplomaticke vzt'ahy v rokoch 1939-1941 , " in Slovenska republika 1939-1945 ocami mladych historikov, IV. , eds. Michal Smigel' and Peter Micko (Banska Bystrica: Katedra hist6rie Fakulty humanitnych vied Univerzity Mateja Bela, 2005 ), 334-51 ; Mateusz Gniazdowski, "Kontakty PHsudczyk6w ze Slowakami w latach 19391945," Niepodleglosi: 55 (2005): I 07-50; Dusan Seges, "The Slovak Question and its International Context during World War Two," in 1945 - A Break with the Past, ed. Zdenko Cepic (Ljubljana: Institut za novejso zgodovino, 2008), 213-26; Dusan Seges, Dvojkrii v silociarach bieleho or/a. Slovenska otazka v politike pol'skej exi/ovej vlady za 2. svetovej vojny (Bratislava: Veda, 2009); Holy Case, "The Holocaust in Regional Perspective: Anti-Semitism and the Holocaust in Hungary, Romania and Slovakia," in Varieties of Anti-Semitism, eds . Peter Kenez and Bruce Thompson (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 2009), 76-92. 6 Jan Rychlik, "Slovensko-chorvatske vztahy v letech 1941-1945 ," Slovanske historicke studie 26 (2000): 265-83 ; Miroslav Michela, "Vznik slovenskeho vyslanectva v Chorvatsku a cinnost' Karola Murgasa, charge d 'affaires v Zahrebe v roku 1941 ," in Slovenska republika 1939 - 1945 ocami mladych historikov fl , ed. Martin Lacko (Bratislava: Merkury, 2003), 97-123 ; Miroslav Michela, "K otazke slovensko-chorvatskej kulturnej spoluprace v rokoch 1941-45," Slavica Slovaca 38 (2003): 112-22; Jan Tkac, "Slovensko-juhoslovanske a slovensko-chorvatske vzt'ahy 68 SLOVAKIA-2015 se works are mainly focused on the issues of diplomacy and the traditional history of politics. They describe the ideas and activities of major political players, thus complementing our knowledge about the process of negotiating and building the "New Europe." 7 The present study aims primarily to explain a few basic factors in the context of building official Slovak-Croatian cultural cooperation in the period from 1941 to 1945 . The foundation of the Independent State of Croatia (Nezavisna Drzava Hrvatska - NDH) on April 10th, 1941 resulted in the expansion of cultural interaction between it and the newly- independent Slovak Republic, as the representatives of both states shared similar experiences of national struggles and now ideological and political interests. The Slovak Republic officially recognized the NDH on v rokoch 1939-1941 ," Historicky zbornik 19 (2009): 154-68; Jan Tkac, "Chorvatsko v politike Slovenskej republiky v rokoch 1941-1945," Historicky casopis 58 (2010): 659-83 ; Alena Bartlova, "Dr. Jozef Cieker, vyslanec Slovenskej republiky," in Dr. Jozef Cieker: seminar pri prileiitosti nedoi itym 90. narodenincim Jozefa Ciekera v Tvrdosine 20. juna 1997, ed. Juraj Chovan-Rehak (Martin : Matica slovenska, 2000), 71-92; Jan Jankovic, Chorvcitska literatura v slovenskej kulture If. (19391948), (Bratislava: Veda, 2002); Jan Jankovic, Stanis/av Meciar - chorvatofil (Bratislava: Ustav svetovej literatury SAV, 2001); Martin Jarinkovic, "Pohl'ad slovenskej dennej tlace na chorvatsku otazku v rokoch 1941-1944," in Od Salzburgu do vypuknutia Povstania. Slovenskci republika 1939-1945 ocami mladych historikov VIII, ed. Peter Sokolovic (Bratislava: Ustav pamati naroda, 2009), 261-88; Martin Jarinkovic, "Spolkovy zivot v prvej Slovenskej republike na priklade Slovenskochorvatskej spolocnosti v rokoch 1942-1944," in Zivot v Slovenskej republike. Slovenskci republika 1939-1945 ocami mladych historikov 9., ed. Peter Sokolovic (Bratislava: Ustav pamati naroda 2010), 305-24; Oldfich Pejs, "Nakup koni v Chorvatsku pro slovenskou armadu v roce 1944," Vojenskci hist6ria 8 (2004): 87-95; Oldfich Pejs, "Na okraj dodavky slovenskych zbrani do Chorvatska v roce 1942," Historie a vojenstvi 45 (1996): 56-73 . 7 See the following : Michal Schvarc, "Statna suverenita len ako fasada? Zasahy Nemecka do slovenskeho zakonodarstva v rokoch 1939-1940," in Slovensko v labyrinte modernych eur6pskych dejin : pocta historikov Milanovi Zemkovi, ed . Slavomir Michalek (Bratislava: Historicky ustav SAV, 20 14), 641-57; Pavo) Petruf, "Zahranicna politika Slovenskeho statu 1939-1945 : niekol'ko poznamok o jej vzniku, zamerani a kratkodobej existencii," in Riesenie iidovskej otcizky v spojeneckych krajincich nacistickeho Nemecka, ed. Viera Kovacova et. al. (Banska Bystrica: Muzeum Slovenskeho narodneho povstania, 20 12), 17-29; Pavo I Petruf, "Terna "novej Eur6py", "noveho eur6pskeho poriadku" a "zivotneho priestoru" na strankach novin Slovak ( I 939-1940)," in Kapitoly z hist6rie stredoeur6pskeho priestoru v 19. a 20. storoci: pocta k 70-rocnemu jubileu Dusana Kovcica, ed. Edita Ivanickova et. al. (Bratislava: Historicky ustav SAV, 201 I), 338-54. SLOVAKIA 69 May 5th, 194 l along with other Axis members and satellites - Germany, Italy and Hungary. 8 The NDH's political role in the "New Europe" was outlined in the Treaty of Rome, signed on May 18, 194 l, which established long-term Italian patronage. After Croatia gained its sovereignty, this subordination was immediately subject to much domestic criticism. During the following Croatian-Slovak diplomatic discussions, both parties set out a preferred vision of German rather than Italian supervision, seeing in Nazi Germany a common protector and liberator and also admiring the state and the Flihrer. In May of 194 l the government of the Slovak Republic surprisingly appointed the radical Karol Murgas, as its charge d'affaires to Croatia. The request was officially delivered by German authorities, as there was no direct contact between the two parties at that time. 9 Murgas had no diplomatic experience and was known for his awkward and hot-tempered behavior in public, which might have caused some hesitation, but his paramilitary experience in the Hlinka Guard and his demonstrated sympathy for Croatian nationalists made their mark. Murgas himself saw the move as an attempt to remove him from Slovak domestic politics, as he had previously enjoyed the prominent post of head of the Department of Propaganda. 10 In May of 194 l Viliam Kovar, the distinguished Slovak journalist, visited Croatia. During his stay he met influential statesmen and leaders of the Ustasha movement and examined the potential for mu- 8 Croatia - Congratulations of president Jozef Tiso, file 1300/41 , box 61 , collection Kancelaria prezidenta republiky - Slovensky narodny archiv (SNA) - Bratislava. For more about Slovak-Yugoslav relations see: Jan Nemecek, "K slovensko-jugoslavskym vztahum 1939-45," in Evropa mezi Nemeckem a Ruskem. Sbornik praci k sedmdesatinam Jaroslava Valenty, eds. Miroslav Sestak and Emil Voracek (Praha: Historicky ustav Akademie ved Ceske republiky, 2000), 385-98; Martin Jarinkovic, "Slovensko-juhoslovanske hospodarske a obchodne kontakty v rokoch 1939-1941 ," Pamdt' naroda 7 (20 11 ): 4-17. 9 S/ovak, May 11, I 941, 3. Zagreb's official approval of Murgas's mission came on May 15, but information ' s about it had already appeared in Grenzebote on the 4th of May 1941. For this question see also: File 79/41 , Box 1155 and File 77/41 , Box 213 , MZV, SNA. 10 See: Miroslav Michela, "Miesto a uloha Karola Murgasa v radikalnom prude slovenskej politiky v obdobi rokov 1939-1941 ," in S/ovenska republika 1939-1945 ocami mladych historikov, ed. Martin Lacko (Trnava : Katedra hist6rie Filozofickej fakulty Univerzity Cyrila a Metoda, 2002), 77-105 . 70 SLOVAKIA-2015 tual cultural cooperation. 11 In a letter to his colleague Stanislav Meciar, the editor- in-chief of the journal Slovenske pohl'ady, Kovar suggested sending a series of congratulatory letters on Croatia's independence to demonstrate Slovak sympathy and support. 12 Meciar was known to be a Croatophile and ardent admirer of writer and politician Mile Budak, who later became Minister of Education and Religion of the newly-founded NDH. 13 In a letter dated May 23, Meciar asserted the brotherhood of both nations and expressed satisfaction with both countries' successful completion of the struggle for independence. In his words, "Croats were a sincere nation close to us" and "the future of Slovakia will be much safer when developed in tandem with the present beautiful reality of Croatia." 14 Such declarations of sympathy were common in contemporary formal communications and were not deemed awkward . The Slovak press continuously monitored the Croatian struggle for independence and dedicated significant space to discussions with Croat emancipation activists : the Ustasha and Hlinka Guard officials; and to both nations' notable historical figures, such as Ljudevit Gaj , Ban Jelacic and Ante Starcevic on the one hand, and Jan Kollar, Stefan Moyzes and Andrej Hlinka on the other. A lot of attention was also paid to contemporary figures such as Mile Budak, Milo Urban and Alexander Mach, the commander-in-chief of the Hlinka Guard. Andrej Vrbacky, the Slovak translator, deserves credit for this written presentation. On May 26, 1941, Karol Murgas paid an official visit to Ante Pavelic, Croatia's supreme leader - poglavnik. In his formal address, Murgas pointed to the similarities of both nation's histories and suggested close cooperation in future political and cultural activities. 15 After this the Slovak embassy was officially opened. Interestingly, although an embassy agreement was offered to Murgas, he came to Zagreb with the official status of an envoy, which the Croatian side considered insufficient and demanded diplomatic representation at 11 Croatia trip reports. Box 4, Papers of Viliam Kovar, Literarny archiv Slovenskej narodnej kniznici V Martine (LA SNK). 12 Letter of V. Kovar to S. Meciar, August 26, 1941 . File 164 E 20, LA SNK. 13 See for example: Stanislav Meciar, "Chorvatsky klasik Mile Budak," Slovenske pohl'ady 56 ( 1940): 429-44. 14 Letter of S. Meciar to M. Budak, May 21 , 1941. File 164 N 17, LA SNK. 15 File 8/41 , Box 1155, MZV, SNA; Karol Murgas, "Pred tridsiatimi rokmi v Zahrebe," Slovak a svet I (Chicago, 1971 ): 15. SLOVAKIA 71 the top level. A month later, on June 25, Slovak president Jozef Tiso accepted the nomination of Dragutin Toth as Croatian charge d' affaires to Slovakia. 16 Murgas objected to this nomination, rating Toth as a liberal-orientated leftist. Toth's first audience with President Tiso took place on August l st, and his opening statement was dedicated again to both nations' independence. It is worth mentioning that he gave the speech in his native tongue, yet the president answered him in Slovak. This established a precedent for Tiso's interactions with envoys of Slavic states. 17 The newly-established Slovak embassy in Zagreb attracted broad interest and numerous appeals for bilateral cooperation. Both parties declared their intention to closely coordinate their political, economic, social and cultural activities. NOH officials wanted information on the organization of economic and social life in Slovakia. A common topic of bilateral talks was the means of settling the debts of former parent states (Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia). After initial negotiations with Murgas, Anton Bonifacic, head of the Croatian Department of Culture of the Slovak Ministry of Foreign Affairs, worked out a "Proposal for Establishing Cultural Cooperation between the NOH and the Slovak Republic". Its aim was to build economic, social and cultural ties based on the mutual exchange of publications, translations of literature, the exchange of students, writers and task groups; and organizing art exhibitions, concerts etc. The proposal included a suggestion for the legal recognition and protec18 tion of Croats living in Slovakia and Slovaks in the NOH. The position of the latter was at that time far from satisfactory. Slovak minority rights gained during the former Yugoslavia were largely ignored by the Ustasha regime. 19 The first objective of the Slovak representatives in Croatia was to improve this situation. Within the Slo16 File 4961 /41 , Box 213, MZV, SNA. Rychlik, Slovensko-chorvatske vztahy ... , 270. 18 File 244/41 , Box 1157, MZV, SNA. 19 About the Slovak minority in Croatia, see: Vit Usak, Slovcici v Chorvcitsku - historicky ncicrt (C leveland-Rim : Historicky ustav, 1978); Sprievodca slovenskym zahranicim, ed. I.'.ubica Bartalska (Bratislava: Dom zahranicnych Slovakov, 2001), 8790; Report of J. Cieker, February 12, 1942. File 27/48 JozefCieker papers, Okresny l'udovy sud v Bratislave 1945-1947 (O1..'.S BA), Statny oblastny archiv Bratislava (SABa). Information about the exact number of Slovaks in Croatia at that time differed. The daily Slovak, on October 22, 1941 , page 3, estimated a maximum of 22,000 countrymen ; other sources gave higher numbers . 17 72 SLOV AKIA-2015 vak community itself, there were further differences related to religious orientation. The Catholic population lacked education and schools, and its national identity was rapidly disappearing. On the other hand, Lutheran villages were keeping their traditions alive, with much of the work done by local pastors.20 However, the Lutheran community had stronger ties to the former Yugoslav regime and was treated with suspicion by Ustasha authorities. In numerous cases the Slovak embassy had to intervene to help individuals (conscripts of the Yugoslav army) who had been captured in the previous war with Germany. The chaos and scarcities following the transition of power also forced a lot of Slovaks to seek help at the embassy. Ever since the foundation of the NDH, leaders of the Slovak expatriate community were planning to set up a minority organization, the so-called Slovak National Group in Croatia, with a common official statute recognized by the Croatian regime. The eventual failure of this initiative was largely due to the fact that they were not coordinated with the Croatian side, which feared a potential precedent that wou ld allow other minorities to raise similar claims. The only minority to achieve the privilege of an officially recognized status was the German one, with a population up to 150,000 and enjoying the benefits of the parent country ' s political dominance. Following the negotiations of June 25, 1941 , Croatia and Slovakia announced a mutual settlement of their claims regarding real estate belonging to their predecessor states (Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia).21 Murgas managed to obtain the property of the former Czech-Slovak society Beseda in Lipovljani for the Slovak side.22 The issue of schools for the Slovak minority was a frequently negotiated topic from early on. In spite of the initial mistrust by the Ustasha authorities, which culminated in the arrests of several Slovak teachers, Slovak primary education was preserved. 23 Mutual contacts also developed in the field of pedagogy and science. A visit by Croatian medics and an Ustasha Youth delegation to °File 36, Box 266, MZV, SNA . 2 21 File 217/41 , Box 1157 and File 217/41 , Box 1155 , MZV, SNA . The society officially dissolved on July 30, 1941. See Slovak Beseda in Bratislava. Box 207, f. Policajne riaditel'stvo v Bratislave (PR Ba), SNA; File 325/41 , Box 214 and File 20518/41 , Box 48, MZV, SNA. 23 File 33880/41 , Box 213 and File 20518/41 , Box 48 , MZV, SNA. Gardista, September 21 , 1941 , 3; Gardista, October 22, 1941 , 3. 22 SLOVAKIA 73 Slovakia was met by great domestic publicity. 24 A program of student exchange and scholarship financing was launched by numerous institutions: The Science Society for Foreign Slovaks (mainly focused on student exchange, support of Slovak foreign education and distribution of Slovak literature abroad), the Matica slovenska, The Society of St. Adalbert, the Slovak University, and the Hlinka Youth. The Croatian partner organizations included the Saint Jerome Society, the Matica Hrvatska, and later the new Croatian-Slovak Society. The pace at which interest in Croatia spread was almost overwhelming for the Slovak Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which decided to halt the uncontrolled influx of NDH visitors . The Ministry then published a directive stating that it must approve all Croatian visits. 25 The founding of the already mentioned Croatian-Slovak Society (August 13, 1941) was a milestone in cultural interaction. The Slovak envoy requested the speedy assignment of a cultural attache to Croatia, recommending Jozef Ambrus, who had been studying in Zagreb. This request was turned down, as was his later proposal of founding an office of the Society in Bratislava. 26 A fact worth mentioning is that Murgas proposed Alexander Mach, the Minister of the Interior, to be the chairman of this branch. 27 The Slovak authorities, however, took a rather cautious approach and decided to wait until their Croatian counterparts founded a similar branch of the Society in Zagreb. 28 These facts indicate a kind of cautiousness on the Slovak part, caused primarily by foreign political factors. Contrary to their cordial relations and shared long-term plans, practical cooperation between Slovakia and Croatia was difficult from the beginning. Later on, such cooperation was also damaged by the Ustasha regime's inability to make good on its commitments. Meanwhile, the Croatian and Slovak Society was founded in Zagreb. Franjo Dujmovic, 29 the editor-in-chief of the daily Nova Hrvat24 See for example: Gardista, July 26, 1941, 3; Gardista , July 27, 1941, 3; Gardista, August 26, 1941, 3; File 32595/41, Box 213 , MZV, SNA. 25 Ibid, File 6978/41. 26 Reports of K. Murgas, August 19, 1941 and August 26, 1941. Box 143, MZV, SNA; File 20518/41 , Box 48, MZV, SNA. See also: Jarinkovic, Spolkovy i ivot v frvej Slovenskej republike ... , 305-24. 7 File 544/41, Box 1155 and File 137/41, Box 1160, MZV, SNA. 28 File 32.702/41, Box 118, MZV, SNA. 29 Initially led by the Croatian Minister of the Interior and well-known Ustasha activist Adrija Artukovic. 74 SLOVAKIA-2015 ska (New Croatia) , was appointed its President, with Mile Starcevic and Eugen Ftillop as Vice-Presidents, and Zlatko Milkovic as Secretary. The Society ' s Board included a number of significant individuals whose positions suggested strong links with Croatian state institutions .3° The Society's goal was to develop cultural relations and to promote the Slovak Republic in the NDH. Stanislav Meciar also hoped to expand cultural cooperation, with special focus on the new Croatian literature. When asked about which Slovak novelists he would recommend for translation, he included Jozef Ciger Hronsky, Milo Urban, Tido J. Gaspar, Julius Horvath, and Margita Figuli. He rejected Peter Jilemnicky, whom he labelled a Czech and a Communist. Among Slovak poets he suggested Valentin Beniak, Andrej Zamov, Emil Boleslav Lukac, Jan Smrek, Rudolf Dilong, I:udo Ondrejov, Ladislav Novomesky, Jan R. Ponican and Jan Kostra, with the comment that "the last three were Communists, but have written valuable Slovak poems; here you ought to make your own decision." 31 He also decided to publish a special issue of the Slovenske pohl'ady on the subject of Croatia. 32 As early as 1941 discussions began about the possibility of closer cooperation between Romania, Slovakia, and Croatia, a project designed to raise the profile of all three states. The incentive to establish this bloc came from Romania, mainly as a reaction to Hungarian irredentism. At the same time, the three states intended to revisit their territorial losses to Hungary between 193 8 and 1941. Agreement to create the bloc was soon disclosed and the Hungarian Government protested against "reviving the spirit of the Little Entente," referring to the interwar East-Central European military alliance against Hungary. In spite of the initial hesitation of Slovak politicians, by early 1942 Vojtech Tuka, the Slovak Foreign Minister, showed great interest in such cooperation. He emphasized that the alliance could not be labelled with the "stigma of Pan-Slavism," referring to criticism raised by some representatives of the Slovak government. On the one hand, as soon as the Germans indicated that no such efforts would be tolerated within their sphere of influence, the 30 Tatre i Velebit, December 25 , 1942, 155 . Letter of S. Meciar to Zlatko Milkovic from August 26, I 941. File 164 P 17, LA SNK. 32 See Jankovic, Chorvatska literatura v slovenskej kulture II. (1939-1948), 52-83. 31 SLOVAKIA 75 Slovak Republic 's activities declined rapidly . On the other hand, the Slovaks discovered that the NDH was not a reliable partner. 33 In the fall of 1941 some changes were made to the charge d' affaires positions in both countries. Jozef Cieker replaced the undisciplined Karol Murgas. Cieker had previously worked in Yugoslavia and was knowledgeable about Croatian affairs. He presented his credentials in Zagreb on December 12, 1941. At the same time, there was also a change in the Croatian diplomatic posting in Bratislava. Josip Berkovic, the new envoy, presented his credentials on December 19. These changes had no impact on the mutual convergence, and the Croatian Embassy in Bratislava appointed a cultural attache, Geno Sencic who energetically participated in the development of Slovak and Croatian cultural relations. In January of 1942, Tido J. Gaspar, Head of the Propaganda Office, charged Jozef Ambrus with preparing the ground for establishing the Slovak and Croatian Society in Slovakia. The general assembly of this cultural institution took place on March 13, 1942, in the Slovak University ' s amphitheater. Slovak Ministers Alexander Mach, Gejza Medricky and Ferdinand Catlos, as well as other major figures of political and cultural life attended, as did a numerous Croatian delegation. This meeting received broad media coverage. This general assembly prescribed uniforms as a part of the dress code. The Society set as its goal to unite all Croatophiles, spread the Croatian culture and develop mutual relationships. Political issues were to be avoided. Alexander Mach was acclaimed as the Society 's President. In his acceptance speech he pointed out the parallels between the Autonomists ' first paramilitary organization, the Rodobrana (Native Defense), the subsequent Hlinka Guards and the Croatian Ustasha movement. He added that cooperation between Slovakia and Croatia "is not based on the pharisaical chimera of the notorious Slavic solidarity," which had led to humiliation, suffering and disappointment for both nations. These contacts, he continued, "are supported by a good tradition, the present struggle for a common goal, which we all have before our eyes in the New Europe." Mach's 33 See Miroslav Tejchman, "Slovensko-rumunsko-chorvatska spoluprace v letech druhe svetove valley a Mad'arsko," Slovansky pfehled 78 (1992) : 161-71 ; Cubomir Liptak, "Mad'arsko v slovenskej politike za druhej svetovej vojny," in Prispevky k dejinam fasizmu v Ceskos/ovensku a v Mad'arsku, ed. Gyorgy Ranki (Bratislava: Vydavatel'stvo Slovenskej akademie vied, 1969), 222-30. 76 SLOVAKIA-2015 speech marked the boundaries of the cultural society. He also delegated Stanislav Meciar, Anton Misik, Jozef Ambrus as its VicePresidents, Viliam Kovar, Eduard Urban as its Secretaries, and Belo Franc as the Treasurer. Many important people working in the area of culture and politics became board members .34 The next day, the first issue of the Slovak-and-Croatian literary review entitled Tatre i Velebit appeared.35 Josip Andric became the editor-in-chief. He had visited Slovakia since the 1920s, and maintained good contacts with the representatives of the Hlinka Slovak People 's Party. In the first issue's introductory address, Ferdinand Catlos, Slovak Minister of Defense, noted : "With the help of the Germans, both our nations have become autonomous and integrated as state actors among the nations of young Europe." He praised the shared destiny and goals, desires and hopes of both nations who required no written agreements to confirm their mutual relationships.36 It is evident that both societies had ideologically compatible people in the leadership, with close links to the official regime. It was typical of both states to infuse culture with politics, especially with propaganda. However, as Jan Jankovic pointed out, in spite of major ideological links, there was also much freedom, which he demonstrated by using literature translations that often avoided an ideological undertone. Once the Slovak Croatian Society was founded, the organization of commonly-held events grew in intensity, and the Society substantially participated in promoting cooperation with other cultural institutions. Contacts were developed in the area of sports as well, but did not exceed the norm. At that time, the establishment of the autonomy of Slovakia in October of 1938 was celebrated. The cultural program focused on Slovak popular sonfs and included lectures given by the country's major personalities.3 In Bratislava on April 9, 1942, the Society celebrated the first anniversary of the NDH' s inception by arranging a red-carpet procession in the highly representative build34 For example: Stefan Bella, Juraj Cecetka, Alojz Macek, Jozef Kutnik-Smalov, Valentin Beniak, Aladar Kocis, Karol Klinovsky, Karol Studenc, Alexander Moyzes and honorsry members included Jozef Skultety, Tido J. Gaspar, Rudolf Vavra, Ferdinand Catlos and Gejza Medricky. Slovak-Croatian Society. File 38/68, Box 204, PR-BA, SNA. 35 More precisely about the revue Tatre i Velebit, see: Jankovic, Chorwitska literatura v slovenskej kulture II. (1939-1948), 39-51. 36 Tatre i Velebit, March 14, 1942, 5. 31 Tatre i Velebit, December 25, 1942, 156. SLOVAKIA 77 ing of the Reduta. On the next day, a Pontifical High Mass was celebrated by Bishop Michal Buzalka in Saint Martin's Cathedral, and on this occasion the Slovak dailies published special issues. 38 At that time a numerous group of Slovak journalists, cultural workers and politicians set off to Croatia to celebrate the first anniversary of the state. Besides Minister Mach and Secretary Kovar, the group included prominent Hlinka guard officers Otomar Kubala, Alexander Cunderlik, Frantisek Galan, and other persons who also discussed mutual cooperation in the area of culture. Within the context of the cooperation of Slovakia, Romania and Croatia, a meeting was held on May 13 in Bucharest, where the participants agreed to compile national bibliographies of major works, to organize regular visits, to promote each other and to organize so-called weeks of reciprocal culture. An Agreement on Cultural Cooperation between the Slovak Republic and the NDH was signed in Zagreb, which dealt with the foundation of a Chair of the Croatian Language, Literature and History and a Department of the Croatian Language and Literature at the Slovak University, with similar Slovak institutes in Zagreb. An important clause focused on maintaining and extending elementary schools for minorities. Both partners committed to support reciprocal visits and a minimum of two student scholarships. 39 The Agreement also included a clause on the recognition of academic titles, scientific education benefits for young people, and book exchanges. They also promised not to permit the publication of things "which could present the other state in a bad light." The Agreement established a Slovak and Croatian Cultural Committee to observe the provisions of the mutual agreements and to deepen relationships. The Agreement was for a period of five years and based on the principle of reciprocity .40 In spite of the fact that similar plans had existed since 1941, and that the final agreement was prepared in 1942, neither this Agreement, nor another cultural Agreement between the Slovak Republic and NDH came into force . This was due to their inability to make and perform agreements, and a certain inflexibility characteristic of both parties, which were the basic problems associated with the development of relations between Slovakia and Croatia. Some of these problems were caused by the fact that the NDH was not con38 /bid, 164-5 . Slovak-Croatian reciprocal scholarships. File 255/43, Box 2 14, MZV, SNA . 40 File 8/ 100/43 , Box 118, MZV, SNA. 39 78 SLOVAKIA-2015 solidated politically and economically, that both countries were involved in the war, in a complicated foreign-policy situation, and also in the relationship of satellite states with their protector, Germany . The issue of the legal status of the Slovak minority in the NDH was perceived in a very sensitive way, and tackled unsuccessfully throughout the entire existence of the NDH. Frequent excesses of the Ustasha towards Slovak inhabitants in Croatia did not contribute to mutual trust. It is well-known that from the beginning some Slovaks rejected Croatian citizenship because they had supported the previous regime, they had to deal with poor living conditions and showed increased interest in repatriation to Slovakia. Viliam Kovar's visit to Lipovljany on June 14, 1941 created a stir. During his visit, Kovar showed concern about the situation of the local Slovaks and suggested repatriation in exchange for Croats living in Slovakia. This proposal resonated and some Slovaks in Croatia appealed to the embassy for help. 41 However, charge d'affaires Murgas viewed Kovar's initiative very critically. Croatians intended to repatriate the Slovak minority to the Slovak Republic, which Murgas found detrimental to the state.42 In any case, official Slovak circles showed no serious interest in repatriation to Slovakia. What did not make such a big stir was settling the issue of the validity of Jewish travel documents. The Slovak Ministry of Foreign Affairs had acknowledged their validity (until March 31, 1942), but at the same time the Ministry told Murgas not to intervene in these matters, to which he would agree. 43 The legation had the right to decide each Jewish case, but their objective was to ensure that these Jews would not return to Slovakia because they were "a useless and harmful element, " 44 which corresponded to the official policy of the Slovak Republic. 45 In the NDH 41 File 116/41 , Box 1160, MZV, SNA; Report written by representatives of the Slovak minority in the NDH regarding the visit of Viliam Kovar, June 16, 1941. Box 143, MZV, SNA. See also: Oldfich Pejs, "Slovenska diplomacie a valecni zajatci slovenske narodnosti (1939-1942)," Vojenska hist6ria 15 (2011), 122-41. 42 '1n today's situation we don't have the space and employment opportunities for returnees ... " Report ofK. Murgas, August 19, 1941 , Box 143 and File 20518/41 , Box 48 , MZV, SNA. 43 File 903/41 and 1347/41 , Box 1158, MZV, SNA. 44 File 62/41 , Box 1158, MZV, SNA. 45 For a comparison of the Slovak and Croatian anti-Jewish policies, see: Eduard Niznansky and Jana Mnahoncakova, "Vymedzenie pojmu Zid na Slovensku a v SLOVAKIA 79 the Jewish issue was "promptly resolved," and Serbs also became an "unwanted element." 46 The greatest boom of cultural relations between Slovakia and Croatia occurred in 1942. Numerous visits and social events were organized in order to strengthen this cooperation. For example, during the summer several Croatian delegations visited the Slovak Republic. From June 28 until July 4, a "Croatian Week" in Slovakia was organized to promote Croatian culture. Slovak Radio participated very actively by broadcasting Croatian music and a series of interviews by a number of major figures in culture and politics.47 At that time an ensemble of amateur actors form Croatia toured Slovakia with their theater program dedicated to Croatian dances.48 Reciprocal visits and presentations became the most typical component of Slovak-Croatian cultural policy, most frequently realized through national theatrical and music productions. As in Slovakia, various events were held in the NDH which concentrated on mutual convergence, such as the presentation of the Articles of Association of the Slovak National Unity (Slovenska narodna jednota) to the relevant Croatian authorities who promised their recognition. The Slovak Reading Club in Ilok organized Slovaks in the NDH. In spite of promises made, the Croatian administration did nothing. 49 The Slovak Day planned for August 30, 1942, in Stara Pazova, where Vladimir Hurban Vladimirov, a famous descendant of the writer Svetozar Hurban Vajansky, served as a Protestant minister, was postponed because of guerilla warfare.50 Jozef Cieker constantly pointed out the complicated situation in the country and the Ustasha's excesses. "The scope of action of ministers is limited to minis- Chorvatsku - pokus o porovnanie," in Z dejin holokaustu ajeho popierania, ed. Eduard Nizi\.ansky (Bratislava: Stimul, 2007), 107-30. 46 See Nevenko Bartulin, The Racial Idea in the Independent State of Croatia: Origins and Theory (Leiden: Brill, 2014). 47 Alexander Mach, Mladen Lorkovic, Stanislav Meciar, Jozef Ambrus, Valentin Beniak, Alexander Moyzes, Viliam Kovar, Mile Starcevic, Zlatko Milkovic, Franjo Dujmovic, Mile Budak, Viliam Peros, Josip Horvat, Geno Senecic and others. 48 Tatre i Velebit, December 25, I 942, p.165. 49 Report of J. Cieker, May 24, I 943. File 27/48 Jozef Cieker papers, O1:S BA, SABa. 50 Slovaks in Yugoslavia. File 6452/41-1 , Box 143, MZV, SNA. 80 SLOV AKIA-2015 terial buildings and a small region around Zagreb." 51 He perceived Slovak-Croatian relations as weak and suggested that it would be unwise to limit mutual relations to Ustasha Croatia and suggested that the two nations should relate to one another as wholes. The Ustasha were not pleased with the activities of the Slovak charge d'affaires in Zagreb, and therefore they suggested that he should be removed. Cieker often met with opposition groups, members of the higher clergy and criticized the situation in the country. These statements show that there were certain differences between Slovakia and Croatia. Conservative representatives in Croatia were the more moderate Catholics of a nationalist orientation, represented in the past by the Croatian Popular Peasant Party (the Hrvatska pucka seljacka stranka). In that sense, they were competitors of the Ustasha. The Slovak Republic supported the regular Croatian army - the militia, with supplies of arms and equipment. However, much more evident were the contacts between the radical representatives of the Hlinka Guard and the Ustasha. They were ideologically close, and strongly involved in the development of mutual relations, for instance between the Hlinka Youth and the Ustasha Youth. Despite these differences, cultural contacts continued to evolve. Each autumn international commercial fairs were held in both Bratislava and Zagreb. Both states sent delegations of major figures of economic and political life to the fairs. In June of 1942, an agreement between Croatia and Slovakia was signed in Bratislava on the regulation of mutual contact under civil law. At the end of October, the Minister of Justice, Gejza Fritz, signed in Zagreb an interstate agreement on extradition and propertylaw assistance in criminal issues. Like the economic agreement entered into in October of 1941, these agreements came into force too late, and therefore had no significant impact on the actual relationship between the Slovak Republic and the NDH. 52 Also, an agreement was concluded on cooperation between the Slovak and Croatian academic youth.53 This cooperation seemed promising from the summer of 1941 and many young people from Croatia visited Slovakia. The Hlinka Youth, jointly with the Ustasha Youth and 51 Report of J. Cieker, August 28, 1942. File 27/48 Jozef Cieker papers, O1:S BA, SABa. 52 Rychlik, Slovensko-chorvatske vztahy ... , 273-74. 53 Medunarodni ugovori 1943, p. 208-10. Box 214, MZV, SNA. SLOVAKIA 81 Hitlerjugend, organized camps for their members . In this regard, there was a significant involvement by Alojz Macek and lvo Orsanic, the leaders of organizations in the Slovak Republic and the NDH, . As in the preceding year, the autumn of 1942 witnessed certain changes in Slovak- Croatian relations. Activist Viliam Kovar enlisted in the Slovak army and treasurer Belo Fronc replaced him. The NDH Government underwent a major reorganization which resolved the conflict between the Poglavnik and the Minister of Defense, Marshall Slavko Kvaternik. Kvaternik came to recover to Slovakia, when he probably sought some political support. However, the Government's reconstruction did not disturb the NDH's relations with the Slovak Republic. Promoting one another continued, which is evident in the Slovak Culture Week held in Zagreb from November 29, 1942, to December 5, 1942. 54 This event had some response. Besides abundant musical performances, several contributions were made on the present and the past of the relationships between Slovaks and Croatians. At that time, Andric's Slovak Language Grammar was published.55 By the end of that year, yet another change took place in diplomatic postings. Charge d'affaires Berkovic was dismissed and replaced with Blaz Lorkovic, who presented his credentials to President Tiso on December 22. In his speech, he remarked: "The Poglavnik appointed me as the charge d'affaires in Slovakia in his belief that our brother Slovaks wish to have an old and well-proven Ustasha as the charge d'affaires of the NDH."56 In 1943 further talks were held on cooperation between Romania, Slovakia and the NDH . It was evident that Ante Pavelic's Croatia was very weak as a partner, and, therefore, the Slovak representatives focused mainly on negotiations with the Romanians. In the end, however, these attempts also failed to improve cooperation and the idea of a tightly-bound Slovak and Croatian bloc against Hungary was unsuccessful. 57 In January of 1943, a full length propaganda film 54 At that time the following Slovaks visited Croatia: Stanislav Meciar, Andrej Mraz, Karol Ki:irper, Jan Pi:istenyi, Jozef Pauco, Jan Doransky as we ll as representatives of the Ministry of Defense, the Ministry of Education, the Matica slovenska, the Slovak-Croatian Society, the Society of St. Adalbert and the Bratislava Chamber Quintet. 55 Tatre i Velebit, December 25 , 1942, 157-159; File Slovaks in Yugoslavia, Box 143, MZV, SNA. 56 File 35.591 /42, Box 219, MZV, SNA. 57 Tejchman, Slovensko-rumunsko-chorvatska spoluprace ... , 166-67 . 82 SLOV AKIA-2015 From the Tatras to the Sea of Azov was shown in the NDH, which highlighted the Slovak Army's activity on the Eastern Front in order to strengthen the idea of a joint struggle against Bolshevism . In the field of news reporting, a regular exchange of newsreels took place and a number of contributions on Croatian topics were broadcast over Slovak Radio. The fourth anniversary celebrations of independence in Zagreb were not as spectacular as in the preceding year. In addition to compulsory lectures and articles in the Croatian press, the Croatian and Slovak Society organized a tea party on March 13th. The next morning, a Pontifical High Mass was celebrated and attended by representatives of the Croatian Government. 58 On March 25, 1943 the second general assembly of the Slovak and Croatian Society was held . Once again, this event became a manifestation of fondness for each other. Many prominent people of that period's political and cultural life participated, headed by ministers Mach, Medricky and charge d'affaires Blaz Lorkovic, who was elected an honorary member. A declaration of efforts to extend the statutes of the Society was made since there was an interest in establishing branches in other towns of Slovakia (it was planned to establish branches in Presov, Zilina and Banska Bystrica), and to extend activities in the field of culture.59 The general assembly also launched the celebration of Croatian independence, which was accompanied by a number of cultural events including a gala concert of the Slovak Radio on April 9th. Employees of Mach's Ministry of the Interior were invited to turn out in strength. A Croatian issue of the newspaper Gardista (Guardsman) was published to celebrate the third anniversary of the NDH's creation. During his visit to Slovakia in May, 1943, Ivan Veres, a Protestant minister, reported on the difficult situation of Slovaks in the NDH. Again, the unresolved issues emerged, especially those regarding culture. Based on this information Alexander Mach invited the Croatian charge d'affaires to an audience and gave him notice that the situation of Slovaks in the NDH could directly affect the future relations between Slovakia and Croatia. In this respect, Mach even intended to stop honoring Josip Andric, the writer, with a high 58 Tatre i Velebit, June 15, 1943, 61. The Slovak-Croatian Society - Minutes of the Second General Assembly. File 38/68, Box 204, PR Ba, SNA. 59 SLOVAKIA 83 state award, and issued a command to suspend the establishment of the Slovak and Croatian Society's branches. Jozef Cieker also made a statement on the nature of the mutual relationships by pointing out that people in Bratislava had too many illusions, but the reality was much more complicated. 60 In spite of the fact that the negotiations on signing the Slovak and Croatian Cultural Convention continued, no consensus was reached. Croatia refused to recognize the special status of Slovaks in the NDH because of other minorities, who would then demand similar rights. However, the Croats were willing to guarantee Slovak education through separate legislation. They also demanded that the SNU should not be a political organization to represent Slovaks in the NDH and should not claim the property of former Czechoslovak: associations. However, at that time, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Slovak Republic was more interested in concluding the Slovak and Italian cultural convention, after which the Ministry would be willing to continue negotiations about the convention with Croatia.61 The fall of Mussolini in 1943 brought about an "unpleasant awakening" in the NDH. Nevertheless, Ante Pavelic, with Germany's support, managed to hold on to power and maintain the illusion of the existence of an independent Croatian state, and on September 10, 1943, he announced that previous Italian and Croatian agreements were no longer valid, as the Italians had failed to fulfil their obligations and agreed to an armistice with the enemy. 62 At that time, a number of Croatian politicians and their families, who refused to stay in the NDH for various reasons, were in Slovakia. This is very interesting, because the Slovak Republic granted asylum to persons whose blood-stained careers were inscribed in the NDH' s infamous history. For instance, this applied to Eugen "Dido" Kvaternik, the former commander of the Croatian secret police! Jozef Cieker tried unsuccessfully to reject entry visas to exponents of the Ustasha re• 63 g1me. 60 Report of J. Cieker, May 24, 1943. File 27/48 Jozef Cieker papers, 01.'.S BA, SABa. 61 Report of J. Cieker from July 7, 1943. Box 143, MZV, SNA. 62 Jbid, File 313 2/43 . 63 Report of J. Cieker, September 9, 1943. File 27/48 Jozef Cieker papers, 01.'.S BA, SABa. 84 SLOV AKIA-2015 In the reality of that time, Slovak and Croatian cultural cooperation decreased and in 1943 the Tatre i Velebit cultural review folded . The Slovak Embassy in Zagreb pointed to the unbearable problems of the NDH, which were also reflected in its failure to fulfil economic contractual obligations. The embassy also dealt with propertyrelated sanctions and the loss of freedom which Slovaks in the NDH had to struggle with every day. Despite plans for further cooperation, the mutual relationships had reached their zenith. Their abovestandard scope in the period between 1939 and 1944 is shown by the fact that nineteen translated Croatian fiction titles were published in Slovakia, which is more than in the case of most Allied countries. In addition, popular and scientific, political and religious literature was published, although their numbers are difficult to reconstruct. 64 At the beginning of February, 1944, Jozef Cieker was replaced in Zagreb by charge d'affaires Viktor Becko. 65 However, he would not bring any changes to Slovak-Croat relations. From his reports we learn that actual power in Croatia was shared by guerilla and German and Ustasha troops, and about the oppression of the population. As regards Slovak-Croatian relations, Becko noted that higher state authorities had an interest and a positive approach, which, however, faded at lower positions. Therefore, he suggested, that Croatians should be promised economic concessions in return for cultural and social offsets for Slovaks in the NDH. 66 In his report he summarized the mutual contacts which he considered to be less developed than expected and pointed out that a certain platform could be found as a support. In spite of that, he labelled the cultural and political relations as very good. As far as economic cooperation was concerned, he criticized the absence of a trade representative "whom the Croatians have in the Protectorate as well." 67 As regards the issue of the Slovaks in the NDH, he underscored the fact that Slovaks were transported to concentration camps based on the principle of collective guilt. Some Croatians hated the Slovaks because they were not obliged to join the army or the Ustasha, and local personal and prop64 See Jankovic, Chorvatska literatura v slovenskej kulture II. (1939-1948), 166-176. Slovak, February 2, 1944, p. 4; Slovak, February 9, 1944, p. 3. 66 Report of V. Becka, March 20, 1944. File 27/48 Jozef Cieker papers, O1.'.S BA, SABa. 67 Political reports from Zagreb - 1944, Report of V. Becka, April 25, 1944. Box 213, MZV, SNA. 65 SLOVAKIA 85 erty-related conflicts played an important role as well. He pointed to the nationalist attitudes of the Ustasha, who did not like "foreign elements" in their country. 68 However, the repatriation of Slovaks was technically impossible at that time.69 Contacts between Slovaks and Croats were not limited to the official political position, which I intended to describe in this paper. There was also significant cooperation among anti-fascist forces in the Slovak Republic, the NDH and elsewhere in Europe. Tomislav Poglajen-Kolakovic, a Catholic priest who worked in Slovakia from September of 1943 and joined the anti-fascist forces, was an outstanding person involved in this convergence. 70 In the last stages of the existence of both states, mutual contacts died out completely, and the dissolution of the Slovak and Croatian Society in Slovakia on May 25th, 1945, 71 was just a formality, because most of the Society's representatives had fled abroad, where they continued to develop contacts with the Croats. Relationships between Slovakia and Croatia from 1941 to 1945 were affected by the political climate. Despite comparable efforts by Slovaks and Croats to attain national emancipation in the inter-war period and deep historical roots of mutual cooperation multiplied at that time by the concept of "historical inevitability," it was the ideological adherence of political representatives and their mentors (especially Germany) which played an important role in the mutual convergence. Cultural cooperation took a similar path, but it could not overcome the ideological framework. Due to both practical and political obstacles, such cooperation would not reach the desired form, and it peaked between 1942 and the first half of 1943 . However, as Viliam Kovar wrote about the activities of the Slovak and Croatian Society, which was supposed to reflect these relationships : 68 Political reports from Zagreb - 1944, Report of V. Becka, January 8, 1945 . Box 213, MZV, SNA . 69 Letter from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to V. Becka, January 26, 1945. Box I 160, MZV, SNA. 70 More precisely see: Jozef Jablonicky, Podoby nasilia (Bratislava: Kalligram, 2000), 9-27. For the official Croatian reaction to the uprising in Slovakia, see: Jan Rychlik, "Obdobie pred Slovenskym narodnym povstanim v spravach chorvatskeho vyslanca v Bratislave," Historicky casopis 56 (2008): 349-84. ; Jan Rychlik, "Slovenske narodne povstanie v spravach chorvatskeho diplomata," Historicky casopis 54 (2006) : 315-52. 71 Slovak-Croatian Society. File 38/68, Box 20 14, PR Ba, SNA . 86 SLOV AKIA-2015 " ... (the Society) failed to do as much as one could possibly expect, but did not miss one chance to inform the Slovak public and make it familiar with the life of Croatia and its representatives." 72 It was clear before the end of World War II, which both countries entered on the side of Germany, that neither state would outlive it. However, this did not mean the end of mutual cultural contacts, which after the War took place in a brand new geopolitical and ideological environment. 72 Report of the Society' s secretary. File 38/68, Box 2014, PR Ba, SNA.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Development of Cultural Cooperation between the Slovak Republic and the Independent State of Croatia, 1941-1945 Description An account of the resource Miroslav Michela Slovakia, Vol. 42 (No. 78-79), 2015 pp. 66-86 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Michela, Miroslav, 1978- Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2015 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/73f1cba28d10c7548fc3abdd7abba16e.pdf e7c785da5610033cef20d5b3ecab1907 PDF Text Text SLOV AKIA-2015 35 THE JOURNEY OFFOUR SLOVAK CATHOLIC BISHOPS TO THE USA IN 1926 1 Stefan Kucik In 1926, the 28 th International Eucharistic Congress took place in the United States of America. This "country of unlimited possibilities" was generally expected to prepare a Congress that would surpass all previous International Eucharistic Congresses, both in terms of the number of participants and its grandiosity. The Congress itself was expected to become a forum to manifest the strength of American Catholicism. For Slovak-American Catholics, however, the forthcoming Congress had a significant added value. The four new Slovak Catholics bishops were to participate in it. While many authors have dealt with various aspects of the lives and activities of Slovak Catholic bishops in the interwar period, no one has yet provided us with a detailed account on their journey to the USA in 1926. This article will try to fill this gap. At the time of the International Eucharistic Congress in Chicago, there were six Catholic bishops in Slovakia: Marian Blaha of Banska Bystrica, Jan Vojtassak of Spis, and Karol Kmet'ko of Nitra (all ordained on February 13, I 921 ); Jozef Carsky of Kos ice and Pavo I Jantausch of Trnava (both ordained on June 14, 1925); and Michal Bubnic of Roziiava (ordained on December 8, 1925). However, only four of them finally departed for America: Blaha, Vojtassak, Jantausch and Carsky. The number of Slovak Catholic bishops who were to attend the Eucharistic Congress in Chicago initially fluctuated . On April 8, 1926, the Ministry with Full Powers for the Administration of Slovakia in Bratislava informed the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Czechoslovak Republic in Prague that all Slovak bishops would make the trip to the USA. 2 On April 14, 1926, the American Catholic 1 This is an English and slightly modified and updated version of my previous article entitled "Cesta slovenskych katolickych biskupov do slovenskej Ameriky v roku 1926," in Duchovny pastier, 93 (Nos. 1-2, 2012), 21-31 . 2 Archiv Ministerstva zahranicnich veci Ceske republiky, Prague, Czech Republic (hereinafter AMZV CR), fond (hereinafter f.) Ill . sekce MZV 1918- 1939, inventory �36 SLOV AKIA-2015 weekly Jednota published an article in which it announced the arrival of bishops Vojtassak, Kmet'ko, Blaha, Jantausch and, perhaps, Carsky as well, while bishop Bubnic was likely to stay at home due to his illness. 3 On May 16, 1926, the Bratislava daily Slowik men4 tioned five bishops, leaving Marian Blaha in Slovakia. The final decision on the number of bishops,who were to attend the Eucharistic Congress was made by the Bishop 's Conference only a few days before their planned departure. The Conference decided that the bishops of Nitra and Roziiava would remain at home. 5 The reason was the wish of the Papal Nuncio in Prague to have some representatives of the Slovak episcopate at his disposal. This was a time of tense negotiations with Czechoslovakia after the so-called "Marmaggi Affair." The Nuncio wanted Czech and Slovak bishops to submit a memorandum to Czechoslovak officials on the eve of Jan Hus Day (July 6). As a matter of fact, the memorandum was prepared by the Vatican's State Secretary in Rome and it demanded that the Czechoslovak government and President Masaryk refrain from participating in the Hus celebrations and from insulting Czechoslovakia's Catholics.6 Another reason for a part of the Slovak episcopate 's remaining at home was the preparation of an important law on 7 clergy salaries in Czechoslovakia. For the Slovak Catholic bishops it was the first, as well as the last, trip to America. Their requests for issuing or extending passports to the USA were met with no major obstructions, 8 even though in the case of bishop Blaha, as he said himself, the authorities exnumber (hereinafter i. no.) 22, folder (hereinafter fold .) 650. Letter of the Ministry of the Czechoslovak Republic (hereinafter CSR) with Full Powers for the Administration of Slovakia in Bratislava to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the CSR in Prague, April 8, 1926. 3 Jednota (Middletown, PA), April 14, 1926, 4. 4 Slovak (Bratislava), May 16, 1926, 3. 5 Slovak, June I, 1926, I. 6Emilia Hrabovec, "Sviita stolica a slovenski biskupi v medzivojnovom obdobi," in Duchovny pastier, 93 (Nos. 1-2, 2012), 8. 7 Slovak, June I, 1926, I. The law was passed on June 25, 1926 . Zakon kongruovy c. 122/ 1926 Sb. z. an. zakon ze dne 25. cervna 1926 o uprave platu duchovenstva cirkvi a naboienskych spolecnosti statem uznanych, pfip. recipovanych [online]. Available at: http ://spcp.prf.cuni .cz/lex/ 122-26.htm. 8 AMZV CR, f. III. sekce MZV 1918- 1939, i. no. 22, fold. 650. Letter of the Ministry of the CSR with Full Powers for the Administration of Slovakia in Bratislava to the Ministry ofForeign Affairs of the CS R in Prague, April 8, 1926. �SLOV AKIA-2015 37 pressed "a strange sort of caution. " 9 Thus, the situation of 1923, when the Czechoslovak authorities refused to issue a passport to bishop Vojtassak for his intended journey to America, was not repeated. 10 In 1926 there were 228 Slovak Catholic parishes with 236 priests in the USA. 11 Therefore, the Slovak bishops intended to not only attend the Eucharistic Congress, but also to make a pastoral journey among Slovak Catholics in America. It was supposed to strengthen their Catholic identity which was threatened by the secularization influences of the American environment and the propaganda of the Czechoslovak Church 12 supported by the Czechoslovak government, as well as to raise some funds for Catholic institutions in Slovakia. 13 Czechoslovak representative offices in the USA, however, began to collect information on the plans of Slovak-American autonomists, largely consisting of the Catholic element, to make use of the presence of the Slovak Catholic bishops for their political goals. Indeed, Slovak bishops travelled to America at a time when the idea of Slovak autonomy on the basis of the Pittsburgh Agreement was supported by most American Slovaks, represented by the Slovak League of America (hereinafter SLA). Information on the intended political actions of SlovakAmerican autonomists on the occasion of the Slovak bishops ' visit raised fears in the offices of Czechoslovak representatives in the USA. Therefore, the anti-autonomist circles in America sought to 9 AMZV CR, f. III. sekce MZV 19 I 8- 1939, i. no. 22, fold. 651. Report of the Presidium of the Ministry of the CSR with Full Powers for the Administration of Slovakia in Bratislava to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the CSR in Prague, May 17, 1926. 10 For more on Jan Vojtassak's case, see Stefan Kucik, "The Struggle for the Hearts and Minds of American Slovaks: Bishop Jan Vojtassak's Aborted Journey to the USA in 1923," in Slovakia 41 (Nos. 76-77, 2013), 7-36. 11 Jednota : Kato/icky kalendar na obycajny rok 1927 (Middletown, PA), 161-72. 12 The Czechoslovak Church (after 1971 the Czechoslovak Hussite Church) is a Christian Church which separated from the Roman Catholic Church after World War I (January 8, 1920) in the former Czechoslovakia. Originally a Czech national church, its activities are now almost entirely limited to today's Czech and Slovak Republics. One such church existed in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania between 1926 and 1967. See Joseph P. Budd, "We do Know English: Philadelphia' s Czechoslovak Presbyterian Church of Jan Hus, 1926-1967," M.A. thesis, University of Delaware, 2009. I am grateful to M. Mark Stolarik for this citation. There may have been other such Czechoslovak churches in the USA, but so far no-one has studied them. 13 Hrabovec, 8. �38 SLOV AKIA-2015 blunt the political edge of these actions. For instance, the Rev. Jozef Murgas of Wilkes-Barre, PA, promised Milan Getting, the Czechoslovak consul in Pittsburgh, to question Slovak priests at their upcoming conference in eastern Pennsylvania whether they were interested in politics or in religion. According to Murgas, the Czech bishops travelling to the Eucharistic Congress allegedly called upon the Slovak bishops to represent themselves in the USA as Czechoslovak bishops. Reportedly, bishop Jan Vojtassak: replied on behalf of the Slovak episcopate that they would go to America as Slovak bishops. 14 Of greater concern to the Slovak-American "Czechoslovak" camp was the fact that the president of Hlinka's Slovak People's Party, Andrej Hlinka himself, was also going to attend the Eucharistic Congress. Besides his trip to the Congress, Hlinka planned to use his stay in the USA to agitate for Slovak autonomy, fundraising and internationalization of the Slovak cause. 15 He also intended to settle personal disputes among Slovak-American Catholics. 16 On the initiative of the Czechoslovak consul in Pittsburgh, the Rev. Murgas decided to organize in his parish in Wilkes-Barre on June 27, 1926 a Cyrilo-Methodian ceremony on the occasion of the consecration of the new local school. He invited the whole Czech and Ruthenian episcopates, as well as the Slovak bishops Marian Blaha and Jozef Carsky. The ceremony was also to be held to commemorate the Order of the Sisters of Sts. Cyril and Methodius, of which Rev. Murgas was a co-founder. The preparations were made in such a manner that Andrej Hlinka would not be present. Moreover, the occasion was to become a place where the Czech and Slovak bishops could demonstrate "Czechoslovak" solidarity. The organizers invited the Czechoslovak ambassador in Washington as well. 17 14 AMZV CR, f. III. sekce MZV 1918- 1939, i. no. 22, fold. 650. Letter of the Consulate of the CSR in Pittsburgh to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the CSR in Pra~ue, Marc5120, 1926. 5 AMZV CR, f. III . sekce MZV 1918- 1939, i. no. 22, fold . 651. Letter of the Ministry of the CSR with Full Powers for the Administration of Slovakia in Bratislava to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the CSR in Prague, April 30, 1926. 16 S!owik, May 23, 1926, 1. 17 AMZV CR, f. III . sekce MZV 1918- 1939, i. no. 22, fold. 650. Letter of the Consulate of the CSR in Pittsburgh to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the CSR in Prague, March 20, 1926; AMZV CR, f. III . sekce MZV 1918- 1939, i. no. 22, fold . 650 . Report of the Consulate of the CSR in Pittsburgh to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs �SLOVAKIA-2015 39 However, Getting and Murgas were disappointed. Even Murgas' personal intercession with bishop Carsky immediately upon the arrival of Slovak bishops in New York ended in vain. 18 Bishop Blaha gave priority to attendance at the Slovak Day in St. Louis, Missouri on June 27, I 926 19 and bishop Carsky went to Cudahy, Wisconsin, to administer the sacrament of confirmation. 20 On the other hand, the Slovak bishops did visit the Sacred Heart of Jesus parish in WilkesBarre on different occasions, bishop Carsky even twice.21 The four Slovak bishops set out on their journey to the USA on May 31, 192622 and arrived in New York City on the steamship Aquitania on June 11, 1926. When they docked, they were welcomed by Slovak-American priests, representatives of Slovak-American organizations and newspapers, a representative of the Czechoslovak Legation in Washington, J. Lavicka, and other individuals. Accompanied by several dozen cars, the bishops were driven to the Slovak st Church of St. John Nepomucene at the comer 66 th Street and 1 Avenue. Its pastor since 1916 was the Rev. Stefan Krasul'a. After a short prayer in the church, there was a banquet in the Commodore Hotel, hosted by Slovak priests in honor of the Slovak bishops. The banquet was chaired by Msgr. Viktor B lahunka of Chicago (originally from Lucky near Ruzomberok). 23 He also headed the committee 24 charged with the care of the Slovak bishops while in America. of the CSR in Prague, April 15, 1926; AMZV CR, f. III. sekce MZV 1918- 1939, i. no. 22, fold . 651 . Letter of the Consulate of the CSR in Pittsburgh to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the CSR in Prague, April 15, 1926; AMZV CR, f. III. sekce MZV 1918- 1939, i. no. 22, fold. 651. Report of the Consulate of the CSR in Pittsburgh to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the CSR in Prague, April 22, 1926; AMZV CR, f. III . sekce MZV 1918- 1939, i. no. 22, fold. 651. Situation report of the Consulate of the CSR in Pittsburgh to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the CSR in Prague, June 11 , 1926. 18 AMZV CR, f. III. sekce MZV 1918- 1939, i. no. 22, fold. 651. Situation report of the Consulate of the CSR in Pittsburgh to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the CSR in Prague, June 11 , 1926. 19 Jednota , July 7, 1926, I. 20 Jednota , July 14, 1926, I. 21 Jednota , August 11 , 1926, I. 22 Slowik, June 1, 1926, I. 23 Jednota , June 16, 1926, 1; Slowik, July 2, 1926, 3. 24 Archiv Spolku sv. Vojtecha, Tmava, Slovak Republic (hereinafter ASSV), fascicle (hereinafter fasc .) 336/5b. Program navstevy osv. biskupov zo Slovenska v Pittsburghu a na okolici od 6. do 16. jula 1926. �40 SLOV AKIA-2015 After greetings and words of welcome, bishop Marian Blaha addressed the audience. He said that they had arrived in America to attend the Eucharistic Congress in Chicago. However, the second very important goal of their journey was to visit and strengthen the faith of Slovak-American Catholics. He expressed pleasure at the fact that the Slovak Catholics in America had preserved both their faith and their Slovak language. Bishop Blaha informed the audience that they had brought a gift to the Slovak-American Catholics - the modem Slovak translation of the Bible. He did not forget to remark that the main credit for publishing it belonged to Andrej Hlinka, who was also present at the banquet. 25 In 1926 the first translation of the Bible into modem Slovak was completed. It was published by the Society of St. Adalbert (Spolok sv. Vojtecha) in Tmava. The preparatory phase had lasted for more than four decades. It was published between the years 1913 and 1926, with a long break due to World War I. The translation consisted of ten chapters: two for the New and eight for the Old Testament. After the whole first translation of the Bible appeared, Narodnie noviny in Turciansky Svaty Martin published a review (copied by other Slovak newspapers as well) that only the revision of the translation, done by the Rev. Frantisek R. Osvald, took a full eight years.26 After the Great War, the large amount of money needed by the Society of St. Adalbert to publish the Slovak translation of the bible was hard to raise in Slovakia. In 1920 generous gifts from America began to flow into Slovakia. Especially generous were the donations given by the Slovak bishops Karol Kmet'ko, Marian Blaha and Jan Vojtassak and Andrej Hlinka (100,000 crowns each). All this money was put into the shares of the Society of St. Adalbert for publishing purposes. In the critical situation (in 1923), the Society sent a threemember delegation, led by its director Jan Postenyi-Kysucky, to the USA. Within two and half months, the delegation visited more than one hundred Slovak-American parishes. At the very first meeting with the Slovak-American editors and the presidents of Slovak25 Jednota, June I 6, 1926, I. Jan Debnar, "Hist6ria prekladu a vydania prveho svatovojtesskeho Svateho pisma," in O prekladoch Biblie do slovenciny a do inych slovanskych j azykov, Jan Dorul'a, ed. (Bratislava: Slavisticky kabinet SA V, 1997), 247, 276-278 ; Jednota, June 16, 1926, 5. 26 �SLOVAKIA-2015 41 American Catholic organizations in Pittsburgh, $1,072 was collected and 2,156 new members joined the Society (the membership fee was $4 but twenty-five founding members contributed $100 each, while the American-Slovak millionaire Michal Bosak gave $600). 27 In 1926, the Society of St. Adalbert also sent its delegation to the USA. It consisted of the director Jan Postenyi, Alexander Sindelar, Stefan Zlatos and Robert Pobozny .28 The proposition to send a delegation to the USA during the Eucharistic Congress in Chicago was made by director Jan Postenyi at the meeting of the executive board in April of 1926. As a matter of fact, the Society issued the Slovak edition of the Bible at its own expense of 800,000 crowns. If the Society was not to fall into new debt (in Slovakia an expected interest in the Slovak bible failed to materialize), it had to turn to the SlovakAmerican Catholics. Moreover, the Slovak Catholic Federation in America still held 116,000 crowns belonging to the Society of St. Adalbert, which could be claimed only in person. 29 In the USA, the delegates sold 3,800 copies of the bible for $10 .00 each . At the same time, 1,500 new members joined the Society.30 The center of the mission of the Society of St. Adalbert in the USA was its own branch in Youngstown, Ohio, which since 1922 had been administered by the Rev . Stefan Kocis.31 Eventually, American Slovaks bought 6,800 copies of the Slovak bible.32 Bishop Marian Blaha's remarks on Andrej Hlinka's contribution to the publishing of the Slovak Bible were justified. Indeed, it is often referred to as the Hlinka translation or the Hlinka and Donoval translation, because both Andrej Hlinka and Jan Donoval greatly contributed to this work. It is shocking how little attention has been given to these two priests and their role in the translation of the bible and to their contribution to the development of Slovak spiritual, linguistic and national enlightenment. Andrej Hlinka also played a major role in publishing the bible by the Society of St. Adalbert, which 27 Debnar, 282. Jan Postenyi, Dejiny Spo/ku sv. Vojte cha (Tmava: Spolok sv. Vojtecha, 1930), 79. 29 ASSV. Zapisnica zo zasadnutia vyboru Spolku sv. Vojtecha konaneho 26. aprila r. 1926 . 30 Debnar, 283. 31 Postenyi, 80. 32 Debnar, 283 . 28 �42 SLOV AKIA-2015 he led as its president from November 14, 1920, together with director Jan Postenyi and secretary Juraj Hoda! (since 1923). 33 After attending the welcoming and gala dinner in the Commodore Hotel in New York City, the Slovak bishops went their own ways: Jan Vojtassak proceeded to Rev. Anton Gracik's St. Stephen's parish in Newark, New Jersey Pavol Jantausch joined Rev. Jan Kubasek at his Holy Trinity parish in Yonkers, New York; Jozef Carsky went to administer the sacrament of confirmation (we do not know to which parish) and Marian Blaha remained at Rev. Stefan Krasul'a's . h .34 pans On Sunday, June 13 , 1926, the four Slovak bishops attended a reception for the papal nuncio to the Eucharistic Congress, Giovanni Vincenzo Cardinal Bonzano, in St. Patrick's Cathedral in New York City. In the evening of the same day, the Slovak bishops were guests at a banquet hosted in their honor by the Rev. Stefan Krasul'a. 35 The next day the Slovak bishops attended the first graduation ceremony at Danville Academy for Girls, founded by the Sisters of Sts. Cyril and Methodius in Danville, Pennsylvania. 36 The order is the first and only Slovak religious order founded in honor of the Apostles of the Slavs. It was established on September 11, 1909 by four Slovak-American Roman-Catholic priests: Matus Jankola, Andrej Pavco, Alexander Dianiska and Jozef Murgas. The idea of a high school for Slovak girls originated in 1922, the same year as when the Slovak Benedictines in the USA decided to establish a high school for boys in Cleveland, Ohio. In the school year 1925-26, the girl's high school already had all four grades. Therefore, the Sisters asked the state authorities for accreditation. The latter was granted to the school on June 10, 1926. 37 So only four days later the first graduation ceremony of the first ten students was held in the presence of five bishops, three monsignors, fifty-one priests and a large number of spectators. 38 33 Jbid. , 280-28 I. Slowi k, July 2, 1926, 3. 35 Ibid. 36 Jednota, June 23 , 1926, 1-2. 37 Frantisek Hrusovsky, Slovenske rehole v Amerike (Cleveland, OH.: Slovensky ustav pri Opatstve sv. Andreja-Svorada, 1955), 186-7, 202-03 . 38 "Prva Katolicka Slovenska Vyss ia Dievcenska Skola," in Pamatnica slovenskeho dna newyorkskych a new j erseyskych Slowikov: 5. jula, 1926. J. C. Sciranka, ed. (New York City: Vybor slovenskeho dila, s. d.), no pagination. 34 �SLOVAKIA-2015 43 On the same day, accompanied by Philip R. McDevitt, Bishop of Harrisburg, the Slovak bishops moved on to the Jednota Estates of the First Catholic Slovak Union in Middletown, Pennsylvania.39 The First Catholic Slovak Union, a fraternal-benefit society, was founded in Cleveland in 1890 by the Reverend Stefan Furdek. On April 30, 1926, it had 629 active branches with 55 ,091 members . Established in 1906 to organize the youth, its Youth Division (Mladenecke oddelenie) had 446 active branches with 35,535 members . Altogether, the FCSU had 1,075 branches with 90,626 members . In 1926, the market value of the FCSU 's assets was $5,012,880.53 and its Youth Division 's assets totaled $157,202 .96, for a grand total of $5,170,083.65. It was the largest and strongest Slovak Catholic fraternal benefit society in the world. It also cared for orphaned children of its deceased members in an orphanage established in 1906 (opened in 1914) to this end in Middletown .40 Its editorial offices and printery were also located there.4 1 The next day, bishop Jozef Carsky left the group and went to administer the sacrament of confirmation to parishes in Houtzdale and Windburn, Pennsylvania. On June 16, 1926, the bishops left for Harrisburg, from whence they continued to 42 the Eucharistic Congress. In Chicago the bishops were officially welcomed by representatives of Slovak-American Catholic societies. Before the formal opening of the Congress, the Slovak bishops received visits by their countrymen and toured the city. In the Slovak Catholic parishes, they celebrated masses and held missionary sermons. The latter were purely apolitical. Only bishop Vojtassak complained in one of them that he could not come to America sooner, because in 1923 the Czechoslo43 vak authorities refused to issue him a passport. The Eucharistic Congress opened in the morning of June 20, 1926 with the reading of a papal bull and lasted until June 24, 1926 . 39 Jednota, June 23 , 1926, I . 4-0Pamdtnik rimsko-katolickych slovenskych osad v zapad. Pennsylvanii vydany vyborom slovenskeho dna z prileiitosti navstevy osv. biskupov zo Slovenska: v stredu dna 7. Ju/a 1926 (Pittsburgh, Pa.: Vybor slovenskeho dna, s. d.), 122-3. 41 Jednota, June 23, 1926, 2. 42 /bid. 43 AMZV CR, f. III. sekce MZV 1918- 1939, i. no. 22, fold. 651. Report of the Consulate of the CSR in Chicago on the political activities of the People' s Party leaders in the Chicago district. Attachment of the letter of the Czechoslovak Legation in Washington, DC, to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the CS R in Prague, July 30, 1926. �44 SLOV AKIA-2015 It was hosted by George Cardinal Mundelein, Archbishop of Chicago. The Holy See was represented by the papal nuncio Giovanni Vincenzo Cardinal Bonzano. The Congress took place in the local churches and auditoriums and in the recently opened Soldier Field Stadium. 44 On the last day of the Congress there was a pilgrimage to the city of Mundelein, Illinois, forty miles north of Chicago. The Congress was attended by representatives from all continents and thus it manifested the universality of the Catholic Church. In addition, it was the greatest pilgrimage in American history. The Chicago Daily News reported that the final mass in Mundelein was attended by an estimated half a million to a million of the faithful. 45 In addition, the Daily News reported interesting details on the pilgrimage to Mundelein, such as the consumption of ten tons of hot dogs by the pilgrims and the crush of passengers on the trains, which began running at two-minute intervals from 4 a.m. that day. It also rained, which then turned into hail, and the Daily News boasted that it managed to print photographs from Mundelein in its papers and got them on the street within two hours, thanks to swift delivery by airplane. 46 The choir during the opening of the mass consisted of 60,000 children. The Fox Film Corporation, which created a 96-minute film of the Congress (it premiered in New York on November 8, 1926), refused to accept any remuneration for its participation. An estimated 100,000 Slovaks attended the Eucharistic Congress (approximately sixty from Slovakia, including the bishops).47 The latter actively participated in the Congress by celebrating masses and delivering sermons. 48 Even though American newspapers did not pay any attention to the Slovak pilgrims at the Eucharistic Congress, 44 Soldier Field Stadium in Chicago serves as a memorial to American soldiers who died in past wars. It was designed in 1919 and opened on October 9, 1924 on the 53 rd anniversary of the Great Chicago Fire as Municipal Grant Park Stadium, changing its name to Soldier Field on November 11 , 1925. Its design is modeled on the Greco-Roman architectural tradition, with Doric columns rising above the entrance. After subsequent reconstructions, the modem grandstands diminish the impression of these columns. 45 The Chicago Daily News, June 24, 1926, I [online] . Available at: http ://encyclo£edia.chicagohistory.org/pages/ 11319.htm1. 6 Eucharistic Congress, Chicago Daily News, 1926 [online]. Available at: http: //enc clopedia.chicagohistory.org/pages/ I 1319 .html. 4 Jednota. Kato/icky kalendar na obycajny rok 192 7, 43-44. 48 Slovak, July 8, 1926, 3. 1 �SLOV AKIA-2015 45 in the program of church services, published in all newspapers by the organizational board of the Congress, the Slovaks were listed as a separate group. 49 After the Eucharistic Congress, the Slovak Catholic bishops stayed in the USA until August 4, 1926. In the meantime, they visited all the major and several minor Slovak Catholic parishes. They held missionary services and sermons and administered the sacrament of confirmation. They also attended Slovak Days, gatherings and meetings.50 On July 1, 1926, they were hosted by Michal Bosak in Scranton, Pennsylvania. 51 In their speeches, the Slovak bishops avoided political issues. The representatives of Slovak-American autonomists (Ivan Bielek, President of the Slovak League of America, Jozef Husek, editor of Jednota and others), however, made use of the Slovak Days for agitation for Slovak autonomy. The Slovak bishops were very popular with the people. 52 For instance, the Jednota and Slowik newspapers reported an estimated 75,000 to 80,000 people at the 3rd Slovak Day in Pittsburgh on July 7, 1926. 53 On July 28, 1926, the weekly Jednota published an appeal by bishop Jozef Carsky, to Slovak-American Catholics from eastern Slovakia. The bishop stressed the importance of the Society of St. Adalbert in Trnava, which, however, still had very few members in the east. He decided, therefore, to appeal to their countrymen in America to pay the membership fees in the Society of St. Adalbert for them . Bishop Carsky also made an appeal to the Slovak49 AMZV CR, f. Ill . sekce MZV 1918- 1939, i. no. 22, fold . 651. Report of the Consulate of the CSR in Chicago on the political activities of the People 's Party leaders in the Chicago district. Attachment of the letter of the Czechoslovak Legation in Washington, DC, to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the CSR in Prague, July 30, 1926. Interestingly enough, June Granatir Alexander, in her Ethnic Pride, American Patriotism: Slovaks and Other New Immigrants in the Jnterwar Era (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2004), fails to mention Slovak participation in the Eucharistic Congress. 50 Pauco, 209. 51 ASSV, fasc. 338/2. Jozef J. Dulik, Na pamiatku Vecierka usporiadaneho na pocest' osvietenych panov Biskupov zo Slovenska Micha/om Bosakom 1-ho ju/a 1926 v Scranton, Pa. The brochure reads that the bishops were treated to caviar, green turtle soup, cuts of Virginia ham, filet of beef, vanilla ice-cream and other specialties. 52 AMZV CR, f. III. sekce MZV 1918- 1939, i. no. 22, fold. 651. Situation report of the Consulate of the CSR in Pittsburgh to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the CSR in Prague, October 5, 1926. 53 Jednota, July 14, 1926, 2; Slovak, August 4, 1926, 5. �46 SLOVAKIA-2015 American priests to raise public awareness of this issue or to set aside one Sunday for fundraising to create a branch of the Society of St. Adalbert in Kos ice.54 All four Slovak bishops made a similar speech on July 29, 1926. In their address, the bishops, as the protectors of the Society of St. Adalbert, stressed its importance for all Slovaks. They thanked Slovak-American Catholics for their support of the Society in the past and invited them to become members, to purchase its books, especially the bible, as well as to register their countrymen in Slovakia as its members. 55 On July 30, 1926, the Slovak bishops paid an official visit to the Czechoslovak legation in Washington. Since ambassador Zdenek Fierlinger had departed, they were received by proxy. At the embassy , the bishops expressed great satisfaction with the Slovak colony in the USA and noted that everywhere they had gained an impression of real national awareness and reliability. At the same time, they expressed the belief that, in terms of loyalty to Czechoslovakia, factual judgment refined by the school of life, acumen, as well as inborn skepticism, protected American Slovaks from excesses. 56 The Slovak bishops also visited the papal nuncio to the United States. 57 Before departure, the Slovak bishops addressed to SlovakAmerican Catholics a farewell letter in which they thanked them for their receptions and hospitality. They expressed admiration for what Slovak Catholics in America had achieved in a relatively short period of time, despite various difficulties. The proverbial Slovak tenaciousness in the national and religious fields had transformed itself into Slovak churches, schools and fraternal-benefit-societies and halls. The bishops wished the Slovak Catholics in America a good life with no obstacles in the future .58 On August 3, 1926, there was a farewell banquet for the bishops in the Astoria Hotel in New York City. The representative of the 54 Jednota , July 28, 1926, 4. 55 Jednota , August 11 , 1926, I. 56 ' AMZV CR , f. III. sekce MZV 191 8- 1939, i. no. 22, fold. 651. Letter of the Czechoslovak Legation in Washington, DC, to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the CSR in Prague, July 30, 1926. 57 Pietro Fumasoni Biondi (1872- 1960) - papal legate in the USA from December 14, 1922 to March 16, 1933. 58Jednota , July 28, 1926, 4. �SLOVAKIA-2015 47 Czechoslovak legation in Washington, J. Lavicka (otherwise the Czechoslovak Consul General in New York), also came to officially say farewell to the bishops. The main theme of the bishops' final speeches was an appeal to American Slovaks to save their youth because thus they would save the nation.59 The Slovak bishops left America on the steamship Aquitania on August 4, 1926.60 Therefore, it is apparent that the four Slovak Catholic bishops used their trip to the 28 th International Eucharistic Congress in Chicago for a pastoral journey among Slovak Catholics in America. During their almost two-month stay in the USA (June I I- August 4, 1926), they visited many Slovak-American Catholic parishes. To visit all of them was physically impossible, because within one day they would have had to visit more than four. For the SlovakAmerican Catholics the Slovak bishops' journey had a certain specificity . Many of them, especially Catholic priests, had had a personal experience with the chauvinism of the Hungarian Catholic hierarchy, which was in many cases the main reason for their departure oversees. That is why they welcomed the Slovak bishops after the creation of Czechoslovakia. As to Andrej Hlinka's agitation tour, he and the bishops, except for the latter' s reception in New York City, never appeared together. After the Eucharistic Congress they parted ways. However, the bishops' presence in America, even if apolitical, significantly increased interest among American Slovaks in Andrej Hlinka's lectures. The authority of the Slovak bishops helped Hlinka in another respect as well. His lecture tour in the USA occurred in the atmosphere of numerous minor personal arguments in the Slovak Catholic community. The presence of the Slovak bishops helped to overcome these aversions and staved off the danger of public controversy.61 On the 59 Pauco, 209; AMZV CR, f. III. sekce MZV 1918- 1939, i. no. 22, fold . 651. Letter of the Czechoslovak Legation in Washington, DC, to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the CSR in Prague, July 30, 1926. 60 AMZV CR, f. III. sekce MZV 1918- 1939, i. no. 22, fold . 651. Letter of the Czechoslovak Legation in Washington, DC, to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the CSR in Prague, July 30, 1926. 61 AMZV CR, f. III. sekce MZV 1918- 1939, i. no. 22, fold. 651. Situation report of the Consulate of the CSR in Pittsburgh to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the CSR in Prague, October 5, 1926. For a detailed account on A. Hlinka's journey to the USA in 1926, see my "Andrej Hlinka' s Journey to the USA in 1926," in Slovakia, 40 (Nos. 74-75 , 2010), 32-46. �48 SLOV AKIA-2015 other hand, the Slovak-American autonomists did not hesitate to make use of the presence of the bishops to agitate for Slovak autonomy. The Slovak bishops often expressed their surprise at and admiration for what they saw in the centers of Slovak Catholic life in America. At the graduation ceremony in Danville, Pennsylvania, bishop Blaha rejoiced at the fact that there was a Slovak girls' high school so far from home. 62 Similarly, on the farm of the FCSU in Middletown, he admired what the society had achieved and said that in Slovakia something similar would not be possible.63 Finally, at the Slovak Day in Pittsburgh he said that, on the basis of what he had seen and experienced in Slovak America, American Slovaks would nationally and culturally survive in the USA for another hundred years.64 The Slovak bishops used their trip to America to advertise the Society of St. Adalbert and its newly-released Slovak edition of the bible. The success of this mission was more than clear and for the Society of St. Adalbert it meant a high return on its investment in publishing the Slovak bible. Part of the Slovak bishops' goals, as well as that of Andrej Hlinka, in the USA was fund-raising. For the bishops it was organized by a committee headed by Monsignor Viktor Blahunka. 65 As early as in April of 1926, Karol Kmet'ko, bishop of Nitra, turned to the Slovak-American Catholics and asked them for funds for the Society of the Divine Word. 66 According to the report of the Czechoslovak consulate in Pittsburgh, the FCSU's head office gave each of the bishops during their journey to the USA $1,000. 67 Unfortunately, we do not know how much money the Slovak bishops raised in America. Despite the fact that, according to the reports of the Czech62Jednota, June 23 , 1926, 2. Jednota, June 23 , 1926, I. 64 Jednota, July 14, 1926, 1. 65ASSV, fasc. 336/5b. Program navstevy osv. biskupov zo Slovenska v Pittsburghu a na okolici od 6. do 16. jula 1926. 66 AMZV CR , f. III. sekce MZV 1918- 1939, i. no. 22, fold . 650. Report of the Consulate of the CSR in Pittsburgh to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the CSR in Prafue, April 15, 1926. 1 AMZV CR, f. III. sekce MZV 1918- 1939, i. no. 22, fold. 651. Situation report of the Consulate of the CSR in Pittsburgh to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the CSR in Prague, October 5, 1926. 63 �SLOV AKIA-2015 49 oslovak consulate in Pittsburgh, the committees of festivals on the occasion of the visit of the Slovak Catholic bishops at some places showed a financial deficit, 68 the amount the bishops raised must have been relatively large. This is suggested by the letter of Andrej Hlinka to Jan Postenyi upon their return from America: "As you know, I have returned with fame, pennants and rings- but not many dollars . Business is business and I am not very good at it. I am a great idealist and our masters, the bishops, skimmed off the cream." 69 68 /bid. ASSV, fasc. 156112b. Letter of A. Hlinka to J. Postenyi, November 3, 1926. 69 � SLOV AKIA-2015 35 THE JOURNEY OFFOUR SLOVAK CATHOLIC BISHOPS TO THE USA IN 1926 1 Stefan Kucik In 1926, the 28 th International Eucharistic Congress took place in the United States of America. This "country of unlimited possibilities" was generally expected to prepare a Congress that would surpass all previous International Eucharistic Congresses, both in terms of the number of participants and its grandiosity. The Congress itself was expected to become a forum to manifest the strength of American Catholicism. For Slovak-American Catholics, however, the forthcoming Congress had a significant added value. The four new Slovak Catholics bishops were to participate in it. While many authors have dealt with various aspects of the lives and activities of Slovak Catholic bishops in the interwar period, no one has yet provided us with a detailed account on their journey to the USA in 1926. This article will try to fill this gap. At the time of the International Eucharistic Congress in Chicago, there were six Catholic bishops in Slovakia: Marian Blaha of Banska Bystrica, Jan Vojtassak of Spis, and Karol Kmet'ko of Nitra (all ordained on February 13, I 921 ); Jozef Carsky of Kos ice and Pavo I Jantausch of Trnava (both ordained on June 14, 1925); and Michal Bubnic of Roziiava (ordained on December 8, 1925). However, only four of them finally departed for America: Blaha, Vojtassak, Jantausch and Carsky. The number of Slovak Catholic bishops who were to attend the Eucharistic Congress in Chicago initially fluctuated . On April 8, 1926, the Ministry with Full Powers for the Administration of Slovakia in Bratislava informed the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Czechoslovak Republic in Prague that all Slovak bishops would make the trip to the USA. 2 On April 14, 1926, the American Catholic 1 This is an English and slightly modified and updated version of my previous article entitled "Cesta slovenskych katolickych biskupov do slovenskej Ameriky v roku 1926," in Duchovny pastier, 93 (Nos. 1-2, 2012), 21-31 . 2 Archiv Ministerstva zahranicnich veci Ceske republiky, Prague, Czech Republic (hereinafter AMZV CR), fond (hereinafter f.) Ill . sekce MZV 1918- 1939, inventory �36 SLOV AKIA-2015 weekly Jednota published an article in which it announced the arrival of bishops Vojtassak, Kmet'ko, Blaha, Jantausch and, perhaps, Carsky as well, while bishop Bubnic was likely to stay at home due to his illness. 3 On May 16, 1926, the Bratislava daily Slowik men4 tioned five bishops, leaving Marian Blaha in Slovakia. The final decision on the number of bishops,who were to attend the Eucharistic Congress was made by the Bishop 's Conference only a few days before their planned departure. The Conference decided that the bishops of Nitra and Roziiava would remain at home. 5 The reason was the wish of the Papal Nuncio in Prague to have some representatives of the Slovak episcopate at his disposal. This was a time of tense negotiations with Czechoslovakia after the so-called "Marmaggi Affair." The Nuncio wanted Czech and Slovak bishops to submit a memorandum to Czechoslovak officials on the eve of Jan Hus Day (July 6). As a matter of fact, the memorandum was prepared by the Vatican's State Secretary in Rome and it demanded that the Czechoslovak government and President Masaryk refrain from participating in the Hus celebrations and from insulting Czechoslovakia's Catholics.6 Another reason for a part of the Slovak episcopate 's remaining at home was the preparation of an important law on 7 clergy salaries in Czechoslovakia. For the Slovak Catholic bishops it was the first, as well as the last, trip to America. Their requests for issuing or extending passports to the USA were met with no major obstructions, 8 even though in the case of bishop Blaha, as he said himself, the authorities exnumber (hereinafter i. no.) 22, folder (hereinafter fold .) 650. Letter of the Ministry of the Czechoslovak Republic (hereinafter CSR) with Full Powers for the Administration of Slovakia in Bratislava to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the CSR in Prague, April 8, 1926. 3 Jednota (Middletown, PA), April 14, 1926, 4. 4 Slovak (Bratislava), May 16, 1926, 3. 5 Slovak, June I, 1926, I. 6Emilia Hrabovec, "Sviita stolica a slovenski biskupi v medzivojnovom obdobi," in Duchovny pastier, 93 (Nos. 1-2, 2012), 8. 7 Slovak, June I, 1926, I. The law was passed on June 25, 1926 . Zakon kongruovy c. 122/ 1926 Sb. z. an. zakon ze dne 25. cervna 1926 o uprave platu duchovenstva cirkvi a naboienskych spolecnosti statem uznanych, pfip. recipovanych [online]. Available at: http ://spcp.prf.cuni .cz/lex/ 122-26.htm. 8 AMZV CR, f. III. sekce MZV 1918- 1939, i. no. 22, fold. 650. Letter of the Ministry of the CSR with Full Powers for the Administration of Slovakia in Bratislava to the Ministry ofForeign Affairs of the CS R in Prague, April 8, 1926. �SLOV AKIA-2015 37 pressed "a strange sort of caution. " 9 Thus, the situation of 1923, when the Czechoslovak authorities refused to issue a passport to bishop Vojtassak for his intended journey to America, was not repeated. 10 In 1926 there were 228 Slovak Catholic parishes with 236 priests in the USA. 11 Therefore, the Slovak bishops intended to not only attend the Eucharistic Congress, but also to make a pastoral journey among Slovak Catholics in America. It was supposed to strengthen their Catholic identity which was threatened by the secularization influences of the American environment and the propaganda of the Czechoslovak Church 12 supported by the Czechoslovak government, as well as to raise some funds for Catholic institutions in Slovakia. 13 Czechoslovak representative offices in the USA, however, began to collect information on the plans of Slovak-American autonomists, largely consisting of the Catholic element, to make use of the presence of the Slovak Catholic bishops for their political goals. Indeed, Slovak bishops travelled to America at a time when the idea of Slovak autonomy on the basis of the Pittsburgh Agreement was supported by most American Slovaks, represented by the Slovak League of America (hereinafter SLA). Information on the intended political actions of SlovakAmerican autonomists on the occasion of the Slovak bishops ' visit raised fears in the offices of Czechoslovak representatives in the USA. Therefore, the anti-autonomist circles in America sought to 9 AMZV CR, f. III. sekce MZV 19 I 8- 1939, i. no. 22, fold. 651. Report of the Presidium of the Ministry of the CSR with Full Powers for the Administration of Slovakia in Bratislava to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the CSR in Prague, May 17, 1926. 10 For more on Jan Vojtassak's case, see Stefan Kucik, "The Struggle for the Hearts and Minds of American Slovaks: Bishop Jan Vojtassak's Aborted Journey to the USA in 1923," in Slovakia 41 (Nos. 76-77, 2013), 7-36. 11 Jednota : Kato/icky kalendar na obycajny rok 1927 (Middletown, PA), 161-72. 12 The Czechoslovak Church (after 1971 the Czechoslovak Hussite Church) is a Christian Church which separated from the Roman Catholic Church after World War I (January 8, 1920) in the former Czechoslovakia. Originally a Czech national church, its activities are now almost entirely limited to today's Czech and Slovak Republics. One such church existed in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania between 1926 and 1967. See Joseph P. Budd, "We do Know English: Philadelphia' s Czechoslovak Presbyterian Church of Jan Hus, 1926-1967," M.A. thesis, University of Delaware, 2009. I am grateful to M. Mark Stolarik for this citation. There may have been other such Czechoslovak churches in the USA, but so far no-one has studied them. 13 Hrabovec, 8. �38 SLOV AKIA-2015 blunt the political edge of these actions. For instance, the Rev. Jozef Murgas of Wilkes-Barre, PA, promised Milan Getting, the Czechoslovak consul in Pittsburgh, to question Slovak priests at their upcoming conference in eastern Pennsylvania whether they were interested in politics or in religion. According to Murgas, the Czech bishops travelling to the Eucharistic Congress allegedly called upon the Slovak bishops to represent themselves in the USA as Czechoslovak bishops. Reportedly, bishop Jan Vojtassak: replied on behalf of the Slovak episcopate that they would go to America as Slovak bishops. 14 Of greater concern to the Slovak-American "Czechoslovak" camp was the fact that the president of Hlinka's Slovak People's Party, Andrej Hlinka himself, was also going to attend the Eucharistic Congress. Besides his trip to the Congress, Hlinka planned to use his stay in the USA to agitate for Slovak autonomy, fundraising and internationalization of the Slovak cause. 15 He also intended to settle personal disputes among Slovak-American Catholics. 16 On the initiative of the Czechoslovak consul in Pittsburgh, the Rev. Murgas decided to organize in his parish in Wilkes-Barre on June 27, 1926 a Cyrilo-Methodian ceremony on the occasion of the consecration of the new local school. He invited the whole Czech and Ruthenian episcopates, as well as the Slovak bishops Marian Blaha and Jozef Carsky. The ceremony was also to be held to commemorate the Order of the Sisters of Sts. Cyril and Methodius, of which Rev. Murgas was a co-founder. The preparations were made in such a manner that Andrej Hlinka would not be present. Moreover, the occasion was to become a place where the Czech and Slovak bishops could demonstrate "Czechoslovak" solidarity. The organizers invited the Czechoslovak ambassador in Washington as well. 17 14 AMZV CR, f. III. sekce MZV 1918- 1939, i. no. 22, fold. 650. Letter of the Consulate of the CSR in Pittsburgh to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the CSR in Pra~ue, Marc5120, 1926. 5 AMZV CR, f. III . sekce MZV 1918- 1939, i. no. 22, fold . 651. Letter of the Ministry of the CSR with Full Powers for the Administration of Slovakia in Bratislava to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the CSR in Prague, April 30, 1926. 16 S!owik, May 23, 1926, 1. 17 AMZV CR, f. III . sekce MZV 1918- 1939, i. no. 22, fold. 650. Letter of the Consulate of the CSR in Pittsburgh to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the CSR in Prague, March 20, 1926; AMZV CR, f. III . sekce MZV 1918- 1939, i. no. 22, fold . 650 . Report of the Consulate of the CSR in Pittsburgh to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs �SLOVAKIA-2015 39 However, Getting and Murgas were disappointed. Even Murgas' personal intercession with bishop Carsky immediately upon the arrival of Slovak bishops in New York ended in vain. 18 Bishop Blaha gave priority to attendance at the Slovak Day in St. Louis, Missouri on June 27, I 926 19 and bishop Carsky went to Cudahy, Wisconsin, to administer the sacrament of confirmation. 20 On the other hand, the Slovak bishops did visit the Sacred Heart of Jesus parish in WilkesBarre on different occasions, bishop Carsky even twice.21 The four Slovak bishops set out on their journey to the USA on May 31, 192622 and arrived in New York City on the steamship Aquitania on June 11, 1926. When they docked, they were welcomed by Slovak-American priests, representatives of Slovak-American organizations and newspapers, a representative of the Czechoslovak Legation in Washington, J. Lavicka, and other individuals. Accompanied by several dozen cars, the bishops were driven to the Slovak st Church of St. John Nepomucene at the comer 66 th Street and 1 Avenue. Its pastor since 1916 was the Rev. Stefan Krasul'a. After a short prayer in the church, there was a banquet in the Commodore Hotel, hosted by Slovak priests in honor of the Slovak bishops. The banquet was chaired by Msgr. Viktor B lahunka of Chicago (originally from Lucky near Ruzomberok). 23 He also headed the committee 24 charged with the care of the Slovak bishops while in America. of the CSR in Prague, April 15, 1926; AMZV CR, f. III. sekce MZV 1918- 1939, i. no. 22, fold . 651 . Letter of the Consulate of the CSR in Pittsburgh to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the CSR in Prague, April 15, 1926; AMZV CR, f. III. sekce MZV 1918- 1939, i. no. 22, fold. 651. Report of the Consulate of the CSR in Pittsburgh to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the CSR in Prague, April 22, 1926; AMZV CR, f. III . sekce MZV 1918- 1939, i. no. 22, fold. 651. Situation report of the Consulate of the CSR in Pittsburgh to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the CSR in Prague, June 11 , 1926. 18 AMZV CR, f. III. sekce MZV 1918- 1939, i. no. 22, fold. 651. Situation report of the Consulate of the CSR in Pittsburgh to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the CSR in Prague, June 11 , 1926. 19 Jednota , July 7, 1926, I. 20 Jednota , July 14, 1926, I. 21 Jednota , August 11 , 1926, I. 22 Slowik, June 1, 1926, I. 23 Jednota , June 16, 1926, 1; Slowik, July 2, 1926, 3. 24 Archiv Spolku sv. Vojtecha, Tmava, Slovak Republic (hereinafter ASSV), fascicle (hereinafter fasc .) 336/5b. Program navstevy osv. biskupov zo Slovenska v Pittsburghu a na okolici od 6. do 16. jula 1926. �40 SLOV AKIA-2015 After greetings and words of welcome, bishop Marian Blaha addressed the audience. He said that they had arrived in America to attend the Eucharistic Congress in Chicago. However, the second very important goal of their journey was to visit and strengthen the faith of Slovak-American Catholics. He expressed pleasure at the fact that the Slovak Catholics in America had preserved both their faith and their Slovak language. Bishop Blaha informed the audience that they had brought a gift to the Slovak-American Catholics - the modem Slovak translation of the Bible. He did not forget to remark that the main credit for publishing it belonged to Andrej Hlinka, who was also present at the banquet. 25 In 1926 the first translation of the Bible into modem Slovak was completed. It was published by the Society of St. Adalbert (Spolok sv. Vojtecha) in Tmava. The preparatory phase had lasted for more than four decades. It was published between the years 1913 and 1926, with a long break due to World War I. The translation consisted of ten chapters: two for the New and eight for the Old Testament. After the whole first translation of the Bible appeared, Narodnie noviny in Turciansky Svaty Martin published a review (copied by other Slovak newspapers as well) that only the revision of the translation, done by the Rev. Frantisek R. Osvald, took a full eight years.26 After the Great War, the large amount of money needed by the Society of St. Adalbert to publish the Slovak translation of the bible was hard to raise in Slovakia. In 1920 generous gifts from America began to flow into Slovakia. Especially generous were the donations given by the Slovak bishops Karol Kmet'ko, Marian Blaha and Jan Vojtassak and Andrej Hlinka (100,000 crowns each). All this money was put into the shares of the Society of St. Adalbert for publishing purposes. In the critical situation (in 1923), the Society sent a threemember delegation, led by its director Jan Postenyi-Kysucky, to the USA. Within two and half months, the delegation visited more than one hundred Slovak-American parishes. At the very first meeting with the Slovak-American editors and the presidents of Slovak25 Jednota, June I 6, 1926, I. Jan Debnar, "Hist6ria prekladu a vydania prveho svatovojtesskeho Svateho pisma," in O prekladoch Biblie do slovenciny a do inych slovanskych j azykov, Jan Dorul'a, ed. (Bratislava: Slavisticky kabinet SA V, 1997), 247, 276-278 ; Jednota, June 16, 1926, 5. 26 �SLOVAKIA-2015 41 American Catholic organizations in Pittsburgh, $1,072 was collected and 2,156 new members joined the Society (the membership fee was $4 but twenty-five founding members contributed $100 each, while the American-Slovak millionaire Michal Bosak gave $600). 27 In 1926, the Society of St. Adalbert also sent its delegation to the USA. It consisted of the director Jan Postenyi, Alexander Sindelar, Stefan Zlatos and Robert Pobozny .28 The proposition to send a delegation to the USA during the Eucharistic Congress in Chicago was made by director Jan Postenyi at the meeting of the executive board in April of 1926. As a matter of fact, the Society issued the Slovak edition of the Bible at its own expense of 800,000 crowns. If the Society was not to fall into new debt (in Slovakia an expected interest in the Slovak bible failed to materialize), it had to turn to the SlovakAmerican Catholics. Moreover, the Slovak Catholic Federation in America still held 116,000 crowns belonging to the Society of St. Adalbert, which could be claimed only in person. 29 In the USA, the delegates sold 3,800 copies of the bible for $10 .00 each . At the same time, 1,500 new members joined the Society.30 The center of the mission of the Society of St. Adalbert in the USA was its own branch in Youngstown, Ohio, which since 1922 had been administered by the Rev . Stefan Kocis.31 Eventually, American Slovaks bought 6,800 copies of the Slovak bible.32 Bishop Marian Blaha's remarks on Andrej Hlinka's contribution to the publishing of the Slovak Bible were justified. Indeed, it is often referred to as the Hlinka translation or the Hlinka and Donoval translation, because both Andrej Hlinka and Jan Donoval greatly contributed to this work. It is shocking how little attention has been given to these two priests and their role in the translation of the bible and to their contribution to the development of Slovak spiritual, linguistic and national enlightenment. Andrej Hlinka also played a major role in publishing the bible by the Society of St. Adalbert, which 27 Debnar, 282. Jan Postenyi, Dejiny Spo/ku sv. Vojte cha (Tmava: Spolok sv. Vojtecha, 1930), 79. 29 ASSV. Zapisnica zo zasadnutia vyboru Spolku sv. Vojtecha konaneho 26. aprila r. 1926 . 30 Debnar, 283. 31 Postenyi, 80. 32 Debnar, 283 . 28 �42 SLOV AKIA-2015 he led as its president from November 14, 1920, together with director Jan Postenyi and secretary Juraj Hoda! (since 1923). 33 After attending the welcoming and gala dinner in the Commodore Hotel in New York City, the Slovak bishops went their own ways: Jan Vojtassak proceeded to Rev. Anton Gracik's St. Stephen's parish in Newark, New Jersey Pavol Jantausch joined Rev. Jan Kubasek at his Holy Trinity parish in Yonkers, New York; Jozef Carsky went to administer the sacrament of confirmation (we do not know to which parish) and Marian Blaha remained at Rev. Stefan Krasul'a's . h .34 pans On Sunday, June 13 , 1926, the four Slovak bishops attended a reception for the papal nuncio to the Eucharistic Congress, Giovanni Vincenzo Cardinal Bonzano, in St. Patrick's Cathedral in New York City. In the evening of the same day, the Slovak bishops were guests at a banquet hosted in their honor by the Rev. Stefan Krasul'a. 35 The next day the Slovak bishops attended the first graduation ceremony at Danville Academy for Girls, founded by the Sisters of Sts. Cyril and Methodius in Danville, Pennsylvania. 36 The order is the first and only Slovak religious order founded in honor of the Apostles of the Slavs. It was established on September 11, 1909 by four Slovak-American Roman-Catholic priests: Matus Jankola, Andrej Pavco, Alexander Dianiska and Jozef Murgas. The idea of a high school for Slovak girls originated in 1922, the same year as when the Slovak Benedictines in the USA decided to establish a high school for boys in Cleveland, Ohio. In the school year 1925-26, the girl's high school already had all four grades. Therefore, the Sisters asked the state authorities for accreditation. The latter was granted to the school on June 10, 1926. 37 So only four days later the first graduation ceremony of the first ten students was held in the presence of five bishops, three monsignors, fifty-one priests and a large number of spectators. 38 33 Jbid. , 280-28 I. Slowi k, July 2, 1926, 3. 35 Ibid. 36 Jednota, June 23 , 1926, 1-2. 37 Frantisek Hrusovsky, Slovenske rehole v Amerike (Cleveland, OH.: Slovensky ustav pri Opatstve sv. Andreja-Svorada, 1955), 186-7, 202-03 . 38 "Prva Katolicka Slovenska Vyss ia Dievcenska Skola," in Pamatnica slovenskeho dna newyorkskych a new j erseyskych Slowikov: 5. jula, 1926. J. C. Sciranka, ed. (New York City: Vybor slovenskeho dila, s. d.), no pagination. 34 �SLOVAKIA-2015 43 On the same day, accompanied by Philip R. McDevitt, Bishop of Harrisburg, the Slovak bishops moved on to the Jednota Estates of the First Catholic Slovak Union in Middletown, Pennsylvania.39 The First Catholic Slovak Union, a fraternal-benefit society, was founded in Cleveland in 1890 by the Reverend Stefan Furdek. On April 30, 1926, it had 629 active branches with 55 ,091 members . Established in 1906 to organize the youth, its Youth Division (Mladenecke oddelenie) had 446 active branches with 35,535 members . Altogether, the FCSU had 1,075 branches with 90,626 members . In 1926, the market value of the FCSU 's assets was $5,012,880.53 and its Youth Division 's assets totaled $157,202 .96, for a grand total of $5,170,083.65. It was the largest and strongest Slovak Catholic fraternal benefit society in the world. It also cared for orphaned children of its deceased members in an orphanage established in 1906 (opened in 1914) to this end in Middletown .40 Its editorial offices and printery were also located there.4 1 The next day, bishop Jozef Carsky left the group and went to administer the sacrament of confirmation to parishes in Houtzdale and Windburn, Pennsylvania. On June 16, 1926, the bishops left for Harrisburg, from whence they continued to 42 the Eucharistic Congress. In Chicago the bishops were officially welcomed by representatives of Slovak-American Catholic societies. Before the formal opening of the Congress, the Slovak bishops received visits by their countrymen and toured the city. In the Slovak Catholic parishes, they celebrated masses and held missionary sermons. The latter were purely apolitical. Only bishop Vojtassak complained in one of them that he could not come to America sooner, because in 1923 the Czechoslo43 vak authorities refused to issue him a passport. The Eucharistic Congress opened in the morning of June 20, 1926 with the reading of a papal bull and lasted until June 24, 1926 . 39 Jednota, June 23 , 1926, I . 4-0Pamdtnik rimsko-katolickych slovenskych osad v zapad. Pennsylvanii vydany vyborom slovenskeho dna z prileiitosti navstevy osv. biskupov zo Slovenska: v stredu dna 7. Ju/a 1926 (Pittsburgh, Pa.: Vybor slovenskeho dna, s. d.), 122-3. 41 Jednota, June 23, 1926, 2. 42 /bid. 43 AMZV CR, f. III. sekce MZV 1918- 1939, i. no. 22, fold. 651. Report of the Consulate of the CSR in Chicago on the political activities of the People' s Party leaders in the Chicago district. Attachment of the letter of the Czechoslovak Legation in Washington, DC, to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the CS R in Prague, July 30, 1926. �44 SLOV AKIA-2015 It was hosted by George Cardinal Mundelein, Archbishop of Chicago. The Holy See was represented by the papal nuncio Giovanni Vincenzo Cardinal Bonzano. The Congress took place in the local churches and auditoriums and in the recently opened Soldier Field Stadium. 44 On the last day of the Congress there was a pilgrimage to the city of Mundelein, Illinois, forty miles north of Chicago. The Congress was attended by representatives from all continents and thus it manifested the universality of the Catholic Church. In addition, it was the greatest pilgrimage in American history. The Chicago Daily News reported that the final mass in Mundelein was attended by an estimated half a million to a million of the faithful. 45 In addition, the Daily News reported interesting details on the pilgrimage to Mundelein, such as the consumption of ten tons of hot dogs by the pilgrims and the crush of passengers on the trains, which began running at two-minute intervals from 4 a.m. that day. It also rained, which then turned into hail, and the Daily News boasted that it managed to print photographs from Mundelein in its papers and got them on the street within two hours, thanks to swift delivery by airplane. 46 The choir during the opening of the mass consisted of 60,000 children. The Fox Film Corporation, which created a 96-minute film of the Congress (it premiered in New York on November 8, 1926), refused to accept any remuneration for its participation. An estimated 100,000 Slovaks attended the Eucharistic Congress (approximately sixty from Slovakia, including the bishops).47 The latter actively participated in the Congress by celebrating masses and delivering sermons. 48 Even though American newspapers did not pay any attention to the Slovak pilgrims at the Eucharistic Congress, 44 Soldier Field Stadium in Chicago serves as a memorial to American soldiers who died in past wars. It was designed in 1919 and opened on October 9, 1924 on the 53 rd anniversary of the Great Chicago Fire as Municipal Grant Park Stadium, changing its name to Soldier Field on November 11 , 1925. Its design is modeled on the Greco-Roman architectural tradition, with Doric columns rising above the entrance. After subsequent reconstructions, the modem grandstands diminish the impression of these columns. 45 The Chicago Daily News, June 24, 1926, I [online] . Available at: http ://encyclo£edia.chicagohistory.org/pages/ 11319.htm1. 6 Eucharistic Congress, Chicago Daily News, 1926 [online]. Available at: http: //enc clopedia.chicagohistory.org/pages/ I 1319 .html. 4 Jednota. Kato/icky kalendar na obycajny rok 192 7, 43-44. 48 Slovak, July 8, 1926, 3. 1 �SLOV AKIA-2015 45 in the program of church services, published in all newspapers by the organizational board of the Congress, the Slovaks were listed as a separate group. 49 After the Eucharistic Congress, the Slovak Catholic bishops stayed in the USA until August 4, 1926. In the meantime, they visited all the major and several minor Slovak Catholic parishes. They held missionary services and sermons and administered the sacrament of confirmation. They also attended Slovak Days, gatherings and meetings.50 On July 1, 1926, they were hosted by Michal Bosak in Scranton, Pennsylvania. 51 In their speeches, the Slovak bishops avoided political issues. The representatives of Slovak-American autonomists (Ivan Bielek, President of the Slovak League of America, Jozef Husek, editor of Jednota and others), however, made use of the Slovak Days for agitation for Slovak autonomy. The Slovak bishops were very popular with the people. 52 For instance, the Jednota and Slowik newspapers reported an estimated 75,000 to 80,000 people at the 3rd Slovak Day in Pittsburgh on July 7, 1926. 53 On July 28, 1926, the weekly Jednota published an appeal by bishop Jozef Carsky, to Slovak-American Catholics from eastern Slovakia. The bishop stressed the importance of the Society of St. Adalbert in Trnava, which, however, still had very few members in the east. He decided, therefore, to appeal to their countrymen in America to pay the membership fees in the Society of St. Adalbert for them . Bishop Carsky also made an appeal to the Slovak49 AMZV CR, f. Ill . sekce MZV 1918- 1939, i. no. 22, fold . 651. Report of the Consulate of the CSR in Chicago on the political activities of the People 's Party leaders in the Chicago district. Attachment of the letter of the Czechoslovak Legation in Washington, DC, to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the CSR in Prague, July 30, 1926. Interestingly enough, June Granatir Alexander, in her Ethnic Pride, American Patriotism: Slovaks and Other New Immigrants in the Jnterwar Era (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2004), fails to mention Slovak participation in the Eucharistic Congress. 50 Pauco, 209. 51 ASSV, fasc. 338/2. Jozef J. Dulik, Na pamiatku Vecierka usporiadaneho na pocest' osvietenych panov Biskupov zo Slovenska Micha/om Bosakom 1-ho ju/a 1926 v Scranton, Pa. The brochure reads that the bishops were treated to caviar, green turtle soup, cuts of Virginia ham, filet of beef, vanilla ice-cream and other specialties. 52 AMZV CR, f. III. sekce MZV 1918- 1939, i. no. 22, fold. 651. Situation report of the Consulate of the CSR in Pittsburgh to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the CSR in Prague, October 5, 1926. 53 Jednota, July 14, 1926, 2; Slovak, August 4, 1926, 5. �46 SLOVAKIA-2015 American priests to raise public awareness of this issue or to set aside one Sunday for fundraising to create a branch of the Society of St. Adalbert in Kos ice.54 All four Slovak bishops made a similar speech on July 29, 1926. In their address, the bishops, as the protectors of the Society of St. Adalbert, stressed its importance for all Slovaks. They thanked Slovak-American Catholics for their support of the Society in the past and invited them to become members, to purchase its books, especially the bible, as well as to register their countrymen in Slovakia as its members. 55 On July 30, 1926, the Slovak bishops paid an official visit to the Czechoslovak legation in Washington. Since ambassador Zdenek Fierlinger had departed, they were received by proxy. At the embassy , the bishops expressed great satisfaction with the Slovak colony in the USA and noted that everywhere they had gained an impression of real national awareness and reliability. At the same time, they expressed the belief that, in terms of loyalty to Czechoslovakia, factual judgment refined by the school of life, acumen, as well as inborn skepticism, protected American Slovaks from excesses. 56 The Slovak bishops also visited the papal nuncio to the United States. 57 Before departure, the Slovak bishops addressed to SlovakAmerican Catholics a farewell letter in which they thanked them for their receptions and hospitality. They expressed admiration for what Slovak Catholics in America had achieved in a relatively short period of time, despite various difficulties. The proverbial Slovak tenaciousness in the national and religious fields had transformed itself into Slovak churches, schools and fraternal-benefit-societies and halls. The bishops wished the Slovak Catholics in America a good life with no obstacles in the future .58 On August 3, 1926, there was a farewell banquet for the bishops in the Astoria Hotel in New York City. The representative of the 54 Jednota , July 28, 1926, 4. 55 Jednota , August 11 , 1926, I. 56 ' AMZV CR , f. III. sekce MZV 191 8- 1939, i. no. 22, fold. 651. Letter of the Czechoslovak Legation in Washington, DC, to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the CSR in Prague, July 30, 1926. 57 Pietro Fumasoni Biondi (1872- 1960) - papal legate in the USA from December 14, 1922 to March 16, 1933. 58Jednota , July 28, 1926, 4. �SLOVAKIA-2015 47 Czechoslovak legation in Washington, J. Lavicka (otherwise the Czechoslovak Consul General in New York), also came to officially say farewell to the bishops. The main theme of the bishops' final speeches was an appeal to American Slovaks to save their youth because thus they would save the nation.59 The Slovak bishops left America on the steamship Aquitania on August 4, 1926.60 Therefore, it is apparent that the four Slovak Catholic bishops used their trip to the 28 th International Eucharistic Congress in Chicago for a pastoral journey among Slovak Catholics in America. During their almost two-month stay in the USA (June I I- August 4, 1926), they visited many Slovak-American Catholic parishes. To visit all of them was physically impossible, because within one day they would have had to visit more than four. For the SlovakAmerican Catholics the Slovak bishops' journey had a certain specificity . Many of them, especially Catholic priests, had had a personal experience with the chauvinism of the Hungarian Catholic hierarchy, which was in many cases the main reason for their departure oversees. That is why they welcomed the Slovak bishops after the creation of Czechoslovakia. As to Andrej Hlinka's agitation tour, he and the bishops, except for the latter' s reception in New York City, never appeared together. After the Eucharistic Congress they parted ways. However, the bishops' presence in America, even if apolitical, significantly increased interest among American Slovaks in Andrej Hlinka's lectures. The authority of the Slovak bishops helped Hlinka in another respect as well. His lecture tour in the USA occurred in the atmosphere of numerous minor personal arguments in the Slovak Catholic community. The presence of the Slovak bishops helped to overcome these aversions and staved off the danger of public controversy.61 On the 59 Pauco, 209; AMZV CR, f. III. sekce MZV 1918- 1939, i. no. 22, fold . 651. Letter of the Czechoslovak Legation in Washington, DC, to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the CSR in Prague, July 30, 1926. 60 AMZV CR, f. III. sekce MZV 1918- 1939, i. no. 22, fold . 651. Letter of the Czechoslovak Legation in Washington, DC, to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the CSR in Prague, July 30, 1926. 61 AMZV CR, f. III. sekce MZV 1918- 1939, i. no. 22, fold. 651. Situation report of the Consulate of the CSR in Pittsburgh to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the CSR in Prague, October 5, 1926. For a detailed account on A. Hlinka's journey to the USA in 1926, see my "Andrej Hlinka' s Journey to the USA in 1926," in Slovakia, 40 (Nos. 74-75 , 2010), 32-46. �48 SLOV AKIA-2015 other hand, the Slovak-American autonomists did not hesitate to make use of the presence of the bishops to agitate for Slovak autonomy. The Slovak bishops often expressed their surprise at and admiration for what they saw in the centers of Slovak Catholic life in America. At the graduation ceremony in Danville, Pennsylvania, bishop Blaha rejoiced at the fact that there was a Slovak girls' high school so far from home. 62 Similarly, on the farm of the FCSU in Middletown, he admired what the society had achieved and said that in Slovakia something similar would not be possible.63 Finally, at the Slovak Day in Pittsburgh he said that, on the basis of what he had seen and experienced in Slovak America, American Slovaks would nationally and culturally survive in the USA for another hundred years.64 The Slovak bishops used their trip to America to advertise the Society of St. Adalbert and its newly-released Slovak edition of the bible. The success of this mission was more than clear and for the Society of St. Adalbert it meant a high return on its investment in publishing the Slovak bible. Part of the Slovak bishops' goals, as well as that of Andrej Hlinka, in the USA was fund-raising. For the bishops it was organized by a committee headed by Monsignor Viktor Blahunka. 65 As early as in April of 1926, Karol Kmet'ko, bishop of Nitra, turned to the Slovak-American Catholics and asked them for funds for the Society of the Divine Word. 66 According to the report of the Czechoslovak consulate in Pittsburgh, the FCSU's head office gave each of the bishops during their journey to the USA $1,000. 67 Unfortunately, we do not know how much money the Slovak bishops raised in America. Despite the fact that, according to the reports of the Czech62Jednota, June 23 , 1926, 2. Jednota, June 23 , 1926, I. 64 Jednota, July 14, 1926, 1. 65ASSV, fasc. 336/5b. Program navstevy osv. biskupov zo Slovenska v Pittsburghu a na okolici od 6. do 16. jula 1926. 66 AMZV CR , f. III. sekce MZV 1918- 1939, i. no. 22, fold . 650. Report of the Consulate of the CSR in Pittsburgh to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the CSR in Prafue, April 15, 1926. 1 AMZV CR, f. III. sekce MZV 1918- 1939, i. no. 22, fold. 651. Situation report of the Consulate of the CSR in Pittsburgh to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the CSR in Prague, October 5, 1926. 63 �SLOV AKIA-2015 49 oslovak consulate in Pittsburgh, the committees of festivals on the occasion of the visit of the Slovak Catholic bishops at some places showed a financial deficit, 68 the amount the bishops raised must have been relatively large. This is suggested by the letter of Andrej Hlinka to Jan Postenyi upon their return from America: "As you know, I have returned with fame, pennants and rings- but not many dollars . Business is business and I am not very good at it. I am a great idealist and our masters, the bishops, skimmed off the cream." 69 68 /bid. ASSV, fasc. 156112b. Letter of A. Hlinka to J. Postenyi, November 3, 1926. 69 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2015, Vol. 42 Description An account of the resource Vol. 42 (No. 78-79), 2015. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2015 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOV AKIA-2015 35 THE JOURNEY OFFOUR SLOVAK CATHOLIC BISHOPS TO THE USA IN 1926 1 Stefan Kucik In 1926, the 28 th International Eucharistic Congress took place in the United States of America. This "country of unlimited possibilities" was generally expected to prepare a Congress that would surpass all previous International Eucharistic Congresses, both in terms of the number of participants and its grandiosity. The Congress itself was expected to become a forum to manifest the strength of American Catholicism. For Slovak-American Catholics, however, the forthcoming Congress had a significant added value. The four new Slovak Catholics bishops were to participate in it. While many authors have dealt with various aspects of the lives and activities of Slovak Catholic bishops in the interwar period, no one has yet provided us with a detailed account on their journey to the USA in 1926. This article will try to fill this gap. At the time of the International Eucharistic Congress in Chicago, there were six Catholic bishops in Slovakia: Marian Blaha of Banska Bystrica, Jan Vojtassak of Spis, and Karol Kmet'ko of Nitra (all ordained on February 13, I 921 ); Jozef Carsky of Kos ice and Pavo I Jantausch of Trnava (both ordained on June 14, 1925); and Michal Bubnic of Roziiava (ordained on December 8, 1925). However, only four of them finally departed for America: Blaha, Vojtassak, Jantausch and Carsky. The number of Slovak Catholic bishops who were to attend the Eucharistic Congress in Chicago initially fluctuated . On April 8, 1926, the Ministry with Full Powers for the Administration of Slovakia in Bratislava informed the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Czechoslovak Republic in Prague that all Slovak bishops would make the trip to the USA. 2 On April 14, 1926, the American Catholic 1 This is an English and slightly modified and updated version of my previous article entitled "Cesta slovenskych katolickych biskupov do slovenskej Ameriky v roku 1926," in Duchovny pastier, 93 (Nos. 1-2, 2012), 21-31 . 2 Archiv Ministerstva zahranicnich veci Ceske republiky, Prague, Czech Republic (hereinafter AMZV CR), fond (hereinafter f.) Ill . sekce MZV 1918- 1939, inventory 36 SLOV AKIA-2015 weekly Jednota published an article in which it announced the arrival of bishops Vojtassak, Kmet'ko, Blaha, Jantausch and, perhaps, Carsky as well, while bishop Bubnic was likely to stay at home due to his illness. 3 On May 16, 1926, the Bratislava daily Slowik men4 tioned five bishops, leaving Marian Blaha in Slovakia. The final decision on the number of bishops,who were to attend the Eucharistic Congress was made by the Bishop 's Conference only a few days before their planned departure. The Conference decided that the bishops of Nitra and Roziiava would remain at home. 5 The reason was the wish of the Papal Nuncio in Prague to have some representatives of the Slovak episcopate at his disposal. This was a time of tense negotiations with Czechoslovakia after the so-called "Marmaggi Affair." The Nuncio wanted Czech and Slovak bishops to submit a memorandum to Czechoslovak officials on the eve of Jan Hus Day (July 6). As a matter of fact, the memorandum was prepared by the Vatican's State Secretary in Rome and it demanded that the Czechoslovak government and President Masaryk refrain from participating in the Hus celebrations and from insulting Czechoslovakia's Catholics.6 Another reason for a part of the Slovak episcopate 's remaining at home was the preparation of an important law on 7 clergy salaries in Czechoslovakia. For the Slovak Catholic bishops it was the first, as well as the last, trip to America. Their requests for issuing or extending passports to the USA were met with no major obstructions, 8 even though in the case of bishop Blaha, as he said himself, the authorities exnumber (hereinafter i. no.) 22, folder (hereinafter fold .) 650. Letter of the Ministry of the Czechoslovak Republic (hereinafter CSR) with Full Powers for the Administration of Slovakia in Bratislava to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the CSR in Prague, April 8, 1926. 3 Jednota (Middletown, PA), April 14, 1926, 4. 4 Slovak (Bratislava), May 16, 1926, 3. 5 Slovak, June I, 1926, I. 6Emilia Hrabovec, "Sviita stolica a slovenski biskupi v medzivojnovom obdobi," in Duchovny pastier, 93 (Nos. 1-2, 2012), 8. 7 Slovak, June I, 1926, I. The law was passed on June 25, 1926 . Zakon kongruovy c. 122/ 1926 Sb. z. an. zakon ze dne 25. cervna 1926 o uprave platu duchovenstva cirkvi a naboienskych spolecnosti statem uznanych, pfip. recipovanych [online]. Available at: http ://spcp.prf.cuni .cz/lex/ 122-26.htm. 8 AMZV CR, f. III. sekce MZV 1918- 1939, i. no. 22, fold. 650. Letter of the Ministry of the CSR with Full Powers for the Administration of Slovakia in Bratislava to the Ministry ofForeign Affairs of the CS R in Prague, April 8, 1926. SLOV AKIA-2015 37 pressed "a strange sort of caution. " 9 Thus, the situation of 1923, when the Czechoslovak authorities refused to issue a passport to bishop Vojtassak for his intended journey to America, was not repeated. 10 In 1926 there were 228 Slovak Catholic parishes with 236 priests in the USA. 11 Therefore, the Slovak bishops intended to not only attend the Eucharistic Congress, but also to make a pastoral journey among Slovak Catholics in America. It was supposed to strengthen their Catholic identity which was threatened by the secularization influences of the American environment and the propaganda of the Czechoslovak Church 12 supported by the Czechoslovak government, as well as to raise some funds for Catholic institutions in Slovakia. 13 Czechoslovak representative offices in the USA, however, began to collect information on the plans of Slovak-American autonomists, largely consisting of the Catholic element, to make use of the presence of the Slovak Catholic bishops for their political goals. Indeed, Slovak bishops travelled to America at a time when the idea of Slovak autonomy on the basis of the Pittsburgh Agreement was supported by most American Slovaks, represented by the Slovak League of America (hereinafter SLA). Information on the intended political actions of SlovakAmerican autonomists on the occasion of the Slovak bishops ' visit raised fears in the offices of Czechoslovak representatives in the USA. Therefore, the anti-autonomist circles in America sought to 9 AMZV CR, f. III. sekce MZV 19 I 8- 1939, i. no. 22, fold. 651. Report of the Presidium of the Ministry of the CSR with Full Powers for the Administration of Slovakia in Bratislava to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the CSR in Prague, May 17, 1926. 10 For more on Jan Vojtassak's case, see Stefan Kucik, "The Struggle for the Hearts and Minds of American Slovaks: Bishop Jan Vojtassak's Aborted Journey to the USA in 1923," in Slovakia 41 (Nos. 76-77, 2013), 7-36. 11 Jednota : Kato/icky kalendar na obycajny rok 1927 (Middletown, PA), 161-72. 12 The Czechoslovak Church (after 1971 the Czechoslovak Hussite Church) is a Christian Church which separated from the Roman Catholic Church after World War I (January 8, 1920) in the former Czechoslovakia. Originally a Czech national church, its activities are now almost entirely limited to today's Czech and Slovak Republics. One such church existed in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania between 1926 and 1967. See Joseph P. Budd, "We do Know English: Philadelphia' s Czechoslovak Presbyterian Church of Jan Hus, 1926-1967," M.A. thesis, University of Delaware, 2009. I am grateful to M. Mark Stolarik for this citation. There may have been other such Czechoslovak churches in the USA, but so far no-one has studied them. 13 Hrabovec, 8. 38 SLOV AKIA-2015 blunt the political edge of these actions. For instance, the Rev. Jozef Murgas of Wilkes-Barre, PA, promised Milan Getting, the Czechoslovak consul in Pittsburgh, to question Slovak priests at their upcoming conference in eastern Pennsylvania whether they were interested in politics or in religion. According to Murgas, the Czech bishops travelling to the Eucharistic Congress allegedly called upon the Slovak bishops to represent themselves in the USA as Czechoslovak bishops. Reportedly, bishop Jan Vojtassak: replied on behalf of the Slovak episcopate that they would go to America as Slovak bishops. 14 Of greater concern to the Slovak-American "Czechoslovak" camp was the fact that the president of Hlinka's Slovak People's Party, Andrej Hlinka himself, was also going to attend the Eucharistic Congress. Besides his trip to the Congress, Hlinka planned to use his stay in the USA to agitate for Slovak autonomy, fundraising and internationalization of the Slovak cause. 15 He also intended to settle personal disputes among Slovak-American Catholics. 16 On the initiative of the Czechoslovak consul in Pittsburgh, the Rev. Murgas decided to organize in his parish in Wilkes-Barre on June 27, 1926 a Cyrilo-Methodian ceremony on the occasion of the consecration of the new local school. He invited the whole Czech and Ruthenian episcopates, as well as the Slovak bishops Marian Blaha and Jozef Carsky. The ceremony was also to be held to commemorate the Order of the Sisters of Sts. Cyril and Methodius, of which Rev. Murgas was a co-founder. The preparations were made in such a manner that Andrej Hlinka would not be present. Moreover, the occasion was to become a place where the Czech and Slovak bishops could demonstrate "Czechoslovak" solidarity. The organizers invited the Czechoslovak ambassador in Washington as well. 17 14 AMZV CR, f. III. sekce MZV 1918- 1939, i. no. 22, fold. 650. Letter of the Consulate of the CSR in Pittsburgh to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the CSR in Pra~ue, Marc5120, 1926. 5 AMZV CR, f. III . sekce MZV 1918- 1939, i. no. 22, fold . 651. Letter of the Ministry of the CSR with Full Powers for the Administration of Slovakia in Bratislava to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the CSR in Prague, April 30, 1926. 16 S!owik, May 23, 1926, 1. 17 AMZV CR, f. III . sekce MZV 1918- 1939, i. no. 22, fold. 650. Letter of the Consulate of the CSR in Pittsburgh to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the CSR in Prague, March 20, 1926; AMZV CR, f. III . sekce MZV 1918- 1939, i. no. 22, fold . 650 . Report of the Consulate of the CSR in Pittsburgh to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs SLOVAKIA-2015 39 However, Getting and Murgas were disappointed. Even Murgas' personal intercession with bishop Carsky immediately upon the arrival of Slovak bishops in New York ended in vain. 18 Bishop Blaha gave priority to attendance at the Slovak Day in St. Louis, Missouri on June 27, I 926 19 and bishop Carsky went to Cudahy, Wisconsin, to administer the sacrament of confirmation. 20 On the other hand, the Slovak bishops did visit the Sacred Heart of Jesus parish in WilkesBarre on different occasions, bishop Carsky even twice.21 The four Slovak bishops set out on their journey to the USA on May 31, 192622 and arrived in New York City on the steamship Aquitania on June 11, 1926. When they docked, they were welcomed by Slovak-American priests, representatives of Slovak-American organizations and newspapers, a representative of the Czechoslovak Legation in Washington, J. Lavicka, and other individuals. Accompanied by several dozen cars, the bishops were driven to the Slovak st Church of St. John Nepomucene at the comer 66 th Street and 1 Avenue. Its pastor since 1916 was the Rev. Stefan Krasul'a. After a short prayer in the church, there was a banquet in the Commodore Hotel, hosted by Slovak priests in honor of the Slovak bishops. The banquet was chaired by Msgr. Viktor B lahunka of Chicago (originally from Lucky near Ruzomberok). 23 He also headed the committee 24 charged with the care of the Slovak bishops while in America. of the CSR in Prague, April 15, 1926; AMZV CR, f. III. sekce MZV 1918- 1939, i. no. 22, fold . 651 . Letter of the Consulate of the CSR in Pittsburgh to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the CSR in Prague, April 15, 1926; AMZV CR, f. III. sekce MZV 1918- 1939, i. no. 22, fold. 651. Report of the Consulate of the CSR in Pittsburgh to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the CSR in Prague, April 22, 1926; AMZV CR, f. III . sekce MZV 1918- 1939, i. no. 22, fold. 651. Situation report of the Consulate of the CSR in Pittsburgh to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the CSR in Prague, June 11 , 1926. 18 AMZV CR, f. III. sekce MZV 1918- 1939, i. no. 22, fold. 651. Situation report of the Consulate of the CSR in Pittsburgh to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the CSR in Prague, June 11 , 1926. 19 Jednota , July 7, 1926, I. 20 Jednota , July 14, 1926, I. 21 Jednota , August 11 , 1926, I. 22 Slowik, June 1, 1926, I. 23 Jednota , June 16, 1926, 1; Slowik, July 2, 1926, 3. 24 Archiv Spolku sv. Vojtecha, Tmava, Slovak Republic (hereinafter ASSV), fascicle (hereinafter fasc .) 336/5b. Program navstevy osv. biskupov zo Slovenska v Pittsburghu a na okolici od 6. do 16. jula 1926. 40 SLOV AKIA-2015 After greetings and words of welcome, bishop Marian Blaha addressed the audience. He said that they had arrived in America to attend the Eucharistic Congress in Chicago. However, the second very important goal of their journey was to visit and strengthen the faith of Slovak-American Catholics. He expressed pleasure at the fact that the Slovak Catholics in America had preserved both their faith and their Slovak language. Bishop Blaha informed the audience that they had brought a gift to the Slovak-American Catholics - the modem Slovak translation of the Bible. He did not forget to remark that the main credit for publishing it belonged to Andrej Hlinka, who was also present at the banquet. 25 In 1926 the first translation of the Bible into modem Slovak was completed. It was published by the Society of St. Adalbert (Spolok sv. Vojtecha) in Tmava. The preparatory phase had lasted for more than four decades. It was published between the years 1913 and 1926, with a long break due to World War I. The translation consisted of ten chapters: two for the New and eight for the Old Testament. After the whole first translation of the Bible appeared, Narodnie noviny in Turciansky Svaty Martin published a review (copied by other Slovak newspapers as well) that only the revision of the translation, done by the Rev. Frantisek R. Osvald, took a full eight years.26 After the Great War, the large amount of money needed by the Society of St. Adalbert to publish the Slovak translation of the bible was hard to raise in Slovakia. In 1920 generous gifts from America began to flow into Slovakia. Especially generous were the donations given by the Slovak bishops Karol Kmet'ko, Marian Blaha and Jan Vojtassak and Andrej Hlinka (100,000 crowns each). All this money was put into the shares of the Society of St. Adalbert for publishing purposes. In the critical situation (in 1923), the Society sent a threemember delegation, led by its director Jan Postenyi-Kysucky, to the USA. Within two and half months, the delegation visited more than one hundred Slovak-American parishes. At the very first meeting with the Slovak-American editors and the presidents of Slovak25 Jednota, June I 6, 1926, I. Jan Debnar, "Hist6ria prekladu a vydania prveho svatovojtesskeho Svateho pisma," in O prekladoch Biblie do slovenciny a do inych slovanskych j azykov, Jan Dorul'a, ed. (Bratislava: Slavisticky kabinet SA V, 1997), 247, 276-278 ; Jednota, June 16, 1926, 5. 26 SLOVAKIA-2015 41 American Catholic organizations in Pittsburgh, $1,072 was collected and 2,156 new members joined the Society (the membership fee was $4 but twenty-five founding members contributed $100 each, while the American-Slovak millionaire Michal Bosak gave $600). 27 In 1926, the Society of St. Adalbert also sent its delegation to the USA. It consisted of the director Jan Postenyi, Alexander Sindelar, Stefan Zlatos and Robert Pobozny .28 The proposition to send a delegation to the USA during the Eucharistic Congress in Chicago was made by director Jan Postenyi at the meeting of the executive board in April of 1926. As a matter of fact, the Society issued the Slovak edition of the Bible at its own expense of 800,000 crowns. If the Society was not to fall into new debt (in Slovakia an expected interest in the Slovak bible failed to materialize), it had to turn to the SlovakAmerican Catholics. Moreover, the Slovak Catholic Federation in America still held 116,000 crowns belonging to the Society of St. Adalbert, which could be claimed only in person. 29 In the USA, the delegates sold 3,800 copies of the bible for $10 .00 each . At the same time, 1,500 new members joined the Society.30 The center of the mission of the Society of St. Adalbert in the USA was its own branch in Youngstown, Ohio, which since 1922 had been administered by the Rev . Stefan Kocis.31 Eventually, American Slovaks bought 6,800 copies of the Slovak bible.32 Bishop Marian Blaha's remarks on Andrej Hlinka's contribution to the publishing of the Slovak Bible were justified. Indeed, it is often referred to as the Hlinka translation or the Hlinka and Donoval translation, because both Andrej Hlinka and Jan Donoval greatly contributed to this work. It is shocking how little attention has been given to these two priests and their role in the translation of the bible and to their contribution to the development of Slovak spiritual, linguistic and national enlightenment. Andrej Hlinka also played a major role in publishing the bible by the Society of St. Adalbert, which 27 Debnar, 282. Jan Postenyi, Dejiny Spo/ku sv. Vojte cha (Tmava: Spolok sv. Vojtecha, 1930), 79. 29 ASSV. Zapisnica zo zasadnutia vyboru Spolku sv. Vojtecha konaneho 26. aprila r. 1926 . 30 Debnar, 283. 31 Postenyi, 80. 32 Debnar, 283 . 28 42 SLOV AKIA-2015 he led as its president from November 14, 1920, together with director Jan Postenyi and secretary Juraj Hoda! (since 1923). 33 After attending the welcoming and gala dinner in the Commodore Hotel in New York City, the Slovak bishops went their own ways: Jan Vojtassak proceeded to Rev. Anton Gracik's St. Stephen's parish in Newark, New Jersey Pavol Jantausch joined Rev. Jan Kubasek at his Holy Trinity parish in Yonkers, New York; Jozef Carsky went to administer the sacrament of confirmation (we do not know to which parish) and Marian Blaha remained at Rev. Stefan Krasul'a's . h .34 pans On Sunday, June 13 , 1926, the four Slovak bishops attended a reception for the papal nuncio to the Eucharistic Congress, Giovanni Vincenzo Cardinal Bonzano, in St. Patrick's Cathedral in New York City. In the evening of the same day, the Slovak bishops were guests at a banquet hosted in their honor by the Rev. Stefan Krasul'a. 35 The next day the Slovak bishops attended the first graduation ceremony at Danville Academy for Girls, founded by the Sisters of Sts. Cyril and Methodius in Danville, Pennsylvania. 36 The order is the first and only Slovak religious order founded in honor of the Apostles of the Slavs. It was established on September 11, 1909 by four Slovak-American Roman-Catholic priests: Matus Jankola, Andrej Pavco, Alexander Dianiska and Jozef Murgas. The idea of a high school for Slovak girls originated in 1922, the same year as when the Slovak Benedictines in the USA decided to establish a high school for boys in Cleveland, Ohio. In the school year 1925-26, the girl's high school already had all four grades. Therefore, the Sisters asked the state authorities for accreditation. The latter was granted to the school on June 10, 1926. 37 So only four days later the first graduation ceremony of the first ten students was held in the presence of five bishops, three monsignors, fifty-one priests and a large number of spectators. 38 33 Jbid. , 280-28 I. Slowi k, July 2, 1926, 3. 35 Ibid. 36 Jednota, June 23 , 1926, 1-2. 37 Frantisek Hrusovsky, Slovenske rehole v Amerike (Cleveland, OH.: Slovensky ustav pri Opatstve sv. Andreja-Svorada, 1955), 186-7, 202-03 . 38 "Prva Katolicka Slovenska Vyss ia Dievcenska Skola," in Pamatnica slovenskeho dna newyorkskych a new j erseyskych Slowikov: 5. jula, 1926. J. C. Sciranka, ed. (New York City: Vybor slovenskeho dila, s. d.), no pagination. 34 SLOVAKIA-2015 43 On the same day, accompanied by Philip R. McDevitt, Bishop of Harrisburg, the Slovak bishops moved on to the Jednota Estates of the First Catholic Slovak Union in Middletown, Pennsylvania.39 The First Catholic Slovak Union, a fraternal-benefit society, was founded in Cleveland in 1890 by the Reverend Stefan Furdek. On April 30, 1926, it had 629 active branches with 55 ,091 members . Established in 1906 to organize the youth, its Youth Division (Mladenecke oddelenie) had 446 active branches with 35,535 members . Altogether, the FCSU had 1,075 branches with 90,626 members . In 1926, the market value of the FCSU 's assets was $5,012,880.53 and its Youth Division 's assets totaled $157,202 .96, for a grand total of $5,170,083.65. It was the largest and strongest Slovak Catholic fraternal benefit society in the world. It also cared for orphaned children of its deceased members in an orphanage established in 1906 (opened in 1914) to this end in Middletown .40 Its editorial offices and printery were also located there.4 1 The next day, bishop Jozef Carsky left the group and went to administer the sacrament of confirmation to parishes in Houtzdale and Windburn, Pennsylvania. On June 16, 1926, the bishops left for Harrisburg, from whence they continued to 42 the Eucharistic Congress. In Chicago the bishops were officially welcomed by representatives of Slovak-American Catholic societies. Before the formal opening of the Congress, the Slovak bishops received visits by their countrymen and toured the city. In the Slovak Catholic parishes, they celebrated masses and held missionary sermons. The latter were purely apolitical. Only bishop Vojtassak complained in one of them that he could not come to America sooner, because in 1923 the Czechoslo43 vak authorities refused to issue him a passport. The Eucharistic Congress opened in the morning of June 20, 1926 with the reading of a papal bull and lasted until June 24, 1926 . 39 Jednota, June 23 , 1926, I . 4-0Pamdtnik rimsko-katolickych slovenskych osad v zapad. Pennsylvanii vydany vyborom slovenskeho dna z prileiitosti navstevy osv. biskupov zo Slovenska: v stredu dna 7. Ju/a 1926 (Pittsburgh, Pa.: Vybor slovenskeho dna, s. d.), 122-3. 41 Jednota, June 23, 1926, 2. 42 /bid. 43 AMZV CR, f. III. sekce MZV 1918- 1939, i. no. 22, fold. 651. Report of the Consulate of the CSR in Chicago on the political activities of the People' s Party leaders in the Chicago district. Attachment of the letter of the Czechoslovak Legation in Washington, DC, to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the CS R in Prague, July 30, 1926. 44 SLOV AKIA-2015 It was hosted by George Cardinal Mundelein, Archbishop of Chicago. The Holy See was represented by the papal nuncio Giovanni Vincenzo Cardinal Bonzano. The Congress took place in the local churches and auditoriums and in the recently opened Soldier Field Stadium. 44 On the last day of the Congress there was a pilgrimage to the city of Mundelein, Illinois, forty miles north of Chicago. The Congress was attended by representatives from all continents and thus it manifested the universality of the Catholic Church. In addition, it was the greatest pilgrimage in American history. The Chicago Daily News reported that the final mass in Mundelein was attended by an estimated half a million to a million of the faithful. 45 In addition, the Daily News reported interesting details on the pilgrimage to Mundelein, such as the consumption of ten tons of hot dogs by the pilgrims and the crush of passengers on the trains, which began running at two-minute intervals from 4 a.m. that day. It also rained, which then turned into hail, and the Daily News boasted that it managed to print photographs from Mundelein in its papers and got them on the street within two hours, thanks to swift delivery by airplane. 46 The choir during the opening of the mass consisted of 60,000 children. The Fox Film Corporation, which created a 96-minute film of the Congress (it premiered in New York on November 8, 1926), refused to accept any remuneration for its participation. An estimated 100,000 Slovaks attended the Eucharistic Congress (approximately sixty from Slovakia, including the bishops).47 The latter actively participated in the Congress by celebrating masses and delivering sermons. 48 Even though American newspapers did not pay any attention to the Slovak pilgrims at the Eucharistic Congress, 44 Soldier Field Stadium in Chicago serves as a memorial to American soldiers who died in past wars. It was designed in 1919 and opened on October 9, 1924 on the 53 rd anniversary of the Great Chicago Fire as Municipal Grant Park Stadium, changing its name to Soldier Field on November 11 , 1925. Its design is modeled on the Greco-Roman architectural tradition, with Doric columns rising above the entrance. After subsequent reconstructions, the modem grandstands diminish the impression of these columns. 45 The Chicago Daily News, June 24, 1926, I [online] . Available at: http ://encyclo£edia.chicagohistory.org/pages/ 11319.htm1. 6 Eucharistic Congress, Chicago Daily News, 1926 [online]. Available at: http: //enc clopedia.chicagohistory.org/pages/ I 1319 .html. 4 Jednota. Kato/icky kalendar na obycajny rok 192 7, 43-44. 48 Slovak, July 8, 1926, 3. 1 SLOV AKIA-2015 45 in the program of church services, published in all newspapers by the organizational board of the Congress, the Slovaks were listed as a separate group. 49 After the Eucharistic Congress, the Slovak Catholic bishops stayed in the USA until August 4, 1926. In the meantime, they visited all the major and several minor Slovak Catholic parishes. They held missionary services and sermons and administered the sacrament of confirmation. They also attended Slovak Days, gatherings and meetings.50 On July 1, 1926, they were hosted by Michal Bosak in Scranton, Pennsylvania. 51 In their speeches, the Slovak bishops avoided political issues. The representatives of Slovak-American autonomists (Ivan Bielek, President of the Slovak League of America, Jozef Husek, editor of Jednota and others), however, made use of the Slovak Days for agitation for Slovak autonomy. The Slovak bishops were very popular with the people. 52 For instance, the Jednota and Slowik newspapers reported an estimated 75,000 to 80,000 people at the 3rd Slovak Day in Pittsburgh on July 7, 1926. 53 On July 28, 1926, the weekly Jednota published an appeal by bishop Jozef Carsky, to Slovak-American Catholics from eastern Slovakia. The bishop stressed the importance of the Society of St. Adalbert in Trnava, which, however, still had very few members in the east. He decided, therefore, to appeal to their countrymen in America to pay the membership fees in the Society of St. Adalbert for them . Bishop Carsky also made an appeal to the Slovak49 AMZV CR, f. Ill . sekce MZV 1918- 1939, i. no. 22, fold . 651. Report of the Consulate of the CSR in Chicago on the political activities of the People 's Party leaders in the Chicago district. Attachment of the letter of the Czechoslovak Legation in Washington, DC, to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the CSR in Prague, July 30, 1926. Interestingly enough, June Granatir Alexander, in her Ethnic Pride, American Patriotism: Slovaks and Other New Immigrants in the Jnterwar Era (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2004), fails to mention Slovak participation in the Eucharistic Congress. 50 Pauco, 209. 51 ASSV, fasc. 338/2. Jozef J. Dulik, Na pamiatku Vecierka usporiadaneho na pocest' osvietenych panov Biskupov zo Slovenska Micha/om Bosakom 1-ho ju/a 1926 v Scranton, Pa. The brochure reads that the bishops were treated to caviar, green turtle soup, cuts of Virginia ham, filet of beef, vanilla ice-cream and other specialties. 52 AMZV CR, f. III. sekce MZV 1918- 1939, i. no. 22, fold. 651. Situation report of the Consulate of the CSR in Pittsburgh to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the CSR in Prague, October 5, 1926. 53 Jednota, July 14, 1926, 2; Slovak, August 4, 1926, 5. 46 SLOVAKIA-2015 American priests to raise public awareness of this issue or to set aside one Sunday for fundraising to create a branch of the Society of St. Adalbert in Kos ice.54 All four Slovak bishops made a similar speech on July 29, 1926. In their address, the bishops, as the protectors of the Society of St. Adalbert, stressed its importance for all Slovaks. They thanked Slovak-American Catholics for their support of the Society in the past and invited them to become members, to purchase its books, especially the bible, as well as to register their countrymen in Slovakia as its members. 55 On July 30, 1926, the Slovak bishops paid an official visit to the Czechoslovak legation in Washington. Since ambassador Zdenek Fierlinger had departed, they were received by proxy. At the embassy , the bishops expressed great satisfaction with the Slovak colony in the USA and noted that everywhere they had gained an impression of real national awareness and reliability. At the same time, they expressed the belief that, in terms of loyalty to Czechoslovakia, factual judgment refined by the school of life, acumen, as well as inborn skepticism, protected American Slovaks from excesses. 56 The Slovak bishops also visited the papal nuncio to the United States. 57 Before departure, the Slovak bishops addressed to SlovakAmerican Catholics a farewell letter in which they thanked them for their receptions and hospitality. They expressed admiration for what Slovak Catholics in America had achieved in a relatively short period of time, despite various difficulties. The proverbial Slovak tenaciousness in the national and religious fields had transformed itself into Slovak churches, schools and fraternal-benefit-societies and halls. The bishops wished the Slovak Catholics in America a good life with no obstacles in the future .58 On August 3, 1926, there was a farewell banquet for the bishops in the Astoria Hotel in New York City. The representative of the 54 Jednota , July 28, 1926, 4. 55 Jednota , August 11 , 1926, I. 56 ' AMZV CR , f. III. sekce MZV 191 8- 1939, i. no. 22, fold. 651. Letter of the Czechoslovak Legation in Washington, DC, to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the CSR in Prague, July 30, 1926. 57 Pietro Fumasoni Biondi (1872- 1960) - papal legate in the USA from December 14, 1922 to March 16, 1933. 58Jednota , July 28, 1926, 4. SLOVAKIA-2015 47 Czechoslovak legation in Washington, J. Lavicka (otherwise the Czechoslovak Consul General in New York), also came to officially say farewell to the bishops. The main theme of the bishops' final speeches was an appeal to American Slovaks to save their youth because thus they would save the nation.59 The Slovak bishops left America on the steamship Aquitania on August 4, 1926.60 Therefore, it is apparent that the four Slovak Catholic bishops used their trip to the 28 th International Eucharistic Congress in Chicago for a pastoral journey among Slovak Catholics in America. During their almost two-month stay in the USA (June I I- August 4, 1926), they visited many Slovak-American Catholic parishes. To visit all of them was physically impossible, because within one day they would have had to visit more than four. For the SlovakAmerican Catholics the Slovak bishops' journey had a certain specificity . Many of them, especially Catholic priests, had had a personal experience with the chauvinism of the Hungarian Catholic hierarchy, which was in many cases the main reason for their departure oversees. That is why they welcomed the Slovak bishops after the creation of Czechoslovakia. As to Andrej Hlinka's agitation tour, he and the bishops, except for the latter' s reception in New York City, never appeared together. After the Eucharistic Congress they parted ways. However, the bishops' presence in America, even if apolitical, significantly increased interest among American Slovaks in Andrej Hlinka's lectures. The authority of the Slovak bishops helped Hlinka in another respect as well. His lecture tour in the USA occurred in the atmosphere of numerous minor personal arguments in the Slovak Catholic community. The presence of the Slovak bishops helped to overcome these aversions and staved off the danger of public controversy.61 On the 59 Pauco, 209; AMZV CR, f. III. sekce MZV 1918- 1939, i. no. 22, fold . 651. Letter of the Czechoslovak Legation in Washington, DC, to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the CSR in Prague, July 30, 1926. 60 AMZV CR, f. III. sekce MZV 1918- 1939, i. no. 22, fold . 651. Letter of the Czechoslovak Legation in Washington, DC, to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the CSR in Prague, July 30, 1926. 61 AMZV CR, f. III. sekce MZV 1918- 1939, i. no. 22, fold. 651. Situation report of the Consulate of the CSR in Pittsburgh to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the CSR in Prague, October 5, 1926. For a detailed account on A. Hlinka's journey to the USA in 1926, see my "Andrej Hlinka' s Journey to the USA in 1926," in Slovakia, 40 (Nos. 74-75 , 2010), 32-46. 48 SLOV AKIA-2015 other hand, the Slovak-American autonomists did not hesitate to make use of the presence of the bishops to agitate for Slovak autonomy. The Slovak bishops often expressed their surprise at and admiration for what they saw in the centers of Slovak Catholic life in America. At the graduation ceremony in Danville, Pennsylvania, bishop Blaha rejoiced at the fact that there was a Slovak girls' high school so far from home. 62 Similarly, on the farm of the FCSU in Middletown, he admired what the society had achieved and said that in Slovakia something similar would not be possible.63 Finally, at the Slovak Day in Pittsburgh he said that, on the basis of what he had seen and experienced in Slovak America, American Slovaks would nationally and culturally survive in the USA for another hundred years.64 The Slovak bishops used their trip to America to advertise the Society of St. Adalbert and its newly-released Slovak edition of the bible. The success of this mission was more than clear and for the Society of St. Adalbert it meant a high return on its investment in publishing the Slovak bible. Part of the Slovak bishops' goals, as well as that of Andrej Hlinka, in the USA was fund-raising. For the bishops it was organized by a committee headed by Monsignor Viktor Blahunka. 65 As early as in April of 1926, Karol Kmet'ko, bishop of Nitra, turned to the Slovak-American Catholics and asked them for funds for the Society of the Divine Word. 66 According to the report of the Czechoslovak consulate in Pittsburgh, the FCSU's head office gave each of the bishops during their journey to the USA $1,000. 67 Unfortunately, we do not know how much money the Slovak bishops raised in America. Despite the fact that, according to the reports of the Czech62Jednota, June 23 , 1926, 2. Jednota, June 23 , 1926, I. 64 Jednota, July 14, 1926, 1. 65ASSV, fasc. 336/5b. Program navstevy osv. biskupov zo Slovenska v Pittsburghu a na okolici od 6. do 16. jula 1926. 66 AMZV CR , f. III. sekce MZV 1918- 1939, i. no. 22, fold . 650. Report of the Consulate of the CSR in Pittsburgh to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the CSR in Prafue, April 15, 1926. 1 AMZV CR, f. III. sekce MZV 1918- 1939, i. no. 22, fold. 651. Situation report of the Consulate of the CSR in Pittsburgh to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the CSR in Prague, October 5, 1926. 63 SLOV AKIA-2015 49 oslovak consulate in Pittsburgh, the committees of festivals on the occasion of the visit of the Slovak Catholic bishops at some places showed a financial deficit, 68 the amount the bishops raised must have been relatively large. This is suggested by the letter of Andrej Hlinka to Jan Postenyi upon their return from America: "As you know, I have returned with fame, pennants and rings- but not many dollars . Business is business and I am not very good at it. I am a great idealist and our masters, the bishops, skimmed off the cream." 69 68 /bid. ASSV, fasc. 156112b. Letter of A. Hlinka to J. Postenyi, November 3, 1926. 69  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Journey of Four Slovak Catholic Bishops to the USA in 1926 Description An account of the resource Štefan Kucík Slovakia, Vol. 42 (No. 78-79), 2015 pp. 35-49 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Kucík, Štefan, 1979- Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2015 LCNAF