1 50 9 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/da285e31b47ab5345aad9be6132e47c0.pdf 4d0173f8a9110e3152430014d41e1258 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 111 Henry Delfiner, Vienna Broadcasts to Slovakia. East European Quarterly, Boulder, Colorado, 1974. 142 pp . (Distributed by Columbia University Press, New York and London). Delfiner's study is a valuable source of information both on the German policy towards Eastern Europe on the threshhold of the Second World War and on the disruption of Czecho-Slovakia. Vienna broadcasts became influential after Berlin interpreted the Munich Agreement as giving Germany a "free hand" in Central Eastern Europe . The dissatisfied and frightened peoples and minorities, uncertain about their future, were more than inclined to consider the broadcasts as an interpreter of Berlin's foreign policy. Slovakia was one of the countries whose future was most uncertain. Hungarians , Poles and Germans claimed parts of Slovak territory and, even though the relations between the Czechs and the Slovaks improved after Slovakia was granted autonomy, Prague was unable either to defend Slovakia against her neighbors or assure her future. In fact, the government of Prague advised the Slovak autonomous government to turn to Berlin for protection against Hungarian claims. As a result, in the case of Slovakia, the broadcasts undoubtedly influenced the relations between the Czechs and the Slovaks, as well as the attitude of the Slovak population towards the Jews. The influence was, however, not as decisive as the author asserts . Mutnansky, as announcer and author of the major part of the broadcasts, was not the best person to perform the task. Unknown, without the necessary good contacts with Slovak politicians, and having a doubtful political record, he was not taken seriously in political circles. The anti-clericalism of his broadcasts and their violent anti-semitism also diminished their impact. As Delfiner rightly states, ''One of the first issues on which Slovakian Catholicism (Slovakia's population was 82 percent Catholic) and Nazi ideology clashed concerned treatment of the Jews." (p. 24) In addition, the broadcasts promoted K . Sidor at a time when Dr. Tiso was the head of the Populist Party and, from October 6, 1938, also the head of the Slovak government. The broadcasts also promoted Dr. Tuka who had no political office after he returned from Czech jails and neither Sidor nor Tiso were eager to adopt Tuka' s political views and plans. In fact Tiso protested on certain occasions against the broadcasts. It was in the March crisis of 1939, when Prague deposed the Slovak government, arrested hundreds of Slovak political and civic leaders, and militarily occupied public buildings, that the Vienna broadcasts and the Viennese politicians (Seyss-Inquart, Burckel) played the im- �112 SLOVAKIA portant role ascribed to them by the author in the final decision of the Slovaks to part with the Czechs. Since the story of the disruption of Czecho-Slovakia was presented in the West with a certain bias, the collection of these broadcasts will be useful for historians. The text of the broadcasts published in Mutnansky's books as well as his interpretation of them are not, however, necessarily accurate. He was not rewarded in Slovakia and advocated German policies even after the broadcasts were terminated. The work is enhanced by a useful bibliography and chronology. Some minor errors slipped into the glossary and chronology: Dr. Tuka made his first speech for independence on December 6, 1938 and not on December 9; Dr. Durcansky did not ask for "Hitler's intervention" on March 10. He merely hinted in his broadcast from Vienna that Slovaks '' aim to achieve national freedom with the help of our friends, the great German nation", (p. 117); Karol Sidor died in Montreal on October 20, 1953 and not 1954. - PROF. J.M. KIRSCHBAUM ••• Bohemia - Jahrbuch des Collegium Carolinum, Band 15, R. Oldenburg Verlag, (Munich, 1974). Edited by Dr. Gerhard Hanke, pp. 532. Even though the symposium Bohemia deals predominantly with the history, the culture and Czech-German relations in the present Czech part of Czecho-Slovakia, known throughout the centuries as Bohemia, many issues of this carefully edited annual publication have also paid attention to Slovakia and the Slovaks. The present volume contains three contributions dealing with Slovakia: Helmut Slapnicka writes about German lectures at the Law Academy in Bratislava in the middle of the 19th century; Ladislav Lipscher contributes an excellent essay on the constitution and regional political administration in Czecho-Slovakia during the 1920s; and Stanislav Kirschbaum deals with the contin_uity and political changes in Czecho-Slovakia in 1968. While Slapnicka i~ of German background, the two other contributors were born in Slovakia. Ladislav Lipscher is a noted historian of the political and legal organization of pre-war Czecho-Slovakia. Before escaping to the West in 1968 he published books and studies in this field in Slovakia and in spite of the difficulty of access to sources, Lipscher continues to do so from his Swiss exile . This is his third contribution published abroad, and it deserves our special attention because legal and administrative questions were by-passed by Slovak writers in the West. The institution of regional administration had political implications, being conceived as a substitute for political autonomy, promised to the Slovaks during the First World War. Based on solid knowledge and thorough research �SLOVAKIA 113 of the subject, Lipscher's study analyses political and administrative problems and presents an objective outline of the regional administration and the party politics behind it. Stanislav Kirschbaum, a specialist on Eastern Europe who teaches Political Science at York University in Toronto, deals with the political changes in Dubcek's era. There are numerous books and articles on this period in several W estem languages. Unfortunately , they are concerned predominantly with the Czech part of the country . Those that deal with Slovakia do so from a Czech perspective or treat the Slovaks as quantite negli[leable even though their role was of primary importance in the events between 1963 and 1968. Kirschbaum's contribution is a well documented scholarly analysis of the political situation in Czecho-Slovakia in the 1960s. It is a presentation of the changes which brought about the liberalization of the regime and the federalization of the State in that fateful year of 1968. Collegium Carolinum deserves our recognition for regularly including studies on Slovak topics in the annual Bohemia. - PROF. J.M. KIRSCHBAUM ••• Ludwig v. Gogolak, Beitraege zur Geschichte des slowakischen Volkes, II. Die slowakische nationale Frage in der Reformepoche Ungams 1790-1848, (Contributions to the History of the Slovak People - The Slovak National Question in the Reform Period of Hungary, 1790-1848). Verlag R. Oldenburg, (Muenchen, 1969), pp. 280. The second volume(+) of Gogolak's work on Slovakia's selfassertion in Hungary is a detailed and well-documented insight into the crucial years of Slovak history when the Slovaks had to fight not only the Magyar nationalism, but also the ''Czechoslovak'' tendencies of the Slovak Lutheran leaders. Though of Slovak origin and related to Bernolak' s family, Gogolak belonged to the Hungarian aristocracy and his interpretation of Slovak national movement is consequently quite different from the Czech or Slovak nationalist interpretations. The present volume deals predominantly with the second half of the 19th and the first decade of the 20th Centuries. Special attention was paid by the author to the Pan-Slav movement and its representatives in Slovakia and to the movement of tudovit Stur which clashed with both the Magyar assimilation policy and "Czechoslovak" orientation of some Lutheran leaders, especially Kollar and Safarik. Particular attention is paid also to Jan Holly and his influence on the Slovak national movement in the 19th Century. According to Gogolak, Holly deserves credit for giving Slovaks the consciousness of their history (Geschichtsbewusstsein) and faith in their future. In this respect Gogolak is in agreement not only with the older school of Slovak �114 SLOVAKIA historians but also with the present " Marxist" historians and clashes only with the views of the "Czechoslovak" historiography. Gogolak is not denying the oppressive policy of Budapest, but explains it in the context of European nationalism and liberalism and points out the weakness of the Slovak movement whose leaders were divided by religion into two camps, one of which looked for a solution outside Hungary, in a merger with the Czechs . There are many aspects of the Slovak national question in Gogolak's work which were by-passed in Slovak history books or interpreted with bias by Czech historians. Unfortunately, we are unable, outside Slovakia, to pass judgment on their correctness. Gogolak refers to a great number of sources in Slovak, Czech, Hungarian and German which are not accessible to us . Supported by references to reliable sources, Gogolak's conclusions and interpretations seem to be convincing, and as a result we face a new interpretation of the Slovak national movement and of the role the Catholics and the Protestans played in modem Slovak history . In some respects Gogolak is in complete disagreement with the Czech interpretation, especially with the unfounded assertion that Catholics took a minor part in national revival. In his view, "only the activity of several Catholic priests and scholars who were conscious of their goal and mission allowed the Slovak national character not to lose its own characteristics and identity in the clash with the menacing political Magyarization and the spiritual Czechoslovak in the age of modem nationalism and preponderance of the bourgeoisie .... Had the Protestant intelligentsia, which in fact lived mostly on their historical heritage and foreign German-Czech connections, remained in its leading role, the result would probably have been the complete disappearance of the Slovak people." (Vol. I. p. 229 and 238). Considering the fact that Gogolak's work was published by a wellknown publisher and, except for T. J. Locher's book Die Nazionale Differenzierung der Slowaken und Tschechen in ihren geschichtlichen Verlauf bis 1848 (Harlem, 1931), it is the only.work in German by nonSlovak writer, we should not underestimate' its importance. Slovak historians should thoroughly analyze this new interpretation of modem Slovak history. - PROF. J.M. KIRSCHBAUM (+)For my review of Volume I see Slovakia, No. 35, 1964, pp. 156-158. ■■■ Roger Portal , The Slavs. Weidenfeld & Nicolson (London, 1969), pp. 508, Bihl., index, illustrations. Portal's voluminous book is a survey of the cultural and historical development of the Slavic peoples, including the Slovaks. It was �SLOVAKIA 115 written, and originally published, in French (Librairie Armand Colin, 1965), probably as a manual for students at French universities at which Portal has been a professor. The work is illustrated by maps and pictures and presents the Slavs in a much more objective light than some American books have done in the past. French scholars were interested in the Slavs for more than a century, but rarely have any French Slavists presented a global picture similar to Portars book. Slovaks and Slovakia are treated by Portal in proportion to their place and significance among the Slavs without the usual bias encountered in the West. His interpretation of certain periods of Slovak history was apparently influenced by Czech sources, which is, to a degree, understandable. While historiography in Slovakia developed considerably during the past three decades, there are still very few books in foreign languages which could be used by Slavists outside Slovakia. Moreover, even the summaries in scholarly works are always in Russian or German, and only occasionally in French and English. As a result one can hardly reproach Portal or other foreign Slavists if their chapters or paragraphs on Slovaks are sketchy, superficial or if they omit certain periods considered as important for Slovaks but less important in the context of the general history of the Slavs . It is evident that we cannot expect an objective and complete history of Slovakia and Slovaks until there are good history books on Slovakia translated into or written in foreign languages and until there are foreign students at Slovak universities specializing in Slovak history, culture, literature, and language. The absence of statehood, resulting in limited or non-existent cultural exchanges with other countries , necessarily reflects on the knowledge of Slovakia abroad. Many books on Czech history and culture were written by former foreign students at Prague 's university or by Slavists invited to Prague and studying there on scholarships. The same goes for Poland and other Slavic countries. Except for the six years of the Slovak Republic, there was never a government ruling in Slovakia which would have been interested in making Slovakia known in the World. Looking at Portal's book from this angle, we have to welcome it as a great step ahead. Slovak intellectuals in Western Europe should carefully analyze the book and supply Professor Portal with correct information on periods or events which were omitted or misinterpreted. That is the only way to obtain a change in presenting Slovakia abroad until the Slovaks have their own government and normal cultural relations with the world. In Portal's book Slovakia is at least not a footnote to Czech history as happens so often in other books. - PROF. J.M. KIRSCHBAUM ••• �116 SLOVAKIA R. Krajcovic, Slovencina a slovanske jazyky (The Slovak and the Slavic Languages), Slovenske pedagogicke nakladatelstvo (Bratislava, 1974), pp. 324, illustrations, Russian and German summary. Slovak philology has experienced a remarkable development during the past fifty years for reasons which can properly be understood only in the context of political developments in Slovakia.(+) The attempts to make the Slovak language a dialect of the Czech or nonexistent "Czechoslovak" language gave a strong impetus to Slovak philologists to prove that there was no scientific basis for such theories. The subsequent attempts at Russification of the Slovak language worked in the same direction: they intensified the desire of Slovak philologists to elaborate their own theories about the independent place of the Slovak language among Slavic languages. As a result, Slovak philology developed favorably in all areas of philological research: dialectology, lexicology, comparative philology, morphology, phonology, etc. and the Slovak language was finally established as a distinct Slavic tongue. The book by Krajcovic expertly deals with the place of the Slovak language among Slavic languages and asserts its originality from the time when the Slavic macro-dialects split into dialects with the distinct characteristics of the present Slavic languages. He analyzes the theories which aimed at proving that the Slovak language did not have a homogeneous proto-slavic basis as well as the theories which substantiated the thesis that the Slovak language was formed on the homogeneous West Slavic basis, and corroborates the distinct character of the Slovak language. The book is destined by its terminology for scholars and philologists, but its conclusions are understandable by everybody. In many ways, the book is a good example of the high academic level of the new generation of Slovak philologists. The German summary makes the book accessible also to Wes tern scholars. - PROF. J.M. KIRSCHBAUM ( +) See Chapter II in Kirschbaum, Slovak Language and Literature, University of Manitoba (Winnipeg, 1975), I\- 25-38 . ••• Dr. J. Mesaros (ed.), Slovaci a ich narodny vyvin (The Slovaks and Their National Development). Proceedings of the V Congress of Slovak Historians. Published by Vydavatel'stvo-Slovenskej akademie vied, (Bratislava, 1969); pp. 305. This symposium is composed of 12 papers delivered at the Conference of Slovak Historians and deserves mention not only for the academic value of individual contributions, but also in connection with �SLOVAKIA 117 Gogolak's work mentioned above. While Gogolak's two volumes present an interpretation by a non-Slovak historian, this volume, edited by Dr. Mesaros, gives us an interpretation of Slovak history by the generation of Slovak historians who adopted nolens-volens, a Marxist approach to history. It is regrettable that the symposium is not available in W estem languages for it demolishes the "Czechoslovak" interpretation of Slovakia 's past and present, and substantiates the thesis that Slovaks developed independently of Czechs or other Slavs into a distinct nation culturally, linguistically and politically from the Middle Ages. The contributions by P. Ratkos , J. Tibensky, J. Butvin , K. Rebro and Mesaros are especially explicit in this regard. The contribution by Z. Holotikova is of interest for understanding the attitude of the Communists towards Slovak !llational aspirations. Like the "bourgeois" adherents of "Czechoslov'a kism" who retarded Slovak development towards full national independence, the Communists were also liable for the confusion and for Prague's rule in Slovakia, both of which were detrimental to Slovak development towards a distinct national identity and self-rule. The admission by Marxist historians that religious divisions and Communist adherence to "Czechoslovakism" were harmful to Slovak national development is expressed with caution, but it is present throughout the book and sets the record straight. The majority of Slovaks never doubted their distinct national identity and fought for equal rights with other nations. The minority - political and religious - nevertheless succeeded, with Prague's help, in creating confusion even among foreign Slavists. The post-war experiences with Prague centralism in the economy and renewed efforts to stifle Slovak nationalism resulted in the re.thinking and re-appraising of the Slovak question not only by politicians but also by historians. The publication under review presents their conclusions. Most of the contributions are well-researched and well-written and deal with problems of primary interest for the Slovak struggle for self-assertion. - PROF. J.M. KIRSCHBAUM □□□ Jednota Annual FURDEK 1977, Volume XVI, 303 pages. Edited by Joseph C. Krajsa. Published by the First Catholic Slovak Union of the United States and Canada. Printed by the Jednota Press , Middletown, Pennsylvania . FURDEK 1977, Jednota's sixteenth in a series of annuals in the English language, offers the reader a variety of articles written by a number of old pros, several new authors and semi-pros, but all have something interesting for the reader who wants to know more about his Slovak ethnic background . �118 SLOVAKIA Doctor Pauco 's invaluable contributions (superbly translated from the Slovak by Sister M . Martina Tybor, SS.C .M .) enrich this year's production , which is easily the most informative and probably the best of the series inaugurated by the late Editor Philip A. Hrobak and continued by the present editor-in-chief, Joseph C. Krajsa. Every effort should be made to send this edition to as many Slovak homes, as well as to public, college, and university libraries, as possible. Thomas (Belejcak) Bell, American novelist of Slovak ancestry, is presented, and his half dozen works are ably reviewed by John F. Berko. Bell's books generally reflect the somber and tragic side of life among Slovak (and other Slavic) immigrants in the steel city of Pittsburgh and its suburbs. By a slim margin of one, the young men hold the edge over the Jednota scholarship winners (31-30) in the past year as the fair sex scored high in the final standings. This is a sound display of nondiscrimination in a men's organization. As always, the attractive photos of our intelligent youth give us renewed hope for the future destiny of our J ednota in particular and the ethnic identity of the American Slovaks in general. Michael Novak, Ph.D . , who holds the center stage as the acknowledged champion of ethnics in America, discusses the subject in his usual profound manner and inimitable style. In his " Long Life to Slovaks" contribution, Doctor William Gombar counters Michael Simko's realistic but bleak view for the future of the ethnic population in America. Joseph Kirschbaum, Ph.D., LL.D., is well known for his many writings. In this issue of FURDEK the Slovak diplomat and author contributes a valuable review of the influence of American Slovak organizations on his fellow countrymen in Canada. Glimpses into the ancient historical past of the Slovak nation are presented by a newcomer, Michael Kolarci~, ~S.J. His sketches of the life and times of Prince Pribina, Kings Mojmir I, Rastislav, and Svatopluk the Great, are concise and accurate. Michael Krajsa's tribute to General Stefanik and Doctor Pauco's firsthand information on President Tiso during wartime recall outstanding national heroes of the First and Second World Wars respectively. Tonka Kral, Anna Maria Kulhan, and Theresa Sapak make their debut as a talented trio of promising youthful writers . Sister M . Gabriel Hricko 's biographical sketch of Doctor Joseph Pauco on the first anniversary of the death of a fearless fighter for Slovakia 's national freedom and statehood is a timely tribute to one of the greatest Slovak newspapermen and patriots in our time. Sister Gabriel's beautiful article on the Miracle of Fatima rounds out this year's publication . �SLOVAKIA 119 Two Congressmen, namely, the Honorable Daniel Flood of Pennsylvania and the Honorable Peter Rodino, Jr. of New Jersey are contributors who add prestige to this edition. Sophia Zufa finds Slovakia a picturesque country inhabited by a warm, hospitable people, and her father's hometown of Nizna nad Oravou full of memories as recalled by her aunt during her visit. Paul Fenchak's article on Slavic Studies in Maryland's public schools is typical of their place in the public schools around the country - shamefully neglected. Karol Sidor, Slovak newspaperman, diplomat, and statesman, is remembered as a distinguished author, thanks to Imrich Stolarik's contribution. Astronaut Eugene Ceman rates a photograph taken at Youngstown, Ohio's American Slovak Bicentennial celebration last year. A number of other articles of interest in this issue of FURDEK include ones by Fathers Edward Hancko, S.J., Francis Kuba, C.P., Joseph Adamec, Andrew Pier, O.S.B., as well as by Archbishop Joseph Bernardin, D.D., Monsignor J. Jaworski, S.T.D., and by Vincent Drobniak, John Herling, and Edward Svercek. Seventy-five concise articles of a diversified nature cover a wide spectrum of historical, political, cultural, religious, and social subjects. Several poems are added to enhance a rich assortment of carefully selected writings. Nevertheless, the Slovak sources of interesting subjects remain far from being exhausted. There remains a great deal more to be told about Slovakia and her people at home and scattered throughout the world. - ANDREW V. PIER, O.S.B . ••• An Anthology of Slovak Literature, by Andrew Cincura, Ph.D., University of California. Not the last but the latest and most complete and comprehensive study of Slovak prose and poetry in the English language is Dr. Cincura' s scholarly work produced after several years of research by the Slovak Professor whom the Rockefeller Foundation sponsored in compiling a truly pioneer project that merits the highest praise on the basis of its contents and superb presentation. A quarter of a century ago, Ivan Kramoris, M.A., of the Marquette University Preparatory School in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, published the first anthology of Slovak literature in English, but since then many new writers have appeared in Slovakia and in exile. This literary development necessitated an up-to-date edition to review the writings of new Slovak authors and poets. Michael Novak, Ph.D., the prolific author of a number of works on the ethnics, introduces the book as "done with taste, intelligence, �120 SLOVAKIA judgment and perception ... " Moreover, Karol Strmen, Ph.D., an eminent Slovak poet, provides the setting for a proper appreciation of a representative series of selections from the surprisingly extensive output of Slovak literary works since the beginning of the nineteenth century. His historical review of Slovak literature is enlightening and informative . While most of Slovak poets and prose writers in Dr. Cincura's selective list rate a high place in their field, some of them compare favorably with leading writers in world literature. By their imagination , workmanship, originality, realism, and idealism, the works of the Slovak nation's literary men and women prove their genuine value as enduring products that have a universal appeal. Certainly Dr. Cincura cannot be accused of male chauvinism, for he chose ten women writers of some thirty authors of prose, although only two women poets are included in approximately forty Slovak poets in his selection. And a woman dramatist is on his list of four Slovak playwrights. Doubtless, there are many more selections of prose and poetry that manifest the natural genius of the Slovak people in expressing their ideas and feelings, but the author was limited by inadequate space. Perhaps in the near future a second volume may be added to supplement this excellent book that will acquaint the English-speaking world with some of the best creative writers of Slovakia. Obviously the very nature of this work presents but a fragmentary part of the entire literary field of Slovak literature, but the reader is given a wide assortment of creative works by writers and poets who are intimately related to their historic land and its people. - ANDREW V. PIER, O.S.B . ••• J.M. Kirschbaum, Slovak Language and Literature, Series: Readings in Slavic Literatures, University of Manitoba, Winnipeg, 1975, pp . XIV, 366, Index, ill., bibl. Slovak Language and Literature, the ~test publication by Dr. Joseph M. Kirschbaum, the distinguished author of historical, political and literary works relating to the Slovak nation, contains a vast wealth of facts, opinions, reflections and references to standard works of prominent Slavists in several languages. The Series Editor, Professor J.B. Rudnyckyj, in his preface acknowledges: "Slovakia, a central part of the Great Moravian Empire of the ninth century, was the cradle of Slavic letters and civilization, for there were the beginnings of the rich and highly cultivated Cyrillo-Methodian literature which spread in the tenth century to other Slavic countries, especially to the southern and eastern Slavs." �SLOVAKIA 121 The author deems a background to the development of Slovak literature ve ry helpful to the understanding of the evolution of the Slovak language itself. His book is the most comprehensive study of the Slovak language and literature in the English language. Moreover, the author, who has spent years in research and has lectured on the subject during the past two decades, alludes to historical and philosophical aspects that affected the growth of the language and literature of the Slovak people from earliest times to the present day. The impact of the Slovak literary language on the national life of historic Slovakia aided considerably in the emergence of a strong national consciousness in the 19th and 20th centuries. , '' Slovakia,'' Professor Rudnyckyj notes , ''played an important role in the Pan-Slav movement. Not only was the word Panslavism coined by a Slovak, but Slovakia also gave the Pan-Slav idea, which stirred the national consciousness of several Slavic peoples, the most prominent representatives: Jan Kollar, Pavol J. Safarik, and :Cudovit Stur. ' ' Dr. Kirschbaum points out that "Slovak literature achieved a level comparable to other Slavic literatures in the first half of the twentieth century.'' It was during this period that Slovak writers came under the influence of Slavic authors but also drew their inspiration from English, French , and Scandinavian writers . Their works reflected a wide variety of literary trends : Romanticism, Pan-Slavism, Symbolism, Modernism, and Surrealism. Despite World War II, Slovak writers (even proletarian poets) were given a free hand to publish their works in the era of the Slovak Republic (1939-1945). This freedom was sharply curtailed soon after World War II by the communist takeover in Slovakia. As a result, the boycott inaugurated officially by the regime has been in force against all Slovak writers in the free world for more than a quarter of a century. Inside Slovakia, after the ' ' liberation'' of the country by armies of the Soviet Union and the communist coup of 1948, only "proletarian" writers, surrealic;ts, and leftist poets and authors, journalists and newspapermen have been permitted to publish their writings. All others, even leading novelists like Hronsky (and to some extent Gaspar and Urban) have been excluded, as have such prominent poets as Beniak, while others (Andrej Zarnov, R. Dilong, M. Sprinc, K . Strmen) were forced to go into exile, and the poetry and prose of the latter are not acceptable in the country of their birth. Outside Slovakia, in the past three decades Slovak writers in exile from their communist-controlled homeland have published prolific works in literature and history that have offset an outpouring of communist-oriented publications of poetry and prose within the narrow limits of the ruling regime. These creative writers living in the free world have been "excommunicated" from the socialist state imposed upon their countrymen - and their works are "verboten. " Completely unlike the literary picture painted by captive artists of �122 SLOVAKIA the communist regime in present-day Slovakia, the portrait of Slovak literature both in and out of the country, produced by Dr. Kirschbaum in the free world, is a realistic work depicting the landscape and people of Slovakia in their true colors. It is also an objective delineation of the men and women of letters working under close surveillance in their homeland held captive by foreign invaders and oppressors . Although the impact of Professor Kirschbaum 's book in the field in western literature will be strongly felt, it is a foregone conclusion that it will be totally ignored or attacked in Slovakia. Meanwhile , readers, Slovak and non-Slovak alike, who are interested in true literature, will welcome this highly creditable and scholarly volume that is richly supported by an extensive bibliography. We cannot but agree with Professor Constantine Bida of the University of Ottawa, who reviewed the manuscript, that the book is ''a valuable compendium, necessary for Slovaks abroad and useful for the Anglophone peoples since it supplies a great deal of valuable information on Slovak philology and literature, by using the biobibliographical method''. - ANDREW V. PIER, O.S.B. □□□ Francesco Petrarca, Vavrin (a Slovak selection from Il Canzoniere), translated by Karol Strmen. Rome: Slovak Institute of St. Cyril and Methodius, 1974, 216 pp . The time-honored tradition of observing the anniversary of a deceased foreign author by honoring him with a volume of translations from his work found new expression in a recent Slovak selection from Francesco Petrarca' s ll Canzoniere. Translated from the Italian original by Professor Karol Strmen, who is a poet in .his own right, and titled Vavrin (The Laurel Crown), the most rece:dt Slovak rendition of Il Canzoniere commemorates the 600th anniversary of Petrarca's death. The work presents almost one-third of Petrarca's own collection as well as a scholarly resume of the life, works, and aesthetics of the Italian poet. There are likewise explanatory notes and a bibliography of Petrarca' s works and scholarly criticisms. The purpose of the work as indicated explicitly in its introduction is two-fold: (1) to present "all really important poems (from the original) in the suggested order and framework" of Petrarca's own collection; and (2) to give to Slovak readers background information necessary for a better understanding of the great Italian poet and scholar. Professor Strmen has also tried to show implicitly that able translators can render even the most profound concepts and intricate patterns of foreign masterpieces in the Slovak language without damaging distortion, and that modern Slovak scholarship, if unburdened by historical, political, �SLOVAKIA 123 and other non-literary forces, can fulfill the most challenging tasks of standard literary investigation. For at least a partial response to anticipated questions about norms for Strmen's selection, I shall at least curiously examine some fortunes of Petrarca' s poetry in Slovakia and then concentrate on the more germane relationship of Vavrin to the only other extensive Slovak selection from Il Canzoniere, the work Francesco Petrarca, Sonety pre Lauru, translated by the Slovak poet, Vojtech Mihalik, in 1968. Besides Mihalik' s extensive translation, there are also shorter selections translated by Zvonicky and Durica. Together with Strmen's new renditions from Il Can'zoniere these all testify to the great interest that Slovak men of letters and patrons of literature take in Petrarca's works. The Petrarca ''vogue,'' nevertheless, had already taken hold among Slovak poets and scholars as early as the beginning of the 19th century when Pavel Jozef Safarik, Jan Kollar, and Jan Holly employed Il Canzoniere either as a formal model for their poems or as a starting point in their arguments about the role of the Slavs in Europe. The followers of Safarik, Kollar, and Holly, including both post-Romantic and modern Slovak poets, experimented with Petrarchian forms primarily as to their conceptual and linguistic appropriateness in the spectrum of Slovak poetry. The renowned Slovak poet Pavol Orszagh-Hviezdoslav, and his contemporary Svetozar Hurban-Vajansky, used the Petrarchian sonnets mostly as prototypes for their own reflective-intellectual poems. Janko Jesensky, on the contrary, returned in his Poems (1905) to love themes inherent to the Petrarchian sonnets. Ivan Krasko followed Petrarca in the use of the so-called '' squared oxymoron'' in his collections, Nox et solitudo (1909) and Poems (1912) (cf. Slovenske pohl'ady 85 (1969; cited hereafter as SP) , No. XI, 129) . The gallery of Petrarca's followers in Slovak literature was further complemented by Valentin Beniak (Sophia, 1941) and Jan Kostra (Ave Eva, 1943). Mihalik's selection from Il Canzoniere , both as a pioneering undertaking and as a work briefly preceding Strmen's Vavrin, constitutes a valuable contribution to Slovak literature and general aesthetics. Like Strmen in the work under review, Mihalik according to one reviewer, presents parts of Il Canzoniere as faithfully as possible. His translated version of the original "sings" in Slovak as it does in the original Italian (SP, No. XI, 124). It may be noted that Mihalik and Strmen, who are both poets-translators, chose slightly different formal and conceptual paths to attain their goals. Mihalik, living in Slovakia and somewhat burdened by his limited knowledge of the Italian language, was forced to seek the assistance of a translator and depend on the present politically-motivated scholarship of the Society sphere. Strmen, residing abroad and fluent in a dozen of foreign languages, had the capacity and the circumstances to approach the task and to accomplish it singlehandedly. In each case, the net result is characterized by some �124 SLOVAKIA similarities in an overall consideration and by specific differences in matters of detail. Let us now briefly examine some prominent features of both translations. To begin with, Mihalik used the thirteen foot iambic feminine verse alternated by the masculine hexameter exclusively. Examples: Vy po-slu-cha-ci bas-ni, v kto-rych iial'-i chve-nie ai do-sial' mu-ci mo-je srd-ce u-sta-te ... (Sonnet I, vv. 1-2) Do-bro-re-ce-ne mie-sto, mo-jej Las-ky sud-ca, den, me-siac, rok a chvi-l'a, pa-miit-ny ten kut kra-ji-ny, kde ma vrh-li do ca-rov-nych put due o-ci pre-kras-ne, ie v6-bec ne-viem hnut' sa. (Sonnet LXI, vv. 1-4) An analysis of Mihalik' s translation and expository writing shows that his strict adherence to a specific form might have been prompted by several formal and quasi-polemical considerations. As the poet of a somewhat conservative bent, he tried to counteract "the wave of amorphism governing the preponderant part of (modem Slovak) poetry" (SP , No. XI , 132). As a scholar, he seems to defend some modern concepts exalting the creative role of a translator over the older claims of Kollar and Holly, who hold that no translation can surpass the artistry of the original Slovak creations. Viliam Turcany, a modem Slovak scholar , commented that Mihalik' s translations "read as if they were his own original works" (SP, No. XII, 122). In the specific reference to the form used in Mihalik's rendition of fl Canzoniere, Turcany stressed the fact that the thirteen-foot iambic line alternated with the hexameter is the metric form best sv.ited for expressing ''the similar quantitative-conceptual density of the Italian and Slovak prosody line" (SP, No. XII, 127). Strmen disregarded both the explicit and the implied claims of Mihalik and Turcany, and translated his selected parts of fl Canzoniere in accordance with his own aesthetic and semantic tenets. Cutting down the length of Petrarca's sonnet line to eleven and ten syllables respectively, he indirectly confirmed the fact that translations from Italian poetry - like translations of prose - require about 15 percent less space in Slovak. Examples: Vy, co tu v zlom-koch ver-sov za-chy-ti-te sum vzdy-chov, kto-re l'u-bost' ii-vi-li . . . (Sonnet I, vv. 1-2) �125 SLOVAKIA Bla-ho-sla-ve-ny me-siac, deii i rok i pek-ny kraj i vcas-na jar i chvi-l'a i mie-sto, kde mi Las-ka za-lo-ii-la na mih jej o-ka kru-hy ie-lie-zok .. (Sonnet LXI , vv. 1-4) On the other hand, preserving the prevailing "dynamic" subjectverb structure of Petrarca,' s sentence in his rendition of the Italian work, Strrnen established a close relationship between poet and theme . In the remarks which introduce his translation of Il Canzoniere, Strrnen underlined the importance of the original work for the quality of its translation and for general scholarly consideration. According to him every new great poet represents, so to speak, the last word , the exhaustion of literary potentials. And since, we all are willy-nilly prisoners of our era, we are all tempted to make him the criterion of the past. But the history of poetry deals with something else: the great poet stands out as an independent island (and) we approach him with the guidebooks of our aesthetic prejudices . . . A translation should be primarily a mirror (of the original, and) not ... a colonization or an extension of the translator's personality. In summing up the basic tenets of this review, it is necessary to ask how both poet-translators enriched Slovak literature by translating parts of Petrarca's masterpiece into Slovak and how each of them contributed to the advancement of general scholarly knowledge. Considering the first part of the question , I wish to point out that these translations complement each other. Each poet selected different portions from the original and consequently offered a wider selection from the Italian work to his Slovak readers. A limited number of the poems translated by both poets makes it possible, on the other hand, to study these poems in juxtaposition with each other and facilitates their close comparison. As to the second part of the question, I thank that both Slovak selections from Il Canzoniere provide new thoughts for a theoretical approach to aesthetics in general and Slovak Petrarchian studies in particular . Two basic points of this review, namely verse structure and the " kinetics" of language, are common denominators in the comparative study of specific segments of the respective works and , at the same time , of the · specifics of the individual parts within the artistic whole. Conversely , any segment of Il Canzoniere - if juxtaposed with its counterparts in Slovak translations - will give at least a hint about the character and merits of the respective work. In practical terms, the lines cited in Slovak from Mihalik's and Strmen's translations (as well as any other lines from their selections) �126 SLOVAKIA will give the reader at least a broad idea about the formal aspects of either translation. Italian Slavists will, even by a dissection of these brief segments, gain insight into "hidden" linguistic and artistic concepts governing Strmen's and Mihalik's translations. Economy, idea, and sound quality were the most importat denominators shaping Petrarca's masterpiece. Without expressing any subjective valuejudgment about the Slovak selections from Il Canzoniere, I can state that Mihalik and Strmen fulfilled scholarly expectations in coping with these three fundamental principles of Petrarca's work. ANDREW CINCURA □□□ Joseph M. Kirschbaum, Slovak Language and Literature: Essays. Winnipeg and Cleveland: University of Manitoba, Department of Slavic Studies, 1975. (Readings in Slavic Literature, 12). 336 pages. This is a collection of twelve essays on various aspects of Slovak language and literature which Prof. Kirschbaum has read at conferences and-or published in journals over the past twenty years. He has divided them into three parts, the first (2 essays) discussing questions of language, the second (7 essays) presenting selected topics in Slovak literature through the latter part of the nineteenth century, and the third (3 essays) surveying post-World War II trends. There is a fourth part which purports to be a '' French summary'', but in reality is a slightly rearranged translation of the first and third English chapters. Prof. Kirschbaum's purpose is "to acquaint students and scholars . . . with the development of the Slovak vernacular into a literary medium and with the literature created by the Slovaks in their own language as well as other languages used in Slovakia ... '' The goal is admirable, but he has missed a splendid opportunity to create a solid synthetic survey. There are several reasons to regret his choice of method. As is unfortunately true with much material published by Slovaks in the West, one is left in doubt as to precisely what audience he is trying to reach. Part of the time, Prof. Kirschbaum devotes essays to polemics, particularly with those who sub,s cribe to the concept of Czechoslovakism. He uses expressions such 'as ''misconceptions'' and ''errors' ', charging that these ''wrongs' ' are based on flimsy evidence. But in turn, Kirschbaum himself offers minimal ''proof'' for some of his assertions. Nevertheless, it is disappointing to see polemical essays alongside more serious academic treatments (particularly those chapters on Jan Kollar, Pavol Safarik, and :Cudovit Stur). Further, Western scholars in recent years have taken note of changing perceptions of the development of Slovak national consciousness. (See, for example, Joseph Zacek's remarks in his study of "Nationalism in �SLOVAKIA 127 Czechoslovakia" in Peter F. Sugar and Ivo J. Lederer, eds., Nationalism in Eastern Europe - 1969.) The second problem is that Prof. Kirschbaum has several times repeated his use of the same evidence. He indicates in his introduction that he has done some editing to avoid repetitions, but what are we to make of his double use of a statement by the Polish philologist Tadeusz Lehr-Splawinski (pp. 20 and 68), or of "western" discussions of the origin of Slovak as a literazy language (pp . 18-19 and 52-53)? This is also a problem in books in · which the essays of multiple authors are collected, but one wishes Prof. Kirschbaum had been more diligent in overcoming it. Why, though , when such a golden opportunity presented itself, didn't Prof. Kirschbaum give us a synthetic survey of Slovak literature? There would have been no fear of his repeating himself, and the scholars and students, for whom he says he is writing, would have had an overall view of the evolving Slovak language and literature. Kirschbaum himself remarks on the particular importance of Slovak literature between the wars, but he allows as that would require too much space to discuss, and so he skips the subject. Similarly, his discussion of post1945 literary development is a bare outline of the 1945-1956 period, with only a couple of paragraphs given over to the extremely important dozen years after that, a period so necessary for an understanding of the events of 1968 and after. Kirschbaum alludes to a few important matters after 1956, such as the rapidly growing research on Slovak language and literature in the early 1960s (pp. 35-36). He suggests that this development resulted from the Communist Party's perception of language and literature as being a neutral field. The reader is left wondering why it was, then, that manifestations of Slovak nationalism developed precisely in those areas. The plea of complexity is inadequate. The inclusion of the two chapters of Slovak emigre literature is puzzling, since Kirschbaum tells us twice that only about 50 writers are involved. He does cite their availablity to the reader in the West, but in fact, after the passage of three decades, they now belong more among Slovak ethnic writers in the United States and Canada (or wherever else they live) than to continuing Slovak literary trends in Czecho-Slovakia. Sad as it might be, these authors are writing for a decreasing number of readers. The interesting aspect of these chapters is the report of the publication in post-February Czecho-Slovakia of works · by :Cudo Besenovsky and Milos Mlynarovic. Prof. Kirschbaum should be cautioned in his use of Robert Kann's praise of Slovak cultural development in the whole of the nineteenth century (pp. 147-8). It is clear from Kann's context that he includes Kollar, Safarik, Stefanik, and Masaryk in his kudos, a quartet who are usually ascribed major roles in the Czecho-Slovak movement, a concept Prof. Kirschbaum would certainly take strong offense to. �128 SLOVAKIA The number of printing errors is atrocious . Thus, R. W. SetonWatson becomes Seton-Weston (p. 9), Nicholas Spulber is Spuller (p. 9), Jan Tibensky comes out T. Tibeasky (p . 119) , the Spolok sv. Vojtecha is said to have been founded in 1780, rather than 1870 (p. 206), Timrava and Podjavorinska become Timarava and Podajavorisnka (also p. 206), Cyrillic is spelled in at least 5 or 6 different ways, ad infinitum. The French resume fares no better. I counted at least a half dozen errors in the first paragraph on page 286. An inserted errata catches a small number of errors, but tells us, "The word 'Slovensky' in Chapter III should have an accent on the letter e (! ) unavailable to the printers.' ' A couple of other minor carps: (1) the use of Loe. cit., op. cit., etc., is functional for article-length material, but not very feasible in a monograph. A reference to Robert Auty, loc. cit., on page 117 requires the reader to go all the way back to page 21. A reference to Noge, op. cit. on page 203 lacks any earlier reference whatsoever. It belongs to Julius Noge, An Outline of Slovakian Literature (Bratislava, 1968) which certainly also belongs in the bibliography. (2) In Chapter XII we suddenly have titles of Slovak works given only in English, making them harder to locate. In sum, a book whose title held so much promise turns out to be a disappointment. I share Prof. J. B. Rudnyckyj's prefaced complaint that there is far too little scholarly material available in English about Slovak literature, and I would add, about Slovak history, and Slovakia in general. Unfortunately, this compendium has not improved the situation. - OWENV. JOHNSON \ �Our Contributors Edward J. Behuncik, J.D., attorney; America, Stratford, Connecticut president, Slovak League of John Bodnar, Ph.D., historian, Harrisburg, Pennsylvania Andrew Cincura, Ph.D., author; professor, Riverside, California Owen V. Johnson, Ph.D., historian, University of Michigan Joseph M. Kirschbaum, LLD., Ph.D., historian; author, Toronto, Ontario, Canada Margaret Matus, student, University of Pittsburgh, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania Michael Novak, Ph.D., author; lecturer; professor, Bayville, New York Andrew V. Pier, O.S.B., M.A., historian; author, Cleveland, Ohio M. Mark Stolarik, Ph.D., historian; professor, Cleveland, Ohio Anthony X. Sutherland, Ph.D., historian, Stony Point, New York Daniel F. Tanzone, 8.A., author; fraternalist, Yonkers, New York Francis Vnuk, M.A., author; historian, Broadview, Australia �OFFICERS OF THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA Honorary President: Stephen J. Tkach, K.H.S. JOHN A. HOLY Secretary 870 Rifle Camp Road West Paterson, N.J. 07424 EDWARD J. BEHUNCIK President 178 Elliott Street Stratford, Conn. 06497 Vice Presidents: Milan V. Blazek Frances L. Mizenko Daniel F. Tanzone Executive Committee: Edward J . Behuncik, John A. Holy, Louise Yash, Irma A. Vrbancic, John A. Sabol, George J. Kostelnik, Stephen J. Kavulich, Andrew Hudak, Jr., Dr. Joseph Mikula Anna E. Hletko Auditors: Dr. Stanislav Duris George N. Kantor SLOVAK FRATERNAL ORGANIZATIONS (Affiliated with the Slovak League of America) THE FIRST CATHOLIC SLOVAK UNION Cleveland, Ohio - Membership 104,000 THE FIRST CATHOLIC SLOVAK LADIES ASSOCIATION Beachwood, Ohio - Membership 100,000 THE SLOVAK CATHOLIC SOKOL Passaic, N.J. - Membership 53,000 THE LADIES PENNSYLVANIA SLOVAK CATHOLIC UNION Wilkes-Barre, Pa. - Membership 16,500 PENNSYLVANIA SLOVAK CATHOLIC UNION Wilkes-Barre, Pa. - Membership 15,000 SLOVAK NEWSPAPERMEN'S ASSOCIATION OF AMERICA John C. Sciranka, President SLOVAK AMERICAN NEWSPAPERS (Affiliated with the Slovak League of America) JEDNOTA (circulation 40,000) SLOVAK v AMERIKE (circulation 3,000) ZENS KA JEDNOTA (circulation 35,000) ZORNICKA (circulation 5,000) KATOLICKY SOKOL (circulation 20,000) BRATSTVO (circulation 7,000) PR IA TEL DIETOK (circulation 9,000) SLOVAKIA $4.00 per annum in the U.S.A. - $5.00 elsewhere Printed by JEDNOTA PRINTERY Middletown, Pennsylvania U.S.A. � SLOVAKIA 111 Henry Delfiner, Vienna Broadcasts to Slovakia. East European Quarterly, Boulder, Colorado, 1974. 142 pp . (Distributed by Columbia University Press, New York and London). Delfiner's study is a valuable source of information both on the German policy towards Eastern Europe on the threshhold of the Second World War and on the disruption of Czecho-Slovakia. Vienna broadcasts became influential after Berlin interpreted the Munich Agreement as giving Germany a "free hand" in Central Eastern Europe . The dissatisfied and frightened peoples and minorities, uncertain about their future, were more than inclined to consider the broadcasts as an interpreter of Berlin's foreign policy. Slovakia was one of the countries whose future was most uncertain. Hungarians , Poles and Germans claimed parts of Slovak territory and, even though the relations between the Czechs and the Slovaks improved after Slovakia was granted autonomy, Prague was unable either to defend Slovakia against her neighbors or assure her future. In fact, the government of Prague advised the Slovak autonomous government to turn to Berlin for protection against Hungarian claims. As a result, in the case of Slovakia, the broadcasts undoubtedly influenced the relations between the Czechs and the Slovaks, as well as the attitude of the Slovak population towards the Jews. The influence was, however, not as decisive as the author asserts . Mutnansky, as announcer and author of the major part of the broadcasts, was not the best person to perform the task. Unknown, without the necessary good contacts with Slovak politicians, and having a doubtful political record, he was not taken seriously in political circles. The anti-clericalism of his broadcasts and their violent anti-semitism also diminished their impact. As Delfiner rightly states, ''One of the first issues on which Slovakian Catholicism (Slovakia's population was 82 percent Catholic) and Nazi ideology clashed concerned treatment of the Jews." (p. 24) In addition, the broadcasts promoted K . Sidor at a time when Dr. Tiso was the head of the Populist Party and, from October 6, 1938, also the head of the Slovak government. The broadcasts also promoted Dr. Tuka who had no political office after he returned from Czech jails and neither Sidor nor Tiso were eager to adopt Tuka' s political views and plans. In fact Tiso protested on certain occasions against the broadcasts. It was in the March crisis of 1939, when Prague deposed the Slovak government, arrested hundreds of Slovak political and civic leaders, and militarily occupied public buildings, that the Vienna broadcasts and the Viennese politicians (Seyss-Inquart, Burckel) played the im- �112 SLOVAKIA portant role ascribed to them by the author in the final decision of the Slovaks to part with the Czechs. Since the story of the disruption of Czecho-Slovakia was presented in the West with a certain bias, the collection of these broadcasts will be useful for historians. The text of the broadcasts published in Mutnansky's books as well as his interpretation of them are not, however, necessarily accurate. He was not rewarded in Slovakia and advocated German policies even after the broadcasts were terminated. The work is enhanced by a useful bibliography and chronology. Some minor errors slipped into the glossary and chronology: Dr. Tuka made his first speech for independence on December 6, 1938 and not on December 9; Dr. Durcansky did not ask for "Hitler's intervention" on March 10. He merely hinted in his broadcast from Vienna that Slovaks '' aim to achieve national freedom with the help of our friends, the great German nation", (p. 117); Karol Sidor died in Montreal on October 20, 1953 and not 1954. - PROF. J.M. KIRSCHBAUM ••• Bohemia - Jahrbuch des Collegium Carolinum, Band 15, R. Oldenburg Verlag, (Munich, 1974). Edited by Dr. Gerhard Hanke, pp. 532. Even though the symposium Bohemia deals predominantly with the history, the culture and Czech-German relations in the present Czech part of Czecho-Slovakia, known throughout the centuries as Bohemia, many issues of this carefully edited annual publication have also paid attention to Slovakia and the Slovaks. The present volume contains three contributions dealing with Slovakia: Helmut Slapnicka writes about German lectures at the Law Academy in Bratislava in the middle of the 19th century; Ladislav Lipscher contributes an excellent essay on the constitution and regional political administration in Czecho-Slovakia during the 1920s; and Stanislav Kirschbaum deals with the contin_uity and political changes in Czecho-Slovakia in 1968. While Slapnicka i~ of German background, the two other contributors were born in Slovakia. Ladislav Lipscher is a noted historian of the political and legal organization of pre-war Czecho-Slovakia. Before escaping to the West in 1968 he published books and studies in this field in Slovakia and in spite of the difficulty of access to sources, Lipscher continues to do so from his Swiss exile . This is his third contribution published abroad, and it deserves our special attention because legal and administrative questions were by-passed by Slovak writers in the West. The institution of regional administration had political implications, being conceived as a substitute for political autonomy, promised to the Slovaks during the First World War. Based on solid knowledge and thorough research �SLOVAKIA 113 of the subject, Lipscher's study analyses political and administrative problems and presents an objective outline of the regional administration and the party politics behind it. Stanislav Kirschbaum, a specialist on Eastern Europe who teaches Political Science at York University in Toronto, deals with the political changes in Dubcek's era. There are numerous books and articles on this period in several W estem languages. Unfortunately , they are concerned predominantly with the Czech part of the country . Those that deal with Slovakia do so from a Czech perspective or treat the Slovaks as quantite negli[leable even though their role was of primary importance in the events between 1963 and 1968. Kirschbaum's contribution is a well documented scholarly analysis of the political situation in Czecho-Slovakia in the 1960s. It is a presentation of the changes which brought about the liberalization of the regime and the federalization of the State in that fateful year of 1968. Collegium Carolinum deserves our recognition for regularly including studies on Slovak topics in the annual Bohemia. - PROF. J.M. KIRSCHBAUM ••• Ludwig v. Gogolak, Beitraege zur Geschichte des slowakischen Volkes, II. Die slowakische nationale Frage in der Reformepoche Ungams 1790-1848, (Contributions to the History of the Slovak People - The Slovak National Question in the Reform Period of Hungary, 1790-1848). Verlag R. Oldenburg, (Muenchen, 1969), pp. 280. The second volume(+) of Gogolak's work on Slovakia's selfassertion in Hungary is a detailed and well-documented insight into the crucial years of Slovak history when the Slovaks had to fight not only the Magyar nationalism, but also the ''Czechoslovak'' tendencies of the Slovak Lutheran leaders. Though of Slovak origin and related to Bernolak' s family, Gogolak belonged to the Hungarian aristocracy and his interpretation of Slovak national movement is consequently quite different from the Czech or Slovak nationalist interpretations. The present volume deals predominantly with the second half of the 19th and the first decade of the 20th Centuries. Special attention was paid by the author to the Pan-Slav movement and its representatives in Slovakia and to the movement of tudovit Stur which clashed with both the Magyar assimilation policy and "Czechoslovak" orientation of some Lutheran leaders, especially Kollar and Safarik. Particular attention is paid also to Jan Holly and his influence on the Slovak national movement in the 19th Century. According to Gogolak, Holly deserves credit for giving Slovaks the consciousness of their history (Geschichtsbewusstsein) and faith in their future. In this respect Gogolak is in agreement not only with the older school of Slovak �114 SLOVAKIA historians but also with the present " Marxist" historians and clashes only with the views of the "Czechoslovak" historiography. Gogolak is not denying the oppressive policy of Budapest, but explains it in the context of European nationalism and liberalism and points out the weakness of the Slovak movement whose leaders were divided by religion into two camps, one of which looked for a solution outside Hungary, in a merger with the Czechs . There are many aspects of the Slovak national question in Gogolak's work which were by-passed in Slovak history books or interpreted with bias by Czech historians. Unfortunately, we are unable, outside Slovakia, to pass judgment on their correctness. Gogolak refers to a great number of sources in Slovak, Czech, Hungarian and German which are not accessible to us . Supported by references to reliable sources, Gogolak's conclusions and interpretations seem to be convincing, and as a result we face a new interpretation of the Slovak national movement and of the role the Catholics and the Protestans played in modem Slovak history . In some respects Gogolak is in complete disagreement with the Czech interpretation, especially with the unfounded assertion that Catholics took a minor part in national revival. In his view, "only the activity of several Catholic priests and scholars who were conscious of their goal and mission allowed the Slovak national character not to lose its own characteristics and identity in the clash with the menacing political Magyarization and the spiritual Czechoslovak in the age of modem nationalism and preponderance of the bourgeoisie .... Had the Protestant intelligentsia, which in fact lived mostly on their historical heritage and foreign German-Czech connections, remained in its leading role, the result would probably have been the complete disappearance of the Slovak people." (Vol. I. p. 229 and 238). Considering the fact that Gogolak's work was published by a wellknown publisher and, except for T. J. Locher's book Die Nazionale Differenzierung der Slowaken und Tschechen in ihren geschichtlichen Verlauf bis 1848 (Harlem, 1931), it is the only.work in German by nonSlovak writer, we should not underestimate' its importance. Slovak historians should thoroughly analyze this new interpretation of modem Slovak history. - PROF. J.M. KIRSCHBAUM (+)For my review of Volume I see Slovakia, No. 35, 1964, pp. 156-158. ■■■ Roger Portal , The Slavs. Weidenfeld & Nicolson (London, 1969), pp. 508, Bihl., index, illustrations. Portal's voluminous book is a survey of the cultural and historical development of the Slavic peoples, including the Slovaks. It was �SLOVAKIA 115 written, and originally published, in French (Librairie Armand Colin, 1965), probably as a manual for students at French universities at which Portal has been a professor. The work is illustrated by maps and pictures and presents the Slavs in a much more objective light than some American books have done in the past. French scholars were interested in the Slavs for more than a century, but rarely have any French Slavists presented a global picture similar to Portars book. Slovaks and Slovakia are treated by Portal in proportion to their place and significance among the Slavs without the usual bias encountered in the West. His interpretation of certain periods of Slovak history was apparently influenced by Czech sources, which is, to a degree, understandable. While historiography in Slovakia developed considerably during the past three decades, there are still very few books in foreign languages which could be used by Slavists outside Slovakia. Moreover, even the summaries in scholarly works are always in Russian or German, and only occasionally in French and English. As a result one can hardly reproach Portal or other foreign Slavists if their chapters or paragraphs on Slovaks are sketchy, superficial or if they omit certain periods considered as important for Slovaks but less important in the context of the general history of the Slavs . It is evident that we cannot expect an objective and complete history of Slovakia and Slovaks until there are good history books on Slovakia translated into or written in foreign languages and until there are foreign students at Slovak universities specializing in Slovak history, culture, literature, and language. The absence of statehood, resulting in limited or non-existent cultural exchanges with other countries , necessarily reflects on the knowledge of Slovakia abroad. Many books on Czech history and culture were written by former foreign students at Prague 's university or by Slavists invited to Prague and studying there on scholarships. The same goes for Poland and other Slavic countries. Except for the six years of the Slovak Republic, there was never a government ruling in Slovakia which would have been interested in making Slovakia known in the World. Looking at Portal's book from this angle, we have to welcome it as a great step ahead. Slovak intellectuals in Western Europe should carefully analyze the book and supply Professor Portal with correct information on periods or events which were omitted or misinterpreted. That is the only way to obtain a change in presenting Slovakia abroad until the Slovaks have their own government and normal cultural relations with the world. In Portal's book Slovakia is at least not a footnote to Czech history as happens so often in other books. - PROF. J.M. KIRSCHBAUM ••• �116 SLOVAKIA R. Krajcovic, Slovencina a slovanske jazyky (The Slovak and the Slavic Languages), Slovenske pedagogicke nakladatelstvo (Bratislava, 1974), pp. 324, illustrations, Russian and German summary. Slovak philology has experienced a remarkable development during the past fifty years for reasons which can properly be understood only in the context of political developments in Slovakia.(+) The attempts to make the Slovak language a dialect of the Czech or nonexistent "Czechoslovak" language gave a strong impetus to Slovak philologists to prove that there was no scientific basis for such theories. The subsequent attempts at Russification of the Slovak language worked in the same direction: they intensified the desire of Slovak philologists to elaborate their own theories about the independent place of the Slovak language among Slavic languages. As a result, Slovak philology developed favorably in all areas of philological research: dialectology, lexicology, comparative philology, morphology, phonology, etc. and the Slovak language was finally established as a distinct Slavic tongue. The book by Krajcovic expertly deals with the place of the Slovak language among Slavic languages and asserts its originality from the time when the Slavic macro-dialects split into dialects with the distinct characteristics of the present Slavic languages. He analyzes the theories which aimed at proving that the Slovak language did not have a homogeneous proto-slavic basis as well as the theories which substantiated the thesis that the Slovak language was formed on the homogeneous West Slavic basis, and corroborates the distinct character of the Slovak language. The book is destined by its terminology for scholars and philologists, but its conclusions are understandable by everybody. In many ways, the book is a good example of the high academic level of the new generation of Slovak philologists. The German summary makes the book accessible also to Wes tern scholars. - PROF. J.M. KIRSCHBAUM ( +) See Chapter II in Kirschbaum, Slovak Language and Literature, University of Manitoba (Winnipeg, 1975), I\- 25-38 . ••• Dr. J. Mesaros (ed.), Slovaci a ich narodny vyvin (The Slovaks and Their National Development). Proceedings of the V Congress of Slovak Historians. Published by Vydavatel'stvo-Slovenskej akademie vied, (Bratislava, 1969); pp. 305. This symposium is composed of 12 papers delivered at the Conference of Slovak Historians and deserves mention not only for the academic value of individual contributions, but also in connection with �SLOVAKIA 117 Gogolak's work mentioned above. While Gogolak's two volumes present an interpretation by a non-Slovak historian, this volume, edited by Dr. Mesaros, gives us an interpretation of Slovak history by the generation of Slovak historians who adopted nolens-volens, a Marxist approach to history. It is regrettable that the symposium is not available in W estem languages for it demolishes the "Czechoslovak" interpretation of Slovakia 's past and present, and substantiates the thesis that Slovaks developed independently of Czechs or other Slavs into a distinct nation culturally, linguistically and politically from the Middle Ages. The contributions by P. Ratkos , J. Tibensky, J. Butvin , K. Rebro and Mesaros are especially explicit in this regard. The contribution by Z. Holotikova is of interest for understanding the attitude of the Communists towards Slovak !llational aspirations. Like the "bourgeois" adherents of "Czechoslov'a kism" who retarded Slovak development towards full national independence, the Communists were also liable for the confusion and for Prague's rule in Slovakia, both of which were detrimental to Slovak development towards a distinct national identity and self-rule. The admission by Marxist historians that religious divisions and Communist adherence to "Czechoslovakism" were harmful to Slovak national development is expressed with caution, but it is present throughout the book and sets the record straight. The majority of Slovaks never doubted their distinct national identity and fought for equal rights with other nations. The minority - political and religious - nevertheless succeeded, with Prague's help, in creating confusion even among foreign Slavists. The post-war experiences with Prague centralism in the economy and renewed efforts to stifle Slovak nationalism resulted in the re.thinking and re-appraising of the Slovak question not only by politicians but also by historians. The publication under review presents their conclusions. Most of the contributions are well-researched and well-written and deal with problems of primary interest for the Slovak struggle for self-assertion. - PROF. J.M. KIRSCHBAUM □□□ Jednota Annual FURDEK 1977, Volume XVI, 303 pages. Edited by Joseph C. Krajsa. Published by the First Catholic Slovak Union of the United States and Canada. Printed by the Jednota Press , Middletown, Pennsylvania . FURDEK 1977, Jednota's sixteenth in a series of annuals in the English language, offers the reader a variety of articles written by a number of old pros, several new authors and semi-pros, but all have something interesting for the reader who wants to know more about his Slovak ethnic background . �118 SLOVAKIA Doctor Pauco 's invaluable contributions (superbly translated from the Slovak by Sister M . Martina Tybor, SS.C .M .) enrich this year's production , which is easily the most informative and probably the best of the series inaugurated by the late Editor Philip A. Hrobak and continued by the present editor-in-chief, Joseph C. Krajsa. Every effort should be made to send this edition to as many Slovak homes, as well as to public, college, and university libraries, as possible. Thomas (Belejcak) Bell, American novelist of Slovak ancestry, is presented, and his half dozen works are ably reviewed by John F. Berko. Bell's books generally reflect the somber and tragic side of life among Slovak (and other Slavic) immigrants in the steel city of Pittsburgh and its suburbs. By a slim margin of one, the young men hold the edge over the Jednota scholarship winners (31-30) in the past year as the fair sex scored high in the final standings. This is a sound display of nondiscrimination in a men's organization. As always, the attractive photos of our intelligent youth give us renewed hope for the future destiny of our J ednota in particular and the ethnic identity of the American Slovaks in general. Michael Novak, Ph.D . , who holds the center stage as the acknowledged champion of ethnics in America, discusses the subject in his usual profound manner and inimitable style. In his " Long Life to Slovaks" contribution, Doctor William Gombar counters Michael Simko's realistic but bleak view for the future of the ethnic population in America. Joseph Kirschbaum, Ph.D., LL.D., is well known for his many writings. In this issue of FURDEK the Slovak diplomat and author contributes a valuable review of the influence of American Slovak organizations on his fellow countrymen in Canada. Glimpses into the ancient historical past of the Slovak nation are presented by a newcomer, Michael Kolarci~, ~S.J. His sketches of the life and times of Prince Pribina, Kings Mojmir I, Rastislav, and Svatopluk the Great, are concise and accurate. Michael Krajsa's tribute to General Stefanik and Doctor Pauco's firsthand information on President Tiso during wartime recall outstanding national heroes of the First and Second World Wars respectively. Tonka Kral, Anna Maria Kulhan, and Theresa Sapak make their debut as a talented trio of promising youthful writers . Sister M . Gabriel Hricko 's biographical sketch of Doctor Joseph Pauco on the first anniversary of the death of a fearless fighter for Slovakia 's national freedom and statehood is a timely tribute to one of the greatest Slovak newspapermen and patriots in our time. Sister Gabriel's beautiful article on the Miracle of Fatima rounds out this year's publication . �SLOVAKIA 119 Two Congressmen, namely, the Honorable Daniel Flood of Pennsylvania and the Honorable Peter Rodino, Jr. of New Jersey are contributors who add prestige to this edition. Sophia Zufa finds Slovakia a picturesque country inhabited by a warm, hospitable people, and her father's hometown of Nizna nad Oravou full of memories as recalled by her aunt during her visit. Paul Fenchak's article on Slavic Studies in Maryland's public schools is typical of their place in the public schools around the country - shamefully neglected. Karol Sidor, Slovak newspaperman, diplomat, and statesman, is remembered as a distinguished author, thanks to Imrich Stolarik's contribution. Astronaut Eugene Ceman rates a photograph taken at Youngstown, Ohio's American Slovak Bicentennial celebration last year. A number of other articles of interest in this issue of FURDEK include ones by Fathers Edward Hancko, S.J., Francis Kuba, C.P., Joseph Adamec, Andrew Pier, O.S.B., as well as by Archbishop Joseph Bernardin, D.D., Monsignor J. Jaworski, S.T.D., and by Vincent Drobniak, John Herling, and Edward Svercek. Seventy-five concise articles of a diversified nature cover a wide spectrum of historical, political, cultural, religious, and social subjects. Several poems are added to enhance a rich assortment of carefully selected writings. Nevertheless, the Slovak sources of interesting subjects remain far from being exhausted. There remains a great deal more to be told about Slovakia and her people at home and scattered throughout the world. - ANDREW V. PIER, O.S.B . ••• An Anthology of Slovak Literature, by Andrew Cincura, Ph.D., University of California. Not the last but the latest and most complete and comprehensive study of Slovak prose and poetry in the English language is Dr. Cincura' s scholarly work produced after several years of research by the Slovak Professor whom the Rockefeller Foundation sponsored in compiling a truly pioneer project that merits the highest praise on the basis of its contents and superb presentation. A quarter of a century ago, Ivan Kramoris, M.A., of the Marquette University Preparatory School in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, published the first anthology of Slovak literature in English, but since then many new writers have appeared in Slovakia and in exile. This literary development necessitated an up-to-date edition to review the writings of new Slovak authors and poets. Michael Novak, Ph.D., the prolific author of a number of works on the ethnics, introduces the book as "done with taste, intelligence, �120 SLOVAKIA judgment and perception ... " Moreover, Karol Strmen, Ph.D., an eminent Slovak poet, provides the setting for a proper appreciation of a representative series of selections from the surprisingly extensive output of Slovak literary works since the beginning of the nineteenth century. His historical review of Slovak literature is enlightening and informative . While most of Slovak poets and prose writers in Dr. Cincura's selective list rate a high place in their field, some of them compare favorably with leading writers in world literature. By their imagination , workmanship, originality, realism, and idealism, the works of the Slovak nation's literary men and women prove their genuine value as enduring products that have a universal appeal. Certainly Dr. Cincura cannot be accused of male chauvinism, for he chose ten women writers of some thirty authors of prose, although only two women poets are included in approximately forty Slovak poets in his selection. And a woman dramatist is on his list of four Slovak playwrights. Doubtless, there are many more selections of prose and poetry that manifest the natural genius of the Slovak people in expressing their ideas and feelings, but the author was limited by inadequate space. Perhaps in the near future a second volume may be added to supplement this excellent book that will acquaint the English-speaking world with some of the best creative writers of Slovakia. Obviously the very nature of this work presents but a fragmentary part of the entire literary field of Slovak literature, but the reader is given a wide assortment of creative works by writers and poets who are intimately related to their historic land and its people. - ANDREW V. PIER, O.S.B . ••• J.M. Kirschbaum, Slovak Language and Literature, Series: Readings in Slavic Literatures, University of Manitoba, Winnipeg, 1975, pp . XIV, 366, Index, ill., bibl. Slovak Language and Literature, the ~test publication by Dr. Joseph M. Kirschbaum, the distinguished author of historical, political and literary works relating to the Slovak nation, contains a vast wealth of facts, opinions, reflections and references to standard works of prominent Slavists in several languages. The Series Editor, Professor J.B. Rudnyckyj, in his preface acknowledges: "Slovakia, a central part of the Great Moravian Empire of the ninth century, was the cradle of Slavic letters and civilization, for there were the beginnings of the rich and highly cultivated Cyrillo-Methodian literature which spread in the tenth century to other Slavic countries, especially to the southern and eastern Slavs." �SLOVAKIA 121 The author deems a background to the development of Slovak literature ve ry helpful to the understanding of the evolution of the Slovak language itself. His book is the most comprehensive study of the Slovak language and literature in the English language. Moreover, the author, who has spent years in research and has lectured on the subject during the past two decades, alludes to historical and philosophical aspects that affected the growth of the language and literature of the Slovak people from earliest times to the present day. The impact of the Slovak literary language on the national life of historic Slovakia aided considerably in the emergence of a strong national consciousness in the 19th and 20th centuries. , '' Slovakia,'' Professor Rudnyckyj notes , ''played an important role in the Pan-Slav movement. Not only was the word Panslavism coined by a Slovak, but Slovakia also gave the Pan-Slav idea, which stirred the national consciousness of several Slavic peoples, the most prominent representatives: Jan Kollar, Pavol J. Safarik, and :Cudovit Stur. ' ' Dr. Kirschbaum points out that "Slovak literature achieved a level comparable to other Slavic literatures in the first half of the twentieth century.'' It was during this period that Slovak writers came under the influence of Slavic authors but also drew their inspiration from English, French , and Scandinavian writers . Their works reflected a wide variety of literary trends : Romanticism, Pan-Slavism, Symbolism, Modernism, and Surrealism. Despite World War II, Slovak writers (even proletarian poets) were given a free hand to publish their works in the era of the Slovak Republic (1939-1945). This freedom was sharply curtailed soon after World War II by the communist takeover in Slovakia. As a result, the boycott inaugurated officially by the regime has been in force against all Slovak writers in the free world for more than a quarter of a century. Inside Slovakia, after the ' ' liberation'' of the country by armies of the Soviet Union and the communist coup of 1948, only "proletarian" writers, surrealic;ts, and leftist poets and authors, journalists and newspapermen have been permitted to publish their writings. All others, even leading novelists like Hronsky (and to some extent Gaspar and Urban) have been excluded, as have such prominent poets as Beniak, while others (Andrej Zarnov, R. Dilong, M. Sprinc, K . Strmen) were forced to go into exile, and the poetry and prose of the latter are not acceptable in the country of their birth. Outside Slovakia, in the past three decades Slovak writers in exile from their communist-controlled homeland have published prolific works in literature and history that have offset an outpouring of communist-oriented publications of poetry and prose within the narrow limits of the ruling regime. These creative writers living in the free world have been "excommunicated" from the socialist state imposed upon their countrymen - and their works are "verboten. " Completely unlike the literary picture painted by captive artists of �122 SLOVAKIA the communist regime in present-day Slovakia, the portrait of Slovak literature both in and out of the country, produced by Dr. Kirschbaum in the free world, is a realistic work depicting the landscape and people of Slovakia in their true colors. It is also an objective delineation of the men and women of letters working under close surveillance in their homeland held captive by foreign invaders and oppressors . Although the impact of Professor Kirschbaum 's book in the field in western literature will be strongly felt, it is a foregone conclusion that it will be totally ignored or attacked in Slovakia. Meanwhile , readers, Slovak and non-Slovak alike, who are interested in true literature, will welcome this highly creditable and scholarly volume that is richly supported by an extensive bibliography. We cannot but agree with Professor Constantine Bida of the University of Ottawa, who reviewed the manuscript, that the book is ''a valuable compendium, necessary for Slovaks abroad and useful for the Anglophone peoples since it supplies a great deal of valuable information on Slovak philology and literature, by using the biobibliographical method''. - ANDREW V. PIER, O.S.B. □□□ Francesco Petrarca, Vavrin (a Slovak selection from Il Canzoniere), translated by Karol Strmen. Rome: Slovak Institute of St. Cyril and Methodius, 1974, 216 pp . The time-honored tradition of observing the anniversary of a deceased foreign author by honoring him with a volume of translations from his work found new expression in a recent Slovak selection from Francesco Petrarca' s ll Canzoniere. Translated from the Italian original by Professor Karol Strmen, who is a poet in .his own right, and titled Vavrin (The Laurel Crown), the most rece:dt Slovak rendition of Il Canzoniere commemorates the 600th anniversary of Petrarca's death. The work presents almost one-third of Petrarca's own collection as well as a scholarly resume of the life, works, and aesthetics of the Italian poet. There are likewise explanatory notes and a bibliography of Petrarca' s works and scholarly criticisms. The purpose of the work as indicated explicitly in its introduction is two-fold: (1) to present "all really important poems (from the original) in the suggested order and framework" of Petrarca's own collection; and (2) to give to Slovak readers background information necessary for a better understanding of the great Italian poet and scholar. Professor Strmen has also tried to show implicitly that able translators can render even the most profound concepts and intricate patterns of foreign masterpieces in the Slovak language without damaging distortion, and that modern Slovak scholarship, if unburdened by historical, political, �SLOVAKIA 123 and other non-literary forces, can fulfill the most challenging tasks of standard literary investigation. For at least a partial response to anticipated questions about norms for Strmen's selection, I shall at least curiously examine some fortunes of Petrarca' s poetry in Slovakia and then concentrate on the more germane relationship of Vavrin to the only other extensive Slovak selection from Il Canzoniere, the work Francesco Petrarca, Sonety pre Lauru, translated by the Slovak poet, Vojtech Mihalik, in 1968. Besides Mihalik' s extensive translation, there are also shorter selections translated by Zvonicky and Durica. Together with Strmen's new renditions from Il Can'zoniere these all testify to the great interest that Slovak men of letters and patrons of literature take in Petrarca's works. The Petrarca ''vogue,'' nevertheless, had already taken hold among Slovak poets and scholars as early as the beginning of the 19th century when Pavel Jozef Safarik, Jan Kollar, and Jan Holly employed Il Canzoniere either as a formal model for their poems or as a starting point in their arguments about the role of the Slavs in Europe. The followers of Safarik, Kollar, and Holly, including both post-Romantic and modern Slovak poets, experimented with Petrarchian forms primarily as to their conceptual and linguistic appropriateness in the spectrum of Slovak poetry. The renowned Slovak poet Pavol Orszagh-Hviezdoslav, and his contemporary Svetozar Hurban-Vajansky, used the Petrarchian sonnets mostly as prototypes for their own reflective-intellectual poems. Janko Jesensky, on the contrary, returned in his Poems (1905) to love themes inherent to the Petrarchian sonnets. Ivan Krasko followed Petrarca in the use of the so-called '' squared oxymoron'' in his collections, Nox et solitudo (1909) and Poems (1912) (cf. Slovenske pohl'ady 85 (1969; cited hereafter as SP) , No. XI, 129) . The gallery of Petrarca's followers in Slovak literature was further complemented by Valentin Beniak (Sophia, 1941) and Jan Kostra (Ave Eva, 1943). Mihalik's selection from Il Canzoniere , both as a pioneering undertaking and as a work briefly preceding Strmen's Vavrin, constitutes a valuable contribution to Slovak literature and general aesthetics. Like Strmen in the work under review, Mihalik according to one reviewer, presents parts of Il Canzoniere as faithfully as possible. His translated version of the original "sings" in Slovak as it does in the original Italian (SP, No. XI, 124). It may be noted that Mihalik and Strmen, who are both poets-translators, chose slightly different formal and conceptual paths to attain their goals. Mihalik, living in Slovakia and somewhat burdened by his limited knowledge of the Italian language, was forced to seek the assistance of a translator and depend on the present politically-motivated scholarship of the Society sphere. Strmen, residing abroad and fluent in a dozen of foreign languages, had the capacity and the circumstances to approach the task and to accomplish it singlehandedly. In each case, the net result is characterized by some �124 SLOVAKIA similarities in an overall consideration and by specific differences in matters of detail. Let us now briefly examine some prominent features of both translations. To begin with, Mihalik used the thirteen foot iambic feminine verse alternated by the masculine hexameter exclusively. Examples: Vy po-slu-cha-ci bas-ni, v kto-rych iial'-i chve-nie ai do-sial' mu-ci mo-je srd-ce u-sta-te ... (Sonnet I, vv. 1-2) Do-bro-re-ce-ne mie-sto, mo-jej Las-ky sud-ca, den, me-siac, rok a chvi-l'a, pa-miit-ny ten kut kra-ji-ny, kde ma vrh-li do ca-rov-nych put due o-ci pre-kras-ne, ie v6-bec ne-viem hnut' sa. (Sonnet LXI, vv. 1-4) An analysis of Mihalik' s translation and expository writing shows that his strict adherence to a specific form might have been prompted by several formal and quasi-polemical considerations. As the poet of a somewhat conservative bent, he tried to counteract "the wave of amorphism governing the preponderant part of (modem Slovak) poetry" (SP , No. XI , 132). As a scholar, he seems to defend some modern concepts exalting the creative role of a translator over the older claims of Kollar and Holly, who hold that no translation can surpass the artistry of the original Slovak creations. Viliam Turcany, a modem Slovak scholar , commented that Mihalik' s translations "read as if they were his own original works" (SP, No. XII, 122). In the specific reference to the form used in Mihalik's rendition of fl Canzoniere, Turcany stressed the fact that the thirteen-foot iambic line alternated with the hexameter is the metric form best sv.ited for expressing ''the similar quantitative-conceptual density of the Italian and Slovak prosody line" (SP, No. XII, 127). Strmen disregarded both the explicit and the implied claims of Mihalik and Turcany, and translated his selected parts of fl Canzoniere in accordance with his own aesthetic and semantic tenets. Cutting down the length of Petrarca's sonnet line to eleven and ten syllables respectively, he indirectly confirmed the fact that translations from Italian poetry - like translations of prose - require about 15 percent less space in Slovak. Examples: Vy, co tu v zlom-koch ver-sov za-chy-ti-te sum vzdy-chov, kto-re l'u-bost' ii-vi-li . . . (Sonnet I, vv. 1-2) �125 SLOVAKIA Bla-ho-sla-ve-ny me-siac, deii i rok i pek-ny kraj i vcas-na jar i chvi-l'a i mie-sto, kde mi Las-ka za-lo-ii-la na mih jej o-ka kru-hy ie-lie-zok .. (Sonnet LXI , vv. 1-4) On the other hand, preserving the prevailing "dynamic" subjectverb structure of Petrarca,' s sentence in his rendition of the Italian work, Strrnen established a close relationship between poet and theme . In the remarks which introduce his translation of Il Canzoniere, Strrnen underlined the importance of the original work for the quality of its translation and for general scholarly consideration. According to him every new great poet represents, so to speak, the last word , the exhaustion of literary potentials. And since, we all are willy-nilly prisoners of our era, we are all tempted to make him the criterion of the past. But the history of poetry deals with something else: the great poet stands out as an independent island (and) we approach him with the guidebooks of our aesthetic prejudices . . . A translation should be primarily a mirror (of the original, and) not ... a colonization or an extension of the translator's personality. In summing up the basic tenets of this review, it is necessary to ask how both poet-translators enriched Slovak literature by translating parts of Petrarca's masterpiece into Slovak and how each of them contributed to the advancement of general scholarly knowledge. Considering the first part of the question , I wish to point out that these translations complement each other. Each poet selected different portions from the original and consequently offered a wider selection from the Italian work to his Slovak readers. A limited number of the poems translated by both poets makes it possible, on the other hand, to study these poems in juxtaposition with each other and facilitates their close comparison. As to the second part of the question, I thank that both Slovak selections from Il Canzoniere provide new thoughts for a theoretical approach to aesthetics in general and Slovak Petrarchian studies in particular . Two basic points of this review, namely verse structure and the " kinetics" of language, are common denominators in the comparative study of specific segments of the respective works and , at the same time , of the · specifics of the individual parts within the artistic whole. Conversely , any segment of Il Canzoniere - if juxtaposed with its counterparts in Slovak translations - will give at least a hint about the character and merits of the respective work. In practical terms, the lines cited in Slovak from Mihalik's and Strmen's translations (as well as any other lines from their selections) �126 SLOVAKIA will give the reader at least a broad idea about the formal aspects of either translation. Italian Slavists will, even by a dissection of these brief segments, gain insight into "hidden" linguistic and artistic concepts governing Strmen's and Mihalik's translations. Economy, idea, and sound quality were the most importat denominators shaping Petrarca's masterpiece. Without expressing any subjective valuejudgment about the Slovak selections from Il Canzoniere, I can state that Mihalik and Strmen fulfilled scholarly expectations in coping with these three fundamental principles of Petrarca's work. ANDREW CINCURA □□□ Joseph M. Kirschbaum, Slovak Language and Literature: Essays. Winnipeg and Cleveland: University of Manitoba, Department of Slavic Studies, 1975. (Readings in Slavic Literature, 12). 336 pages. This is a collection of twelve essays on various aspects of Slovak language and literature which Prof. Kirschbaum has read at conferences and-or published in journals over the past twenty years. He has divided them into three parts, the first (2 essays) discussing questions of language, the second (7 essays) presenting selected topics in Slovak literature through the latter part of the nineteenth century, and the third (3 essays) surveying post-World War II trends. There is a fourth part which purports to be a '' French summary'', but in reality is a slightly rearranged translation of the first and third English chapters. Prof. Kirschbaum's purpose is "to acquaint students and scholars . . . with the development of the Slovak vernacular into a literary medium and with the literature created by the Slovaks in their own language as well as other languages used in Slovakia ... '' The goal is admirable, but he has missed a splendid opportunity to create a solid synthetic survey. There are several reasons to regret his choice of method. As is unfortunately true with much material published by Slovaks in the West, one is left in doubt as to precisely what audience he is trying to reach. Part of the time, Prof. Kirschbaum devotes essays to polemics, particularly with those who sub,s cribe to the concept of Czechoslovakism. He uses expressions such 'as ''misconceptions'' and ''errors' ', charging that these ''wrongs' ' are based on flimsy evidence. But in turn, Kirschbaum himself offers minimal ''proof'' for some of his assertions. Nevertheless, it is disappointing to see polemical essays alongside more serious academic treatments (particularly those chapters on Jan Kollar, Pavol Safarik, and :Cudovit Stur). Further, Western scholars in recent years have taken note of changing perceptions of the development of Slovak national consciousness. (See, for example, Joseph Zacek's remarks in his study of "Nationalism in �SLOVAKIA 127 Czechoslovakia" in Peter F. Sugar and Ivo J. Lederer, eds., Nationalism in Eastern Europe - 1969.) The second problem is that Prof. Kirschbaum has several times repeated his use of the same evidence. He indicates in his introduction that he has done some editing to avoid repetitions, but what are we to make of his double use of a statement by the Polish philologist Tadeusz Lehr-Splawinski (pp. 20 and 68), or of "western" discussions of the origin of Slovak as a literazy language (pp . 18-19 and 52-53)? This is also a problem in books in · which the essays of multiple authors are collected, but one wishes Prof. Kirschbaum had been more diligent in overcoming it. Why, though , when such a golden opportunity presented itself, didn't Prof. Kirschbaum give us a synthetic survey of Slovak literature? There would have been no fear of his repeating himself, and the scholars and students, for whom he says he is writing, would have had an overall view of the evolving Slovak language and literature. Kirschbaum himself remarks on the particular importance of Slovak literature between the wars, but he allows as that would require too much space to discuss, and so he skips the subject. Similarly, his discussion of post1945 literary development is a bare outline of the 1945-1956 period, with only a couple of paragraphs given over to the extremely important dozen years after that, a period so necessary for an understanding of the events of 1968 and after. Kirschbaum alludes to a few important matters after 1956, such as the rapidly growing research on Slovak language and literature in the early 1960s (pp. 35-36). He suggests that this development resulted from the Communist Party's perception of language and literature as being a neutral field. The reader is left wondering why it was, then, that manifestations of Slovak nationalism developed precisely in those areas. The plea of complexity is inadequate. The inclusion of the two chapters of Slovak emigre literature is puzzling, since Kirschbaum tells us twice that only about 50 writers are involved. He does cite their availablity to the reader in the West, but in fact, after the passage of three decades, they now belong more among Slovak ethnic writers in the United States and Canada (or wherever else they live) than to continuing Slovak literary trends in Czecho-Slovakia. Sad as it might be, these authors are writing for a decreasing number of readers. The interesting aspect of these chapters is the report of the publication in post-February Czecho-Slovakia of works · by :Cudo Besenovsky and Milos Mlynarovic. Prof. Kirschbaum should be cautioned in his use of Robert Kann's praise of Slovak cultural development in the whole of the nineteenth century (pp. 147-8). It is clear from Kann's context that he includes Kollar, Safarik, Stefanik, and Masaryk in his kudos, a quartet who are usually ascribed major roles in the Czecho-Slovak movement, a concept Prof. Kirschbaum would certainly take strong offense to. �128 SLOVAKIA The number of printing errors is atrocious . Thus, R. W. SetonWatson becomes Seton-Weston (p. 9), Nicholas Spulber is Spuller (p. 9), Jan Tibensky comes out T. Tibeasky (p . 119) , the Spolok sv. Vojtecha is said to have been founded in 1780, rather than 1870 (p. 206), Timrava and Podjavorinska become Timarava and Podajavorisnka (also p. 206), Cyrillic is spelled in at least 5 or 6 different ways, ad infinitum. The French resume fares no better. I counted at least a half dozen errors in the first paragraph on page 286. An inserted errata catches a small number of errors, but tells us, "The word 'Slovensky' in Chapter III should have an accent on the letter e (! ) unavailable to the printers.' ' A couple of other minor carps: (1) the use of Loe. cit., op. cit., etc., is functional for article-length material, but not very feasible in a monograph. A reference to Robert Auty, loc. cit., on page 117 requires the reader to go all the way back to page 21. A reference to Noge, op. cit. on page 203 lacks any earlier reference whatsoever. It belongs to Julius Noge, An Outline of Slovakian Literature (Bratislava, 1968) which certainly also belongs in the bibliography. (2) In Chapter XII we suddenly have titles of Slovak works given only in English, making them harder to locate. In sum, a book whose title held so much promise turns out to be a disappointment. I share Prof. J. B. Rudnyckyj's prefaced complaint that there is far too little scholarly material available in English about Slovak literature, and I would add, about Slovak history, and Slovakia in general. Unfortunately, this compendium has not improved the situation. - OWENV. JOHNSON \ �Our Contributors Edward J. Behuncik, J.D., attorney; America, Stratford, Connecticut president, Slovak League of John Bodnar, Ph.D., historian, Harrisburg, Pennsylvania Andrew Cincura, Ph.D., author; professor, Riverside, California Owen V. Johnson, Ph.D., historian, University of Michigan Joseph M. Kirschbaum, LLD., Ph.D., historian; author, Toronto, Ontario, Canada Margaret Matus, student, University of Pittsburgh, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania Michael Novak, Ph.D., author; lecturer; professor, Bayville, New York Andrew V. Pier, O.S.B., M.A., historian; author, Cleveland, Ohio M. Mark Stolarik, Ph.D., historian; professor, Cleveland, Ohio Anthony X. Sutherland, Ph.D., historian, Stony Point, New York Daniel F. Tanzone, 8.A., author; fraternalist, Yonkers, New York Francis Vnuk, M.A., author; historian, Broadview, Australia �OFFICERS OF THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA Honorary President: Stephen J. Tkach, K.H.S. JOHN A. HOLY Secretary 870 Rifle Camp Road West Paterson, N.J. 07424 EDWARD J. BEHUNCIK President 178 Elliott Street Stratford, Conn. 06497 Vice Presidents: Milan V. Blazek Frances L. Mizenko Daniel F. Tanzone Executive Committee: Edward J . Behuncik, John A. Holy, Louise Yash, Irma A. Vrbancic, John A. Sabol, George J. Kostelnik, Stephen J. Kavulich, Andrew Hudak, Jr., Dr. Joseph Mikula Anna E. Hletko Auditors: Dr. Stanislav Duris George N. Kantor SLOVAK FRATERNAL ORGANIZATIONS (Affiliated with the Slovak League of America) THE FIRST CATHOLIC SLOVAK UNION Cleveland, Ohio - Membership 104,000 THE FIRST CATHOLIC SLOVAK LADIES ASSOCIATION Beachwood, Ohio - Membership 100,000 THE SLOVAK CATHOLIC SOKOL Passaic, N.J. - Membership 53,000 THE LADIES PENNSYLVANIA SLOVAK CATHOLIC UNION Wilkes-Barre, Pa. - Membership 16,500 PENNSYLVANIA SLOVAK CATHOLIC UNION Wilkes-Barre, Pa. - Membership 15,000 SLOVAK NEWSPAPERMEN'S ASSOCIATION OF AMERICA John C. Sciranka, President SLOVAK AMERICAN NEWSPAPERS (Affiliated with the Slovak League of America) JEDNOTA (circulation 40,000) SLOVAK v AMERIKE (circulation 3,000) ZENS KA JEDNOTA (circulation 35,000) ZORNICKA (circulation 5,000) KATOLICKY SOKOL (circulation 20,000) BRATSTVO (circulation 7,000) PR IA TEL DIETOK (circulation 9,000) SLOVAKIA $4.00 per annum in the U.S.A. - $5.00 elsewhere Printed by JEDNOTA PRINTERY Middletown, Pennsylvania U.S.A. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1976, Vol. 26 Description An account of the resource Vol. 26 (No. 49), 1976. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1976 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 111 Henry Delfiner, Vienna Broadcasts to Slovakia. East European Quarterly, Boulder, Colorado, 1974. 142 pp . (Distributed by Columbia University Press, New York and London). Delfiner's study is a valuable source of information both on the German policy towards Eastern Europe on the threshhold of the Second World War and on the disruption of Czecho-Slovakia. Vienna broadcasts became influential after Berlin interpreted the Munich Agreement as giving Germany a "free hand" in Central Eastern Europe . The dissatisfied and frightened peoples and minorities, uncertain about their future, were more than inclined to consider the broadcasts as an interpreter of Berlin's foreign policy. Slovakia was one of the countries whose future was most uncertain. Hungarians , Poles and Germans claimed parts of Slovak territory and, even though the relations between the Czechs and the Slovaks improved after Slovakia was granted autonomy, Prague was unable either to defend Slovakia against her neighbors or assure her future. In fact, the government of Prague advised the Slovak autonomous government to turn to Berlin for protection against Hungarian claims. As a result, in the case of Slovakia, the broadcasts undoubtedly influenced the relations between the Czechs and the Slovaks, as well as the attitude of the Slovak population towards the Jews. The influence was, however, not as decisive as the author asserts . Mutnansky, as announcer and author of the major part of the broadcasts, was not the best person to perform the task. Unknown, without the necessary good contacts with Slovak politicians, and having a doubtful political record, he was not taken seriously in political circles. The anti-clericalism of his broadcasts and their violent anti-semitism also diminished their impact. As Delfiner rightly states, ''One of the first issues on which Slovakian Catholicism (Slovakia's population was 82 percent Catholic) and Nazi ideology clashed concerned treatment of the Jews." (p. 24) In addition, the broadcasts promoted K . Sidor at a time when Dr. Tiso was the head of the Populist Party and, from October 6, 1938, also the head of the Slovak government. The broadcasts also promoted Dr. Tuka who had no political office after he returned from Czech jails and neither Sidor nor Tiso were eager to adopt Tuka' s political views and plans. In fact Tiso protested on certain occasions against the broadcasts. It was in the March crisis of 1939, when Prague deposed the Slovak government, arrested hundreds of Slovak political and civic leaders, and militarily occupied public buildings, that the Vienna broadcasts and the Viennese politicians (Seyss-Inquart, Burckel) played the im- 112 SLOVAKIA portant role ascribed to them by the author in the final decision of the Slovaks to part with the Czechs. Since the story of the disruption of Czecho-Slovakia was presented in the West with a certain bias, the collection of these broadcasts will be useful for historians. The text of the broadcasts published in Mutnansky's books as well as his interpretation of them are not, however, necessarily accurate. He was not rewarded in Slovakia and advocated German policies even after the broadcasts were terminated. The work is enhanced by a useful bibliography and chronology. Some minor errors slipped into the glossary and chronology: Dr. Tuka made his first speech for independence on December 6, 1938 and not on December 9; Dr. Durcansky did not ask for "Hitler's intervention" on March 10. He merely hinted in his broadcast from Vienna that Slovaks '' aim to achieve national freedom with the help of our friends, the great German nation", (p. 117); Karol Sidor died in Montreal on October 20, 1953 and not 1954. - PROF. J.M. KIRSCHBAUM ••• Bohemia - Jahrbuch des Collegium Carolinum, Band 15, R. Oldenburg Verlag, (Munich, 1974). Edited by Dr. Gerhard Hanke, pp. 532. Even though the symposium Bohemia deals predominantly with the history, the culture and Czech-German relations in the present Czech part of Czecho-Slovakia, known throughout the centuries as Bohemia, many issues of this carefully edited annual publication have also paid attention to Slovakia and the Slovaks. The present volume contains three contributions dealing with Slovakia: Helmut Slapnicka writes about German lectures at the Law Academy in Bratislava in the middle of the 19th century; Ladislav Lipscher contributes an excellent essay on the constitution and regional political administration in Czecho-Slovakia during the 1920s; and Stanislav Kirschbaum deals with the contin_uity and political changes in Czecho-Slovakia in 1968. While Slapnicka i~ of German background, the two other contributors were born in Slovakia. Ladislav Lipscher is a noted historian of the political and legal organization of pre-war Czecho-Slovakia. Before escaping to the West in 1968 he published books and studies in this field in Slovakia and in spite of the difficulty of access to sources, Lipscher continues to do so from his Swiss exile . This is his third contribution published abroad, and it deserves our special attention because legal and administrative questions were by-passed by Slovak writers in the West. The institution of regional administration had political implications, being conceived as a substitute for political autonomy, promised to the Slovaks during the First World War. Based on solid knowledge and thorough research SLOVAKIA 113 of the subject, Lipscher's study analyses political and administrative problems and presents an objective outline of the regional administration and the party politics behind it. Stanislav Kirschbaum, a specialist on Eastern Europe who teaches Political Science at York University in Toronto, deals with the political changes in Dubcek's era. There are numerous books and articles on this period in several W estem languages. Unfortunately , they are concerned predominantly with the Czech part of the country . Those that deal with Slovakia do so from a Czech perspective or treat the Slovaks as quantite negli[leable even though their role was of primary importance in the events between 1963 and 1968. Kirschbaum's contribution is a well documented scholarly analysis of the political situation in Czecho-Slovakia in the 1960s. It is a presentation of the changes which brought about the liberalization of the regime and the federalization of the State in that fateful year of 1968. Collegium Carolinum deserves our recognition for regularly including studies on Slovak topics in the annual Bohemia. - PROF. J.M. KIRSCHBAUM ••• Ludwig v. Gogolak, Beitraege zur Geschichte des slowakischen Volkes, II. Die slowakische nationale Frage in der Reformepoche Ungams 1790-1848, (Contributions to the History of the Slovak People - The Slovak National Question in the Reform Period of Hungary, 1790-1848). Verlag R. Oldenburg, (Muenchen, 1969), pp. 280. The second volume(+) of Gogolak's work on Slovakia's selfassertion in Hungary is a detailed and well-documented insight into the crucial years of Slovak history when the Slovaks had to fight not only the Magyar nationalism, but also the ''Czechoslovak'' tendencies of the Slovak Lutheran leaders. Though of Slovak origin and related to Bernolak' s family, Gogolak belonged to the Hungarian aristocracy and his interpretation of Slovak national movement is consequently quite different from the Czech or Slovak nationalist interpretations. The present volume deals predominantly with the second half of the 19th and the first decade of the 20th Centuries. Special attention was paid by the author to the Pan-Slav movement and its representatives in Slovakia and to the movement of tudovit Stur which clashed with both the Magyar assimilation policy and "Czechoslovak" orientation of some Lutheran leaders, especially Kollar and Safarik. Particular attention is paid also to Jan Holly and his influence on the Slovak national movement in the 19th Century. According to Gogolak, Holly deserves credit for giving Slovaks the consciousness of their history (Geschichtsbewusstsein) and faith in their future. In this respect Gogolak is in agreement not only with the older school of Slovak 114 SLOVAKIA historians but also with the present " Marxist" historians and clashes only with the views of the "Czechoslovak" historiography. Gogolak is not denying the oppressive policy of Budapest, but explains it in the context of European nationalism and liberalism and points out the weakness of the Slovak movement whose leaders were divided by religion into two camps, one of which looked for a solution outside Hungary, in a merger with the Czechs . There are many aspects of the Slovak national question in Gogolak's work which were by-passed in Slovak history books or interpreted with bias by Czech historians. Unfortunately, we are unable, outside Slovakia, to pass judgment on their correctness. Gogolak refers to a great number of sources in Slovak, Czech, Hungarian and German which are not accessible to us . Supported by references to reliable sources, Gogolak's conclusions and interpretations seem to be convincing, and as a result we face a new interpretation of the Slovak national movement and of the role the Catholics and the Protestans played in modem Slovak history . In some respects Gogolak is in complete disagreement with the Czech interpretation, especially with the unfounded assertion that Catholics took a minor part in national revival. In his view, "only the activity of several Catholic priests and scholars who were conscious of their goal and mission allowed the Slovak national character not to lose its own characteristics and identity in the clash with the menacing political Magyarization and the spiritual Czechoslovak in the age of modem nationalism and preponderance of the bourgeoisie .... Had the Protestant intelligentsia, which in fact lived mostly on their historical heritage and foreign German-Czech connections, remained in its leading role, the result would probably have been the complete disappearance of the Slovak people." (Vol. I. p. 229 and 238). Considering the fact that Gogolak's work was published by a wellknown publisher and, except for T. J. Locher's book Die Nazionale Differenzierung der Slowaken und Tschechen in ihren geschichtlichen Verlauf bis 1848 (Harlem, 1931), it is the only.work in German by nonSlovak writer, we should not underestimate' its importance. Slovak historians should thoroughly analyze this new interpretation of modem Slovak history. - PROF. J.M. KIRSCHBAUM (+)For my review of Volume I see Slovakia, No. 35, 1964, pp. 156-158. ■■■ Roger Portal , The Slavs. Weidenfeld & Nicolson (London, 1969), pp. 508, Bihl., index, illustrations. Portal's voluminous book is a survey of the cultural and historical development of the Slavic peoples, including the Slovaks. It was SLOVAKIA 115 written, and originally published, in French (Librairie Armand Colin, 1965), probably as a manual for students at French universities at which Portal has been a professor. The work is illustrated by maps and pictures and presents the Slavs in a much more objective light than some American books have done in the past. French scholars were interested in the Slavs for more than a century, but rarely have any French Slavists presented a global picture similar to Portars book. Slovaks and Slovakia are treated by Portal in proportion to their place and significance among the Slavs without the usual bias encountered in the West. His interpretation of certain periods of Slovak history was apparently influenced by Czech sources, which is, to a degree, understandable. While historiography in Slovakia developed considerably during the past three decades, there are still very few books in foreign languages which could be used by Slavists outside Slovakia. Moreover, even the summaries in scholarly works are always in Russian or German, and only occasionally in French and English. As a result one can hardly reproach Portal or other foreign Slavists if their chapters or paragraphs on Slovaks are sketchy, superficial or if they omit certain periods considered as important for Slovaks but less important in the context of the general history of the Slavs . It is evident that we cannot expect an objective and complete history of Slovakia and Slovaks until there are good history books on Slovakia translated into or written in foreign languages and until there are foreign students at Slovak universities specializing in Slovak history, culture, literature, and language. The absence of statehood, resulting in limited or non-existent cultural exchanges with other countries , necessarily reflects on the knowledge of Slovakia abroad. Many books on Czech history and culture were written by former foreign students at Prague 's university or by Slavists invited to Prague and studying there on scholarships. The same goes for Poland and other Slavic countries. Except for the six years of the Slovak Republic, there was never a government ruling in Slovakia which would have been interested in making Slovakia known in the World. Looking at Portal's book from this angle, we have to welcome it as a great step ahead. Slovak intellectuals in Western Europe should carefully analyze the book and supply Professor Portal with correct information on periods or events which were omitted or misinterpreted. That is the only way to obtain a change in presenting Slovakia abroad until the Slovaks have their own government and normal cultural relations with the world. In Portal's book Slovakia is at least not a footnote to Czech history as happens so often in other books. - PROF. J.M. KIRSCHBAUM ••• 116 SLOVAKIA R. Krajcovic, Slovencina a slovanske jazyky (The Slovak and the Slavic Languages), Slovenske pedagogicke nakladatelstvo (Bratislava, 1974), pp. 324, illustrations, Russian and German summary. Slovak philology has experienced a remarkable development during the past fifty years for reasons which can properly be understood only in the context of political developments in Slovakia.(+) The attempts to make the Slovak language a dialect of the Czech or nonexistent "Czechoslovak" language gave a strong impetus to Slovak philologists to prove that there was no scientific basis for such theories. The subsequent attempts at Russification of the Slovak language worked in the same direction: they intensified the desire of Slovak philologists to elaborate their own theories about the independent place of the Slovak language among Slavic languages. As a result, Slovak philology developed favorably in all areas of philological research: dialectology, lexicology, comparative philology, morphology, phonology, etc. and the Slovak language was finally established as a distinct Slavic tongue. The book by Krajcovic expertly deals with the place of the Slovak language among Slavic languages and asserts its originality from the time when the Slavic macro-dialects split into dialects with the distinct characteristics of the present Slavic languages. He analyzes the theories which aimed at proving that the Slovak language did not have a homogeneous proto-slavic basis as well as the theories which substantiated the thesis that the Slovak language was formed on the homogeneous West Slavic basis, and corroborates the distinct character of the Slovak language. The book is destined by its terminology for scholars and philologists, but its conclusions are understandable by everybody. In many ways, the book is a good example of the high academic level of the new generation of Slovak philologists. The German summary makes the book accessible also to Wes tern scholars. - PROF. J.M. KIRSCHBAUM ( +) See Chapter II in Kirschbaum, Slovak Language and Literature, University of Manitoba (Winnipeg, 1975), I\- 25-38 . ••• Dr. J. Mesaros (ed.), Slovaci a ich narodny vyvin (The Slovaks and Their National Development). Proceedings of the V Congress of Slovak Historians. Published by Vydavatel'stvo-Slovenskej akademie vied, (Bratislava, 1969); pp. 305. This symposium is composed of 12 papers delivered at the Conference of Slovak Historians and deserves mention not only for the academic value of individual contributions, but also in connection with SLOVAKIA 117 Gogolak's work mentioned above. While Gogolak's two volumes present an interpretation by a non-Slovak historian, this volume, edited by Dr. Mesaros, gives us an interpretation of Slovak history by the generation of Slovak historians who adopted nolens-volens, a Marxist approach to history. It is regrettable that the symposium is not available in W estem languages for it demolishes the "Czechoslovak" interpretation of Slovakia 's past and present, and substantiates the thesis that Slovaks developed independently of Czechs or other Slavs into a distinct nation culturally, linguistically and politically from the Middle Ages. The contributions by P. Ratkos , J. Tibensky, J. Butvin , K. Rebro and Mesaros are especially explicit in this regard. The contribution by Z. Holotikova is of interest for understanding the attitude of the Communists towards Slovak !llational aspirations. Like the "bourgeois" adherents of "Czechoslov'a kism" who retarded Slovak development towards full national independence, the Communists were also liable for the confusion and for Prague's rule in Slovakia, both of which were detrimental to Slovak development towards a distinct national identity and self-rule. The admission by Marxist historians that religious divisions and Communist adherence to "Czechoslovakism" were harmful to Slovak national development is expressed with caution, but it is present throughout the book and sets the record straight. The majority of Slovaks never doubted their distinct national identity and fought for equal rights with other nations. The minority - political and religious - nevertheless succeeded, with Prague's help, in creating confusion even among foreign Slavists. The post-war experiences with Prague centralism in the economy and renewed efforts to stifle Slovak nationalism resulted in the re.thinking and re-appraising of the Slovak question not only by politicians but also by historians. The publication under review presents their conclusions. Most of the contributions are well-researched and well-written and deal with problems of primary interest for the Slovak struggle for self-assertion. - PROF. J.M. KIRSCHBAUM □□□ Jednota Annual FURDEK 1977, Volume XVI, 303 pages. Edited by Joseph C. Krajsa. Published by the First Catholic Slovak Union of the United States and Canada. Printed by the Jednota Press , Middletown, Pennsylvania . FURDEK 1977, Jednota's sixteenth in a series of annuals in the English language, offers the reader a variety of articles written by a number of old pros, several new authors and semi-pros, but all have something interesting for the reader who wants to know more about his Slovak ethnic background . 118 SLOVAKIA Doctor Pauco 's invaluable contributions (superbly translated from the Slovak by Sister M . Martina Tybor, SS.C .M .) enrich this year's production , which is easily the most informative and probably the best of the series inaugurated by the late Editor Philip A. Hrobak and continued by the present editor-in-chief, Joseph C. Krajsa. Every effort should be made to send this edition to as many Slovak homes, as well as to public, college, and university libraries, as possible. Thomas (Belejcak) Bell, American novelist of Slovak ancestry, is presented, and his half dozen works are ably reviewed by John F. Berko. Bell's books generally reflect the somber and tragic side of life among Slovak (and other Slavic) immigrants in the steel city of Pittsburgh and its suburbs. By a slim margin of one, the young men hold the edge over the Jednota scholarship winners (31-30) in the past year as the fair sex scored high in the final standings. This is a sound display of nondiscrimination in a men's organization. As always, the attractive photos of our intelligent youth give us renewed hope for the future destiny of our J ednota in particular and the ethnic identity of the American Slovaks in general. Michael Novak, Ph.D . , who holds the center stage as the acknowledged champion of ethnics in America, discusses the subject in his usual profound manner and inimitable style. In his " Long Life to Slovaks" contribution, Doctor William Gombar counters Michael Simko's realistic but bleak view for the future of the ethnic population in America. Joseph Kirschbaum, Ph.D., LL.D., is well known for his many writings. In this issue of FURDEK the Slovak diplomat and author contributes a valuable review of the influence of American Slovak organizations on his fellow countrymen in Canada. Glimpses into the ancient historical past of the Slovak nation are presented by a newcomer, Michael Kolarci~, ~S.J. His sketches of the life and times of Prince Pribina, Kings Mojmir I, Rastislav, and Svatopluk the Great, are concise and accurate. Michael Krajsa's tribute to General Stefanik and Doctor Pauco's firsthand information on President Tiso during wartime recall outstanding national heroes of the First and Second World Wars respectively. Tonka Kral, Anna Maria Kulhan, and Theresa Sapak make their debut as a talented trio of promising youthful writers . Sister M . Gabriel Hricko 's biographical sketch of Doctor Joseph Pauco on the first anniversary of the death of a fearless fighter for Slovakia 's national freedom and statehood is a timely tribute to one of the greatest Slovak newspapermen and patriots in our time. Sister Gabriel's beautiful article on the Miracle of Fatima rounds out this year's publication . SLOVAKIA 119 Two Congressmen, namely, the Honorable Daniel Flood of Pennsylvania and the Honorable Peter Rodino, Jr. of New Jersey are contributors who add prestige to this edition. Sophia Zufa finds Slovakia a picturesque country inhabited by a warm, hospitable people, and her father's hometown of Nizna nad Oravou full of memories as recalled by her aunt during her visit. Paul Fenchak's article on Slavic Studies in Maryland's public schools is typical of their place in the public schools around the country - shamefully neglected. Karol Sidor, Slovak newspaperman, diplomat, and statesman, is remembered as a distinguished author, thanks to Imrich Stolarik's contribution. Astronaut Eugene Ceman rates a photograph taken at Youngstown, Ohio's American Slovak Bicentennial celebration last year. A number of other articles of interest in this issue of FURDEK include ones by Fathers Edward Hancko, S.J., Francis Kuba, C.P., Joseph Adamec, Andrew Pier, O.S.B., as well as by Archbishop Joseph Bernardin, D.D., Monsignor J. Jaworski, S.T.D., and by Vincent Drobniak, John Herling, and Edward Svercek. Seventy-five concise articles of a diversified nature cover a wide spectrum of historical, political, cultural, religious, and social subjects. Several poems are added to enhance a rich assortment of carefully selected writings. Nevertheless, the Slovak sources of interesting subjects remain far from being exhausted. There remains a great deal more to be told about Slovakia and her people at home and scattered throughout the world. - ANDREW V. PIER, O.S.B . ••• An Anthology of Slovak Literature, by Andrew Cincura, Ph.D., University of California. Not the last but the latest and most complete and comprehensive study of Slovak prose and poetry in the English language is Dr. Cincura' s scholarly work produced after several years of research by the Slovak Professor whom the Rockefeller Foundation sponsored in compiling a truly pioneer project that merits the highest praise on the basis of its contents and superb presentation. A quarter of a century ago, Ivan Kramoris, M.A., of the Marquette University Preparatory School in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, published the first anthology of Slovak literature in English, but since then many new writers have appeared in Slovakia and in exile. This literary development necessitated an up-to-date edition to review the writings of new Slovak authors and poets. Michael Novak, Ph.D., the prolific author of a number of works on the ethnics, introduces the book as "done with taste, intelligence, 120 SLOVAKIA judgment and perception ... " Moreover, Karol Strmen, Ph.D., an eminent Slovak poet, provides the setting for a proper appreciation of a representative series of selections from the surprisingly extensive output of Slovak literary works since the beginning of the nineteenth century. His historical review of Slovak literature is enlightening and informative . While most of Slovak poets and prose writers in Dr. Cincura's selective list rate a high place in their field, some of them compare favorably with leading writers in world literature. By their imagination , workmanship, originality, realism, and idealism, the works of the Slovak nation's literary men and women prove their genuine value as enduring products that have a universal appeal. Certainly Dr. Cincura cannot be accused of male chauvinism, for he chose ten women writers of some thirty authors of prose, although only two women poets are included in approximately forty Slovak poets in his selection. And a woman dramatist is on his list of four Slovak playwrights. Doubtless, there are many more selections of prose and poetry that manifest the natural genius of the Slovak people in expressing their ideas and feelings, but the author was limited by inadequate space. Perhaps in the near future a second volume may be added to supplement this excellent book that will acquaint the English-speaking world with some of the best creative writers of Slovakia. Obviously the very nature of this work presents but a fragmentary part of the entire literary field of Slovak literature, but the reader is given a wide assortment of creative works by writers and poets who are intimately related to their historic land and its people. - ANDREW V. PIER, O.S.B . ••• J.M. Kirschbaum, Slovak Language and Literature, Series: Readings in Slavic Literatures, University of Manitoba, Winnipeg, 1975, pp . XIV, 366, Index, ill., bibl. Slovak Language and Literature, the ~test publication by Dr. Joseph M. Kirschbaum, the distinguished author of historical, political and literary works relating to the Slovak nation, contains a vast wealth of facts, opinions, reflections and references to standard works of prominent Slavists in several languages. The Series Editor, Professor J.B. Rudnyckyj, in his preface acknowledges: "Slovakia, a central part of the Great Moravian Empire of the ninth century, was the cradle of Slavic letters and civilization, for there were the beginnings of the rich and highly cultivated Cyrillo-Methodian literature which spread in the tenth century to other Slavic countries, especially to the southern and eastern Slavs." SLOVAKIA 121 The author deems a background to the development of Slovak literature ve ry helpful to the understanding of the evolution of the Slovak language itself. His book is the most comprehensive study of the Slovak language and literature in the English language. Moreover, the author, who has spent years in research and has lectured on the subject during the past two decades, alludes to historical and philosophical aspects that affected the growth of the language and literature of the Slovak people from earliest times to the present day. The impact of the Slovak literary language on the national life of historic Slovakia aided considerably in the emergence of a strong national consciousness in the 19th and 20th centuries. , '' Slovakia,'' Professor Rudnyckyj notes , ''played an important role in the Pan-Slav movement. Not only was the word Panslavism coined by a Slovak, but Slovakia also gave the Pan-Slav idea, which stirred the national consciousness of several Slavic peoples, the most prominent representatives: Jan Kollar, Pavol J. Safarik, and :Cudovit Stur. ' ' Dr. Kirschbaum points out that "Slovak literature achieved a level comparable to other Slavic literatures in the first half of the twentieth century.'' It was during this period that Slovak writers came under the influence of Slavic authors but also drew their inspiration from English, French , and Scandinavian writers . Their works reflected a wide variety of literary trends : Romanticism, Pan-Slavism, Symbolism, Modernism, and Surrealism. Despite World War II, Slovak writers (even proletarian poets) were given a free hand to publish their works in the era of the Slovak Republic (1939-1945). This freedom was sharply curtailed soon after World War II by the communist takeover in Slovakia. As a result, the boycott inaugurated officially by the regime has been in force against all Slovak writers in the free world for more than a quarter of a century. Inside Slovakia, after the ' ' liberation'' of the country by armies of the Soviet Union and the communist coup of 1948, only "proletarian" writers, surrealic;ts, and leftist poets and authors, journalists and newspapermen have been permitted to publish their writings. All others, even leading novelists like Hronsky (and to some extent Gaspar and Urban) have been excluded, as have such prominent poets as Beniak, while others (Andrej Zarnov, R. Dilong, M. Sprinc, K . Strmen) were forced to go into exile, and the poetry and prose of the latter are not acceptable in the country of their birth. Outside Slovakia, in the past three decades Slovak writers in exile from their communist-controlled homeland have published prolific works in literature and history that have offset an outpouring of communist-oriented publications of poetry and prose within the narrow limits of the ruling regime. These creative writers living in the free world have been "excommunicated" from the socialist state imposed upon their countrymen - and their works are "verboten. " Completely unlike the literary picture painted by captive artists of 122 SLOVAKIA the communist regime in present-day Slovakia, the portrait of Slovak literature both in and out of the country, produced by Dr. Kirschbaum in the free world, is a realistic work depicting the landscape and people of Slovakia in their true colors. It is also an objective delineation of the men and women of letters working under close surveillance in their homeland held captive by foreign invaders and oppressors . Although the impact of Professor Kirschbaum 's book in the field in western literature will be strongly felt, it is a foregone conclusion that it will be totally ignored or attacked in Slovakia. Meanwhile , readers, Slovak and non-Slovak alike, who are interested in true literature, will welcome this highly creditable and scholarly volume that is richly supported by an extensive bibliography. We cannot but agree with Professor Constantine Bida of the University of Ottawa, who reviewed the manuscript, that the book is ''a valuable compendium, necessary for Slovaks abroad and useful for the Anglophone peoples since it supplies a great deal of valuable information on Slovak philology and literature, by using the biobibliographical method''. - ANDREW V. PIER, O.S.B. □□□ Francesco Petrarca, Vavrin (a Slovak selection from Il Canzoniere), translated by Karol Strmen. Rome: Slovak Institute of St. Cyril and Methodius, 1974, 216 pp . The time-honored tradition of observing the anniversary of a deceased foreign author by honoring him with a volume of translations from his work found new expression in a recent Slovak selection from Francesco Petrarca' s ll Canzoniere. Translated from the Italian original by Professor Karol Strmen, who is a poet in .his own right, and titled Vavrin (The Laurel Crown), the most rece:dt Slovak rendition of Il Canzoniere commemorates the 600th anniversary of Petrarca's death. The work presents almost one-third of Petrarca's own collection as well as a scholarly resume of the life, works, and aesthetics of the Italian poet. There are likewise explanatory notes and a bibliography of Petrarca' s works and scholarly criticisms. The purpose of the work as indicated explicitly in its introduction is two-fold: (1) to present "all really important poems (from the original) in the suggested order and framework" of Petrarca's own collection; and (2) to give to Slovak readers background information necessary for a better understanding of the great Italian poet and scholar. Professor Strmen has also tried to show implicitly that able translators can render even the most profound concepts and intricate patterns of foreign masterpieces in the Slovak language without damaging distortion, and that modern Slovak scholarship, if unburdened by historical, political, SLOVAKIA 123 and other non-literary forces, can fulfill the most challenging tasks of standard literary investigation. For at least a partial response to anticipated questions about norms for Strmen's selection, I shall at least curiously examine some fortunes of Petrarca' s poetry in Slovakia and then concentrate on the more germane relationship of Vavrin to the only other extensive Slovak selection from Il Canzoniere, the work Francesco Petrarca, Sonety pre Lauru, translated by the Slovak poet, Vojtech Mihalik, in 1968. Besides Mihalik' s extensive translation, there are also shorter selections translated by Zvonicky and Durica. Together with Strmen's new renditions from Il Can'zoniere these all testify to the great interest that Slovak men of letters and patrons of literature take in Petrarca's works. The Petrarca ''vogue,'' nevertheless, had already taken hold among Slovak poets and scholars as early as the beginning of the 19th century when Pavel Jozef Safarik, Jan Kollar, and Jan Holly employed Il Canzoniere either as a formal model for their poems or as a starting point in their arguments about the role of the Slavs in Europe. The followers of Safarik, Kollar, and Holly, including both post-Romantic and modern Slovak poets, experimented with Petrarchian forms primarily as to their conceptual and linguistic appropriateness in the spectrum of Slovak poetry. The renowned Slovak poet Pavol Orszagh-Hviezdoslav, and his contemporary Svetozar Hurban-Vajansky, used the Petrarchian sonnets mostly as prototypes for their own reflective-intellectual poems. Janko Jesensky, on the contrary, returned in his Poems (1905) to love themes inherent to the Petrarchian sonnets. Ivan Krasko followed Petrarca in the use of the so-called '' squared oxymoron'' in his collections, Nox et solitudo (1909) and Poems (1912) (cf. Slovenske pohl'ady 85 (1969; cited hereafter as SP) , No. XI, 129) . The gallery of Petrarca's followers in Slovak literature was further complemented by Valentin Beniak (Sophia, 1941) and Jan Kostra (Ave Eva, 1943). Mihalik's selection from Il Canzoniere , both as a pioneering undertaking and as a work briefly preceding Strmen's Vavrin, constitutes a valuable contribution to Slovak literature and general aesthetics. Like Strmen in the work under review, Mihalik according to one reviewer, presents parts of Il Canzoniere as faithfully as possible. His translated version of the original "sings" in Slovak as it does in the original Italian (SP, No. XI, 124). It may be noted that Mihalik and Strmen, who are both poets-translators, chose slightly different formal and conceptual paths to attain their goals. Mihalik, living in Slovakia and somewhat burdened by his limited knowledge of the Italian language, was forced to seek the assistance of a translator and depend on the present politically-motivated scholarship of the Society sphere. Strmen, residing abroad and fluent in a dozen of foreign languages, had the capacity and the circumstances to approach the task and to accomplish it singlehandedly. In each case, the net result is characterized by some 124 SLOVAKIA similarities in an overall consideration and by specific differences in matters of detail. Let us now briefly examine some prominent features of both translations. To begin with, Mihalik used the thirteen foot iambic feminine verse alternated by the masculine hexameter exclusively. Examples: Vy po-slu-cha-ci bas-ni, v kto-rych iial'-i chve-nie ai do-sial' mu-ci mo-je srd-ce u-sta-te ... (Sonnet I, vv. 1-2) Do-bro-re-ce-ne mie-sto, mo-jej Las-ky sud-ca, den, me-siac, rok a chvi-l'a, pa-miit-ny ten kut kra-ji-ny, kde ma vrh-li do ca-rov-nych put due o-ci pre-kras-ne, ie v6-bec ne-viem hnut' sa. (Sonnet LXI, vv. 1-4) An analysis of Mihalik' s translation and expository writing shows that his strict adherence to a specific form might have been prompted by several formal and quasi-polemical considerations. As the poet of a somewhat conservative bent, he tried to counteract "the wave of amorphism governing the preponderant part of (modem Slovak) poetry" (SP , No. XI , 132). As a scholar, he seems to defend some modern concepts exalting the creative role of a translator over the older claims of Kollar and Holly, who hold that no translation can surpass the artistry of the original Slovak creations. Viliam Turcany, a modem Slovak scholar , commented that Mihalik' s translations "read as if they were his own original works" (SP, No. XII, 122). In the specific reference to the form used in Mihalik's rendition of fl Canzoniere, Turcany stressed the fact that the thirteen-foot iambic line alternated with the hexameter is the metric form best sv.ited for expressing ''the similar quantitative-conceptual density of the Italian and Slovak prosody line" (SP, No. XII, 127). Strmen disregarded both the explicit and the implied claims of Mihalik and Turcany, and translated his selected parts of fl Canzoniere in accordance with his own aesthetic and semantic tenets. Cutting down the length of Petrarca's sonnet line to eleven and ten syllables respectively, he indirectly confirmed the fact that translations from Italian poetry - like translations of prose - require about 15 percent less space in Slovak. Examples: Vy, co tu v zlom-koch ver-sov za-chy-ti-te sum vzdy-chov, kto-re l'u-bost' ii-vi-li . . . (Sonnet I, vv. 1-2) 125 SLOVAKIA Bla-ho-sla-ve-ny me-siac, deii i rok i pek-ny kraj i vcas-na jar i chvi-l'a i mie-sto, kde mi Las-ka za-lo-ii-la na mih jej o-ka kru-hy ie-lie-zok .. (Sonnet LXI , vv. 1-4) On the other hand, preserving the prevailing "dynamic" subjectverb structure of Petrarca,' s sentence in his rendition of the Italian work, Strrnen established a close relationship between poet and theme . In the remarks which introduce his translation of Il Canzoniere, Strrnen underlined the importance of the original work for the quality of its translation and for general scholarly consideration. According to him every new great poet represents, so to speak, the last word , the exhaustion of literary potentials. And since, we all are willy-nilly prisoners of our era, we are all tempted to make him the criterion of the past. But the history of poetry deals with something else: the great poet stands out as an independent island (and) we approach him with the guidebooks of our aesthetic prejudices . . . A translation should be primarily a mirror (of the original, and) not ... a colonization or an extension of the translator's personality. In summing up the basic tenets of this review, it is necessary to ask how both poet-translators enriched Slovak literature by translating parts of Petrarca's masterpiece into Slovak and how each of them contributed to the advancement of general scholarly knowledge. Considering the first part of the question , I wish to point out that these translations complement each other. Each poet selected different portions from the original and consequently offered a wider selection from the Italian work to his Slovak readers. A limited number of the poems translated by both poets makes it possible, on the other hand, to study these poems in juxtaposition with each other and facilitates their close comparison. As to the second part of the question, I thank that both Slovak selections from Il Canzoniere provide new thoughts for a theoretical approach to aesthetics in general and Slovak Petrarchian studies in particular . Two basic points of this review, namely verse structure and the " kinetics" of language, are common denominators in the comparative study of specific segments of the respective works and , at the same time , of the · specifics of the individual parts within the artistic whole. Conversely , any segment of Il Canzoniere - if juxtaposed with its counterparts in Slovak translations - will give at least a hint about the character and merits of the respective work. In practical terms, the lines cited in Slovak from Mihalik's and Strmen's translations (as well as any other lines from their selections) 126 SLOVAKIA will give the reader at least a broad idea about the formal aspects of either translation. Italian Slavists will, even by a dissection of these brief segments, gain insight into "hidden" linguistic and artistic concepts governing Strmen's and Mihalik's translations. Economy, idea, and sound quality were the most importat denominators shaping Petrarca's masterpiece. Without expressing any subjective valuejudgment about the Slovak selections from Il Canzoniere, I can state that Mihalik and Strmen fulfilled scholarly expectations in coping with these three fundamental principles of Petrarca's work. ANDREW CINCURA □□□ Joseph M. Kirschbaum, Slovak Language and Literature: Essays. Winnipeg and Cleveland: University of Manitoba, Department of Slavic Studies, 1975. (Readings in Slavic Literature, 12). 336 pages. This is a collection of twelve essays on various aspects of Slovak language and literature which Prof. Kirschbaum has read at conferences and-or published in journals over the past twenty years. He has divided them into three parts, the first (2 essays) discussing questions of language, the second (7 essays) presenting selected topics in Slovak literature through the latter part of the nineteenth century, and the third (3 essays) surveying post-World War II trends. There is a fourth part which purports to be a '' French summary'', but in reality is a slightly rearranged translation of the first and third English chapters. Prof. Kirschbaum's purpose is "to acquaint students and scholars . . . with the development of the Slovak vernacular into a literary medium and with the literature created by the Slovaks in their own language as well as other languages used in Slovakia ... '' The goal is admirable, but he has missed a splendid opportunity to create a solid synthetic survey. There are several reasons to regret his choice of method. As is unfortunately true with much material published by Slovaks in the West, one is left in doubt as to precisely what audience he is trying to reach. Part of the time, Prof. Kirschbaum devotes essays to polemics, particularly with those who sub,s cribe to the concept of Czechoslovakism. He uses expressions such 'as ''misconceptions'' and ''errors' ', charging that these ''wrongs' ' are based on flimsy evidence. But in turn, Kirschbaum himself offers minimal ''proof'' for some of his assertions. Nevertheless, it is disappointing to see polemical essays alongside more serious academic treatments (particularly those chapters on Jan Kollar, Pavol Safarik, and :Cudovit Stur). Further, Western scholars in recent years have taken note of changing perceptions of the development of Slovak national consciousness. (See, for example, Joseph Zacek's remarks in his study of "Nationalism in SLOVAKIA 127 Czechoslovakia" in Peter F. Sugar and Ivo J. Lederer, eds., Nationalism in Eastern Europe - 1969.) The second problem is that Prof. Kirschbaum has several times repeated his use of the same evidence. He indicates in his introduction that he has done some editing to avoid repetitions, but what are we to make of his double use of a statement by the Polish philologist Tadeusz Lehr-Splawinski (pp. 20 and 68), or of "western" discussions of the origin of Slovak as a literazy language (pp . 18-19 and 52-53)? This is also a problem in books in · which the essays of multiple authors are collected, but one wishes Prof. Kirschbaum had been more diligent in overcoming it. Why, though , when such a golden opportunity presented itself, didn't Prof. Kirschbaum give us a synthetic survey of Slovak literature? There would have been no fear of his repeating himself, and the scholars and students, for whom he says he is writing, would have had an overall view of the evolving Slovak language and literature. Kirschbaum himself remarks on the particular importance of Slovak literature between the wars, but he allows as that would require too much space to discuss, and so he skips the subject. Similarly, his discussion of post1945 literary development is a bare outline of the 1945-1956 period, with only a couple of paragraphs given over to the extremely important dozen years after that, a period so necessary for an understanding of the events of 1968 and after. Kirschbaum alludes to a few important matters after 1956, such as the rapidly growing research on Slovak language and literature in the early 1960s (pp. 35-36). He suggests that this development resulted from the Communist Party's perception of language and literature as being a neutral field. The reader is left wondering why it was, then, that manifestations of Slovak nationalism developed precisely in those areas. The plea of complexity is inadequate. The inclusion of the two chapters of Slovak emigre literature is puzzling, since Kirschbaum tells us twice that only about 50 writers are involved. He does cite their availablity to the reader in the West, but in fact, after the passage of three decades, they now belong more among Slovak ethnic writers in the United States and Canada (or wherever else they live) than to continuing Slovak literary trends in Czecho-Slovakia. Sad as it might be, these authors are writing for a decreasing number of readers. The interesting aspect of these chapters is the report of the publication in post-February Czecho-Slovakia of works · by :Cudo Besenovsky and Milos Mlynarovic. Prof. Kirschbaum should be cautioned in his use of Robert Kann's praise of Slovak cultural development in the whole of the nineteenth century (pp. 147-8). It is clear from Kann's context that he includes Kollar, Safarik, Stefanik, and Masaryk in his kudos, a quartet who are usually ascribed major roles in the Czecho-Slovak movement, a concept Prof. Kirschbaum would certainly take strong offense to. 128 SLOVAKIA The number of printing errors is atrocious . Thus, R. W. SetonWatson becomes Seton-Weston (p. 9), Nicholas Spulber is Spuller (p. 9), Jan Tibensky comes out T. Tibeasky (p . 119) , the Spolok sv. Vojtecha is said to have been founded in 1780, rather than 1870 (p. 206), Timrava and Podjavorinska become Timarava and Podajavorisnka (also p. 206), Cyrillic is spelled in at least 5 or 6 different ways, ad infinitum. The French resume fares no better. I counted at least a half dozen errors in the first paragraph on page 286. An inserted errata catches a small number of errors, but tells us, "The word 'Slovensky' in Chapter III should have an accent on the letter e (! ) unavailable to the printers.' ' A couple of other minor carps: (1) the use of Loe. cit., op. cit., etc., is functional for article-length material, but not very feasible in a monograph. A reference to Robert Auty, loc. cit., on page 117 requires the reader to go all the way back to page 21. A reference to Noge, op. cit. on page 203 lacks any earlier reference whatsoever. It belongs to Julius Noge, An Outline of Slovakian Literature (Bratislava, 1968) which certainly also belongs in the bibliography. (2) In Chapter XII we suddenly have titles of Slovak works given only in English, making them harder to locate. In sum, a book whose title held so much promise turns out to be a disappointment. I share Prof. J. B. Rudnyckyj's prefaced complaint that there is far too little scholarly material available in English about Slovak literature, and I would add, about Slovak history, and Slovakia in general. Unfortunately, this compendium has not improved the situation. - OWENV. JOHNSON \ Our Contributors Edward J. Behuncik, J.D., attorney; America, Stratford, Connecticut president, Slovak League of John Bodnar, Ph.D., historian, Harrisburg, Pennsylvania Andrew Cincura, Ph.D., author; professor, Riverside, California Owen V. Johnson, Ph.D., historian, University of Michigan Joseph M. Kirschbaum, LLD., Ph.D., historian; author, Toronto, Ontario, Canada Margaret Matus, student, University of Pittsburgh, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania Michael Novak, Ph.D., author; lecturer; professor, Bayville, New York Andrew V. Pier, O.S.B., M.A., historian; author, Cleveland, Ohio M. Mark Stolarik, Ph.D., historian; professor, Cleveland, Ohio Anthony X. Sutherland, Ph.D., historian, Stony Point, New York Daniel F. Tanzone, 8.A., author; fraternalist, Yonkers, New York Francis Vnuk, M.A., author; historian, Broadview, Australia OFFICERS OF THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA Honorary President: Stephen J. Tkach, K.H.S. JOHN A. HOLY Secretary 870 Rifle Camp Road West Paterson, N.J. 07424 EDWARD J. BEHUNCIK President 178 Elliott Street Stratford, Conn. 06497 Vice Presidents: Milan V. Blazek Frances L. Mizenko Daniel F. Tanzone Executive Committee: Edward J . Behuncik, John A. Holy, Louise Yash, Irma A. Vrbancic, John A. Sabol, George J. Kostelnik, Stephen J. Kavulich, Andrew Hudak, Jr., Dr. Joseph Mikula Anna E. Hletko Auditors: Dr. Stanislav Duris George N. Kantor SLOVAK FRATERNAL ORGANIZATIONS (Affiliated with the Slovak League of America) THE FIRST CATHOLIC SLOVAK UNION Cleveland, Ohio - Membership 104,000 THE FIRST CATHOLIC SLOVAK LADIES ASSOCIATION Beachwood, Ohio - Membership 100,000 THE SLOVAK CATHOLIC SOKOL Passaic, N.J. - Membership 53,000 THE LADIES PENNSYLVANIA SLOVAK CATHOLIC UNION Wilkes-Barre, Pa. - Membership 16,500 PENNSYLVANIA SLOVAK CATHOLIC UNION Wilkes-Barre, Pa. - Membership 15,000 SLOVAK NEWSPAPERMEN'S ASSOCIATION OF AMERICA John C. Sciranka, President SLOVAK AMERICAN NEWSPAPERS (Affiliated with the Slovak League of America) JEDNOTA (circulation 40,000) SLOVAK v AMERIKE (circulation 3,000) ZENS KA JEDNOTA (circulation 35,000) ZORNICKA (circulation 5,000) KATOLICKY SOKOL (circulation 20,000) BRATSTVO (circulation 7,000) PR IA TEL DIETOK (circulation 9,000) SLOVAKIA $4.00 per annum in the U.S.A. - $5.00 elsewhere Printed by JEDNOTA PRINTERY Middletown, Pennsylvania U.S.A.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Back Matter, Slovakia, Vol. 26 (No. 49) Description An account of the resource includes Book Reviews; Our Contributors Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1976 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/029d603d9d512ac10874f3e99299fe7b.pdf d7f1309ae0047674f22aeaaea36de48b PDF Text Text 106 SLOVAKIA Slovakia on My Map MARGARET MATUS It' s been three years since they buried my grandfather. He died just after Christmas when I was seventeen. I can still picture the grief in his eyes the day they buried my grandmother, just three short weeks before his own death. I remember him sitting heavy and limp in his wheel chair next to her casket, staring at no one in particular, while pictures were taken of Grandma to send to her relatives in CzechoSlovakia. Somehow it seemed a disgusting thing to do - taking pictures of a dead person . But it caused me to think back to a picture that some distant cousin had sent from the old country. It was a woman, one hundred and one years old, so they said. She was stretched out in a narrow coffin with people lined up all around her. The picture fascinated me, not because the old woman was dead, but rather because those people, living so far away, were related to me . It caused me to wonder what it would be like to live in their country and speak in my grandparents' native tongue. My interest, however, didn't fully develop until my sophomore year of high school, when I was assigned to research my ethnic background. At the time I didn't even know where exactly CzechoSlovakia was on the map. None of the history courses I'd ever taken mentioned much about it. I could only find one book in the school library that had anything at all about Slovaks, other than a sentence or two. It was a paragraph of mostly derogatory remarks. It talked about' our bad temper and our weak will for booze - something to the effect that our idea of a good time was to see how many empty beer kegs we could leave rolling on the floor. I found it hard to believe that a history resource book could be so opinionated and it angered me. I flatly refused to tell the class about what I had found. Instead, I tried to rely on what little information I could dig up from my own family background. It wasn't easy. Even though both of my parents are Slovak, they were only able to answer a few of the many questions I raised about our family heritage. I couldn't speak to my father's parents about it. They had long since passed away. And, while my mother's parents were still alive, I never bothered much to question them about their history. I'm not sure exactly why . Maybe it was because they never encouraged my interest, or maybe I was just too impatient to struggle with their broken English. Besides, they always had a habit of slipping into Slovak, and I was never around them long enough to understand any of it . I remember once, when I was very young, I asked my mother to teach me Slovak. Unfortunately, she could only speak a few words of it �SLOVAKIA 107 herself, even though she was quite. capable of understanding it when it was spoken to her. She taught me a few things, like how to say my name and how to count to ten, but that was about the extent of it. Being close to the youngest in her family, my mother didn't have as much exposure to the Slovak tradition as her brothers and sister had. I guess you could say that by the time she was born, the family had become more Americanized. But she told me as much as she could about the life and conventiQns of my grandparents. They came to America shortly after World War I. My grandmother, Anna Goffa, was officially born in the United States but was taken back to Europe soon after her birth. She was still an infant when her mother died and her father returned to America, leaving her behind with relatives. Joseph Svac had known Anna as an infant, and it was said that once, while he was rocking her to sleep, he claimed he would one day marry her. As a child, Anna lived the life of an orphan, being pushed from one relative to another. She went to school for a short time only, never reaching the fourth grade. When the war broke out she was sent to work in fields where soldiers were buried, throwing lime on the ground to hasten the decay. She was eighteen when her father finally sent for her to join him in America. Joseph had embarked for the U.S. a few years earlier and he was working as a lumberjack in Colorado. When he heard of Anna's arrival in Pittsburgh, he joined her and they were married shortly afterwards at Holy Trinity Church in McKeesport, Pennsylvania, with a celebration that lasted three days. Eventually, they settled down in Clairton, Pennsylvania, where Joseph got a job as a mill worker. The Svac family came from a background that was rich in superstition. Many of their beliefs centered around the "evil eye." Anna claimed that her first-horn's death was caused by this curse. She said that on the day her newborn baby was baptized, a woman, presumably possessing the "evil eye," cast a spell on the baby by staring at her. At that very moment the baby began to cry and continued to do so for several hours. She died a day or so later. Anna's only son, Mike, was also supposedly cursed by the "evil eye" when he was five years old. He slipped into a convulsive-like state, and a neighborhood midwife had to perform some sort of ritulll to rid him of it. Altogether, Joseph and Anna Svac had eight children. Two of them died as infants. My mother was their seventh-born, which supposedly meant that her life would be blessed with good fortune. She was also a ''veiled'' child, signifying that she had the potential to develop certain psychic capabilities. ("Veiled" was a term used to describe a baby born with a film of skin over its face.) They christened her Margaret V. Svac. The "V" was meant to �108 SLOVAKIA stand for Wilma, but my grandmother's heavy accent caused some misunderstanding and Margaret' s middle name was recorded as Vilma instead. Many of her family ' s customs had faded out when my mother was young so that she could recall only a few with any clarity. She told me about the host-like bread that they had every Christmas Eve, and how it was imprinted with holy pictures and eaten with honey on it . She also mentioned the blessing of Easter baskets and managed to recall a few of my grandparents' superstitions. According to one of them, in order to have good luck all year, a dark haired man must be the first to enter the home on New Year's Eve. She said that my grandfather believed that it was bad luck to leave a room through a different doorway than that through which one entered. By the time my mother married, there was very little to pass on to her children in the way of tradition other than a few vague memories, most of which were fragmented and, more than likely, inaccurate. My father's family couldn't provide any more cultural information than that of my mother ' s. As a matter of fact, his family was even more Americanized than hers. He didn't even have any considerable exposure to the Slovak language . It wasn't spoken in his home because, I suspect, my grandparents philosophized that "when you ' re in America, you only need to speak English.'' My grandfather, Jan Matus, came to the United States shortly before the onset of World War I. Slovakia, then under Magyar control, was plagued by a serious economic depression - driving over 750,000 Slovaks to the U.S . in search of work and better living conditions . Jan, who was seventeen years old at the time, left his family of nineteen in hopes of finding a good paying job as a tool and die maker in America. My great-grandfather, Jan Sr. , had wanted to come to the U.S. for many years. But the thought of either uprooting or abandoning his large family kept him from leaving his home in Spisska Nova Ves, where he worked as supervisor to an ore mine. Jan Jr., though, had no intention of following his father's line of work, and so he embarked for America in 1910. Once he arrived here, my grandfather found out that life wouldn't be quite as easy as he had thought it would be. He ended up writing home for money to live on until he could establish himself. Eventually, he settled down in Pittsburgh after marrying Anna Kovalcik, who was American-born and, therefore, somewhat less ethnic-oriented than himself. Together, they raised seven children, each named according to the saint's day on which he or she was born an idea which Jan's eldest son, Sylvester, resented. Jan had four other sons, one of which was named John, after himself. John was to become my father. Early in 1943, Anna Kovalcik Matus died of cancer, leaving my grandfather to raise seven children on his own. My father was twelve �SLOVAKIA 109 years old at the time and very quickly learned to be independent. He lived at home until his marriage to my mother in 1955. I was nine years old when my grandfather passed away, and the only trace of him that I can remember, other than what can be seen in the family photograph album, is the foreign accent he had. Most of his relatives are still living in Eastern Europe. I have a great aunt who writes to thE¥I1 from time to time. However, her letters are written in Hungarian. She can no longer remember very much of her native language. I visited her a few times, when I was much younger, and I remember once finding a book of Slovak proverbs that had been lying next to her reading chair. I spent an entire day copying them over very carefully - first in Slovak, and then in English translation. I had two favorites out of all those sayings. One was, "If you have the horse, don't worry about the saddle,'' and the other, ''If there were no 'ifs' we'd all be in heaven." After that day, whenever I wrote to a friend, I'd make sure to add one of the Slovak proverbs, written in Slovak, to the bottom of the letter. I thought it looked impressive, almost as though I actually knew the language. None ofmy friends, that I can recall, were Slovak, and it made me feel rather unique that I was of a descent almost totally mysterious to them - the only problem being that it was just about as mysterious to me, also. I realize now that very few Slavic Americans felt the way that I had back then. Most of them tried to become as "American" as possible. Some even went as far as changing their surnames to cover up their heritage. I've only recently come to realize that this was due primarily to various forms of discrimination suffered by the Slavic Americans. Even though my parents' families let quite a few Slovak traditions slip away from them, they were never ashamed of their ancestry and never covered up the fact they were of Slavic origin. Of course, no one in my family ever tried to push for anything more than a modest middle class life. If they had, they might have felt the same oppression that so many other Slavic Americans faced. It reminds me of a teacher I once had, who asked me to name one famous American of Slovak descent. I couldn't think of any at all - at least none that would have ever openly admitted to being Slovak. The incident embarrassed me, but it had no effect whatsoever on the pride I had for my own heritage. Those Slovaks who emigrated to this country were a very humble and pious people, and I admire them very much. They were hard workers and, more than anything else, they were deeply religious. My elder relatives still adorn their homes with an abundance of sacred statues and pictures. Many of them spend a great deal of time in Church. And, of what little customs they do remember, almost all have strong religious connotations. Since the death of my grandfather, three years ago, my interest in my own heritage has grown considerably, and I'm beginning to learn �110 SLOVAKIA the language and the culture. And, I'm glad to see that ethnic awareness is developing, not only in my community, but in others as well. For Slavic Americans are rapidly losing a wealth of cultural knowledge that cannot be preserved unless desire is generated now. (Reprinted with permission from Growing Up Slavic in America, published by EMPAC, Box 48, Bayville, New York 10109.) (Margaret Matus, a junior at the University of Pittsburgh, is currently working on a self-designed major in Eastern European Studies. She is an active member in the Slavic-American Citizens Educational Society and is President of the University Slovak-Czech Club, in addition to being affiliated with various other University organizations.) � 106 SLOVAKIA Slovakia on My Map MARGARET MATUS It' s been three years since they buried my grandfather. He died just after Christmas when I was seventeen. I can still picture the grief in his eyes the day they buried my grandmother, just three short weeks before his own death. I remember him sitting heavy and limp in his wheel chair next to her casket, staring at no one in particular, while pictures were taken of Grandma to send to her relatives in CzechoSlovakia. Somehow it seemed a disgusting thing to do - taking pictures of a dead person . But it caused me to think back to a picture that some distant cousin had sent from the old country. It was a woman, one hundred and one years old, so they said. She was stretched out in a narrow coffin with people lined up all around her. The picture fascinated me, not because the old woman was dead, but rather because those people, living so far away, were related to me . It caused me to wonder what it would be like to live in their country and speak in my grandparents' native tongue. My interest, however, didn't fully develop until my sophomore year of high school, when I was assigned to research my ethnic background. At the time I didn't even know where exactly CzechoSlovakia was on the map. None of the history courses I'd ever taken mentioned much about it. I could only find one book in the school library that had anything at all about Slovaks, other than a sentence or two. It was a paragraph of mostly derogatory remarks. It talked about' our bad temper and our weak will for booze - something to the effect that our idea of a good time was to see how many empty beer kegs we could leave rolling on the floor. I found it hard to believe that a history resource book could be so opinionated and it angered me. I flatly refused to tell the class about what I had found. Instead, I tried to rely on what little information I could dig up from my own family background. It wasn't easy. Even though both of my parents are Slovak, they were only able to answer a few of the many questions I raised about our family heritage. I couldn't speak to my father's parents about it. They had long since passed away. And, while my mother's parents were still alive, I never bothered much to question them about their history. I'm not sure exactly why . Maybe it was because they never encouraged my interest, or maybe I was just too impatient to struggle with their broken English. Besides, they always had a habit of slipping into Slovak, and I was never around them long enough to understand any of it . I remember once, when I was very young, I asked my mother to teach me Slovak. Unfortunately, she could only speak a few words of it �SLOVAKIA 107 herself, even though she was quite. capable of understanding it when it was spoken to her. She taught me a few things, like how to say my name and how to count to ten, but that was about the extent of it. Being close to the youngest in her family, my mother didn't have as much exposure to the Slovak tradition as her brothers and sister had. I guess you could say that by the time she was born, the family had become more Americanized. But she told me as much as she could about the life and conventiQns of my grandparents. They came to America shortly after World War I. My grandmother, Anna Goffa, was officially born in the United States but was taken back to Europe soon after her birth. She was still an infant when her mother died and her father returned to America, leaving her behind with relatives. Joseph Svac had known Anna as an infant, and it was said that once, while he was rocking her to sleep, he claimed he would one day marry her. As a child, Anna lived the life of an orphan, being pushed from one relative to another. She went to school for a short time only, never reaching the fourth grade. When the war broke out she was sent to work in fields where soldiers were buried, throwing lime on the ground to hasten the decay. She was eighteen when her father finally sent for her to join him in America. Joseph had embarked for the U.S. a few years earlier and he was working as a lumberjack in Colorado. When he heard of Anna's arrival in Pittsburgh, he joined her and they were married shortly afterwards at Holy Trinity Church in McKeesport, Pennsylvania, with a celebration that lasted three days. Eventually, they settled down in Clairton, Pennsylvania, where Joseph got a job as a mill worker. The Svac family came from a background that was rich in superstition. Many of their beliefs centered around the "evil eye." Anna claimed that her first-horn's death was caused by this curse. She said that on the day her newborn baby was baptized, a woman, presumably possessing the "evil eye," cast a spell on the baby by staring at her. At that very moment the baby began to cry and continued to do so for several hours. She died a day or so later. Anna's only son, Mike, was also supposedly cursed by the "evil eye" when he was five years old. He slipped into a convulsive-like state, and a neighborhood midwife had to perform some sort of ritulll to rid him of it. Altogether, Joseph and Anna Svac had eight children. Two of them died as infants. My mother was their seventh-born, which supposedly meant that her life would be blessed with good fortune. She was also a ''veiled'' child, signifying that she had the potential to develop certain psychic capabilities. ("Veiled" was a term used to describe a baby born with a film of skin over its face.) They christened her Margaret V. Svac. The "V" was meant to �108 SLOVAKIA stand for Wilma, but my grandmother's heavy accent caused some misunderstanding and Margaret' s middle name was recorded as Vilma instead. Many of her family ' s customs had faded out when my mother was young so that she could recall only a few with any clarity. She told me about the host-like bread that they had every Christmas Eve, and how it was imprinted with holy pictures and eaten with honey on it . She also mentioned the blessing of Easter baskets and managed to recall a few of my grandparents' superstitions. According to one of them, in order to have good luck all year, a dark haired man must be the first to enter the home on New Year's Eve. She said that my grandfather believed that it was bad luck to leave a room through a different doorway than that through which one entered. By the time my mother married, there was very little to pass on to her children in the way of tradition other than a few vague memories, most of which were fragmented and, more than likely, inaccurate. My father's family couldn't provide any more cultural information than that of my mother ' s. As a matter of fact, his family was even more Americanized than hers. He didn't even have any considerable exposure to the Slovak language . It wasn't spoken in his home because, I suspect, my grandparents philosophized that "when you ' re in America, you only need to speak English.'' My grandfather, Jan Matus, came to the United States shortly before the onset of World War I. Slovakia, then under Magyar control, was plagued by a serious economic depression - driving over 750,000 Slovaks to the U.S . in search of work and better living conditions . Jan, who was seventeen years old at the time, left his family of nineteen in hopes of finding a good paying job as a tool and die maker in America. My great-grandfather, Jan Sr. , had wanted to come to the U.S. for many years. But the thought of either uprooting or abandoning his large family kept him from leaving his home in Spisska Nova Ves, where he worked as supervisor to an ore mine. Jan Jr., though, had no intention of following his father's line of work, and so he embarked for America in 1910. Once he arrived here, my grandfather found out that life wouldn't be quite as easy as he had thought it would be. He ended up writing home for money to live on until he could establish himself. Eventually, he settled down in Pittsburgh after marrying Anna Kovalcik, who was American-born and, therefore, somewhat less ethnic-oriented than himself. Together, they raised seven children, each named according to the saint's day on which he or she was born an idea which Jan's eldest son, Sylvester, resented. Jan had four other sons, one of which was named John, after himself. John was to become my father. Early in 1943, Anna Kovalcik Matus died of cancer, leaving my grandfather to raise seven children on his own. My father was twelve �SLOVAKIA 109 years old at the time and very quickly learned to be independent. He lived at home until his marriage to my mother in 1955. I was nine years old when my grandfather passed away, and the only trace of him that I can remember, other than what can be seen in the family photograph album, is the foreign accent he had. Most of his relatives are still living in Eastern Europe. I have a great aunt who writes to thE¥I1 from time to time. However, her letters are written in Hungarian. She can no longer remember very much of her native language. I visited her a few times, when I was much younger, and I remember once finding a book of Slovak proverbs that had been lying next to her reading chair. I spent an entire day copying them over very carefully - first in Slovak, and then in English translation. I had two favorites out of all those sayings. One was, "If you have the horse, don't worry about the saddle,'' and the other, ''If there were no 'ifs' we'd all be in heaven." After that day, whenever I wrote to a friend, I'd make sure to add one of the Slovak proverbs, written in Slovak, to the bottom of the letter. I thought it looked impressive, almost as though I actually knew the language. None ofmy friends, that I can recall, were Slovak, and it made me feel rather unique that I was of a descent almost totally mysterious to them - the only problem being that it was just about as mysterious to me, also. I realize now that very few Slavic Americans felt the way that I had back then. Most of them tried to become as "American" as possible. Some even went as far as changing their surnames to cover up their heritage. I've only recently come to realize that this was due primarily to various forms of discrimination suffered by the Slavic Americans. Even though my parents' families let quite a few Slovak traditions slip away from them, they were never ashamed of their ancestry and never covered up the fact they were of Slavic origin. Of course, no one in my family ever tried to push for anything more than a modest middle class life. If they had, they might have felt the same oppression that so many other Slavic Americans faced. It reminds me of a teacher I once had, who asked me to name one famous American of Slovak descent. I couldn't think of any at all - at least none that would have ever openly admitted to being Slovak. The incident embarrassed me, but it had no effect whatsoever on the pride I had for my own heritage. Those Slovaks who emigrated to this country were a very humble and pious people, and I admire them very much. They were hard workers and, more than anything else, they were deeply religious. My elder relatives still adorn their homes with an abundance of sacred statues and pictures. Many of them spend a great deal of time in Church. And, of what little customs they do remember, almost all have strong religious connotations. Since the death of my grandfather, three years ago, my interest in my own heritage has grown considerably, and I'm beginning to learn �110 SLOVAKIA the language and the culture. And, I'm glad to see that ethnic awareness is developing, not only in my community, but in others as well. For Slavic Americans are rapidly losing a wealth of cultural knowledge that cannot be preserved unless desire is generated now. (Reprinted with permission from Growing Up Slavic in America, published by EMPAC, Box 48, Bayville, New York 10109.) (Margaret Matus, a junior at the University of Pittsburgh, is currently working on a self-designed major in Eastern European Studies. She is an active member in the Slavic-American Citizens Educational Society and is President of the University Slovak-Czech Club, in addition to being affiliated with various other University organizations.) � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1976, Vol. 26 Description An account of the resource Vol. 26 (No. 49), 1976. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1976 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 106 SLOVAKIA Slovakia on My Map MARGARET MATUS It' s been three years since they buried my grandfather. He died just after Christmas when I was seventeen. I can still picture the grief in his eyes the day they buried my grandmother, just three short weeks before his own death. I remember him sitting heavy and limp in his wheel chair next to her casket, staring at no one in particular, while pictures were taken of Grandma to send to her relatives in CzechoSlovakia. Somehow it seemed a disgusting thing to do - taking pictures of a dead person . But it caused me to think back to a picture that some distant cousin had sent from the old country. It was a woman, one hundred and one years old, so they said. She was stretched out in a narrow coffin with people lined up all around her. The picture fascinated me, not because the old woman was dead, but rather because those people, living so far away, were related to me . It caused me to wonder what it would be like to live in their country and speak in my grandparents' native tongue. My interest, however, didn't fully develop until my sophomore year of high school, when I was assigned to research my ethnic background. At the time I didn't even know where exactly CzechoSlovakia was on the map. None of the history courses I'd ever taken mentioned much about it. I could only find one book in the school library that had anything at all about Slovaks, other than a sentence or two. It was a paragraph of mostly derogatory remarks. It talked about' our bad temper and our weak will for booze - something to the effect that our idea of a good time was to see how many empty beer kegs we could leave rolling on the floor. I found it hard to believe that a history resource book could be so opinionated and it angered me. I flatly refused to tell the class about what I had found. Instead, I tried to rely on what little information I could dig up from my own family background. It wasn't easy. Even though both of my parents are Slovak, they were only able to answer a few of the many questions I raised about our family heritage. I couldn't speak to my father's parents about it. They had long since passed away. And, while my mother's parents were still alive, I never bothered much to question them about their history. I'm not sure exactly why . Maybe it was because they never encouraged my interest, or maybe I was just too impatient to struggle with their broken English. Besides, they always had a habit of slipping into Slovak, and I was never around them long enough to understand any of it . I remember once, when I was very young, I asked my mother to teach me Slovak. Unfortunately, she could only speak a few words of it SLOVAKIA 107 herself, even though she was quite. capable of understanding it when it was spoken to her. She taught me a few things, like how to say my name and how to count to ten, but that was about the extent of it. Being close to the youngest in her family, my mother didn't have as much exposure to the Slovak tradition as her brothers and sister had. I guess you could say that by the time she was born, the family had become more Americanized. But she told me as much as she could about the life and conventiQns of my grandparents. They came to America shortly after World War I. My grandmother, Anna Goffa, was officially born in the United States but was taken back to Europe soon after her birth. She was still an infant when her mother died and her father returned to America, leaving her behind with relatives. Joseph Svac had known Anna as an infant, and it was said that once, while he was rocking her to sleep, he claimed he would one day marry her. As a child, Anna lived the life of an orphan, being pushed from one relative to another. She went to school for a short time only, never reaching the fourth grade. When the war broke out she was sent to work in fields where soldiers were buried, throwing lime on the ground to hasten the decay. She was eighteen when her father finally sent for her to join him in America. Joseph had embarked for the U.S. a few years earlier and he was working as a lumberjack in Colorado. When he heard of Anna's arrival in Pittsburgh, he joined her and they were married shortly afterwards at Holy Trinity Church in McKeesport, Pennsylvania, with a celebration that lasted three days. Eventually, they settled down in Clairton, Pennsylvania, where Joseph got a job as a mill worker. The Svac family came from a background that was rich in superstition. Many of their beliefs centered around the "evil eye." Anna claimed that her first-horn's death was caused by this curse. She said that on the day her newborn baby was baptized, a woman, presumably possessing the "evil eye," cast a spell on the baby by staring at her. At that very moment the baby began to cry and continued to do so for several hours. She died a day or so later. Anna's only son, Mike, was also supposedly cursed by the "evil eye" when he was five years old. He slipped into a convulsive-like state, and a neighborhood midwife had to perform some sort of ritulll to rid him of it. Altogether, Joseph and Anna Svac had eight children. Two of them died as infants. My mother was their seventh-born, which supposedly meant that her life would be blessed with good fortune. She was also a ''veiled'' child, signifying that she had the potential to develop certain psychic capabilities. ("Veiled" was a term used to describe a baby born with a film of skin over its face.) They christened her Margaret V. Svac. The "V" was meant to 108 SLOVAKIA stand for Wilma, but my grandmother's heavy accent caused some misunderstanding and Margaret' s middle name was recorded as Vilma instead. Many of her family ' s customs had faded out when my mother was young so that she could recall only a few with any clarity. She told me about the host-like bread that they had every Christmas Eve, and how it was imprinted with holy pictures and eaten with honey on it . She also mentioned the blessing of Easter baskets and managed to recall a few of my grandparents' superstitions. According to one of them, in order to have good luck all year, a dark haired man must be the first to enter the home on New Year's Eve. She said that my grandfather believed that it was bad luck to leave a room through a different doorway than that through which one entered. By the time my mother married, there was very little to pass on to her children in the way of tradition other than a few vague memories, most of which were fragmented and, more than likely, inaccurate. My father's family couldn't provide any more cultural information than that of my mother ' s. As a matter of fact, his family was even more Americanized than hers. He didn't even have any considerable exposure to the Slovak language . It wasn't spoken in his home because, I suspect, my grandparents philosophized that "when you ' re in America, you only need to speak English.'' My grandfather, Jan Matus, came to the United States shortly before the onset of World War I. Slovakia, then under Magyar control, was plagued by a serious economic depression - driving over 750,000 Slovaks to the U.S . in search of work and better living conditions . Jan, who was seventeen years old at the time, left his family of nineteen in hopes of finding a good paying job as a tool and die maker in America. My great-grandfather, Jan Sr. , had wanted to come to the U.S. for many years. But the thought of either uprooting or abandoning his large family kept him from leaving his home in Spisska Nova Ves, where he worked as supervisor to an ore mine. Jan Jr., though, had no intention of following his father's line of work, and so he embarked for America in 1910. Once he arrived here, my grandfather found out that life wouldn't be quite as easy as he had thought it would be. He ended up writing home for money to live on until he could establish himself. Eventually, he settled down in Pittsburgh after marrying Anna Kovalcik, who was American-born and, therefore, somewhat less ethnic-oriented than himself. Together, they raised seven children, each named according to the saint's day on which he or she was born an idea which Jan's eldest son, Sylvester, resented. Jan had four other sons, one of which was named John, after himself. John was to become my father. Early in 1943, Anna Kovalcik Matus died of cancer, leaving my grandfather to raise seven children on his own. My father was twelve SLOVAKIA 109 years old at the time and very quickly learned to be independent. He lived at home until his marriage to my mother in 1955. I was nine years old when my grandfather passed away, and the only trace of him that I can remember, other than what can be seen in the family photograph album, is the foreign accent he had. Most of his relatives are still living in Eastern Europe. I have a great aunt who writes to thE¥I1 from time to time. However, her letters are written in Hungarian. She can no longer remember very much of her native language. I visited her a few times, when I was much younger, and I remember once finding a book of Slovak proverbs that had been lying next to her reading chair. I spent an entire day copying them over very carefully - first in Slovak, and then in English translation. I had two favorites out of all those sayings. One was, "If you have the horse, don't worry about the saddle,'' and the other, ''If there were no 'ifs' we'd all be in heaven." After that day, whenever I wrote to a friend, I'd make sure to add one of the Slovak proverbs, written in Slovak, to the bottom of the letter. I thought it looked impressive, almost as though I actually knew the language. None ofmy friends, that I can recall, were Slovak, and it made me feel rather unique that I was of a descent almost totally mysterious to them - the only problem being that it was just about as mysterious to me, also. I realize now that very few Slavic Americans felt the way that I had back then. Most of them tried to become as "American" as possible. Some even went as far as changing their surnames to cover up their heritage. I've only recently come to realize that this was due primarily to various forms of discrimination suffered by the Slavic Americans. Even though my parents' families let quite a few Slovak traditions slip away from them, they were never ashamed of their ancestry and never covered up the fact they were of Slavic origin. Of course, no one in my family ever tried to push for anything more than a modest middle class life. If they had, they might have felt the same oppression that so many other Slavic Americans faced. It reminds me of a teacher I once had, who asked me to name one famous American of Slovak descent. I couldn't think of any at all - at least none that would have ever openly admitted to being Slovak. The incident embarrassed me, but it had no effect whatsoever on the pride I had for my own heritage. Those Slovaks who emigrated to this country were a very humble and pious people, and I admire them very much. They were hard workers and, more than anything else, they were deeply religious. My elder relatives still adorn their homes with an abundance of sacred statues and pictures. Many of them spend a great deal of time in Church. And, of what little customs they do remember, almost all have strong religious connotations. Since the death of my grandfather, three years ago, my interest in my own heritage has grown considerably, and I'm beginning to learn 110 SLOVAKIA the language and the culture. And, I'm glad to see that ethnic awareness is developing, not only in my community, but in others as well. For Slavic Americans are rapidly losing a wealth of cultural knowledge that cannot be preserved unless desire is generated now. (Reprinted with permission from Growing Up Slavic in America, published by EMPAC, Box 48, Bayville, New York 10109.) (Margaret Matus, a junior at the University of Pittsburgh, is currently working on a self-designed major in Eastern European Studies. She is an active member in the Slavic-American Citizens Educational Society and is President of the University Slovak-Czech Club, in addition to being affiliated with various other University organizations.)  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovakia on My Map Description An account of the resource Margaret Matus Slovakia, Vol. 26 (No. 49), 1976 pp. 106-110 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Matus, Margaret Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1976 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/1d03466e355cfdad7b25342ce320a66c.pdf 150d6e4c02c48cbfd5c70d17ffdd573c PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 87 AN ANTHOLOGY OF SLOVAK UTERA TURE Introductory Remarks ANDREW CINCURA \ An Anthology of Slovak Literature, compiled recently with financial support from The Rockefeller Foundation, presents the most representative selections from the works of over 70 Slovak authors. Consisting primarily of translations from Slovak poetry, prose , and drama, this anthology contains, in addition, a general introduction by Dr. Michael Novak, a long aesthetic-historical essay "Slovak Literature : A Brief History" by Dr. Karol StrmeN, and an appendix presenting several selections from Slovak-American authors. Several scholars and artists, including the well-known Slovak-American poet, Reverend Jaroslav J. Vajda, and American poet and scholar, Dr. Michael Collings , assisted the compiler in the project. The Anthology of Slovak Literature is - in the words of Dr. Novak - ''a work of major importance (connecting) the United States and one other small part of the world . . . This anthology is done with taste, intelligence, judgment, and perception. I read it with excitement, and I am sure that hundreds of thousands of others from Eastern Europe will find in it nourishment over the next generation, for it is a landmark book, certain to endure. " Although just a minute part of the work itself, the following excerpts from An Anthology of Slovak Literature will give the reader a foretaste of the character and artistry of the book. An Anthology of Slovak Literature has been available since May 1, 1976, at : University Hardcovers P . 0. Box 248 Riverside , California 92502 or from the major Slovak newspapers and bookstores throughout the United States and Canada. If ordered directly from the publisher, the price of the book is $16.50 for individual copies. A discount of 10 percent will be given on orders of 5-10 copies , and a discount of 20 percent on orders of 11 or more copies. The following selections are reprinted with perrmss10n of University Hardcovers, P. 0 . Box 248, Riverside, California 92502, from An Anthology of Slovak Literature by Andrew Cincura. Copyright © 1976 by Andrew Cincura. �88 SLOVAKIA On Skulls JAN HOLLY (1785-1849) Tell me, you skulls, so neatly stacked in dark bone-bins, whose were you once, a peasant's or a lord's? Which one of you was held aloof on a wealthy, mighty neck, and which drooped languid from a beggar's spine? Upon which, while alive, did fortune cast her smile, and which was crushed by lifelong slavery? Is this one whiter from the fawning adulation so many offered it in lavish awe? And that one darker having suffered undeserved ingratitude and cruel ridicule? Speechless in terrifying silence, not one of you is able to give me an answer to my question. In frightful heaps you lie, looking so very much like gathered shards of stony desolations; or like those grief-bent forests when the white-maned wind denudes them of their leafy captivating beauty. So when a man is gone: with him all honor dies and glory and every deference bestowed by others. (Ba1ne rozmanite, n. d.) Translated by J aroslav J. Vajda �SLOVAKIA God in Heaven \ AN"DREJ SLADKOVIC (1820-1872) God in heaven , see what sorrow when our young are cast abroad out into the world to borrow, toil, or beg a crust of bread. See them mercilessly driven, scattered by life's cruel hoax, what were solitary ravens have become falcon flocks . God in heaven, thus forsaken, if I stay, what can I earn? Into this world came I naked, naked I shall there return . In that hour, pray, be responsive to my final, inmost need: mercy , God, 0 God, have mercy when I stand alone with Thee. Translated by Jaroslav J. Vajda 89 �90 SLOVAKIA Bloody Sonnets (a fragment) PA VOL ORSAGH-HVIEZDOSLAV (1849-1921) I A song of blood: - what madness can this be? And which shall be our theme? The sudden rush rose-red, that leaps into a maiden 's blush, the sleeping infant's pink we love to see , that pulses under angel custody ; or shall it be the ardent crimson gush that fires the zealot 's brow with fervid flush: then let the song resound with rapture free! Oh, blood is a wonder-working fluid! Hidden like some rare vintage seething ~ithin the heart , it pounds with the might and rage of tempest-ridden breakers ; or bursting the tranquil pulse apart, it charges one with frenzy God-forbidden . .. Do thoughts like these engage the butcher's art? Translated by Jaroslav J. Vajda �SLOVAKIA The Guests , IVANKRASKO (1876-1958) Courteously , though with a mystic fearfulness, I welcomed nonetheless my funeral guests, somber, with psalters under thei:r arms, having arrived from distant lands . Ceremonially , with chalky, dry and bony hands each reverenced the icon of my dusty home, and bowing to the waist (to me - if not, to whom?), they sat around the table , a solemn, black-swathed ring. Searching the psalter for long-lost hymns, they then began to sing in deep sepulchral voice - the harshest kind of air of bitter fruit the tree of life was found to bear, of Mother Earth's original condition - as one she was before the thrice-cursed lust of slithering Diabolos ... And then as gloomily they left (under the smiles of those who never dared to take from Eve the apple of her wiles), and said they would return to us again next year to visit those they now considered brothers, or at least as near. Eunice! Where are you? Look how one by one they disappear. (Verse, 1912) Translated by Jaroslav J . Vajda 91 �92 SLOVAKIA The Hundred and First Tale of Boccaccio VALENTIN BENIAK (1894-1973) Quill in hand, I wrote a letter home: I shall stay on till Autumn here in Florence. And yes, I met Boccaccio carrying his Decameron, followed by a band of noble virgins. One I knew - Donna Clara - led her beast and handed me the leather bridle as she went. In Fiesole we met a priest bearing on his shoulder a battered trident. Neptune it was, reaping hay - despite his wont the pagan seas had scorned him, one and all. ''Sir,'' he asked, ' 'might you be the Duke of Brabant on your way to my confessional?" He would have liked the stole and blessed oil, would pray my soul to heaven's halls, would hire wicked men to toil rip Botticelli's Venus from the U(fizi's walls . . Slip her from her canvas world - be done! she would return with him to her sea-home . (For this is but the hundredth tale and one, carved from Carrara marble and sea-foam.) (Ozveny krokov, 1931) Translated by Andrew Cincura �SLOVAKIA ' Carmen EMIL B. LUKAC (1900) Dance and sing, you naked bajadera, throughout this long and melancholy era. Dance and sing, the golden calf is bleating, and dragon claws the kettle-fires are heating. In flaming dance your many limbs entwine to form a beast half-hydra, half-divine. Dance and sing, you universal axis, you contradictory, convoluted maxims: maze, lie, and death - not way and truth and life. Dance and sing, deaf.to the din of strife. The blood of millions suck, you golden flea. Machine guns bark, and cracks the gallows-tree. (Moloch, 1938) Translated by Jaroslav J. Vajda 93 �94 SLOVAKIA Two Days at Chujava (a Iragment) JONASZABORSKY (1812-1876) Zajac, a slovenly peasant and the village clown, entered the inn's hall. The youngsters surrounded him at once, and, as always, he launched into a narrative of his heroic exploits inBombardy. (1) "Every Bombardian bee, believe me, is as large as a Slovak sheep," Zajac said, to introduce his story. "And what about the beehives - how large are they?" Pelechavy asked from the other side of the table, smiling broadly. "Only as large as ours." "Then how can the bees enter the beehives?" "That's their problem, "the ex-hussar Zajac roared, laughing and half-seriously accusing Pelechavy of r.itting at the table without ever touching his full glass . "Why don't you drink like all the other right men do? May a hundred thunderclaps deafen your soul.'' A guffaw shook the room. The men emptied their glasses, while the Jewish innkeeper did his best to keep them filled. Zajac continued with his tall tales: "Did you know that macaroni is really nothing but tapeworms seventy yards long? People buy them by the foot. To eat macaroni, all one has to do is sit in the most comfortable position, open his mouth, and let the tapeworm run down his throat by itself, while the waitress measures its length by the yard and cuts it with scissors when the customer has eaten his fill.'' Zajac then related the tale of his love affair with an Italian countess. "As soon as I rode into the castle yard," he said, "she started to wink at me, her mouth watering with anticipation. She thought, 'By Jove, there's a lad. I'm sure he has no eq~al in the entire world!' And when I dismounted and handed my horse over to the servant, she shook my hand and took me by arm, saying, ''If you will, please!' Then we went into the house. After a good supper, she prepared a bed for her husband on the bench at the hearth. 'You'll sleep here tonight,' she said, patting his arm, 'but please be quiet and don't disturb the hussar in his sleep.' - For me she spread a sheaf of straw on the floor in the middle of the room. The count, listening to her soft conversation with me, coughed and said, 'Erzha, is that hussar whispering with you?' " 'So what if he is?' " 'Why don't you stop him?' the count said. " 'I can't. I don't speak his language,' the countess replied." �SLOVAKIA 95 '' And what about your meeting with Napoleon?'' a youngster with a broom-like feather on his hat called, prompting Zajac to further narration. '' All right, listen! WhE!n the Frenchmen had annoyed us with their frequent attacks, our Emperor met with his generals to find out which one of the Austro-Hungarian soldiers wore his cap most rakishly and would therefore be best suited to be sent to Napoleon . All the generals, of course, agreed that only I, Zajac, was the proper hero, willing and able to go on such an important mission. I mounted my horse and was off to Paris. On my arrival there, I tethered my horse to a fence . Mrs. Napoleon, the Empress of France, immediately ran to me, bringing oats for my horse in her apron and taking me into her kitchen . She cooked pirohy (a) for me, filled with minced pears. They were really good, better than any I'd ever seen or tasted! Large as peasant moccasins, they were greased with the tallow collected from seven melted candles. I swear to God, they were so good that the grease flowed down my chin as profusely as down Aaron's beard. I ate almost two of them. As an extra treat the Empress also cooked hriate (b) and baked pag<ice (c) with cracklings for my return trip." "And what about Napoleon?" "Well, he patted my shoulder and said, ' My dear fellow! I wish I had a regiment of hussars like you! With men like you I would easily conquer the entire world, and all the nations in it.' - And you should have seen it - I give you my word of honor and cross my heart - he embraced and kissed me as if I were his lady love.'' "And did he sue for peace?" ' 'Of course , what else could he do when I asked him to? He gave me ten farthings for whisky and asked me to convince our Emperor and generals not to stir until he took over as many lands as he wanted. He whetted his appetite for our Bombardy (1) and bombarded us out of it, may thunder and lightning strike his sideways-turned hat! We looked around, hoping that some Cossack would appear and help us, but the world is ungrateful! We assisted the Frenchmen in Crimea against the Muscovites and the thankless Muscovites did not come to repay our courtesy and help us against the Frenchmen. That's the kind of honor you find in this world! . . . " "You' re the greatest liar I've ever seen! " Buchak remarked, wiping his moustache. ''Yes, and all of you are great fools,'' the ex-hussar Zajac laughed. "You should take my words as seriously as you take the print on paper money, which sa: ·s you may exchange it for silver any time, or believe me as much as yo I can the saying that all men are equal." (1883) (Translated by Andrew Cincura) �96 SLOVAKIA NOTES: jocular term for Lombardy . Lombardy belonged to the AustroHungarian Empire until 1859. (1) Bombardy - (a) pirohy - cheese or fruit dumplings (b) hriate - hot whisky with goose-fat topping (c) pagace (pagaache) - small unsweetened cakes The nDiscovery" of Gunpowder (a frag111cnt) TEREZIA VANSOV A (1857-1941) Autumn had progressed considerably, but our children were still enjoying the golden freedom of summer vacation. In our village, there was a tradition that school started only after the Tisovec Fair. After the pupil's mothers had sold a goose or a piece of homespun linen and had bought clothes for their children and the primers with the picture of a rooster on the front cover. Then, and only then, could the children walk proudly to school. Our boys conducted great military maneuvers in the parsonage orchard. Danny, who continually pestered Srnchik with his questions about military strategy, commanded his "rank-and-file" comrades, who were equipped with wooden sabres, guns, and a supply of dry-pea bullets in their pockets. One-two-one-two - the company marched up the orchard path, and when Danny thought they had reached their position, he called, "H-a-a-a-1-t!" Then he turned to his "men" and drilled them in the proper ways of military know-how. He was naturally dissatisfied with the over-all results. The ''men'' halted, once with one leg in the forward position, then with the ~ther. Some of them were stooped, some crooked; some did not add to iih.e glory of the tight-knit military unit at all. "How are you standing there, Private Misho? Don't you know anything about proper military bearing? Up! Straighten your legs! No, no! Don't stand there like a duckling! Pull your belly in! Out with your chest!'' Misho tried his best, but he never succeeded in acquiring a proper stance. His face was one broad grin. He opened his mouth wide and held his hands tightly to his knees (his monkey-like hands actually reached lower than his knees!). Yet regardless of his efforts, he was never praised for his achievements. �SLOVAKIA 97 Then Danny drilled the ''troops'' in the proper use of weapons, but he became really upset when even his own gun refused to obey his command. "F-i-r-e! F-i-r-e!" Danny repeated in exasperation. What was the purpose of military games without a weapon that really shoots? Why use a weapon which neither fires nor kills? He had already almost worn out his brains in an effort to acquire gunpowder. What all he had done, and all for nothing! He would have bought some powder, and he certainly could have obtained the money for it somehow. But what good would it do when neither he nor any of his comrades were big enough to buy powder in Tisovec. He was just a child, and his request, however small, would have been considered too dangerous anyway. Danny's friend Johnny had not taken part in the military drill today. Johnny would have been subject to a reprimand from his stem commander had he not appeared when the game was about to end. Running through the orchard, Johnny finally stopped near the formation. With a book in his hand, he waved and shouted, almost out of breath, "Hurrah, we've got gunpowder!" The boys turned around. Forgetting their military discipline, they jumped out of their lines and surrounded Johnny. Johnny showed them the book - the Almanac of Fejerpataky. The boys stopped, bewildered. They thought their comrade had brought some real gunpowder with him; and instead, he only showed them an old book. Danny snatched the book from Johnny's hand and asked with contempt and suspicion, "Why did you bring this book?" "Here, look! Here it is!" Johnny replied, still gasping for breath. "What?" Danny asked impatiently. ''The formula for making gunpowder!'' Johnny's reply electrified Danny. "Let's see!" He grabbed the book again, sank to the turf, and started to turn the leaves. Johnny showed him the article in the almanac. Both boys plunged into reading and quickly forgot their comrades, who resumed their own play. Danny studied the well-known recipe like a cook about the prepare a tasty cake. While reading, he wondered how he could obtain and measure all the ingredients necessary for gunpowder. Seventy-five parts saltpeter (but what is "saltpeter" and where he could buy it?); eleven parts sulfur (ah, he had it; luckily, he had already taken some from his father's supply); and fourteen parts hazel-wood charcoal (that's the easiest to get: they could cut hazel twigs anywhere, and they could bum charcoal by themselves). The scales for weighing the ingredients? No problem - they would construct it from twigs, strings, and an apple. And now to work! Danny stood up, his face gleaming. He gave the necessary instructions immediately. The boys were to go tomorrow morning to cut hazel wood. They were to store the supply at the upper end of the orchard, and they were to build a charcoal-pile there. Johnny was to go to Tisovec to buy saltpeter. (Danny knew that he could not get any �98 SLOVAKIA himself because of his previous "contacts" with the city merchants.) Danny would try to find out what saltpeter was and where they could buy it. The orders dispensed, Danny hit the shortest path to his grandmother' s. He found her in front of her house thrashing hemp. He addressed her directly, "Grandma!" "What do you want, my son?" ' 'What ' s saltpeter?'' "Saltpeter?" the old woman repeated the question with surprise. "What is he dabbling in now, this Danny?" she thought with suspicion, unable to find a good reason behind the question. She was familiar with saltpeter, a harmless ingredient which was used for certain jobs in the household. She told him that the druggists in Tisovec kept saltpeter in their stores. This information was all Danny needed. Early the next morning, he sent Johnny to the city with three farthings to buy the saltpeter. In the meantime, Danny found a large apple, a "funtovka" apple (1) growing in the school garden, cut the apple in two equal halves, carving them into bowl-like plates, he attached the two halves first to strings and then to twigs arranged as primitive scales. When the charcoal was prepared and all the ingredients collected, he weighed the proper amounts of saltpeter, charcoal, and sulfur, triturated every ingredient separately, and mixed them together. It made a little pile when he poured the mixture on a sheet of paper. He was as pleased with the feat as a chemist might have been with a successful experiment in his laboratory. The boys soon found that their experiment was successful, when one of them put the compound on the fire; the gunpowder wheezed up and hit Mis ho directly on his nose, for he was too curious and had stuck his head close to the compound "to see everything better." Fortunately, the amount allotted for the experiment was small, and Misho's accident thus was not too serious. A.similar result was attained in another experiment when one of the boys ~laced a capsule on a stone and hit it with another stone. The explosion again produced "casualties" - one "well-done thumb" and one "medium-done nose.'' The boys' summer games were brought to a sudden end with the announcement that school would open and classes would begin again immediately after the Tisovec Fair. (1934) Translated by Andrew Cincura NOTE: (1) funt (Slovak) - "pound. " "Funtovky" (pl.; funtovka, sg.) are very large apples that grow in Central Europe. In Slovak folk etymology, they are supposed to weigh at least one pound each. �SLOVAKIA 99 More About the Fair (11 fr1111111ent) MARTIN KUKUCfN (1860-1928) \ An African afternoon heat seemed to rest on our exhilarated city. There was almost no shade, not even next to the house walls. The sun was inescapable, burning mercilessly as if trying to suck the last drop of moisture from emaciated, desiccated Mother Earth. And still no one even thought of hitting the bunk for an hour or so, as the human constitution should require, especially after a festive dinner, when limbs become as heavy as lead and eyelids droop; when a sweet dream flutters about despite straining efforts to keep one's eyes open. Eyes grow stiff and seem to be bulging and enveloped by a fog in which objects merge with each other. In the end, you cannot do anything but give up and lie down sinking deeply into the embraces of a sweet nap. But who could have slept this afternoon? Recently rising from the table to sip black coffee, everyone shook off his drowsiness and went off to the square. The entire city swarmed and dawdled among the tents, buying and extorting presents without shyness or courtesy. Everyone was happy, alert, and lively. The bells, tolling four o'clock, put an end to the hurly-burly. At once the square became as empty as if swept. The tents were closed, and people either entered the church or - not finding a place inside surrounded the church in a numberless mass. After somewhat abbreviated vespers, a procession started. People forged out of the church in waves, reeling from side to side, and finally taking their position in rows. The most difficult task remained - to set the procession in motion. At the head there were school children under the church banner, followed by endless rows of men. Two by two, each of the men carried a faintly-smoldering candle into the dazzling sun's rays. The young boys following the men carried huge candles and torches in multicolored lanterns. The church banners fluttered in the air, then hung limply as the faint breeze died in the torrid stillness. Then the church kantadurs (1) marched under the ,leadership of mester (2) Ivo, all singing monotonous psalms with strong but dragging voices. The echo of their song thundered amid the houses and immediately died in the dead silence of the surroundings. Four youngsters in white albs, walking after the singers, carried on their shoulders the statue of the Virgin Mary, removed from the main altar. Mary sat majestically, with the smiling child on her knees. Crowns of pure gold glittered on the heads �100 SLOVAKIA of the Mother and Son. The Christ-Child spread his plump hands as if surprised by the sudden trip from the gloomy altar niche into the blinding sun. A brocade-like garment fell in colorful folds down the statue of the Mother of God. The image, laden with jewels and precious stones, glittered, flashed, and sparkled. After the company of priests, led by our Don Roko in a festive cape, sor Ilija Zorkovic walked in black clothes, with a hard hat in one hand and a black cane trimmed with a massive silver handle in the other. He walked alone. Pacing slowly and gravely, he looked neither to the right nor to the left, conscious of his authority and elevated rank which surpassed all the other laymen in the procession. Ilija is the chairman of the church board, curator and controller of all church holdings. He is responsible for the care of church fields and wine cellars. He manages the wine until it is sold to the merchants. Everything in the church - even the candles used in such large numbers every year - rests on his shoulders. He is, in addition, the manager of the Virgin Mary, the patroness of our city - he protects all jewelry and precious stones, earrings and golden chains, bracelets and rings. Sor Ilija Zorkovic keeps all the trinkets that are hung and poured over the statue in his own house in a heavy, ironbound chest. Such a grave responsibility entails much work and many pains, but the reward is splendid - during every procession, he occupies the most prominent place, alone, right behind the baldachin, before the eyes of the entire world, seen by friends and enemies, well-wishers and envious men. Why should his chest not swell with pride and self-assurance? Why should he not walk seriously and solemnly? Behind sor Ilija Zorkovic came the mayor surrounded by all the assessors. The mayor, too, walked gravely, but one way or another, his entire countenance was a far cry from Zorkovic's. After the representatives of the opcina, (4) there was a gap of five or six paces in the procession - the women walking separately behind the men's rows. The military retinue, with rifles on, their shoulders and their "hay-straw, hay-straw" cadence, flanked the statue and priests on both sides. · It was really a magnificent sight! The continuous tolling of the bells - urgent, fancy, heavy, tremulous - you name it! The bellman, holding the clapper in his fist and shaking it with his hand, struck the bell. Everyone looked forward to the procession; for weeks and weeks everyone delighted in its anticipation. Every member of the family took part in it if he had strength enough to move his limbs. Doddering elders, hardly able to drag their feet, were present, as were the little children, just managing their first attempts to stay on their feet. Mothers carried infants in their arms, so that no one would miss the procession. Among those present, there were also many non-residents. Many guests took pains to join the procession to express their devotion to the Mother of God either for restored health or for other favors �SLOVAKIA 101 granted them or their relatives. No wonder, then, that the magnificence and number of participants serve as a gauge for evaluating whether the fair was a complete or only a partial success. And the "mark" of relative success or failure was an important thing - every citizen was proud if his city's fair was famous far and wide . The entire processioJJ. dragged slowly across the square and through the short street, out,of the city toward the cross standing in the flat field on a marble pedestal. From there, following the promenade, the procession returned to the city, submerging into narrow alleys, flanked either by blunt fence walls or one-story houses . The streets were swept and sprinkled with white sand. The balconies of the more stately houses were transformed into fragrant flower groves; draperies or ornamental rugs hung from the windows and banisters . Even the teiaks (5) decorated their cottages for the occasion. The low roofs of some cottages were covered with flowerpots. In other cottages - those with marriageable daughters - the girls spread their dowries out on the roofs or on adjacent stone walls. The school children had already entered the narrow streets when sora (6) Andrejana's group was just leaving the church yard. The stylish young misses, as always, remained at the very end of the procession. Because of their relative distance from the statue of the Virgin, they may have forgotten the reason for their presence. While the lingering song of the church singers reverberated and a muffled prayer recited with the rosary beads murmured above the crowd, whispered conversations and giggles flowed among the young ladies, accompanied by glances cast toward the balcony of Citaonica (7) where a number of the young elite assembled to see the magnificent march. It is necessary to stress that hardly any of the young ladies wore a hat in most cases they wore black veils with the ends flowing picturesquely down their breasts. Since they had no parasols, they held fans in their hands, and were able to throw coquettish glances here and there, to the side or up toward the windows. The merchants remained at their tents. With the approach of the procession, they fell to their knees , contritely beating their chests. The bells warbled and tinkled. Dust clouds rose, especially behind the women. The mortars thundered in volleys. Sor Hija Zorkovic tied a knot on the cord in his hand after every volley, in order to have an exact count of the gunpowder used and prevent youngsters from stealing part of the explosives for hunting rabbits or partridges. And the Mother of God looked down kindly from her throne. Her Son , as if bewildered, threw his chubby hands about, smiling. With almost vertical rays, the sun blazed from above, and the dark-blue sky seemed to stretch absent-mindedly above this multicolored world. (1904) Translated by Andrew Cincura �102 SLOVAKIA Note: "More About the Fair," a fragment from Kukucin's novel, Dom u strcini (The House on the Hillside), is fundamentally a representative sample of the author's "second creative period," which coincided with his life in Dalmatia. (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) kantadurs (Dalmatian): singers mester (meshter, Dalmatian): master sor (shor, Dalmatian): mister, sir opcina (Croatian): commune, township teiaks (tezhaks, Croatian): poor peasants, farm hands sora (shora, Dalmatian): Mrs. citaonica (chitaonica, Croatian): reading club, library Joe Mak (a fr111111ent) JOZEF CIGER-HRONSKY (1896-1960) Just as Joe Mak returned on Thursday afternoon from hauling and had finished watering his horses, his employer, Baniar-Banoci, came into the yard and called, "Joe! J-o-o-e! Where are you?" ''Here! I'm here,'' Joe replied, coming out of the stable. Joe followed Baniar-Banoci to the hallway leading to the kitchen. "Take this and go home!" Baniar-Banoci gave Joe a large bottle of whisky, some flour, sugar, and other victuals. Joe Mak looked at Baniar and at the f~od in surprise, hesitating before taking the offered goods. ''Just take everything and hurry, go home! And send someone for the milk in the evening. But let me warn you, you'd better leave your sheepskin cap here and go home with a bare head!'' At that moment Joe's hands fell motionless. His lips moved into a smile. He looked first at the floor , then again at Baniar. He understood. "A girl?" " No, it's a boy!" Baniar replied. "The women said that he is big enough to post the banns and get married right away.'' "Well ... ," Joe Mak said, standing on one spot without a gesture and without any real thoughts in his head. He lifted his sheepskin cap somewhat automatically and thanked God from the bottom of his soul. "Julia wanted a girl," Joe said. "She still can have one. " "Yes, she can ... But I wouldn't have minded if she had had one now.'' �SLOVAKIA 103 Then he left. The flour and sugar on his back convinced him that everything was all right. He could believe Baniar's words. He did not need to ask anyone else. But the distance from Baniar's homestead to Joe's cottage was relatively long. Joe suddenly noticed that he was walking rapidly and began to drag his steps. If someone were to meet him, he would stop; he would talk at length as he would be expected to do; he would speak of the commonest things, for he wanted everything to be simple. He would say, ''Baniar told me that we have an additional member in our family, so I'm going to see. Of course, there will be more worries again .... And what a dry winter this is! The snow is late . Very likely we won 't have any snow this winter. One needs a bit of snow. Otherwise one loses track of the time, not knowing how far winter has progressed and why his fi1'gers get numb." He prepared the remarks about winter in the event that someone stopped him. But no one did. He was obliged to go home directly. And there he had only one opportunity to compliment Baniar for giving him so many things. Even so, he referred to Baniar only in order to have an excuse to stop at the hearth, unload the gifts slowly and carefully, and listen to the words of Mary Klachovka and Hana and little Joe, his son. It was easy for Joe to straighten his back. It was difficult to look at Julia, his wife. Almost transparent and with her eyes closed, she was lying in bed as if asleep; yet she was not asleep. She knew Joe was standing at her bedside unable to find words to fit the occasion. Her eyelids quivered. And when she opened her eyes, tears flowed down her cheeks. "Don't be angry with me , Joe!" Julia's lips moved, and Joe thought that she deliberately said the words softly so that no one but he could hear them. And Joe Mak was ashamed. Ordinary shame, though perhaps deeper than usual, overcame him. It was a merciless shame. Joe's face reddened as always, but this time the shame reached into his veins. Driving forward, it benumbed all of Joe's blood vessels. He pressed his knee to the sideboard of the bed, feeling that he could not stay on his feet otherwise. He pressed his hands together behind his back in an effort to cover his excitement. He clenched his teeth, realizing that both his eyelids and his eyesockets had begun to tremble. He knew they would gush tears like a little child if he relaxed his cheek muscles even slightly. Would that not be embarrassing? Or was there something else? Yes, there was! Mary Klachovka was present. She should not be lingering in the room at this time. Her presence was a sacrilege. She should not interfere with Joe's intimate conversation with Julia. No one likes to be surprised in a moment of weakness. No one wants to be caught at a time when he is nothing but a human being; �104 SLOVAKIA when he is neither rich nor poor, neither Joe nor Mak; when everything - work and clothing and everything bestowed on a man by destiny falls off of him for a while, and when nothing but fundamental wisdom remains in him. Klachovka felt it. She unconsciously sensed the moment. She left the room, taking the children with her so that Joe Mak did not have to hide his humanity, so that all his wisdom - a wisdom possessed by every man in such moments - would remain his in its entirety. Without Klachovka in the room, Joe Mak could reflect on those things which other men can think of in advance and thus prepare themselves for any contingency, so as to know when and how one should weep or when and how one should laugh. But the wise man Joe Mak found that in all his life he had learned nothing for such occasions and that he might better remain silent, without word or gesture, for it would be funny if his heavy hands started doing something they had never learned before and his mouth began a speech which he had not prepared. His hands could not attempt any tenderness, for they were calloused and rough, suitable only for heavy work. This way he was also able to hold back the assault of tears, however unusual, which welled in his eyes, since heretofore he had experienced only one kind of moisture on his face - that of sweat, drying either in the sun or frost, etching deep wrinkles into his face. Be that as it may, Joe just wanted Julia to know that even a laborer has a heart, although he cannot show it as much as a gentle man or a lighthearted youngster. Joe had more than enough warmth and kindness and love in his heart for this moment. Because his love for Julia was born with difficulty, it had become purer and more secure - a love on which one could rely. Surely Julia knew of all this. "God help us, Julia," Joe said like a weather-beaten priest who had plowed a cliff and was about to deliver his first sermon. A wan, almost invisible smile touched Julia's lips, lightly caressing her cheeks and eyes. The pure white smile then spread to her forehead. Had she been able to do anything~t all, she would have lifted both her hands so that Joe Mak could have placed his head in her palms. Had she been stronger, she would certainly have smiled more clearly and would have spoken loudly: "Joe, my dear husband! I didn't think I would live through this childbirth. I thought you and I would never understand each other. And everything I thought was wrong. Now I see clearly that you love me. I see everything and I know for sure that God will help us. Why shouldn't He? But don't be angry with me, Joe! Surely you aren't angry because of what I said. How could I imagine that you would be angry? I knew beforehand that you would be good to me when you returned home. A dream pressed its way into my eyes, and the women around by bed thought I was really sleeping. But I was just waiting for you, because all �SLOVAKIA 105 the others around me were strangers. I'll sleep soundly now. If you place your hand on my body, you can feel that my heart is still motionless; it feels as hard as a stone. But now that you've returned, now that I can see you, I'll rest peacefully, and my heart will start beating again. Do you know, my dear husband, what will happen when my heart begins to beat again? My entire world will start for me again.'' ''Banoci didn't tell me., what happened or how it happened. But I can guess," Joe Mak said quietly. Perspiration flowed down his hard face, but what could he do? What else could he do when he knew no other way of telling Julia that today was different from all other days? Joe Mak saw Julia's white smile. But he knew that a white smile was a very fragile thing; one must be very careful to not touch such a smile at all. Joe thought it would have been a blasphemy to desecrate such a smile with words. And Joe did not want to offend God today nor to hinder the beating of Julia's heart in any way. Julia's heart started slowly. Thump, thump .... Some blood had reached its auricles and ventricles and warmed up immediately. Happiness began glowing in Julia's cheeks. This happiness, small as it was in the beginning, started to grow and fly and flow and fill the entire room. Even the loud-mouthed Klachovka, returning to the room, refrained from disturbing the couple's bliss. Joe Mak lifted his oldest son up high and tickled him under his chin. And the boy broke into such laughter that the glass shook in the window frame. Little Joe laughed because he was a little boy. All this took place on Thursday. The hoarfrost came on the following Monday. Everyone knows that hoarfrost is like a beautiful veil. You cannot find it in any anticipated place or at any predetermined time. The hoarfrost's veil is beautiful on bleached meadows. But this one did not spread over plains or slopes. The hoarfrost usually settles on the birch twigs. It glitters opaquely, a demure element of nature's magnificence, reluctant to impose itself on anyone's sight. But this particular frost did not encase the birch twigs . The hoarfrost did not settle on the firs and willows either. It did not come at midnight as usual. This one came in the daylight and settled only on Mak's cottage. But even there, the hoarfrost did not spread over the entire cottage. It did not cover either the roof or the threshold, or the room. This day's hoarfrost settled only on Julia's face, on her forehead, on her closed eyes, on her white lips, on Julia's white smile. Yes, Julia was smiling even then, as she died. (1933) Translated by Andrew Cincura � SLOVAKIA 87 AN ANTHOLOGY OF SLOVAK UTERA TURE Introductory Remarks ANDREW CINCURA \ An Anthology of Slovak Literature, compiled recently with financial support from The Rockefeller Foundation, presents the most representative selections from the works of over 70 Slovak authors. Consisting primarily of translations from Slovak poetry, prose , and drama, this anthology contains, in addition, a general introduction by Dr. Michael Novak, a long aesthetic-historical essay "Slovak Literature : A Brief History" by Dr. Karol StrmeN, and an appendix presenting several selections from Slovak-American authors. Several scholars and artists, including the well-known Slovak-American poet, Reverend Jaroslav J. Vajda, and American poet and scholar, Dr. Michael Collings , assisted the compiler in the project. The Anthology of Slovak Literature is - in the words of Dr. Novak - ''a work of major importance (connecting) the United States and one other small part of the world . . . This anthology is done with taste, intelligence, judgment, and perception. I read it with excitement, and I am sure that hundreds of thousands of others from Eastern Europe will find in it nourishment over the next generation, for it is a landmark book, certain to endure. " Although just a minute part of the work itself, the following excerpts from An Anthology of Slovak Literature will give the reader a foretaste of the character and artistry of the book. An Anthology of Slovak Literature has been available since May 1, 1976, at : University Hardcovers P . 0. Box 248 Riverside , California 92502 or from the major Slovak newspapers and bookstores throughout the United States and Canada. If ordered directly from the publisher, the price of the book is $16.50 for individual copies. A discount of 10 percent will be given on orders of 5-10 copies , and a discount of 20 percent on orders of 11 or more copies. The following selections are reprinted with perrmss10n of University Hardcovers, P. 0 . Box 248, Riverside, California 92502, from An Anthology of Slovak Literature by Andrew Cincura. Copyright © 1976 by Andrew Cincura. �88 SLOVAKIA On Skulls JAN HOLLY (1785-1849) Tell me, you skulls, so neatly stacked in dark bone-bins, whose were you once, a peasant's or a lord's? Which one of you was held aloof on a wealthy, mighty neck, and which drooped languid from a beggar's spine? Upon which, while alive, did fortune cast her smile, and which was crushed by lifelong slavery? Is this one whiter from the fawning adulation so many offered it in lavish awe? And that one darker having suffered undeserved ingratitude and cruel ridicule? Speechless in terrifying silence, not one of you is able to give me an answer to my question. In frightful heaps you lie, looking so very much like gathered shards of stony desolations; or like those grief-bent forests when the white-maned wind denudes them of their leafy captivating beauty. So when a man is gone: with him all honor dies and glory and every deference bestowed by others. (Ba1ne rozmanite, n. d.) Translated by J aroslav J. Vajda �SLOVAKIA God in Heaven \ AN"DREJ SLADKOVIC (1820-1872) God in heaven , see what sorrow when our young are cast abroad out into the world to borrow, toil, or beg a crust of bread. See them mercilessly driven, scattered by life's cruel hoax, what were solitary ravens have become falcon flocks . God in heaven, thus forsaken, if I stay, what can I earn? Into this world came I naked, naked I shall there return . In that hour, pray, be responsive to my final, inmost need: mercy , God, 0 God, have mercy when I stand alone with Thee. Translated by Jaroslav J. Vajda 89 �90 SLOVAKIA Bloody Sonnets (a fragment) PA VOL ORSAGH-HVIEZDOSLAV (1849-1921) I A song of blood: - what madness can this be? And which shall be our theme? The sudden rush rose-red, that leaps into a maiden 's blush, the sleeping infant's pink we love to see , that pulses under angel custody ; or shall it be the ardent crimson gush that fires the zealot 's brow with fervid flush: then let the song resound with rapture free! Oh, blood is a wonder-working fluid! Hidden like some rare vintage seething ~ithin the heart , it pounds with the might and rage of tempest-ridden breakers ; or bursting the tranquil pulse apart, it charges one with frenzy God-forbidden . .. Do thoughts like these engage the butcher's art? Translated by Jaroslav J. Vajda �SLOVAKIA The Guests , IVANKRASKO (1876-1958) Courteously , though with a mystic fearfulness, I welcomed nonetheless my funeral guests, somber, with psalters under thei:r arms, having arrived from distant lands . Ceremonially , with chalky, dry and bony hands each reverenced the icon of my dusty home, and bowing to the waist (to me - if not, to whom?), they sat around the table , a solemn, black-swathed ring. Searching the psalter for long-lost hymns, they then began to sing in deep sepulchral voice - the harshest kind of air of bitter fruit the tree of life was found to bear, of Mother Earth's original condition - as one she was before the thrice-cursed lust of slithering Diabolos ... And then as gloomily they left (under the smiles of those who never dared to take from Eve the apple of her wiles), and said they would return to us again next year to visit those they now considered brothers, or at least as near. Eunice! Where are you? Look how one by one they disappear. (Verse, 1912) Translated by Jaroslav J . Vajda 91 �92 SLOVAKIA The Hundred and First Tale of Boccaccio VALENTIN BENIAK (1894-1973) Quill in hand, I wrote a letter home: I shall stay on till Autumn here in Florence. And yes, I met Boccaccio carrying his Decameron, followed by a band of noble virgins. One I knew - Donna Clara - led her beast and handed me the leather bridle as she went. In Fiesole we met a priest bearing on his shoulder a battered trident. Neptune it was, reaping hay - despite his wont the pagan seas had scorned him, one and all. ''Sir,'' he asked, ' 'might you be the Duke of Brabant on your way to my confessional?" He would have liked the stole and blessed oil, would pray my soul to heaven's halls, would hire wicked men to toil rip Botticelli's Venus from the U(fizi's walls . . Slip her from her canvas world - be done! she would return with him to her sea-home . (For this is but the hundredth tale and one, carved from Carrara marble and sea-foam.) (Ozveny krokov, 1931) Translated by Andrew Cincura �SLOVAKIA ' Carmen EMIL B. LUKAC (1900) Dance and sing, you naked bajadera, throughout this long and melancholy era. Dance and sing, the golden calf is bleating, and dragon claws the kettle-fires are heating. In flaming dance your many limbs entwine to form a beast half-hydra, half-divine. Dance and sing, you universal axis, you contradictory, convoluted maxims: maze, lie, and death - not way and truth and life. Dance and sing, deaf.to the din of strife. The blood of millions suck, you golden flea. Machine guns bark, and cracks the gallows-tree. (Moloch, 1938) Translated by Jaroslav J. Vajda 93 �94 SLOVAKIA Two Days at Chujava (a Iragment) JONASZABORSKY (1812-1876) Zajac, a slovenly peasant and the village clown, entered the inn's hall. The youngsters surrounded him at once, and, as always, he launched into a narrative of his heroic exploits inBombardy. (1) "Every Bombardian bee, believe me, is as large as a Slovak sheep," Zajac said, to introduce his story. "And what about the beehives - how large are they?" Pelechavy asked from the other side of the table, smiling broadly. "Only as large as ours." "Then how can the bees enter the beehives?" "That's their problem, "the ex-hussar Zajac roared, laughing and half-seriously accusing Pelechavy of r.itting at the table without ever touching his full glass . "Why don't you drink like all the other right men do? May a hundred thunderclaps deafen your soul.'' A guffaw shook the room. The men emptied their glasses, while the Jewish innkeeper did his best to keep them filled. Zajac continued with his tall tales: "Did you know that macaroni is really nothing but tapeworms seventy yards long? People buy them by the foot. To eat macaroni, all one has to do is sit in the most comfortable position, open his mouth, and let the tapeworm run down his throat by itself, while the waitress measures its length by the yard and cuts it with scissors when the customer has eaten his fill.'' Zajac then related the tale of his love affair with an Italian countess. "As soon as I rode into the castle yard," he said, "she started to wink at me, her mouth watering with anticipation. She thought, 'By Jove, there's a lad. I'm sure he has no eq~al in the entire world!' And when I dismounted and handed my horse over to the servant, she shook my hand and took me by arm, saying, ''If you will, please!' Then we went into the house. After a good supper, she prepared a bed for her husband on the bench at the hearth. 'You'll sleep here tonight,' she said, patting his arm, 'but please be quiet and don't disturb the hussar in his sleep.' - For me she spread a sheaf of straw on the floor in the middle of the room. The count, listening to her soft conversation with me, coughed and said, 'Erzha, is that hussar whispering with you?' " 'So what if he is?' " 'Why don't you stop him?' the count said. " 'I can't. I don't speak his language,' the countess replied." �SLOVAKIA 95 '' And what about your meeting with Napoleon?'' a youngster with a broom-like feather on his hat called, prompting Zajac to further narration. '' All right, listen! WhE!n the Frenchmen had annoyed us with their frequent attacks, our Emperor met with his generals to find out which one of the Austro-Hungarian soldiers wore his cap most rakishly and would therefore be best suited to be sent to Napoleon . All the generals, of course, agreed that only I, Zajac, was the proper hero, willing and able to go on such an important mission. I mounted my horse and was off to Paris. On my arrival there, I tethered my horse to a fence . Mrs. Napoleon, the Empress of France, immediately ran to me, bringing oats for my horse in her apron and taking me into her kitchen . She cooked pirohy (a) for me, filled with minced pears. They were really good, better than any I'd ever seen or tasted! Large as peasant moccasins, they were greased with the tallow collected from seven melted candles. I swear to God, they were so good that the grease flowed down my chin as profusely as down Aaron's beard. I ate almost two of them. As an extra treat the Empress also cooked hriate (b) and baked pag<ice (c) with cracklings for my return trip." "And what about Napoleon?" "Well, he patted my shoulder and said, ' My dear fellow! I wish I had a regiment of hussars like you! With men like you I would easily conquer the entire world, and all the nations in it.' - And you should have seen it - I give you my word of honor and cross my heart - he embraced and kissed me as if I were his lady love.'' "And did he sue for peace?" ' 'Of course , what else could he do when I asked him to? He gave me ten farthings for whisky and asked me to convince our Emperor and generals not to stir until he took over as many lands as he wanted. He whetted his appetite for our Bombardy (1) and bombarded us out of it, may thunder and lightning strike his sideways-turned hat! We looked around, hoping that some Cossack would appear and help us, but the world is ungrateful! We assisted the Frenchmen in Crimea against the Muscovites and the thankless Muscovites did not come to repay our courtesy and help us against the Frenchmen. That's the kind of honor you find in this world! . . . " "You' re the greatest liar I've ever seen! " Buchak remarked, wiping his moustache. ''Yes, and all of you are great fools,'' the ex-hussar Zajac laughed. "You should take my words as seriously as you take the print on paper money, which sa: ·s you may exchange it for silver any time, or believe me as much as yo I can the saying that all men are equal." (1883) (Translated by Andrew Cincura) �96 SLOVAKIA NOTES: jocular term for Lombardy . Lombardy belonged to the AustroHungarian Empire until 1859. (1) Bombardy - (a) pirohy - cheese or fruit dumplings (b) hriate - hot whisky with goose-fat topping (c) pagace (pagaache) - small unsweetened cakes The nDiscovery" of Gunpowder (a frag111cnt) TEREZIA VANSOV A (1857-1941) Autumn had progressed considerably, but our children were still enjoying the golden freedom of summer vacation. In our village, there was a tradition that school started only after the Tisovec Fair. After the pupil's mothers had sold a goose or a piece of homespun linen and had bought clothes for their children and the primers with the picture of a rooster on the front cover. Then, and only then, could the children walk proudly to school. Our boys conducted great military maneuvers in the parsonage orchard. Danny, who continually pestered Srnchik with his questions about military strategy, commanded his "rank-and-file" comrades, who were equipped with wooden sabres, guns, and a supply of dry-pea bullets in their pockets. One-two-one-two - the company marched up the orchard path, and when Danny thought they had reached their position, he called, "H-a-a-a-1-t!" Then he turned to his "men" and drilled them in the proper ways of military know-how. He was naturally dissatisfied with the over-all results. The ''men'' halted, once with one leg in the forward position, then with the ~ther. Some of them were stooped, some crooked; some did not add to iih.e glory of the tight-knit military unit at all. "How are you standing there, Private Misho? Don't you know anything about proper military bearing? Up! Straighten your legs! No, no! Don't stand there like a duckling! Pull your belly in! Out with your chest!'' Misho tried his best, but he never succeeded in acquiring a proper stance. His face was one broad grin. He opened his mouth wide and held his hands tightly to his knees (his monkey-like hands actually reached lower than his knees!). Yet regardless of his efforts, he was never praised for his achievements. �SLOVAKIA 97 Then Danny drilled the ''troops'' in the proper use of weapons, but he became really upset when even his own gun refused to obey his command. "F-i-r-e! F-i-r-e!" Danny repeated in exasperation. What was the purpose of military games without a weapon that really shoots? Why use a weapon which neither fires nor kills? He had already almost worn out his brains in an effort to acquire gunpowder. What all he had done, and all for nothing! He would have bought some powder, and he certainly could have obtained the money for it somehow. But what good would it do when neither he nor any of his comrades were big enough to buy powder in Tisovec. He was just a child, and his request, however small, would have been considered too dangerous anyway. Danny's friend Johnny had not taken part in the military drill today. Johnny would have been subject to a reprimand from his stem commander had he not appeared when the game was about to end. Running through the orchard, Johnny finally stopped near the formation. With a book in his hand, he waved and shouted, almost out of breath, "Hurrah, we've got gunpowder!" The boys turned around. Forgetting their military discipline, they jumped out of their lines and surrounded Johnny. Johnny showed them the book - the Almanac of Fejerpataky. The boys stopped, bewildered. They thought their comrade had brought some real gunpowder with him; and instead, he only showed them an old book. Danny snatched the book from Johnny's hand and asked with contempt and suspicion, "Why did you bring this book?" "Here, look! Here it is!" Johnny replied, still gasping for breath. "What?" Danny asked impatiently. ''The formula for making gunpowder!'' Johnny's reply electrified Danny. "Let's see!" He grabbed the book again, sank to the turf, and started to turn the leaves. Johnny showed him the article in the almanac. Both boys plunged into reading and quickly forgot their comrades, who resumed their own play. Danny studied the well-known recipe like a cook about the prepare a tasty cake. While reading, he wondered how he could obtain and measure all the ingredients necessary for gunpowder. Seventy-five parts saltpeter (but what is "saltpeter" and where he could buy it?); eleven parts sulfur (ah, he had it; luckily, he had already taken some from his father's supply); and fourteen parts hazel-wood charcoal (that's the easiest to get: they could cut hazel twigs anywhere, and they could bum charcoal by themselves). The scales for weighing the ingredients? No problem - they would construct it from twigs, strings, and an apple. And now to work! Danny stood up, his face gleaming. He gave the necessary instructions immediately. The boys were to go tomorrow morning to cut hazel wood. They were to store the supply at the upper end of the orchard, and they were to build a charcoal-pile there. Johnny was to go to Tisovec to buy saltpeter. (Danny knew that he could not get any �98 SLOVAKIA himself because of his previous "contacts" with the city merchants.) Danny would try to find out what saltpeter was and where they could buy it. The orders dispensed, Danny hit the shortest path to his grandmother' s. He found her in front of her house thrashing hemp. He addressed her directly, "Grandma!" "What do you want, my son?" ' 'What ' s saltpeter?'' "Saltpeter?" the old woman repeated the question with surprise. "What is he dabbling in now, this Danny?" she thought with suspicion, unable to find a good reason behind the question. She was familiar with saltpeter, a harmless ingredient which was used for certain jobs in the household. She told him that the druggists in Tisovec kept saltpeter in their stores. This information was all Danny needed. Early the next morning, he sent Johnny to the city with three farthings to buy the saltpeter. In the meantime, Danny found a large apple, a "funtovka" apple (1) growing in the school garden, cut the apple in two equal halves, carving them into bowl-like plates, he attached the two halves first to strings and then to twigs arranged as primitive scales. When the charcoal was prepared and all the ingredients collected, he weighed the proper amounts of saltpeter, charcoal, and sulfur, triturated every ingredient separately, and mixed them together. It made a little pile when he poured the mixture on a sheet of paper. He was as pleased with the feat as a chemist might have been with a successful experiment in his laboratory. The boys soon found that their experiment was successful, when one of them put the compound on the fire; the gunpowder wheezed up and hit Mis ho directly on his nose, for he was too curious and had stuck his head close to the compound "to see everything better." Fortunately, the amount allotted for the experiment was small, and Misho's accident thus was not too serious. A.similar result was attained in another experiment when one of the boys ~laced a capsule on a stone and hit it with another stone. The explosion again produced "casualties" - one "well-done thumb" and one "medium-done nose.'' The boys' summer games were brought to a sudden end with the announcement that school would open and classes would begin again immediately after the Tisovec Fair. (1934) Translated by Andrew Cincura NOTE: (1) funt (Slovak) - "pound. " "Funtovky" (pl.; funtovka, sg.) are very large apples that grow in Central Europe. In Slovak folk etymology, they are supposed to weigh at least one pound each. �SLOVAKIA 99 More About the Fair (11 fr1111111ent) MARTIN KUKUCfN (1860-1928) \ An African afternoon heat seemed to rest on our exhilarated city. There was almost no shade, not even next to the house walls. The sun was inescapable, burning mercilessly as if trying to suck the last drop of moisture from emaciated, desiccated Mother Earth. And still no one even thought of hitting the bunk for an hour or so, as the human constitution should require, especially after a festive dinner, when limbs become as heavy as lead and eyelids droop; when a sweet dream flutters about despite straining efforts to keep one's eyes open. Eyes grow stiff and seem to be bulging and enveloped by a fog in which objects merge with each other. In the end, you cannot do anything but give up and lie down sinking deeply into the embraces of a sweet nap. But who could have slept this afternoon? Recently rising from the table to sip black coffee, everyone shook off his drowsiness and went off to the square. The entire city swarmed and dawdled among the tents, buying and extorting presents without shyness or courtesy. Everyone was happy, alert, and lively. The bells, tolling four o'clock, put an end to the hurly-burly. At once the square became as empty as if swept. The tents were closed, and people either entered the church or - not finding a place inside surrounded the church in a numberless mass. After somewhat abbreviated vespers, a procession started. People forged out of the church in waves, reeling from side to side, and finally taking their position in rows. The most difficult task remained - to set the procession in motion. At the head there were school children under the church banner, followed by endless rows of men. Two by two, each of the men carried a faintly-smoldering candle into the dazzling sun's rays. The young boys following the men carried huge candles and torches in multicolored lanterns. The church banners fluttered in the air, then hung limply as the faint breeze died in the torrid stillness. Then the church kantadurs (1) marched under the ,leadership of mester (2) Ivo, all singing monotonous psalms with strong but dragging voices. The echo of their song thundered amid the houses and immediately died in the dead silence of the surroundings. Four youngsters in white albs, walking after the singers, carried on their shoulders the statue of the Virgin Mary, removed from the main altar. Mary sat majestically, with the smiling child on her knees. Crowns of pure gold glittered on the heads �100 SLOVAKIA of the Mother and Son. The Christ-Child spread his plump hands as if surprised by the sudden trip from the gloomy altar niche into the blinding sun. A brocade-like garment fell in colorful folds down the statue of the Mother of God. The image, laden with jewels and precious stones, glittered, flashed, and sparkled. After the company of priests, led by our Don Roko in a festive cape, sor Ilija Zorkovic walked in black clothes, with a hard hat in one hand and a black cane trimmed with a massive silver handle in the other. He walked alone. Pacing slowly and gravely, he looked neither to the right nor to the left, conscious of his authority and elevated rank which surpassed all the other laymen in the procession. Ilija is the chairman of the church board, curator and controller of all church holdings. He is responsible for the care of church fields and wine cellars. He manages the wine until it is sold to the merchants. Everything in the church - even the candles used in such large numbers every year - rests on his shoulders. He is, in addition, the manager of the Virgin Mary, the patroness of our city - he protects all jewelry and precious stones, earrings and golden chains, bracelets and rings. Sor Ilija Zorkovic keeps all the trinkets that are hung and poured over the statue in his own house in a heavy, ironbound chest. Such a grave responsibility entails much work and many pains, but the reward is splendid - during every procession, he occupies the most prominent place, alone, right behind the baldachin, before the eyes of the entire world, seen by friends and enemies, well-wishers and envious men. Why should his chest not swell with pride and self-assurance? Why should he not walk seriously and solemnly? Behind sor Ilija Zorkovic came the mayor surrounded by all the assessors. The mayor, too, walked gravely, but one way or another, his entire countenance was a far cry from Zorkovic's. After the representatives of the opcina, (4) there was a gap of five or six paces in the procession - the women walking separately behind the men's rows. The military retinue, with rifles on, their shoulders and their "hay-straw, hay-straw" cadence, flanked the statue and priests on both sides. · It was really a magnificent sight! The continuous tolling of the bells - urgent, fancy, heavy, tremulous - you name it! The bellman, holding the clapper in his fist and shaking it with his hand, struck the bell. Everyone looked forward to the procession; for weeks and weeks everyone delighted in its anticipation. Every member of the family took part in it if he had strength enough to move his limbs. Doddering elders, hardly able to drag their feet, were present, as were the little children, just managing their first attempts to stay on their feet. Mothers carried infants in their arms, so that no one would miss the procession. Among those present, there were also many non-residents. Many guests took pains to join the procession to express their devotion to the Mother of God either for restored health or for other favors �SLOVAKIA 101 granted them or their relatives. No wonder, then, that the magnificence and number of participants serve as a gauge for evaluating whether the fair was a complete or only a partial success. And the "mark" of relative success or failure was an important thing - every citizen was proud if his city's fair was famous far and wide . The entire processioJJ. dragged slowly across the square and through the short street, out,of the city toward the cross standing in the flat field on a marble pedestal. From there, following the promenade, the procession returned to the city, submerging into narrow alleys, flanked either by blunt fence walls or one-story houses . The streets were swept and sprinkled with white sand. The balconies of the more stately houses were transformed into fragrant flower groves; draperies or ornamental rugs hung from the windows and banisters . Even the teiaks (5) decorated their cottages for the occasion. The low roofs of some cottages were covered with flowerpots. In other cottages - those with marriageable daughters - the girls spread their dowries out on the roofs or on adjacent stone walls. The school children had already entered the narrow streets when sora (6) Andrejana's group was just leaving the church yard. The stylish young misses, as always, remained at the very end of the procession. Because of their relative distance from the statue of the Virgin, they may have forgotten the reason for their presence. While the lingering song of the church singers reverberated and a muffled prayer recited with the rosary beads murmured above the crowd, whispered conversations and giggles flowed among the young ladies, accompanied by glances cast toward the balcony of Citaonica (7) where a number of the young elite assembled to see the magnificent march. It is necessary to stress that hardly any of the young ladies wore a hat in most cases they wore black veils with the ends flowing picturesquely down their breasts. Since they had no parasols, they held fans in their hands, and were able to throw coquettish glances here and there, to the side or up toward the windows. The merchants remained at their tents. With the approach of the procession, they fell to their knees , contritely beating their chests. The bells warbled and tinkled. Dust clouds rose, especially behind the women. The mortars thundered in volleys. Sor Hija Zorkovic tied a knot on the cord in his hand after every volley, in order to have an exact count of the gunpowder used and prevent youngsters from stealing part of the explosives for hunting rabbits or partridges. And the Mother of God looked down kindly from her throne. Her Son , as if bewildered, threw his chubby hands about, smiling. With almost vertical rays, the sun blazed from above, and the dark-blue sky seemed to stretch absent-mindedly above this multicolored world. (1904) Translated by Andrew Cincura �102 SLOVAKIA Note: "More About the Fair," a fragment from Kukucin's novel, Dom u strcini (The House on the Hillside), is fundamentally a representative sample of the author's "second creative period," which coincided with his life in Dalmatia. (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) kantadurs (Dalmatian): singers mester (meshter, Dalmatian): master sor (shor, Dalmatian): mister, sir opcina (Croatian): commune, township teiaks (tezhaks, Croatian): poor peasants, farm hands sora (shora, Dalmatian): Mrs. citaonica (chitaonica, Croatian): reading club, library Joe Mak (a fr111111ent) JOZEF CIGER-HRONSKY (1896-1960) Just as Joe Mak returned on Thursday afternoon from hauling and had finished watering his horses, his employer, Baniar-Banoci, came into the yard and called, "Joe! J-o-o-e! Where are you?" ''Here! I'm here,'' Joe replied, coming out of the stable. Joe followed Baniar-Banoci to the hallway leading to the kitchen. "Take this and go home!" Baniar-Banoci gave Joe a large bottle of whisky, some flour, sugar, and other victuals. Joe Mak looked at Baniar and at the f~od in surprise, hesitating before taking the offered goods. ''Just take everything and hurry, go home! And send someone for the milk in the evening. But let me warn you, you'd better leave your sheepskin cap here and go home with a bare head!'' At that moment Joe's hands fell motionless. His lips moved into a smile. He looked first at the floor , then again at Baniar. He understood. "A girl?" " No, it's a boy!" Baniar replied. "The women said that he is big enough to post the banns and get married right away.'' "Well ... ," Joe Mak said, standing on one spot without a gesture and without any real thoughts in his head. He lifted his sheepskin cap somewhat automatically and thanked God from the bottom of his soul. "Julia wanted a girl," Joe said. "She still can have one. " "Yes, she can ... But I wouldn't have minded if she had had one now.'' �SLOVAKIA 103 Then he left. The flour and sugar on his back convinced him that everything was all right. He could believe Baniar's words. He did not need to ask anyone else. But the distance from Baniar's homestead to Joe's cottage was relatively long. Joe suddenly noticed that he was walking rapidly and began to drag his steps. If someone were to meet him, he would stop; he would talk at length as he would be expected to do; he would speak of the commonest things, for he wanted everything to be simple. He would say, ''Baniar told me that we have an additional member in our family, so I'm going to see. Of course, there will be more worries again .... And what a dry winter this is! The snow is late . Very likely we won 't have any snow this winter. One needs a bit of snow. Otherwise one loses track of the time, not knowing how far winter has progressed and why his fi1'gers get numb." He prepared the remarks about winter in the event that someone stopped him. But no one did. He was obliged to go home directly. And there he had only one opportunity to compliment Baniar for giving him so many things. Even so, he referred to Baniar only in order to have an excuse to stop at the hearth, unload the gifts slowly and carefully, and listen to the words of Mary Klachovka and Hana and little Joe, his son. It was easy for Joe to straighten his back. It was difficult to look at Julia, his wife. Almost transparent and with her eyes closed, she was lying in bed as if asleep; yet she was not asleep. She knew Joe was standing at her bedside unable to find words to fit the occasion. Her eyelids quivered. And when she opened her eyes, tears flowed down her cheeks. "Don't be angry with me , Joe!" Julia's lips moved, and Joe thought that she deliberately said the words softly so that no one but he could hear them. And Joe Mak was ashamed. Ordinary shame, though perhaps deeper than usual, overcame him. It was a merciless shame. Joe's face reddened as always, but this time the shame reached into his veins. Driving forward, it benumbed all of Joe's blood vessels. He pressed his knee to the sideboard of the bed, feeling that he could not stay on his feet otherwise. He pressed his hands together behind his back in an effort to cover his excitement. He clenched his teeth, realizing that both his eyelids and his eyesockets had begun to tremble. He knew they would gush tears like a little child if he relaxed his cheek muscles even slightly. Would that not be embarrassing? Or was there something else? Yes, there was! Mary Klachovka was present. She should not be lingering in the room at this time. Her presence was a sacrilege. She should not interfere with Joe's intimate conversation with Julia. No one likes to be surprised in a moment of weakness. No one wants to be caught at a time when he is nothing but a human being; �104 SLOVAKIA when he is neither rich nor poor, neither Joe nor Mak; when everything - work and clothing and everything bestowed on a man by destiny falls off of him for a while, and when nothing but fundamental wisdom remains in him. Klachovka felt it. She unconsciously sensed the moment. She left the room, taking the children with her so that Joe Mak did not have to hide his humanity, so that all his wisdom - a wisdom possessed by every man in such moments - would remain his in its entirety. Without Klachovka in the room, Joe Mak could reflect on those things which other men can think of in advance and thus prepare themselves for any contingency, so as to know when and how one should weep or when and how one should laugh. But the wise man Joe Mak found that in all his life he had learned nothing for such occasions and that he might better remain silent, without word or gesture, for it would be funny if his heavy hands started doing something they had never learned before and his mouth began a speech which he had not prepared. His hands could not attempt any tenderness, for they were calloused and rough, suitable only for heavy work. This way he was also able to hold back the assault of tears, however unusual, which welled in his eyes, since heretofore he had experienced only one kind of moisture on his face - that of sweat, drying either in the sun or frost, etching deep wrinkles into his face. Be that as it may, Joe just wanted Julia to know that even a laborer has a heart, although he cannot show it as much as a gentle man or a lighthearted youngster. Joe had more than enough warmth and kindness and love in his heart for this moment. Because his love for Julia was born with difficulty, it had become purer and more secure - a love on which one could rely. Surely Julia knew of all this. "God help us, Julia," Joe said like a weather-beaten priest who had plowed a cliff and was about to deliver his first sermon. A wan, almost invisible smile touched Julia's lips, lightly caressing her cheeks and eyes. The pure white smile then spread to her forehead. Had she been able to do anything~t all, she would have lifted both her hands so that Joe Mak could have placed his head in her palms. Had she been stronger, she would certainly have smiled more clearly and would have spoken loudly: "Joe, my dear husband! I didn't think I would live through this childbirth. I thought you and I would never understand each other. And everything I thought was wrong. Now I see clearly that you love me. I see everything and I know for sure that God will help us. Why shouldn't He? But don't be angry with me, Joe! Surely you aren't angry because of what I said. How could I imagine that you would be angry? I knew beforehand that you would be good to me when you returned home. A dream pressed its way into my eyes, and the women around by bed thought I was really sleeping. But I was just waiting for you, because all �SLOVAKIA 105 the others around me were strangers. I'll sleep soundly now. If you place your hand on my body, you can feel that my heart is still motionless; it feels as hard as a stone. But now that you've returned, now that I can see you, I'll rest peacefully, and my heart will start beating again. Do you know, my dear husband, what will happen when my heart begins to beat again? My entire world will start for me again.'' ''Banoci didn't tell me., what happened or how it happened. But I can guess," Joe Mak said quietly. Perspiration flowed down his hard face, but what could he do? What else could he do when he knew no other way of telling Julia that today was different from all other days? Joe Mak saw Julia's white smile. But he knew that a white smile was a very fragile thing; one must be very careful to not touch such a smile at all. Joe thought it would have been a blasphemy to desecrate such a smile with words. And Joe did not want to offend God today nor to hinder the beating of Julia's heart in any way. Julia's heart started slowly. Thump, thump .... Some blood had reached its auricles and ventricles and warmed up immediately. Happiness began glowing in Julia's cheeks. This happiness, small as it was in the beginning, started to grow and fly and flow and fill the entire room. Even the loud-mouthed Klachovka, returning to the room, refrained from disturbing the couple's bliss. Joe Mak lifted his oldest son up high and tickled him under his chin. And the boy broke into such laughter that the glass shook in the window frame. Little Joe laughed because he was a little boy. All this took place on Thursday. The hoarfrost came on the following Monday. Everyone knows that hoarfrost is like a beautiful veil. You cannot find it in any anticipated place or at any predetermined time. The hoarfrost's veil is beautiful on bleached meadows. But this one did not spread over plains or slopes. The hoarfrost usually settles on the birch twigs. It glitters opaquely, a demure element of nature's magnificence, reluctant to impose itself on anyone's sight. But this particular frost did not encase the birch twigs . The hoarfrost did not settle on the firs and willows either. It did not come at midnight as usual. This one came in the daylight and settled only on Mak's cottage. But even there, the hoarfrost did not spread over the entire cottage. It did not cover either the roof or the threshold, or the room. This day's hoarfrost settled only on Julia's face, on her forehead, on her closed eyes, on her white lips, on Julia's white smile. Yes, Julia was smiling even then, as she died. (1933) Translated by Andrew Cincura � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1976, Vol. 26 Description An account of the resource Vol. 26 (No. 49), 1976. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1976 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 87 AN ANTHOLOGY OF SLOVAK UTERA TURE Introductory Remarks ANDREW CINCURA \ An Anthology of Slovak Literature, compiled recently with financial support from The Rockefeller Foundation, presents the most representative selections from the works of over 70 Slovak authors. Consisting primarily of translations from Slovak poetry, prose , and drama, this anthology contains, in addition, a general introduction by Dr. Michael Novak, a long aesthetic-historical essay "Slovak Literature : A Brief History" by Dr. Karol StrmeN, and an appendix presenting several selections from Slovak-American authors. Several scholars and artists, including the well-known Slovak-American poet, Reverend Jaroslav J. Vajda, and American poet and scholar, Dr. Michael Collings , assisted the compiler in the project. The Anthology of Slovak Literature is - in the words of Dr. Novak - ''a work of major importance (connecting) the United States and one other small part of the world . . . This anthology is done with taste, intelligence, judgment, and perception. I read it with excitement, and I am sure that hundreds of thousands of others from Eastern Europe will find in it nourishment over the next generation, for it is a landmark book, certain to endure. " Although just a minute part of the work itself, the following excerpts from An Anthology of Slovak Literature will give the reader a foretaste of the character and artistry of the book. An Anthology of Slovak Literature has been available since May 1, 1976, at : University Hardcovers P . 0. Box 248 Riverside , California 92502 or from the major Slovak newspapers and bookstores throughout the United States and Canada. If ordered directly from the publisher, the price of the book is $16.50 for individual copies. A discount of 10 percent will be given on orders of 5-10 copies , and a discount of 20 percent on orders of 11 or more copies. The following selections are reprinted with perrmss10n of University Hardcovers, P. 0 . Box 248, Riverside, California 92502, from An Anthology of Slovak Literature by Andrew Cincura. Copyright © 1976 by Andrew Cincura. 88 SLOVAKIA On Skulls JAN HOLLY (1785-1849) Tell me, you skulls, so neatly stacked in dark bone-bins, whose were you once, a peasant's or a lord's? Which one of you was held aloof on a wealthy, mighty neck, and which drooped languid from a beggar's spine? Upon which, while alive, did fortune cast her smile, and which was crushed by lifelong slavery? Is this one whiter from the fawning adulation so many offered it in lavish awe? And that one darker having suffered undeserved ingratitude and cruel ridicule? Speechless in terrifying silence, not one of you is able to give me an answer to my question. In frightful heaps you lie, looking so very much like gathered shards of stony desolations; or like those grief-bent forests when the white-maned wind denudes them of their leafy captivating beauty. So when a man is gone: with him all honor dies and glory and every deference bestowed by others. (Ba1ne rozmanite, n. d.) Translated by J aroslav J. Vajda SLOVAKIA God in Heaven \ AN"DREJ SLADKOVIC (1820-1872) God in heaven , see what sorrow when our young are cast abroad out into the world to borrow, toil, or beg a crust of bread. See them mercilessly driven, scattered by life's cruel hoax, what were solitary ravens have become falcon flocks . God in heaven, thus forsaken, if I stay, what can I earn? Into this world came I naked, naked I shall there return . In that hour, pray, be responsive to my final, inmost need: mercy , God, 0 God, have mercy when I stand alone with Thee. Translated by Jaroslav J. Vajda 89 90 SLOVAKIA Bloody Sonnets (a fragment) PA VOL ORSAGH-HVIEZDOSLAV (1849-1921) I A song of blood: - what madness can this be? And which shall be our theme? The sudden rush rose-red, that leaps into a maiden 's blush, the sleeping infant's pink we love to see , that pulses under angel custody ; or shall it be the ardent crimson gush that fires the zealot 's brow with fervid flush: then let the song resound with rapture free! Oh, blood is a wonder-working fluid! Hidden like some rare vintage seething ~ithin the heart , it pounds with the might and rage of tempest-ridden breakers ; or bursting the tranquil pulse apart, it charges one with frenzy God-forbidden . .. Do thoughts like these engage the butcher's art? Translated by Jaroslav J. Vajda SLOVAKIA The Guests , IVANKRASKO (1876-1958) Courteously , though with a mystic fearfulness, I welcomed nonetheless my funeral guests, somber, with psalters under thei:r arms, having arrived from distant lands . Ceremonially , with chalky, dry and bony hands each reverenced the icon of my dusty home, and bowing to the waist (to me - if not, to whom?), they sat around the table , a solemn, black-swathed ring. Searching the psalter for long-lost hymns, they then began to sing in deep sepulchral voice - the harshest kind of air of bitter fruit the tree of life was found to bear, of Mother Earth's original condition - as one she was before the thrice-cursed lust of slithering Diabolos ... And then as gloomily they left (under the smiles of those who never dared to take from Eve the apple of her wiles), and said they would return to us again next year to visit those they now considered brothers, or at least as near. Eunice! Where are you? Look how one by one they disappear. (Verse, 1912) Translated by Jaroslav J . Vajda 91 92 SLOVAKIA The Hundred and First Tale of Boccaccio VALENTIN BENIAK (1894-1973) Quill in hand, I wrote a letter home: I shall stay on till Autumn here in Florence. And yes, I met Boccaccio carrying his Decameron, followed by a band of noble virgins. One I knew - Donna Clara - led her beast and handed me the leather bridle as she went. In Fiesole we met a priest bearing on his shoulder a battered trident. Neptune it was, reaping hay - despite his wont the pagan seas had scorned him, one and all. ''Sir,'' he asked, ' 'might you be the Duke of Brabant on your way to my confessional?" He would have liked the stole and blessed oil, would pray my soul to heaven's halls, would hire wicked men to toil rip Botticelli's Venus from the U(fizi's walls . . Slip her from her canvas world - be done! she would return with him to her sea-home . (For this is but the hundredth tale and one, carved from Carrara marble and sea-foam.) (Ozveny krokov, 1931) Translated by Andrew Cincura SLOVAKIA ' Carmen EMIL B. LUKAC (1900) Dance and sing, you naked bajadera, throughout this long and melancholy era. Dance and sing, the golden calf is bleating, and dragon claws the kettle-fires are heating. In flaming dance your many limbs entwine to form a beast half-hydra, half-divine. Dance and sing, you universal axis, you contradictory, convoluted maxims: maze, lie, and death - not way and truth and life. Dance and sing, deaf.to the din of strife. The blood of millions suck, you golden flea. Machine guns bark, and cracks the gallows-tree. (Moloch, 1938) Translated by Jaroslav J. Vajda 93 94 SLOVAKIA Two Days at Chujava (a Iragment) JONASZABORSKY (1812-1876) Zajac, a slovenly peasant and the village clown, entered the inn's hall. The youngsters surrounded him at once, and, as always, he launched into a narrative of his heroic exploits inBombardy. (1) "Every Bombardian bee, believe me, is as large as a Slovak sheep," Zajac said, to introduce his story. "And what about the beehives - how large are they?" Pelechavy asked from the other side of the table, smiling broadly. "Only as large as ours." "Then how can the bees enter the beehives?" "That's their problem, "the ex-hussar Zajac roared, laughing and half-seriously accusing Pelechavy of r.itting at the table without ever touching his full glass . "Why don't you drink like all the other right men do? May a hundred thunderclaps deafen your soul.'' A guffaw shook the room. The men emptied their glasses, while the Jewish innkeeper did his best to keep them filled. Zajac continued with his tall tales: "Did you know that macaroni is really nothing but tapeworms seventy yards long? People buy them by the foot. To eat macaroni, all one has to do is sit in the most comfortable position, open his mouth, and let the tapeworm run down his throat by itself, while the waitress measures its length by the yard and cuts it with scissors when the customer has eaten his fill.'' Zajac then related the tale of his love affair with an Italian countess. "As soon as I rode into the castle yard," he said, "she started to wink at me, her mouth watering with anticipation. She thought, 'By Jove, there's a lad. I'm sure he has no eq~al in the entire world!' And when I dismounted and handed my horse over to the servant, she shook my hand and took me by arm, saying, ''If you will, please!' Then we went into the house. After a good supper, she prepared a bed for her husband on the bench at the hearth. 'You'll sleep here tonight,' she said, patting his arm, 'but please be quiet and don't disturb the hussar in his sleep.' - For me she spread a sheaf of straw on the floor in the middle of the room. The count, listening to her soft conversation with me, coughed and said, 'Erzha, is that hussar whispering with you?' " 'So what if he is?' " 'Why don't you stop him?' the count said. " 'I can't. I don't speak his language,' the countess replied." SLOVAKIA 95 '' And what about your meeting with Napoleon?'' a youngster with a broom-like feather on his hat called, prompting Zajac to further narration. '' All right, listen! WhE!n the Frenchmen had annoyed us with their frequent attacks, our Emperor met with his generals to find out which one of the Austro-Hungarian soldiers wore his cap most rakishly and would therefore be best suited to be sent to Napoleon . All the generals, of course, agreed that only I, Zajac, was the proper hero, willing and able to go on such an important mission. I mounted my horse and was off to Paris. On my arrival there, I tethered my horse to a fence . Mrs. Napoleon, the Empress of France, immediately ran to me, bringing oats for my horse in her apron and taking me into her kitchen . She cooked pirohy (a) for me, filled with minced pears. They were really good, better than any I'd ever seen or tasted! Large as peasant moccasins, they were greased with the tallow collected from seven melted candles. I swear to God, they were so good that the grease flowed down my chin as profusely as down Aaron's beard. I ate almost two of them. As an extra treat the Empress also cooked hriate (b) and baked pag<ice (c) with cracklings for my return trip." "And what about Napoleon?" "Well, he patted my shoulder and said, ' My dear fellow! I wish I had a regiment of hussars like you! With men like you I would easily conquer the entire world, and all the nations in it.' - And you should have seen it - I give you my word of honor and cross my heart - he embraced and kissed me as if I were his lady love.'' "And did he sue for peace?" ' 'Of course , what else could he do when I asked him to? He gave me ten farthings for whisky and asked me to convince our Emperor and generals not to stir until he took over as many lands as he wanted. He whetted his appetite for our Bombardy (1) and bombarded us out of it, may thunder and lightning strike his sideways-turned hat! We looked around, hoping that some Cossack would appear and help us, but the world is ungrateful! We assisted the Frenchmen in Crimea against the Muscovites and the thankless Muscovites did not come to repay our courtesy and help us against the Frenchmen. That's the kind of honor you find in this world! . . . " "You' re the greatest liar I've ever seen! " Buchak remarked, wiping his moustache. ''Yes, and all of you are great fools,'' the ex-hussar Zajac laughed. "You should take my words as seriously as you take the print on paper money, which sa: ·s you may exchange it for silver any time, or believe me as much as yo I can the saying that all men are equal." (1883) (Translated by Andrew Cincura) 96 SLOVAKIA NOTES: jocular term for Lombardy . Lombardy belonged to the AustroHungarian Empire until 1859. (1) Bombardy - (a) pirohy - cheese or fruit dumplings (b) hriate - hot whisky with goose-fat topping (c) pagace (pagaache) - small unsweetened cakes The nDiscovery" of Gunpowder (a frag111cnt) TEREZIA VANSOV A (1857-1941) Autumn had progressed considerably, but our children were still enjoying the golden freedom of summer vacation. In our village, there was a tradition that school started only after the Tisovec Fair. After the pupil's mothers had sold a goose or a piece of homespun linen and had bought clothes for their children and the primers with the picture of a rooster on the front cover. Then, and only then, could the children walk proudly to school. Our boys conducted great military maneuvers in the parsonage orchard. Danny, who continually pestered Srnchik with his questions about military strategy, commanded his "rank-and-file" comrades, who were equipped with wooden sabres, guns, and a supply of dry-pea bullets in their pockets. One-two-one-two - the company marched up the orchard path, and when Danny thought they had reached their position, he called, "H-a-a-a-1-t!" Then he turned to his "men" and drilled them in the proper ways of military know-how. He was naturally dissatisfied with the over-all results. The ''men'' halted, once with one leg in the forward position, then with the ~ther. Some of them were stooped, some crooked; some did not add to iih.e glory of the tight-knit military unit at all. "How are you standing there, Private Misho? Don't you know anything about proper military bearing? Up! Straighten your legs! No, no! Don't stand there like a duckling! Pull your belly in! Out with your chest!'' Misho tried his best, but he never succeeded in acquiring a proper stance. His face was one broad grin. He opened his mouth wide and held his hands tightly to his knees (his monkey-like hands actually reached lower than his knees!). Yet regardless of his efforts, he was never praised for his achievements. SLOVAKIA 97 Then Danny drilled the ''troops'' in the proper use of weapons, but he became really upset when even his own gun refused to obey his command. "F-i-r-e! F-i-r-e!" Danny repeated in exasperation. What was the purpose of military games without a weapon that really shoots? Why use a weapon which neither fires nor kills? He had already almost worn out his brains in an effort to acquire gunpowder. What all he had done, and all for nothing! He would have bought some powder, and he certainly could have obtained the money for it somehow. But what good would it do when neither he nor any of his comrades were big enough to buy powder in Tisovec. He was just a child, and his request, however small, would have been considered too dangerous anyway. Danny's friend Johnny had not taken part in the military drill today. Johnny would have been subject to a reprimand from his stem commander had he not appeared when the game was about to end. Running through the orchard, Johnny finally stopped near the formation. With a book in his hand, he waved and shouted, almost out of breath, "Hurrah, we've got gunpowder!" The boys turned around. Forgetting their military discipline, they jumped out of their lines and surrounded Johnny. Johnny showed them the book - the Almanac of Fejerpataky. The boys stopped, bewildered. They thought their comrade had brought some real gunpowder with him; and instead, he only showed them an old book. Danny snatched the book from Johnny's hand and asked with contempt and suspicion, "Why did you bring this book?" "Here, look! Here it is!" Johnny replied, still gasping for breath. "What?" Danny asked impatiently. ''The formula for making gunpowder!'' Johnny's reply electrified Danny. "Let's see!" He grabbed the book again, sank to the turf, and started to turn the leaves. Johnny showed him the article in the almanac. Both boys plunged into reading and quickly forgot their comrades, who resumed their own play. Danny studied the well-known recipe like a cook about the prepare a tasty cake. While reading, he wondered how he could obtain and measure all the ingredients necessary for gunpowder. Seventy-five parts saltpeter (but what is "saltpeter" and where he could buy it?); eleven parts sulfur (ah, he had it; luckily, he had already taken some from his father's supply); and fourteen parts hazel-wood charcoal (that's the easiest to get: they could cut hazel twigs anywhere, and they could bum charcoal by themselves). The scales for weighing the ingredients? No problem - they would construct it from twigs, strings, and an apple. And now to work! Danny stood up, his face gleaming. He gave the necessary instructions immediately. The boys were to go tomorrow morning to cut hazel wood. They were to store the supply at the upper end of the orchard, and they were to build a charcoal-pile there. Johnny was to go to Tisovec to buy saltpeter. (Danny knew that he could not get any 98 SLOVAKIA himself because of his previous "contacts" with the city merchants.) Danny would try to find out what saltpeter was and where they could buy it. The orders dispensed, Danny hit the shortest path to his grandmother' s. He found her in front of her house thrashing hemp. He addressed her directly, "Grandma!" "What do you want, my son?" ' 'What ' s saltpeter?'' "Saltpeter?" the old woman repeated the question with surprise. "What is he dabbling in now, this Danny?" she thought with suspicion, unable to find a good reason behind the question. She was familiar with saltpeter, a harmless ingredient which was used for certain jobs in the household. She told him that the druggists in Tisovec kept saltpeter in their stores. This information was all Danny needed. Early the next morning, he sent Johnny to the city with three farthings to buy the saltpeter. In the meantime, Danny found a large apple, a "funtovka" apple (1) growing in the school garden, cut the apple in two equal halves, carving them into bowl-like plates, he attached the two halves first to strings and then to twigs arranged as primitive scales. When the charcoal was prepared and all the ingredients collected, he weighed the proper amounts of saltpeter, charcoal, and sulfur, triturated every ingredient separately, and mixed them together. It made a little pile when he poured the mixture on a sheet of paper. He was as pleased with the feat as a chemist might have been with a successful experiment in his laboratory. The boys soon found that their experiment was successful, when one of them put the compound on the fire; the gunpowder wheezed up and hit Mis ho directly on his nose, for he was too curious and had stuck his head close to the compound "to see everything better." Fortunately, the amount allotted for the experiment was small, and Misho's accident thus was not too serious. A.similar result was attained in another experiment when one of the boys ~laced a capsule on a stone and hit it with another stone. The explosion again produced "casualties" - one "well-done thumb" and one "medium-done nose.'' The boys' summer games were brought to a sudden end with the announcement that school would open and classes would begin again immediately after the Tisovec Fair. (1934) Translated by Andrew Cincura NOTE: (1) funt (Slovak) - "pound. " "Funtovky" (pl.; funtovka, sg.) are very large apples that grow in Central Europe. In Slovak folk etymology, they are supposed to weigh at least one pound each. SLOVAKIA 99 More About the Fair (11 fr1111111ent) MARTIN KUKUCfN (1860-1928) \ An African afternoon heat seemed to rest on our exhilarated city. There was almost no shade, not even next to the house walls. The sun was inescapable, burning mercilessly as if trying to suck the last drop of moisture from emaciated, desiccated Mother Earth. And still no one even thought of hitting the bunk for an hour or so, as the human constitution should require, especially after a festive dinner, when limbs become as heavy as lead and eyelids droop; when a sweet dream flutters about despite straining efforts to keep one's eyes open. Eyes grow stiff and seem to be bulging and enveloped by a fog in which objects merge with each other. In the end, you cannot do anything but give up and lie down sinking deeply into the embraces of a sweet nap. But who could have slept this afternoon? Recently rising from the table to sip black coffee, everyone shook off his drowsiness and went off to the square. The entire city swarmed and dawdled among the tents, buying and extorting presents without shyness or courtesy. Everyone was happy, alert, and lively. The bells, tolling four o'clock, put an end to the hurly-burly. At once the square became as empty as if swept. The tents were closed, and people either entered the church or - not finding a place inside surrounded the church in a numberless mass. After somewhat abbreviated vespers, a procession started. People forged out of the church in waves, reeling from side to side, and finally taking their position in rows. The most difficult task remained - to set the procession in motion. At the head there were school children under the church banner, followed by endless rows of men. Two by two, each of the men carried a faintly-smoldering candle into the dazzling sun's rays. The young boys following the men carried huge candles and torches in multicolored lanterns. The church banners fluttered in the air, then hung limply as the faint breeze died in the torrid stillness. Then the church kantadurs (1) marched under the ,leadership of mester (2) Ivo, all singing monotonous psalms with strong but dragging voices. The echo of their song thundered amid the houses and immediately died in the dead silence of the surroundings. Four youngsters in white albs, walking after the singers, carried on their shoulders the statue of the Virgin Mary, removed from the main altar. Mary sat majestically, with the smiling child on her knees. Crowns of pure gold glittered on the heads 100 SLOVAKIA of the Mother and Son. The Christ-Child spread his plump hands as if surprised by the sudden trip from the gloomy altar niche into the blinding sun. A brocade-like garment fell in colorful folds down the statue of the Mother of God. The image, laden with jewels and precious stones, glittered, flashed, and sparkled. After the company of priests, led by our Don Roko in a festive cape, sor Ilija Zorkovic walked in black clothes, with a hard hat in one hand and a black cane trimmed with a massive silver handle in the other. He walked alone. Pacing slowly and gravely, he looked neither to the right nor to the left, conscious of his authority and elevated rank which surpassed all the other laymen in the procession. Ilija is the chairman of the church board, curator and controller of all church holdings. He is responsible for the care of church fields and wine cellars. He manages the wine until it is sold to the merchants. Everything in the church - even the candles used in such large numbers every year - rests on his shoulders. He is, in addition, the manager of the Virgin Mary, the patroness of our city - he protects all jewelry and precious stones, earrings and golden chains, bracelets and rings. Sor Ilija Zorkovic keeps all the trinkets that are hung and poured over the statue in his own house in a heavy, ironbound chest. Such a grave responsibility entails much work and many pains, but the reward is splendid - during every procession, he occupies the most prominent place, alone, right behind the baldachin, before the eyes of the entire world, seen by friends and enemies, well-wishers and envious men. Why should his chest not swell with pride and self-assurance? Why should he not walk seriously and solemnly? Behind sor Ilija Zorkovic came the mayor surrounded by all the assessors. The mayor, too, walked gravely, but one way or another, his entire countenance was a far cry from Zorkovic's. After the representatives of the opcina, (4) there was a gap of five or six paces in the procession - the women walking separately behind the men's rows. The military retinue, with rifles on, their shoulders and their "hay-straw, hay-straw" cadence, flanked the statue and priests on both sides. · It was really a magnificent sight! The continuous tolling of the bells - urgent, fancy, heavy, tremulous - you name it! The bellman, holding the clapper in his fist and shaking it with his hand, struck the bell. Everyone looked forward to the procession; for weeks and weeks everyone delighted in its anticipation. Every member of the family took part in it if he had strength enough to move his limbs. Doddering elders, hardly able to drag their feet, were present, as were the little children, just managing their first attempts to stay on their feet. Mothers carried infants in their arms, so that no one would miss the procession. Among those present, there were also many non-residents. Many guests took pains to join the procession to express their devotion to the Mother of God either for restored health or for other favors SLOVAKIA 101 granted them or their relatives. No wonder, then, that the magnificence and number of participants serve as a gauge for evaluating whether the fair was a complete or only a partial success. And the "mark" of relative success or failure was an important thing - every citizen was proud if his city's fair was famous far and wide . The entire processioJJ. dragged slowly across the square and through the short street, out,of the city toward the cross standing in the flat field on a marble pedestal. From there, following the promenade, the procession returned to the city, submerging into narrow alleys, flanked either by blunt fence walls or one-story houses . The streets were swept and sprinkled with white sand. The balconies of the more stately houses were transformed into fragrant flower groves; draperies or ornamental rugs hung from the windows and banisters . Even the teiaks (5) decorated their cottages for the occasion. The low roofs of some cottages were covered with flowerpots. In other cottages - those with marriageable daughters - the girls spread their dowries out on the roofs or on adjacent stone walls. The school children had already entered the narrow streets when sora (6) Andrejana's group was just leaving the church yard. The stylish young misses, as always, remained at the very end of the procession. Because of their relative distance from the statue of the Virgin, they may have forgotten the reason for their presence. While the lingering song of the church singers reverberated and a muffled prayer recited with the rosary beads murmured above the crowd, whispered conversations and giggles flowed among the young ladies, accompanied by glances cast toward the balcony of Citaonica (7) where a number of the young elite assembled to see the magnificent march. It is necessary to stress that hardly any of the young ladies wore a hat in most cases they wore black veils with the ends flowing picturesquely down their breasts. Since they had no parasols, they held fans in their hands, and were able to throw coquettish glances here and there, to the side or up toward the windows. The merchants remained at their tents. With the approach of the procession, they fell to their knees , contritely beating their chests. The bells warbled and tinkled. Dust clouds rose, especially behind the women. The mortars thundered in volleys. Sor Hija Zorkovic tied a knot on the cord in his hand after every volley, in order to have an exact count of the gunpowder used and prevent youngsters from stealing part of the explosives for hunting rabbits or partridges. And the Mother of God looked down kindly from her throne. Her Son , as if bewildered, threw his chubby hands about, smiling. With almost vertical rays, the sun blazed from above, and the dark-blue sky seemed to stretch absent-mindedly above this multicolored world. (1904) Translated by Andrew Cincura 102 SLOVAKIA Note: "More About the Fair," a fragment from Kukucin's novel, Dom u strcini (The House on the Hillside), is fundamentally a representative sample of the author's "second creative period," which coincided with his life in Dalmatia. (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) kantadurs (Dalmatian): singers mester (meshter, Dalmatian): master sor (shor, Dalmatian): mister, sir opcina (Croatian): commune, township teiaks (tezhaks, Croatian): poor peasants, farm hands sora (shora, Dalmatian): Mrs. citaonica (chitaonica, Croatian): reading club, library Joe Mak (a fr111111ent) JOZEF CIGER-HRONSKY (1896-1960) Just as Joe Mak returned on Thursday afternoon from hauling and had finished watering his horses, his employer, Baniar-Banoci, came into the yard and called, "Joe! J-o-o-e! Where are you?" ''Here! I'm here,'' Joe replied, coming out of the stable. Joe followed Baniar-Banoci to the hallway leading to the kitchen. "Take this and go home!" Baniar-Banoci gave Joe a large bottle of whisky, some flour, sugar, and other victuals. Joe Mak looked at Baniar and at the f~od in surprise, hesitating before taking the offered goods. ''Just take everything and hurry, go home! And send someone for the milk in the evening. But let me warn you, you'd better leave your sheepskin cap here and go home with a bare head!'' At that moment Joe's hands fell motionless. His lips moved into a smile. He looked first at the floor , then again at Baniar. He understood. "A girl?" " No, it's a boy!" Baniar replied. "The women said that he is big enough to post the banns and get married right away.'' "Well ... ," Joe Mak said, standing on one spot without a gesture and without any real thoughts in his head. He lifted his sheepskin cap somewhat automatically and thanked God from the bottom of his soul. "Julia wanted a girl," Joe said. "She still can have one. " "Yes, she can ... But I wouldn't have minded if she had had one now.'' SLOVAKIA 103 Then he left. The flour and sugar on his back convinced him that everything was all right. He could believe Baniar's words. He did not need to ask anyone else. But the distance from Baniar's homestead to Joe's cottage was relatively long. Joe suddenly noticed that he was walking rapidly and began to drag his steps. If someone were to meet him, he would stop; he would talk at length as he would be expected to do; he would speak of the commonest things, for he wanted everything to be simple. He would say, ''Baniar told me that we have an additional member in our family, so I'm going to see. Of course, there will be more worries again .... And what a dry winter this is! The snow is late . Very likely we won 't have any snow this winter. One needs a bit of snow. Otherwise one loses track of the time, not knowing how far winter has progressed and why his fi1'gers get numb." He prepared the remarks about winter in the event that someone stopped him. But no one did. He was obliged to go home directly. And there he had only one opportunity to compliment Baniar for giving him so many things. Even so, he referred to Baniar only in order to have an excuse to stop at the hearth, unload the gifts slowly and carefully, and listen to the words of Mary Klachovka and Hana and little Joe, his son. It was easy for Joe to straighten his back. It was difficult to look at Julia, his wife. Almost transparent and with her eyes closed, she was lying in bed as if asleep; yet she was not asleep. She knew Joe was standing at her bedside unable to find words to fit the occasion. Her eyelids quivered. And when she opened her eyes, tears flowed down her cheeks. "Don't be angry with me , Joe!" Julia's lips moved, and Joe thought that she deliberately said the words softly so that no one but he could hear them. And Joe Mak was ashamed. Ordinary shame, though perhaps deeper than usual, overcame him. It was a merciless shame. Joe's face reddened as always, but this time the shame reached into his veins. Driving forward, it benumbed all of Joe's blood vessels. He pressed his knee to the sideboard of the bed, feeling that he could not stay on his feet otherwise. He pressed his hands together behind his back in an effort to cover his excitement. He clenched his teeth, realizing that both his eyelids and his eyesockets had begun to tremble. He knew they would gush tears like a little child if he relaxed his cheek muscles even slightly. Would that not be embarrassing? Or was there something else? Yes, there was! Mary Klachovka was present. She should not be lingering in the room at this time. Her presence was a sacrilege. She should not interfere with Joe's intimate conversation with Julia. No one likes to be surprised in a moment of weakness. No one wants to be caught at a time when he is nothing but a human being; 104 SLOVAKIA when he is neither rich nor poor, neither Joe nor Mak; when everything - work and clothing and everything bestowed on a man by destiny falls off of him for a while, and when nothing but fundamental wisdom remains in him. Klachovka felt it. She unconsciously sensed the moment. She left the room, taking the children with her so that Joe Mak did not have to hide his humanity, so that all his wisdom - a wisdom possessed by every man in such moments - would remain his in its entirety. Without Klachovka in the room, Joe Mak could reflect on those things which other men can think of in advance and thus prepare themselves for any contingency, so as to know when and how one should weep or when and how one should laugh. But the wise man Joe Mak found that in all his life he had learned nothing for such occasions and that he might better remain silent, without word or gesture, for it would be funny if his heavy hands started doing something they had never learned before and his mouth began a speech which he had not prepared. His hands could not attempt any tenderness, for they were calloused and rough, suitable only for heavy work. This way he was also able to hold back the assault of tears, however unusual, which welled in his eyes, since heretofore he had experienced only one kind of moisture on his face - that of sweat, drying either in the sun or frost, etching deep wrinkles into his face. Be that as it may, Joe just wanted Julia to know that even a laborer has a heart, although he cannot show it as much as a gentle man or a lighthearted youngster. Joe had more than enough warmth and kindness and love in his heart for this moment. Because his love for Julia was born with difficulty, it had become purer and more secure - a love on which one could rely. Surely Julia knew of all this. "God help us, Julia," Joe said like a weather-beaten priest who had plowed a cliff and was about to deliver his first sermon. A wan, almost invisible smile touched Julia's lips, lightly caressing her cheeks and eyes. The pure white smile then spread to her forehead. Had she been able to do anything~t all, she would have lifted both her hands so that Joe Mak could have placed his head in her palms. Had she been stronger, she would certainly have smiled more clearly and would have spoken loudly: "Joe, my dear husband! I didn't think I would live through this childbirth. I thought you and I would never understand each other. And everything I thought was wrong. Now I see clearly that you love me. I see everything and I know for sure that God will help us. Why shouldn't He? But don't be angry with me, Joe! Surely you aren't angry because of what I said. How could I imagine that you would be angry? I knew beforehand that you would be good to me when you returned home. A dream pressed its way into my eyes, and the women around by bed thought I was really sleeping. But I was just waiting for you, because all SLOVAKIA 105 the others around me were strangers. I'll sleep soundly now. If you place your hand on my body, you can feel that my heart is still motionless; it feels as hard as a stone. But now that you've returned, now that I can see you, I'll rest peacefully, and my heart will start beating again. Do you know, my dear husband, what will happen when my heart begins to beat again? My entire world will start for me again.'' ''Banoci didn't tell me., what happened or how it happened. But I can guess," Joe Mak said quietly. Perspiration flowed down his hard face, but what could he do? What else could he do when he knew no other way of telling Julia that today was different from all other days? Joe Mak saw Julia's white smile. But he knew that a white smile was a very fragile thing; one must be very careful to not touch such a smile at all. Joe thought it would have been a blasphemy to desecrate such a smile with words. And Joe did not want to offend God today nor to hinder the beating of Julia's heart in any way. Julia's heart started slowly. Thump, thump .... Some blood had reached its auricles and ventricles and warmed up immediately. Happiness began glowing in Julia's cheeks. This happiness, small as it was in the beginning, started to grow and fly and flow and fill the entire room. Even the loud-mouthed Klachovka, returning to the room, refrained from disturbing the couple's bliss. Joe Mak lifted his oldest son up high and tickled him under his chin. And the boy broke into such laughter that the glass shook in the window frame. Little Joe laughed because he was a little boy. All this took place on Thursday. The hoarfrost came on the following Monday. Everyone knows that hoarfrost is like a beautiful veil. You cannot find it in any anticipated place or at any predetermined time. The hoarfrost's veil is beautiful on bleached meadows. But this one did not spread over plains or slopes. The hoarfrost usually settles on the birch twigs. It glitters opaquely, a demure element of nature's magnificence, reluctant to impose itself on anyone's sight. But this particular frost did not encase the birch twigs . The hoarfrost did not settle on the firs and willows either. It did not come at midnight as usual. This one came in the daylight and settled only on Mak's cottage. But even there, the hoarfrost did not spread over the entire cottage. It did not cover either the roof or the threshold, or the room. This day's hoarfrost settled only on Julia's face, on her forehead, on her closed eyes, on her white lips, on Julia's white smile. Yes, Julia was smiling even then, as she died. (1933) Translated by Andrew Cincura  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Selections from An Anthology of Slovak Literature Description An account of the resource Andrew Cincurra<br />Slovakia, Vol. 26 (No. 49), 1976<br />pp. 87-105<br /><ol><li>Introductory Remarks / Andrew Cincura (p. 87).</li> <li>On Skulls / Ján Hollý, translated by Jaroslav J. Vajda (p. 88).</li> <li>God in Heaven / Andrej Sládkovič, translated by Jaroslav J. Vajda (p. 89).</li> <li>Bloody Sonnets (a fragment) / Pavol Orságh-Hviezdoslav, translated by Jaroslav J. Vajda (p. 90).</li> <li>The Guests / Ivan Krasko, translated by Jaroslav J. Vajda (p. 91).</li> <li>The Hundred and First Tale of Boccaccio / Valentín Beniak, translated by Andrew Cincura (p. 92).</li> <li>Carmen / Emil B. Lukáč, translated by Jaroslav J. Vajda (p. 93).</li> <li>Two Days at Chujava (a fragment) / Jonáš Záborský, translated by Andrew Cincura (pp. 94-95).</li> <li>The "Discovery" of Gunpowder (a fragment) / Terézia Vansová, translated by Andrew Cincura (pp. 96-98).</li> <li>More About the Fair (a fragment) / Martin Kukučín, translated by Andrew Cincura (pp. 99-101).</li> <li>Joe Mak (a fragment) / Jozef Cíger-Hronský, translated by Andrew Cincura (pp. 102-105).</li> </ol> Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Cincura, Andrew, 1917- Vajda, Jaroslav J., 1919-2008 Hollý, Ján, 1785-1849 Sládkovič, Andrej, 1820-1872 Hviezdoslav, Pavol Országh, 1849-1921 Krasko, Ivan, 1876-1958 Beniak, Valentín, 1894-1973 Lukáč, Emil Boleslav, 1900-1979 Záborský, Jonáš, 1812-1876 Vansová, Terézia, 1857-1942 Kukučín, Martin, 1860-1928 Hronský, Jozef Cíger, 1896-1960 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1976 LCNAF SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/18b3bde70493d2466a2d646ebd4dfc79.pdf c76c37a8411a35935f83972174612cc6 PDF Text Text 76 SLOVAKIA The Ideas of the Hlasist Movement BY ANTHONY SUTHERLAND The Slovak National Revolution of 1918 followed in the wake of the First World War and the disintegration of the Habsburg Empire. It achieved for the Slovaks the first period of political freedom after one thousand years under Magyar domination. Much of the thought and leadership for this liberation came from a small but effective intellectual circle commonly known as the ' 'hlasists ' ' . (1) Named after their periodical, Hlas, the group originated in the mid 1890s among several young Slovak intellectuals who sought new directions for the Slovak national movement . They borrowed from the realism of Thomas Masaryk and the philosophies of Herbert Spencer, William James and others. Although always a minority and never an organized political party, the ' 'hlasists'' had an impact on Slovak political and intellectual history far exceeding their numbers. Besides being a main impetus in the Slovak National Revolution, they provided much of the Slovak leadership in the subsequent First Czecho-Slovak Republic. They represented the first Slovak intellectual movement based on English philosophy. Slovak national politics until then had been dominated largely by the Slovak National Party, a small Lutheran intellectual group headed by the renouned poet-nationalist, Svetozar Hurban Vajansky. Rooted strongly in German romanticism, the Nationalists sought primarily cultural freedom from Budapest while look4lg to the Russian Empire for assistance and eventual liberation. The "ltlasists" rejected both the outlook and apparent passivity of the Nationalists and insisted on a program of action joined with economic and social reforms. Salvation for the Slovaks, the "hlasists" believed, would come not from Russia but from Western Europe, particularly England, and from close cooperation with the Czechs. In a similar manner, the Czech national movement was influenced by romanticism and marked by vague concepts of Pan Slavism. Thomas Masaryk, the father of Czecho-Slovakia, saw the inadequacy of the Czech politics and so searched for a new political philosophy that would bring about tangible results. In his book Ceska Otazka, Masaryk expressed the need for active politics, education and self-consciousness while criticizing the negativism of the Czech national movement. He added the need for social reform and humanism. (2) The founders and probably best exponents of Slovak realism were Vavro Srobar and Pavel Blaho. Srobar was born in 1867 in Liskova, the fourth of twelve children. After attending local schools, he went to the University of Prague to prepare for a career in medicine. While in �SLOVAKIA 77 Prague, Srobar, through the Slavic society, "Detvan", came into contact with Masaryk and his philosophy of realism. (3) Until this time, Srobar was a romantic nationalist clinging to the traditional ideals of Svetozar Hurban-Vajansky and other Nationalists . In 1899 he was even invited by Ambor Pietor to become an editor of Narodne noviny, the voice of the Slovak Nationalist Party, but turned down the offer feeling unfit for the task at that time. (4) Srobar soon began to have doubts about the leadership and direction of the national movement. He became increasingly critical of the Slovak National Party's unrealistic faith in tsarist Russia and the former' s apparent inability to achieve any substantial gains for the Slovak cause. Pavel Blaho (1867-1927), in a similar way, began as a romantic nationalist and ended as a follower of Masaryk's realism. Born in Skalica and educated at the University of Vienna, Blaho became a close collaborator of Srobar and the new generation of Slovak intellectuals. By 1894, both men had been completely converted to Masaryk's realism and were determined to translate realistic principles into Slovakia. One of the first goals of the ''hlasists'' was the publication of a new political review, one completely independent from the Narodne noviny and one which would reflect the new progressive ideals of realism. (5) At a meeting of young Slovak intellectuals held in Turc. Sv. Martin on August 4, 1897, the decision was made to prepare for a new periodical, and at another conference four weeks later the title, Hlas, was selected. (6) During several succeeding conferences the aims and ideology of the new school of realism were put forth and debated. At the yearly conference of 1898 Srobar talked of the ideals and principles of realism but in such vague generalities that he left the one hundred people who attended uncertain over the actual nature of the new philosophy. (7) The 1899 conference in Liptovsky Sv. Mikulas, attended by some sixty people including such notables as Andrej Hlinka and Karol Kmet'ko, was of far greater practical value. Here Srobar elaborated on the realistic principles placing emphasis on the need for education and performance of 'small deeds' for the people. (8) The "hlasists" had many aims and ideas, some challenging traditional Slovak nationalism, others seemingly impractical or idealistic. Throughout ''hlasist'' thought there was a clear faith in science, in the pragmatic, positivist philosophy and distrust of the methods of the conservative, national movement. Srobar believed that pragmatism and the ability to act were the reasons for America's success. (9) Such a belief in pragmatism, for Srobar, necessitated a knowledge of the truth. The notion of truth was borrowed from Masaryk who once said, "Seek the truth, hear the truth, learn the truth, love the truth, hold on to the truth, defend the truth to the death." (10) Truth to Srobar must replace lies, work was to replace laziness, and love to replace hatred. (11) In the search for truth nothing was held to be too sacred, not national custom, literature, songs or �78 SLOVAKIA anything. (12) Milan Hodza, one of the most gifted members of the "hlasist" group, wrote in Hl,as that Slovak history had to be examined objectively with no preconceived notions or feelings. (13) Once the truth was ascertained, then appropriate action could be taken to produce progress in the national movement. The primacy of truth, according to Srobar, demanded the '' regeneration in the morality of the Slovak man'' (14) but left it unclear as to the exact meaning of this morality . (15) By being better in the moral sense it was hoped the Slovak people would somehow be better equipped to deflect the onslaught of Magyarization. (16) Throughout the history of the ''hlasist'' movement, education was made a paramount objective. Self-enlightenment was the sine qua non of all progress for the "hlasists". It had to be democratic, not limited to the privileged few or for city dwellers but to all levels of society, including farmers, tradesmen, and workers . (17) Blaho emphasized the need for regional specialization in education . Blaho, the author of regionalism in the ''hlasist'' movement, proposed that every district have its own local newspaper to meet local needs as well as to supply information on national events. (18) "Hlasists" believed that national education rather than education for a selected few was necessary for a national movement. Blaho wrote, '' A nation that learns to want and demand begins also to fight and struggle." (19) Blaho, too, along with Hodza believed that with education came economic liberation, another precondition for national liberation. Blaho later wrote, "We want to liberate the people from spiritual darkness, from economic slavery, we want to restore Slovak elementary schools, we want to teach the people the intensive and technical cultivation of the soil. We want to teach them in a trade, to improve production, to teach them to work in business, to work in a cooperative society, we want to teach them to sacrifice for themselves, for their goals, their needs. '' (20) Education of the masses and moral regeneration could be accomplished, according to the "hlasists", dnly by 'work' or by the performance of small deeds, (drobnci prcica). (21) Pragmatism and science possessed little value unless they were translated into action. (22) "Work and only work for the people, for without work it is impossible to imagine a cultural life for the Slovaks," (23) Blaho wrote: "Look, we stand under the protection of the great power which maintains and directs the whole world, we stand under the patronage of abstract work . The entire universe is built on work . ... We fulfill the great law of life when we work.'' The ''hlasist'' virtue of work, although never really explained beyond a general sense, stood in contradiction to the apparent inactivity of traditional Slovak politics. Perhaps the most striking aspect of the "hlasist" movement was the criticism leveled against the Slovak National Party. Since the closing of the Matica Slovenska, the nationalists had accomplished little and it seemed to the "hlasists" �SLOVAKIA 79 that they were resigned to their fate. Milan Hodfa charged that the National Party had no real political program. The memorandums of 1848 and 1861 contained only the "Alpha and Omega" of Slovak demands (25) but ignor~d specific economic and social needs. He concluded that nationaliSln alone was insufficient as the basis for national politics. (26) ' ' Hlasists'' concentrated their sharpest attacks on the leader of the National Party, Svetozar Hurban Vajansky. Vajansky was the recognized leader of the nation, the interpreter of national tradition. As the son of the famous Jozef M. Hurban, the 1848 revolutionary leader and pioneer in the work of establishing a separate written Slovak language, his authority not only in literature but in politics went often unquestioned . (27) Vajansky's political and spiritual ideas were based on romanticism and Russian Slavophilism. He believed Slovakia's salvation would come not from the West which he distributed for its materialism and atheism, but from Russia. (28) "Hlasists" saw in Vajansky's philosophy and politics a dangerous fatalism. Liberation would not come from tsarist Russia, Srobar felt, and even if it did, it would lead only to ''tsarist despotism.'' (29) Srobar once wrote, "Hurban is not an active politician yet directs Slovak politics; he likes to judge and condemn. Hurban is a spiritual leader of the nation; his powerful artistic talent is known to implant the soul of the Slovak intelligentsia, its thoughts, desires, ideals. Hurban personifies the entire Slovak intelligentsia." (30) Srobar reacted strongly to Vajansky's statement, ''We are the nation - pars pro toto (a part of the whole),'' (31) making the intelligentsia the national elite. Srobar answered, ''We are not the nation, we are crumbs in the nation, we are servants and not these haughty lords, elite of the nation, but we are the worst part of the nation.'' (32) The nation, Srobar continued, was to be found among the "honest workers, the hand-calloused laborers, among the soiled peasants and tenant farmers ." (33) Hodfa agreed with Srobar that the nation could not be found among a few intellectuals. He wrote in Hlas in 1904: "The nation is the people with all its needs and desires . The nation must be something concrete, calculable and not some fictitious ideal. Therefore then, national culture must not be limited to the intelligentsia; it deserves the name 'national' culture only if it penetrates and inspires all levels of the nation." (34) Srobar was particularly concerned over the direction that Vajansky seemed to be leading Slovak politics. The Slovaks were politically isolated, Srobar recalled, with no real allies or ties with any strong state. (35) Since a continuation of the Nationalist's Russophile policy was out of the question the only ' realistic' alternative the "hlasists" had was to develop closer relations with the Czechs, their closest Slavic neighbor. (36) Although Czech-Slovak cooperation was no invention of Srobar or the other "hlasists", it was their efforts that prepared the way for collaboration during the First World War. �80 SLOVAKIA On the question of Czech-Slovak unity, Srobar was cautiously silent. (37) He said only that it was impossible at this time to talk about political unification with the Czechs. "We reject emphatically all debate a priori about unification of us with the Czech nation in the political sense. There can be no unification in language but only in spirit." (38) Later in 1920, Srobar acknowledged the close cultural and political ties that existed between the two nations. ''The origin of a new written language in Slovakia did not interrupt the conscious tribal (kmen) unity of the Czecho-Slovaks even for one moment. The desire for close cultural, economic, and political unity increased year after year in proportion to the growth of a brutal Magyar suppression.'' (39) Many Slovaks anxiously awaited Vajansky's reaction to "hlasist" attacks, but were left somewhat disappointed. For a long time he said little. (40) In a series of articles appearing in the Narodne noviny Vajansky made references to the youth movement, meaning the "hlasists", as "trivial and childish." (41) It was known that Vajansky was opposed to the Czech orientation and to the placing of economic reforms before political goals. (42) But the most controversial feature of ''hlasist'' views was their critical position taken against the Catholic Church and clerical influence in Slovak society. Srobar attacked the Slovak priesthood as corrupt, materialistic and Magyar in spirit. (43) Since his student days Srobar had begun to question Church authority. (44) Much of this questioning attitude towards the Church was taken from Leo Tolstoy. Tolstoy taught that the organized Church had corrupted and formalized Christianity to the extent that it was necessary to return to a primitive type of Christianity as was found in the early Church. In Tolstoy Srobar also discovered support for his idea of truth as the most important element in dealing with social problems. Tolstoy said all the revolutions of the nineteenth century lacked this principle of truth. It is not necessary to merely proclaim truth but to act on it. (45) Srobar looked at the Slovak problem as largely a religious problem. (46) Slovaks, he said, cared for little else but religion. Art, science, politics concerned them only to the extent that they served religious needs. (47) Slovak Catholics, Srobar believed, although sincere and pious, were infected with superstition and f~talism. He wrote: ''Great masses of the Slovak people designate thems~lves, 'I am a Catholic' or 'I am a Lutheran', but the faiths of the Slovaks are not joined in one unit but left divided. The faith of Slovaks is pure, sincere, but the content of their faith is completely pagan, fetishistic, superstitious, fatalistic . . . . Here is where I expect the guarantee of our fall. All our people have fallen to this decadent Catholicism." (48) It would be a mistake, however, to label Srobar at this time as an atheist or an irreverent Christian, for many of his early writings reveal a sincere religious faith. His disagreement was not with Catholicism but with the adverse influence it seemed to have on the development of �SLOVAKIA 81 the nation. Srobar was opposed to anything resembling a theocratic type state and one which did not permit freedom of thought and expression. His arguments for freedom of conscience were founded in Christ's teaching, "Seek the truth and the truth will free you," adding that one who did not support the free search for truth was in violation of divine teaching. (49) Freedom of conscience, for Srobar, was a precondition for all progress, economic and social. To stifle the free quest for truth would ~ot only stagnate a society's growth but ultimately destroy that society. (50) He wrote: Without freedom of conscience and conviction there is no life for a dignified man, only the animal in man remains, in one degree of development. A man must teach and educate himself every day, that is seek and know the truth because who seeks the truth enriches his knowledge and becomes more learned than one who does not seek the truth. And if this law is applicable for the individual, that he educate and perfect himself, then it is even important for the entire nation. Free and educated nations enslave backward and uncultured nations. And he who cries and calls names at progress in a nation is the greatest enemy of his nation because he wants his nation to remain in darkness and ignorance so that nothing new is passed or begun. (51) At the same time, Srobar did not deny the necessity of good religious and moral standards for a healthy society. Srobar traced the evolution of moral standards. In primitive societies customs comprised the moral code. During the " age of faith" religious laws provided this same code . Later, in the age of democracy, faith and customs had lost their value, thus moral feelings of men had to be "more sincere, one had to perform voluntarily what he was once forced to do." (52) A man committed to religious ideals, Srobar continued, would be better able to serve the state than one lacking any religious conviction. (53) Srobar felt the neglect of moral faith was the foremost weakness of modern times . He wrote: Religious feelings, because they are developed from morality and fear of God have directed and controlled the natural impulses of man from time immemorial. A devout, religious man better performs his obligations towards himself, his family, and all society than a man without principles, without religion, or a man standing purely on materialism. Modern times forget the harmonious cultivation of reason and feeling and so becomes one-sided and superficial. A wise democracy expends all its efforts so that this harmonious culture among its citizenry is not forgotten. (54) �82 SLOVAKIA But, while Srobar did not completely reject organized religion, he did advocate that its activity be limited to purely spiritual concerns while leaving material questions to politicians. (55) Both church and state should exist, in Srobar's view, in a harmonious union but they had to remain separated. Srobar warned against religious intolerance which he defined as "hatred and anger against one's neighbor," (56) and against clericalism. Every unhappy nation, Srobar added, has a clerical leader at its head, and no class or political prejudice is as dangerous as religious intolerance. (57) "Every Slovak who holds dear freedom and independence for his homeland, who desires that we not remain under Magyar enslavement, who wants to rule himself, will avoid clerical slavery." (58) Such assaults on the Church caused the expected reaction and probably accounted for the defection of most of the clerical leaders from the " hlasist" camp. During the first few years of "hlasist" activity, the response by many Catholic priests was favorable . Several Catholic priests corresponded regularly with the "hlasists". Jozef Buday, a noted priest in the People's Party, complimented Blaho in 1898 on Hlas for exposing the nation's weaknesses . In a letter to Blaho of July 14, 1898, Buday wrote, " Therefore, with unspeakable joy I wish the periodical Hlas the most beautiful secure future, and I welcome you as its author, as its intrepid fighter for the development of the Slovak nation and as a sacrificing leader of Slovak youth on the thorny, spiral path of national life." (59) The following year Buday submitted an article for Hlas in which he recommended that priests not turn their backs on modem science and progress but take part in modem movements. The famous priest Ferdis Juriga supported the movement of Hlas towards moral regeneration. (60) But perhaps the most enthusiastic clerical supporter of Hlas was the priest and later Magyarone, Frantisek Jehlicka. He eagerly volunteered to work to obtain subscriptions for Hlas, telling Blaho, ''I want to become an eternal subscriber to Hlas." (61) Soon, however, many priests including Jehlicka became disillusioned with "hlasist" radicalism and seemingly irreligious attitudes. Many Slovak clerics were no doubt faced with a dilemma. On the one hand, they supported the progressivism of the "hlasists", but on the other hand, they could not accept their questioning attitude towards Church authority. Leaders in the Lutheran Church were in ~ similar position. They praised the '' hlasists'' but also cautioned them about condemning the entire old intelligentsia. They warned them against looking abroad for foreign ideas to follow, when good ideas could be found at home. (62) Reassuring the Lutheran hierarchy, Blaho said, " ... we want to reform by work and not destroy the work of our fathers, not attack the church in dogma, ... we want to be better." (63) The "hlasists" remained a small, disorganized group of men possessing a variety of ideas. Despite all the alleged radicalism at- �SLOVAKIA 83 tributed to them , the "hlasists" were quite traditional in many respects, at least during the first few years of their activity. There was never an attempt to break completely from the past but efforts were made to reconcile realistic principles with Slovak tradition, with the ideas of Stur and other leaders. The spiritual nature found throughout the works of Slovak nationalists was unmistakably evident in many "hlasist" writings, particularly those of Srobar. A good portion of "hlasist" thinking involved introspection or analysis of the nation's soul or character. In this respect "hlasists" were no different from the generations of Slovak thinkers that came before them. Even in their 'Czechoslovak' position, they were at first moderate . They were admirers of the Czechs and their culture, but they did not deny Slovak national individuality. Cooperation with the Czechs was viewed as the only realistic alternative, the only politically expedient course. Later, however, many "hlasists" became zealous supporters of Prague centralism, and some even adhered to the fictitious idea of the 'Czechoslovak' nation. Their Czechoslovak orientation before 1914 guaranteed the "hlasists" several leadership posts in the First Czecho-Slovak Republic. Srobar was chosen Minister Plenipotentiary for Slovakia during the first months of the republic, while other "hlasists" dominated the remaining Slovak posts. During the critical years of the First World War it was often the '' hlasists'' rather than the Nationalists or Populists who took the decisive action calling for national conferences, issuing declarations of independence, or working with foreign governments. Hlinka and others often hesitated, moved more cautiously, thus possibly losing some of the leadership in the new republic. Although popular at first, the "hlasists" gradually lost support from many quarters. Buday, Juriga and other priests lost all confidence in the ''hlasists'' because of their increasing radicalism, their free thinking, and their Czechoslovakism. The main significance of the ''hlasist'' movement, though, was in providing a journal and an atmosphere for critical, secular thought in Slovakia. This brought some progress, it might be argued; on the other hand, it meant tragedy for the Slovak nation. The ''hlasists'' seriously divided the Slovak national intelligentsia before 1914 and brought an end to the once united national movement. FOOTNOTES Included in the hlasist group were: Vavro Srobar, Pavel Blaho, Milan Hodia, Anton Stefanek. (2) Stefan Jansak, .Zivot Dr. Pavla Blahu, Vol. I (Tmava: Spolok sv. Vojtecha, 1947), pp. 129-130. (1) �84 SLOVAKIA (3) Srobar related in his memoirs how he became acquainted with Masaryk . What especially impressed him was Masaryk's statement that in religious questions, realism " stood on Christian principles." Vavro Srobar, Z m6jho iivota (Praha: Fr. Borovy , 1946) , p . 181. (4) Ibid ., p. 162 . (5) Jansak, pp . 138 and 141. (6) Ibid., pp . 145-147. An eleven-member editorial board was chosen: Srobar , Blaho, Hodfa , Me dvecky, Zathurecky, Rath, Minarik, Ivanko, Dohnany, Ziak-Somolicky and Jesensky. (7) Ibid., pp. 302-303. (8) Ibid . , pp. 306-307. (9) Ibid. , pp. 208-209 . (10) Ibid., p. 200 . (11) Ibid. , p . 198 Quoted in Anton Stefanek, Slovensko pred prevratom a poi!as prevratu (Praha , 1923), p. 35. (12) Srobar disagreed with Blaho over the national individuality found in Slovak weddings, songs, and costumes . Srobar attacked what he considered to be the backwardness and primitivism of Slovak weddings. He said, "In our weddings, individuals drink and eat to excess . It is necessary to improve and refine the people so that they can be convinced that they can enjoy themselves without becoming inebriated.'' Jansak, p. 259. (13) Milan Hodfa, " Realizmus u nas," Hlas VI (1904) p . 294 . (14) Jansak, p . 197. (15) Ibid., p. 198. (16) Ibid., p. 198 (17) Ibid., pp. 209-210 . Vavro Srobar, Via.do l'udu v demokracii (Praha, 1920), p. 125. (18) Jansak, p. 211. (19) Pavel Blaho , Obrodenie slovenskeho zci.padu (Praha, n .d .) p . 22. (20) Ibid., p . 31. (21) Jansak, p . 306. (22) Ibid . , p . 205 (23) Ibid., p. 206 (24) Ibid . , p. 206. (25) Milan Hodfa "K aktivite slovenskej narodnej strany," Clanky, reti, ~tudie I (Praha, 1935) , pp. 176-177. (26) Hodfa "Realizmus u nas," Hlas VI, p. 162. (27) Jansak, p . 330. See Ignotus (Milan Hodfa) Nacionalizmus je slepy," Hlas, V (1903) 97-99 . (28) Vavro Srobar, Politicky problem Slovenska (Praha, 1926) pp. 4-5. (29) Srobar, z m6jho iivota, p. 402 . (30) Ibid ., p . 360. (31) Jansak, p. 335 . (32) Ibid. , p . 335. (33) Ibid . , p. 335. (34) Hodfa, "Realizmus u nas," Hlas VI , pp. 295-296. �SLOVAKIA 85 (35) Srobar, Z mojho iivota , pp. 361-362 . (36) Ibid ., p. 362. Jansak, p. 221. (37) Jansak, p . 221. (38) Ibid ., pp. 221-222 . (39) Vavro Srobar, Osvobodene Slovensko (Praha , 1928) . p . 11. (40) Jansak, p. 332. (41) Ibid ., p . 334. (42) See Jansak, p. 217. (43) Vavro Srobar, Pamiiti z vojny a z viizenia (1914-1918) (Praha: Nakladom Gustava Dubskeho, 1922), pp. 177-178. (44) See Srobar, Z mojho iivota, p. 221. (45) Jansak, pp. 200-201. (46) Srobar, Z mojho iivota, p . 36'1 . Srobar, Pamiitizvojnyaz viizenia, p . 176. (47) Srobar, Pamati z vojny a z viizenia, pp. 176-177. (48) Ibid ., pp . 176-177. (49) Srobar, Vldda l'udu v demokracii, p. 88. (50) Ibid. , pp. 87-89. (51) Ibid., p. 92 . (52) Ibid., p . 94 . (53) Ibid ., p. 95. (54) Ibid., p . 95 . (55) Ibid., pp. 95 and 100. (56) Ibid ., p . 106. (57) Ibid ., p. 106. (58) Ibid ., p . 107. (59) Jansak, p . 342. (60) Ibid., pp. 294-295. (61) Ibid ., p. 297. (62) Ibid ., pp . 346-347. (63) Ibid ., p . 347. BIBLIOGRAPHY Blaho, Pavel. Obrodenie slovenskeho zcipadu (The Rebirth of the Slovak West). Praha: Ostredny vybor prednaskovy, n.d. Hlas (The Voice) V, VI, (Ruzomberok), 1903, 1904. Hodia , Milan . Clcinky, re<!i,. studie (Articles, Speeches, Studies). Vol. I, Praha, 1930. Jansak , Stefan . Zivot Dr. Pavla Blaha, (The Life of Dr. Paul Blaho). Vol. I. Trnava: Spolok sv . Vojtecha, 1947 . Srobar, Vavro. Osvobodenie Slovensko (Liberated Slovakia) . Praho, 1928. - - - · Pamiiti z vojny a z viizenia (Memoirs from the War and from Prison). Praha: Nakladom Gustava Dubskeho , 1921. �86 SLOVAKIA _ _ _ . Politicky problem Slovenska (The Political Problem of Slovakia). Praha, 1926. _ _ _ . Vlcida l'udu v demokracii (Government of the People in a Democracy). Praha, 1920. _ _ _ , Z m6jho iivota (From My Life). Praha: Fr. Borovy, 1946. Stefimek, Anton. Slovensko pred prevratom a pot!as prevratu (Slovakia Before 1918 and During 1918). Praha, 1923. � 76 SLOVAKIA The Ideas of the Hlasist Movement BY ANTHONY SUTHERLAND The Slovak National Revolution of 1918 followed in the wake of the First World War and the disintegration of the Habsburg Empire. It achieved for the Slovaks the first period of political freedom after one thousand years under Magyar domination. Much of the thought and leadership for this liberation came from a small but effective intellectual circle commonly known as the ' 'hlasists ' ' . (1) Named after their periodical, Hlas, the group originated in the mid 1890s among several young Slovak intellectuals who sought new directions for the Slovak national movement . They borrowed from the realism of Thomas Masaryk and the philosophies of Herbert Spencer, William James and others. Although always a minority and never an organized political party, the ' 'hlasists'' had an impact on Slovak political and intellectual history far exceeding their numbers. Besides being a main impetus in the Slovak National Revolution, they provided much of the Slovak leadership in the subsequent First Czecho-Slovak Republic. They represented the first Slovak intellectual movement based on English philosophy. Slovak national politics until then had been dominated largely by the Slovak National Party, a small Lutheran intellectual group headed by the renouned poet-nationalist, Svetozar Hurban Vajansky. Rooted strongly in German romanticism, the Nationalists sought primarily cultural freedom from Budapest while look4lg to the Russian Empire for assistance and eventual liberation. The "ltlasists" rejected both the outlook and apparent passivity of the Nationalists and insisted on a program of action joined with economic and social reforms. Salvation for the Slovaks, the "hlasists" believed, would come not from Russia but from Western Europe, particularly England, and from close cooperation with the Czechs. In a similar manner, the Czech national movement was influenced by romanticism and marked by vague concepts of Pan Slavism. Thomas Masaryk, the father of Czecho-Slovakia, saw the inadequacy of the Czech politics and so searched for a new political philosophy that would bring about tangible results. In his book Ceska Otazka, Masaryk expressed the need for active politics, education and self-consciousness while criticizing the negativism of the Czech national movement. He added the need for social reform and humanism. (2) The founders and probably best exponents of Slovak realism were Vavro Srobar and Pavel Blaho. Srobar was born in 1867 in Liskova, the fourth of twelve children. After attending local schools, he went to the University of Prague to prepare for a career in medicine. While in �SLOVAKIA 77 Prague, Srobar, through the Slavic society, "Detvan", came into contact with Masaryk and his philosophy of realism. (3) Until this time, Srobar was a romantic nationalist clinging to the traditional ideals of Svetozar Hurban-Vajansky and other Nationalists . In 1899 he was even invited by Ambor Pietor to become an editor of Narodne noviny, the voice of the Slovak Nationalist Party, but turned down the offer feeling unfit for the task at that time. (4) Srobar soon began to have doubts about the leadership and direction of the national movement. He became increasingly critical of the Slovak National Party's unrealistic faith in tsarist Russia and the former' s apparent inability to achieve any substantial gains for the Slovak cause. Pavel Blaho (1867-1927), in a similar way, began as a romantic nationalist and ended as a follower of Masaryk's realism. Born in Skalica and educated at the University of Vienna, Blaho became a close collaborator of Srobar and the new generation of Slovak intellectuals. By 1894, both men had been completely converted to Masaryk's realism and were determined to translate realistic principles into Slovakia. One of the first goals of the ''hlasists'' was the publication of a new political review, one completely independent from the Narodne noviny and one which would reflect the new progressive ideals of realism. (5) At a meeting of young Slovak intellectuals held in Turc. Sv. Martin on August 4, 1897, the decision was made to prepare for a new periodical, and at another conference four weeks later the title, Hlas, was selected. (6) During several succeeding conferences the aims and ideology of the new school of realism were put forth and debated. At the yearly conference of 1898 Srobar talked of the ideals and principles of realism but in such vague generalities that he left the one hundred people who attended uncertain over the actual nature of the new philosophy. (7) The 1899 conference in Liptovsky Sv. Mikulas, attended by some sixty people including such notables as Andrej Hlinka and Karol Kmet'ko, was of far greater practical value. Here Srobar elaborated on the realistic principles placing emphasis on the need for education and performance of 'small deeds' for the people. (8) The "hlasists" had many aims and ideas, some challenging traditional Slovak nationalism, others seemingly impractical or idealistic. Throughout ''hlasist'' thought there was a clear faith in science, in the pragmatic, positivist philosophy and distrust of the methods of the conservative, national movement. Srobar believed that pragmatism and the ability to act were the reasons for America's success. (9) Such a belief in pragmatism, for Srobar, necessitated a knowledge of the truth. The notion of truth was borrowed from Masaryk who once said, "Seek the truth, hear the truth, learn the truth, love the truth, hold on to the truth, defend the truth to the death." (10) Truth to Srobar must replace lies, work was to replace laziness, and love to replace hatred. (11) In the search for truth nothing was held to be too sacred, not national custom, literature, songs or �78 SLOVAKIA anything. (12) Milan Hodza, one of the most gifted members of the "hlasist" group, wrote in Hl,as that Slovak history had to be examined objectively with no preconceived notions or feelings. (13) Once the truth was ascertained, then appropriate action could be taken to produce progress in the national movement. The primacy of truth, according to Srobar, demanded the '' regeneration in the morality of the Slovak man'' (14) but left it unclear as to the exact meaning of this morality . (15) By being better in the moral sense it was hoped the Slovak people would somehow be better equipped to deflect the onslaught of Magyarization. (16) Throughout the history of the ''hlasist'' movement, education was made a paramount objective. Self-enlightenment was the sine qua non of all progress for the "hlasists". It had to be democratic, not limited to the privileged few or for city dwellers but to all levels of society, including farmers, tradesmen, and workers . (17) Blaho emphasized the need for regional specialization in education . Blaho, the author of regionalism in the ''hlasist'' movement, proposed that every district have its own local newspaper to meet local needs as well as to supply information on national events. (18) "Hlasists" believed that national education rather than education for a selected few was necessary for a national movement. Blaho wrote, '' A nation that learns to want and demand begins also to fight and struggle." (19) Blaho, too, along with Hodza believed that with education came economic liberation, another precondition for national liberation. Blaho later wrote, "We want to liberate the people from spiritual darkness, from economic slavery, we want to restore Slovak elementary schools, we want to teach the people the intensive and technical cultivation of the soil. We want to teach them in a trade, to improve production, to teach them to work in business, to work in a cooperative society, we want to teach them to sacrifice for themselves, for their goals, their needs. '' (20) Education of the masses and moral regeneration could be accomplished, according to the "hlasists", dnly by 'work' or by the performance of small deeds, (drobnci prcica). (21) Pragmatism and science possessed little value unless they were translated into action. (22) "Work and only work for the people, for without work it is impossible to imagine a cultural life for the Slovaks," (23) Blaho wrote: "Look, we stand under the protection of the great power which maintains and directs the whole world, we stand under the patronage of abstract work . The entire universe is built on work . ... We fulfill the great law of life when we work.'' The ''hlasist'' virtue of work, although never really explained beyond a general sense, stood in contradiction to the apparent inactivity of traditional Slovak politics. Perhaps the most striking aspect of the "hlasist" movement was the criticism leveled against the Slovak National Party. Since the closing of the Matica Slovenska, the nationalists had accomplished little and it seemed to the "hlasists" �SLOVAKIA 79 that they were resigned to their fate. Milan Hodfa charged that the National Party had no real political program. The memorandums of 1848 and 1861 contained only the "Alpha and Omega" of Slovak demands (25) but ignor~d specific economic and social needs. He concluded that nationaliSln alone was insufficient as the basis for national politics. (26) ' ' Hlasists'' concentrated their sharpest attacks on the leader of the National Party, Svetozar Hurban Vajansky. Vajansky was the recognized leader of the nation, the interpreter of national tradition. As the son of the famous Jozef M. Hurban, the 1848 revolutionary leader and pioneer in the work of establishing a separate written Slovak language, his authority not only in literature but in politics went often unquestioned . (27) Vajansky's political and spiritual ideas were based on romanticism and Russian Slavophilism. He believed Slovakia's salvation would come not from the West which he distributed for its materialism and atheism, but from Russia. (28) "Hlasists" saw in Vajansky's philosophy and politics a dangerous fatalism. Liberation would not come from tsarist Russia, Srobar felt, and even if it did, it would lead only to ''tsarist despotism.'' (29) Srobar once wrote, "Hurban is not an active politician yet directs Slovak politics; he likes to judge and condemn. Hurban is a spiritual leader of the nation; his powerful artistic talent is known to implant the soul of the Slovak intelligentsia, its thoughts, desires, ideals. Hurban personifies the entire Slovak intelligentsia." (30) Srobar reacted strongly to Vajansky's statement, ''We are the nation - pars pro toto (a part of the whole),'' (31) making the intelligentsia the national elite. Srobar answered, ''We are not the nation, we are crumbs in the nation, we are servants and not these haughty lords, elite of the nation, but we are the worst part of the nation.'' (32) The nation, Srobar continued, was to be found among the "honest workers, the hand-calloused laborers, among the soiled peasants and tenant farmers ." (33) Hodfa agreed with Srobar that the nation could not be found among a few intellectuals. He wrote in Hlas in 1904: "The nation is the people with all its needs and desires . The nation must be something concrete, calculable and not some fictitious ideal. Therefore then, national culture must not be limited to the intelligentsia; it deserves the name 'national' culture only if it penetrates and inspires all levels of the nation." (34) Srobar was particularly concerned over the direction that Vajansky seemed to be leading Slovak politics. The Slovaks were politically isolated, Srobar recalled, with no real allies or ties with any strong state. (35) Since a continuation of the Nationalist's Russophile policy was out of the question the only ' realistic' alternative the "hlasists" had was to develop closer relations with the Czechs, their closest Slavic neighbor. (36) Although Czech-Slovak cooperation was no invention of Srobar or the other "hlasists", it was their efforts that prepared the way for collaboration during the First World War. �80 SLOVAKIA On the question of Czech-Slovak unity, Srobar was cautiously silent. (37) He said only that it was impossible at this time to talk about political unification with the Czechs. "We reject emphatically all debate a priori about unification of us with the Czech nation in the political sense. There can be no unification in language but only in spirit." (38) Later in 1920, Srobar acknowledged the close cultural and political ties that existed between the two nations. ''The origin of a new written language in Slovakia did not interrupt the conscious tribal (kmen) unity of the Czecho-Slovaks even for one moment. The desire for close cultural, economic, and political unity increased year after year in proportion to the growth of a brutal Magyar suppression.'' (39) Many Slovaks anxiously awaited Vajansky's reaction to "hlasist" attacks, but were left somewhat disappointed. For a long time he said little. (40) In a series of articles appearing in the Narodne noviny Vajansky made references to the youth movement, meaning the "hlasists", as "trivial and childish." (41) It was known that Vajansky was opposed to the Czech orientation and to the placing of economic reforms before political goals. (42) But the most controversial feature of ''hlasist'' views was their critical position taken against the Catholic Church and clerical influence in Slovak society. Srobar attacked the Slovak priesthood as corrupt, materialistic and Magyar in spirit. (43) Since his student days Srobar had begun to question Church authority. (44) Much of this questioning attitude towards the Church was taken from Leo Tolstoy. Tolstoy taught that the organized Church had corrupted and formalized Christianity to the extent that it was necessary to return to a primitive type of Christianity as was found in the early Church. In Tolstoy Srobar also discovered support for his idea of truth as the most important element in dealing with social problems. Tolstoy said all the revolutions of the nineteenth century lacked this principle of truth. It is not necessary to merely proclaim truth but to act on it. (45) Srobar looked at the Slovak problem as largely a religious problem. (46) Slovaks, he said, cared for little else but religion. Art, science, politics concerned them only to the extent that they served religious needs. (47) Slovak Catholics, Srobar believed, although sincere and pious, were infected with superstition and f~talism. He wrote: ''Great masses of the Slovak people designate thems~lves, 'I am a Catholic' or 'I am a Lutheran', but the faiths of the Slovaks are not joined in one unit but left divided. The faith of Slovaks is pure, sincere, but the content of their faith is completely pagan, fetishistic, superstitious, fatalistic . . . . Here is where I expect the guarantee of our fall. All our people have fallen to this decadent Catholicism." (48) It would be a mistake, however, to label Srobar at this time as an atheist or an irreverent Christian, for many of his early writings reveal a sincere religious faith. His disagreement was not with Catholicism but with the adverse influence it seemed to have on the development of �SLOVAKIA 81 the nation. Srobar was opposed to anything resembling a theocratic type state and one which did not permit freedom of thought and expression. His arguments for freedom of conscience were founded in Christ's teaching, "Seek the truth and the truth will free you," adding that one who did not support the free search for truth was in violation of divine teaching. (49) Freedom of conscience, for Srobar, was a precondition for all progress, economic and social. To stifle the free quest for truth would ~ot only stagnate a society's growth but ultimately destroy that society. (50) He wrote: Without freedom of conscience and conviction there is no life for a dignified man, only the animal in man remains, in one degree of development. A man must teach and educate himself every day, that is seek and know the truth because who seeks the truth enriches his knowledge and becomes more learned than one who does not seek the truth. And if this law is applicable for the individual, that he educate and perfect himself, then it is even important for the entire nation. Free and educated nations enslave backward and uncultured nations. And he who cries and calls names at progress in a nation is the greatest enemy of his nation because he wants his nation to remain in darkness and ignorance so that nothing new is passed or begun. (51) At the same time, Srobar did not deny the necessity of good religious and moral standards for a healthy society. Srobar traced the evolution of moral standards. In primitive societies customs comprised the moral code. During the " age of faith" religious laws provided this same code . Later, in the age of democracy, faith and customs had lost their value, thus moral feelings of men had to be "more sincere, one had to perform voluntarily what he was once forced to do." (52) A man committed to religious ideals, Srobar continued, would be better able to serve the state than one lacking any religious conviction. (53) Srobar felt the neglect of moral faith was the foremost weakness of modern times . He wrote: Religious feelings, because they are developed from morality and fear of God have directed and controlled the natural impulses of man from time immemorial. A devout, religious man better performs his obligations towards himself, his family, and all society than a man without principles, without religion, or a man standing purely on materialism. Modern times forget the harmonious cultivation of reason and feeling and so becomes one-sided and superficial. A wise democracy expends all its efforts so that this harmonious culture among its citizenry is not forgotten. (54) �82 SLOVAKIA But, while Srobar did not completely reject organized religion, he did advocate that its activity be limited to purely spiritual concerns while leaving material questions to politicians. (55) Both church and state should exist, in Srobar's view, in a harmonious union but they had to remain separated. Srobar warned against religious intolerance which he defined as "hatred and anger against one's neighbor," (56) and against clericalism. Every unhappy nation, Srobar added, has a clerical leader at its head, and no class or political prejudice is as dangerous as religious intolerance. (57) "Every Slovak who holds dear freedom and independence for his homeland, who desires that we not remain under Magyar enslavement, who wants to rule himself, will avoid clerical slavery." (58) Such assaults on the Church caused the expected reaction and probably accounted for the defection of most of the clerical leaders from the " hlasist" camp. During the first few years of "hlasist" activity, the response by many Catholic priests was favorable . Several Catholic priests corresponded regularly with the "hlasists". Jozef Buday, a noted priest in the People's Party, complimented Blaho in 1898 on Hlas for exposing the nation's weaknesses . In a letter to Blaho of July 14, 1898, Buday wrote, " Therefore, with unspeakable joy I wish the periodical Hlas the most beautiful secure future, and I welcome you as its author, as its intrepid fighter for the development of the Slovak nation and as a sacrificing leader of Slovak youth on the thorny, spiral path of national life." (59) The following year Buday submitted an article for Hlas in which he recommended that priests not turn their backs on modem science and progress but take part in modem movements. The famous priest Ferdis Juriga supported the movement of Hlas towards moral regeneration. (60) But perhaps the most enthusiastic clerical supporter of Hlas was the priest and later Magyarone, Frantisek Jehlicka. He eagerly volunteered to work to obtain subscriptions for Hlas, telling Blaho, ''I want to become an eternal subscriber to Hlas." (61) Soon, however, many priests including Jehlicka became disillusioned with "hlasist" radicalism and seemingly irreligious attitudes. Many Slovak clerics were no doubt faced with a dilemma. On the one hand, they supported the progressivism of the "hlasists", but on the other hand, they could not accept their questioning attitude towards Church authority. Leaders in the Lutheran Church were in ~ similar position. They praised the '' hlasists'' but also cautioned them about condemning the entire old intelligentsia. They warned them against looking abroad for foreign ideas to follow, when good ideas could be found at home. (62) Reassuring the Lutheran hierarchy, Blaho said, " ... we want to reform by work and not destroy the work of our fathers, not attack the church in dogma, ... we want to be better." (63) The "hlasists" remained a small, disorganized group of men possessing a variety of ideas. Despite all the alleged radicalism at- �SLOVAKIA 83 tributed to them , the "hlasists" were quite traditional in many respects, at least during the first few years of their activity. There was never an attempt to break completely from the past but efforts were made to reconcile realistic principles with Slovak tradition, with the ideas of Stur and other leaders. The spiritual nature found throughout the works of Slovak nationalists was unmistakably evident in many "hlasist" writings, particularly those of Srobar. A good portion of "hlasist" thinking involved introspection or analysis of the nation's soul or character. In this respect "hlasists" were no different from the generations of Slovak thinkers that came before them. Even in their 'Czechoslovak' position, they were at first moderate . They were admirers of the Czechs and their culture, but they did not deny Slovak national individuality. Cooperation with the Czechs was viewed as the only realistic alternative, the only politically expedient course. Later, however, many "hlasists" became zealous supporters of Prague centralism, and some even adhered to the fictitious idea of the 'Czechoslovak' nation. Their Czechoslovak orientation before 1914 guaranteed the "hlasists" several leadership posts in the First Czecho-Slovak Republic. Srobar was chosen Minister Plenipotentiary for Slovakia during the first months of the republic, while other "hlasists" dominated the remaining Slovak posts. During the critical years of the First World War it was often the '' hlasists'' rather than the Nationalists or Populists who took the decisive action calling for national conferences, issuing declarations of independence, or working with foreign governments. Hlinka and others often hesitated, moved more cautiously, thus possibly losing some of the leadership in the new republic. Although popular at first, the "hlasists" gradually lost support from many quarters. Buday, Juriga and other priests lost all confidence in the ''hlasists'' because of their increasing radicalism, their free thinking, and their Czechoslovakism. The main significance of the ''hlasist'' movement, though, was in providing a journal and an atmosphere for critical, secular thought in Slovakia. This brought some progress, it might be argued; on the other hand, it meant tragedy for the Slovak nation. The ''hlasists'' seriously divided the Slovak national intelligentsia before 1914 and brought an end to the once united national movement. FOOTNOTES Included in the hlasist group were: Vavro Srobar, Pavel Blaho, Milan Hodia, Anton Stefanek. (2) Stefan Jansak, .Zivot Dr. Pavla Blahu, Vol. I (Tmava: Spolok sv. Vojtecha, 1947), pp. 129-130. (1) �84 SLOVAKIA (3) Srobar related in his memoirs how he became acquainted with Masaryk . What especially impressed him was Masaryk's statement that in religious questions, realism " stood on Christian principles." Vavro Srobar, Z m6jho iivota (Praha: Fr. Borovy , 1946) , p . 181. (4) Ibid ., p. 162 . (5) Jansak, pp . 138 and 141. (6) Ibid., pp . 145-147. An eleven-member editorial board was chosen: Srobar , Blaho, Hodfa , Me dvecky, Zathurecky, Rath, Minarik, Ivanko, Dohnany, Ziak-Somolicky and Jesensky. (7) Ibid., pp. 302-303. (8) Ibid . , pp. 306-307. (9) Ibid. , pp. 208-209 . (10) Ibid., p. 200 . (11) Ibid. , p . 198 Quoted in Anton Stefanek, Slovensko pred prevratom a poi!as prevratu (Praha , 1923), p. 35. (12) Srobar disagreed with Blaho over the national individuality found in Slovak weddings, songs, and costumes . Srobar attacked what he considered to be the backwardness and primitivism of Slovak weddings. He said, "In our weddings, individuals drink and eat to excess . It is necessary to improve and refine the people so that they can be convinced that they can enjoy themselves without becoming inebriated.'' Jansak, p. 259. (13) Milan Hodfa, " Realizmus u nas," Hlas VI (1904) p . 294 . (14) Jansak, p . 197. (15) Ibid., p. 198. (16) Ibid., p. 198 (17) Ibid., pp. 209-210 . Vavro Srobar, Via.do l'udu v demokracii (Praha, 1920), p. 125. (18) Jansak, p. 211. (19) Pavel Blaho , Obrodenie slovenskeho zci.padu (Praha, n .d .) p . 22. (20) Ibid., p . 31. (21) Jansak, p . 306. (22) Ibid . , p . 205 (23) Ibid., p. 206 (24) Ibid . , p. 206. (25) Milan Hodfa "K aktivite slovenskej narodnej strany," Clanky, reti, ~tudie I (Praha, 1935) , pp. 176-177. (26) Hodfa "Realizmus u nas," Hlas VI, p. 162. (27) Jansak, p . 330. See Ignotus (Milan Hodfa) Nacionalizmus je slepy," Hlas, V (1903) 97-99 . (28) Vavro Srobar, Politicky problem Slovenska (Praha, 1926) pp. 4-5. (29) Srobar, z m6jho iivota, p. 402 . (30) Ibid ., p . 360. (31) Jansak, p. 335 . (32) Ibid. , p . 335. (33) Ibid . , p. 335. (34) Hodfa, "Realizmus u nas," Hlas VI , pp. 295-296. �SLOVAKIA 85 (35) Srobar, Z mojho iivota , pp. 361-362 . (36) Ibid ., p. 362. Jansak, p. 221. (37) Jansak, p . 221. (38) Ibid ., pp. 221-222 . (39) Vavro Srobar, Osvobodene Slovensko (Praha , 1928) . p . 11. (40) Jansak, p. 332. (41) Ibid ., p . 334. (42) See Jansak, p. 217. (43) Vavro Srobar, Pamiiti z vojny a z viizenia (1914-1918) (Praha: Nakladom Gustava Dubskeho, 1922), pp. 177-178. (44) See Srobar, Z mojho iivota, p. 221. (45) Jansak, pp. 200-201. (46) Srobar, Z mojho iivota, p . 36'1 . Srobar, Pamiitizvojnyaz viizenia, p . 176. (47) Srobar, Pamati z vojny a z viizenia, pp. 176-177. (48) Ibid ., pp . 176-177. (49) Srobar, Vldda l'udu v demokracii, p. 88. (50) Ibid. , pp. 87-89. (51) Ibid., p. 92 . (52) Ibid., p . 94 . (53) Ibid ., p. 95. (54) Ibid., p . 95 . (55) Ibid., pp. 95 and 100. (56) Ibid ., p . 106. (57) Ibid ., p. 106. (58) Ibid ., p . 107. (59) Jansak, p . 342. (60) Ibid., pp. 294-295. (61) Ibid ., p. 297. (62) Ibid ., pp . 346-347. (63) Ibid ., p . 347. BIBLIOGRAPHY Blaho, Pavel. Obrodenie slovenskeho zcipadu (The Rebirth of the Slovak West). Praha: Ostredny vybor prednaskovy, n.d. Hlas (The Voice) V, VI, (Ruzomberok), 1903, 1904. Hodia , Milan . Clcinky, re<!i,. studie (Articles, Speeches, Studies). Vol. I, Praha, 1930. Jansak , Stefan . Zivot Dr. Pavla Blaha, (The Life of Dr. Paul Blaho). Vol. I. Trnava: Spolok sv . Vojtecha, 1947 . Srobar, Vavro. Osvobodenie Slovensko (Liberated Slovakia) . Praho, 1928. - - - · Pamiiti z vojny a z viizenia (Memoirs from the War and from Prison). Praha: Nakladom Gustava Dubskeho , 1921. �86 SLOVAKIA _ _ _ . Politicky problem Slovenska (The Political Problem of Slovakia). Praha, 1926. _ _ _ . Vlcida l'udu v demokracii (Government of the People in a Democracy). Praha, 1920. _ _ _ , Z m6jho iivota (From My Life). Praha: Fr. Borovy, 1946. Stefimek, Anton. Slovensko pred prevratom a pot!as prevratu (Slovakia Before 1918 and During 1918). Praha, 1923. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1976, Vol. 26 Description An account of the resource Vol. 26 (No. 49), 1976. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1976 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 76 SLOVAKIA The Ideas of the Hlasist Movement BY ANTHONY SUTHERLAND The Slovak National Revolution of 1918 followed in the wake of the First World War and the disintegration of the Habsburg Empire. It achieved for the Slovaks the first period of political freedom after one thousand years under Magyar domination. Much of the thought and leadership for this liberation came from a small but effective intellectual circle commonly known as the ' 'hlasists ' ' . (1) Named after their periodical, Hlas, the group originated in the mid 1890s among several young Slovak intellectuals who sought new directions for the Slovak national movement . They borrowed from the realism of Thomas Masaryk and the philosophies of Herbert Spencer, William James and others. Although always a minority and never an organized political party, the ' 'hlasists'' had an impact on Slovak political and intellectual history far exceeding their numbers. Besides being a main impetus in the Slovak National Revolution, they provided much of the Slovak leadership in the subsequent First Czecho-Slovak Republic. They represented the first Slovak intellectual movement based on English philosophy. Slovak national politics until then had been dominated largely by the Slovak National Party, a small Lutheran intellectual group headed by the renouned poet-nationalist, Svetozar Hurban Vajansky. Rooted strongly in German romanticism, the Nationalists sought primarily cultural freedom from Budapest while look4lg to the Russian Empire for assistance and eventual liberation. The "ltlasists" rejected both the outlook and apparent passivity of the Nationalists and insisted on a program of action joined with economic and social reforms. Salvation for the Slovaks, the "hlasists" believed, would come not from Russia but from Western Europe, particularly England, and from close cooperation with the Czechs. In a similar manner, the Czech national movement was influenced by romanticism and marked by vague concepts of Pan Slavism. Thomas Masaryk, the father of Czecho-Slovakia, saw the inadequacy of the Czech politics and so searched for a new political philosophy that would bring about tangible results. In his book Ceska Otazka, Masaryk expressed the need for active politics, education and self-consciousness while criticizing the negativism of the Czech national movement. He added the need for social reform and humanism. (2) The founders and probably best exponents of Slovak realism were Vavro Srobar and Pavel Blaho. Srobar was born in 1867 in Liskova, the fourth of twelve children. After attending local schools, he went to the University of Prague to prepare for a career in medicine. While in SLOVAKIA 77 Prague, Srobar, through the Slavic society, "Detvan", came into contact with Masaryk and his philosophy of realism. (3) Until this time, Srobar was a romantic nationalist clinging to the traditional ideals of Svetozar Hurban-Vajansky and other Nationalists . In 1899 he was even invited by Ambor Pietor to become an editor of Narodne noviny, the voice of the Slovak Nationalist Party, but turned down the offer feeling unfit for the task at that time. (4) Srobar soon began to have doubts about the leadership and direction of the national movement. He became increasingly critical of the Slovak National Party's unrealistic faith in tsarist Russia and the former' s apparent inability to achieve any substantial gains for the Slovak cause. Pavel Blaho (1867-1927), in a similar way, began as a romantic nationalist and ended as a follower of Masaryk's realism. Born in Skalica and educated at the University of Vienna, Blaho became a close collaborator of Srobar and the new generation of Slovak intellectuals. By 1894, both men had been completely converted to Masaryk's realism and were determined to translate realistic principles into Slovakia. One of the first goals of the ''hlasists'' was the publication of a new political review, one completely independent from the Narodne noviny and one which would reflect the new progressive ideals of realism. (5) At a meeting of young Slovak intellectuals held in Turc. Sv. Martin on August 4, 1897, the decision was made to prepare for a new periodical, and at another conference four weeks later the title, Hlas, was selected. (6) During several succeeding conferences the aims and ideology of the new school of realism were put forth and debated. At the yearly conference of 1898 Srobar talked of the ideals and principles of realism but in such vague generalities that he left the one hundred people who attended uncertain over the actual nature of the new philosophy. (7) The 1899 conference in Liptovsky Sv. Mikulas, attended by some sixty people including such notables as Andrej Hlinka and Karol Kmet'ko, was of far greater practical value. Here Srobar elaborated on the realistic principles placing emphasis on the need for education and performance of 'small deeds' for the people. (8) The "hlasists" had many aims and ideas, some challenging traditional Slovak nationalism, others seemingly impractical or idealistic. Throughout ''hlasist'' thought there was a clear faith in science, in the pragmatic, positivist philosophy and distrust of the methods of the conservative, national movement. Srobar believed that pragmatism and the ability to act were the reasons for America's success. (9) Such a belief in pragmatism, for Srobar, necessitated a knowledge of the truth. The notion of truth was borrowed from Masaryk who once said, "Seek the truth, hear the truth, learn the truth, love the truth, hold on to the truth, defend the truth to the death." (10) Truth to Srobar must replace lies, work was to replace laziness, and love to replace hatred. (11) In the search for truth nothing was held to be too sacred, not national custom, literature, songs or 78 SLOVAKIA anything. (12) Milan Hodza, one of the most gifted members of the "hlasist" group, wrote in Hl,as that Slovak history had to be examined objectively with no preconceived notions or feelings. (13) Once the truth was ascertained, then appropriate action could be taken to produce progress in the national movement. The primacy of truth, according to Srobar, demanded the '' regeneration in the morality of the Slovak man'' (14) but left it unclear as to the exact meaning of this morality . (15) By being better in the moral sense it was hoped the Slovak people would somehow be better equipped to deflect the onslaught of Magyarization. (16) Throughout the history of the ''hlasist'' movement, education was made a paramount objective. Self-enlightenment was the sine qua non of all progress for the "hlasists". It had to be democratic, not limited to the privileged few or for city dwellers but to all levels of society, including farmers, tradesmen, and workers . (17) Blaho emphasized the need for regional specialization in education . Blaho, the author of regionalism in the ''hlasist'' movement, proposed that every district have its own local newspaper to meet local needs as well as to supply information on national events. (18) "Hlasists" believed that national education rather than education for a selected few was necessary for a national movement. Blaho wrote, '' A nation that learns to want and demand begins also to fight and struggle." (19) Blaho, too, along with Hodza believed that with education came economic liberation, another precondition for national liberation. Blaho later wrote, "We want to liberate the people from spiritual darkness, from economic slavery, we want to restore Slovak elementary schools, we want to teach the people the intensive and technical cultivation of the soil. We want to teach them in a trade, to improve production, to teach them to work in business, to work in a cooperative society, we want to teach them to sacrifice for themselves, for their goals, their needs. '' (20) Education of the masses and moral regeneration could be accomplished, according to the "hlasists", dnly by 'work' or by the performance of small deeds, (drobnci prcica). (21) Pragmatism and science possessed little value unless they were translated into action. (22) "Work and only work for the people, for without work it is impossible to imagine a cultural life for the Slovaks," (23) Blaho wrote: "Look, we stand under the protection of the great power which maintains and directs the whole world, we stand under the patronage of abstract work . The entire universe is built on work . ... We fulfill the great law of life when we work.'' The ''hlasist'' virtue of work, although never really explained beyond a general sense, stood in contradiction to the apparent inactivity of traditional Slovak politics. Perhaps the most striking aspect of the "hlasist" movement was the criticism leveled against the Slovak National Party. Since the closing of the Matica Slovenska, the nationalists had accomplished little and it seemed to the "hlasists" SLOVAKIA 79 that they were resigned to their fate. Milan Hodfa charged that the National Party had no real political program. The memorandums of 1848 and 1861 contained only the "Alpha and Omega" of Slovak demands (25) but ignor~d specific economic and social needs. He concluded that nationaliSln alone was insufficient as the basis for national politics. (26) ' ' Hlasists'' concentrated their sharpest attacks on the leader of the National Party, Svetozar Hurban Vajansky. Vajansky was the recognized leader of the nation, the interpreter of national tradition. As the son of the famous Jozef M. Hurban, the 1848 revolutionary leader and pioneer in the work of establishing a separate written Slovak language, his authority not only in literature but in politics went often unquestioned . (27) Vajansky's political and spiritual ideas were based on romanticism and Russian Slavophilism. He believed Slovakia's salvation would come not from the West which he distributed for its materialism and atheism, but from Russia. (28) "Hlasists" saw in Vajansky's philosophy and politics a dangerous fatalism. Liberation would not come from tsarist Russia, Srobar felt, and even if it did, it would lead only to ''tsarist despotism.'' (29) Srobar once wrote, "Hurban is not an active politician yet directs Slovak politics; he likes to judge and condemn. Hurban is a spiritual leader of the nation; his powerful artistic talent is known to implant the soul of the Slovak intelligentsia, its thoughts, desires, ideals. Hurban personifies the entire Slovak intelligentsia." (30) Srobar reacted strongly to Vajansky's statement, ''We are the nation - pars pro toto (a part of the whole),'' (31) making the intelligentsia the national elite. Srobar answered, ''We are not the nation, we are crumbs in the nation, we are servants and not these haughty lords, elite of the nation, but we are the worst part of the nation.'' (32) The nation, Srobar continued, was to be found among the "honest workers, the hand-calloused laborers, among the soiled peasants and tenant farmers ." (33) Hodfa agreed with Srobar that the nation could not be found among a few intellectuals. He wrote in Hlas in 1904: "The nation is the people with all its needs and desires . The nation must be something concrete, calculable and not some fictitious ideal. Therefore then, national culture must not be limited to the intelligentsia; it deserves the name 'national' culture only if it penetrates and inspires all levels of the nation." (34) Srobar was particularly concerned over the direction that Vajansky seemed to be leading Slovak politics. The Slovaks were politically isolated, Srobar recalled, with no real allies or ties with any strong state. (35) Since a continuation of the Nationalist's Russophile policy was out of the question the only ' realistic' alternative the "hlasists" had was to develop closer relations with the Czechs, their closest Slavic neighbor. (36) Although Czech-Slovak cooperation was no invention of Srobar or the other "hlasists", it was their efforts that prepared the way for collaboration during the First World War. 80 SLOVAKIA On the question of Czech-Slovak unity, Srobar was cautiously silent. (37) He said only that it was impossible at this time to talk about political unification with the Czechs. "We reject emphatically all debate a priori about unification of us with the Czech nation in the political sense. There can be no unification in language but only in spirit." (38) Later in 1920, Srobar acknowledged the close cultural and political ties that existed between the two nations. ''The origin of a new written language in Slovakia did not interrupt the conscious tribal (kmen) unity of the Czecho-Slovaks even for one moment. The desire for close cultural, economic, and political unity increased year after year in proportion to the growth of a brutal Magyar suppression.'' (39) Many Slovaks anxiously awaited Vajansky's reaction to "hlasist" attacks, but were left somewhat disappointed. For a long time he said little. (40) In a series of articles appearing in the Narodne noviny Vajansky made references to the youth movement, meaning the "hlasists", as "trivial and childish." (41) It was known that Vajansky was opposed to the Czech orientation and to the placing of economic reforms before political goals. (42) But the most controversial feature of ''hlasist'' views was their critical position taken against the Catholic Church and clerical influence in Slovak society. Srobar attacked the Slovak priesthood as corrupt, materialistic and Magyar in spirit. (43) Since his student days Srobar had begun to question Church authority. (44) Much of this questioning attitude towards the Church was taken from Leo Tolstoy. Tolstoy taught that the organized Church had corrupted and formalized Christianity to the extent that it was necessary to return to a primitive type of Christianity as was found in the early Church. In Tolstoy Srobar also discovered support for his idea of truth as the most important element in dealing with social problems. Tolstoy said all the revolutions of the nineteenth century lacked this principle of truth. It is not necessary to merely proclaim truth but to act on it. (45) Srobar looked at the Slovak problem as largely a religious problem. (46) Slovaks, he said, cared for little else but religion. Art, science, politics concerned them only to the extent that they served religious needs. (47) Slovak Catholics, Srobar believed, although sincere and pious, were infected with superstition and f~talism. He wrote: ''Great masses of the Slovak people designate thems~lves, 'I am a Catholic' or 'I am a Lutheran', but the faiths of the Slovaks are not joined in one unit but left divided. The faith of Slovaks is pure, sincere, but the content of their faith is completely pagan, fetishistic, superstitious, fatalistic . . . . Here is where I expect the guarantee of our fall. All our people have fallen to this decadent Catholicism." (48) It would be a mistake, however, to label Srobar at this time as an atheist or an irreverent Christian, for many of his early writings reveal a sincere religious faith. His disagreement was not with Catholicism but with the adverse influence it seemed to have on the development of SLOVAKIA 81 the nation. Srobar was opposed to anything resembling a theocratic type state and one which did not permit freedom of thought and expression. His arguments for freedom of conscience were founded in Christ's teaching, "Seek the truth and the truth will free you," adding that one who did not support the free search for truth was in violation of divine teaching. (49) Freedom of conscience, for Srobar, was a precondition for all progress, economic and social. To stifle the free quest for truth would ~ot only stagnate a society's growth but ultimately destroy that society. (50) He wrote: Without freedom of conscience and conviction there is no life for a dignified man, only the animal in man remains, in one degree of development. A man must teach and educate himself every day, that is seek and know the truth because who seeks the truth enriches his knowledge and becomes more learned than one who does not seek the truth. And if this law is applicable for the individual, that he educate and perfect himself, then it is even important for the entire nation. Free and educated nations enslave backward and uncultured nations. And he who cries and calls names at progress in a nation is the greatest enemy of his nation because he wants his nation to remain in darkness and ignorance so that nothing new is passed or begun. (51) At the same time, Srobar did not deny the necessity of good religious and moral standards for a healthy society. Srobar traced the evolution of moral standards. In primitive societies customs comprised the moral code. During the " age of faith" religious laws provided this same code . Later, in the age of democracy, faith and customs had lost their value, thus moral feelings of men had to be "more sincere, one had to perform voluntarily what he was once forced to do." (52) A man committed to religious ideals, Srobar continued, would be better able to serve the state than one lacking any religious conviction. (53) Srobar felt the neglect of moral faith was the foremost weakness of modern times . He wrote: Religious feelings, because they are developed from morality and fear of God have directed and controlled the natural impulses of man from time immemorial. A devout, religious man better performs his obligations towards himself, his family, and all society than a man without principles, without religion, or a man standing purely on materialism. Modern times forget the harmonious cultivation of reason and feeling and so becomes one-sided and superficial. A wise democracy expends all its efforts so that this harmonious culture among its citizenry is not forgotten. (54) 82 SLOVAKIA But, while Srobar did not completely reject organized religion, he did advocate that its activity be limited to purely spiritual concerns while leaving material questions to politicians. (55) Both church and state should exist, in Srobar's view, in a harmonious union but they had to remain separated. Srobar warned against religious intolerance which he defined as "hatred and anger against one's neighbor," (56) and against clericalism. Every unhappy nation, Srobar added, has a clerical leader at its head, and no class or political prejudice is as dangerous as religious intolerance. (57) "Every Slovak who holds dear freedom and independence for his homeland, who desires that we not remain under Magyar enslavement, who wants to rule himself, will avoid clerical slavery." (58) Such assaults on the Church caused the expected reaction and probably accounted for the defection of most of the clerical leaders from the " hlasist" camp. During the first few years of "hlasist" activity, the response by many Catholic priests was favorable . Several Catholic priests corresponded regularly with the "hlasists". Jozef Buday, a noted priest in the People's Party, complimented Blaho in 1898 on Hlas for exposing the nation's weaknesses . In a letter to Blaho of July 14, 1898, Buday wrote, " Therefore, with unspeakable joy I wish the periodical Hlas the most beautiful secure future, and I welcome you as its author, as its intrepid fighter for the development of the Slovak nation and as a sacrificing leader of Slovak youth on the thorny, spiral path of national life." (59) The following year Buday submitted an article for Hlas in which he recommended that priests not turn their backs on modem science and progress but take part in modem movements. The famous priest Ferdis Juriga supported the movement of Hlas towards moral regeneration. (60) But perhaps the most enthusiastic clerical supporter of Hlas was the priest and later Magyarone, Frantisek Jehlicka. He eagerly volunteered to work to obtain subscriptions for Hlas, telling Blaho, ''I want to become an eternal subscriber to Hlas." (61) Soon, however, many priests including Jehlicka became disillusioned with "hlasist" radicalism and seemingly irreligious attitudes. Many Slovak clerics were no doubt faced with a dilemma. On the one hand, they supported the progressivism of the "hlasists", but on the other hand, they could not accept their questioning attitude towards Church authority. Leaders in the Lutheran Church were in ~ similar position. They praised the '' hlasists'' but also cautioned them about condemning the entire old intelligentsia. They warned them against looking abroad for foreign ideas to follow, when good ideas could be found at home. (62) Reassuring the Lutheran hierarchy, Blaho said, " ... we want to reform by work and not destroy the work of our fathers, not attack the church in dogma, ... we want to be better." (63) The "hlasists" remained a small, disorganized group of men possessing a variety of ideas. Despite all the alleged radicalism at- SLOVAKIA 83 tributed to them , the "hlasists" were quite traditional in many respects, at least during the first few years of their activity. There was never an attempt to break completely from the past but efforts were made to reconcile realistic principles with Slovak tradition, with the ideas of Stur and other leaders. The spiritual nature found throughout the works of Slovak nationalists was unmistakably evident in many "hlasist" writings, particularly those of Srobar. A good portion of "hlasist" thinking involved introspection or analysis of the nation's soul or character. In this respect "hlasists" were no different from the generations of Slovak thinkers that came before them. Even in their 'Czechoslovak' position, they were at first moderate . They were admirers of the Czechs and their culture, but they did not deny Slovak national individuality. Cooperation with the Czechs was viewed as the only realistic alternative, the only politically expedient course. Later, however, many "hlasists" became zealous supporters of Prague centralism, and some even adhered to the fictitious idea of the 'Czechoslovak' nation. Their Czechoslovak orientation before 1914 guaranteed the "hlasists" several leadership posts in the First Czecho-Slovak Republic. Srobar was chosen Minister Plenipotentiary for Slovakia during the first months of the republic, while other "hlasists" dominated the remaining Slovak posts. During the critical years of the First World War it was often the '' hlasists'' rather than the Nationalists or Populists who took the decisive action calling for national conferences, issuing declarations of independence, or working with foreign governments. Hlinka and others often hesitated, moved more cautiously, thus possibly losing some of the leadership in the new republic. Although popular at first, the "hlasists" gradually lost support from many quarters. Buday, Juriga and other priests lost all confidence in the ''hlasists'' because of their increasing radicalism, their free thinking, and their Czechoslovakism. The main significance of the ''hlasist'' movement, though, was in providing a journal and an atmosphere for critical, secular thought in Slovakia. This brought some progress, it might be argued; on the other hand, it meant tragedy for the Slovak nation. The ''hlasists'' seriously divided the Slovak national intelligentsia before 1914 and brought an end to the once united national movement. FOOTNOTES Included in the hlasist group were: Vavro Srobar, Pavel Blaho, Milan Hodia, Anton Stefanek. (2) Stefan Jansak, .Zivot Dr. Pavla Blahu, Vol. I (Tmava: Spolok sv. Vojtecha, 1947), pp. 129-130. (1) 84 SLOVAKIA (3) Srobar related in his memoirs how he became acquainted with Masaryk . What especially impressed him was Masaryk's statement that in religious questions, realism " stood on Christian principles." Vavro Srobar, Z m6jho iivota (Praha: Fr. Borovy , 1946) , p . 181. (4) Ibid ., p. 162 . (5) Jansak, pp . 138 and 141. (6) Ibid., pp . 145-147. An eleven-member editorial board was chosen: Srobar , Blaho, Hodfa , Me dvecky, Zathurecky, Rath, Minarik, Ivanko, Dohnany, Ziak-Somolicky and Jesensky. (7) Ibid., pp. 302-303. (8) Ibid . , pp. 306-307. (9) Ibid. , pp. 208-209 . (10) Ibid., p. 200 . (11) Ibid. , p . 198 Quoted in Anton Stefanek, Slovensko pred prevratom a poi!as prevratu (Praha , 1923), p. 35. (12) Srobar disagreed with Blaho over the national individuality found in Slovak weddings, songs, and costumes . Srobar attacked what he considered to be the backwardness and primitivism of Slovak weddings. He said, "In our weddings, individuals drink and eat to excess . It is necessary to improve and refine the people so that they can be convinced that they can enjoy themselves without becoming inebriated.'' Jansak, p. 259. (13) Milan Hodfa, " Realizmus u nas," Hlas VI (1904) p . 294 . (14) Jansak, p . 197. (15) Ibid., p. 198. (16) Ibid., p. 198 (17) Ibid., pp. 209-210 . Vavro Srobar, Via.do l'udu v demokracii (Praha, 1920), p. 125. (18) Jansak, p. 211. (19) Pavel Blaho , Obrodenie slovenskeho zci.padu (Praha, n .d .) p . 22. (20) Ibid., p . 31. (21) Jansak, p . 306. (22) Ibid . , p . 205 (23) Ibid., p. 206 (24) Ibid . , p. 206. (25) Milan Hodfa "K aktivite slovenskej narodnej strany," Clanky, reti, ~tudie I (Praha, 1935) , pp. 176-177. (26) Hodfa "Realizmus u nas," Hlas VI, p. 162. (27) Jansak, p . 330. See Ignotus (Milan Hodfa) Nacionalizmus je slepy," Hlas, V (1903) 97-99 . (28) Vavro Srobar, Politicky problem Slovenska (Praha, 1926) pp. 4-5. (29) Srobar, z m6jho iivota, p. 402 . (30) Ibid ., p . 360. (31) Jansak, p. 335 . (32) Ibid. , p . 335. (33) Ibid . , p. 335. (34) Hodfa, "Realizmus u nas," Hlas VI , pp. 295-296. SLOVAKIA 85 (35) Srobar, Z mojho iivota , pp. 361-362 . (36) Ibid ., p. 362. Jansak, p. 221. (37) Jansak, p . 221. (38) Ibid ., pp. 221-222 . (39) Vavro Srobar, Osvobodene Slovensko (Praha , 1928) . p . 11. (40) Jansak, p. 332. (41) Ibid ., p . 334. (42) See Jansak, p. 217. (43) Vavro Srobar, Pamiiti z vojny a z viizenia (1914-1918) (Praha: Nakladom Gustava Dubskeho, 1922), pp. 177-178. (44) See Srobar, Z mojho iivota, p. 221. (45) Jansak, pp. 200-201. (46) Srobar, Z mojho iivota, p . 36'1 . Srobar, Pamiitizvojnyaz viizenia, p . 176. (47) Srobar, Pamati z vojny a z viizenia, pp. 176-177. (48) Ibid ., pp . 176-177. (49) Srobar, Vldda l'udu v demokracii, p. 88. (50) Ibid. , pp. 87-89. (51) Ibid., p. 92 . (52) Ibid., p . 94 . (53) Ibid ., p. 95. (54) Ibid., p . 95 . (55) Ibid., pp. 95 and 100. (56) Ibid ., p . 106. (57) Ibid ., p. 106. (58) Ibid ., p . 107. (59) Jansak, p . 342. (60) Ibid., pp. 294-295. (61) Ibid ., p. 297. (62) Ibid ., pp . 346-347. (63) Ibid ., p . 347. BIBLIOGRAPHY Blaho, Pavel. Obrodenie slovenskeho zcipadu (The Rebirth of the Slovak West). Praha: Ostredny vybor prednaskovy, n.d. Hlas (The Voice) V, VI, (Ruzomberok), 1903, 1904. Hodia , Milan . Clcinky, re<!i,. studie (Articles, Speeches, Studies). Vol. I, Praha, 1930. Jansak , Stefan . Zivot Dr. Pavla Blaha, (The Life of Dr. Paul Blaho). Vol. I. Trnava: Spolok sv . Vojtecha, 1947 . Srobar, Vavro. Osvobodenie Slovensko (Liberated Slovakia) . Praho, 1928. - - - · Pamiiti z vojny a z viizenia (Memoirs from the War and from Prison). Praha: Nakladom Gustava Dubskeho , 1921. 86 SLOVAKIA _ _ _ . Politicky problem Slovenska (The Political Problem of Slovakia). Praha, 1926. _ _ _ . Vlcida l'udu v demokracii (Government of the People in a Democracy). Praha, 1920. _ _ _ , Z m6jho iivota (From My Life). Praha: Fr. Borovy, 1946. Stefimek, Anton. Slovensko pred prevratom a pot!as prevratu (Slovakia Before 1918 and During 1918). Praha, 1923.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Ideas of the Hlasist Movement Description An account of the resource Anthony Sutherland Slovakia, Vol. 26 (No. 49), 1976 pp. 76-86 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Sutherland, Anthony X. (Anthony Xavier) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1976 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/982cfdcfbfccf238bc9078687412e4fc.pdf 97318c3f7e7f0781d5bea6dfe8a72bb5 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 69 John J. Kubasek, Priest and Patriot DANIEL F. TANZONE Among the many colorful and noteworthy personalities of the Yonkers Slovak community was the Reverend John J . Kubasek . Born on April 14, 1885 in Stan& :Cubovna, Spis County (Spisska Zupa), Slovakia, then a part oftht:J old Austro-Hungarian monarchy, son of Jan and Maria Bobek Kubasek, he attended grammar and high school in his native village. He attended a six year classical college at Nova Ves and Podolan. He immigrated to the United States at the age of seventeen in 1902 and settled in Olyphant, Pennsylvania. In Olyphant, the future Father Kubasek was employed as a bank teller and in the course of time, he began to interest himself in the Slovak press in America, realizing that here he would be able to develop into reality his dream of aiding his downtrodden compatriots in his homeland, who were suffering as subjects under the cruel forces of Hungary. It was his wish to aid in the liberation of the Slovaks from the yoke of Magyarization. (1) At this time , a program of Magyarization was at work in his native homeland, denying the Slovaks their God-given rights of self-identity, freedom, and national consciousness. The oppressive measures were inaugurated by the Hungarian government after the agreement known as the AUSGLEICH, or union , which split the monarchy into two convenient geographic regions . Ethnic and cultural considerations played no role in the decision. The jubilant Magyars obtained for Hungary her own Constitution, her own Diet, and an independent ministry headed by Count Julius Andrassy, with almost absolute control of every facet of Hungary's destiny. Emperor Francis Joseph I then had himself crowned emperor of Austria-Hungary. The Dual Monarchy had made its appearance. From this point of history on, the Hungarians promoted a policy of Magyarization, an insidious program which had as its goal the liquidation of all non-Hungarian ethnic groups in Hungary as national entities and attempted to create Hungarians from these groups. Special targets of Magyarization were the Slovaks who occupied the northern counties of Hungary, numbering about three million. It was the design of the Hungarian government to free itself of all non-Hungarian elements and promote the philosophy of the grand Magyar nation. Slovak names were changed to Hungarian, use of the Slovak language was forbidden in the schools, courts and government offices. The program went so far as to force the Church to use Hungarian as the only language of the people . Slovak was forbidden in sermons; Slovak books were destroyed; seminarians thought to harbor traits of Slovak national consciousness were expelled from the seminaries. The insidious program, along with economic and social �70 SLOVAKIA hardships caused thousands upon thousands of Slovaks to leave their homeland and venture on a new life in America. (2) Young John Kubasek began writing for the Slovak press in America, alerting American Slovaks of the God-given rights of freedom and self-determination to which they had every right as a national entity. However, he decided to interrupt his journalistic career in order to enter St. Joseph's Seminary in Yonkers, New York and begin studies for the priesthood. He chose the New York Archdiocesan seminary because there was a great need for Slovak priests to serve the Slovak parishes established in the late years of the nineteenth century in New York City , Yonkers and Haverstraw. After six years of study, he graduated at the head of his class and was ordained by Bishop Thomas Cusack on February 14, 1912, at St. Stephen's Church in New York City. He was the first Slovak priest ordained in the history of the Archdiocese of New York. (3) A few weeks after ordination, young Father Kubasek was appointed assistant pastor of Most Holy Trinity Church in Yonkers where he would assist the pastor, Reverend Julius Szabo. In 1914 Father Szabo returned to Europe and Father Kubasek was assigned to the pastorship of the Yonkers parish. He had never forgotten his earlier aim to aid in the liberation of the Slovak people from the yoke of the Austro-Hungarian empire. As pastor of a Slovak American congregation, he continued to work for the liberation of the Slovaks. With the advent of World War I, the entire free world saw the collapse of the various monarchies in Europe. Father Kubasek, along with other alert exiled Slovak patriots, saw with the defeat of the Axis powers the opportunity of self-expression and self-determination among the subjugated peoples of the Hapsburg monarchy. (4) Towards the end of 1914 Father Kubasek together with other Slovak priests from the states of Connecticut, New York, New Jersey and eastern Pennsylvania organized the Federation of Slovak Priests of the Eastern States. The initial meeting was held at the Yonkers rectory and Father Kubasek was the major promotor of the Federation. It was the plan of Father Kubasek to unite the Slovak priests so that their combined effort would promote Slovak cultural publications, catechisms ,and historical works. This group endeavored to counteract the effort of some Magyarone Slovak priests who still encouraged patriotism to the Hungarian crown. Father Kubasek also wished the Slovak Catholic clergy to work for the liberation of the Slovak nation. Strong opposition from these Magyarone clergymen came principally through the columns of ZAST AV A, a pro-Hungarian weekly founded by the Reverend Joseph Kossalko in 1889. (5) Father Kossalko, the leader of the Magyarone Catholic clergy, was educated in Hungarian seminaries, received a monthly stipend from the Hungarian crown, and consequently was faithful to the philosophy of the Crown Lands of St. Stephen - the great Hungarian empire. �SLOVAKIA 71 In 1915 Father Kubasek and his faithful friend Father Stephen J. Krasul'a (later Monsignor) undertook the administration of the Slovak Catholic Federation of America, a federation of Slovak Catholic organizations , parishes, and institutions to promote Catholic action among Slovak Catholics in America. Founded in Wilkes-Barre , Pennsylvania by Father Joseph Murgas, noted pioneer in wireless telegraphy, Father Kubaselc rescued the organization when it was at its lowest ebb. He was elected national president of the Slovak Catholic Federation of America and Father Stephen J. Krasul'a was elected financial secretary. At this time Father Krasul'a was appointed to assist Father John Kropac at the Church of St. John Nepomucene in New York City. Upon the death of Father Kropac in 1916, Father Krasul'a was named pastor of the Manhattan parish. During the years of Father Kubasek 's presidency, the Slovak Catholic Federation was again a flourishing organization of Catholic action among Slovak Catholics. (6) It was during the administration of Father Kubasek that the Slovak Catholic Federation began to publish the monthly DOBRY PASTIER, or Good Shepherd magazine. Father Andrew A. Novajovsky (later Monsignor), who was ordained in 1918 and was assigned to assist Father Krasul'a in New York City, aided Father Krasul'a with the editing of the DOBRY PASTIER. Because of the efforts of Father Kubasek, the Slovak Catholic Federation (or the SDRUZENIE SLOVENSKYCH KATOLIKOV) became a mighty force defending and supporting, by speech, writing, and material assistance, all the needs and demands of the Slovak Catholics in the period of World War I. It became the philosophy of Father Kubasek, as with other national movements, to make known to the American public the atrocities inflicted upon the Slovaks within the Austro-Hungarian empire. Like a number of Irish patriots, the Slovak leaders found that the best method of achieving freedom for their compatriots in the homeland was by working in the United States, molding public opinion, and focusing the attention of other countries on the deplorable conditions in their own land. Father Kubasek became well acquainted with the triumvi leading the movement for liberating of the Czechs and the Slovaks from Hapsburg domination. In America much service was rendered to the liberation movement by Thomas G. Masaryk, son of a Slovak mother and a Czech father, who later became the first president of the CzechoSlovak Republic ; General Milan R. Stefanik, a Slovak who served the French Army of Liberation ; Vladimir Hurban, who became ambassador of Czecho-Slovakia to the United States and the Reverend John J. Kubasek. At the congress of the Slovak League of America, held in Cleveland , Ohio , on February 22, 1917, the Slovak organizations in the United States allied under the banner of the Slovak League officially gave support to the movement to establish a common state for the Slovaks and Czechs. (7) �72 SLOVAKIA Czech and Slovak legionnaires were recruited in all the free world to fight on the side of the allies and ultimately to achieve the liberation of the Czech and Slovak peoples. Father Kubasek became the chaplain of these legionnaires whose embarkation camp was located on the property of the nationally famous sculptor, Gutzon Borglum in Stamford , Connecticut. Father Kubasek received this appointment at the request of Mr. Kopecky, later a Czecho-Slovak Counsul in New York, and as chaplain, Father Kubasek offered Mass and heard the confessions of the legionnaires regularly. Often he was accompanied by Mr. Vendel Galik, organist of Most Holy Trinity Church in Yonkers, who served at these Masses. (8) Under the leadership of Father Kubasek , several interviews were held with General Milan R. Stefanik and a conference of Slovak Catholic priests was held in New York City on September 20, 1917. Meeting at the Hotel Plaza, the twenty priests conferred with General Stefanik, formulated a program of continued cooperation with the Czechs, and issued a proclamation and appeal to the people to promote the program of the Slovak League of America. This program envisioned the political federation of the united territories of the two brotherly nations - the Czechs and the Slovaks. (9) Finally an agreement was drawn up at Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania on May 30, 1918 in the presence of American representatives of the Czechs and Slovaks . Here Slovaks in America were represented by the Slovak League of America. It must be remembered that at that time the strongest supporters of the program of the Slovak League were the nonCatholic Slovak organizations; namely, the National Slovak Society, the Slovak Gymnastic Union Sokol, and the Zivena Beneficial Society. However, also affiliated with the Slovak League were the First Catholic Slovak Union, the First Catholic Slovak Ladies Union (later changed in 1967 to Association) , The Roman and Greek Catholic Slovak Gymnastic Union Sokol (later changed to Slovak Catholic Sokol), The Pennsylvania Roman and Greek Catholic Slovak Union (later changed to Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union), The Greek Catholic Union (Sojedinenja), the First Slovak Wreath of t};i.e Free Eagle, The Slovak Catholic Federation of America, The Slovak <;atholic Cadet Union, The Slovak Evangelical Union, The Ladies Slovak Evangelical Union, and other smaller Slovak associations and fraternal societies. The Czechs in America were represented by The Bohemian National Alliance and The Union of Czech Catholics. In the presence of Thomas G. Masaryk, who at that time was recognized by many States as the president of the provisional government of the rising Czecho-Slovak Republic, the Pittsburgh Agreement (PITTSBURGHSKA DOHODA), as it was known, was signed by all sixteen members of the Czecho-Slovak National Council in America, including Father Kubasek. Signed by Masaryk, in his capacity ·as president of the Czecho-Slovak National Council in Paris, it specifically �SLOVAKIA 73 promised that "Slovakia will have its own administration, its own Diet, and its own courts" and that "Slovak will be the official language in the schools, in offices, and in public life generally ." (10) Despite the fact that a short time later it was ignored by some influential circles, it was a powerful weapon in the hands of those fighting to defend the rights of the Slovak people within the CzechoSlovak framework. Father Kubasek convinced Thomas Masaryk and the entire body of the Czecho-Slovak National Council of the need for such an agreement. Father Kubasek received a letter dated November 20, 1918 from Thomas G. Masaryk insuring that the question of religion in Slovakia would be negotiated legally and with the cooperation of the respective ecclesiastical authorities. As Monsignor Andrew Hlinka , patriot of Slovak autonomy, indicated at a later date, this guarantee, placed in proper hands and at the proper time, would benefit the Slovaks in their problems concerning religion. In 1919, after unfavorable reports from Czecho-Slovakia regarding the religious situation, Father Kubasek, then president of the Slovak Catholic Federation of America, convinced the board of directors of the need to send a delegate to investigate the situation first hand. He entrusted this responsibility to the Reverend Anthony Gracik, pastor of St. Stephen's Parish in Newark, New Jersey. After his personal visit to Slovakia, Father Gracik made his report and clarified many situations that had seemed enigmatic. A copy of this letter remains in the archives of Most Holy Trinity Parish. (11) The many activites of the Yonkers clergyman on behalf of the liberation of the Slovak and Czech peoples brought much recognition to Father Kubasek as an individual and to the entire Slovak community as well. After the establishment of the first Republic of Czecho-Slovakia President Thomas G. Masaryk offered him a high position in the government of the new nation but Father Kubasek declined the offer. He rightly felt that his first obligation was to serve the spiritual needs of his countrymen here in the United States. Aside from his international and national activities among the Slovaks, he was first and foremost a priest of God and the shepherd of the Slovak Catholics of Yonkers. He provided greatly for their spiritual and material progress. He constructed a new convent in 1914 for the Dominican Sisters of Sparkhill who staffed his school. In 1924 he constructed a new modern school built upon plans that he personally laid out after inspecting numerous school buildings in New York and New Jersey. This structure was a monument to the creativity of a pastor who sought to serve effectively every segment of his congregation. It was in 1927, after the construction of this school that Father Kubasek became blind. This affliction was attributed to a nervous ailment suffered from overwork during the building of the school. Despite his handicap, he continued parish activities and the efficient �74 SLOVAKIA management of the Holy Trinity Parish. A special dispensation from the Pope allowed him to say the Mass in honor of Our Blessed Lady, which he memorized. He performed marriage ceremonies , heard confessions and continued to direct major events of his parish. In February, 1937, he celebrated his Silver Jubilee in the priesthood with a solemn Mass and banquet. At the Mass, which preceeded the banquet, the Right Reverend Monsignor Michael J . Lavelle , P.A ., Vicar General of the Archdiocese of New York, brought greetings from Patrick Cardinal Hayes, Archbishop of New York. In speaking of Father Kubasek's handicap he observed that the priest '' sees more thoroughly than any of us, because he sees with the eyes of the mind." More than 1,200 attended the festive banquet in the evening, held in the auditorium of the school which he built and sacrificed so much for. Distinguished representatives of every walk of life in community participated in the generous outpouring of commendation and felicitation for a priest who served most effectively both his God, and his fellow man. (12) Over the years Father Kubasek remained an exemplary priest of God , an outstanding administrator and a highly respected citizen of his community. In 1945, on the Golden Jubilee of the establishment of his parish, he welcomed the Most Reverend Francis J. Spellman, D.D., Archbishop of New York (later Cardinal), into his parish. Finally, after many years of suffering but always cheerful and optimistic, Father John J. Kubasek, priest and patriot, friend of the great and not so great, a personality filled with an indomitable determination to bring to success the goals which he had set for himself and his parish, died during the ringing of the Angelus bells at noon on Friday June 16, 1950, at St. Joseph's Hospital in Yonkers . Thousands of parishioners , friends, Catholics and non-Catholics alike, came to pay their respects to a simple man who rose to the heights of greatness through hard work, dedicated spirit, and endless endurance. Father Kubasek helped to mold men's lives with his example of sacrifice and priestly character. Although l?lind for the last twentythree years of his life, he never gave up, \he never abandoned his people, his community and most importantly his God. His funeral was a tribute fitting the greatest of statesmen, yet it represented the simplicity of the faith of his people. Monsignor Stephen J. Krasul'a, P.A., his long time friend and co-worker, was the celebrant of the Solemn Mass of Requiem offered on Monday morning June 19. The Slovak clergy was headed by the Right Reverend Theodore G. Kojis, O.S.B ., Abbot of Saint Andrew-Svorad's Abbey in Cleveland, Ohio. Scores of priests from the entire United States, as well as the local clergy came to pay final tribute to the greatness of Father Kubasek. (13) The editorial which appeared in the June 19, 1950 issue of THE HERALD STATES MAN sums up the philosophy of the person· of Father Kubasek: '' . . . he leaves to a sorrowing parish, a sorrowing �SLOVAKIA 75 city, a sorrowing Church and a sorrowing nation a rich and inspiring heritage. It is a heritage of courage, typified by the manner in which he went forward in his work after he had sacrificed his eyesight to the indefatigable discharge of his duties. It is a heritage of service to others, a heritage of selfishness and humility, demonstrated in his constant insistence that credit should go to others, it is the heritage of love of God, that impelled him to labor ceaselessly toward the realization of spiritual objectives. The world is better for his having lived in it, and the city in which he worked so long will hold him in affectionate memory.'' (Reprinted from Slovaks of Yonkers, New York, by Daniel F. Tanzone, First Catholic Slovak Union (Cleveland, Ohio, 1976).) FOOTNOTES (1) THE HERALD STATESMAN, February 20, 1937, p . 1. (2) Gilbert L. Oddo, Slovakia and Its People, (New York, 1960), pp. 133-134. (3) Joseph Pauco, Slovenski priekopnici v Amerike, (Middletown, 1972) , p. 258. (4) Konstantin Culen, Pittsburgska Dohoda, (Bratislava, 1937), p. 438. (5) Konstantin Culen , Dejiny Slovakov v Amerike vol. 1, (Bratislava, 1942), pp. 114-115. (6) Zlata Kniha R . K. Osady Najsv. Trojice, (New York , 1945), p . 81. (7) Joseph Pauco, 75 rokov Prvej Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty, (Cleveland, 1965), p. 139. (8) Zlata Kniha, p . 83 . (9) Ibid . (10) Marian M. Stolarik, "The Role of American Slovaks in the Creation of CzechoSlovakia 1914-1918." Slovak Studies vm, (Cleveland-Rome, 1968), p. 48. (11) Zlata K niha. (12) THE HERALD STATESMAN, February 24, 1937. (13) THE HERALD STATESMAN, June 17, 1950. � SLOVAKIA 69 John J. Kubasek, Priest and Patriot DANIEL F. TANZONE Among the many colorful and noteworthy personalities of the Yonkers Slovak community was the Reverend John J . Kubasek . Born on April 14, 1885 in Stan& :Cubovna, Spis County (Spisska Zupa), Slovakia, then a part oftht:J old Austro-Hungarian monarchy, son of Jan and Maria Bobek Kubasek, he attended grammar and high school in his native village. He attended a six year classical college at Nova Ves and Podolan. He immigrated to the United States at the age of seventeen in 1902 and settled in Olyphant, Pennsylvania. In Olyphant, the future Father Kubasek was employed as a bank teller and in the course of time, he began to interest himself in the Slovak press in America, realizing that here he would be able to develop into reality his dream of aiding his downtrodden compatriots in his homeland, who were suffering as subjects under the cruel forces of Hungary. It was his wish to aid in the liberation of the Slovaks from the yoke of Magyarization. (1) At this time , a program of Magyarization was at work in his native homeland, denying the Slovaks their God-given rights of self-identity, freedom, and national consciousness. The oppressive measures were inaugurated by the Hungarian government after the agreement known as the AUSGLEICH, or union , which split the monarchy into two convenient geographic regions . Ethnic and cultural considerations played no role in the decision. The jubilant Magyars obtained for Hungary her own Constitution, her own Diet, and an independent ministry headed by Count Julius Andrassy, with almost absolute control of every facet of Hungary's destiny. Emperor Francis Joseph I then had himself crowned emperor of Austria-Hungary. The Dual Monarchy had made its appearance. From this point of history on, the Hungarians promoted a policy of Magyarization, an insidious program which had as its goal the liquidation of all non-Hungarian ethnic groups in Hungary as national entities and attempted to create Hungarians from these groups. Special targets of Magyarization were the Slovaks who occupied the northern counties of Hungary, numbering about three million. It was the design of the Hungarian government to free itself of all non-Hungarian elements and promote the philosophy of the grand Magyar nation. Slovak names were changed to Hungarian, use of the Slovak language was forbidden in the schools, courts and government offices. The program went so far as to force the Church to use Hungarian as the only language of the people . Slovak was forbidden in sermons; Slovak books were destroyed; seminarians thought to harbor traits of Slovak national consciousness were expelled from the seminaries. The insidious program, along with economic and social �70 SLOVAKIA hardships caused thousands upon thousands of Slovaks to leave their homeland and venture on a new life in America. (2) Young John Kubasek began writing for the Slovak press in America, alerting American Slovaks of the God-given rights of freedom and self-determination to which they had every right as a national entity. However, he decided to interrupt his journalistic career in order to enter St. Joseph's Seminary in Yonkers, New York and begin studies for the priesthood. He chose the New York Archdiocesan seminary because there was a great need for Slovak priests to serve the Slovak parishes established in the late years of the nineteenth century in New York City , Yonkers and Haverstraw. After six years of study, he graduated at the head of his class and was ordained by Bishop Thomas Cusack on February 14, 1912, at St. Stephen's Church in New York City. He was the first Slovak priest ordained in the history of the Archdiocese of New York. (3) A few weeks after ordination, young Father Kubasek was appointed assistant pastor of Most Holy Trinity Church in Yonkers where he would assist the pastor, Reverend Julius Szabo. In 1914 Father Szabo returned to Europe and Father Kubasek was assigned to the pastorship of the Yonkers parish. He had never forgotten his earlier aim to aid in the liberation of the Slovak people from the yoke of the Austro-Hungarian empire. As pastor of a Slovak American congregation, he continued to work for the liberation of the Slovaks. With the advent of World War I, the entire free world saw the collapse of the various monarchies in Europe. Father Kubasek, along with other alert exiled Slovak patriots, saw with the defeat of the Axis powers the opportunity of self-expression and self-determination among the subjugated peoples of the Hapsburg monarchy. (4) Towards the end of 1914 Father Kubasek together with other Slovak priests from the states of Connecticut, New York, New Jersey and eastern Pennsylvania organized the Federation of Slovak Priests of the Eastern States. The initial meeting was held at the Yonkers rectory and Father Kubasek was the major promotor of the Federation. It was the plan of Father Kubasek to unite the Slovak priests so that their combined effort would promote Slovak cultural publications, catechisms ,and historical works. This group endeavored to counteract the effort of some Magyarone Slovak priests who still encouraged patriotism to the Hungarian crown. Father Kubasek also wished the Slovak Catholic clergy to work for the liberation of the Slovak nation. Strong opposition from these Magyarone clergymen came principally through the columns of ZAST AV A, a pro-Hungarian weekly founded by the Reverend Joseph Kossalko in 1889. (5) Father Kossalko, the leader of the Magyarone Catholic clergy, was educated in Hungarian seminaries, received a monthly stipend from the Hungarian crown, and consequently was faithful to the philosophy of the Crown Lands of St. Stephen - the great Hungarian empire. �SLOVAKIA 71 In 1915 Father Kubasek and his faithful friend Father Stephen J. Krasul'a (later Monsignor) undertook the administration of the Slovak Catholic Federation of America, a federation of Slovak Catholic organizations , parishes, and institutions to promote Catholic action among Slovak Catholics in America. Founded in Wilkes-Barre , Pennsylvania by Father Joseph Murgas, noted pioneer in wireless telegraphy, Father Kubaselc rescued the organization when it was at its lowest ebb. He was elected national president of the Slovak Catholic Federation of America and Father Stephen J. Krasul'a was elected financial secretary. At this time Father Krasul'a was appointed to assist Father John Kropac at the Church of St. John Nepomucene in New York City. Upon the death of Father Kropac in 1916, Father Krasul'a was named pastor of the Manhattan parish. During the years of Father Kubasek 's presidency, the Slovak Catholic Federation was again a flourishing organization of Catholic action among Slovak Catholics. (6) It was during the administration of Father Kubasek that the Slovak Catholic Federation began to publish the monthly DOBRY PASTIER, or Good Shepherd magazine. Father Andrew A. Novajovsky (later Monsignor), who was ordained in 1918 and was assigned to assist Father Krasul'a in New York City, aided Father Krasul'a with the editing of the DOBRY PASTIER. Because of the efforts of Father Kubasek, the Slovak Catholic Federation (or the SDRUZENIE SLOVENSKYCH KATOLIKOV) became a mighty force defending and supporting, by speech, writing, and material assistance, all the needs and demands of the Slovak Catholics in the period of World War I. It became the philosophy of Father Kubasek, as with other national movements, to make known to the American public the atrocities inflicted upon the Slovaks within the Austro-Hungarian empire. Like a number of Irish patriots, the Slovak leaders found that the best method of achieving freedom for their compatriots in the homeland was by working in the United States, molding public opinion, and focusing the attention of other countries on the deplorable conditions in their own land. Father Kubasek became well acquainted with the triumvi leading the movement for liberating of the Czechs and the Slovaks from Hapsburg domination. In America much service was rendered to the liberation movement by Thomas G. Masaryk, son of a Slovak mother and a Czech father, who later became the first president of the CzechoSlovak Republic ; General Milan R. Stefanik, a Slovak who served the French Army of Liberation ; Vladimir Hurban, who became ambassador of Czecho-Slovakia to the United States and the Reverend John J. Kubasek. At the congress of the Slovak League of America, held in Cleveland , Ohio , on February 22, 1917, the Slovak organizations in the United States allied under the banner of the Slovak League officially gave support to the movement to establish a common state for the Slovaks and Czechs. (7) �72 SLOVAKIA Czech and Slovak legionnaires were recruited in all the free world to fight on the side of the allies and ultimately to achieve the liberation of the Czech and Slovak peoples. Father Kubasek became the chaplain of these legionnaires whose embarkation camp was located on the property of the nationally famous sculptor, Gutzon Borglum in Stamford , Connecticut. Father Kubasek received this appointment at the request of Mr. Kopecky, later a Czecho-Slovak Counsul in New York, and as chaplain, Father Kubasek offered Mass and heard the confessions of the legionnaires regularly. Often he was accompanied by Mr. Vendel Galik, organist of Most Holy Trinity Church in Yonkers, who served at these Masses. (8) Under the leadership of Father Kubasek , several interviews were held with General Milan R. Stefanik and a conference of Slovak Catholic priests was held in New York City on September 20, 1917. Meeting at the Hotel Plaza, the twenty priests conferred with General Stefanik, formulated a program of continued cooperation with the Czechs, and issued a proclamation and appeal to the people to promote the program of the Slovak League of America. This program envisioned the political federation of the united territories of the two brotherly nations - the Czechs and the Slovaks. (9) Finally an agreement was drawn up at Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania on May 30, 1918 in the presence of American representatives of the Czechs and Slovaks . Here Slovaks in America were represented by the Slovak League of America. It must be remembered that at that time the strongest supporters of the program of the Slovak League were the nonCatholic Slovak organizations; namely, the National Slovak Society, the Slovak Gymnastic Union Sokol, and the Zivena Beneficial Society. However, also affiliated with the Slovak League were the First Catholic Slovak Union, the First Catholic Slovak Ladies Union (later changed in 1967 to Association) , The Roman and Greek Catholic Slovak Gymnastic Union Sokol (later changed to Slovak Catholic Sokol), The Pennsylvania Roman and Greek Catholic Slovak Union (later changed to Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union), The Greek Catholic Union (Sojedinenja), the First Slovak Wreath of t};i.e Free Eagle, The Slovak Catholic Federation of America, The Slovak <;atholic Cadet Union, The Slovak Evangelical Union, The Ladies Slovak Evangelical Union, and other smaller Slovak associations and fraternal societies. The Czechs in America were represented by The Bohemian National Alliance and The Union of Czech Catholics. In the presence of Thomas G. Masaryk, who at that time was recognized by many States as the president of the provisional government of the rising Czecho-Slovak Republic, the Pittsburgh Agreement (PITTSBURGHSKA DOHODA), as it was known, was signed by all sixteen members of the Czecho-Slovak National Council in America, including Father Kubasek. Signed by Masaryk, in his capacity ·as president of the Czecho-Slovak National Council in Paris, it specifically �SLOVAKIA 73 promised that "Slovakia will have its own administration, its own Diet, and its own courts" and that "Slovak will be the official language in the schools, in offices, and in public life generally ." (10) Despite the fact that a short time later it was ignored by some influential circles, it was a powerful weapon in the hands of those fighting to defend the rights of the Slovak people within the CzechoSlovak framework. Father Kubasek convinced Thomas Masaryk and the entire body of the Czecho-Slovak National Council of the need for such an agreement. Father Kubasek received a letter dated November 20, 1918 from Thomas G. Masaryk insuring that the question of religion in Slovakia would be negotiated legally and with the cooperation of the respective ecclesiastical authorities. As Monsignor Andrew Hlinka , patriot of Slovak autonomy, indicated at a later date, this guarantee, placed in proper hands and at the proper time, would benefit the Slovaks in their problems concerning religion. In 1919, after unfavorable reports from Czecho-Slovakia regarding the religious situation, Father Kubasek, then president of the Slovak Catholic Federation of America, convinced the board of directors of the need to send a delegate to investigate the situation first hand. He entrusted this responsibility to the Reverend Anthony Gracik, pastor of St. Stephen's Parish in Newark, New Jersey. After his personal visit to Slovakia, Father Gracik made his report and clarified many situations that had seemed enigmatic. A copy of this letter remains in the archives of Most Holy Trinity Parish. (11) The many activites of the Yonkers clergyman on behalf of the liberation of the Slovak and Czech peoples brought much recognition to Father Kubasek as an individual and to the entire Slovak community as well. After the establishment of the first Republic of Czecho-Slovakia President Thomas G. Masaryk offered him a high position in the government of the new nation but Father Kubasek declined the offer. He rightly felt that his first obligation was to serve the spiritual needs of his countrymen here in the United States. Aside from his international and national activities among the Slovaks, he was first and foremost a priest of God and the shepherd of the Slovak Catholics of Yonkers. He provided greatly for their spiritual and material progress. He constructed a new convent in 1914 for the Dominican Sisters of Sparkhill who staffed his school. In 1924 he constructed a new modern school built upon plans that he personally laid out after inspecting numerous school buildings in New York and New Jersey. This structure was a monument to the creativity of a pastor who sought to serve effectively every segment of his congregation. It was in 1927, after the construction of this school that Father Kubasek became blind. This affliction was attributed to a nervous ailment suffered from overwork during the building of the school. Despite his handicap, he continued parish activities and the efficient �74 SLOVAKIA management of the Holy Trinity Parish. A special dispensation from the Pope allowed him to say the Mass in honor of Our Blessed Lady, which he memorized. He performed marriage ceremonies , heard confessions and continued to direct major events of his parish. In February, 1937, he celebrated his Silver Jubilee in the priesthood with a solemn Mass and banquet. At the Mass, which preceeded the banquet, the Right Reverend Monsignor Michael J . Lavelle , P.A ., Vicar General of the Archdiocese of New York, brought greetings from Patrick Cardinal Hayes, Archbishop of New York. In speaking of Father Kubasek's handicap he observed that the priest '' sees more thoroughly than any of us, because he sees with the eyes of the mind." More than 1,200 attended the festive banquet in the evening, held in the auditorium of the school which he built and sacrificed so much for. Distinguished representatives of every walk of life in community participated in the generous outpouring of commendation and felicitation for a priest who served most effectively both his God, and his fellow man. (12) Over the years Father Kubasek remained an exemplary priest of God , an outstanding administrator and a highly respected citizen of his community. In 1945, on the Golden Jubilee of the establishment of his parish, he welcomed the Most Reverend Francis J. Spellman, D.D., Archbishop of New York (later Cardinal), into his parish. Finally, after many years of suffering but always cheerful and optimistic, Father John J. Kubasek, priest and patriot, friend of the great and not so great, a personality filled with an indomitable determination to bring to success the goals which he had set for himself and his parish, died during the ringing of the Angelus bells at noon on Friday June 16, 1950, at St. Joseph's Hospital in Yonkers . Thousands of parishioners , friends, Catholics and non-Catholics alike, came to pay their respects to a simple man who rose to the heights of greatness through hard work, dedicated spirit, and endless endurance. Father Kubasek helped to mold men's lives with his example of sacrifice and priestly character. Although l?lind for the last twentythree years of his life, he never gave up, \he never abandoned his people, his community and most importantly his God. His funeral was a tribute fitting the greatest of statesmen, yet it represented the simplicity of the faith of his people. Monsignor Stephen J. Krasul'a, P.A., his long time friend and co-worker, was the celebrant of the Solemn Mass of Requiem offered on Monday morning June 19. The Slovak clergy was headed by the Right Reverend Theodore G. Kojis, O.S.B ., Abbot of Saint Andrew-Svorad's Abbey in Cleveland, Ohio. Scores of priests from the entire United States, as well as the local clergy came to pay final tribute to the greatness of Father Kubasek. (13) The editorial which appeared in the June 19, 1950 issue of THE HERALD STATES MAN sums up the philosophy of the person· of Father Kubasek: '' . . . he leaves to a sorrowing parish, a sorrowing �SLOVAKIA 75 city, a sorrowing Church and a sorrowing nation a rich and inspiring heritage. It is a heritage of courage, typified by the manner in which he went forward in his work after he had sacrificed his eyesight to the indefatigable discharge of his duties. It is a heritage of service to others, a heritage of selfishness and humility, demonstrated in his constant insistence that credit should go to others, it is the heritage of love of God, that impelled him to labor ceaselessly toward the realization of spiritual objectives. The world is better for his having lived in it, and the city in which he worked so long will hold him in affectionate memory.'' (Reprinted from Slovaks of Yonkers, New York, by Daniel F. Tanzone, First Catholic Slovak Union (Cleveland, Ohio, 1976).) FOOTNOTES (1) THE HERALD STATESMAN, February 20, 1937, p . 1. (2) Gilbert L. Oddo, Slovakia and Its People, (New York, 1960), pp. 133-134. (3) Joseph Pauco, Slovenski priekopnici v Amerike, (Middletown, 1972) , p. 258. (4) Konstantin Culen, Pittsburgska Dohoda, (Bratislava, 1937), p. 438. (5) Konstantin Culen , Dejiny Slovakov v Amerike vol. 1, (Bratislava, 1942), pp. 114-115. (6) Zlata Kniha R . K. Osady Najsv. Trojice, (New York , 1945), p . 81. (7) Joseph Pauco, 75 rokov Prvej Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty, (Cleveland, 1965), p. 139. (8) Zlata Kniha, p . 83 . (9) Ibid . (10) Marian M. Stolarik, "The Role of American Slovaks in the Creation of CzechoSlovakia 1914-1918." Slovak Studies vm, (Cleveland-Rome, 1968), p. 48. (11) Zlata K niha. (12) THE HERALD STATESMAN, February 24, 1937. (13) THE HERALD STATESMAN, June 17, 1950. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1976, Vol. 26 Description An account of the resource Vol. 26 (No. 49), 1976. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1976 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 69 John J. Kubasek, Priest and Patriot DANIEL F. TANZONE Among the many colorful and noteworthy personalities of the Yonkers Slovak community was the Reverend John J . Kubasek . Born on April 14, 1885 in Stan& :Cubovna, Spis County (Spisska Zupa), Slovakia, then a part oftht:J old Austro-Hungarian monarchy, son of Jan and Maria Bobek Kubasek, he attended grammar and high school in his native village. He attended a six year classical college at Nova Ves and Podolan. He immigrated to the United States at the age of seventeen in 1902 and settled in Olyphant, Pennsylvania. In Olyphant, the future Father Kubasek was employed as a bank teller and in the course of time, he began to interest himself in the Slovak press in America, realizing that here he would be able to develop into reality his dream of aiding his downtrodden compatriots in his homeland, who were suffering as subjects under the cruel forces of Hungary. It was his wish to aid in the liberation of the Slovaks from the yoke of Magyarization. (1) At this time , a program of Magyarization was at work in his native homeland, denying the Slovaks their God-given rights of self-identity, freedom, and national consciousness. The oppressive measures were inaugurated by the Hungarian government after the agreement known as the AUSGLEICH, or union , which split the monarchy into two convenient geographic regions . Ethnic and cultural considerations played no role in the decision. The jubilant Magyars obtained for Hungary her own Constitution, her own Diet, and an independent ministry headed by Count Julius Andrassy, with almost absolute control of every facet of Hungary's destiny. Emperor Francis Joseph I then had himself crowned emperor of Austria-Hungary. The Dual Monarchy had made its appearance. From this point of history on, the Hungarians promoted a policy of Magyarization, an insidious program which had as its goal the liquidation of all non-Hungarian ethnic groups in Hungary as national entities and attempted to create Hungarians from these groups. Special targets of Magyarization were the Slovaks who occupied the northern counties of Hungary, numbering about three million. It was the design of the Hungarian government to free itself of all non-Hungarian elements and promote the philosophy of the grand Magyar nation. Slovak names were changed to Hungarian, use of the Slovak language was forbidden in the schools, courts and government offices. The program went so far as to force the Church to use Hungarian as the only language of the people . Slovak was forbidden in sermons; Slovak books were destroyed; seminarians thought to harbor traits of Slovak national consciousness were expelled from the seminaries. The insidious program, along with economic and social 70 SLOVAKIA hardships caused thousands upon thousands of Slovaks to leave their homeland and venture on a new life in America. (2) Young John Kubasek began writing for the Slovak press in America, alerting American Slovaks of the God-given rights of freedom and self-determination to which they had every right as a national entity. However, he decided to interrupt his journalistic career in order to enter St. Joseph's Seminary in Yonkers, New York and begin studies for the priesthood. He chose the New York Archdiocesan seminary because there was a great need for Slovak priests to serve the Slovak parishes established in the late years of the nineteenth century in New York City , Yonkers and Haverstraw. After six years of study, he graduated at the head of his class and was ordained by Bishop Thomas Cusack on February 14, 1912, at St. Stephen's Church in New York City. He was the first Slovak priest ordained in the history of the Archdiocese of New York. (3) A few weeks after ordination, young Father Kubasek was appointed assistant pastor of Most Holy Trinity Church in Yonkers where he would assist the pastor, Reverend Julius Szabo. In 1914 Father Szabo returned to Europe and Father Kubasek was assigned to the pastorship of the Yonkers parish. He had never forgotten his earlier aim to aid in the liberation of the Slovak people from the yoke of the Austro-Hungarian empire. As pastor of a Slovak American congregation, he continued to work for the liberation of the Slovaks. With the advent of World War I, the entire free world saw the collapse of the various monarchies in Europe. Father Kubasek, along with other alert exiled Slovak patriots, saw with the defeat of the Axis powers the opportunity of self-expression and self-determination among the subjugated peoples of the Hapsburg monarchy. (4) Towards the end of 1914 Father Kubasek together with other Slovak priests from the states of Connecticut, New York, New Jersey and eastern Pennsylvania organized the Federation of Slovak Priests of the Eastern States. The initial meeting was held at the Yonkers rectory and Father Kubasek was the major promotor of the Federation. It was the plan of Father Kubasek to unite the Slovak priests so that their combined effort would promote Slovak cultural publications, catechisms ,and historical works. This group endeavored to counteract the effort of some Magyarone Slovak priests who still encouraged patriotism to the Hungarian crown. Father Kubasek also wished the Slovak Catholic clergy to work for the liberation of the Slovak nation. Strong opposition from these Magyarone clergymen came principally through the columns of ZAST AV A, a pro-Hungarian weekly founded by the Reverend Joseph Kossalko in 1889. (5) Father Kossalko, the leader of the Magyarone Catholic clergy, was educated in Hungarian seminaries, received a monthly stipend from the Hungarian crown, and consequently was faithful to the philosophy of the Crown Lands of St. Stephen - the great Hungarian empire. SLOVAKIA 71 In 1915 Father Kubasek and his faithful friend Father Stephen J. Krasul'a (later Monsignor) undertook the administration of the Slovak Catholic Federation of America, a federation of Slovak Catholic organizations , parishes, and institutions to promote Catholic action among Slovak Catholics in America. Founded in Wilkes-Barre , Pennsylvania by Father Joseph Murgas, noted pioneer in wireless telegraphy, Father Kubaselc rescued the organization when it was at its lowest ebb. He was elected national president of the Slovak Catholic Federation of America and Father Stephen J. Krasul'a was elected financial secretary. At this time Father Krasul'a was appointed to assist Father John Kropac at the Church of St. John Nepomucene in New York City. Upon the death of Father Kropac in 1916, Father Krasul'a was named pastor of the Manhattan parish. During the years of Father Kubasek 's presidency, the Slovak Catholic Federation was again a flourishing organization of Catholic action among Slovak Catholics. (6) It was during the administration of Father Kubasek that the Slovak Catholic Federation began to publish the monthly DOBRY PASTIER, or Good Shepherd magazine. Father Andrew A. Novajovsky (later Monsignor), who was ordained in 1918 and was assigned to assist Father Krasul'a in New York City, aided Father Krasul'a with the editing of the DOBRY PASTIER. Because of the efforts of Father Kubasek, the Slovak Catholic Federation (or the SDRUZENIE SLOVENSKYCH KATOLIKOV) became a mighty force defending and supporting, by speech, writing, and material assistance, all the needs and demands of the Slovak Catholics in the period of World War I. It became the philosophy of Father Kubasek, as with other national movements, to make known to the American public the atrocities inflicted upon the Slovaks within the Austro-Hungarian empire. Like a number of Irish patriots, the Slovak leaders found that the best method of achieving freedom for their compatriots in the homeland was by working in the United States, molding public opinion, and focusing the attention of other countries on the deplorable conditions in their own land. Father Kubasek became well acquainted with the triumvi leading the movement for liberating of the Czechs and the Slovaks from Hapsburg domination. In America much service was rendered to the liberation movement by Thomas G. Masaryk, son of a Slovak mother and a Czech father, who later became the first president of the CzechoSlovak Republic ; General Milan R. Stefanik, a Slovak who served the French Army of Liberation ; Vladimir Hurban, who became ambassador of Czecho-Slovakia to the United States and the Reverend John J. Kubasek. At the congress of the Slovak League of America, held in Cleveland , Ohio , on February 22, 1917, the Slovak organizations in the United States allied under the banner of the Slovak League officially gave support to the movement to establish a common state for the Slovaks and Czechs. (7) 72 SLOVAKIA Czech and Slovak legionnaires were recruited in all the free world to fight on the side of the allies and ultimately to achieve the liberation of the Czech and Slovak peoples. Father Kubasek became the chaplain of these legionnaires whose embarkation camp was located on the property of the nationally famous sculptor, Gutzon Borglum in Stamford , Connecticut. Father Kubasek received this appointment at the request of Mr. Kopecky, later a Czecho-Slovak Counsul in New York, and as chaplain, Father Kubasek offered Mass and heard the confessions of the legionnaires regularly. Often he was accompanied by Mr. Vendel Galik, organist of Most Holy Trinity Church in Yonkers, who served at these Masses. (8) Under the leadership of Father Kubasek , several interviews were held with General Milan R. Stefanik and a conference of Slovak Catholic priests was held in New York City on September 20, 1917. Meeting at the Hotel Plaza, the twenty priests conferred with General Stefanik, formulated a program of continued cooperation with the Czechs, and issued a proclamation and appeal to the people to promote the program of the Slovak League of America. This program envisioned the political federation of the united territories of the two brotherly nations - the Czechs and the Slovaks. (9) Finally an agreement was drawn up at Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania on May 30, 1918 in the presence of American representatives of the Czechs and Slovaks . Here Slovaks in America were represented by the Slovak League of America. It must be remembered that at that time the strongest supporters of the program of the Slovak League were the nonCatholic Slovak organizations; namely, the National Slovak Society, the Slovak Gymnastic Union Sokol, and the Zivena Beneficial Society. However, also affiliated with the Slovak League were the First Catholic Slovak Union, the First Catholic Slovak Ladies Union (later changed in 1967 to Association) , The Roman and Greek Catholic Slovak Gymnastic Union Sokol (later changed to Slovak Catholic Sokol), The Pennsylvania Roman and Greek Catholic Slovak Union (later changed to Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union), The Greek Catholic Union (Sojedinenja), the First Slovak Wreath of t};i.e Free Eagle, The Slovak Catholic Federation of America, The Slovak <;atholic Cadet Union, The Slovak Evangelical Union, The Ladies Slovak Evangelical Union, and other smaller Slovak associations and fraternal societies. The Czechs in America were represented by The Bohemian National Alliance and The Union of Czech Catholics. In the presence of Thomas G. Masaryk, who at that time was recognized by many States as the president of the provisional government of the rising Czecho-Slovak Republic, the Pittsburgh Agreement (PITTSBURGHSKA DOHODA), as it was known, was signed by all sixteen members of the Czecho-Slovak National Council in America, including Father Kubasek. Signed by Masaryk, in his capacity ·as president of the Czecho-Slovak National Council in Paris, it specifically SLOVAKIA 73 promised that "Slovakia will have its own administration, its own Diet, and its own courts" and that "Slovak will be the official language in the schools, in offices, and in public life generally ." (10) Despite the fact that a short time later it was ignored by some influential circles, it was a powerful weapon in the hands of those fighting to defend the rights of the Slovak people within the CzechoSlovak framework. Father Kubasek convinced Thomas Masaryk and the entire body of the Czecho-Slovak National Council of the need for such an agreement. Father Kubasek received a letter dated November 20, 1918 from Thomas G. Masaryk insuring that the question of religion in Slovakia would be negotiated legally and with the cooperation of the respective ecclesiastical authorities. As Monsignor Andrew Hlinka , patriot of Slovak autonomy, indicated at a later date, this guarantee, placed in proper hands and at the proper time, would benefit the Slovaks in their problems concerning religion. In 1919, after unfavorable reports from Czecho-Slovakia regarding the religious situation, Father Kubasek, then president of the Slovak Catholic Federation of America, convinced the board of directors of the need to send a delegate to investigate the situation first hand. He entrusted this responsibility to the Reverend Anthony Gracik, pastor of St. Stephen's Parish in Newark, New Jersey. After his personal visit to Slovakia, Father Gracik made his report and clarified many situations that had seemed enigmatic. A copy of this letter remains in the archives of Most Holy Trinity Parish. (11) The many activites of the Yonkers clergyman on behalf of the liberation of the Slovak and Czech peoples brought much recognition to Father Kubasek as an individual and to the entire Slovak community as well. After the establishment of the first Republic of Czecho-Slovakia President Thomas G. Masaryk offered him a high position in the government of the new nation but Father Kubasek declined the offer. He rightly felt that his first obligation was to serve the spiritual needs of his countrymen here in the United States. Aside from his international and national activities among the Slovaks, he was first and foremost a priest of God and the shepherd of the Slovak Catholics of Yonkers. He provided greatly for their spiritual and material progress. He constructed a new convent in 1914 for the Dominican Sisters of Sparkhill who staffed his school. In 1924 he constructed a new modern school built upon plans that he personally laid out after inspecting numerous school buildings in New York and New Jersey. This structure was a monument to the creativity of a pastor who sought to serve effectively every segment of his congregation. It was in 1927, after the construction of this school that Father Kubasek became blind. This affliction was attributed to a nervous ailment suffered from overwork during the building of the school. Despite his handicap, he continued parish activities and the efficient 74 SLOVAKIA management of the Holy Trinity Parish. A special dispensation from the Pope allowed him to say the Mass in honor of Our Blessed Lady, which he memorized. He performed marriage ceremonies , heard confessions and continued to direct major events of his parish. In February, 1937, he celebrated his Silver Jubilee in the priesthood with a solemn Mass and banquet. At the Mass, which preceeded the banquet, the Right Reverend Monsignor Michael J . Lavelle , P.A ., Vicar General of the Archdiocese of New York, brought greetings from Patrick Cardinal Hayes, Archbishop of New York. In speaking of Father Kubasek's handicap he observed that the priest '' sees more thoroughly than any of us, because he sees with the eyes of the mind." More than 1,200 attended the festive banquet in the evening, held in the auditorium of the school which he built and sacrificed so much for. Distinguished representatives of every walk of life in community participated in the generous outpouring of commendation and felicitation for a priest who served most effectively both his God, and his fellow man. (12) Over the years Father Kubasek remained an exemplary priest of God , an outstanding administrator and a highly respected citizen of his community. In 1945, on the Golden Jubilee of the establishment of his parish, he welcomed the Most Reverend Francis J. Spellman, D.D., Archbishop of New York (later Cardinal), into his parish. Finally, after many years of suffering but always cheerful and optimistic, Father John J. Kubasek, priest and patriot, friend of the great and not so great, a personality filled with an indomitable determination to bring to success the goals which he had set for himself and his parish, died during the ringing of the Angelus bells at noon on Friday June 16, 1950, at St. Joseph's Hospital in Yonkers . Thousands of parishioners , friends, Catholics and non-Catholics alike, came to pay their respects to a simple man who rose to the heights of greatness through hard work, dedicated spirit, and endless endurance. Father Kubasek helped to mold men's lives with his example of sacrifice and priestly character. Although l?lind for the last twentythree years of his life, he never gave up, \he never abandoned his people, his community and most importantly his God. His funeral was a tribute fitting the greatest of statesmen, yet it represented the simplicity of the faith of his people. Monsignor Stephen J. Krasul'a, P.A., his long time friend and co-worker, was the celebrant of the Solemn Mass of Requiem offered on Monday morning June 19. The Slovak clergy was headed by the Right Reverend Theodore G. Kojis, O.S.B ., Abbot of Saint Andrew-Svorad's Abbey in Cleveland, Ohio. Scores of priests from the entire United States, as well as the local clergy came to pay final tribute to the greatness of Father Kubasek. (13) The editorial which appeared in the June 19, 1950 issue of THE HERALD STATES MAN sums up the philosophy of the person· of Father Kubasek: '' . . . he leaves to a sorrowing parish, a sorrowing SLOVAKIA 75 city, a sorrowing Church and a sorrowing nation a rich and inspiring heritage. It is a heritage of courage, typified by the manner in which he went forward in his work after he had sacrificed his eyesight to the indefatigable discharge of his duties. It is a heritage of service to others, a heritage of selfishness and humility, demonstrated in his constant insistence that credit should go to others, it is the heritage of love of God, that impelled him to labor ceaselessly toward the realization of spiritual objectives. The world is better for his having lived in it, and the city in which he worked so long will hold him in affectionate memory.'' (Reprinted from Slovaks of Yonkers, New York, by Daniel F. Tanzone, First Catholic Slovak Union (Cleveland, Ohio, 1976).) FOOTNOTES (1) THE HERALD STATESMAN, February 20, 1937, p . 1. (2) Gilbert L. Oddo, Slovakia and Its People, (New York, 1960), pp. 133-134. (3) Joseph Pauco, Slovenski priekopnici v Amerike, (Middletown, 1972) , p. 258. (4) Konstantin Culen, Pittsburgska Dohoda, (Bratislava, 1937), p. 438. (5) Konstantin Culen , Dejiny Slovakov v Amerike vol. 1, (Bratislava, 1942), pp. 114-115. (6) Zlata Kniha R . K. Osady Najsv. Trojice, (New York , 1945), p . 81. (7) Joseph Pauco, 75 rokov Prvej Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty, (Cleveland, 1965), p. 139. (8) Zlata Kniha, p . 83 . (9) Ibid . (10) Marian M. Stolarik, "The Role of American Slovaks in the Creation of CzechoSlovakia 1914-1918." Slovak Studies vm, (Cleveland-Rome, 1968), p. 48. (11) Zlata K niha. (12) THE HERALD STATESMAN, February 24, 1937. (13) THE HERALD STATESMAN, June 17, 1950.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource John J. Kubašek, Priest and Patriot Description An account of the resource Daniel F. Tanzone Slovakia, Vol. 26 (No. 49), 1976 pp. 69-75 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Tanzone, Daniel F. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1976 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/57bf29eb8ae2c1109d7aff74ead3bb38.pdf aa5c41e6906ac3a8d5a85674ddfd8255 PDF Text Text 40 SLOVAKIA Slovak and Ruthenian Easter Eggs in America: The Impact of Culture Contact on Immigrant Art and Custom ANDREW CINCURA University of California Decoration of Easter eggs, one of the most ancient calendar customs of the general Slavic area, (1) is still alive among the Slavic ethnic groups in Europe and America. Though there have been changes in the decoration of Easter eggs and in customs related to this form of folk art, Easter eggs are even now cherished by these groups as important and unaltered landmarks of the past. (2) The importance of Easter eggs has also been recognized in folkloristics. Although several Slavic and non-Slavic scholars have studied Easter eggs, either in connection with other disciplines, (3) or as part of a study of Slavic culture, (4) to my knowledge no scholar has studied the transmission of Slavic Easter egg decorative traditions from Europe to America. In this article, I want to briefly outline continuity and change of this transmission in connection with the Slavic and Ruthenian Easter eggs. (5) This is a pilot study based upon fieldwork among the Slovaks and Ruthenians in Cleveland, Ohio, (6) and will examine and interpret the data collected in the field in the terms of (a) implements and materials used in decoration of Easter eggs; (b) designs; (c) techniques of Easter egg manufacture; (d) customs involving decorated eggs. To begin with, the study of implements and materials used in egg decoration is concerned with technology and etymology. The implements employed in egg decoration belong basically to three groups. First, there are household implements, such as sharp-pointed knives, tin cooking utensils, dishes, glasses, spoons, glass jars, tin lids, electric heating plates, needles, brushes, pencils, awls, and baskets. Removed temporarily from their everyday use, these implements serve folk artists in egg decoration, usually without any special change as to the appearance and function of the implement in question. The second group of implements are represented by slightly modified household tools as, for example, needles and pins puslied lengthwise into large kitchen matches or into chopsticks (Figs. 1,4), sewing awls with attached thread, or thin wire (7), or rubberbands. (8). The third group consists of items bought or manufactured exclusively for egg decoration. This group is represented by three tools, oko, skrabacka, andpierko. The first of them, oko, (literally, "eye"), is an implement used either for immersion of eggs in, or for their removal out of, jars or glasses filled with water colors. The oko, consisting of two basic parts, �SLOVAKIA 41 ring and handle, is made of one piece of relatively solid wire. The ring, as the first part of the implement, is made by the bending of wire into the form of a circle of a slightly smaller diameter than the maximal width of the egg. The handle, on the other hand, is formed by a sharp bend of wire at the point qf the completed circle and in about 120 degree slant to the plane rep'resented by the ring (Fig. 7). The oko was manufactured by Mr. and Mrs. Molchak in order "to prevent scratches on the surfaces of freshly batiked eggs whenever the eggs were immersed into containers or removed with a spoon.'' The second tool, skrabacka ("scraper"), is either a commercially-acquired or a homemade awl with a thin pencil-like wooden or metallic handle . The skrabacka, being alternately used with sharp-pointed knives, is the most important tool in the so-called "scratch-carving" technique. (9) The third tool used exclusively in egg decoration, pierko ("pen"), is called also brko (''quillpen'') in Slovakia. A modern variant of pierko is the voskovacka (literally, "waxing fountain-pen"). Basically an implement consisting of a pencil-like wooden handle and a tiny funnel-like metallic cup attached diagonally to the end of the handle, the voskovacka is the most important tool in egg decoration both in Europe and in America. Its more or less archaic specimens were described by Cenek Zibrt, (10) while the modern equivalents of voskovacka were briefly treated by A. Vaclavik. (11) With the exception of Mrs. Jane Mad'ar (shown in Fig. 10), all my informants in Cleveland used the most modern variant of voskovacka when decorating with the batik technique. (12) The tools of the first and second groups are used in decoration either without any change or with slight modification, and as such they are mentioned by most of the sources consulted for this paper both in the terms of technology and terminology. In Cleveland I observed that all implements belonging to these two groups are generally used in a fashion similar to their use in Europe. One may say that an extensive give-and-take exchange exists between the uses of these tools for everyday needs in the household and in egg decoration. In view of this, the tools of these two groups may be considered the most evident instances of continuity in transmission of this form of folk art from Europe to America. (13) As to etymology, the implements described in connection with the third group above (i.e., oko, skrabacka, and voskovacka) are important items in the tracing of historic-ethnic proveniences and the links in material aspects of Easter customs. The usefulness of these terms is evident if one accepts the thesis that there is no term in folk art for something that actually does not exist. (14) Thus, if Slovak terms skrabacka, pierko, and voskovacka have equivalents in all other Slavic languages, this is also a proof of antiquity and popularity of this special group of implements. (15) If, on the contrary, the term oko does not exist in its specific meaning, for example, in Slovak, this might suggest �42 SLOVAKIA that the implement itself does not exist materially in the Slovak ethnic territory either. If in spite of this , however, both the term and implement are present among the Slovaks in America, this is either because of borrowing from another ethnic group in America, or because of an individual's invention . Either way, it is rather convincing evidence of change that took place between the points of origin and American use of this tool. Mr. Molchak, an American of Ukrainian ancestry , told me that he had seen a similar implement "somewhere in Cleveland.'' This information, linked together with the fact that Mr. Molchak did not know the Ukrainian name of this tool, hints that the implement is of Ukrainian origin, but Mrs. Molchak, an American of Slovak ancestry, gave it a Slovak name. The household implements mentioned in connection with groups one and two above are , on the contrary, of no value for a study along ethnic-comparative lines. Although also known in all Slavic languages, these implements are of interchangeable use, and as such they may be present in the cultures unfamiliar with egg decoration. Examined in connection with the informants in Cleveland , the tools of all three groups are relevant for the study of Slavic-English aspects concerning their terminology. In general, a shift to favor English terminology was observable among all my informants without regard to ethnic or sex group or age. Persistence in usage of traditional Slavic terms was still visible in connection with the most recent immigrants. The American-born Slovak and Ruthenian informants, on the contrary, have shown a tendency to favor Slavic terms only in the cases when the implements were of frequent use at home and infrequently mentioned at school. For example, the childen of Mr. and Mrs. Molchak were well acquainted with the terms of pentlicka ("ribbon" in Slovak dialectical usage) or kistka ("waxing pen" in Ruthenian and Eastern Slovak usage) while the Anglo-American terms were consistently favored whenever the children spoke about knives, spoons, or canples. In essence, one can say that the Old World terms were dropped whenever their specific equivalents existed in English. On the other' hand, the Slavic terms were retained even by the American-born informants whenever neither objects nor terms were present in American culture. The second aspect of this study concerns the examination of materials used in egg decoration. Closely related to the study of implements, these materials are used for preparation of colors and the materials employed in the so-called ''relief techniques.'' Since the materials used in the relief techniques will be treated extensively later in this article, only the materials used in preparation of colors will be considered at this point. These materials, at any rate, are of utmost importance for the study of transmission of Easter eggs in its corollary aspect of change . Considered at the point of departure from Europe, these materials represent a medley of knowledge and notions · concerning chemistry, botany, and physics, at a folklife level. In America, �SLOVAKIA 43 on the contrary, all coloring substances are commercially acquired in the form of "new coloring kits, easy to use" either in the so-called "Chick-chick plastic bag" or "Paint me" paper box varieties. In order to understand better the nature and extent of this change, let us examine the materials used for coloring and tinting of eggs first in their European form and then in connection with their American counterpart. According to the majority of my informants, "onions and tea leaves cooked together with eggs were used most often for coloring and tinting by our mothers in Europe , but also some 'other things ' may be used for this work." (16) Although unspecific as to the rest of tinting substances, the informants in Cleveland still gave me enough clues in order to continue with the study of this aspect in connection with the written sources. Thus, the "other things" mentioned by informants may have been: the overcooked "Spring rye, hay and coffee; clover leaves (tied to the eggs and cooked in the) extract of ... young grass (and) parsley" (17) for regular tinting, and "the cabbage 'acid' " (18) for 'etching' of parts of eggs not covered by wax. ( 19) In America, as stated, the tinting and coloring kits are bought. These kits, costing ''only a few dollars,'' (20) contain all basic colors in powder form. The coloring fluid is prepared ''by the mixing of the powder with hot water and vinegar," (21) according to specific directions for use. I have not seen any of my informants work with the etching technique; therefore, I mention it here only in order to stress its relative importance in Europe and its absence among my informants in Ohio. The linguistic aspect concerning the materials used for tinting and coloring is, in my opinion, important only in its European version. The terms used in identification of various tinting and coloring substances or materials are either well-known throughout the Slavic area or restricted to some small regions. The widely spread terms are, again like the terms denoting certain tools, an indication of popularity and presence of these materials and substances in the individual Slavic countries. On the other hand, the terms restricted to certain small regions are undeniable proof that the particular material was used only locally or regionally. This conclusion is based upon the fact that these terms are ''tinted'' with dialecticism to such an extent that they cannot be found in average dictionaries nor identified by those of my informants possessing rather advanced formal education in art history or folk art technology. So, for example, neither Dr. Cincik and Miss Petrushka nor Mrs. Osadca were able to give me any information on the terms of pryzyly or kampeska. (22) The commercially acquired American kits are of no value in the study of folk terminology in connection with materials used for tinting and coloring. As products of mass oriented manufacture, these kits reflect primarily an artificial interference with folk tradition. �44 SLOVAKIA What conclusions could be drawn from this short study of implements and materials used in egg decoration? The frequent use of household tools in egg decoration, to start with, suggests that decorated eggs have roots in a self-sustaining economy. Analyzed with respect to the European tradition, this hypothesis is indirectly supported by many statements of the authors consulted for this paper. Thus, according to Vaclavik, "a laid-away razor knife" (23) was frequently reshaped into a pin-pointed tool and used in the scratchcarving technique, (24) and "a pocket knife with a broken point" (25) was employed for the same purpose by Zibrt's informants. However, "an old spoon (with handle) thrust into the side of a beet-made candlestick" (26) is, perhaps, the most characteristic example of the selfsustaining character of tools in Easter eggs manufacture. This character is, nevertheless, still more pronounced in connection with materials used in egg tinting and coloring. There is almost no limit to the range of plants, materials, and techniques employed in traditional preparation of various colors and tints, as seen in the brief summary of the materials above. Examined in the terms of the American tradition, the hypothesis of a sustentacular relationship of economy and egg decoration still holds in connection with the frequent use of household implements in egg decoration in the United States. There is, however, a marked tendency to acquire more and more tools commercially and exclusively for egg decoration here. One can observe this trend, for example, in connection with the commercially-acquired specimens of voskovacka (waxing pen) or skrabacka (scraper), and in connection with the homemade oko (lit., "eye") manufactured by Mr. and Mrs. Molchak. On the other hand, a drift against the traditional self-sustaining ch'aracter of egg decoration is visible in the fact that all colors and tints are bought. The household implements and materials used in tinting and coloring, to continue, are often referred to in connection with the history of technology in general, and as such they may be relatively good timing and placing devices in establishing historicity and ethnicity of certain aspects in egg decoration custom. Among devices usable for this kind of study are almost all modern inventions, whether of general or restricted use, such as electric heating plates and the voskovacka (waxing pen in its most modem variant). In this connection, however, it is necessary to point out that only presence of modern implements is of value for an investigation along historical lines. Their absence, whether in pictorial representations or in written documents, is worthless, as one could easily see by a comparison of the photographs taken during the interview with Mrs. Molchak (an electric heating plate used for wax melting) and of Mrs. Pap and Mrs. Korlatovic (burning candles used as sources of melted wax). (27) The aspect o~ ethnicity, touched briefly in connection with the dialectical names of materials used in egg decoration, may be considered as a relatively safe testing device of �SLOVAKIA 45 regional-ethnic provenience of certain terms and materials. As a corollary of technology; the inventiveness was indirectly implied in connection witp. the "beet-made candlestick," (28) with the multifold use of household implements, and with the intelligent handling of materials useJ traditionally for manufacture of colors and tints. In its traditional aspect, this inventiveness was brought about primarily by economic considerations. In its new American setting, it is perhaps, owing more to an "aesthetic" feeling of the folk artist. One can see this in two specific cases, such as the above mentioned oko by means of which my informants tried ''to avoid scratches'' on the freshly batiked eggs, (See Figs. 2,3, and 5) and in the concern of another informant "for the shameful results of her work with yellow color." (29) In the first case, Mr. and Mrs. Molchak made the oko; in the second instance, the informant decided "to search for the roots of trouble in order to heighten the quality of her work.'' However, this economic"aesthetic" difference between European and American tradition is a matter of interpretation. There is not a rigid dichotomy between "aesthetics" and economy either in Europe or in America, and there is no dichotomy between the Old World and New World inventiveness either. In summary, the study of implements and materials used in egg decoration is, at its descriptive level, concerned with technology and etymology. At an analytical level, this study may explain some aspects related to economy, inventiveness, historicity, ethnicity, and ''aesthetics.'' Nevertheless, the most important aspect of this study, I think, is in its investigation into continuity and change. As stated above, there is a partial continuity in the tools used in egg decoration both in Europe and in America. However, there is a complete change between the materials used traditionally in Europe and recently in America. The study of designs in folk art concerns primarily an investigation into the types and motifs. Both the types and motifs of folk art are often interchangeable with each other, as in folk narratives, and as such they resist any ready-made definitions. In general, the type may be thought of as the term denoting resemblances in combinations of symbols, signs, motifs, ornaments, and kinds of craftsmanship over a large area to such an extent that these resemblances cannot be ascribed to polygenesis. The motif, on the other hand, is "a graphically complete representation of a given fundamental form that manifests certain content.'' (30) Designs in decoration of Slavic Easter eggs belong to two fundamental types, the western and the eastern. The western type, comprising Poland, Bohemia and Moravia, the easternmost part of Slovakia, and Slovenia, is generally seen as a phenomenon limited in range of motifs, but possessing an exquisite craftsmanship. (31) This type of egg decoration is characterized, according to A. Vaclavik, "by �46 SLOVAKIA star motifs on both ends of egg(s) and by free setting of motifs on sides of egg.'' (32) The specimens of this type are obtained either by tear-like lines and dots (33) or by embossed ornamentation with wax or other suitable material. (34) The most frequent motifs connected with the western type are chains, sinuous lines, trees and branches, garlands, squares, hearts, birds, and rosettes. (35) The eastern type, on the other hand, is geographically restricted to the Ukraine, western Russia, the Sub-Carpathian Ukraine, and the parts of eastern Moravia and westernmost Slovakia. (36) Rich in color as well as in the number of subtypes, this type is characterized by linear ornamentation running over the egg surface vertically, horizontally, and diagonally. (37) The basic traits of the eastern type are traceable to Byzantine art and related to, and influenced by, the grass weaving, (38) embroidery, (39) and wood carving. (40) Because of this relationship, the eastern type is influenced by materials used. Its most frequent motifs seem to be cross, swastika, triangle, pentagram, hexagram, and various highly schematized ribbonlike motifs of lighting, thorns, ''ant and bee paths,'' "bird path," and fork and comb-like motifs. (41) My study in Cleveland showed that Vaclavik's conclusions concerning geographical distribution of these two basic types (i.e., the western and the eastern) are generally valid also in connection with the Slovak and Ruthenian immigrants in Ohio. Already by a cursory observation of the eggs collected or photographed in Cleveland for this project, one can see a remarkable difference between the eggs decorated by Mrs. Molchak, on the one hand, and Mrs. Pap and Mrs. Korlatovic, on the other. While Mrs. Molchak has an overall predilection for the western tear-like motifs, she is also fond of the embossed subtypes in egg decoration. Mrs. Pap, an adherent of the eastern types, decorates eggs characterized by balanced composition of geometrical elements, and by a wide range of colors. With the exception of an egg showing Christ risen from the dead, there is no egg decorated by Mrs. Pap that would suggest design influence from other ethnic groups in America. Mrs. Korlatovic, as another folk artist working with the eastern typological sphere df egg decoration, is also very conservative in approach to design change. Working to the minutest detail in a geometrical partition of the egg surface, Mrs. Korlatovic has attained what many folk artists would consider ''an ideal of perfection." Because of emphasis on mosaicity, the color aspects of her design are subordinated. Eggs decorated by Mrs. Korlatovic are beautiful seen close up; their colors and designs merge in an indefinite brownish hue when the eggs are seen, say, at a distance of 3 or 4 feet. The other informants are more or less an amorphous group as to their relationship to the western or eastern type of design. This group is primarily represented by Mrs. Jana Mad'ar. Mrs. Tanya Osadca, Miss Petrushka, Dr. Joseph Cincik, Mr. Vladimir Ozabal and three daughters of Mr. and Mrs. Molchak. With the exception of the last �SLOVAKIA 47 mentioned three girls, who show a definite pro-western typological inclination (Note Fig. 6) , the other informants mentioned in this paragraph are " individuals " resisting any general classification as to typology in design. Some hints as to the preferences of this group may be traced from the study of motifs in the works and collection of this group . So, at any rate, sinuous lines are the favored motif of Mrs . Mad'ar both according to her own words as well as in accordance with her decoration (Fig. 10) . The motifs of tulips, hearts , roses , and birds evident in western Slovak wall-paintings are on the favored list of Dr. Cincik, of Mrs . Ozabal, and, to certain extent, also of Miss Petrushka. But both Miss Petrushka and Dr. Cincik prefer in their professional work a somewhat schematized design of '' pastoral culture,'' as does Mrs. Osadca in her hobby-oriented egg decoration . (42) On the whole, this group of folk artists is an excellent example of the mixed influences that characterize Slovak ethnic territory as to typology in egg decoration designs. All members of the group have roots in their native or ancestral cultures. With the exception of Mrs. Osadca , this group draws basically from the Western Slovak " fireplace decorating sub-type." But designs of this group merge to the central Slovak sub-types of wood carving and embroidery which, in tum , already shows some traces of the linear-geometrical character present in the eastern type of egg decoration. With a view to the types and motifs examined briefly above, the general concepts of designs in folk art may be analyzed in connection with the study of form and content elements as well. The corollaries of form and content, symbol, sign, and ornament, are mutually substitutive, according to one's point of view. Thus, let us say, an ornament considered under strictly formal attributes may be simply a decoration or embellishment. In its content evaluation, however, an ornament could have " an ideological meaning (issuing) from aesthetic concept(s) " (43) either as a sign representing a conventional idea or as a symbol expressing a basic (and) striking ... idea." (44) Let us now examine the most frequent and self-evident symbols, the cross, heart, briar, wild rose, thorn crown, rose, and grapevine in connection with sources I was able to consult and with the Slovak and Ruthenian folk artists in Cleveland whom I interviewed. The cross, both the symbol and sign expressing the traditional concepts of Christ's death and resurrection, was the most frequent ornament used in the decoration by my informants. Its twelve variants, (45) representing the full range of cultural and ethnic connotations, were intentionally used by the majority of my informants in order either to express their religious affiliation or to stress their ethnic backgrounds. Thus , the Latin cross was consistently used by the informants of the Roman Catholic religion while the members of the Byzantine Catholic Rite expressed their religious beliefs with the Byzantine Catholic Cross and with the words "Christos Voskres" (i.e., �48 SLOVAKIA "Christ is risen"). The Greek Cross, with its vertical and horizontal beams of equal length , was used very often interchangeably with the crosses of St. Andrew (i.e., an "X" or " Y" cross) "because all three crosses are easy to draw in any direction and combination with other ornaments. " In a like manner, the Cross of St. Anthony (i.e. , a cross in the form of a "T") and the Maltese Cross were employed primarily for their formal-decorative aspects. The so-called Apostolic Cross, represented by a long vertical beam and by two horizontal beams placed in the upper half of the cross, brought about some implications of ethnic-cultural symbology. While this cross is an official religious symbol of the Byzantine Catholic Church, it is at the same time also partly related to the Slovak national emblem (i.e. , an Apostolic Cross upon the " peak" of a threesome " mountain range " ). This, at any rate interesting aspect, presented no problems in connection with my informants of the Byzantine Rite faith and eastern Slovak background. For them, the cross was both " Slovak " and also " Byzantine"; however, for my informants of western Slovak ancestry or origin, the cross was always of " Slovak " connotation. The informants of Ruthenian provenience stressed that ''the cross was an emblem of their religion" and asked me " to state this clearly when I write about 'their Easter eggs'.'' This , on first sight trivial emphasis upon ethnic or cultural aspects, may not be easily understood by citizens of a large country like the United States. Had one, however, studied the history of the Slovaks , Sub-Carpathians , Huculs , Lemkos, and other small ethnic groups of central Europe , he would see why there is a strong emphasis on esoteric elements in the folklore of these groups. The heart, a universal symbol of love, is prominent in central and western Slovakia. Used frequently both in folk art designs and in Christian symbology as well, the symbol and ornament of the heart developed, in my opinion , from two different traditions . The first tradition of heart symbols has roots in the so-called " spiritual love ," while the second tradition is linked with the so-called " erotic love." Spiritual love is represented in Christian symbols either by a heart with a burning flame on its top and a crown of thorns placed about it or by the so-called "Lumen Christi" (i.e ., Paschal candle) with fire burning "upwards" or "spiritually." The second tradition of love symbolism , " erotic love ," is more evident in folk art and customs . The aspect of erotic love permeates several customs of the S~avic and Balkan areas, among them especially the customs of " Kore ," " Kostrubonko," and " Morena" in which, usually , an effigy of straw is set afire and thrown into the river . These customs , in essence animistic equations of Notteuer , represent fire as a male element moving downwards toward water or the female element. (46) In folk art, both "spiritual" and " erotic" fire s are frequently connected with the symbols of "suffering love " (i.e ., the thorn crown in its spiritual aspect; rose-and-briar in the " worldly" aspect of love). (4 7) After an examination of the literary �SLOVAKIA 49 sources with the evidence from Cleveland, I came to the conclusion that the "heart-rose-briar" composition ("heart-tulip " version in Slovakia) symbolizes among the Slovaks only "spiritual love." This interpretation is self-evictent in connection with the wood-carved cemetery crosses in central Slovakia, with the fireplace paintings in western Slovakia, and with the works of some of my informants in Cleveland. An investigation into the relative directions in the "movement" of individual ornaments reveals that the elements of "twisting" and "knots" are symbolically opposing the "branching" or "open structures" in every vertical composition. The verticallyoriented "twisting," especially when terminated with a "love knot," symbolizes in folk tradition a "suffering kind of erotic love" while the "branching" or "open structure" is a sign symbol of parent-to-child love. In an examination of forty illustrative plates in the work Mal'ovane ohnistia v oblasti Malych Karpat (Decorated Fireplaces in the Little Capathian Region) by Rudolf Bednarik I found no single instance of the so-called "twisting" or " knots " in connection with the western Slovak "fireplace sub-culture." In a like manner, only "open branching" is evident on the cemetery crosses in central Slovakia, shown in the book Eudove nahrobniky na Slovensku. (48) The carving upon the crosses, in addition, shows also genetic and historical development in the ornament-to-symbols direction. The date carved directly on the vertical beam of a cross indicates the year of 188(-), with the last digit illegible because of decay. This cross has no symbolic connotation as yet. Its tulips grow up out of a flower pot rather naturally, and as such they are only an ornament. (49) Another cross at the same cemetery, dated 1928, is evidently an advanced version of the older cross in its ornament-symbol relationship. (50) Its symbolism is expressed in the form of tulips branching upwards from a heart . The "spiritual character" of love is here symbolized, in my opinion, by the "open branching" of the tulip, and, I think, the entire arrangement can be interpreted as suggesting the everlasting love of the deceased toward his living relatives. Now, how does this spiritual and wordly love relationship score with the other folk art products in Europe and in America? Is there any evidence of an ornament-to-symbol orientation among folk artists in more recent times? A little wooden shovel, to start with, was decorated by one of my informants in Cleveland. This shovel may be considered as an intermediary stage between the ornaments symbolizing spiritual and erotic love. Representing the so-called ''medovnikove srdce'' (i.e., " marzipan heart") flanked by two schematized roosters, the ornamental arrangement on the little shovel still preserves some traces of spiritual love (i.e. , the two tulips branching from the heart), but the presence of the roosters suggests already "another aspect" of love. This aspect, I think, is stressed even more by the traditional meaning of the marzipan heart in Slovakia since such a heart was given by a boy �50 SLOVAKIA only to the girl whom he intended to marry. In like manner, the egg made by Mrs. J . B. also shows an intermediary character, this time in connection with the genetic flower pot-to-heart development (i.e., from naturalism to symbolism). There is a remarkable likeness between this egg and an egg shown by A. Vaclavik. (51) This likeness suggests that the polygenetic trend in motifs is not restricted to folk narratives only. Two eggs decorated by one of my informants in Cleveland belong also to the intermediary zone between spiritual and wordly love. One of the eggs , a vertical rendition of "twisting" and "open branching," looks almost like a combination of the rose-and-briar motif of AngloAmerican traditional balladry and of tulip-branching of western Slovak wall-painting. The other egg, elaborated horizontally with only one garland of roses and green leaves slightly above the middle of eggshell, already suggests a higher spiritualization, but this is only an impression. It seems that the most recent ornaments whether created by my informants or by folk artists in Slovakia remained only ornaments. With the exception of the most self-evident symbols like the cross, the heart, and the thorn crown, one of my informants did not know why he put together, for example, the horizontally-arranged grapevine motif with wild roses superimposed upon the grapevine branches. Except the swastika and "sun circles," the other ornaments also described in connection with the types and motifs above are taken by the majority of my informants for face value only. So, for example, Mrs. Korlatovic considered the cobweb, the sieve, and the rake only as a cobweb, a sieve, or a rake, and nothing else. The swastika, treated extensively by M. Gavazzi, (52) was for my informants either "an emblem of the Nazis" or "a garden sprinkler" whenever presented in the "round form.'' Only the informants with formal art training were able to recognize the ' 'ancient symbol of a moving sun'' (53) behind the forms of "windmill wings or clover leaves" of the swastika. The "sun circles," (54) used by my informants in one form or another, were recognized by Mrs. Jana Mad'ar "as a Slovak ceiling decoration," but only Dr. Cincik was familiar with the ancient meaning of this ornament. Theory of design in folk art, like its counterpart in fine arts, is a matter of interpretation in the first place. yonsidered with general concepts of art, designs in folk art may be examined in the terms of form and content, as stated above. Linked to the diachronic study, these designs may reveal some social, economic, cultural, or psychological conditions. Folk art, when contrasted with fine arts, shows a high occurrence of borrowing, repetition, use of conventional themes, plagiarism, and disregard for spontaneity and originality. In the past, folk art was thought to be linked to the preservation and reproduction of life by magical and natural means. At present, folk art seems to lose more and more of its magic character. Hand in hand with the new and more realistic approaches to the problems of life, folk art tends today to emphasize stylistic and formal elements, such as or- �SLOVAKIA 51 nament and decoration attained by mere technical means (i.e., relief techniques). Generally, it seems that folk art design moved originally away from naturalism tow~rd schematization. Its present tendency is toward self-explanatory and self-evident symbolism (i.e., a flower pot exchanged by a heart). When, however, certain general symbols were removed out of anunstressed situation, they became localized within a new and stronger situation and acquired a new meaning (i.e., the Apostolic Cross became the Slovak or Eastern Byzantine Cross). According to conventional aesthetics, symbolism giving content to the form should be thought of as a ''higher level'' in the understanding of artistic creations. In folk art, on the contrary, symbolism was more evident in the ancient and relatively more primitive cultures. With the exception of the most self-evident symbols of the cross and heart, symbolism is almost absent from the recent folk creations. Is this a paradox? No, it is only a fact which suggests that sophisticated and folk culture are two different entities, and so also are conventional aesthetics and folk art ''aesthetics.'' Techniques of egg decoration play an important part in the diachronic-synchronic study of folklore transmission. Thought of in the terms of materials and tools used, these techniques are identified as painting, batiking, scratch-carving, embossing, (with related techniques of inlaying, ribboning, and hammering), and tying. (55) Considered in their relationship to the predetermined use of eggs, these techniques are primarily of a conservational character. There are, however, some techniques of preparatory character which are either considered as preliminary steps for proper decoration of eggs or thought of as techniques in their own right. In order to avoid unnecessary repetition, I want first to consider the preparatoryconservational egg decoration · techniques. To start with, painting or coloring of eggs requires "completely clean hands (and) implements." (56) According to Zibrt, the egg must be "at least three days old in order to 'catch' color, (and it should be) slightly heated in order to retain wax. (57) Several informants, quoted by Zibrt and Vaclavik, stress that "lukewarm rain water" (58) is the best for the cleaning of eggs. Then the eggs are either blown out of the eggshells, or cooked in clean water or with any coloring substance whenever they should be decorated later and used as decorative articles at home or as presents for the others. On the other hand, the eggs are either cooked together with onion skin, tea leaves, or other food coloring substances whenever they should be consumed during Easter holidays, or else "scratched-carved" after cooking. These preparatory techniques are gen·e rally known all over the Slavic area. There is, however, a rather restricted technique of a conservational character employed consistently by Mrs. Korlatovic. According to this technique, raw eggs are decorated with batik, and when dry, the eggs are covered with a thin layer of special shellac. This prevents spoilage, adding a bit �52 SLOVAKIA of mirrorlike gloss. Let us now describe and examine the decorative techniques. The first technique of painting is, in essence, the simple application of the technique employed in other forms of folk art, such as wall painting, pottery and ceramics, painting of household implements, and painting on glass. The technique, "gaining momentum recently especially in northern Slovakia," (59) consists of direct application of oil or water paints on eggs. Although mentioned by Zibrt and Vaclavik, this technique is not very important in over all transmission of Easter customs from Europe to America, and only one of my informants in Cleveland used it extensively. Batik technique, on the other hand, is the most important and widespread technique in egg decoration. Mentioned often by several Slavic and non-Slavic authors, (60) this technique is of an ancient origin. Its existence is known all over the Slavic area, and its popularity is unquestioned also among my informants in Cleveland (See Figs. 1,2,3,5, and 6). The technique itself is based fundamentally on a principle similar to offset printing. Decoration by means of this technique is, therefore, attained in such a way that the parts of the eggshell are covered with wax heated in the tiny cup of voskovacka (i.e., waxing pen), and the egg is then immersed and tinted in a light water color. After removal of the egg from the first color, and when the egg is dry enough, the wax is wiped off thoroughly with a warm rag. (61) Then the egg is, again, "painted" with wax, "bathed" in another somewhat darker color, removed, dried and wiped. These steps are repeated until the egg attains the desired design composition (See Fig. 9) Scratch-carving, after batik the most popular technique in Slovakia, is known also among my informants. Related and similar to woodcarving, this technique is generally linked with the eastern type egg design in general and with the so-called "salasnicka kultura" (i.e. pastoral culture) in particular. According to Vaclavik, the drawback of this technique ' 'is hard work, more time-c~nsuming than with wax(batiked) eggs." (62) Only well-seasoned artists are able to work with this technique successfully. As mentioned above, all my informants are familiar with this technique, but only Mrs . Molchak was willing to scratch carve eggs during my stay in Ohio. Folk artists in Europe use for scratch carving "file or awl, knife, (but) most frequently the point of laid-away razor blades." (63) In America, on the contrary, the most popullar implement for this technique is the so-called "skrabacka" (lit., scraper), an awl made of hard steel and having a pencil-like wooden or metallic handle. The egg, decorated in this technique by Mrs. Molchak was made with the skrabacka. Embossing, inlaying, ribboning, hammering, and tying are basically complementary techniques. Linked with each other both in Europe and in America, these techniques are employed in order to �SLOVAKIA 53 variegate the relief of egg's surface by raising the parts of eggshell. In my opinion, however, only embossing and tying are techniques in their own right. Techniques of inlaying, ribboning, and hammering, on the contrary, are mere adaptations of each other as to the material used. Embossing is a technique ih which the egg's surface is raised by permanent application of heavy coat of wax. This technique , in spite of how effective it looks, is not widespread because, in addition to being hard to work the ''relief peels off easily and melts away in warm weather." (64) Traditional specimens with this technique were made with an application of ''red or blue wax'' upon eggshell, or of '' black wax" upon a red-tinted egg. Embossing of eggs is, according to Vaclavik, "known in Moravia, in westernmost Bohemia, and in Bulgaria.'' (65) Only one of my informants in Cleveland (Mrs. Molchak) works with this traditional technique to any great extent. Inlaying, as the first of the three techniques (consisting of inlaying, ribboning, and hammering), is relatively restricted because it depends very much on the skill of a folk artist. In its European version, this technique is represented by two major variants, the so-called "pasted eggs" and "straw eggs." The "pasted eggs," known both in western Slovakia and in Moravia under the names of "birds" and "doves ," are decorated with paper of different colors and shapes . The results of such activity are "birds" with the body made of the egg, and with the head, feet, tail, and wings made of paper. (66) The "straw eggs, '' on the other hand, are manufactured with a technique in which pieces of colored straw are pasted directly upon the eggshell. This mosaic-like work requires great skill and patience. It is fundamentally a variant of a cabinet making technique in which pieces of straw are also used in decoration of furniture'.s frontispieces. (67) Inlaying, of course, can be carried out in a wide range of combination and of materials used. This aspect, however, will be referred to later in connection with the American counterparts of this technique. Ribboning is, according to Vaclavik, "a further (and) more recent variant (of) sitinovani.' ' (68) Widespread in northern Slovakia, ribboning consists of pasting little garlands on both ends of the egg, and tying the ribbons of different colors and widths around the middle. (69) Among my informants, only Miss Petrushka uses this technique in a form described by Vaclavik, while Mrs. Mad'ar uses this technique in its simpler variant of "string-lacing." Hammering, .the last close relative of inlaying and ribboning, is a very old technique. According to Cesky casopis historicky, (70) hammering is documented as early as 1415. Folk artists working with this technique use most "often blown out goose eggs (and embellish) them with metallic rings, flower and animal motifs. (71) With the exception of Miss Petrushka, none of my informants in Cleveland worked with this technique. Tying of eggs, as a technique in its own right, is now restricted to �54 SLOVAKIA the vicinity of Mikulov in Moravia. (72) However, owing to evidence from Cleveland, I will examine this technique in somewhat more detail than the others. According to the data gathered from other studies and from my informants, the egg is decorated with this technique when it is immersed into strong vinegar in order to soften it and then it is tied about the middle in order to acquire a shape of a written number 8. From a practical viewpoint, this technique seems merely to complement the other seven techniques mentioned before. But as mentioned above, tying becomes a technique in its own right for technological and other reasons. First of all, no attempts were made in other techniques to change the chemical composition of the eggshell to such an extent that it would become pliable. Then, in its interpretative aspect, I think that this technique also suggests another important point. As mentioned before, economic factors play a part in the work of folk artists in Europe and in America as well. One can see this in connection with the multifold use of tools both for general household chores and in the use of the terms with which folk artists unequivocally stress how carefully one should work, for example, with razor blade ''in order to prevent breaking of the eggshell." (73) Now, let us consider this project in the situation of which I was an eyewitness during an exposition of the art work of Miss Petrushka. At this exposition, Miss Petrushka startled the attending public when she let fall a jewelled egg as if accidentally, but the egg bounced up without damage. At my question of how this elasticity of the eggshell was attained, Miss Petrushka answered only in part. She told me that she learned this secret from her father, a folk artist also, but otherwise declined to elaborate on or describe the procedure or the chemical reaction by which the elasticity of egg was brought about. I am no chemist, but in view of Vaclavik' s investigation of the "tying egg technique," I think that the process by which Vaclavik's informants brought about the softening of eggs and the process by means of which miss Petrushka was able to induce elasticity to jewelled eggs\are at least partly related to each other. As to the other side of this problem, there is no doubt that her polite refusal to answer my question was motivated by economic reasons, a sort of private patent protection. With respect to the other techniques, I have observed that my informants combine the relief techniques into one. Conversely, embossing in this "modern" version is carried out in connection with inlaying, ribboning, hammering, painting, batiking, and scratch carving. My informants used for this "new technique," in addition to wax, also dough, cultured pearls, wire of various thicknesses, aluminum foil cut in the form of small leaves and flowers, silk and samite, tiny sequins and beads, marzipan, and confetti in baking and regular varieties. This range of materials used is still not a complete one. And this technique, whether considered as one or separately in agreement with its more traditional counterparts, shows that the �SLOVAKIA 55 variety in products manufactured by my Slovak and Ruthenian informants in Cleveland is very wide. At its specific plane, this variety moves from the work of humble folk artists up almost to Faberge's level. (74) The Americanized technique, which includes a number of European traditional techniques , supports the hypothesis of a forwardreverse relationship beh,xeen techniques and implements used in egg decoration . While the number of tools in Europe shrinks , and the implements are frequently interchanged for economic reasons with those in overall household use , the techniques in Europe were held as separate entities in rather restricted areas, again, I believe, mainly to lower cost and to use only locally available materials . In America the situation seems to be reversed. The implements used exclusively for egg decoration here seem to gain ground . The techniques, as seen above , tend to lose individuality and become more and more incorporated into a larger whole. This again, in my opinion , is because of economic reasons . Ame rican folk artists have no difficulty in obtaining locally everything needed for egg decoration. The choice of products in America permits American folk artists to follow their interests to a greater degree than their European counterparts in the past. No matter whether these interests are of an aesthetic nature or whether they are conditioned by profession , economic aspects of buying and selling as well as of the conditions underlying the choice of raw materials and tools are ever present and important. The custom involving Easter eggs consisted in Slovakia of two basic parts: decoration of the eggs carried out in individual families, and use of eggs as presents for the young men performing showers and whippings. Both the showering and whipping as well as the egg decoration were historically documented , according to Cenek Zibrt, as early as the 14th century. (75) The decoration of Easter eggs , as the first part of this custom , has continued for over six hundred years, and no wonder that the Slovak and Ruthenian immigrants brought this custom also to the United States. According to my investigation in Cleveland, it was carried on by the first generation of Slovak immigrants in America. Only single young men used to perform showers and whippings in Slovakia. The first Slovak immigrants in America, to begin with , were in most cases married men who came to the United States to earn money and either to return home or to bring their families here at a later date. The way of life in the United States, to continue, was conditioned by an Anglo-Saxon heritage, and as such it had no ready-made accommodations for such strange customs as whipping and showering. This custom was practiced in Slovakia on Easter Monday and Tuesday , both days being either a religious (i.e., Easter Monday) or traditional (i.e., Easter Tuesday) holiday. Linked together, these three aspects support the thesis that the no-holiday character of these two post-Easter days was the primary cause that brought about disappearance of showering and whipping in the United �56 SLOVAKIA States. The secondary cause for this disappearance was the fact that the Slovak immigrants were unwilling to continue with a custom that might have brought about ridicule from the more sophisticated segments of the American population. (76) The third cause might have been owing to changed environmental conditions. While rural life in Slovakia posed no difficulties to young men performing showers or whipping, urban life in America brought about some restrictions as to where, for example, the custom of showering could have taken place. In Slovakia this custom was usually performed either in the backyard or in the garden. In America, there were in most cases no places to perform the custom without damage to the interior of the house or, if the showering were performed in the street, without interference with law and order. The second part of the custom, involving the Easter eggs as presents in exchange for showering and whipping, had therefore either to disappear completely or to acquire a new meaning. Because of contact with other ethnic and cultural groups, this part of the custom took the road of incorporation within another cultural context. (77) Thus the Roman Catholic Slovak immigrants retained the custom of egg decoration as practiced in Slovakia; however, the second part of this custom involving Easter eggs as presents for the young men performing the whipping and showering either disappeared completely or was adjusted in order to suit the new situation. On the other hand, the Slovaks of the Byzantine Rite, (78) together with the Ruthenians and Ukrainians proper, did not change the first part of the custom (i.e., decoration of eggs) at all. But a slight change took place among them in the exchange of eggs as compared with eastern Slovakia and Ruthenia. While, according to Greek Catholic usage, a simple form of exchange among the relatives and neighbors used to take place in Europe, eastern Slovaks and Ruthenians in America decorate eggs now either for sale or for exchange with the other church members. The sale itself could be of two kinds: a simple sale for personal profit and a sale to fellow church members with the proceeds donated to the church. The second and third generations of thf Slovak Roman Catholic immigrants in Cleveland retained the "new approach" of the first generation regarding the revision of the custom involving Easter showers and whipping. Together with the eastern Slovaks and Ukrainians, the Roman Catholic Slovaks also adopted the changes of basic techniques, tools, terminology, and economy with respect to Easter customs and decorated eggs in particular. But this is, again, a matter concerning the other aspects of egg decoration, and as such it was either treated in connection with the individual aspects of egg decoration or it will be touched upon in the last part of this article. In the final analysis, one could see that change manifested itself in the various aspects of egg decoration more frequently than its corollary or continuity. With the exception of designs and tools of general use �SLOVAKIA 57 (both of which remained almost unaltered), changes occurred in coloring substances, techniques, customs involving decorated eggs, and in the tools used exclusively in egg decoration. However, as shown above in connection with individual aspects of egg decoration, these changes were always of different character and extent, and were brought about for different reasons. Thus, there was, on the one hand, a complete change from the.traditional home-made coloring substances (79) to the commercially available coloring kits in America. (80) There were, on the other hand, less evident, but still important, changes in techniques, customs, and tools of specific character. Placed side by side, both techniques and special tools show trends of adding and subtracting in a folktale-like manner. As in the study of folktales, one could observe that "two or more tales (are stringed) together," (81) the techniques which existed in Slovakia and in the Ukraine as separate entities were brought together by the folk artists in America and incorporated into one general technique. The opposite trend, again as in folktales, was evident in connection with the tools used exclusively in egg decoration when the "adding of detail(s)" occurred in the New World either owing to modernization of older tools or because of the introduction of new implements. The two-fold change took place, according to my observation, in customs involving Easter eggs. As mentioned, the custom of whipping and showering disappeared in America. The custom of giving Easter eggs as presents to the others was, on the contrary, retained, but its complete change was evident among the western and central Slovak immigrants while only a slight change as to its practical application was recorded among the eastern Slovaks and Ruthenians in Cleveland. (82) What were 1:he reasons behind these changes and why were certain aspects of egg decoration more amenable for alteration than others? As mentioned elsewhere in this paper, the motives for changes in various aspects of egg decoration can be attributed to folk "aesthetics," economy, and to the impact of culture contact with the other ethnic groups in America. Since no fingerprint evidence exists as to the cross-influence between "aesthetics," economy, and impact of culture contact, on the one hand, and the aspects of egg decoration, on the other, my interpretation of the motives leading to the changes in egg decoration is only a tentative one. I believe that the formation of concepts concerning ''aesthetics'' in the European version of egg decoration was brought about by the availability of materials and tools, in the first place. Artistic endeavors of European egg decorators were, in my opinion, conditioned by the initial cost of egg decoration. European folk artists, therefore, either manufactured the tools and coloring substances at their homes or used only locally available materials in order to save on transportation costs. American folk artists, on the other hand, seem to be concerned more with the sale of finished products, and make every effort to sell their products either for �58 SLOVAKIA money or for recognition ; hence, in order to do so, they are forced "to make saleable products" and "to protect their inventions." The worries about qualitative expression compel American egg decorators to buy new tools and to adapt traditional techniques to new needs . Even the custom involving decorated eggs, as an aspect of Easter eggs, was influenced to the greatest extent by culture contact with the other ethnic groups , is currently conditioned by economic artistic considerations . (83) Continuity, holding opposite side to the change in transmission, is evident in the use of general household implements and in designs. As to the tools, this rule of continuity is caused by the fact that knives, spoons, and needles, to mention just some of these items, are bought or used in Europe and in America along similar lines. Designs, in my opinion, seem to be stable elements in egg decoration because they have the most striking visual impact and are also formulaically and repetitively-oriented to a high degree. Seen altogether, both change and continuity exist side by side in the aspects of egg decoration as they exist both in folk art and in culture itself. This fact, being undeniable proof that egg decoration represents a part of the overall culture, is also testimony that the decoration of eggs as a form of folk art is governed by the laws governing culture itself. Easter eggs, therefore , like culture, are a unique human phenomenon, socially shared and transmitted, (84) this time by the Slovaks and Ruthenians in Cleveland, Ohio. Reprinted from Journal of Popular Culture (Summer 1970) IV:l, pp. 155-193, with permission of Dr. Ray B. Browne. FOOTNOTES (1) Cf. Cenek Zibrt, Vesele chvile v iivote lidu ceskeho. Prague : Vysehrad, 1950, p. 251. According to Zibrt, the term 'Easter eggs' was known already in the 14th century, but originated long before that time . (2) Cf. Antonin Vaclavik, Vyrocni obyceje a lidove umeni. Prague : Ceskoslovenska akademie ved, 1959, p . 261. Vaclavik's informants in Moravia think that Easter eggs exist "from the very beginning " and several of his informants " maintain that the decoration of eggs started in Slovakia." (p . 262). In Vaclavik ' s opinion , the term " Slovakia" should be applied to the region alongside the Slovak-Moravian border only . (3) Cf. Kazimierz Moszyiiski, Kultura Ludowa Slowian. Cracow, 1939. CF . also Rudolf Bednarik , Duchovna kultura slovenskeho l'udu. Turciansky Sv. Martin, 1941 . (4) Cf. Vaclavik, pp. 259-580 ; cf. Zibrt, passim. (5) Cf. Note No. 6 below. (6) This fi eldwork was carried out by the author between March 18 and April 2, 1969. Thirty informants of Slovak and Ruthenian descent were interviewed. In addition to extensive tape-recordings and note-taking, the author took photographs tracing the individual steps of egg decoration (black and white as well as color slides) . Most of this material, containing also 17 actual eggs, is stored and available for consultation in the Archive of the Center for Comparative Folklore and Mythology at the University of California , Los Angeles. �SLOVAKIA 59 (7) Used as holders of blown-out eggs or as devises for the lengthwise partitioning of , such eggs . (8) Rubber bands may belong to either of the two groups. Used at times only for partitioning of egg surfaces, rubber bands may be stretched lengthwise diagonally, or latitudinally , and reused as any implement of the group one . At other times , rubber bands can be pasted around the eggs in order either to obtain embossing or to hold other items used in egg decoration , such as ribbons , colored sections of straw, or aluminum foil. Used this way, rubber bands belong to group two . For the specimens made either with ~krabai!ka or with sharp-pointed knife, see R. Bednarik, pp. 95-6. A dark-green egg, made by Mrs . Molchak and donated to this collection at U.C .L.A ., was decorated with ~krabai!ka. For an English treatment of eggs made with egg-carving technique, see Alfred L. Shoemaker, Eastertide in Pennsylvania, pp. 50-62. (9) (10) Cf. Zibrt, p. 257. (11) Cf. Vaclavik, pp. 267-8. (12) The most modern specimen of uoskouai!ka is now available commercially. I bought one in the store of Mr. Rudenskij, 5432 State Road, Parma, Ohio, for $1.00. This specimen is now stored in the Archive F.M .G. at U.C.L.A. (13) As to the specific tools used exclusively for egg decoration, it is ahnost certain that some changes may have occurred in the Old World owing to new developments in culture and technology. This aspect, however, cannot be treated here because my evidence is fragmentary about it. (14) Cf. Zibrt, p . 251. (15) Cf. Ibid ., p. 255 . Cf. also Vaclavik, pp . 267-8. (16) Interview with Mrs . Mad'ar (17) Zibrt , p . 253 . (18) Ibid. (19) For description of etching, see Vaclavik , pp . 268, 275 . (20) Interview with Mrs. Molchak . (21) Interview with Mrs. Pap. (22) " Pryzyly " is a sort of reddish substance used for tinting (Cf. Zibrt, p . 252). "Kampeska" is a commercially-acquired " wood chip" coloring (Zibrt, p. 253). (23) Vaclavik, p . 269 . (24) Cf. Ibid. For a description of scratch carving, see Shoemaker, p. 51. (25) Zibrt, p . 255. (26) Vaclavik, p. 267. (27) Note Fig. No . 1, 2, 3, and 5. The photographs mentioned are on file in the Archive of the Center for Comparative Folklore and Mythology, U .C.L.A. (28) Vaclavik, p . 267 . (29) Interview with Mr~. Molchak . (30) Vaclavik, p . 376. (31) Cf. Ibid ., pp . 338-9. For a summary concerning the western type of egg decoration, see Ibid . , p . 523 . (32) Ibid ., p. 338 . (33) Cf. Ibid ., p. 287 and Plate LXXVII (upper part) . (34) Cf. Ibid ., p . 338 and Plate LV . �60 SLOVAKIA (35) Cf. Ibid., p. 338. (36) Cf. Ibid . (37) Cf. Ibid., p. 339. (38) Cf. Bednarik, pp. 206-208. (39) Cf. Ibid., Plate 75. Cf. also Moszyiiski, p. 916. (40) Cf. R. Bednarik, Pastierske rezbarske umenie, passim., but especially Plates No. 55, 79, 142, 149, and 158. (41) Cf. Vaclavik, pp. 389 , 391, 393, and 395. (42) For prominent motifs in wall painting in western Slovakia, see R. Bednarik, Mal'ovane ohnistia v oblasti Malych Karpat, passim. For ''pastoral culture'' in central Slovakia , see Bednarik, Pastierske rezbarske umenie, passim. (43) Vaclavik, p . 376 . (44) Ibid ., 375. (45) R. Bednarik, Eudove nahrobniky na Slovensku, 57. (46) Cf. J. E. Cir lot, A Dictionary of Symbols, passim. (47) Cf. E. Haig, Floral Symbolism of the Great Masters, pp. 127-8. (48) Cf. R. Bednarik, Eudove nahrobniky na Slovensku, p . 73. Cf. also Bednarik, Mal'ovane ohnistia v oblasti Malych Karpat, plates 1-40. (49) Cf. Bednarik, Eudove nahrobniky na Slovensku, p. 91. (50) Cf. Ibid ., p. 73. (51) Cf. Vaclavik, p. 346 (left side) . (52) Cf. M. Gavazzi, "Svastika i njezin ornamentalni razoj na uskrsnim jajima sa Balkana,'' Zbornik za narodni Zivot i obyc:aje juinih Slavena, XXVII, 1-24. (53) Cf. Gavazzi, Op. Cit., passim. (54) Cf. Alan Dundes, ed., The Study of Folklore, p. 387. (55) For a detailed description of these techniques, see Vaclavik, pp. 267-72. (56) Ibid., p. 267. (57) Zibrt, pp. 252-3. (58) Vaclavik, p. 267; also Zibrt, op. cit., passim. (59) Interview with Mrs. Mad'ar. (60) Cf. Vaclavik, p. 268; Zibrt, op. cit., passim., but especially 251 ff. (61) Cf. Vaclavik, p . 267. (62) Vaclavik, p. 269. (63) Vaclavik, p. 269. (64) Ibid. (65) Ibid. (66) Cf. Vaclavik, p . 269, and Plate XLV. (67) Cf. Ibid., pp. 269-70. Modern specimens made with this technique are shown on Plates XLIX and LXXV; furniture, Pl. LXIV. (68) Ibid ., p. 270. Sitinovani is a technique in which the core of Juncus is pasted upon the eggshell. (Juncus is the Latin term for a genus of olderly tree.) (69) Cf. Ibid . , p. 271. For specimens, see Ibid., p. 351. (70) Czech Historical Review , XXXIII, p. 278 . Cf. Vaclavik, pp. 271, 275. (71) Vaclavik, p. 271. �SLOVAKIA 61 (72) Cf. Ibid., pp. 271-2. (73) Ibid., p. 269. (74) For a treatment of Faberge,. work, see Venetia Newall, "Easter Eggs," Journal of American Folklore, LXXX (1967), 17 ff. (75) Cf. Note No. 1 above. (76) In connection with this point, I tried to elicit the opinions of my informants as to their feeling about whipping and showering. Only Mrs. Mad'ar, a recent immigrant from Slovakia, "hopes that her husband and sons will shower her, but with perfume only." Mrs. Molchak, on the other hand, is against any sort of showering in spite of the fact that the "young boys used to shower her in Pennsylvania." The boys, according to Mrs. Molchak, refused to take any eggs as presents for showering; if they did so, the others "would laugh." Mrs. Pap, a Ruthenian by ethnic origin, considered the custom "without any religious significance." (77) Both the showering and whipping are basically western Slovak customs. In eastern Slovakia, these customs were almost unknown because the majority of the Eastern Slovak population is Greek Catholic. (78) Byzantine Rite Slovaks are in the majority in Cleveland, in comparison with the Roman Catholic Slovaks. In Slovakia, the situation is reversed: Roman Catholics form the majority of the population. (79) I.e., cooked spring rye, hay, coffee, clover leaves, parsley, tea, etc. Cf. also Notes 17 and 22 above. (80) According to Mrs. Mad'ar, coloring substances are now also available commercially in Slovakia; however, they are not used frequently, and they are not packed in exclusive egg decoration kits either. (81) According to Stith Thompson, folktales change by "adding a detail (and by) stringing two or more tales together." The Folktale, p. 436. (82) Because of the disappearance of showering and whipping, again as in folktales, ''one change (brings about others) to maintain consistency," Ibid. (83) I.e., eggs are now sold publicly in front of the church while in the past they were given for showering and whipping or in exchange for other eggs. (84) Cf. the works of Ruth Benedict, Franz Boas, and A. L. Kroeber, passim. INFORMANTS MRS. KORLATOVIC, an American of Ukrainian ethnic ancestry, is the daughter of Mr. and Mrs. Rudenskij, owners and operators of an export-import store in Parma, Ohio. Mrs. Korlatovic, the mother of two children and a teacher in a kindergarten near Parma, decorates Easter eggs mainly for sale in her parent's store; she also decorates ceramics. MRS. JANA MADAR, a recent immigrant to the United States, arrived in Cleveland on November 30, 1968. A native of Ruzomberok, central Slovakia, Mrs. Mad'ar is the mother l)f two sons, ages 21 and 20. Mrs. Mad'ar decorated several eggs for this project in the so-called ''painting'' and ''string-lacing'' techniques. MRS. SOPHIE MOLCHAK, an American of Slovak descent, was born in Regenstown, Pennsylvania. She is married to an American of Ukrainian origin and is the mother of six children. Three of her daughters, ages 18, 12, and 9, took an active part in egg decoration during the interviews. MRS. TANYA OSADCA, an Ukrainian by ethnic descent, immigrated to America after World War II. Living now with her family in Peninsula, Ohio, she started egg decorating and collecting in 1952, and at present she owns over 500 specimens. She also �SLOVAKIA 62 studies and collects material published on Easter eggs. Her husband, a psychiatrist at the Veterans Administration Hospital, is also a collector and folk artist specializing in ceramics and pottery. MRS. ANNA PAP, a Ruthenian by ethnic origin, was born in Roztok near the present CSSR-USSR border. Married to Dr. M. S. Pap and the mother of four children ages 17, 14, 11, and 5, Mrs. Pap arrived in the United States in 1933. In addition to her household duties, she is also director of the choir at the St. Mary' s Ukrainian Catholic Church. MISS PETRUSHKA is an American of Slovak descent and a native of Cleveland. An admirer of Slovak folk traditions and a student of Slovak ethnography, Miss Petrushka is the owner of an art studio on Shaker Boulevard, Cleveland. Her collages, collage boxes, and jewelled eggs are well-known all over the United States. During my stay in Cleveland, she held two successful expositions of her creations. DR. JOSEPH CINClK, 65, a Slovak immigrant, arrived in the United States in 1948. An ex-professor at the University of Bratislava and at present an art bibliographer in Cleveland, Dr. Cincik is the foremost expert on Slovak folk art. MR. VLADIMIR OZABAL, 60 , a native of western Slovakia and an ex-officer of the Slovak Army, immigrated to America after World War II . Now the supervisor of a division of the City Water Department in Cleveland , Mr. Ozabal is still working at various projects related to Slovak folk art . .,• "'~ ~:: '~ ., ' Fig. 1 - A typical arrangement of eggs , implements, and coloring substances used by Mrs. Zofia Molchak, an American-born Slovak folk artist working with batik technique in the western-type design. Note the heating plate used for wax melting, rubber bands employed for partitioning of eggs, and the glasses with coloring substances. �SLOVAKIA ~ .,. 63 .. ~ Mrs. Ann Pap, an American of Ruthenian ancestry, decorates eggs in the eastern-type design. Note: a candle is used as a source of melted wax and the most modern specimen of voskovacka, or kistka (" waxing pen") , is employed by Mrs. Pap in batiking of eggs . Fig. 2 - ( Fig. 3 - Mrs. Korlatovic, an American-born folk artist of Ukrainian ancestry, decorates eggs in the eastern style and batik technique for sale in her parents' store. �64 SLOVAKIA Partition of eggshells is carried out with stretched rubber bands. Note the modified " implements" (i .e., needles and pins pushed lengthwise into large kitchen matches, chopsticks, or wooden pencil handles) used in batiking and embossing. Fig. 4 - Fig. 5 - A candle as a source of wax in the batik technique. �SLOVAKIA 65 Fig. 6 - A typical instance of batik-embossing technique and of western-type design. Note the tear-like dots and lines , and the star motifs on both ends of the egg. Miss Sue Molchak, 18 , shown in this picture, decorates eggs every year together with her mother and two of her sisters. The daughter of Mr. Molchak, an American of Ukrainian descent, and of Mrs. Molchak, an American-born Slovak, Miss Molchak is typical of young folk artists who help old traditions permeate a new environment. �SLOVAKIA 66 Fig. 7 - Immersing of a freshly-batiked egg into coloring substance with the so-called " oko " (" eye" ). Fig. 8 - A spoon used for immersing and removal of eggs. �SLOVAKIA Fig. 9 - A typical egg batiked in the eastern-type design . Fig. 10 - Eggs painted and ' ·string-laced" by Mrs . Mad'ar. 67 �68 SLOVAKIA Miss Petrushka , an American-born Slovak, started egg decorating as a folk artist and continued egg decoration on a professional level. The egg shown in this picture is one of her jewelled creations presented at an exposition in Lakewood, Ohio . Fig. 11 - ... Examples of the so-called "Gesunkenes Kulturgut" in folk art - conventional art relationship. The jewelled eggs, shown in this picture, were decorated by Miss Petrushka who, according to her own words, learned "secrets" of egg decoration from her father, a Slovak folk artist . Fig. 12 - � 40 SLOVAKIA Slovak and Ruthenian Easter Eggs in America: The Impact of Culture Contact on Immigrant Art and Custom ANDREW CINCURA University of California Decoration of Easter eggs, one of the most ancient calendar customs of the general Slavic area, (1) is still alive among the Slavic ethnic groups in Europe and America. Though there have been changes in the decoration of Easter eggs and in customs related to this form of folk art, Easter eggs are even now cherished by these groups as important and unaltered landmarks of the past. (2) The importance of Easter eggs has also been recognized in folkloristics. Although several Slavic and non-Slavic scholars have studied Easter eggs, either in connection with other disciplines, (3) or as part of a study of Slavic culture, (4) to my knowledge no scholar has studied the transmission of Slavic Easter egg decorative traditions from Europe to America. In this article, I want to briefly outline continuity and change of this transmission in connection with the Slavic and Ruthenian Easter eggs. (5) This is a pilot study based upon fieldwork among the Slovaks and Ruthenians in Cleveland, Ohio, (6) and will examine and interpret the data collected in the field in the terms of (a) implements and materials used in decoration of Easter eggs; (b) designs; (c) techniques of Easter egg manufacture; (d) customs involving decorated eggs. To begin with, the study of implements and materials used in egg decoration is concerned with technology and etymology. The implements employed in egg decoration belong basically to three groups. First, there are household implements, such as sharp-pointed knives, tin cooking utensils, dishes, glasses, spoons, glass jars, tin lids, electric heating plates, needles, brushes, pencils, awls, and baskets. Removed temporarily from their everyday use, these implements serve folk artists in egg decoration, usually without any special change as to the appearance and function of the implement in question. The second group of implements are represented by slightly modified household tools as, for example, needles and pins puslied lengthwise into large kitchen matches or into chopsticks (Figs. 1,4), sewing awls with attached thread, or thin wire (7), or rubberbands. (8). The third group consists of items bought or manufactured exclusively for egg decoration. This group is represented by three tools, oko, skrabacka, andpierko. The first of them, oko, (literally, "eye"), is an implement used either for immersion of eggs in, or for their removal out of, jars or glasses filled with water colors. The oko, consisting of two basic parts, �SLOVAKIA 41 ring and handle, is made of one piece of relatively solid wire. The ring, as the first part of the implement, is made by the bending of wire into the form of a circle of a slightly smaller diameter than the maximal width of the egg. The handle, on the other hand, is formed by a sharp bend of wire at the point qf the completed circle and in about 120 degree slant to the plane rep'resented by the ring (Fig. 7). The oko was manufactured by Mr. and Mrs. Molchak in order "to prevent scratches on the surfaces of freshly batiked eggs whenever the eggs were immersed into containers or removed with a spoon.'' The second tool, skrabacka ("scraper"), is either a commercially-acquired or a homemade awl with a thin pencil-like wooden or metallic handle . The skrabacka, being alternately used with sharp-pointed knives, is the most important tool in the so-called "scratch-carving" technique. (9) The third tool used exclusively in egg decoration, pierko ("pen"), is called also brko (''quillpen'') in Slovakia. A modern variant of pierko is the voskovacka (literally, "waxing fountain-pen"). Basically an implement consisting of a pencil-like wooden handle and a tiny funnel-like metallic cup attached diagonally to the end of the handle, the voskovacka is the most important tool in egg decoration both in Europe and in America. Its more or less archaic specimens were described by Cenek Zibrt, (10) while the modern equivalents of voskovacka were briefly treated by A. Vaclavik. (11) With the exception of Mrs. Jane Mad'ar (shown in Fig. 10), all my informants in Cleveland used the most modern variant of voskovacka when decorating with the batik technique. (12) The tools of the first and second groups are used in decoration either without any change or with slight modification, and as such they are mentioned by most of the sources consulted for this paper both in the terms of technology and terminology. In Cleveland I observed that all implements belonging to these two groups are generally used in a fashion similar to their use in Europe. One may say that an extensive give-and-take exchange exists between the uses of these tools for everyday needs in the household and in egg decoration. In view of this, the tools of these two groups may be considered the most evident instances of continuity in transmission of this form of folk art from Europe to America. (13) As to etymology, the implements described in connection with the third group above (i.e., oko, skrabacka, and voskovacka) are important items in the tracing of historic-ethnic proveniences and the links in material aspects of Easter customs. The usefulness of these terms is evident if one accepts the thesis that there is no term in folk art for something that actually does not exist. (14) Thus, if Slovak terms skrabacka, pierko, and voskovacka have equivalents in all other Slavic languages, this is also a proof of antiquity and popularity of this special group of implements. (15) If, on the contrary, the term oko does not exist in its specific meaning, for example, in Slovak, this might suggest �42 SLOVAKIA that the implement itself does not exist materially in the Slovak ethnic territory either. If in spite of this , however, both the term and implement are present among the Slovaks in America, this is either because of borrowing from another ethnic group in America, or because of an individual's invention . Either way, it is rather convincing evidence of change that took place between the points of origin and American use of this tool. Mr. Molchak, an American of Ukrainian ancestry , told me that he had seen a similar implement "somewhere in Cleveland.'' This information, linked together with the fact that Mr. Molchak did not know the Ukrainian name of this tool, hints that the implement is of Ukrainian origin, but Mrs. Molchak, an American of Slovak ancestry, gave it a Slovak name. The household implements mentioned in connection with groups one and two above are , on the contrary, of no value for a study along ethnic-comparative lines. Although also known in all Slavic languages, these implements are of interchangeable use, and as such they may be present in the cultures unfamiliar with egg decoration. Examined in connection with the informants in Cleveland , the tools of all three groups are relevant for the study of Slavic-English aspects concerning their terminology. In general, a shift to favor English terminology was observable among all my informants without regard to ethnic or sex group or age. Persistence in usage of traditional Slavic terms was still visible in connection with the most recent immigrants. The American-born Slovak and Ruthenian informants, on the contrary, have shown a tendency to favor Slavic terms only in the cases when the implements were of frequent use at home and infrequently mentioned at school. For example, the childen of Mr. and Mrs. Molchak were well acquainted with the terms of pentlicka ("ribbon" in Slovak dialectical usage) or kistka ("waxing pen" in Ruthenian and Eastern Slovak usage) while the Anglo-American terms were consistently favored whenever the children spoke about knives, spoons, or canples. In essence, one can say that the Old World terms were dropped whenever their specific equivalents existed in English. On the other' hand, the Slavic terms were retained even by the American-born informants whenever neither objects nor terms were present in American culture. The second aspect of this study concerns the examination of materials used in egg decoration. Closely related to the study of implements, these materials are used for preparation of colors and the materials employed in the so-called ''relief techniques.'' Since the materials used in the relief techniques will be treated extensively later in this article, only the materials used in preparation of colors will be considered at this point. These materials, at any rate, are of utmost importance for the study of transmission of Easter eggs in its corollary aspect of change . Considered at the point of departure from Europe, these materials represent a medley of knowledge and notions · concerning chemistry, botany, and physics, at a folklife level. In America, �SLOVAKIA 43 on the contrary, all coloring substances are commercially acquired in the form of "new coloring kits, easy to use" either in the so-called "Chick-chick plastic bag" or "Paint me" paper box varieties. In order to understand better the nature and extent of this change, let us examine the materials used for coloring and tinting of eggs first in their European form and then in connection with their American counterpart. According to the majority of my informants, "onions and tea leaves cooked together with eggs were used most often for coloring and tinting by our mothers in Europe , but also some 'other things ' may be used for this work." (16) Although unspecific as to the rest of tinting substances, the informants in Cleveland still gave me enough clues in order to continue with the study of this aspect in connection with the written sources. Thus, the "other things" mentioned by informants may have been: the overcooked "Spring rye, hay and coffee; clover leaves (tied to the eggs and cooked in the) extract of ... young grass (and) parsley" (17) for regular tinting, and "the cabbage 'acid' " (18) for 'etching' of parts of eggs not covered by wax. ( 19) In America, as stated, the tinting and coloring kits are bought. These kits, costing ''only a few dollars,'' (20) contain all basic colors in powder form. The coloring fluid is prepared ''by the mixing of the powder with hot water and vinegar," (21) according to specific directions for use. I have not seen any of my informants work with the etching technique; therefore, I mention it here only in order to stress its relative importance in Europe and its absence among my informants in Ohio. The linguistic aspect concerning the materials used for tinting and coloring is, in my opinion, important only in its European version. The terms used in identification of various tinting and coloring substances or materials are either well-known throughout the Slavic area or restricted to some small regions. The widely spread terms are, again like the terms denoting certain tools, an indication of popularity and presence of these materials and substances in the individual Slavic countries. On the other hand, the terms restricted to certain small regions are undeniable proof that the particular material was used only locally or regionally. This conclusion is based upon the fact that these terms are ''tinted'' with dialecticism to such an extent that they cannot be found in average dictionaries nor identified by those of my informants possessing rather advanced formal education in art history or folk art technology. So, for example, neither Dr. Cincik and Miss Petrushka nor Mrs. Osadca were able to give me any information on the terms of pryzyly or kampeska. (22) The commercially acquired American kits are of no value in the study of folk terminology in connection with materials used for tinting and coloring. As products of mass oriented manufacture, these kits reflect primarily an artificial interference with folk tradition. �44 SLOVAKIA What conclusions could be drawn from this short study of implements and materials used in egg decoration? The frequent use of household tools in egg decoration, to start with, suggests that decorated eggs have roots in a self-sustaining economy. Analyzed with respect to the European tradition, this hypothesis is indirectly supported by many statements of the authors consulted for this paper. Thus, according to Vaclavik, "a laid-away razor knife" (23) was frequently reshaped into a pin-pointed tool and used in the scratchcarving technique, (24) and "a pocket knife with a broken point" (25) was employed for the same purpose by Zibrt's informants. However, "an old spoon (with handle) thrust into the side of a beet-made candlestick" (26) is, perhaps, the most characteristic example of the selfsustaining character of tools in Easter eggs manufacture. This character is, nevertheless, still more pronounced in connection with materials used in egg tinting and coloring. There is almost no limit to the range of plants, materials, and techniques employed in traditional preparation of various colors and tints, as seen in the brief summary of the materials above. Examined in the terms of the American tradition, the hypothesis of a sustentacular relationship of economy and egg decoration still holds in connection with the frequent use of household implements in egg decoration in the United States. There is, however, a marked tendency to acquire more and more tools commercially and exclusively for egg decoration here. One can observe this trend, for example, in connection with the commercially-acquired specimens of voskovacka (waxing pen) or skrabacka (scraper), and in connection with the homemade oko (lit., "eye") manufactured by Mr. and Mrs. Molchak. On the other hand, a drift against the traditional self-sustaining ch'aracter of egg decoration is visible in the fact that all colors and tints are bought. The household implements and materials used in tinting and coloring, to continue, are often referred to in connection with the history of technology in general, and as such they may be relatively good timing and placing devices in establishing historicity and ethnicity of certain aspects in egg decoration custom. Among devices usable for this kind of study are almost all modern inventions, whether of general or restricted use, such as electric heating plates and the voskovacka (waxing pen in its most modem variant). In this connection, however, it is necessary to point out that only presence of modern implements is of value for an investigation along historical lines. Their absence, whether in pictorial representations or in written documents, is worthless, as one could easily see by a comparison of the photographs taken during the interview with Mrs. Molchak (an electric heating plate used for wax melting) and of Mrs. Pap and Mrs. Korlatovic (burning candles used as sources of melted wax). (27) The aspect o~ ethnicity, touched briefly in connection with the dialectical names of materials used in egg decoration, may be considered as a relatively safe testing device of �SLOVAKIA 45 regional-ethnic provenience of certain terms and materials. As a corollary of technology; the inventiveness was indirectly implied in connection witp. the "beet-made candlestick," (28) with the multifold use of household implements, and with the intelligent handling of materials useJ traditionally for manufacture of colors and tints. In its traditional aspect, this inventiveness was brought about primarily by economic considerations. In its new American setting, it is perhaps, owing more to an "aesthetic" feeling of the folk artist. One can see this in two specific cases, such as the above mentioned oko by means of which my informants tried ''to avoid scratches'' on the freshly batiked eggs, (See Figs. 2,3, and 5) and in the concern of another informant "for the shameful results of her work with yellow color." (29) In the first case, Mr. and Mrs. Molchak made the oko; in the second instance, the informant decided "to search for the roots of trouble in order to heighten the quality of her work.'' However, this economic"aesthetic" difference between European and American tradition is a matter of interpretation. There is not a rigid dichotomy between "aesthetics" and economy either in Europe or in America, and there is no dichotomy between the Old World and New World inventiveness either. In summary, the study of implements and materials used in egg decoration is, at its descriptive level, concerned with technology and etymology. At an analytical level, this study may explain some aspects related to economy, inventiveness, historicity, ethnicity, and ''aesthetics.'' Nevertheless, the most important aspect of this study, I think, is in its investigation into continuity and change. As stated above, there is a partial continuity in the tools used in egg decoration both in Europe and in America. However, there is a complete change between the materials used traditionally in Europe and recently in America. The study of designs in folk art concerns primarily an investigation into the types and motifs. Both the types and motifs of folk art are often interchangeable with each other, as in folk narratives, and as such they resist any ready-made definitions. In general, the type may be thought of as the term denoting resemblances in combinations of symbols, signs, motifs, ornaments, and kinds of craftsmanship over a large area to such an extent that these resemblances cannot be ascribed to polygenesis. The motif, on the other hand, is "a graphically complete representation of a given fundamental form that manifests certain content.'' (30) Designs in decoration of Slavic Easter eggs belong to two fundamental types, the western and the eastern. The western type, comprising Poland, Bohemia and Moravia, the easternmost part of Slovakia, and Slovenia, is generally seen as a phenomenon limited in range of motifs, but possessing an exquisite craftsmanship. (31) This type of egg decoration is characterized, according to A. Vaclavik, "by �46 SLOVAKIA star motifs on both ends of egg(s) and by free setting of motifs on sides of egg.'' (32) The specimens of this type are obtained either by tear-like lines and dots (33) or by embossed ornamentation with wax or other suitable material. (34) The most frequent motifs connected with the western type are chains, sinuous lines, trees and branches, garlands, squares, hearts, birds, and rosettes. (35) The eastern type, on the other hand, is geographically restricted to the Ukraine, western Russia, the Sub-Carpathian Ukraine, and the parts of eastern Moravia and westernmost Slovakia. (36) Rich in color as well as in the number of subtypes, this type is characterized by linear ornamentation running over the egg surface vertically, horizontally, and diagonally. (37) The basic traits of the eastern type are traceable to Byzantine art and related to, and influenced by, the grass weaving, (38) embroidery, (39) and wood carving. (40) Because of this relationship, the eastern type is influenced by materials used. Its most frequent motifs seem to be cross, swastika, triangle, pentagram, hexagram, and various highly schematized ribbonlike motifs of lighting, thorns, ''ant and bee paths,'' "bird path," and fork and comb-like motifs. (41) My study in Cleveland showed that Vaclavik's conclusions concerning geographical distribution of these two basic types (i.e., the western and the eastern) are generally valid also in connection with the Slovak and Ruthenian immigrants in Ohio. Already by a cursory observation of the eggs collected or photographed in Cleveland for this project, one can see a remarkable difference between the eggs decorated by Mrs. Molchak, on the one hand, and Mrs. Pap and Mrs. Korlatovic, on the other. While Mrs. Molchak has an overall predilection for the western tear-like motifs, she is also fond of the embossed subtypes in egg decoration. Mrs. Pap, an adherent of the eastern types, decorates eggs characterized by balanced composition of geometrical elements, and by a wide range of colors. With the exception of an egg showing Christ risen from the dead, there is no egg decorated by Mrs. Pap that would suggest design influence from other ethnic groups in America. Mrs. Korlatovic, as another folk artist working with the eastern typological sphere df egg decoration, is also very conservative in approach to design change. Working to the minutest detail in a geometrical partition of the egg surface, Mrs. Korlatovic has attained what many folk artists would consider ''an ideal of perfection." Because of emphasis on mosaicity, the color aspects of her design are subordinated. Eggs decorated by Mrs. Korlatovic are beautiful seen close up; their colors and designs merge in an indefinite brownish hue when the eggs are seen, say, at a distance of 3 or 4 feet. The other informants are more or less an amorphous group as to their relationship to the western or eastern type of design. This group is primarily represented by Mrs. Jana Mad'ar. Mrs. Tanya Osadca, Miss Petrushka, Dr. Joseph Cincik, Mr. Vladimir Ozabal and three daughters of Mr. and Mrs. Molchak. With the exception of the last �SLOVAKIA 47 mentioned three girls, who show a definite pro-western typological inclination (Note Fig. 6) , the other informants mentioned in this paragraph are " individuals " resisting any general classification as to typology in design. Some hints as to the preferences of this group may be traced from the study of motifs in the works and collection of this group . So, at any rate, sinuous lines are the favored motif of Mrs . Mad'ar both according to her own words as well as in accordance with her decoration (Fig. 10) . The motifs of tulips, hearts , roses , and birds evident in western Slovak wall-paintings are on the favored list of Dr. Cincik, of Mrs . Ozabal, and, to certain extent, also of Miss Petrushka. But both Miss Petrushka and Dr. Cincik prefer in their professional work a somewhat schematized design of '' pastoral culture,'' as does Mrs. Osadca in her hobby-oriented egg decoration . (42) On the whole, this group of folk artists is an excellent example of the mixed influences that characterize Slovak ethnic territory as to typology in egg decoration designs. All members of the group have roots in their native or ancestral cultures. With the exception of Mrs. Osadca , this group draws basically from the Western Slovak " fireplace decorating sub-type." But designs of this group merge to the central Slovak sub-types of wood carving and embroidery which, in tum , already shows some traces of the linear-geometrical character present in the eastern type of egg decoration. With a view to the types and motifs examined briefly above, the general concepts of designs in folk art may be analyzed in connection with the study of form and content elements as well. The corollaries of form and content, symbol, sign, and ornament, are mutually substitutive, according to one's point of view. Thus, let us say, an ornament considered under strictly formal attributes may be simply a decoration or embellishment. In its content evaluation, however, an ornament could have " an ideological meaning (issuing) from aesthetic concept(s) " (43) either as a sign representing a conventional idea or as a symbol expressing a basic (and) striking ... idea." (44) Let us now examine the most frequent and self-evident symbols, the cross, heart, briar, wild rose, thorn crown, rose, and grapevine in connection with sources I was able to consult and with the Slovak and Ruthenian folk artists in Cleveland whom I interviewed. The cross, both the symbol and sign expressing the traditional concepts of Christ's death and resurrection, was the most frequent ornament used in the decoration by my informants. Its twelve variants, (45) representing the full range of cultural and ethnic connotations, were intentionally used by the majority of my informants in order either to express their religious affiliation or to stress their ethnic backgrounds. Thus , the Latin cross was consistently used by the informants of the Roman Catholic religion while the members of the Byzantine Catholic Rite expressed their religious beliefs with the Byzantine Catholic Cross and with the words "Christos Voskres" (i.e., �48 SLOVAKIA "Christ is risen"). The Greek Cross, with its vertical and horizontal beams of equal length , was used very often interchangeably with the crosses of St. Andrew (i.e., an "X" or " Y" cross) "because all three crosses are easy to draw in any direction and combination with other ornaments. " In a like manner, the Cross of St. Anthony (i.e. , a cross in the form of a "T") and the Maltese Cross were employed primarily for their formal-decorative aspects. The so-called Apostolic Cross, represented by a long vertical beam and by two horizontal beams placed in the upper half of the cross, brought about some implications of ethnic-cultural symbology. While this cross is an official religious symbol of the Byzantine Catholic Church, it is at the same time also partly related to the Slovak national emblem (i.e. , an Apostolic Cross upon the " peak" of a threesome " mountain range " ). This, at any rate interesting aspect, presented no problems in connection with my informants of the Byzantine Rite faith and eastern Slovak background. For them, the cross was both " Slovak " and also " Byzantine"; however, for my informants of western Slovak ancestry or origin, the cross was always of " Slovak " connotation. The informants of Ruthenian provenience stressed that ''the cross was an emblem of their religion" and asked me " to state this clearly when I write about 'their Easter eggs'.'' This , on first sight trivial emphasis upon ethnic or cultural aspects, may not be easily understood by citizens of a large country like the United States. Had one, however, studied the history of the Slovaks , Sub-Carpathians , Huculs , Lemkos, and other small ethnic groups of central Europe , he would see why there is a strong emphasis on esoteric elements in the folklore of these groups. The heart, a universal symbol of love, is prominent in central and western Slovakia. Used frequently both in folk art designs and in Christian symbology as well, the symbol and ornament of the heart developed, in my opinion , from two different traditions . The first tradition of heart symbols has roots in the so-called " spiritual love ," while the second tradition is linked with the so-called " erotic love." Spiritual love is represented in Christian symbols either by a heart with a burning flame on its top and a crown of thorns placed about it or by the so-called "Lumen Christi" (i.e ., Paschal candle) with fire burning "upwards" or "spiritually." The second tradition of love symbolism , " erotic love ," is more evident in folk art and customs . The aspect of erotic love permeates several customs of the S~avic and Balkan areas, among them especially the customs of " Kore ," " Kostrubonko," and " Morena" in which, usually , an effigy of straw is set afire and thrown into the river . These customs , in essence animistic equations of Notteuer , represent fire as a male element moving downwards toward water or the female element. (46) In folk art, both "spiritual" and " erotic" fire s are frequently connected with the symbols of "suffering love " (i.e ., the thorn crown in its spiritual aspect; rose-and-briar in the " worldly" aspect of love). (4 7) After an examination of the literary �SLOVAKIA 49 sources with the evidence from Cleveland, I came to the conclusion that the "heart-rose-briar" composition ("heart-tulip " version in Slovakia) symbolizes among the Slovaks only "spiritual love." This interpretation is self-evictent in connection with the wood-carved cemetery crosses in central Slovakia, with the fireplace paintings in western Slovakia, and with the works of some of my informants in Cleveland. An investigation into the relative directions in the "movement" of individual ornaments reveals that the elements of "twisting" and "knots" are symbolically opposing the "branching" or "open structures" in every vertical composition. The verticallyoriented "twisting," especially when terminated with a "love knot," symbolizes in folk tradition a "suffering kind of erotic love" while the "branching" or "open structure" is a sign symbol of parent-to-child love. In an examination of forty illustrative plates in the work Mal'ovane ohnistia v oblasti Malych Karpat (Decorated Fireplaces in the Little Capathian Region) by Rudolf Bednarik I found no single instance of the so-called "twisting" or " knots " in connection with the western Slovak "fireplace sub-culture." In a like manner, only "open branching" is evident on the cemetery crosses in central Slovakia, shown in the book Eudove nahrobniky na Slovensku. (48) The carving upon the crosses, in addition, shows also genetic and historical development in the ornament-to-symbols direction. The date carved directly on the vertical beam of a cross indicates the year of 188(-), with the last digit illegible because of decay. This cross has no symbolic connotation as yet. Its tulips grow up out of a flower pot rather naturally, and as such they are only an ornament. (49) Another cross at the same cemetery, dated 1928, is evidently an advanced version of the older cross in its ornament-symbol relationship. (50) Its symbolism is expressed in the form of tulips branching upwards from a heart . The "spiritual character" of love is here symbolized, in my opinion, by the "open branching" of the tulip, and, I think, the entire arrangement can be interpreted as suggesting the everlasting love of the deceased toward his living relatives. Now, how does this spiritual and wordly love relationship score with the other folk art products in Europe and in America? Is there any evidence of an ornament-to-symbol orientation among folk artists in more recent times? A little wooden shovel, to start with, was decorated by one of my informants in Cleveland. This shovel may be considered as an intermediary stage between the ornaments symbolizing spiritual and erotic love. Representing the so-called ''medovnikove srdce'' (i.e., " marzipan heart") flanked by two schematized roosters, the ornamental arrangement on the little shovel still preserves some traces of spiritual love (i.e. , the two tulips branching from the heart), but the presence of the roosters suggests already "another aspect" of love. This aspect, I think, is stressed even more by the traditional meaning of the marzipan heart in Slovakia since such a heart was given by a boy �50 SLOVAKIA only to the girl whom he intended to marry. In like manner, the egg made by Mrs. J . B. also shows an intermediary character, this time in connection with the genetic flower pot-to-heart development (i.e., from naturalism to symbolism). There is a remarkable likeness between this egg and an egg shown by A. Vaclavik. (51) This likeness suggests that the polygenetic trend in motifs is not restricted to folk narratives only. Two eggs decorated by one of my informants in Cleveland belong also to the intermediary zone between spiritual and wordly love. One of the eggs , a vertical rendition of "twisting" and "open branching," looks almost like a combination of the rose-and-briar motif of AngloAmerican traditional balladry and of tulip-branching of western Slovak wall-painting. The other egg, elaborated horizontally with only one garland of roses and green leaves slightly above the middle of eggshell, already suggests a higher spiritualization, but this is only an impression. It seems that the most recent ornaments whether created by my informants or by folk artists in Slovakia remained only ornaments. With the exception of the most self-evident symbols like the cross, the heart, and the thorn crown, one of my informants did not know why he put together, for example, the horizontally-arranged grapevine motif with wild roses superimposed upon the grapevine branches. Except the swastika and "sun circles," the other ornaments also described in connection with the types and motifs above are taken by the majority of my informants for face value only. So, for example, Mrs. Korlatovic considered the cobweb, the sieve, and the rake only as a cobweb, a sieve, or a rake, and nothing else. The swastika, treated extensively by M. Gavazzi, (52) was for my informants either "an emblem of the Nazis" or "a garden sprinkler" whenever presented in the "round form.'' Only the informants with formal art training were able to recognize the ' 'ancient symbol of a moving sun'' (53) behind the forms of "windmill wings or clover leaves" of the swastika. The "sun circles," (54) used by my informants in one form or another, were recognized by Mrs. Jana Mad'ar "as a Slovak ceiling decoration," but only Dr. Cincik was familiar with the ancient meaning of this ornament. Theory of design in folk art, like its counterpart in fine arts, is a matter of interpretation in the first place. yonsidered with general concepts of art, designs in folk art may be examined in the terms of form and content, as stated above. Linked to the diachronic study, these designs may reveal some social, economic, cultural, or psychological conditions. Folk art, when contrasted with fine arts, shows a high occurrence of borrowing, repetition, use of conventional themes, plagiarism, and disregard for spontaneity and originality. In the past, folk art was thought to be linked to the preservation and reproduction of life by magical and natural means. At present, folk art seems to lose more and more of its magic character. Hand in hand with the new and more realistic approaches to the problems of life, folk art tends today to emphasize stylistic and formal elements, such as or- �SLOVAKIA 51 nament and decoration attained by mere technical means (i.e., relief techniques). Generally, it seems that folk art design moved originally away from naturalism tow~rd schematization. Its present tendency is toward self-explanatory and self-evident symbolism (i.e., a flower pot exchanged by a heart). When, however, certain general symbols were removed out of anunstressed situation, they became localized within a new and stronger situation and acquired a new meaning (i.e., the Apostolic Cross became the Slovak or Eastern Byzantine Cross). According to conventional aesthetics, symbolism giving content to the form should be thought of as a ''higher level'' in the understanding of artistic creations. In folk art, on the contrary, symbolism was more evident in the ancient and relatively more primitive cultures. With the exception of the most self-evident symbols of the cross and heart, symbolism is almost absent from the recent folk creations. Is this a paradox? No, it is only a fact which suggests that sophisticated and folk culture are two different entities, and so also are conventional aesthetics and folk art ''aesthetics.'' Techniques of egg decoration play an important part in the diachronic-synchronic study of folklore transmission. Thought of in the terms of materials and tools used, these techniques are identified as painting, batiking, scratch-carving, embossing, (with related techniques of inlaying, ribboning, and hammering), and tying. (55) Considered in their relationship to the predetermined use of eggs, these techniques are primarily of a conservational character. There are, however, some techniques of preparatory character which are either considered as preliminary steps for proper decoration of eggs or thought of as techniques in their own right. In order to avoid unnecessary repetition, I want first to consider the preparatoryconservational egg decoration · techniques. To start with, painting or coloring of eggs requires "completely clean hands (and) implements." (56) According to Zibrt, the egg must be "at least three days old in order to 'catch' color, (and it should be) slightly heated in order to retain wax. (57) Several informants, quoted by Zibrt and Vaclavik, stress that "lukewarm rain water" (58) is the best for the cleaning of eggs. Then the eggs are either blown out of the eggshells, or cooked in clean water or with any coloring substance whenever they should be decorated later and used as decorative articles at home or as presents for the others. On the other hand, the eggs are either cooked together with onion skin, tea leaves, or other food coloring substances whenever they should be consumed during Easter holidays, or else "scratched-carved" after cooking. These preparatory techniques are gen·e rally known all over the Slavic area. There is, however, a rather restricted technique of a conservational character employed consistently by Mrs. Korlatovic. According to this technique, raw eggs are decorated with batik, and when dry, the eggs are covered with a thin layer of special shellac. This prevents spoilage, adding a bit �52 SLOVAKIA of mirrorlike gloss. Let us now describe and examine the decorative techniques. The first technique of painting is, in essence, the simple application of the technique employed in other forms of folk art, such as wall painting, pottery and ceramics, painting of household implements, and painting on glass. The technique, "gaining momentum recently especially in northern Slovakia," (59) consists of direct application of oil or water paints on eggs. Although mentioned by Zibrt and Vaclavik, this technique is not very important in over all transmission of Easter customs from Europe to America, and only one of my informants in Cleveland used it extensively. Batik technique, on the other hand, is the most important and widespread technique in egg decoration. Mentioned often by several Slavic and non-Slavic authors, (60) this technique is of an ancient origin. Its existence is known all over the Slavic area, and its popularity is unquestioned also among my informants in Cleveland (See Figs. 1,2,3,5, and 6). The technique itself is based fundamentally on a principle similar to offset printing. Decoration by means of this technique is, therefore, attained in such a way that the parts of the eggshell are covered with wax heated in the tiny cup of voskovacka (i.e., waxing pen), and the egg is then immersed and tinted in a light water color. After removal of the egg from the first color, and when the egg is dry enough, the wax is wiped off thoroughly with a warm rag. (61) Then the egg is, again, "painted" with wax, "bathed" in another somewhat darker color, removed, dried and wiped. These steps are repeated until the egg attains the desired design composition (See Fig. 9) Scratch-carving, after batik the most popular technique in Slovakia, is known also among my informants. Related and similar to woodcarving, this technique is generally linked with the eastern type egg design in general and with the so-called "salasnicka kultura" (i.e. pastoral culture) in particular. According to Vaclavik, the drawback of this technique ' 'is hard work, more time-c~nsuming than with wax(batiked) eggs." (62) Only well-seasoned artists are able to work with this technique successfully. As mentioned above, all my informants are familiar with this technique, but only Mrs . Molchak was willing to scratch carve eggs during my stay in Ohio. Folk artists in Europe use for scratch carving "file or awl, knife, (but) most frequently the point of laid-away razor blades." (63) In America, on the contrary, the most popullar implement for this technique is the so-called "skrabacka" (lit., scraper), an awl made of hard steel and having a pencil-like wooden or metallic handle. The egg, decorated in this technique by Mrs. Molchak was made with the skrabacka. Embossing, inlaying, ribboning, hammering, and tying are basically complementary techniques. Linked with each other both in Europe and in America, these techniques are employed in order to �SLOVAKIA 53 variegate the relief of egg's surface by raising the parts of eggshell. In my opinion, however, only embossing and tying are techniques in their own right. Techniques of inlaying, ribboning, and hammering, on the contrary, are mere adaptations of each other as to the material used. Embossing is a technique ih which the egg's surface is raised by permanent application of heavy coat of wax. This technique , in spite of how effective it looks, is not widespread because, in addition to being hard to work the ''relief peels off easily and melts away in warm weather." (64) Traditional specimens with this technique were made with an application of ''red or blue wax'' upon eggshell, or of '' black wax" upon a red-tinted egg. Embossing of eggs is, according to Vaclavik, "known in Moravia, in westernmost Bohemia, and in Bulgaria.'' (65) Only one of my informants in Cleveland (Mrs. Molchak) works with this traditional technique to any great extent. Inlaying, as the first of the three techniques (consisting of inlaying, ribboning, and hammering), is relatively restricted because it depends very much on the skill of a folk artist. In its European version, this technique is represented by two major variants, the so-called "pasted eggs" and "straw eggs." The "pasted eggs," known both in western Slovakia and in Moravia under the names of "birds" and "doves ," are decorated with paper of different colors and shapes . The results of such activity are "birds" with the body made of the egg, and with the head, feet, tail, and wings made of paper. (66) The "straw eggs, '' on the other hand, are manufactured with a technique in which pieces of colored straw are pasted directly upon the eggshell. This mosaic-like work requires great skill and patience. It is fundamentally a variant of a cabinet making technique in which pieces of straw are also used in decoration of furniture'.s frontispieces. (67) Inlaying, of course, can be carried out in a wide range of combination and of materials used. This aspect, however, will be referred to later in connection with the American counterparts of this technique. Ribboning is, according to Vaclavik, "a further (and) more recent variant (of) sitinovani.' ' (68) Widespread in northern Slovakia, ribboning consists of pasting little garlands on both ends of the egg, and tying the ribbons of different colors and widths around the middle. (69) Among my informants, only Miss Petrushka uses this technique in a form described by Vaclavik, while Mrs. Mad'ar uses this technique in its simpler variant of "string-lacing." Hammering, .the last close relative of inlaying and ribboning, is a very old technique. According to Cesky casopis historicky, (70) hammering is documented as early as 1415. Folk artists working with this technique use most "often blown out goose eggs (and embellish) them with metallic rings, flower and animal motifs. (71) With the exception of Miss Petrushka, none of my informants in Cleveland worked with this technique. Tying of eggs, as a technique in its own right, is now restricted to �54 SLOVAKIA the vicinity of Mikulov in Moravia. (72) However, owing to evidence from Cleveland, I will examine this technique in somewhat more detail than the others. According to the data gathered from other studies and from my informants, the egg is decorated with this technique when it is immersed into strong vinegar in order to soften it and then it is tied about the middle in order to acquire a shape of a written number 8. From a practical viewpoint, this technique seems merely to complement the other seven techniques mentioned before. But as mentioned above, tying becomes a technique in its own right for technological and other reasons. First of all, no attempts were made in other techniques to change the chemical composition of the eggshell to such an extent that it would become pliable. Then, in its interpretative aspect, I think that this technique also suggests another important point. As mentioned before, economic factors play a part in the work of folk artists in Europe and in America as well. One can see this in connection with the multifold use of tools both for general household chores and in the use of the terms with which folk artists unequivocally stress how carefully one should work, for example, with razor blade ''in order to prevent breaking of the eggshell." (73) Now, let us consider this project in the situation of which I was an eyewitness during an exposition of the art work of Miss Petrushka. At this exposition, Miss Petrushka startled the attending public when she let fall a jewelled egg as if accidentally, but the egg bounced up without damage. At my question of how this elasticity of the eggshell was attained, Miss Petrushka answered only in part. She told me that she learned this secret from her father, a folk artist also, but otherwise declined to elaborate on or describe the procedure or the chemical reaction by which the elasticity of egg was brought about. I am no chemist, but in view of Vaclavik' s investigation of the "tying egg technique," I think that the process by which Vaclavik's informants brought about the softening of eggs and the process by means of which miss Petrushka was able to induce elasticity to jewelled eggs\are at least partly related to each other. As to the other side of this problem, there is no doubt that her polite refusal to answer my question was motivated by economic reasons, a sort of private patent protection. With respect to the other techniques, I have observed that my informants combine the relief techniques into one. Conversely, embossing in this "modern" version is carried out in connection with inlaying, ribboning, hammering, painting, batiking, and scratch carving. My informants used for this "new technique," in addition to wax, also dough, cultured pearls, wire of various thicknesses, aluminum foil cut in the form of small leaves and flowers, silk and samite, tiny sequins and beads, marzipan, and confetti in baking and regular varieties. This range of materials used is still not a complete one. And this technique, whether considered as one or separately in agreement with its more traditional counterparts, shows that the �SLOVAKIA 55 variety in products manufactured by my Slovak and Ruthenian informants in Cleveland is very wide. At its specific plane, this variety moves from the work of humble folk artists up almost to Faberge's level. (74) The Americanized technique, which includes a number of European traditional techniques , supports the hypothesis of a forwardreverse relationship beh,xeen techniques and implements used in egg decoration . While the number of tools in Europe shrinks , and the implements are frequently interchanged for economic reasons with those in overall household use , the techniques in Europe were held as separate entities in rather restricted areas, again, I believe, mainly to lower cost and to use only locally available materials . In America the situation seems to be reversed. The implements used exclusively for egg decoration here seem to gain ground . The techniques, as seen above , tend to lose individuality and become more and more incorporated into a larger whole. This again, in my opinion , is because of economic reasons . Ame rican folk artists have no difficulty in obtaining locally everything needed for egg decoration. The choice of products in America permits American folk artists to follow their interests to a greater degree than their European counterparts in the past. No matter whether these interests are of an aesthetic nature or whether they are conditioned by profession , economic aspects of buying and selling as well as of the conditions underlying the choice of raw materials and tools are ever present and important. The custom involving Easter eggs consisted in Slovakia of two basic parts: decoration of the eggs carried out in individual families, and use of eggs as presents for the young men performing showers and whippings. Both the showering and whipping as well as the egg decoration were historically documented , according to Cenek Zibrt, as early as the 14th century. (75) The decoration of Easter eggs , as the first part of this custom , has continued for over six hundred years, and no wonder that the Slovak and Ruthenian immigrants brought this custom also to the United States. According to my investigation in Cleveland, it was carried on by the first generation of Slovak immigrants in America. Only single young men used to perform showers and whippings in Slovakia. The first Slovak immigrants in America, to begin with , were in most cases married men who came to the United States to earn money and either to return home or to bring their families here at a later date. The way of life in the United States, to continue, was conditioned by an Anglo-Saxon heritage, and as such it had no ready-made accommodations for such strange customs as whipping and showering. This custom was practiced in Slovakia on Easter Monday and Tuesday , both days being either a religious (i.e., Easter Monday) or traditional (i.e., Easter Tuesday) holiday. Linked together, these three aspects support the thesis that the no-holiday character of these two post-Easter days was the primary cause that brought about disappearance of showering and whipping in the United �56 SLOVAKIA States. The secondary cause for this disappearance was the fact that the Slovak immigrants were unwilling to continue with a custom that might have brought about ridicule from the more sophisticated segments of the American population. (76) The third cause might have been owing to changed environmental conditions. While rural life in Slovakia posed no difficulties to young men performing showers or whipping, urban life in America brought about some restrictions as to where, for example, the custom of showering could have taken place. In Slovakia this custom was usually performed either in the backyard or in the garden. In America, there were in most cases no places to perform the custom without damage to the interior of the house or, if the showering were performed in the street, without interference with law and order. The second part of the custom, involving the Easter eggs as presents in exchange for showering and whipping, had therefore either to disappear completely or to acquire a new meaning. Because of contact with other ethnic and cultural groups, this part of the custom took the road of incorporation within another cultural context. (77) Thus the Roman Catholic Slovak immigrants retained the custom of egg decoration as practiced in Slovakia; however, the second part of this custom involving Easter eggs as presents for the young men performing the whipping and showering either disappeared completely or was adjusted in order to suit the new situation. On the other hand, the Slovaks of the Byzantine Rite, (78) together with the Ruthenians and Ukrainians proper, did not change the first part of the custom (i.e., decoration of eggs) at all. But a slight change took place among them in the exchange of eggs as compared with eastern Slovakia and Ruthenia. While, according to Greek Catholic usage, a simple form of exchange among the relatives and neighbors used to take place in Europe, eastern Slovaks and Ruthenians in America decorate eggs now either for sale or for exchange with the other church members. The sale itself could be of two kinds: a simple sale for personal profit and a sale to fellow church members with the proceeds donated to the church. The second and third generations of thf Slovak Roman Catholic immigrants in Cleveland retained the "new approach" of the first generation regarding the revision of the custom involving Easter showers and whipping. Together with the eastern Slovaks and Ukrainians, the Roman Catholic Slovaks also adopted the changes of basic techniques, tools, terminology, and economy with respect to Easter customs and decorated eggs in particular. But this is, again, a matter concerning the other aspects of egg decoration, and as such it was either treated in connection with the individual aspects of egg decoration or it will be touched upon in the last part of this article. In the final analysis, one could see that change manifested itself in the various aspects of egg decoration more frequently than its corollary or continuity. With the exception of designs and tools of general use �SLOVAKIA 57 (both of which remained almost unaltered), changes occurred in coloring substances, techniques, customs involving decorated eggs, and in the tools used exclusively in egg decoration. However, as shown above in connection with individual aspects of egg decoration, these changes were always of different character and extent, and were brought about for different reasons. Thus, there was, on the one hand, a complete change from the.traditional home-made coloring substances (79) to the commercially available coloring kits in America. (80) There were, on the other hand, less evident, but still important, changes in techniques, customs, and tools of specific character. Placed side by side, both techniques and special tools show trends of adding and subtracting in a folktale-like manner. As in the study of folktales, one could observe that "two or more tales (are stringed) together," (81) the techniques which existed in Slovakia and in the Ukraine as separate entities were brought together by the folk artists in America and incorporated into one general technique. The opposite trend, again as in folktales, was evident in connection with the tools used exclusively in egg decoration when the "adding of detail(s)" occurred in the New World either owing to modernization of older tools or because of the introduction of new implements. The two-fold change took place, according to my observation, in customs involving Easter eggs. As mentioned, the custom of whipping and showering disappeared in America. The custom of giving Easter eggs as presents to the others was, on the contrary, retained, but its complete change was evident among the western and central Slovak immigrants while only a slight change as to its practical application was recorded among the eastern Slovaks and Ruthenians in Cleveland. (82) What were 1:he reasons behind these changes and why were certain aspects of egg decoration more amenable for alteration than others? As mentioned elsewhere in this paper, the motives for changes in various aspects of egg decoration can be attributed to folk "aesthetics," economy, and to the impact of culture contact with the other ethnic groups in America. Since no fingerprint evidence exists as to the cross-influence between "aesthetics," economy, and impact of culture contact, on the one hand, and the aspects of egg decoration, on the other, my interpretation of the motives leading to the changes in egg decoration is only a tentative one. I believe that the formation of concepts concerning ''aesthetics'' in the European version of egg decoration was brought about by the availability of materials and tools, in the first place. Artistic endeavors of European egg decorators were, in my opinion, conditioned by the initial cost of egg decoration. European folk artists, therefore, either manufactured the tools and coloring substances at their homes or used only locally available materials in order to save on transportation costs. American folk artists, on the other hand, seem to be concerned more with the sale of finished products, and make every effort to sell their products either for �58 SLOVAKIA money or for recognition ; hence, in order to do so, they are forced "to make saleable products" and "to protect their inventions." The worries about qualitative expression compel American egg decorators to buy new tools and to adapt traditional techniques to new needs . Even the custom involving decorated eggs, as an aspect of Easter eggs, was influenced to the greatest extent by culture contact with the other ethnic groups , is currently conditioned by economic artistic considerations . (83) Continuity, holding opposite side to the change in transmission, is evident in the use of general household implements and in designs. As to the tools, this rule of continuity is caused by the fact that knives, spoons, and needles, to mention just some of these items, are bought or used in Europe and in America along similar lines. Designs, in my opinion, seem to be stable elements in egg decoration because they have the most striking visual impact and are also formulaically and repetitively-oriented to a high degree. Seen altogether, both change and continuity exist side by side in the aspects of egg decoration as they exist both in folk art and in culture itself. This fact, being undeniable proof that egg decoration represents a part of the overall culture, is also testimony that the decoration of eggs as a form of folk art is governed by the laws governing culture itself. Easter eggs, therefore , like culture, are a unique human phenomenon, socially shared and transmitted, (84) this time by the Slovaks and Ruthenians in Cleveland, Ohio. Reprinted from Journal of Popular Culture (Summer 1970) IV:l, pp. 155-193, with permission of Dr. Ray B. Browne. FOOTNOTES (1) Cf. Cenek Zibrt, Vesele chvile v iivote lidu ceskeho. Prague : Vysehrad, 1950, p. 251. According to Zibrt, the term 'Easter eggs' was known already in the 14th century, but originated long before that time . (2) Cf. Antonin Vaclavik, Vyrocni obyceje a lidove umeni. Prague : Ceskoslovenska akademie ved, 1959, p . 261. Vaclavik's informants in Moravia think that Easter eggs exist "from the very beginning " and several of his informants " maintain that the decoration of eggs started in Slovakia." (p . 262). In Vaclavik ' s opinion , the term " Slovakia" should be applied to the region alongside the Slovak-Moravian border only . (3) Cf. Kazimierz Moszyiiski, Kultura Ludowa Slowian. Cracow, 1939. CF . also Rudolf Bednarik , Duchovna kultura slovenskeho l'udu. Turciansky Sv. Martin, 1941 . (4) Cf. Vaclavik, pp. 259-580 ; cf. Zibrt, passim. (5) Cf. Note No. 6 below. (6) This fi eldwork was carried out by the author between March 18 and April 2, 1969. Thirty informants of Slovak and Ruthenian descent were interviewed. In addition to extensive tape-recordings and note-taking, the author took photographs tracing the individual steps of egg decoration (black and white as well as color slides) . Most of this material, containing also 17 actual eggs, is stored and available for consultation in the Archive of the Center for Comparative Folklore and Mythology at the University of California , Los Angeles. �SLOVAKIA 59 (7) Used as holders of blown-out eggs or as devises for the lengthwise partitioning of , such eggs . (8) Rubber bands may belong to either of the two groups. Used at times only for partitioning of egg surfaces, rubber bands may be stretched lengthwise diagonally, or latitudinally , and reused as any implement of the group one . At other times , rubber bands can be pasted around the eggs in order either to obtain embossing or to hold other items used in egg decoration , such as ribbons , colored sections of straw, or aluminum foil. Used this way, rubber bands belong to group two . For the specimens made either with ~krabai!ka or with sharp-pointed knife, see R. Bednarik, pp. 95-6. A dark-green egg, made by Mrs . Molchak and donated to this collection at U.C .L.A ., was decorated with ~krabai!ka. For an English treatment of eggs made with egg-carving technique, see Alfred L. Shoemaker, Eastertide in Pennsylvania, pp. 50-62. (9) (10) Cf. Zibrt, p. 257. (11) Cf. Vaclavik, pp. 267-8. (12) The most modern specimen of uoskouai!ka is now available commercially. I bought one in the store of Mr. Rudenskij, 5432 State Road, Parma, Ohio, for $1.00. This specimen is now stored in the Archive F.M .G. at U.C.L.A. (13) As to the specific tools used exclusively for egg decoration, it is ahnost certain that some changes may have occurred in the Old World owing to new developments in culture and technology. This aspect, however, cannot be treated here because my evidence is fragmentary about it. (14) Cf. Zibrt, p . 251. (15) Cf. Ibid ., p. 255 . Cf. also Vaclavik, pp . 267-8. (16) Interview with Mrs . Mad'ar (17) Zibrt , p . 253 . (18) Ibid. (19) For description of etching, see Vaclavik , pp . 268, 275 . (20) Interview with Mrs. Molchak . (21) Interview with Mrs. Pap. (22) " Pryzyly " is a sort of reddish substance used for tinting (Cf. Zibrt, p . 252). "Kampeska" is a commercially-acquired " wood chip" coloring (Zibrt, p. 253). (23) Vaclavik, p . 269 . (24) Cf. Ibid. For a description of scratch carving, see Shoemaker, p. 51. (25) Zibrt, p . 255. (26) Vaclavik, p. 267. (27) Note Fig. No . 1, 2, 3, and 5. The photographs mentioned are on file in the Archive of the Center for Comparative Folklore and Mythology, U .C.L.A. (28) Vaclavik, p . 267 . (29) Interview with Mr~. Molchak . (30) Vaclavik, p . 376. (31) Cf. Ibid ., pp . 338-9. For a summary concerning the western type of egg decoration, see Ibid . , p . 523 . (32) Ibid ., p. 338 . (33) Cf. Ibid ., p. 287 and Plate LXXVII (upper part) . (34) Cf. Ibid ., p . 338 and Plate LV . �60 SLOVAKIA (35) Cf. Ibid., p. 338. (36) Cf. Ibid . (37) Cf. Ibid., p. 339. (38) Cf. Bednarik, pp. 206-208. (39) Cf. Ibid., Plate 75. Cf. also Moszyiiski, p. 916. (40) Cf. R. Bednarik, Pastierske rezbarske umenie, passim., but especially Plates No. 55, 79, 142, 149, and 158. (41) Cf. Vaclavik, pp. 389 , 391, 393, and 395. (42) For prominent motifs in wall painting in western Slovakia, see R. Bednarik, Mal'ovane ohnistia v oblasti Malych Karpat, passim. For ''pastoral culture'' in central Slovakia , see Bednarik, Pastierske rezbarske umenie, passim. (43) Vaclavik, p . 376 . (44) Ibid ., 375. (45) R. Bednarik, Eudove nahrobniky na Slovensku, 57. (46) Cf. J. E. Cir lot, A Dictionary of Symbols, passim. (47) Cf. E. Haig, Floral Symbolism of the Great Masters, pp. 127-8. (48) Cf. R. Bednarik, Eudove nahrobniky na Slovensku, p . 73. Cf. also Bednarik, Mal'ovane ohnistia v oblasti Malych Karpat, plates 1-40. (49) Cf. Bednarik, Eudove nahrobniky na Slovensku, p. 91. (50) Cf. Ibid ., p. 73. (51) Cf. Vaclavik, p. 346 (left side) . (52) Cf. M. Gavazzi, "Svastika i njezin ornamentalni razoj na uskrsnim jajima sa Balkana,'' Zbornik za narodni Zivot i obyc:aje juinih Slavena, XXVII, 1-24. (53) Cf. Gavazzi, Op. Cit., passim. (54) Cf. Alan Dundes, ed., The Study of Folklore, p. 387. (55) For a detailed description of these techniques, see Vaclavik, pp. 267-72. (56) Ibid., p. 267. (57) Zibrt, pp. 252-3. (58) Vaclavik, p. 267; also Zibrt, op. cit., passim. (59) Interview with Mrs. Mad'ar. (60) Cf. Vaclavik, p. 268; Zibrt, op. cit., passim., but especially 251 ff. (61) Cf. Vaclavik, p . 267. (62) Vaclavik, p. 269. (63) Vaclavik, p. 269. (64) Ibid. (65) Ibid. (66) Cf. Vaclavik, p . 269, and Plate XLV. (67) Cf. Ibid., pp. 269-70. Modern specimens made with this technique are shown on Plates XLIX and LXXV; furniture, Pl. LXIV. (68) Ibid ., p. 270. Sitinovani is a technique in which the core of Juncus is pasted upon the eggshell. (Juncus is the Latin term for a genus of olderly tree.) (69) Cf. Ibid . , p. 271. For specimens, see Ibid., p. 351. (70) Czech Historical Review , XXXIII, p. 278 . Cf. Vaclavik, pp. 271, 275. (71) Vaclavik, p. 271. �SLOVAKIA 61 (72) Cf. Ibid., pp. 271-2. (73) Ibid., p. 269. (74) For a treatment of Faberge,. work, see Venetia Newall, "Easter Eggs," Journal of American Folklore, LXXX (1967), 17 ff. (75) Cf. Note No. 1 above. (76) In connection with this point, I tried to elicit the opinions of my informants as to their feeling about whipping and showering. Only Mrs. Mad'ar, a recent immigrant from Slovakia, "hopes that her husband and sons will shower her, but with perfume only." Mrs. Molchak, on the other hand, is against any sort of showering in spite of the fact that the "young boys used to shower her in Pennsylvania." The boys, according to Mrs. Molchak, refused to take any eggs as presents for showering; if they did so, the others "would laugh." Mrs. Pap, a Ruthenian by ethnic origin, considered the custom "without any religious significance." (77) Both the showering and whipping are basically western Slovak customs. In eastern Slovakia, these customs were almost unknown because the majority of the Eastern Slovak population is Greek Catholic. (78) Byzantine Rite Slovaks are in the majority in Cleveland, in comparison with the Roman Catholic Slovaks. In Slovakia, the situation is reversed: Roman Catholics form the majority of the population. (79) I.e., cooked spring rye, hay, coffee, clover leaves, parsley, tea, etc. Cf. also Notes 17 and 22 above. (80) According to Mrs. Mad'ar, coloring substances are now also available commercially in Slovakia; however, they are not used frequently, and they are not packed in exclusive egg decoration kits either. (81) According to Stith Thompson, folktales change by "adding a detail (and by) stringing two or more tales together." The Folktale, p. 436. (82) Because of the disappearance of showering and whipping, again as in folktales, ''one change (brings about others) to maintain consistency," Ibid. (83) I.e., eggs are now sold publicly in front of the church while in the past they were given for showering and whipping or in exchange for other eggs. (84) Cf. the works of Ruth Benedict, Franz Boas, and A. L. Kroeber, passim. INFORMANTS MRS. KORLATOVIC, an American of Ukrainian ethnic ancestry, is the daughter of Mr. and Mrs. Rudenskij, owners and operators of an export-import store in Parma, Ohio. Mrs. Korlatovic, the mother of two children and a teacher in a kindergarten near Parma, decorates Easter eggs mainly for sale in her parent's store; she also decorates ceramics. MRS. JANA MADAR, a recent immigrant to the United States, arrived in Cleveland on November 30, 1968. A native of Ruzomberok, central Slovakia, Mrs. Mad'ar is the mother l)f two sons, ages 21 and 20. Mrs. Mad'ar decorated several eggs for this project in the so-called ''painting'' and ''string-lacing'' techniques. MRS. SOPHIE MOLCHAK, an American of Slovak descent, was born in Regenstown, Pennsylvania. She is married to an American of Ukrainian origin and is the mother of six children. Three of her daughters, ages 18, 12, and 9, took an active part in egg decoration during the interviews. MRS. TANYA OSADCA, an Ukrainian by ethnic descent, immigrated to America after World War II. Living now with her family in Peninsula, Ohio, she started egg decorating and collecting in 1952, and at present she owns over 500 specimens. She also �SLOVAKIA 62 studies and collects material published on Easter eggs. Her husband, a psychiatrist at the Veterans Administration Hospital, is also a collector and folk artist specializing in ceramics and pottery. MRS. ANNA PAP, a Ruthenian by ethnic origin, was born in Roztok near the present CSSR-USSR border. Married to Dr. M. S. Pap and the mother of four children ages 17, 14, 11, and 5, Mrs. Pap arrived in the United States in 1933. In addition to her household duties, she is also director of the choir at the St. Mary' s Ukrainian Catholic Church. MISS PETRUSHKA is an American of Slovak descent and a native of Cleveland. An admirer of Slovak folk traditions and a student of Slovak ethnography, Miss Petrushka is the owner of an art studio on Shaker Boulevard, Cleveland. Her collages, collage boxes, and jewelled eggs are well-known all over the United States. During my stay in Cleveland, she held two successful expositions of her creations. DR. JOSEPH CINClK, 65, a Slovak immigrant, arrived in the United States in 1948. An ex-professor at the University of Bratislava and at present an art bibliographer in Cleveland, Dr. Cincik is the foremost expert on Slovak folk art. MR. VLADIMIR OZABAL, 60 , a native of western Slovakia and an ex-officer of the Slovak Army, immigrated to America after World War II . Now the supervisor of a division of the City Water Department in Cleveland , Mr. Ozabal is still working at various projects related to Slovak folk art . .,• "'~ ~:: '~ ., ' Fig. 1 - A typical arrangement of eggs , implements, and coloring substances used by Mrs. Zofia Molchak, an American-born Slovak folk artist working with batik technique in the western-type design. Note the heating plate used for wax melting, rubber bands employed for partitioning of eggs, and the glasses with coloring substances. �SLOVAKIA ~ .,. 63 .. ~ Mrs. Ann Pap, an American of Ruthenian ancestry, decorates eggs in the eastern-type design. Note: a candle is used as a source of melted wax and the most modern specimen of voskovacka, or kistka (" waxing pen") , is employed by Mrs. Pap in batiking of eggs . Fig. 2 - ( Fig. 3 - Mrs. Korlatovic, an American-born folk artist of Ukrainian ancestry, decorates eggs in the eastern style and batik technique for sale in her parents' store. �64 SLOVAKIA Partition of eggshells is carried out with stretched rubber bands. Note the modified " implements" (i .e., needles and pins pushed lengthwise into large kitchen matches, chopsticks, or wooden pencil handles) used in batiking and embossing. Fig. 4 - Fig. 5 - A candle as a source of wax in the batik technique. �SLOVAKIA 65 Fig. 6 - A typical instance of batik-embossing technique and of western-type design. Note the tear-like dots and lines , and the star motifs on both ends of the egg. Miss Sue Molchak, 18 , shown in this picture, decorates eggs every year together with her mother and two of her sisters. The daughter of Mr. Molchak, an American of Ukrainian descent, and of Mrs. Molchak, an American-born Slovak, Miss Molchak is typical of young folk artists who help old traditions permeate a new environment. �SLOVAKIA 66 Fig. 7 - Immersing of a freshly-batiked egg into coloring substance with the so-called " oko " (" eye" ). Fig. 8 - A spoon used for immersing and removal of eggs. �SLOVAKIA Fig. 9 - A typical egg batiked in the eastern-type design . Fig. 10 - Eggs painted and ' ·string-laced" by Mrs . Mad'ar. 67 �68 SLOVAKIA Miss Petrushka , an American-born Slovak, started egg decorating as a folk artist and continued egg decoration on a professional level. The egg shown in this picture is one of her jewelled creations presented at an exposition in Lakewood, Ohio . Fig. 11 - ... Examples of the so-called "Gesunkenes Kulturgut" in folk art - conventional art relationship. The jewelled eggs, shown in this picture, were decorated by Miss Petrushka who, according to her own words, learned "secrets" of egg decoration from her father, a Slovak folk artist . Fig. 12 - � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1976, Vol. 26 Description An account of the resource Vol. 26 (No. 49), 1976. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1976 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 40 SLOVAKIA Slovak and Ruthenian Easter Eggs in America: The Impact of Culture Contact on Immigrant Art and Custom ANDREW CINCURA University of California Decoration of Easter eggs, one of the most ancient calendar customs of the general Slavic area, (1) is still alive among the Slavic ethnic groups in Europe and America. Though there have been changes in the decoration of Easter eggs and in customs related to this form of folk art, Easter eggs are even now cherished by these groups as important and unaltered landmarks of the past. (2) The importance of Easter eggs has also been recognized in folkloristics. Although several Slavic and non-Slavic scholars have studied Easter eggs, either in connection with other disciplines, (3) or as part of a study of Slavic culture, (4) to my knowledge no scholar has studied the transmission of Slavic Easter egg decorative traditions from Europe to America. In this article, I want to briefly outline continuity and change of this transmission in connection with the Slavic and Ruthenian Easter eggs. (5) This is a pilot study based upon fieldwork among the Slovaks and Ruthenians in Cleveland, Ohio, (6) and will examine and interpret the data collected in the field in the terms of (a) implements and materials used in decoration of Easter eggs; (b) designs; (c) techniques of Easter egg manufacture; (d) customs involving decorated eggs. To begin with, the study of implements and materials used in egg decoration is concerned with technology and etymology. The implements employed in egg decoration belong basically to three groups. First, there are household implements, such as sharp-pointed knives, tin cooking utensils, dishes, glasses, spoons, glass jars, tin lids, electric heating plates, needles, brushes, pencils, awls, and baskets. Removed temporarily from their everyday use, these implements serve folk artists in egg decoration, usually without any special change as to the appearance and function of the implement in question. The second group of implements are represented by slightly modified household tools as, for example, needles and pins puslied lengthwise into large kitchen matches or into chopsticks (Figs. 1,4), sewing awls with attached thread, or thin wire (7), or rubberbands. (8). The third group consists of items bought or manufactured exclusively for egg decoration. This group is represented by three tools, oko, skrabacka, andpierko. The first of them, oko, (literally, "eye"), is an implement used either for immersion of eggs in, or for their removal out of, jars or glasses filled with water colors. The oko, consisting of two basic parts, SLOVAKIA 41 ring and handle, is made of one piece of relatively solid wire. The ring, as the first part of the implement, is made by the bending of wire into the form of a circle of a slightly smaller diameter than the maximal width of the egg. The handle, on the other hand, is formed by a sharp bend of wire at the point qf the completed circle and in about 120 degree slant to the plane rep'resented by the ring (Fig. 7). The oko was manufactured by Mr. and Mrs. Molchak in order "to prevent scratches on the surfaces of freshly batiked eggs whenever the eggs were immersed into containers or removed with a spoon.'' The second tool, skrabacka ("scraper"), is either a commercially-acquired or a homemade awl with a thin pencil-like wooden or metallic handle . The skrabacka, being alternately used with sharp-pointed knives, is the most important tool in the so-called "scratch-carving" technique. (9) The third tool used exclusively in egg decoration, pierko ("pen"), is called also brko (''quillpen'') in Slovakia. A modern variant of pierko is the voskovacka (literally, "waxing fountain-pen"). Basically an implement consisting of a pencil-like wooden handle and a tiny funnel-like metallic cup attached diagonally to the end of the handle, the voskovacka is the most important tool in egg decoration both in Europe and in America. Its more or less archaic specimens were described by Cenek Zibrt, (10) while the modern equivalents of voskovacka were briefly treated by A. Vaclavik. (11) With the exception of Mrs. Jane Mad'ar (shown in Fig. 10), all my informants in Cleveland used the most modern variant of voskovacka when decorating with the batik technique. (12) The tools of the first and second groups are used in decoration either without any change or with slight modification, and as such they are mentioned by most of the sources consulted for this paper both in the terms of technology and terminology. In Cleveland I observed that all implements belonging to these two groups are generally used in a fashion similar to their use in Europe. One may say that an extensive give-and-take exchange exists between the uses of these tools for everyday needs in the household and in egg decoration. In view of this, the tools of these two groups may be considered the most evident instances of continuity in transmission of this form of folk art from Europe to America. (13) As to etymology, the implements described in connection with the third group above (i.e., oko, skrabacka, and voskovacka) are important items in the tracing of historic-ethnic proveniences and the links in material aspects of Easter customs. The usefulness of these terms is evident if one accepts the thesis that there is no term in folk art for something that actually does not exist. (14) Thus, if Slovak terms skrabacka, pierko, and voskovacka have equivalents in all other Slavic languages, this is also a proof of antiquity and popularity of this special group of implements. (15) If, on the contrary, the term oko does not exist in its specific meaning, for example, in Slovak, this might suggest 42 SLOVAKIA that the implement itself does not exist materially in the Slovak ethnic territory either. If in spite of this , however, both the term and implement are present among the Slovaks in America, this is either because of borrowing from another ethnic group in America, or because of an individual's invention . Either way, it is rather convincing evidence of change that took place between the points of origin and American use of this tool. Mr. Molchak, an American of Ukrainian ancestry , told me that he had seen a similar implement "somewhere in Cleveland.'' This information, linked together with the fact that Mr. Molchak did not know the Ukrainian name of this tool, hints that the implement is of Ukrainian origin, but Mrs. Molchak, an American of Slovak ancestry, gave it a Slovak name. The household implements mentioned in connection with groups one and two above are , on the contrary, of no value for a study along ethnic-comparative lines. Although also known in all Slavic languages, these implements are of interchangeable use, and as such they may be present in the cultures unfamiliar with egg decoration. Examined in connection with the informants in Cleveland , the tools of all three groups are relevant for the study of Slavic-English aspects concerning their terminology. In general, a shift to favor English terminology was observable among all my informants without regard to ethnic or sex group or age. Persistence in usage of traditional Slavic terms was still visible in connection with the most recent immigrants. The American-born Slovak and Ruthenian informants, on the contrary, have shown a tendency to favor Slavic terms only in the cases when the implements were of frequent use at home and infrequently mentioned at school. For example, the childen of Mr. and Mrs. Molchak were well acquainted with the terms of pentlicka ("ribbon" in Slovak dialectical usage) or kistka ("waxing pen" in Ruthenian and Eastern Slovak usage) while the Anglo-American terms were consistently favored whenever the children spoke about knives, spoons, or canples. In essence, one can say that the Old World terms were dropped whenever their specific equivalents existed in English. On the other' hand, the Slavic terms were retained even by the American-born informants whenever neither objects nor terms were present in American culture. The second aspect of this study concerns the examination of materials used in egg decoration. Closely related to the study of implements, these materials are used for preparation of colors and the materials employed in the so-called ''relief techniques.'' Since the materials used in the relief techniques will be treated extensively later in this article, only the materials used in preparation of colors will be considered at this point. These materials, at any rate, are of utmost importance for the study of transmission of Easter eggs in its corollary aspect of change . Considered at the point of departure from Europe, these materials represent a medley of knowledge and notions · concerning chemistry, botany, and physics, at a folklife level. In America, SLOVAKIA 43 on the contrary, all coloring substances are commercially acquired in the form of "new coloring kits, easy to use" either in the so-called "Chick-chick plastic bag" or "Paint me" paper box varieties. In order to understand better the nature and extent of this change, let us examine the materials used for coloring and tinting of eggs first in their European form and then in connection with their American counterpart. According to the majority of my informants, "onions and tea leaves cooked together with eggs were used most often for coloring and tinting by our mothers in Europe , but also some 'other things ' may be used for this work." (16) Although unspecific as to the rest of tinting substances, the informants in Cleveland still gave me enough clues in order to continue with the study of this aspect in connection with the written sources. Thus, the "other things" mentioned by informants may have been: the overcooked "Spring rye, hay and coffee; clover leaves (tied to the eggs and cooked in the) extract of ... young grass (and) parsley" (17) for regular tinting, and "the cabbage 'acid' " (18) for 'etching' of parts of eggs not covered by wax. ( 19) In America, as stated, the tinting and coloring kits are bought. These kits, costing ''only a few dollars,'' (20) contain all basic colors in powder form. The coloring fluid is prepared ''by the mixing of the powder with hot water and vinegar," (21) according to specific directions for use. I have not seen any of my informants work with the etching technique; therefore, I mention it here only in order to stress its relative importance in Europe and its absence among my informants in Ohio. The linguistic aspect concerning the materials used for tinting and coloring is, in my opinion, important only in its European version. The terms used in identification of various tinting and coloring substances or materials are either well-known throughout the Slavic area or restricted to some small regions. The widely spread terms are, again like the terms denoting certain tools, an indication of popularity and presence of these materials and substances in the individual Slavic countries. On the other hand, the terms restricted to certain small regions are undeniable proof that the particular material was used only locally or regionally. This conclusion is based upon the fact that these terms are ''tinted'' with dialecticism to such an extent that they cannot be found in average dictionaries nor identified by those of my informants possessing rather advanced formal education in art history or folk art technology. So, for example, neither Dr. Cincik and Miss Petrushka nor Mrs. Osadca were able to give me any information on the terms of pryzyly or kampeska. (22) The commercially acquired American kits are of no value in the study of folk terminology in connection with materials used for tinting and coloring. As products of mass oriented manufacture, these kits reflect primarily an artificial interference with folk tradition. 44 SLOVAKIA What conclusions could be drawn from this short study of implements and materials used in egg decoration? The frequent use of household tools in egg decoration, to start with, suggests that decorated eggs have roots in a self-sustaining economy. Analyzed with respect to the European tradition, this hypothesis is indirectly supported by many statements of the authors consulted for this paper. Thus, according to Vaclavik, "a laid-away razor knife" (23) was frequently reshaped into a pin-pointed tool and used in the scratchcarving technique, (24) and "a pocket knife with a broken point" (25) was employed for the same purpose by Zibrt's informants. However, "an old spoon (with handle) thrust into the side of a beet-made candlestick" (26) is, perhaps, the most characteristic example of the selfsustaining character of tools in Easter eggs manufacture. This character is, nevertheless, still more pronounced in connection with materials used in egg tinting and coloring. There is almost no limit to the range of plants, materials, and techniques employed in traditional preparation of various colors and tints, as seen in the brief summary of the materials above. Examined in the terms of the American tradition, the hypothesis of a sustentacular relationship of economy and egg decoration still holds in connection with the frequent use of household implements in egg decoration in the United States. There is, however, a marked tendency to acquire more and more tools commercially and exclusively for egg decoration here. One can observe this trend, for example, in connection with the commercially-acquired specimens of voskovacka (waxing pen) or skrabacka (scraper), and in connection with the homemade oko (lit., "eye") manufactured by Mr. and Mrs. Molchak. On the other hand, a drift against the traditional self-sustaining ch'aracter of egg decoration is visible in the fact that all colors and tints are bought. The household implements and materials used in tinting and coloring, to continue, are often referred to in connection with the history of technology in general, and as such they may be relatively good timing and placing devices in establishing historicity and ethnicity of certain aspects in egg decoration custom. Among devices usable for this kind of study are almost all modern inventions, whether of general or restricted use, such as electric heating plates and the voskovacka (waxing pen in its most modem variant). In this connection, however, it is necessary to point out that only presence of modern implements is of value for an investigation along historical lines. Their absence, whether in pictorial representations or in written documents, is worthless, as one could easily see by a comparison of the photographs taken during the interview with Mrs. Molchak (an electric heating plate used for wax melting) and of Mrs. Pap and Mrs. Korlatovic (burning candles used as sources of melted wax). (27) The aspect o~ ethnicity, touched briefly in connection with the dialectical names of materials used in egg decoration, may be considered as a relatively safe testing device of SLOVAKIA 45 regional-ethnic provenience of certain terms and materials. As a corollary of technology; the inventiveness was indirectly implied in connection witp. the "beet-made candlestick," (28) with the multifold use of household implements, and with the intelligent handling of materials useJ traditionally for manufacture of colors and tints. In its traditional aspect, this inventiveness was brought about primarily by economic considerations. In its new American setting, it is perhaps, owing more to an "aesthetic" feeling of the folk artist. One can see this in two specific cases, such as the above mentioned oko by means of which my informants tried ''to avoid scratches'' on the freshly batiked eggs, (See Figs. 2,3, and 5) and in the concern of another informant "for the shameful results of her work with yellow color." (29) In the first case, Mr. and Mrs. Molchak made the oko; in the second instance, the informant decided "to search for the roots of trouble in order to heighten the quality of her work.'' However, this economic"aesthetic" difference between European and American tradition is a matter of interpretation. There is not a rigid dichotomy between "aesthetics" and economy either in Europe or in America, and there is no dichotomy between the Old World and New World inventiveness either. In summary, the study of implements and materials used in egg decoration is, at its descriptive level, concerned with technology and etymology. At an analytical level, this study may explain some aspects related to economy, inventiveness, historicity, ethnicity, and ''aesthetics.'' Nevertheless, the most important aspect of this study, I think, is in its investigation into continuity and change. As stated above, there is a partial continuity in the tools used in egg decoration both in Europe and in America. However, there is a complete change between the materials used traditionally in Europe and recently in America. The study of designs in folk art concerns primarily an investigation into the types and motifs. Both the types and motifs of folk art are often interchangeable with each other, as in folk narratives, and as such they resist any ready-made definitions. In general, the type may be thought of as the term denoting resemblances in combinations of symbols, signs, motifs, ornaments, and kinds of craftsmanship over a large area to such an extent that these resemblances cannot be ascribed to polygenesis. The motif, on the other hand, is "a graphically complete representation of a given fundamental form that manifests certain content.'' (30) Designs in decoration of Slavic Easter eggs belong to two fundamental types, the western and the eastern. The western type, comprising Poland, Bohemia and Moravia, the easternmost part of Slovakia, and Slovenia, is generally seen as a phenomenon limited in range of motifs, but possessing an exquisite craftsmanship. (31) This type of egg decoration is characterized, according to A. Vaclavik, "by 46 SLOVAKIA star motifs on both ends of egg(s) and by free setting of motifs on sides of egg.'' (32) The specimens of this type are obtained either by tear-like lines and dots (33) or by embossed ornamentation with wax or other suitable material. (34) The most frequent motifs connected with the western type are chains, sinuous lines, trees and branches, garlands, squares, hearts, birds, and rosettes. (35) The eastern type, on the other hand, is geographically restricted to the Ukraine, western Russia, the Sub-Carpathian Ukraine, and the parts of eastern Moravia and westernmost Slovakia. (36) Rich in color as well as in the number of subtypes, this type is characterized by linear ornamentation running over the egg surface vertically, horizontally, and diagonally. (37) The basic traits of the eastern type are traceable to Byzantine art and related to, and influenced by, the grass weaving, (38) embroidery, (39) and wood carving. (40) Because of this relationship, the eastern type is influenced by materials used. Its most frequent motifs seem to be cross, swastika, triangle, pentagram, hexagram, and various highly schematized ribbonlike motifs of lighting, thorns, ''ant and bee paths,'' "bird path," and fork and comb-like motifs. (41) My study in Cleveland showed that Vaclavik's conclusions concerning geographical distribution of these two basic types (i.e., the western and the eastern) are generally valid also in connection with the Slovak and Ruthenian immigrants in Ohio. Already by a cursory observation of the eggs collected or photographed in Cleveland for this project, one can see a remarkable difference between the eggs decorated by Mrs. Molchak, on the one hand, and Mrs. Pap and Mrs. Korlatovic, on the other. While Mrs. Molchak has an overall predilection for the western tear-like motifs, she is also fond of the embossed subtypes in egg decoration. Mrs. Pap, an adherent of the eastern types, decorates eggs characterized by balanced composition of geometrical elements, and by a wide range of colors. With the exception of an egg showing Christ risen from the dead, there is no egg decorated by Mrs. Pap that would suggest design influence from other ethnic groups in America. Mrs. Korlatovic, as another folk artist working with the eastern typological sphere df egg decoration, is also very conservative in approach to design change. Working to the minutest detail in a geometrical partition of the egg surface, Mrs. Korlatovic has attained what many folk artists would consider ''an ideal of perfection." Because of emphasis on mosaicity, the color aspects of her design are subordinated. Eggs decorated by Mrs. Korlatovic are beautiful seen close up; their colors and designs merge in an indefinite brownish hue when the eggs are seen, say, at a distance of 3 or 4 feet. The other informants are more or less an amorphous group as to their relationship to the western or eastern type of design. This group is primarily represented by Mrs. Jana Mad'ar. Mrs. Tanya Osadca, Miss Petrushka, Dr. Joseph Cincik, Mr. Vladimir Ozabal and three daughters of Mr. and Mrs. Molchak. With the exception of the last SLOVAKIA 47 mentioned three girls, who show a definite pro-western typological inclination (Note Fig. 6) , the other informants mentioned in this paragraph are " individuals " resisting any general classification as to typology in design. Some hints as to the preferences of this group may be traced from the study of motifs in the works and collection of this group . So, at any rate, sinuous lines are the favored motif of Mrs . Mad'ar both according to her own words as well as in accordance with her decoration (Fig. 10) . The motifs of tulips, hearts , roses , and birds evident in western Slovak wall-paintings are on the favored list of Dr. Cincik, of Mrs . Ozabal, and, to certain extent, also of Miss Petrushka. But both Miss Petrushka and Dr. Cincik prefer in their professional work a somewhat schematized design of '' pastoral culture,'' as does Mrs. Osadca in her hobby-oriented egg decoration . (42) On the whole, this group of folk artists is an excellent example of the mixed influences that characterize Slovak ethnic territory as to typology in egg decoration designs. All members of the group have roots in their native or ancestral cultures. With the exception of Mrs. Osadca , this group draws basically from the Western Slovak " fireplace decorating sub-type." But designs of this group merge to the central Slovak sub-types of wood carving and embroidery which, in tum , already shows some traces of the linear-geometrical character present in the eastern type of egg decoration. With a view to the types and motifs examined briefly above, the general concepts of designs in folk art may be analyzed in connection with the study of form and content elements as well. The corollaries of form and content, symbol, sign, and ornament, are mutually substitutive, according to one's point of view. Thus, let us say, an ornament considered under strictly formal attributes may be simply a decoration or embellishment. In its content evaluation, however, an ornament could have " an ideological meaning (issuing) from aesthetic concept(s) " (43) either as a sign representing a conventional idea or as a symbol expressing a basic (and) striking ... idea." (44) Let us now examine the most frequent and self-evident symbols, the cross, heart, briar, wild rose, thorn crown, rose, and grapevine in connection with sources I was able to consult and with the Slovak and Ruthenian folk artists in Cleveland whom I interviewed. The cross, both the symbol and sign expressing the traditional concepts of Christ's death and resurrection, was the most frequent ornament used in the decoration by my informants. Its twelve variants, (45) representing the full range of cultural and ethnic connotations, were intentionally used by the majority of my informants in order either to express their religious affiliation or to stress their ethnic backgrounds. Thus , the Latin cross was consistently used by the informants of the Roman Catholic religion while the members of the Byzantine Catholic Rite expressed their religious beliefs with the Byzantine Catholic Cross and with the words "Christos Voskres" (i.e., 48 SLOVAKIA "Christ is risen"). The Greek Cross, with its vertical and horizontal beams of equal length , was used very often interchangeably with the crosses of St. Andrew (i.e., an "X" or " Y" cross) "because all three crosses are easy to draw in any direction and combination with other ornaments. " In a like manner, the Cross of St. Anthony (i.e. , a cross in the form of a "T") and the Maltese Cross were employed primarily for their formal-decorative aspects. The so-called Apostolic Cross, represented by a long vertical beam and by two horizontal beams placed in the upper half of the cross, brought about some implications of ethnic-cultural symbology. While this cross is an official religious symbol of the Byzantine Catholic Church, it is at the same time also partly related to the Slovak national emblem (i.e. , an Apostolic Cross upon the " peak" of a threesome " mountain range " ). This, at any rate interesting aspect, presented no problems in connection with my informants of the Byzantine Rite faith and eastern Slovak background. For them, the cross was both " Slovak " and also " Byzantine"; however, for my informants of western Slovak ancestry or origin, the cross was always of " Slovak " connotation. The informants of Ruthenian provenience stressed that ''the cross was an emblem of their religion" and asked me " to state this clearly when I write about 'their Easter eggs'.'' This , on first sight trivial emphasis upon ethnic or cultural aspects, may not be easily understood by citizens of a large country like the United States. Had one, however, studied the history of the Slovaks , Sub-Carpathians , Huculs , Lemkos, and other small ethnic groups of central Europe , he would see why there is a strong emphasis on esoteric elements in the folklore of these groups. The heart, a universal symbol of love, is prominent in central and western Slovakia. Used frequently both in folk art designs and in Christian symbology as well, the symbol and ornament of the heart developed, in my opinion , from two different traditions . The first tradition of heart symbols has roots in the so-called " spiritual love ," while the second tradition is linked with the so-called " erotic love." Spiritual love is represented in Christian symbols either by a heart with a burning flame on its top and a crown of thorns placed about it or by the so-called "Lumen Christi" (i.e ., Paschal candle) with fire burning "upwards" or "spiritually." The second tradition of love symbolism , " erotic love ," is more evident in folk art and customs . The aspect of erotic love permeates several customs of the S~avic and Balkan areas, among them especially the customs of " Kore ," " Kostrubonko," and " Morena" in which, usually , an effigy of straw is set afire and thrown into the river . These customs , in essence animistic equations of Notteuer , represent fire as a male element moving downwards toward water or the female element. (46) In folk art, both "spiritual" and " erotic" fire s are frequently connected with the symbols of "suffering love " (i.e ., the thorn crown in its spiritual aspect; rose-and-briar in the " worldly" aspect of love). (4 7) After an examination of the literary SLOVAKIA 49 sources with the evidence from Cleveland, I came to the conclusion that the "heart-rose-briar" composition ("heart-tulip " version in Slovakia) symbolizes among the Slovaks only "spiritual love." This interpretation is self-evictent in connection with the wood-carved cemetery crosses in central Slovakia, with the fireplace paintings in western Slovakia, and with the works of some of my informants in Cleveland. An investigation into the relative directions in the "movement" of individual ornaments reveals that the elements of "twisting" and "knots" are symbolically opposing the "branching" or "open structures" in every vertical composition. The verticallyoriented "twisting," especially when terminated with a "love knot," symbolizes in folk tradition a "suffering kind of erotic love" while the "branching" or "open structure" is a sign symbol of parent-to-child love. In an examination of forty illustrative plates in the work Mal'ovane ohnistia v oblasti Malych Karpat (Decorated Fireplaces in the Little Capathian Region) by Rudolf Bednarik I found no single instance of the so-called "twisting" or " knots " in connection with the western Slovak "fireplace sub-culture." In a like manner, only "open branching" is evident on the cemetery crosses in central Slovakia, shown in the book Eudove nahrobniky na Slovensku. (48) The carving upon the crosses, in addition, shows also genetic and historical development in the ornament-to-symbols direction. The date carved directly on the vertical beam of a cross indicates the year of 188(-), with the last digit illegible because of decay. This cross has no symbolic connotation as yet. Its tulips grow up out of a flower pot rather naturally, and as such they are only an ornament. (49) Another cross at the same cemetery, dated 1928, is evidently an advanced version of the older cross in its ornament-symbol relationship. (50) Its symbolism is expressed in the form of tulips branching upwards from a heart . The "spiritual character" of love is here symbolized, in my opinion, by the "open branching" of the tulip, and, I think, the entire arrangement can be interpreted as suggesting the everlasting love of the deceased toward his living relatives. Now, how does this spiritual and wordly love relationship score with the other folk art products in Europe and in America? Is there any evidence of an ornament-to-symbol orientation among folk artists in more recent times? A little wooden shovel, to start with, was decorated by one of my informants in Cleveland. This shovel may be considered as an intermediary stage between the ornaments symbolizing spiritual and erotic love. Representing the so-called ''medovnikove srdce'' (i.e., " marzipan heart") flanked by two schematized roosters, the ornamental arrangement on the little shovel still preserves some traces of spiritual love (i.e. , the two tulips branching from the heart), but the presence of the roosters suggests already "another aspect" of love. This aspect, I think, is stressed even more by the traditional meaning of the marzipan heart in Slovakia since such a heart was given by a boy 50 SLOVAKIA only to the girl whom he intended to marry. In like manner, the egg made by Mrs. J . B. also shows an intermediary character, this time in connection with the genetic flower pot-to-heart development (i.e., from naturalism to symbolism). There is a remarkable likeness between this egg and an egg shown by A. Vaclavik. (51) This likeness suggests that the polygenetic trend in motifs is not restricted to folk narratives only. Two eggs decorated by one of my informants in Cleveland belong also to the intermediary zone between spiritual and wordly love. One of the eggs , a vertical rendition of "twisting" and "open branching," looks almost like a combination of the rose-and-briar motif of AngloAmerican traditional balladry and of tulip-branching of western Slovak wall-painting. The other egg, elaborated horizontally with only one garland of roses and green leaves slightly above the middle of eggshell, already suggests a higher spiritualization, but this is only an impression. It seems that the most recent ornaments whether created by my informants or by folk artists in Slovakia remained only ornaments. With the exception of the most self-evident symbols like the cross, the heart, and the thorn crown, one of my informants did not know why he put together, for example, the horizontally-arranged grapevine motif with wild roses superimposed upon the grapevine branches. Except the swastika and "sun circles," the other ornaments also described in connection with the types and motifs above are taken by the majority of my informants for face value only. So, for example, Mrs. Korlatovic considered the cobweb, the sieve, and the rake only as a cobweb, a sieve, or a rake, and nothing else. The swastika, treated extensively by M. Gavazzi, (52) was for my informants either "an emblem of the Nazis" or "a garden sprinkler" whenever presented in the "round form.'' Only the informants with formal art training were able to recognize the ' 'ancient symbol of a moving sun'' (53) behind the forms of "windmill wings or clover leaves" of the swastika. The "sun circles," (54) used by my informants in one form or another, were recognized by Mrs. Jana Mad'ar "as a Slovak ceiling decoration," but only Dr. Cincik was familiar with the ancient meaning of this ornament. Theory of design in folk art, like its counterpart in fine arts, is a matter of interpretation in the first place. yonsidered with general concepts of art, designs in folk art may be examined in the terms of form and content, as stated above. Linked to the diachronic study, these designs may reveal some social, economic, cultural, or psychological conditions. Folk art, when contrasted with fine arts, shows a high occurrence of borrowing, repetition, use of conventional themes, plagiarism, and disregard for spontaneity and originality. In the past, folk art was thought to be linked to the preservation and reproduction of life by magical and natural means. At present, folk art seems to lose more and more of its magic character. Hand in hand with the new and more realistic approaches to the problems of life, folk art tends today to emphasize stylistic and formal elements, such as or- SLOVAKIA 51 nament and decoration attained by mere technical means (i.e., relief techniques). Generally, it seems that folk art design moved originally away from naturalism tow~rd schematization. Its present tendency is toward self-explanatory and self-evident symbolism (i.e., a flower pot exchanged by a heart). When, however, certain general symbols were removed out of anunstressed situation, they became localized within a new and stronger situation and acquired a new meaning (i.e., the Apostolic Cross became the Slovak or Eastern Byzantine Cross). According to conventional aesthetics, symbolism giving content to the form should be thought of as a ''higher level'' in the understanding of artistic creations. In folk art, on the contrary, symbolism was more evident in the ancient and relatively more primitive cultures. With the exception of the most self-evident symbols of the cross and heart, symbolism is almost absent from the recent folk creations. Is this a paradox? No, it is only a fact which suggests that sophisticated and folk culture are two different entities, and so also are conventional aesthetics and folk art ''aesthetics.'' Techniques of egg decoration play an important part in the diachronic-synchronic study of folklore transmission. Thought of in the terms of materials and tools used, these techniques are identified as painting, batiking, scratch-carving, embossing, (with related techniques of inlaying, ribboning, and hammering), and tying. (55) Considered in their relationship to the predetermined use of eggs, these techniques are primarily of a conservational character. There are, however, some techniques of preparatory character which are either considered as preliminary steps for proper decoration of eggs or thought of as techniques in their own right. In order to avoid unnecessary repetition, I want first to consider the preparatoryconservational egg decoration · techniques. To start with, painting or coloring of eggs requires "completely clean hands (and) implements." (56) According to Zibrt, the egg must be "at least three days old in order to 'catch' color, (and it should be) slightly heated in order to retain wax. (57) Several informants, quoted by Zibrt and Vaclavik, stress that "lukewarm rain water" (58) is the best for the cleaning of eggs. Then the eggs are either blown out of the eggshells, or cooked in clean water or with any coloring substance whenever they should be decorated later and used as decorative articles at home or as presents for the others. On the other hand, the eggs are either cooked together with onion skin, tea leaves, or other food coloring substances whenever they should be consumed during Easter holidays, or else "scratched-carved" after cooking. These preparatory techniques are gen·e rally known all over the Slavic area. There is, however, a rather restricted technique of a conservational character employed consistently by Mrs. Korlatovic. According to this technique, raw eggs are decorated with batik, and when dry, the eggs are covered with a thin layer of special shellac. This prevents spoilage, adding a bit 52 SLOVAKIA of mirrorlike gloss. Let us now describe and examine the decorative techniques. The first technique of painting is, in essence, the simple application of the technique employed in other forms of folk art, such as wall painting, pottery and ceramics, painting of household implements, and painting on glass. The technique, "gaining momentum recently especially in northern Slovakia," (59) consists of direct application of oil or water paints on eggs. Although mentioned by Zibrt and Vaclavik, this technique is not very important in over all transmission of Easter customs from Europe to America, and only one of my informants in Cleveland used it extensively. Batik technique, on the other hand, is the most important and widespread technique in egg decoration. Mentioned often by several Slavic and non-Slavic authors, (60) this technique is of an ancient origin. Its existence is known all over the Slavic area, and its popularity is unquestioned also among my informants in Cleveland (See Figs. 1,2,3,5, and 6). The technique itself is based fundamentally on a principle similar to offset printing. Decoration by means of this technique is, therefore, attained in such a way that the parts of the eggshell are covered with wax heated in the tiny cup of voskovacka (i.e., waxing pen), and the egg is then immersed and tinted in a light water color. After removal of the egg from the first color, and when the egg is dry enough, the wax is wiped off thoroughly with a warm rag. (61) Then the egg is, again, "painted" with wax, "bathed" in another somewhat darker color, removed, dried and wiped. These steps are repeated until the egg attains the desired design composition (See Fig. 9) Scratch-carving, after batik the most popular technique in Slovakia, is known also among my informants. Related and similar to woodcarving, this technique is generally linked with the eastern type egg design in general and with the so-called "salasnicka kultura" (i.e. pastoral culture) in particular. According to Vaclavik, the drawback of this technique ' 'is hard work, more time-c~nsuming than with wax(batiked) eggs." (62) Only well-seasoned artists are able to work with this technique successfully. As mentioned above, all my informants are familiar with this technique, but only Mrs . Molchak was willing to scratch carve eggs during my stay in Ohio. Folk artists in Europe use for scratch carving "file or awl, knife, (but) most frequently the point of laid-away razor blades." (63) In America, on the contrary, the most popullar implement for this technique is the so-called "skrabacka" (lit., scraper), an awl made of hard steel and having a pencil-like wooden or metallic handle. The egg, decorated in this technique by Mrs. Molchak was made with the skrabacka. Embossing, inlaying, ribboning, hammering, and tying are basically complementary techniques. Linked with each other both in Europe and in America, these techniques are employed in order to SLOVAKIA 53 variegate the relief of egg's surface by raising the parts of eggshell. In my opinion, however, only embossing and tying are techniques in their own right. Techniques of inlaying, ribboning, and hammering, on the contrary, are mere adaptations of each other as to the material used. Embossing is a technique ih which the egg's surface is raised by permanent application of heavy coat of wax. This technique , in spite of how effective it looks, is not widespread because, in addition to being hard to work the ''relief peels off easily and melts away in warm weather." (64) Traditional specimens with this technique were made with an application of ''red or blue wax'' upon eggshell, or of '' black wax" upon a red-tinted egg. Embossing of eggs is, according to Vaclavik, "known in Moravia, in westernmost Bohemia, and in Bulgaria.'' (65) Only one of my informants in Cleveland (Mrs. Molchak) works with this traditional technique to any great extent. Inlaying, as the first of the three techniques (consisting of inlaying, ribboning, and hammering), is relatively restricted because it depends very much on the skill of a folk artist. In its European version, this technique is represented by two major variants, the so-called "pasted eggs" and "straw eggs." The "pasted eggs," known both in western Slovakia and in Moravia under the names of "birds" and "doves ," are decorated with paper of different colors and shapes . The results of such activity are "birds" with the body made of the egg, and with the head, feet, tail, and wings made of paper. (66) The "straw eggs, '' on the other hand, are manufactured with a technique in which pieces of colored straw are pasted directly upon the eggshell. This mosaic-like work requires great skill and patience. It is fundamentally a variant of a cabinet making technique in which pieces of straw are also used in decoration of furniture'.s frontispieces. (67) Inlaying, of course, can be carried out in a wide range of combination and of materials used. This aspect, however, will be referred to later in connection with the American counterparts of this technique. Ribboning is, according to Vaclavik, "a further (and) more recent variant (of) sitinovani.' ' (68) Widespread in northern Slovakia, ribboning consists of pasting little garlands on both ends of the egg, and tying the ribbons of different colors and widths around the middle. (69) Among my informants, only Miss Petrushka uses this technique in a form described by Vaclavik, while Mrs. Mad'ar uses this technique in its simpler variant of "string-lacing." Hammering, .the last close relative of inlaying and ribboning, is a very old technique. According to Cesky casopis historicky, (70) hammering is documented as early as 1415. Folk artists working with this technique use most "often blown out goose eggs (and embellish) them with metallic rings, flower and animal motifs. (71) With the exception of Miss Petrushka, none of my informants in Cleveland worked with this technique. Tying of eggs, as a technique in its own right, is now restricted to 54 SLOVAKIA the vicinity of Mikulov in Moravia. (72) However, owing to evidence from Cleveland, I will examine this technique in somewhat more detail than the others. According to the data gathered from other studies and from my informants, the egg is decorated with this technique when it is immersed into strong vinegar in order to soften it and then it is tied about the middle in order to acquire a shape of a written number 8. From a practical viewpoint, this technique seems merely to complement the other seven techniques mentioned before. But as mentioned above, tying becomes a technique in its own right for technological and other reasons. First of all, no attempts were made in other techniques to change the chemical composition of the eggshell to such an extent that it would become pliable. Then, in its interpretative aspect, I think that this technique also suggests another important point. As mentioned before, economic factors play a part in the work of folk artists in Europe and in America as well. One can see this in connection with the multifold use of tools both for general household chores and in the use of the terms with which folk artists unequivocally stress how carefully one should work, for example, with razor blade ''in order to prevent breaking of the eggshell." (73) Now, let us consider this project in the situation of which I was an eyewitness during an exposition of the art work of Miss Petrushka. At this exposition, Miss Petrushka startled the attending public when she let fall a jewelled egg as if accidentally, but the egg bounced up without damage. At my question of how this elasticity of the eggshell was attained, Miss Petrushka answered only in part. She told me that she learned this secret from her father, a folk artist also, but otherwise declined to elaborate on or describe the procedure or the chemical reaction by which the elasticity of egg was brought about. I am no chemist, but in view of Vaclavik' s investigation of the "tying egg technique," I think that the process by which Vaclavik's informants brought about the softening of eggs and the process by means of which miss Petrushka was able to induce elasticity to jewelled eggs\are at least partly related to each other. As to the other side of this problem, there is no doubt that her polite refusal to answer my question was motivated by economic reasons, a sort of private patent protection. With respect to the other techniques, I have observed that my informants combine the relief techniques into one. Conversely, embossing in this "modern" version is carried out in connection with inlaying, ribboning, hammering, painting, batiking, and scratch carving. My informants used for this "new technique," in addition to wax, also dough, cultured pearls, wire of various thicknesses, aluminum foil cut in the form of small leaves and flowers, silk and samite, tiny sequins and beads, marzipan, and confetti in baking and regular varieties. This range of materials used is still not a complete one. And this technique, whether considered as one or separately in agreement with its more traditional counterparts, shows that the SLOVAKIA 55 variety in products manufactured by my Slovak and Ruthenian informants in Cleveland is very wide. At its specific plane, this variety moves from the work of humble folk artists up almost to Faberge's level. (74) The Americanized technique, which includes a number of European traditional techniques , supports the hypothesis of a forwardreverse relationship beh,xeen techniques and implements used in egg decoration . While the number of tools in Europe shrinks , and the implements are frequently interchanged for economic reasons with those in overall household use , the techniques in Europe were held as separate entities in rather restricted areas, again, I believe, mainly to lower cost and to use only locally available materials . In America the situation seems to be reversed. The implements used exclusively for egg decoration here seem to gain ground . The techniques, as seen above , tend to lose individuality and become more and more incorporated into a larger whole. This again, in my opinion , is because of economic reasons . Ame rican folk artists have no difficulty in obtaining locally everything needed for egg decoration. The choice of products in America permits American folk artists to follow their interests to a greater degree than their European counterparts in the past. No matter whether these interests are of an aesthetic nature or whether they are conditioned by profession , economic aspects of buying and selling as well as of the conditions underlying the choice of raw materials and tools are ever present and important. The custom involving Easter eggs consisted in Slovakia of two basic parts: decoration of the eggs carried out in individual families, and use of eggs as presents for the young men performing showers and whippings. Both the showering and whipping as well as the egg decoration were historically documented , according to Cenek Zibrt, as early as the 14th century. (75) The decoration of Easter eggs , as the first part of this custom , has continued for over six hundred years, and no wonder that the Slovak and Ruthenian immigrants brought this custom also to the United States. According to my investigation in Cleveland, it was carried on by the first generation of Slovak immigrants in America. Only single young men used to perform showers and whippings in Slovakia. The first Slovak immigrants in America, to begin with , were in most cases married men who came to the United States to earn money and either to return home or to bring their families here at a later date. The way of life in the United States, to continue, was conditioned by an Anglo-Saxon heritage, and as such it had no ready-made accommodations for such strange customs as whipping and showering. This custom was practiced in Slovakia on Easter Monday and Tuesday , both days being either a religious (i.e., Easter Monday) or traditional (i.e., Easter Tuesday) holiday. Linked together, these three aspects support the thesis that the no-holiday character of these two post-Easter days was the primary cause that brought about disappearance of showering and whipping in the United 56 SLOVAKIA States. The secondary cause for this disappearance was the fact that the Slovak immigrants were unwilling to continue with a custom that might have brought about ridicule from the more sophisticated segments of the American population. (76) The third cause might have been owing to changed environmental conditions. While rural life in Slovakia posed no difficulties to young men performing showers or whipping, urban life in America brought about some restrictions as to where, for example, the custom of showering could have taken place. In Slovakia this custom was usually performed either in the backyard or in the garden. In America, there were in most cases no places to perform the custom without damage to the interior of the house or, if the showering were performed in the street, without interference with law and order. The second part of the custom, involving the Easter eggs as presents in exchange for showering and whipping, had therefore either to disappear completely or to acquire a new meaning. Because of contact with other ethnic and cultural groups, this part of the custom took the road of incorporation within another cultural context. (77) Thus the Roman Catholic Slovak immigrants retained the custom of egg decoration as practiced in Slovakia; however, the second part of this custom involving Easter eggs as presents for the young men performing the whipping and showering either disappeared completely or was adjusted in order to suit the new situation. On the other hand, the Slovaks of the Byzantine Rite, (78) together with the Ruthenians and Ukrainians proper, did not change the first part of the custom (i.e., decoration of eggs) at all. But a slight change took place among them in the exchange of eggs as compared with eastern Slovakia and Ruthenia. While, according to Greek Catholic usage, a simple form of exchange among the relatives and neighbors used to take place in Europe, eastern Slovaks and Ruthenians in America decorate eggs now either for sale or for exchange with the other church members. The sale itself could be of two kinds: a simple sale for personal profit and a sale to fellow church members with the proceeds donated to the church. The second and third generations of thf Slovak Roman Catholic immigrants in Cleveland retained the "new approach" of the first generation regarding the revision of the custom involving Easter showers and whipping. Together with the eastern Slovaks and Ukrainians, the Roman Catholic Slovaks also adopted the changes of basic techniques, tools, terminology, and economy with respect to Easter customs and decorated eggs in particular. But this is, again, a matter concerning the other aspects of egg decoration, and as such it was either treated in connection with the individual aspects of egg decoration or it will be touched upon in the last part of this article. In the final analysis, one could see that change manifested itself in the various aspects of egg decoration more frequently than its corollary or continuity. With the exception of designs and tools of general use SLOVAKIA 57 (both of which remained almost unaltered), changes occurred in coloring substances, techniques, customs involving decorated eggs, and in the tools used exclusively in egg decoration. However, as shown above in connection with individual aspects of egg decoration, these changes were always of different character and extent, and were brought about for different reasons. Thus, there was, on the one hand, a complete change from the.traditional home-made coloring substances (79) to the commercially available coloring kits in America. (80) There were, on the other hand, less evident, but still important, changes in techniques, customs, and tools of specific character. Placed side by side, both techniques and special tools show trends of adding and subtracting in a folktale-like manner. As in the study of folktales, one could observe that "two or more tales (are stringed) together," (81) the techniques which existed in Slovakia and in the Ukraine as separate entities were brought together by the folk artists in America and incorporated into one general technique. The opposite trend, again as in folktales, was evident in connection with the tools used exclusively in egg decoration when the "adding of detail(s)" occurred in the New World either owing to modernization of older tools or because of the introduction of new implements. The two-fold change took place, according to my observation, in customs involving Easter eggs. As mentioned, the custom of whipping and showering disappeared in America. The custom of giving Easter eggs as presents to the others was, on the contrary, retained, but its complete change was evident among the western and central Slovak immigrants while only a slight change as to its practical application was recorded among the eastern Slovaks and Ruthenians in Cleveland. (82) What were 1:he reasons behind these changes and why were certain aspects of egg decoration more amenable for alteration than others? As mentioned elsewhere in this paper, the motives for changes in various aspects of egg decoration can be attributed to folk "aesthetics," economy, and to the impact of culture contact with the other ethnic groups in America. Since no fingerprint evidence exists as to the cross-influence between "aesthetics," economy, and impact of culture contact, on the one hand, and the aspects of egg decoration, on the other, my interpretation of the motives leading to the changes in egg decoration is only a tentative one. I believe that the formation of concepts concerning ''aesthetics'' in the European version of egg decoration was brought about by the availability of materials and tools, in the first place. Artistic endeavors of European egg decorators were, in my opinion, conditioned by the initial cost of egg decoration. European folk artists, therefore, either manufactured the tools and coloring substances at their homes or used only locally available materials in order to save on transportation costs. American folk artists, on the other hand, seem to be concerned more with the sale of finished products, and make every effort to sell their products either for 58 SLOVAKIA money or for recognition ; hence, in order to do so, they are forced "to make saleable products" and "to protect their inventions." The worries about qualitative expression compel American egg decorators to buy new tools and to adapt traditional techniques to new needs . Even the custom involving decorated eggs, as an aspect of Easter eggs, was influenced to the greatest extent by culture contact with the other ethnic groups , is currently conditioned by economic artistic considerations . (83) Continuity, holding opposite side to the change in transmission, is evident in the use of general household implements and in designs. As to the tools, this rule of continuity is caused by the fact that knives, spoons, and needles, to mention just some of these items, are bought or used in Europe and in America along similar lines. Designs, in my opinion, seem to be stable elements in egg decoration because they have the most striking visual impact and are also formulaically and repetitively-oriented to a high degree. Seen altogether, both change and continuity exist side by side in the aspects of egg decoration as they exist both in folk art and in culture itself. This fact, being undeniable proof that egg decoration represents a part of the overall culture, is also testimony that the decoration of eggs as a form of folk art is governed by the laws governing culture itself. Easter eggs, therefore , like culture, are a unique human phenomenon, socially shared and transmitted, (84) this time by the Slovaks and Ruthenians in Cleveland, Ohio. Reprinted from Journal of Popular Culture (Summer 1970) IV:l, pp. 155-193, with permission of Dr. Ray B. Browne. FOOTNOTES (1) Cf. Cenek Zibrt, Vesele chvile v iivote lidu ceskeho. Prague : Vysehrad, 1950, p. 251. According to Zibrt, the term 'Easter eggs' was known already in the 14th century, but originated long before that time . (2) Cf. Antonin Vaclavik, Vyrocni obyceje a lidove umeni. Prague : Ceskoslovenska akademie ved, 1959, p . 261. Vaclavik's informants in Moravia think that Easter eggs exist "from the very beginning " and several of his informants " maintain that the decoration of eggs started in Slovakia." (p . 262). In Vaclavik ' s opinion , the term " Slovakia" should be applied to the region alongside the Slovak-Moravian border only . (3) Cf. Kazimierz Moszyiiski, Kultura Ludowa Slowian. Cracow, 1939. CF . also Rudolf Bednarik , Duchovna kultura slovenskeho l'udu. Turciansky Sv. Martin, 1941 . (4) Cf. Vaclavik, pp. 259-580 ; cf. Zibrt, passim. (5) Cf. Note No. 6 below. (6) This fi eldwork was carried out by the author between March 18 and April 2, 1969. Thirty informants of Slovak and Ruthenian descent were interviewed. In addition to extensive tape-recordings and note-taking, the author took photographs tracing the individual steps of egg decoration (black and white as well as color slides) . Most of this material, containing also 17 actual eggs, is stored and available for consultation in the Archive of the Center for Comparative Folklore and Mythology at the University of California , Los Angeles. SLOVAKIA 59 (7) Used as holders of blown-out eggs or as devises for the lengthwise partitioning of , such eggs . (8) Rubber bands may belong to either of the two groups. Used at times only for partitioning of egg surfaces, rubber bands may be stretched lengthwise diagonally, or latitudinally , and reused as any implement of the group one . At other times , rubber bands can be pasted around the eggs in order either to obtain embossing or to hold other items used in egg decoration , such as ribbons , colored sections of straw, or aluminum foil. Used this way, rubber bands belong to group two . For the specimens made either with ~krabai!ka or with sharp-pointed knife, see R. Bednarik, pp. 95-6. A dark-green egg, made by Mrs . Molchak and donated to this collection at U.C .L.A ., was decorated with ~krabai!ka. For an English treatment of eggs made with egg-carving technique, see Alfred L. Shoemaker, Eastertide in Pennsylvania, pp. 50-62. (9) (10) Cf. Zibrt, p. 257. (11) Cf. Vaclavik, pp. 267-8. (12) The most modern specimen of uoskouai!ka is now available commercially. I bought one in the store of Mr. Rudenskij, 5432 State Road, Parma, Ohio, for $1.00. This specimen is now stored in the Archive F.M .G. at U.C.L.A. (13) As to the specific tools used exclusively for egg decoration, it is ahnost certain that some changes may have occurred in the Old World owing to new developments in culture and technology. This aspect, however, cannot be treated here because my evidence is fragmentary about it. (14) Cf. Zibrt, p . 251. (15) Cf. Ibid ., p. 255 . Cf. also Vaclavik, pp . 267-8. (16) Interview with Mrs . Mad'ar (17) Zibrt , p . 253 . (18) Ibid. (19) For description of etching, see Vaclavik , pp . 268, 275 . (20) Interview with Mrs. Molchak . (21) Interview with Mrs. Pap. (22) " Pryzyly " is a sort of reddish substance used for tinting (Cf. Zibrt, p . 252). "Kampeska" is a commercially-acquired " wood chip" coloring (Zibrt, p. 253). (23) Vaclavik, p . 269 . (24) Cf. Ibid. For a description of scratch carving, see Shoemaker, p. 51. (25) Zibrt, p . 255. (26) Vaclavik, p. 267. (27) Note Fig. No . 1, 2, 3, and 5. The photographs mentioned are on file in the Archive of the Center for Comparative Folklore and Mythology, U .C.L.A. (28) Vaclavik, p . 267 . (29) Interview with Mr~. Molchak . (30) Vaclavik, p . 376. (31) Cf. Ibid ., pp . 338-9. For a summary concerning the western type of egg decoration, see Ibid . , p . 523 . (32) Ibid ., p. 338 . (33) Cf. Ibid ., p. 287 and Plate LXXVII (upper part) . (34) Cf. Ibid ., p . 338 and Plate LV . 60 SLOVAKIA (35) Cf. Ibid., p. 338. (36) Cf. Ibid . (37) Cf. Ibid., p. 339. (38) Cf. Bednarik, pp. 206-208. (39) Cf. Ibid., Plate 75. Cf. also Moszyiiski, p. 916. (40) Cf. R. Bednarik, Pastierske rezbarske umenie, passim., but especially Plates No. 55, 79, 142, 149, and 158. (41) Cf. Vaclavik, pp. 389 , 391, 393, and 395. (42) For prominent motifs in wall painting in western Slovakia, see R. Bednarik, Mal'ovane ohnistia v oblasti Malych Karpat, passim. For ''pastoral culture'' in central Slovakia , see Bednarik, Pastierske rezbarske umenie, passim. (43) Vaclavik, p . 376 . (44) Ibid ., 375. (45) R. Bednarik, Eudove nahrobniky na Slovensku, 57. (46) Cf. J. E. Cir lot, A Dictionary of Symbols, passim. (47) Cf. E. Haig, Floral Symbolism of the Great Masters, pp. 127-8. (48) Cf. R. Bednarik, Eudove nahrobniky na Slovensku, p . 73. Cf. also Bednarik, Mal'ovane ohnistia v oblasti Malych Karpat, plates 1-40. (49) Cf. Bednarik, Eudove nahrobniky na Slovensku, p. 91. (50) Cf. Ibid ., p. 73. (51) Cf. Vaclavik, p. 346 (left side) . (52) Cf. M. Gavazzi, "Svastika i njezin ornamentalni razoj na uskrsnim jajima sa Balkana,'' Zbornik za narodni Zivot i obyc:aje juinih Slavena, XXVII, 1-24. (53) Cf. Gavazzi, Op. Cit., passim. (54) Cf. Alan Dundes, ed., The Study of Folklore, p. 387. (55) For a detailed description of these techniques, see Vaclavik, pp. 267-72. (56) Ibid., p. 267. (57) Zibrt, pp. 252-3. (58) Vaclavik, p. 267; also Zibrt, op. cit., passim. (59) Interview with Mrs. Mad'ar. (60) Cf. Vaclavik, p. 268; Zibrt, op. cit., passim., but especially 251 ff. (61) Cf. Vaclavik, p . 267. (62) Vaclavik, p. 269. (63) Vaclavik, p. 269. (64) Ibid. (65) Ibid. (66) Cf. Vaclavik, p . 269, and Plate XLV. (67) Cf. Ibid., pp. 269-70. Modern specimens made with this technique are shown on Plates XLIX and LXXV; furniture, Pl. LXIV. (68) Ibid ., p. 270. Sitinovani is a technique in which the core of Juncus is pasted upon the eggshell. (Juncus is the Latin term for a genus of olderly tree.) (69) Cf. Ibid . , p. 271. For specimens, see Ibid., p. 351. (70) Czech Historical Review , XXXIII, p. 278 . Cf. Vaclavik, pp. 271, 275. (71) Vaclavik, p. 271. SLOVAKIA 61 (72) Cf. Ibid., pp. 271-2. (73) Ibid., p. 269. (74) For a treatment of Faberge,. work, see Venetia Newall, "Easter Eggs," Journal of American Folklore, LXXX (1967), 17 ff. (75) Cf. Note No. 1 above. (76) In connection with this point, I tried to elicit the opinions of my informants as to their feeling about whipping and showering. Only Mrs. Mad'ar, a recent immigrant from Slovakia, "hopes that her husband and sons will shower her, but with perfume only." Mrs. Molchak, on the other hand, is against any sort of showering in spite of the fact that the "young boys used to shower her in Pennsylvania." The boys, according to Mrs. Molchak, refused to take any eggs as presents for showering; if they did so, the others "would laugh." Mrs. Pap, a Ruthenian by ethnic origin, considered the custom "without any religious significance." (77) Both the showering and whipping are basically western Slovak customs. In eastern Slovakia, these customs were almost unknown because the majority of the Eastern Slovak population is Greek Catholic. (78) Byzantine Rite Slovaks are in the majority in Cleveland, in comparison with the Roman Catholic Slovaks. In Slovakia, the situation is reversed: Roman Catholics form the majority of the population. (79) I.e., cooked spring rye, hay, coffee, clover leaves, parsley, tea, etc. Cf. also Notes 17 and 22 above. (80) According to Mrs. Mad'ar, coloring substances are now also available commercially in Slovakia; however, they are not used frequently, and they are not packed in exclusive egg decoration kits either. (81) According to Stith Thompson, folktales change by "adding a detail (and by) stringing two or more tales together." The Folktale, p. 436. (82) Because of the disappearance of showering and whipping, again as in folktales, ''one change (brings about others) to maintain consistency," Ibid. (83) I.e., eggs are now sold publicly in front of the church while in the past they were given for showering and whipping or in exchange for other eggs. (84) Cf. the works of Ruth Benedict, Franz Boas, and A. L. Kroeber, passim. INFORMANTS MRS. KORLATOVIC, an American of Ukrainian ethnic ancestry, is the daughter of Mr. and Mrs. Rudenskij, owners and operators of an export-import store in Parma, Ohio. Mrs. Korlatovic, the mother of two children and a teacher in a kindergarten near Parma, decorates Easter eggs mainly for sale in her parent's store; she also decorates ceramics. MRS. JANA MADAR, a recent immigrant to the United States, arrived in Cleveland on November 30, 1968. A native of Ruzomberok, central Slovakia, Mrs. Mad'ar is the mother l)f two sons, ages 21 and 20. Mrs. Mad'ar decorated several eggs for this project in the so-called ''painting'' and ''string-lacing'' techniques. MRS. SOPHIE MOLCHAK, an American of Slovak descent, was born in Regenstown, Pennsylvania. She is married to an American of Ukrainian origin and is the mother of six children. Three of her daughters, ages 18, 12, and 9, took an active part in egg decoration during the interviews. MRS. TANYA OSADCA, an Ukrainian by ethnic descent, immigrated to America after World War II. Living now with her family in Peninsula, Ohio, she started egg decorating and collecting in 1952, and at present she owns over 500 specimens. She also SLOVAKIA 62 studies and collects material published on Easter eggs. Her husband, a psychiatrist at the Veterans Administration Hospital, is also a collector and folk artist specializing in ceramics and pottery. MRS. ANNA PAP, a Ruthenian by ethnic origin, was born in Roztok near the present CSSR-USSR border. Married to Dr. M. S. Pap and the mother of four children ages 17, 14, 11, and 5, Mrs. Pap arrived in the United States in 1933. In addition to her household duties, she is also director of the choir at the St. Mary' s Ukrainian Catholic Church. MISS PETRUSHKA is an American of Slovak descent and a native of Cleveland. An admirer of Slovak folk traditions and a student of Slovak ethnography, Miss Petrushka is the owner of an art studio on Shaker Boulevard, Cleveland. Her collages, collage boxes, and jewelled eggs are well-known all over the United States. During my stay in Cleveland, she held two successful expositions of her creations. DR. JOSEPH CINClK, 65, a Slovak immigrant, arrived in the United States in 1948. An ex-professor at the University of Bratislava and at present an art bibliographer in Cleveland, Dr. Cincik is the foremost expert on Slovak folk art. MR. VLADIMIR OZABAL, 60 , a native of western Slovakia and an ex-officer of the Slovak Army, immigrated to America after World War II . Now the supervisor of a division of the City Water Department in Cleveland , Mr. Ozabal is still working at various projects related to Slovak folk art . .,• "'~ ~:: '~ ., ' Fig. 1 - A typical arrangement of eggs , implements, and coloring substances used by Mrs. Zofia Molchak, an American-born Slovak folk artist working with batik technique in the western-type design. Note the heating plate used for wax melting, rubber bands employed for partitioning of eggs, and the glasses with coloring substances. SLOVAKIA ~ .,. 63 .. ~ Mrs. Ann Pap, an American of Ruthenian ancestry, decorates eggs in the eastern-type design. Note: a candle is used as a source of melted wax and the most modern specimen of voskovacka, or kistka (" waxing pen") , is employed by Mrs. Pap in batiking of eggs . Fig. 2 - ( Fig. 3 - Mrs. Korlatovic, an American-born folk artist of Ukrainian ancestry, decorates eggs in the eastern style and batik technique for sale in her parents' store. 64 SLOVAKIA Partition of eggshells is carried out with stretched rubber bands. Note the modified " implements" (i .e., needles and pins pushed lengthwise into large kitchen matches, chopsticks, or wooden pencil handles) used in batiking and embossing. Fig. 4 - Fig. 5 - A candle as a source of wax in the batik technique. SLOVAKIA 65 Fig. 6 - A typical instance of batik-embossing technique and of western-type design. Note the tear-like dots and lines , and the star motifs on both ends of the egg. Miss Sue Molchak, 18 , shown in this picture, decorates eggs every year together with her mother and two of her sisters. The daughter of Mr. Molchak, an American of Ukrainian descent, and of Mrs. Molchak, an American-born Slovak, Miss Molchak is typical of young folk artists who help old traditions permeate a new environment. SLOVAKIA 66 Fig. 7 - Immersing of a freshly-batiked egg into coloring substance with the so-called " oko " (" eye" ). Fig. 8 - A spoon used for immersing and removal of eggs. SLOVAKIA Fig. 9 - A typical egg batiked in the eastern-type design . Fig. 10 - Eggs painted and ' ·string-laced" by Mrs . Mad'ar. 67 68 SLOVAKIA Miss Petrushka , an American-born Slovak, started egg decorating as a folk artist and continued egg decoration on a professional level. The egg shown in this picture is one of her jewelled creations presented at an exposition in Lakewood, Ohio . Fig. 11 - ... Examples of the so-called "Gesunkenes Kulturgut" in folk art - conventional art relationship. The jewelled eggs, shown in this picture, were decorated by Miss Petrushka who, according to her own words, learned "secrets" of egg decoration from her father, a Slovak folk artist . Fig. 12 -  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovak and Ruthenian Easter Eggs in America: The Impact of Culture Contact on Immigrant Art and Custom Description An account of the resource Andrew Cincura Slovakia, Vol. 26 (No. 49), 1976 pp. 40-68 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Cincura, Andrew, 1917- Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1976 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/6ecb9a8a1a3ae244eaea5fd8670bbade.pdf 60b590a5785e269d2a32bdb8fb90bda1 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 21 Materialism and Morality: Slavic-America'n Immigrants and Education, 1890-1940 BY JOHN BODNAR Prevailing American scholarship has credited immigrants to America with cherishing the idea of free public education and the promise it offered for social success. Scholars studying the attitudes of immigrants toward public education have portrayed immigrants as "true believers" in the potential of the American school. The widely accepted interpretation of Timothy Smith, for instance, argues forcefully that newcomers from southern and eastern Europe displayed a passionate and "intensified concern" for schooling in America. "That indigenous thrust for education," Smith asserted, "explains far better than any contributions of the Americanization movement the remarkable success in this country of Central European Slavs, Magyars, Rumanians, Jews, Greeks, and Italians." Smith argued that these immigrants had a "commitment" to the American dream of personal advancement through schooling. (1) Certainly some immigrant groups, such as Scandinavians, Jews, and Rumanians, displayed strong beliefs in the value of public schooling. (2) But the attempt to generalize about the immigrant experience obscures the variety of cultures and views newcomers brought to America. Studies of occupational mobility, for instance, are beginning to suggest that immigrants revealed divergent patterns of social attainment in America. (3) It remains to be seen, however, whether all newcomers embraced the ethic of success through public schooling. This study hopes to suggest that a consensus did not exist among immigrants in the worshipping of American schools and their potentiality. By focusing on Slavic-Americans, this essay will test the hypothesis that the American experience of southern and eastern Europeans "intensified the concern for learning." (4) Slavic immigrants to America and their children never denied the value of education itself. They did, however, conceive of education as having specific functions which were unrelated to social advancement. Above all else, education for immigrant children was for the purpose of retaining the cultural, linguistic, and religious values of the ethnic group. This message pervaded immigrant literature and was made unmistakably clear to the second generation. Cultural continuity was an overriding concern in America. Language and customs were threatened by Americanization just as Magyarization had threatened Slavic culture in the Austro-Hungarian �22 SLOVAKIA Empire. A Polish editor in Chicago explained that the major reason for the existence of the Polish National Alliance and parochial schools was to inculcate the use of the Polish language in the young. (5) Language preservation acquired a sense of importance before 1918 because of the European heritage of foreign domination, a heritage shared by Poles, Slovaks , Ukrainians, Croats,and Slovenes. Since Polish culture was threatened not only by Americanization but, in Europe, by Germany and Russia , its preservation in America seemed essential. (6) The necessity of this course became even more urgent when immigration was restricted in the 1920s. Osadne Hlasy, a Slovak publication, argued that with immigration restricted little assistance could be expected from ''the outside. ' ' It was now imperative, the newspaper stressed, to send children to Slovak schools where the "Slovak spirit" and language would be cultivated . (7) The efforts .at language maintenance were constantly in conflict with attacks of Americanizers. But immigrants reacted almost defiantly . A Croatian editor criticized Americans for not caring for foreign languages. He labeled the American desire to have all newcomers speak English fanatical and chauvinistic. Jednota, the organ of the First Catholic Slovak Union, concurred and told all Slovaks to disregard Americans who ridiculed their language because bilingualism was something of which to be proud. (8) Immigrants did more than preach language maintenance. In numerous communities such as Milwaukee and New York, Poles initiated movements to teach Polish in public schools. During the 1930s the Polish Felician Sisters in the Buffalo area launched programs to restore the teaching of the Polish language. The Polish National Church replaced Latin with Polish in its religious services after separating from the Roman Catholic Church in 1897. (9) Language schools proliferated in Slavic colonies beginning in the 1920s. In 1925 the Croatian fraternal lodges of Chicago initiated a school for children to learn to read and write Croatian . The Croatian Women 's Clubs of America ("Hrvatska Zena") launched widespread programs in 1929 to promote the preservation of the Croatian language. (10) While cultural preservation was important, however, a new transformative force was encountered in America - modem, urban society . Thus the retention of language was equalled in importance by the maintenance of religious ways. Slavic Catholics continually insisted that early childhood education should be in parochial schools. Invariably all Slavic groups were unanimous in their advocacy of religious over secular schools. '' A Catholic education is the best education in the world,'' Jednota claimed , ' 'because it prepares one for the main business of life: the saving of one's soul." On another occasion, the Slovak journal proclaimed that Catholic schools were the only "real" schools . (11) Slovene periodicals concurred that only Catholic schools could give children the " right kind of education. " (12) Polish �SLOVAKIA 23 newcomers were instructed that if children attended public schools and failed to receive instruction in the Polish language and religion, they were a' 'total loss to the Polish people .'' (13) It is important to remember that language-loyalty and religion were inseparable. Slavs felt that one could not exist without the other. '' A Pole who says he is a Catholic but who is ashamed of or neglects the Polish language," a Polish writer insisted, "is not a true Catholic." Conversely, when the National Slovak Society organized a school for young Slovaks in Chicago~in 1904, which stressed Slovak language instructions, it received little support. Slovak Catholics claimed they would not support a school which failed to offer any religious teachings. Indeed, Jednota, in an editorial entitled "Educational Rights of Parents,'' held that parents have the basic right to send their children to schools where love of God and homeland is taught. (14) Slovak schools were viewed as places where children would learn ''to think in Slovak, talk in Slovak,and know the culture of their nation and love for their people." Slovaks were even instructed in how to give graduation speeches to the young since such addresses would offer a final opportunity to admonish the young to conduct themselves as good Slovaks and good Catholics. (15) If early schooling was to center on ''God and country,'' higher education also had its limits. Ivan Kramoris, a Slovak writer, admitted in 1939 that most Slovaks had been adverse to giving their sons higher education unless it involved study for the priesthood . (16) Actually many Slavs were skeptical of the possibilities of "modem education." John Lesko, a Slovak, wrote in Jednota that it was not clearly evident that "modem education" would guarantee progress. "A university education may bring one worldly position and prestige,'' Lesko argued, ''but peace and well-being and genuine progess come only from good will. '' Even Jednota admitted in 1939 that Slovaks in America ''lacked the generosity of the Jews'' in supporting education. (17) To be sure, numerous Slavic groups established plans for colleges and several were actually initiated. Their function, however, was clearly defined. When Alliance College in Pennsylvania was launched by Poles in 1911, it was conceived to be an institution whereby young Poles could become good Polish citizens, something which was thought unattainable in the homeland under foreign rule. On the opening of a Slovene college in Lemont, Illinois, Slovenes rejoiced over the fact that they now had both a college to educate spiritual leaders and priests, and a cultural center to guard "our religious standard" from the "destructive" work of the Yugoslav Socialist Federation. (18) Other Slavic groups echoed the thrust of the Slovenes and Poles. Slovaks planned a Slovak Catholic College in the late 1930s as a home for all Slavic cultures and an "arsenal" in the fight against atheistic communism. The Serbian National Federation created a college scholarship program in 1933 which required Serbian-American youth to �24 SLOVAKIA attend universities in Yugoslavia to study the Serbian language, history, and literature. (19) Wiadomosc Codzienne actually told Polish parents in Cleveland not to have their sons study for professions but rather to become skilled artisans since it would be easier to find a job. (20) Indeed, adjacent to Alliance College, Poles established the Alliance Trade Institute to train youth in mechanical trades. The graduates of the institute would not be professionals, according to Dziennik Zwiazowy, ''but skilled labor is just as useful and necessary as mental labor." A Slovak journal went further by suggesting that since opportunities were limited, young men should learn a skill. (21) While a good deal of effort was invested in instructing the second generation to retain the various ethnic cultures and eschew secular education, some immigrant children differed. Inevitably the relatively few Slavic children who moved through the American school system modified their parents' instructions considerably. Some attacked the views of the first generation, and their criticism revealed much about their parents' minds. A second generation Polish education group, for instance, explained that their parents' preoccupation with Polish nationalism was noble but, as a result, ''it lowered interest in making a place for Poles in this country." The New American argued that the progress of Poles in this country was sacrificed in order to settle a historical debt (free Poland). (22) The young Poles, in another editorial, criticized other Polish-Americans for possessing "an attitude of obliviousness to education and a lack of appreciation for a sense of deferred values.'' The essay concluded: There exists a tendency among a large number of Polish young men and women to be easily satis'fied with a mediocre position, sometimes to a point of servitutle in a routine job with a remote chance for advancement. (23) Other educated immigrant children echoed the critique of young Poles. Stephen Mamchur, in an address to the Ukrainian Youth Congress in 1935, criticized the policy of Ukrainians who foster ethnic isolation by socializing "students in Ukrainian culture." Mamchur felt Ukrainian children should spend less time in studying Ukrainian and pay more attention to secular education if Ukrainians were to rise in the American social structure. If the "isolationist" policy continued, Mamchur predicted that Ukrainians would remain a "caste" and never assume ''that place in the American social order to which our abilities entitle us.'' (24) While a few immigrant children had acquired American middleclass notions of education and mobility and attempted to inculcate their views to the Slavic masses, however, most, thoroughly socialized by their parents, shared their parents' views on cultural maintenance. Consider the activities of American-born Ukrainians. By the early 1930s the second generation had established the Ukrainian Youth League of �SLOVAKIA 25 North America, the Ukrainian Catholic Youth of North America and the Ukrainian Orthodox League of North America. A vast network of neighborhood centers, athletic and cultural programs and publications such as the Ukrainian Chronicle and The Ukrainian Weekly appeared. (25) The Ukrainian Youth League of North America was typical. Organized in 1933, it contained four divisions: social, athletic, educational (Ukrainian history and language), and cultural (dramas). Its main objectives were t\) organize Ukrainian-American youth and disseminate among them a knowledge of the Ukrainian people, to promote moral and physical talents, and to support all Ukrainian national and cultural institutions. One delegate to the Ukrainian Catholic League's convention in 1938 contended that young Ukrainians could not deny the existence of their forefathers or their heritage and that it was imperative ''to carry on the work of keeping alive the culture of our predecessors.'' (26) Annual conventions, in fact, often witnessed debate over the extent young Ukrainians should Americanize. A consensus at the 1936 meeting, for instance, agreed that Ukrainian youth should '' live up to their promise'' by keeping the traditions of our ''beloved Ukraine, whether they be religious or otherwise.'' (27) The youth leagues also established a diverse program of plays, dances, history and language instruction, and athletic competition. The First Ukrainian Catholic National Track and Field Championships were held in Philadelphia in 1936 and attracted participants from Bridgeport, Cleveland, Detroit, and Philadelphia. Vasile Avramenko and his Ukrainian Folk Ballet became extremely popular among both Ukrainian generations in America in the early 1930s and were sponsored in numerous localities by local youth leagues. In 1939, over 50,000 people attended the American-Ukrainian Folk Festival at the New York World's Fair which was sponsored by the Ukrainian American Youth League. (28) Immigrant children were also influenced by their parents in subtle ways to value immediate work above a lengthy education. Some viewed their immigrant fathers as, above all else, hard workers. If sons had any image of their fathers it included manual work as an inevitable aspect of life. A Polish-American described his parents as individuals who believed in ''work, work, work, and work.'' A Bethlehem Slovak recalled that his father never talked of changing jobs but only of doing a good day's work for the company. (29) A Serbian son in Pittsburgh remembered his father as a man esteemed by fellow Serbs for his dedication to his job. The Serbian son claimed his father's characteristics were representative of most Serbs. He argued: Those men were tireless. They did hard work. They stuck with their job; they didn't have to be driven. They were tireless and always feared the loss of their jobs since they had nothing to fall back on. (30) �26 SLOVAKIA Slavic parents also held definite ideas concerning work which influenced the educational prospects of their children drastically . The individualistic approach to child rearing was an anathema to Slavs. They viewed their children as part of a collective whose work was necessary for family survival. (31) As a young man, John Smitko wanted to be a Slovak priest. His mother argued that religious training would not provide an adequate income and insisted he work in the mill. Smitko became a pit careman in a Duquesne mill for forty-five years . (32) Joseph Slater, the son of a Polish miner, was taken to work in an Ohio coal mine by his father at age sixteen. Nick Kiak's first job was learning the operation of a crane from his father at the Bethlehem mill. (33) Working-class parents encouraged child labor rather than schooling as necessary for family survival. In the 1920s, in Scranton, Pennsylvania, thirty-five percent of Polish family income was provided by child labor. Before Pennsylvania restricted child labor in the 1920s, Slavic parents routinely falsified working permits so that their children could begin work at fourteen instead of the legal age of sixteen. Sam Davich was required to work at age fourteen in a glass factory in Pittsburgh and turn over his earnings to his mother. Michael Komernitski worked as a teenager when his father's illness reduced family income . In Lyndora, in western Pennsylvania, most Polish children were sent to Detroit in the late 1920s when news of jobs in the expanding automobile industry was received. One Ukrainian-American son explained that it was understood that a child helped his father because the parent " couldn 't make out. " (34) Slavic parents not only influenced their children by the example of hard work and the demands of family survival but imparted definite views concerning education. A typical Slovak father stressed to his son that it was more important to learn a manual skill than attend school. Michael Zahorsky was assured by his father that if he learned a trade he would never go hungry. Zahorsky became a blacksmith. Frank Horvath quit school at age sixteen to work in a Bethlehem furniture factory. His brothers had already started peddling milk to help pay the family milk bill. Horvath's parents questioned whether school helped anyone survive. They argued that an opportl\nity to leave school and make money should never be avoided. (35) When Slavic newcomers did insist on education, religious vocation and ethnic cultures were usually stressed. Michael Labeka's father taught him the role of cantor in the Ukrainian church. A cantor was paid to sing religious responses in many Slavic churches. Labeka later supplemented his income as a mill worker in Monessen with his earnings as a cantor. Bernard Gorcyca's parents sent him to a Polish seminary in Michigan at age fourteen. Other parents admonished their children to study their native tongue and religious instruction. (36) The tension between the ostensible promise of American �SLOVAKIA 27 \ education and success, something which divided the immigrant children, and the wishes of the immigrants reached a classic confrontation among Croatians. In 1940, a professor of Croatian extraction at Duquesne University in Pittsburgh, Francis Preveden, presented a comprehensive plan to the Supreme Board of the Croatian Fraternal Union of America (CFU). Preveden asked the fraternal union to institute a monthly assessment of one cent per member to support the creation of Croatian National Alliance for Schooling and Education of Youth at Duquesne. While Preveden was motivated partly by a desire to create an enhanced institutional position for himself, his argument was clearly presented to the Croatian leaders and public. The Croatian center, according to Preveden, would '' open the gates of the temples of knowledge" to Croatian children who had "been denied the advantages of higher education." Preveden stated his goal succinctly: In its full extent this plan aims at the gradual transformation of our immigrants from a class of laborers to a class of intellectuals. This change should come through encouragement of secondary and higher education among our younger ·generation. (37) Preveden attributed a perceived lack of educational attainment and ' 'intellectual stagnation' ' among Croatians to the ''ignorance and criminal neglect" of Croatian leaders who worried more over the internal politics of the ethnic organization and "evil genius" of the last two generations of the Croatian people in America. Preveden equated the status of the Croatian people in America to that of the Negro and placed Croats decidedly behind the Irish whose educational network he admired. And he argued that· the additional assessment required for the center would not lead to deprivation . (38) The reaction of the CFU leaders was to call for a referendum of the union's membership on the issue of initiating a monthly assessment to support the Croatian educational center. (39) By 1940 the CFU was divided into Croatian-speaking lodges, which predominated and consisted of both first and second generation Croats, and English-speaking lodges , which were fewer in number and were composed entirely of American-born Croats. It was from the Croatianspeaking lodges that Preveden encountered his severest opposition . Many immigrant Croats, including those in the supreme board of the CFU , were opposed to increased assessments for education , especially because numerous immigrants were retiring by 1940 and needed financial assistance. Adam Sudetic, a senior CFU member from Detroit, was critical of any plan that represented a drift away from the Croatian language. Sudetic further felt that the stress on "educated Croats " discouraged other young Croats from joining the fraternal union . (40) �28 SLOVAKIA Preveden's strongest support, not unexpectedly, came from the English-speaking lodges. English lodges in Gary, Indiana; Lackawanna, New York; and Pittsburgh sent strong endorsements to Zajednicar, the organ of the CFU. (41) Michael Horvath, the editor for the English section of Zajednicar, argued vigorously for the plan. Horvath insisted that the center: is the one concrete manner in which we can prove to our young that we are willing to do for them what was denied us in the past and that is to extend to them a decent opportunity of educating themselves in the better fields of learning. (42) Horvath and other proponents of the plan initiated a strategically designed series in Zajednicar during the spring and summer of 1940 entitled "Survey of College Educated and Professional Croatians." Croatian Americans who graduated from college were identified and their life histories were published. It was hoped that such examples "of the success of our youth'' in education would spread interest in education and progress throughout all Croatian youth in America. Questionnaires were mailed to every lodge and to over seven hundred colleges in the United States and Canada seeking information on Croatians in college. Weekly lists were published of those in college and in professions. A reference file was started for future students to learn from the experience of other Croats "in the never ceasing struggle to attain success." After nearly four months, the survey was ended on the eve on the referendum to decide the fate of the Preveden plan. What it had demonstrated was the exceedingly low rate of educational attainment and mobility by Croats by 1940. With nearly 400,000 Croats in America only 135 college students were identified and 150 "professionals" including receptionists, stenographers, mail carriers, and one professional boxer. (43) By late September the results of the referendum were clear. Over 10,000 votes were cast out of 58,000 eligible voters in the CFU. The Preveden education plan was defeated by;._ more than a two to one margin. The series on educational attainments was abruptly stopped and the sections devoted to Croatian youth in Zajednicar quickly returned to a "complete focus on sports," something which had been noticeably absent during the summer of 1940. The immigrants and a good representation of their children had spoken. The surrender to American middle-class values would not be that easy. (44) Clearly the Slavic immigrant had misgivings about American schooling and the promise it ostensibly offered. In part, his hostility to education stemmed from the threat public schooling posed to his cultural heritage and language. Certp.inly his working-class status reinforced these educational views. But an examination of immigrant literature revealed a deeper motive for explaining the orientation of �SLOVAKIA 29 Slavic newcomers. Ultimately Slavs were troubled by the materialistic, acquisitive thrust of Amarican life. Poles, Slovaks, Croats, and Ukrainians not only resisted Americanization but they also were reluctant to embrace the secular aspect of modern urban industrial society. Ultimately, the Slav would not only resist pressures to Americanize but he would offer a critique of the moral quality of modern industrial America. Throughout the first half century of large scale Slavic settlement in America, a consistent anti-materialistic bias permeated the immigrants' thought. In the early 1890s, Polish newspapers were already mounting a strong assault on the ''Dollar God'' of American culture. A Pole from Priceburg, Pennsylvania, wrote a letter to Dziennik Chicagoski criticizing American society for straining parental-child relationships by stressing "excess and wantonness." The "struggle for the dollar'' facilitated the losing of ''religion and patriotism so dear to us.'' Numerous editorials and articles emphasized the evil effects of the pursuit of material wealth. In an 1894 editorial Zgoda told Poles that a ''reasonable honest drive'' to improve your material being was good, but the "idolistic pursuit' of money at the expense of your soul would bring "hatred and desperation." Zgoda continued, "good character and work are the greatest wealth." (45) It was precisely because of this skepticism of the promise of American life that Poles emphasized Polish over American schools. Dziennik Chicagoski called Polish schools the ''watch-tower'' of the Polish spirit. American schools were felt to be a "horrible example" where children learn little but disrespect for their parents. American schools were not considered ''adequate'' for Polish children not only because they were "irreligious" but because they were thought to be permeated with secularism. (46) Poles, in fact, attacked other areas of American life. The popular literature of America, such as magazines and ''love stories and the like" which were printed for profit, was sharply attacked for lowering moral standards. Again the Polish press articulated the feeling: . . . have we fallen so low that we cannot pursue something better (than Americans). Let us concentrate our thoughts and spirits in a direction that will be worthy of us - toward better spiritual and moral standards which will place us above all others. In order to maintain the purity of the Polish spirit, we must stay clear of the present course of the American generation. (47) Slovaks invariably echoed the Polish sentiments. In a series of essays in Jednota by the Slovak writer, Ivan Kramoris, the Slovak immigrant situation was analyzed. Kramoris posed the question, "But what are we going to do in America?" He explained that such a choice �30 SLOVAKIA should be made in the framework of economic versus moral standards. Kramoris argued that an individual's morality actually influenced his economic life . Little doubt existed in Kramoris' mind that the eventual emphasis should be placed upon morality. Other writers in Jednota concurred: " So many are cursed with the lust of acquiring things they see no further ahead than their own selfish self''; a Slovak editor exclaimed , ''those who measure success by the material things acquired are lost in the fog of life.' ' (48) Characteristically, the anti-materialistic bias influenced Slovak views on education. Osadne Hlasy illustrated the drawbacks of the public schools in 1929. Children were taught but not "reared" in American schools; according to the Slovak journal, "they educate the mind but not the heart." J. T. Porincak, a Slovak, clarified the argument: With a public school education they (children) go forth into the world, lost completely to the Slovaks. Their idea of life is a breezy and snappy novel, a blood curdling movie and lots of money. But our duty to our people commands us to save our youth from the moral catastrophe that is confronting it. (49) Slovaks also revealed a collective self-perception of themselves as moral people. A Jednota article compared Slovaks to Quakers . Unlike the British and Italians who were felt to the militaristic, Slovaks, like Quakers, represented "endurance and strength, not progress and conquest." In a clear display of working-class resignation and futility, the Jednota writer concluded that Slovaks know what ''life is worth and do not strive for the unobtainable." At his retirement as editor of Jednota in 1937, Joseph Rusek made a farewell speech in which he analyzed the contribution of Slovaks to American life. What Slovaks , he concluded, could give America was a "moral legacy." Rusek thought Slovak identity would eventually be lost in America but '' our moral values will contribute to the creation of the American nation.'' (50) Similar currents were found in the res\ of Slavic America. George Mamek told a Chicago Croatian youth club in 1931 that most Americans shared a '' cruel materialistic philosophy'' ahd thought more of their dollars than their souls. Mamek saw immigrants who came to America to improve their material condition especially susceptible to the idolization of material ends. Mamek's address so stirred the young Croatians that they passed resolutions supporting the right of children to be raised " distinctively and different" in America and the beneficial effects of cultural pluralism as the "philosophy best for our children." Arguments on the moral responsibilities of parents were found throughout Croatian and Serbian journals. (51) �SLOVAKIA 31 A potential danger in presenting the ' ' Slavic view'' is to suggest that the Slavic immigrant communities were ideologically monolithic. The groups and data examined in this study reflected the prevailing views of Poles, Slovaks, Croatians, Serbs, and Ukrainians who, with the exception of Serbian Orthodox, were primarily Catholic, of peasant background, and composed the vast majority of Slavic newcomers to America. Some Slavs, such as Poles from Germany, Czechs and Slovenes, often encountered a greater degree of industrialization in Europe and brought strong ~raditions of socialism and ''free thought.'' Actually considerable dialogue existed within most Slavic communities between the Catholic majority and the ubiquitous socialist minority. Socialists were more numerous among certain groups, such as the Slovenes and Czechs, than among Poles, Slovaks, Ukrainians, or Croats. Partially this situation existed because of greater incursions of industrialization and socialist thought into Czech and Slovene homelands than in more economically backward areas like southern Poland and eastern Slovakia. (52) The socialists in the old country were in continual contact with the American communities and many joined the immigrant waves. Socialism was never embraced by the peasant Slavs to the extent that it was by groups who brought strong socialists traditions to America, such as the Jews and Finns. The outstanding differences between the Slavic Catholics and socialists were their opposite views concerning the material, secular world. Slavic socialists departed markedly from their fellow countrymen in their assessment of education. Proletarec, a Slovene socialist organ, argued that Slovene workers badly need professional education to develop skills that would facilitate the finding of jobs. Proletarec, echoing the criticism of some Catholic immigrant children, sought to infuse Slavic children with initiative and' 'a new horizon for ambition the modem school, supported by scientists of reputation, is exactly what we want." (53) Education was perceived as necessary for economic progress and as a defense against exploitation of the worker. Organizations such as the J ugoslav Educational Association eventually offered free lectures and literature on topics such as "The Value of Education," "Birth Control," and "Health and Welfare." (54) The Slavic socialists embellished their advocacy of secular education with a simultaneous attack on the religious values and leaders of the Slavic majority. A Serb socialist spokesman complained that Serbians needed more professors and doctors but got only '' soul savers." Slovak socialist organs urged "poor working Slovaks" not to "throw their money" away by giving it to churches. In a similar vein, Proletarec claimed that clergy were using ''pious sentiments'' as a means of extracting money from the workers. When Slavs were asked by their religious leaders to pray for an end to the depression in 1931, Novi Svijet countered with a lengthy assault upon the clergy. The newspaper explained: �32 SLOVAKIA Such comedy with prayer is being prepared to show seemingly sympathy toward workers and to keep believers in the ancient darkness of faith in whose name the worst kind of exploitation is committed . . . The salvation of the working class is not in prayer but in education and organization. (55) Even Slavic socialists, however, despite their secular orientation, were unable to completely surmount ethnic tensions among themselves and achieve a semblance of working-class solidarity. The largest Slavic socialist movement was found among the South Slavs and was institutionalized, in 1910, in the creation of the Yugoslav Socialist Federation. The organization, however, was continually weakened by disputes between Serbs , Croats, and Slovenes . The organization had three newspapers: Proletarec for the Slovenes, Radnicka Straza for the Croats, and Narodni Glas for the Serbs. At the annual meeting in 1912, Frank Petrich, the editor of Proletarec, proposed that all three papers be merged and published in the Latin and Cyrillic alphabets. The plan was soundly defeated then, and on subsequent occasions when it was introduced. (56) At times, Slavic socialists themselves exhibited concerns which were highly non-secular and revealed a lingering ambiguity toward materialism. A Croat socialist spokesman complained that too many newcomers are interested only in "high wages" and forget the extensive suffering and exploitation endured by workers. A number of other comments attacked American societies for fostering divorce and a decline in family relationships. (57) The Slavic-American skepticism toward public school was clearly manifested in various studies of school attendance and progress. In a 1911 study released by the United States Immigration Commission, Poles and Slovaks ranked lowest among ethnic groups in the largest urban centers. The percentage of Slavic children in school beyond the sixth grade was lower than the rate for the progeny of Irish and Jewish newcomers and Negroes. Beyond grade six, the group with the smallest percentage of children in the public schools of Chicago and Cleveland in 1911 were the Slovaks (4 percent). Poles were lowest in Buffalo, New Britain and Scranton and next to the last in Cleveland and Milwaukee. , In computing public high school att~dance in 1910, Slavic children were noticeably absent. In Chicago, while five percent of Black children and six percent of Polish Jewish children were attending the secondary schools, only one percent of the Poles and Slovaks were doing so. In Cleveland only one-half of one percent of Slovak children were in high school in 1910 as compared with eleven percent of Irish immigrant children and seven percent of Polish Jews who arrived in America at the same time . �33 \ SLOVAKIA TABLE 1 * PCBLIC SCHOOL ATTENDANCE OF NATIVE & IMMIGRANT CHILDREN BEYOND GRADE 6, 191 0 New Buffalo Chicago C leve land Milwaukee Britain Scranton Shenandoah 16% 40 <;; 23"/ 26';, 24% 3 1';; 16 17 15 18 NB\V Negro Heb r ew 31 26 -10 German Heb r e w 22 23 20 Polish 39 28 61 24 32 25 19 Iri sh South 2 7 11 10 It :1li:1.n 5 (j 1 4 6 10 7 6 Polis h 5 5 Slovak -I 6 Croat 7 8 Slovene *St ati s ti cs computed from Gl Cong ., :3 rd scss . ; serial 58 75, T he Children of Immig rants in Schools (5 vo ls ., Washington, 1911) , II, 3 78 , 648 , 848; IV, 77, 4 77; V, 4 18 , 50 8 , TABLE 2* HIGH SCHOOL ATTENDANCE: , NAT IVE & IMMIGRANT CHILDREN, 19 10 Buffalo 12 8 19 lG Chicago 9 5 10 6 C level and 12 8 13 7 Milwaukee 10 9 New Britain 19 NBW Negr o Heb r ew Greman 9 Hebrew Polish 3 Hebrew Russian 43 12 11 G 13 Irish 1 1 l 3 South Italian 1 2 1 2 2 Polish 1 .5 Slovak *Statist ics co mputed from 61 Cong. , 3 rd sess .; serial 58 75 (5 vo ls ., Was hington, 1911) , II, 378 , G..J.8 , 8-1 8; I\', 77, -1 77; V, 41 8 , 508 . Where parochial school attendance figures were available, Slavic attendance invariably ranked behind native-born and second generation Irish children. In Milwaukee parochial schools in 1910, fifteen percent of the children of native-born Catholics were in school and ten percent of the second generation Irish. Only two percent of the Poles were attending, however, and no Slovaks. Polish and Slovak �SLOVAKIA 34 representation in Cleveland's parochial schools were better but considerably behind the native-born and Irish . New Britain had nineteen percent of its Irish youth in Catholic schools after the sixth grade but none of its Polish youth. In Scranton ninety-nine percent of all Polish immigrant children in parochial schools were in grades one to five only. In Shenandoah, Pennsylvania, thirty-two percent of the children of native-born Catholics were beyond the fourth grade . No Poles had advanced that far despite being in Shenandoah for over thirty years as of 1910. (58) Tab le 3* PAROCHIAL SCHOOL ATTENDANCE BY ETHNIC GROUP BEYOND GRADE G Native -born white Milwaukee New Britain Cleveland Irish Polish 14. 9% 10';{ 22 17 26 1. 6% 0 5 H.) Slovak 0 1¾ 10 *6lst Cong., 3rd sess., serial 5 875, The Children of Immigrants in Schools (5 vols .; Washington, 1911), V, 95,515, 909. As late as 1950, census data revealed the effect of the educational patterns of Slavs. In focusing on Pennsylvania, the state that received the largest influx of Slavs, their median years of completed schooling was the lowest of any ethnic group in the state . The following list ranks the towns in Pennsylvania with the lowest median years of school completed by their citizens and identifies the largest ethnic concentrations in those communities. Clearly, the small industrial towns which covered the state and housed its Slavic concentrations were behind the rest of the Commonwealth in educational progress. (59) Median Years of Schoo ling, 1950 (persons over 25) Gilberton Marshalltown Dupont Shenandoah Dickson City West Washington Swoyersville Edwardsv ille Glen Lyon Throop Pennsylvania (state average) 7.2 7.3 7.4 7. 7 7. 7 7. 8 7. 8 7.9 7.9 7.9 9. 0 \ Ethnic Concentration Lithuanian-Slovak Polish-Lithuanian Slovak-Italian Polish Polish-Slovak Polish-Italian Polish-Slovak Polish-Slovak Polish-Italian Polish-It a Li an �SLOVAKIA 35 The evidence on Slavic views towards American schools suggests that no great consensus existed among immigrants. Slavs did not share the preferences of many other immigrant groups and wholeheartedly embrace the expectations of American education. Schools were suspect not only for the threat they posed to Slavic culture but for the material reward they ostensibly promised. Influenced partially by the spiritualistic thrust of their premodem culture, Slavs did not immediately accept the modem notion of the pursuit of upward success. Some immigrant children who were exposed to American higher education attempted to infuse other Slavs with a middle-class faith in public schooling and bitterly criticized the stance of their parents. But they were a definite minority as most of the second generation were socialized in the attitudes of their parents. Slavic socialists who favored public schooling were only a fraction of the Slav Catholic population and were frequently preoccupied with moral and ethnic concerns of their own. To most Slavic Americans before 1940, education was intended for the preservation of culture and morality, not social mobility. The skepticism toward education and success displayed by SlavicAmericans during the first half-century of extensive settlement in America emerged from two sources. Most Slavs were drawn into unskilled, industrial pursuits which offered few opportunities for occupational mobility. (60) Their working class status, as the interviews in this paper suggested, encouraged a preoccupation with steady work. Public education simply did not offer skills that were useful to blast fumances, open hearths, mines, or textile mills. Practical considerations of getting a job and keeping it were not only paramount but essential for survival. Even more importantly, this emerging working-class pragmatism reinforced elements of traditional peasant culture, such as concerns with survival, limited visions of the future and spiritual rather than material ends. (61) Modem notions of acquisitiveness had neither immediate acceptance nor historical antecedents within the immigrant mind. Furthermore, constant attempts by Magyars in Europe and Americanizers in this country to subjugate Slavic cultures made their preservation an important consideration. And within that culture, language, religious values, and spiritual concern were intertwined and deemed worthy of maintenance. When this cultural constellation was fused with working-class realism, Slavic attitudes toward education became inevitable. (Reprinted with the permission of: The Journal of Ethnic Studies, 3:4 (Winter 1976).) NOTES Research for this article was made possible by grants from the American Council of Learned Societies and the Immigration History Research Center, University of Minnesota. �36 SLOVAKIA (1) Timothy Smith , " Immigrant Social Aspirations and American Education , 18801930," American Quarterly, 21 (Fall, 1969) , 522-25 . Smith, " Native Blacks and Foreign Whites : Varying Responses to Educational Opportunity in America, 18801950," in Perspectives in American History, VI (1972), 311-313. (2) David Tyack , The One Best System, A History of American Urban Education (Cambridge, Mass ., 1974) , 241-48; David W . Cohen, "Immigrants and the Schools," Revie ws of Educational Research, 40 (Fall , 1940), 13-28; Michael Olneck and Marvin Lazerson , " The School Achievement of Immigrant Children, 1900-1930," History of Education Quarterly, 15 (Winter, 1975), 453 , 474-77 . (3) Josef Barton, Peasants and Strangers: Italians, Rumanians, and Slovaks in an American City, 1840-1950 (Cambridge, Mass. , 1975), Chapter V; Stephan Thernstrom , The Other Bostonians (Cambridge, Mass ., 1973), pp . 145 ff; Andrew Greeley, Ethnicity in the United States (New York, 1974) , pp . 53-56, 181. (4) Smith, '' Immigrant Social Aspirations and American Education , 1880-1930, '' p. 525. (5) Dzie nnik Zwiazowy, Nov. 27, 1911, Chicago Foreign Language Press Survey (CFLPS), reel 49; Wiadomosci Codzienne, October 11, 1937, p. 2 (6) Dziennik Zwiazowy, Nov. 27, 1911, CFLOS, reel 49; Wiadomosci Codzi,mne, Jan. 25, 1938, p. 2. (7) Osadne Hlasy , June 27 , 1930, pp . 4-5. (8) Zanje, Oct. 2, 1920, p. 4; Jednota, Mar. 18, 1936, p. 9; American Srbobran, Aug. 12, 1933, p . 3. (9) Wiadomosci Codzienne, Apr. 9, 1938, p. 2; Gerd Korman, Industrialization, Immigrants, andAmericanizers (Madison, Wis. , 1967), pp. 167-68; Ellen M . Kuznicki, ' ' An Ethnic School in American Education: A Study of the Origin, Development, and Merits of the Educational System of the Felican Sisters in Polish American Catholic Schools of Western New York" (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Kansas State Univ. , 1973); Stephen Wlodarski , The Origin and Growth of the Polish National Church (Scranton, 1974), p. 225. (10) Novi Svijet, Mar. 19, 1925, p. 1; Memorial Book and Fifth Anniversary, 1929-1934, Hrvatska Zena (Chicago, 1934). (11) Jednota, Sept. 21, 1938, p. 10; Sept. 8, 1937, p. 3. (12) Amerikanski Slovenec, Aug. 26, 1925, p . 4. See Giles Gobetz, "Slovenian Americans in Greater, Cleveland, Ohio" (typescript, Kent, Ohio, 1973), pp. 47-49, copy available at Immigration History Research Center, University of Minnesota (IHRC) . (13) Dziennik Chicagoski, May 27, 1904 ; June 30, 1897, reel 49, CFLPS. (14) Ibid ; Rovnost Ludu, Sept: 1, 1907, p . 1; Jednota, July 22, 1936, p. 9. (15) Hlas (Mar., 1938), p . 2 ; Osadne H/,asy, June 22, 1932 , p . 4. (16) Jednota, Apr. 26, 1939, p . 5. (17) Ibid. , Feb. 17, 1937, p. 10 ; Jan. 25 , 1939, p. 10. (18) Dziennik Zwiazowy, Dec. 11 , 1911 , p. 2; July 2, llm7, CFLPS, reel 49; Amerikanski Slovenec, June 11, 1925, pp. 1-3. (19) Jednota, Jan. 25 , 1939, p . 10 ; American Srbobran, Aug. 26, 1933 , p . 3; Aug. 12, 1933 , p . 3. (20) Wiadomosci Codzienne, July 28, 1937, p. 2; see the organ of the Polish Students Association of America, The New American, VII (June-July , 1939) , 1, for additional evidence that cultural maintenance was valued over "money." Stephen Vesko, ''Value of Higher Catholic Education,'' Jednota Kato/icky Kalendar, 1939. (21) Dziennik Zwiazowy, Aug . 5, 1918, CFLPS, reel 49. �' SLOVAKIA 37 (221 The New American, III (Sept. 19361; p. 4. (231 Ibid., V (Mar., 19391; II (Jan.-Feb.; 19361, p. 3. (24) Stephen Manchur, "Orientation of Ukrainian American Student," Ukrainian Youth, II (Oct., 1935), pp.5-11. (251 Filed Ukrainian Youth League minutes of meetings are in Alex Yarernko Papers, Box 1, IHRC; John Panchuk Papers, Boxes 3-5, IHRC; Sixty Years of the Ukranian Community in Philadelphia (Philadelphia, 1944). (261Minutes of the First Ukrainian Youth Congress, 1933 (typescriptl and Program, Sixth Annual Convention, Ukranian Catholic Youth League of North America, Alex Yaremko Papers, box 1, IHRC. (27) Minutes of Annual Meeting, 1936, (typescriptl, and Ukrainian Weekly Mar. 28, 1936, p. 4 (clipping) in Yarernko Papers, box 1, IHRC. (28) Ukrainian Cultural Center of Philadelphia, Guide to Program, Activities, and Policy, Yaremko Papers, box 1. This collection also contains numerous souvenir programs and describing the Vasile Avramenko folk ballet and the American Ukrainian Folk Festival in 1939. (291 Interviews with Bernard Gorczyca, Pittsburgh, June 20, 1974, Pittsburgh Oral History Project (POHP) reel 4; Frank Horvath, Bethlehem, July 16, 1974, Bethlehem Oral History Project (BOHPI, reel 3. All interviews are on file at the Pennsylvania Historical and Museum Commission, Harrisburg. (301 Interviews with Anton Cindrich, Pittsburgh, June 25, 1974, POHP, reel 17. Similar statements were made by Walter Klis, Pittsburgh, July 2, 1974, POHP, reel 15. (311 Geoffrey H. Steers, "Child-rearing Literature and Modernization Theory," The Family in Historical Perspective, Newsletter (Winter, 1974), pp. 8-9. Benjamin Spock, Baby and Child Care (New York, 1968), p. 12; Philip Slater, The Pursuit of Loneliness (Boston, 1970), pp. 62-64. (32) Interviews with John Smitko, McKeesport, June 22, 1974, POHP, reel 34. (33) Interviews with Joseph Slater, Dravosburg, July 2, 1974, POHP, reel 35. Nick Kiak, Bethlehem, July 11, 1974, BOHP, reel 9. (34) Interviews with Sam Davich, Pittsburgh, June 24, 1974, POHP, reel 17; Michael Komernitski, McKees Rocks, June 17, 1974, POHP, reel 16; Joe Rudiak, Pittsburgh, July 21, 1974, POHP, reel 19; John Wolota, Pittsburgh, June 14, 1974, POHP, reel 14. See John Bodnar, "Socialization and Adaptation: The Immigrant Families of Scranton," Pennsylvania History (forthcoming, Jan., 19761. (351 Interviews with Michael Zahorsky, Aliquippa, June 21, 1974, POHP, reel 7; Frank Horvath, Bethlehem, July 16, 1974, POHP, reel 3. (36) Interviews with Michael Labeka, McKees Rocks, June 18, 1974, POHP, reel 4; Bernard Gorczyca, Pittsburgh June 20, 1974, POHP, reel 15. Joe Rudiak, Pittsburgh, July 21, 1974, POHP, reel 19. (37) Francis Preveden, "Otuorirno Hram Znanja Nasoj Ornladini: Vasoj dieci," Francis Preveden Papers, folder 14, IHRC; "Review of Facts and Documents Concerning the Establishment of a Croatian University Chair in America (typescript), Preveden Papers, folder 14. (381 Preveden, "Otuorimo Hram Znanja Nasoj Omladini: Vasoj dieci," and "Project of a History of the Croatian People in America" (typescriptl, Preveden Papers, folder 14. (39) Zajednicar, Mar. 20, 1940, p. 10. See Preveden, "Napredak Nase Omladine I Buducnost Hrvata U Arnerici," Zajednicar, June 5, 1940, p. 4. (401 Zajednicar, Dec. 20, 1939, p. 12; May 29, 1940, p. 10; May 15, 1940, p. 10; Croatian Fraternal Union of America, Kratki Pregled Povijesti Hrvatske Bratske Zajednice, �38 SLOVAKIA 1894-1949 (Pittsburgh, 1949), pp. 198-99. (41) Zajednicar, May 22, 1940, p. 11; May 29, 1940, p . 12; June 26, 1940, p . 11. (42) Ibid ., July 17, 1940, p . 11; May 29, 1940. (43) Ibid ., Apr. 3, 1940, p . 1, 11-12; June 19, 1940, pp. 1-2, 11-12 ; June 26, 1940, p. 10; July 24, 1940, p . 11; Aug. 7, 1940, p. 11; Aug. 28, 1940, p . 11. (44) Ibid., Sept. 25, 1940, p. 10. (45) F . Majer letter in Dziennik Chicagoski, July 22, 1892, p. 4; Aug. 27, 1892, CFLPS, reel 49. Zgoda, Nov. 14, 1894 , p. 4; Jan. 19, 1899, p. 6. (46) Dziennik Chicagoski, June 6, 1896, Sept. 1, 1908, CFLPS, reel 49. (47) Ibid., Jan. 3, 1938, CFLPS, reel 49. The overtness of anti-Semitism which pervaded the Polish ethnic press often focused on the alleged materialistic aims of the Jews, although Polish anti-Semitism had deep historical roots in Poland which explains Polish-Jewish relations in America; see Narod Polski, Aug . 6, 1919, CFLPS, reel 49. (48) Ivan Kramoris , "The Slovak Immigrant Situation," Jednota, Apr. 19, 1939, p. 3; Jednota, June 10, 1936, p. 9. Jane Adams related the distress of a visiting Czech professor in Chicago over the "materialism " of America including several Bohemian newcomers; see Twenty Years at Hull House (New York, 1910), p . 171. Slovaks expressed attitudes similar to Poles in regard to Jewish sterotypes and the pursuit of wealth. See Jednota, Sept. 8, 1937, p . 3. (49) Osadne Hlasy (September 1929), 8-11; Jednota, April 22, 1936, p . 9; May 8, 1936, pp. 8-9. (50) Jednota, Jan. 29 , 1936, p . 9 , Sept. 29 , 1937, p . 8 . (51) Novi Svijet, Mar. 7, 1931, pp. 1-4. For similar statements see American Srbobran, August 26, 1933 , p. 3. Stephen Ilich, " The Moral Responsibilities of Parents and Children," Jugoslavia, March 3, 1923, pp . 1-7; Americanski Slovenec, July 6, 1929, p . 4. (52) Johann Chmelar, "The Austrian Emigration, 1900-1914, " Perspectives in American History, VII (1973). 275-378. (53) Proletarec, Mar. 27, 1919, pp. 1-4. (54) Novi Svijet, Jan. 30 , 1930, pp. 1-3; Jan. 19, 1927, pp. 2-3; Proletarec, Mar. 27, 1919, p. 4; Apr. 26, 1928; Zanje, Nov. 24, 1919, pp. 1-4; Radnicka Straza, Oct. 1, 1909, pp. 1-2 described free Croatian socialist schools. See Frank Bohn, Katoliska Cerkev in Socializem (Chicago, 1914) . (55) D. Popovich, "Noble Souls ," in Scrapbook of D. Popovich, IHRC . Rovnost Ludu (Slovak socialist paper). Apr. 10, 1912, p . 4; Proletarec, Dec. 11, 1918, pp . 3-5; NOvi Svijet, Nov. 14 , 1931, p. 4, 6; Radnik, Aug. 8, 1925, p. 4. (56) RadnickaStraza, Dec. 19, 1912, p. 1; Jan . 2, 1913, p. 1. By 1924 the membership of the Jugoslav Socialist Federation totaled only 1,500 and over 80 percent of its membership was Slovene. In Pennsylvania, for instance, the active South Slav socialists were almost all in small mining towns and settlements. Few were found in large urban areas and mill towns with sizeable Yugoslav colonies. Two mining communities, Strabane and Forest City, had a quarter of the read~rship of Proletarec between 1915 and 1940, mostly in the 1930s. Pittsburgh, which haa large Croatian and Serbian and Slovene communities, had relatively few socialist organizations, although the first Croatian Socialist Club in America began there in 1903. Chicago, as late as 1937, had less than 300 Slovene socialists. Finns, on the other hand, had over 15,000 socialists, a figure considerably higher than the Yugoslavs. See Jugoslovanska Socialisticna Zveza Papers , Box 176, IHRC for membership lists. See also Majski Glas, XV (1935). p. 50; XVII (May, 1937). pp. 40-49;RadnickaStraza, July 15, 1910, p . 1. (57) Radnicka Straza, Mar. 3, 1911, p. 3; Nov. 18, 1914, p . 3 Slobodna Rec, July 14, �SLOVAKIA 39 1940, p. 6. (58) 61st cong., 3rd sess., serial 5875, The Children of Immigrants (5 vols., Washington, 1911), V, 470, 516. U.S. Bureau of Census, Seventeenth Census of the United States, Census of the Population, 1950, II, 115-120, 159. Andrew Greeley, Ethnicity in the United States (New York, 1971), p. 52 found Slavic Catholics to have less college graduates than Jews, Germans, British and Scandinavians, Protestants and Irish, German and Italian Catholics. (59) U.S. Census, Seventeenth Census of the United States, 1950 Population. (60) The low rate of Slavic mobility and their occupational patterns are described in Joe Barton, Peasants and Strangers and John Bodnar, "Steelton's Immigrants : Social Relationships in a Pennsylvania Mill Town, 1870-1940" (unpublished Ph.D . dissertation, University of Connecticut, 1974). (61) See George Foster, "Peasant Society and the Image of Limited Good," American Anthropologist, 67 (April, 1965), 293-315; Rudolph M. Bell, 'The Transformation of a Rural Village: Istria, 1870-1972,'' Journal of Social History, 7 (Spring, 1974). 251-52. � SLOVAKIA 21 Materialism and Morality: Slavic-America'n Immigrants and Education, 1890-1940 BY JOHN BODNAR Prevailing American scholarship has credited immigrants to America with cherishing the idea of free public education and the promise it offered for social success. Scholars studying the attitudes of immigrants toward public education have portrayed immigrants as "true believers" in the potential of the American school. The widely accepted interpretation of Timothy Smith, for instance, argues forcefully that newcomers from southern and eastern Europe displayed a passionate and "intensified concern" for schooling in America. "That indigenous thrust for education," Smith asserted, "explains far better than any contributions of the Americanization movement the remarkable success in this country of Central European Slavs, Magyars, Rumanians, Jews, Greeks, and Italians." Smith argued that these immigrants had a "commitment" to the American dream of personal advancement through schooling. (1) Certainly some immigrant groups, such as Scandinavians, Jews, and Rumanians, displayed strong beliefs in the value of public schooling. (2) But the attempt to generalize about the immigrant experience obscures the variety of cultures and views newcomers brought to America. Studies of occupational mobility, for instance, are beginning to suggest that immigrants revealed divergent patterns of social attainment in America. (3) It remains to be seen, however, whether all newcomers embraced the ethic of success through public schooling. This study hopes to suggest that a consensus did not exist among immigrants in the worshipping of American schools and their potentiality. By focusing on Slavic-Americans, this essay will test the hypothesis that the American experience of southern and eastern Europeans "intensified the concern for learning." (4) Slavic immigrants to America and their children never denied the value of education itself. They did, however, conceive of education as having specific functions which were unrelated to social advancement. Above all else, education for immigrant children was for the purpose of retaining the cultural, linguistic, and religious values of the ethnic group. This message pervaded immigrant literature and was made unmistakably clear to the second generation. Cultural continuity was an overriding concern in America. Language and customs were threatened by Americanization just as Magyarization had threatened Slavic culture in the Austro-Hungarian �22 SLOVAKIA Empire. A Polish editor in Chicago explained that the major reason for the existence of the Polish National Alliance and parochial schools was to inculcate the use of the Polish language in the young. (5) Language preservation acquired a sense of importance before 1918 because of the European heritage of foreign domination, a heritage shared by Poles, Slovaks , Ukrainians, Croats,and Slovenes. Since Polish culture was threatened not only by Americanization but, in Europe, by Germany and Russia , its preservation in America seemed essential. (6) The necessity of this course became even more urgent when immigration was restricted in the 1920s. Osadne Hlasy, a Slovak publication, argued that with immigration restricted little assistance could be expected from ''the outside. ' ' It was now imperative, the newspaper stressed, to send children to Slovak schools where the "Slovak spirit" and language would be cultivated . (7) The efforts .at language maintenance were constantly in conflict with attacks of Americanizers. But immigrants reacted almost defiantly . A Croatian editor criticized Americans for not caring for foreign languages. He labeled the American desire to have all newcomers speak English fanatical and chauvinistic. Jednota, the organ of the First Catholic Slovak Union, concurred and told all Slovaks to disregard Americans who ridiculed their language because bilingualism was something of which to be proud. (8) Immigrants did more than preach language maintenance. In numerous communities such as Milwaukee and New York, Poles initiated movements to teach Polish in public schools. During the 1930s the Polish Felician Sisters in the Buffalo area launched programs to restore the teaching of the Polish language. The Polish National Church replaced Latin with Polish in its religious services after separating from the Roman Catholic Church in 1897. (9) Language schools proliferated in Slavic colonies beginning in the 1920s. In 1925 the Croatian fraternal lodges of Chicago initiated a school for children to learn to read and write Croatian . The Croatian Women 's Clubs of America ("Hrvatska Zena") launched widespread programs in 1929 to promote the preservation of the Croatian language. (10) While cultural preservation was important, however, a new transformative force was encountered in America - modem, urban society . Thus the retention of language was equalled in importance by the maintenance of religious ways. Slavic Catholics continually insisted that early childhood education should be in parochial schools. Invariably all Slavic groups were unanimous in their advocacy of religious over secular schools. '' A Catholic education is the best education in the world,'' Jednota claimed , ' 'because it prepares one for the main business of life: the saving of one's soul." On another occasion, the Slovak journal proclaimed that Catholic schools were the only "real" schools . (11) Slovene periodicals concurred that only Catholic schools could give children the " right kind of education. " (12) Polish �SLOVAKIA 23 newcomers were instructed that if children attended public schools and failed to receive instruction in the Polish language and religion, they were a' 'total loss to the Polish people .'' (13) It is important to remember that language-loyalty and religion were inseparable. Slavs felt that one could not exist without the other. '' A Pole who says he is a Catholic but who is ashamed of or neglects the Polish language," a Polish writer insisted, "is not a true Catholic." Conversely, when the National Slovak Society organized a school for young Slovaks in Chicago~in 1904, which stressed Slovak language instructions, it received little support. Slovak Catholics claimed they would not support a school which failed to offer any religious teachings. Indeed, Jednota, in an editorial entitled "Educational Rights of Parents,'' held that parents have the basic right to send their children to schools where love of God and homeland is taught. (14) Slovak schools were viewed as places where children would learn ''to think in Slovak, talk in Slovak,and know the culture of their nation and love for their people." Slovaks were even instructed in how to give graduation speeches to the young since such addresses would offer a final opportunity to admonish the young to conduct themselves as good Slovaks and good Catholics. (15) If early schooling was to center on ''God and country,'' higher education also had its limits. Ivan Kramoris, a Slovak writer, admitted in 1939 that most Slovaks had been adverse to giving their sons higher education unless it involved study for the priesthood . (16) Actually many Slavs were skeptical of the possibilities of "modem education." John Lesko, a Slovak, wrote in Jednota that it was not clearly evident that "modem education" would guarantee progress. "A university education may bring one worldly position and prestige,'' Lesko argued, ''but peace and well-being and genuine progess come only from good will. '' Even Jednota admitted in 1939 that Slovaks in America ''lacked the generosity of the Jews'' in supporting education. (17) To be sure, numerous Slavic groups established plans for colleges and several were actually initiated. Their function, however, was clearly defined. When Alliance College in Pennsylvania was launched by Poles in 1911, it was conceived to be an institution whereby young Poles could become good Polish citizens, something which was thought unattainable in the homeland under foreign rule. On the opening of a Slovene college in Lemont, Illinois, Slovenes rejoiced over the fact that they now had both a college to educate spiritual leaders and priests, and a cultural center to guard "our religious standard" from the "destructive" work of the Yugoslav Socialist Federation. (18) Other Slavic groups echoed the thrust of the Slovenes and Poles. Slovaks planned a Slovak Catholic College in the late 1930s as a home for all Slavic cultures and an "arsenal" in the fight against atheistic communism. The Serbian National Federation created a college scholarship program in 1933 which required Serbian-American youth to �24 SLOVAKIA attend universities in Yugoslavia to study the Serbian language, history, and literature. (19) Wiadomosc Codzienne actually told Polish parents in Cleveland not to have their sons study for professions but rather to become skilled artisans since it would be easier to find a job. (20) Indeed, adjacent to Alliance College, Poles established the Alliance Trade Institute to train youth in mechanical trades. The graduates of the institute would not be professionals, according to Dziennik Zwiazowy, ''but skilled labor is just as useful and necessary as mental labor." A Slovak journal went further by suggesting that since opportunities were limited, young men should learn a skill. (21) While a good deal of effort was invested in instructing the second generation to retain the various ethnic cultures and eschew secular education, some immigrant children differed. Inevitably the relatively few Slavic children who moved through the American school system modified their parents' instructions considerably. Some attacked the views of the first generation, and their criticism revealed much about their parents' minds. A second generation Polish education group, for instance, explained that their parents' preoccupation with Polish nationalism was noble but, as a result, ''it lowered interest in making a place for Poles in this country." The New American argued that the progress of Poles in this country was sacrificed in order to settle a historical debt (free Poland). (22) The young Poles, in another editorial, criticized other Polish-Americans for possessing "an attitude of obliviousness to education and a lack of appreciation for a sense of deferred values.'' The essay concluded: There exists a tendency among a large number of Polish young men and women to be easily satis'fied with a mediocre position, sometimes to a point of servitutle in a routine job with a remote chance for advancement. (23) Other educated immigrant children echoed the critique of young Poles. Stephen Mamchur, in an address to the Ukrainian Youth Congress in 1935, criticized the policy of Ukrainians who foster ethnic isolation by socializing "students in Ukrainian culture." Mamchur felt Ukrainian children should spend less time in studying Ukrainian and pay more attention to secular education if Ukrainians were to rise in the American social structure. If the "isolationist" policy continued, Mamchur predicted that Ukrainians would remain a "caste" and never assume ''that place in the American social order to which our abilities entitle us.'' (24) While a few immigrant children had acquired American middleclass notions of education and mobility and attempted to inculcate their views to the Slavic masses, however, most, thoroughly socialized by their parents, shared their parents' views on cultural maintenance. Consider the activities of American-born Ukrainians. By the early 1930s the second generation had established the Ukrainian Youth League of �SLOVAKIA 25 North America, the Ukrainian Catholic Youth of North America and the Ukrainian Orthodox League of North America. A vast network of neighborhood centers, athletic and cultural programs and publications such as the Ukrainian Chronicle and The Ukrainian Weekly appeared. (25) The Ukrainian Youth League of North America was typical. Organized in 1933, it contained four divisions: social, athletic, educational (Ukrainian history and language), and cultural (dramas). Its main objectives were t\) organize Ukrainian-American youth and disseminate among them a knowledge of the Ukrainian people, to promote moral and physical talents, and to support all Ukrainian national and cultural institutions. One delegate to the Ukrainian Catholic League's convention in 1938 contended that young Ukrainians could not deny the existence of their forefathers or their heritage and that it was imperative ''to carry on the work of keeping alive the culture of our predecessors.'' (26) Annual conventions, in fact, often witnessed debate over the extent young Ukrainians should Americanize. A consensus at the 1936 meeting, for instance, agreed that Ukrainian youth should '' live up to their promise'' by keeping the traditions of our ''beloved Ukraine, whether they be religious or otherwise.'' (27) The youth leagues also established a diverse program of plays, dances, history and language instruction, and athletic competition. The First Ukrainian Catholic National Track and Field Championships were held in Philadelphia in 1936 and attracted participants from Bridgeport, Cleveland, Detroit, and Philadelphia. Vasile Avramenko and his Ukrainian Folk Ballet became extremely popular among both Ukrainian generations in America in the early 1930s and were sponsored in numerous localities by local youth leagues. In 1939, over 50,000 people attended the American-Ukrainian Folk Festival at the New York World's Fair which was sponsored by the Ukrainian American Youth League. (28) Immigrant children were also influenced by their parents in subtle ways to value immediate work above a lengthy education. Some viewed their immigrant fathers as, above all else, hard workers. If sons had any image of their fathers it included manual work as an inevitable aspect of life. A Polish-American described his parents as individuals who believed in ''work, work, work, and work.'' A Bethlehem Slovak recalled that his father never talked of changing jobs but only of doing a good day's work for the company. (29) A Serbian son in Pittsburgh remembered his father as a man esteemed by fellow Serbs for his dedication to his job. The Serbian son claimed his father's characteristics were representative of most Serbs. He argued: Those men were tireless. They did hard work. They stuck with their job; they didn't have to be driven. They were tireless and always feared the loss of their jobs since they had nothing to fall back on. (30) �26 SLOVAKIA Slavic parents also held definite ideas concerning work which influenced the educational prospects of their children drastically . The individualistic approach to child rearing was an anathema to Slavs. They viewed their children as part of a collective whose work was necessary for family survival. (31) As a young man, John Smitko wanted to be a Slovak priest. His mother argued that religious training would not provide an adequate income and insisted he work in the mill. Smitko became a pit careman in a Duquesne mill for forty-five years . (32) Joseph Slater, the son of a Polish miner, was taken to work in an Ohio coal mine by his father at age sixteen. Nick Kiak's first job was learning the operation of a crane from his father at the Bethlehem mill. (33) Working-class parents encouraged child labor rather than schooling as necessary for family survival. In the 1920s, in Scranton, Pennsylvania, thirty-five percent of Polish family income was provided by child labor. Before Pennsylvania restricted child labor in the 1920s, Slavic parents routinely falsified working permits so that their children could begin work at fourteen instead of the legal age of sixteen. Sam Davich was required to work at age fourteen in a glass factory in Pittsburgh and turn over his earnings to his mother. Michael Komernitski worked as a teenager when his father's illness reduced family income . In Lyndora, in western Pennsylvania, most Polish children were sent to Detroit in the late 1920s when news of jobs in the expanding automobile industry was received. One Ukrainian-American son explained that it was understood that a child helped his father because the parent " couldn 't make out. " (34) Slavic parents not only influenced their children by the example of hard work and the demands of family survival but imparted definite views concerning education. A typical Slovak father stressed to his son that it was more important to learn a manual skill than attend school. Michael Zahorsky was assured by his father that if he learned a trade he would never go hungry. Zahorsky became a blacksmith. Frank Horvath quit school at age sixteen to work in a Bethlehem furniture factory. His brothers had already started peddling milk to help pay the family milk bill. Horvath's parents questioned whether school helped anyone survive. They argued that an opportl\nity to leave school and make money should never be avoided. (35) When Slavic newcomers did insist on education, religious vocation and ethnic cultures were usually stressed. Michael Labeka's father taught him the role of cantor in the Ukrainian church. A cantor was paid to sing religious responses in many Slavic churches. Labeka later supplemented his income as a mill worker in Monessen with his earnings as a cantor. Bernard Gorcyca's parents sent him to a Polish seminary in Michigan at age fourteen. Other parents admonished their children to study their native tongue and religious instruction. (36) The tension between the ostensible promise of American �SLOVAKIA 27 \ education and success, something which divided the immigrant children, and the wishes of the immigrants reached a classic confrontation among Croatians. In 1940, a professor of Croatian extraction at Duquesne University in Pittsburgh, Francis Preveden, presented a comprehensive plan to the Supreme Board of the Croatian Fraternal Union of America (CFU). Preveden asked the fraternal union to institute a monthly assessment of one cent per member to support the creation of Croatian National Alliance for Schooling and Education of Youth at Duquesne. While Preveden was motivated partly by a desire to create an enhanced institutional position for himself, his argument was clearly presented to the Croatian leaders and public. The Croatian center, according to Preveden, would '' open the gates of the temples of knowledge" to Croatian children who had "been denied the advantages of higher education." Preveden stated his goal succinctly: In its full extent this plan aims at the gradual transformation of our immigrants from a class of laborers to a class of intellectuals. This change should come through encouragement of secondary and higher education among our younger ·generation. (37) Preveden attributed a perceived lack of educational attainment and ' 'intellectual stagnation' ' among Croatians to the ''ignorance and criminal neglect" of Croatian leaders who worried more over the internal politics of the ethnic organization and "evil genius" of the last two generations of the Croatian people in America. Preveden equated the status of the Croatian people in America to that of the Negro and placed Croats decidedly behind the Irish whose educational network he admired. And he argued that· the additional assessment required for the center would not lead to deprivation . (38) The reaction of the CFU leaders was to call for a referendum of the union's membership on the issue of initiating a monthly assessment to support the Croatian educational center. (39) By 1940 the CFU was divided into Croatian-speaking lodges, which predominated and consisted of both first and second generation Croats, and English-speaking lodges , which were fewer in number and were composed entirely of American-born Croats. It was from the Croatianspeaking lodges that Preveden encountered his severest opposition . Many immigrant Croats, including those in the supreme board of the CFU , were opposed to increased assessments for education , especially because numerous immigrants were retiring by 1940 and needed financial assistance. Adam Sudetic, a senior CFU member from Detroit, was critical of any plan that represented a drift away from the Croatian language. Sudetic further felt that the stress on "educated Croats " discouraged other young Croats from joining the fraternal union . (40) �28 SLOVAKIA Preveden's strongest support, not unexpectedly, came from the English-speaking lodges. English lodges in Gary, Indiana; Lackawanna, New York; and Pittsburgh sent strong endorsements to Zajednicar, the organ of the CFU. (41) Michael Horvath, the editor for the English section of Zajednicar, argued vigorously for the plan. Horvath insisted that the center: is the one concrete manner in which we can prove to our young that we are willing to do for them what was denied us in the past and that is to extend to them a decent opportunity of educating themselves in the better fields of learning. (42) Horvath and other proponents of the plan initiated a strategically designed series in Zajednicar during the spring and summer of 1940 entitled "Survey of College Educated and Professional Croatians." Croatian Americans who graduated from college were identified and their life histories were published. It was hoped that such examples "of the success of our youth'' in education would spread interest in education and progress throughout all Croatian youth in America. Questionnaires were mailed to every lodge and to over seven hundred colleges in the United States and Canada seeking information on Croatians in college. Weekly lists were published of those in college and in professions. A reference file was started for future students to learn from the experience of other Croats "in the never ceasing struggle to attain success." After nearly four months, the survey was ended on the eve on the referendum to decide the fate of the Preveden plan. What it had demonstrated was the exceedingly low rate of educational attainment and mobility by Croats by 1940. With nearly 400,000 Croats in America only 135 college students were identified and 150 "professionals" including receptionists, stenographers, mail carriers, and one professional boxer. (43) By late September the results of the referendum were clear. Over 10,000 votes were cast out of 58,000 eligible voters in the CFU. The Preveden education plan was defeated by;._ more than a two to one margin. The series on educational attainments was abruptly stopped and the sections devoted to Croatian youth in Zajednicar quickly returned to a "complete focus on sports," something which had been noticeably absent during the summer of 1940. The immigrants and a good representation of their children had spoken. The surrender to American middle-class values would not be that easy. (44) Clearly the Slavic immigrant had misgivings about American schooling and the promise it ostensibly offered. In part, his hostility to education stemmed from the threat public schooling posed to his cultural heritage and language. Certp.inly his working-class status reinforced these educational views. But an examination of immigrant literature revealed a deeper motive for explaining the orientation of �SLOVAKIA 29 Slavic newcomers. Ultimately Slavs were troubled by the materialistic, acquisitive thrust of Amarican life. Poles, Slovaks, Croats, and Ukrainians not only resisted Americanization but they also were reluctant to embrace the secular aspect of modern urban industrial society. Ultimately, the Slav would not only resist pressures to Americanize but he would offer a critique of the moral quality of modern industrial America. Throughout the first half century of large scale Slavic settlement in America, a consistent anti-materialistic bias permeated the immigrants' thought. In the early 1890s, Polish newspapers were already mounting a strong assault on the ''Dollar God'' of American culture. A Pole from Priceburg, Pennsylvania, wrote a letter to Dziennik Chicagoski criticizing American society for straining parental-child relationships by stressing "excess and wantonness." The "struggle for the dollar'' facilitated the losing of ''religion and patriotism so dear to us.'' Numerous editorials and articles emphasized the evil effects of the pursuit of material wealth. In an 1894 editorial Zgoda told Poles that a ''reasonable honest drive'' to improve your material being was good, but the "idolistic pursuit' of money at the expense of your soul would bring "hatred and desperation." Zgoda continued, "good character and work are the greatest wealth." (45) It was precisely because of this skepticism of the promise of American life that Poles emphasized Polish over American schools. Dziennik Chicagoski called Polish schools the ''watch-tower'' of the Polish spirit. American schools were felt to be a "horrible example" where children learn little but disrespect for their parents. American schools were not considered ''adequate'' for Polish children not only because they were "irreligious" but because they were thought to be permeated with secularism. (46) Poles, in fact, attacked other areas of American life. The popular literature of America, such as magazines and ''love stories and the like" which were printed for profit, was sharply attacked for lowering moral standards. Again the Polish press articulated the feeling: . . . have we fallen so low that we cannot pursue something better (than Americans). Let us concentrate our thoughts and spirits in a direction that will be worthy of us - toward better spiritual and moral standards which will place us above all others. In order to maintain the purity of the Polish spirit, we must stay clear of the present course of the American generation. (47) Slovaks invariably echoed the Polish sentiments. In a series of essays in Jednota by the Slovak writer, Ivan Kramoris, the Slovak immigrant situation was analyzed. Kramoris posed the question, "But what are we going to do in America?" He explained that such a choice �30 SLOVAKIA should be made in the framework of economic versus moral standards. Kramoris argued that an individual's morality actually influenced his economic life . Little doubt existed in Kramoris' mind that the eventual emphasis should be placed upon morality. Other writers in Jednota concurred: " So many are cursed with the lust of acquiring things they see no further ahead than their own selfish self''; a Slovak editor exclaimed , ''those who measure success by the material things acquired are lost in the fog of life.' ' (48) Characteristically, the anti-materialistic bias influenced Slovak views on education. Osadne Hlasy illustrated the drawbacks of the public schools in 1929. Children were taught but not "reared" in American schools; according to the Slovak journal, "they educate the mind but not the heart." J. T. Porincak, a Slovak, clarified the argument: With a public school education they (children) go forth into the world, lost completely to the Slovaks. Their idea of life is a breezy and snappy novel, a blood curdling movie and lots of money. But our duty to our people commands us to save our youth from the moral catastrophe that is confronting it. (49) Slovaks also revealed a collective self-perception of themselves as moral people. A Jednota article compared Slovaks to Quakers . Unlike the British and Italians who were felt to the militaristic, Slovaks, like Quakers, represented "endurance and strength, not progress and conquest." In a clear display of working-class resignation and futility, the Jednota writer concluded that Slovaks know what ''life is worth and do not strive for the unobtainable." At his retirement as editor of Jednota in 1937, Joseph Rusek made a farewell speech in which he analyzed the contribution of Slovaks to American life. What Slovaks , he concluded, could give America was a "moral legacy." Rusek thought Slovak identity would eventually be lost in America but '' our moral values will contribute to the creation of the American nation.'' (50) Similar currents were found in the res\ of Slavic America. George Mamek told a Chicago Croatian youth club in 1931 that most Americans shared a '' cruel materialistic philosophy'' ahd thought more of their dollars than their souls. Mamek saw immigrants who came to America to improve their material condition especially susceptible to the idolization of material ends. Mamek's address so stirred the young Croatians that they passed resolutions supporting the right of children to be raised " distinctively and different" in America and the beneficial effects of cultural pluralism as the "philosophy best for our children." Arguments on the moral responsibilities of parents were found throughout Croatian and Serbian journals. (51) �SLOVAKIA 31 A potential danger in presenting the ' ' Slavic view'' is to suggest that the Slavic immigrant communities were ideologically monolithic. The groups and data examined in this study reflected the prevailing views of Poles, Slovaks, Croatians, Serbs, and Ukrainians who, with the exception of Serbian Orthodox, were primarily Catholic, of peasant background, and composed the vast majority of Slavic newcomers to America. Some Slavs, such as Poles from Germany, Czechs and Slovenes, often encountered a greater degree of industrialization in Europe and brought strong ~raditions of socialism and ''free thought.'' Actually considerable dialogue existed within most Slavic communities between the Catholic majority and the ubiquitous socialist minority. Socialists were more numerous among certain groups, such as the Slovenes and Czechs, than among Poles, Slovaks, Ukrainians, or Croats. Partially this situation existed because of greater incursions of industrialization and socialist thought into Czech and Slovene homelands than in more economically backward areas like southern Poland and eastern Slovakia. (52) The socialists in the old country were in continual contact with the American communities and many joined the immigrant waves. Socialism was never embraced by the peasant Slavs to the extent that it was by groups who brought strong socialists traditions to America, such as the Jews and Finns. The outstanding differences between the Slavic Catholics and socialists were their opposite views concerning the material, secular world. Slavic socialists departed markedly from their fellow countrymen in their assessment of education. Proletarec, a Slovene socialist organ, argued that Slovene workers badly need professional education to develop skills that would facilitate the finding of jobs. Proletarec, echoing the criticism of some Catholic immigrant children, sought to infuse Slavic children with initiative and' 'a new horizon for ambition the modem school, supported by scientists of reputation, is exactly what we want." (53) Education was perceived as necessary for economic progress and as a defense against exploitation of the worker. Organizations such as the J ugoslav Educational Association eventually offered free lectures and literature on topics such as "The Value of Education," "Birth Control," and "Health and Welfare." (54) The Slavic socialists embellished their advocacy of secular education with a simultaneous attack on the religious values and leaders of the Slavic majority. A Serb socialist spokesman complained that Serbians needed more professors and doctors but got only '' soul savers." Slovak socialist organs urged "poor working Slovaks" not to "throw their money" away by giving it to churches. In a similar vein, Proletarec claimed that clergy were using ''pious sentiments'' as a means of extracting money from the workers. When Slavs were asked by their religious leaders to pray for an end to the depression in 1931, Novi Svijet countered with a lengthy assault upon the clergy. The newspaper explained: �32 SLOVAKIA Such comedy with prayer is being prepared to show seemingly sympathy toward workers and to keep believers in the ancient darkness of faith in whose name the worst kind of exploitation is committed . . . The salvation of the working class is not in prayer but in education and organization. (55) Even Slavic socialists, however, despite their secular orientation, were unable to completely surmount ethnic tensions among themselves and achieve a semblance of working-class solidarity. The largest Slavic socialist movement was found among the South Slavs and was institutionalized, in 1910, in the creation of the Yugoslav Socialist Federation. The organization, however, was continually weakened by disputes between Serbs , Croats, and Slovenes . The organization had three newspapers: Proletarec for the Slovenes, Radnicka Straza for the Croats, and Narodni Glas for the Serbs. At the annual meeting in 1912, Frank Petrich, the editor of Proletarec, proposed that all three papers be merged and published in the Latin and Cyrillic alphabets. The plan was soundly defeated then, and on subsequent occasions when it was introduced. (56) At times, Slavic socialists themselves exhibited concerns which were highly non-secular and revealed a lingering ambiguity toward materialism. A Croat socialist spokesman complained that too many newcomers are interested only in "high wages" and forget the extensive suffering and exploitation endured by workers. A number of other comments attacked American societies for fostering divorce and a decline in family relationships. (57) The Slavic-American skepticism toward public school was clearly manifested in various studies of school attendance and progress. In a 1911 study released by the United States Immigration Commission, Poles and Slovaks ranked lowest among ethnic groups in the largest urban centers. The percentage of Slavic children in school beyond the sixth grade was lower than the rate for the progeny of Irish and Jewish newcomers and Negroes. Beyond grade six, the group with the smallest percentage of children in the public schools of Chicago and Cleveland in 1911 were the Slovaks (4 percent). Poles were lowest in Buffalo, New Britain and Scranton and next to the last in Cleveland and Milwaukee. , In computing public high school att~dance in 1910, Slavic children were noticeably absent. In Chicago, while five percent of Black children and six percent of Polish Jewish children were attending the secondary schools, only one percent of the Poles and Slovaks were doing so. In Cleveland only one-half of one percent of Slovak children were in high school in 1910 as compared with eleven percent of Irish immigrant children and seven percent of Polish Jews who arrived in America at the same time . �33 \ SLOVAKIA TABLE 1 * PCBLIC SCHOOL ATTENDANCE OF NATIVE & IMMIGRANT CHILDREN BEYOND GRADE 6, 191 0 New Buffalo Chicago C leve land Milwaukee Britain Scranton Shenandoah 16% 40 <;; 23"/ 26';, 24% 3 1';; 16 17 15 18 NB\V Negro Heb r ew 31 26 -10 German Heb r e w 22 23 20 Polish 39 28 61 24 32 25 19 Iri sh South 2 7 11 10 It :1li:1.n 5 (j 1 4 6 10 7 6 Polis h 5 5 Slovak -I 6 Croat 7 8 Slovene *St ati s ti cs computed from Gl Cong ., :3 rd scss . ; serial 58 75, T he Children of Immig rants in Schools (5 vo ls ., Washington, 1911) , II, 3 78 , 648 , 848; IV, 77, 4 77; V, 4 18 , 50 8 , TABLE 2* HIGH SCHOOL ATTENDANCE: , NAT IVE & IMMIGRANT CHILDREN, 19 10 Buffalo 12 8 19 lG Chicago 9 5 10 6 C level and 12 8 13 7 Milwaukee 10 9 New Britain 19 NBW Negr o Heb r ew Greman 9 Hebrew Polish 3 Hebrew Russian 43 12 11 G 13 Irish 1 1 l 3 South Italian 1 2 1 2 2 Polish 1 .5 Slovak *Statist ics co mputed from 61 Cong. , 3 rd sess .; serial 58 75 (5 vo ls ., Was hington, 1911) , II, 378 , G..J.8 , 8-1 8; I\', 77, -1 77; V, 41 8 , 508 . Where parochial school attendance figures were available, Slavic attendance invariably ranked behind native-born and second generation Irish children. In Milwaukee parochial schools in 1910, fifteen percent of the children of native-born Catholics were in school and ten percent of the second generation Irish. Only two percent of the Poles were attending, however, and no Slovaks. Polish and Slovak �SLOVAKIA 34 representation in Cleveland's parochial schools were better but considerably behind the native-born and Irish . New Britain had nineteen percent of its Irish youth in Catholic schools after the sixth grade but none of its Polish youth. In Scranton ninety-nine percent of all Polish immigrant children in parochial schools were in grades one to five only. In Shenandoah, Pennsylvania, thirty-two percent of the children of native-born Catholics were beyond the fourth grade . No Poles had advanced that far despite being in Shenandoah for over thirty years as of 1910. (58) Tab le 3* PAROCHIAL SCHOOL ATTENDANCE BY ETHNIC GROUP BEYOND GRADE G Native -born white Milwaukee New Britain Cleveland Irish Polish 14. 9% 10';{ 22 17 26 1. 6% 0 5 H.) Slovak 0 1¾ 10 *6lst Cong., 3rd sess., serial 5 875, The Children of Immigrants in Schools (5 vols .; Washington, 1911), V, 95,515, 909. As late as 1950, census data revealed the effect of the educational patterns of Slavs. In focusing on Pennsylvania, the state that received the largest influx of Slavs, their median years of completed schooling was the lowest of any ethnic group in the state . The following list ranks the towns in Pennsylvania with the lowest median years of school completed by their citizens and identifies the largest ethnic concentrations in those communities. Clearly, the small industrial towns which covered the state and housed its Slavic concentrations were behind the rest of the Commonwealth in educational progress. (59) Median Years of Schoo ling, 1950 (persons over 25) Gilberton Marshalltown Dupont Shenandoah Dickson City West Washington Swoyersville Edwardsv ille Glen Lyon Throop Pennsylvania (state average) 7.2 7.3 7.4 7. 7 7. 7 7. 8 7. 8 7.9 7.9 7.9 9. 0 \ Ethnic Concentration Lithuanian-Slovak Polish-Lithuanian Slovak-Italian Polish Polish-Slovak Polish-Italian Polish-Slovak Polish-Slovak Polish-Italian Polish-It a Li an �SLOVAKIA 35 The evidence on Slavic views towards American schools suggests that no great consensus existed among immigrants. Slavs did not share the preferences of many other immigrant groups and wholeheartedly embrace the expectations of American education. Schools were suspect not only for the threat they posed to Slavic culture but for the material reward they ostensibly promised. Influenced partially by the spiritualistic thrust of their premodem culture, Slavs did not immediately accept the modem notion of the pursuit of upward success. Some immigrant children who were exposed to American higher education attempted to infuse other Slavs with a middle-class faith in public schooling and bitterly criticized the stance of their parents. But they were a definite minority as most of the second generation were socialized in the attitudes of their parents. Slavic socialists who favored public schooling were only a fraction of the Slav Catholic population and were frequently preoccupied with moral and ethnic concerns of their own. To most Slavic Americans before 1940, education was intended for the preservation of culture and morality, not social mobility. The skepticism toward education and success displayed by SlavicAmericans during the first half-century of extensive settlement in America emerged from two sources. Most Slavs were drawn into unskilled, industrial pursuits which offered few opportunities for occupational mobility. (60) Their working class status, as the interviews in this paper suggested, encouraged a preoccupation with steady work. Public education simply did not offer skills that were useful to blast fumances, open hearths, mines, or textile mills. Practical considerations of getting a job and keeping it were not only paramount but essential for survival. Even more importantly, this emerging working-class pragmatism reinforced elements of traditional peasant culture, such as concerns with survival, limited visions of the future and spiritual rather than material ends. (61) Modem notions of acquisitiveness had neither immediate acceptance nor historical antecedents within the immigrant mind. Furthermore, constant attempts by Magyars in Europe and Americanizers in this country to subjugate Slavic cultures made their preservation an important consideration. And within that culture, language, religious values, and spiritual concern were intertwined and deemed worthy of maintenance. When this cultural constellation was fused with working-class realism, Slavic attitudes toward education became inevitable. (Reprinted with the permission of: The Journal of Ethnic Studies, 3:4 (Winter 1976).) NOTES Research for this article was made possible by grants from the American Council of Learned Societies and the Immigration History Research Center, University of Minnesota. �36 SLOVAKIA (1) Timothy Smith , " Immigrant Social Aspirations and American Education , 18801930," American Quarterly, 21 (Fall, 1969) , 522-25 . Smith, " Native Blacks and Foreign Whites : Varying Responses to Educational Opportunity in America, 18801950," in Perspectives in American History, VI (1972), 311-313. (2) David Tyack , The One Best System, A History of American Urban Education (Cambridge, Mass ., 1974) , 241-48; David W . Cohen, "Immigrants and the Schools," Revie ws of Educational Research, 40 (Fall , 1940), 13-28; Michael Olneck and Marvin Lazerson , " The School Achievement of Immigrant Children, 1900-1930," History of Education Quarterly, 15 (Winter, 1975), 453 , 474-77 . (3) Josef Barton, Peasants and Strangers: Italians, Rumanians, and Slovaks in an American City, 1840-1950 (Cambridge, Mass. , 1975), Chapter V; Stephan Thernstrom , The Other Bostonians (Cambridge, Mass ., 1973), pp . 145 ff; Andrew Greeley, Ethnicity in the United States (New York, 1974) , pp . 53-56, 181. (4) Smith, '' Immigrant Social Aspirations and American Education , 1880-1930, '' p. 525. (5) Dzie nnik Zwiazowy, Nov. 27, 1911, Chicago Foreign Language Press Survey (CFLPS), reel 49; Wiadomosci Codzienne, October 11, 1937, p. 2 (6) Dziennik Zwiazowy, Nov. 27, 1911, CFLOS, reel 49; Wiadomosci Codzi,mne, Jan. 25, 1938, p. 2. (7) Osadne Hlasy , June 27 , 1930, pp . 4-5. (8) Zanje, Oct. 2, 1920, p. 4; Jednota, Mar. 18, 1936, p. 9; American Srbobran, Aug. 12, 1933, p . 3. (9) Wiadomosci Codzienne, Apr. 9, 1938, p. 2; Gerd Korman, Industrialization, Immigrants, andAmericanizers (Madison, Wis. , 1967), pp. 167-68; Ellen M . Kuznicki, ' ' An Ethnic School in American Education: A Study of the Origin, Development, and Merits of the Educational System of the Felican Sisters in Polish American Catholic Schools of Western New York" (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Kansas State Univ. , 1973); Stephen Wlodarski , The Origin and Growth of the Polish National Church (Scranton, 1974), p. 225. (10) Novi Svijet, Mar. 19, 1925, p. 1; Memorial Book and Fifth Anniversary, 1929-1934, Hrvatska Zena (Chicago, 1934). (11) Jednota, Sept. 21, 1938, p. 10; Sept. 8, 1937, p. 3. (12) Amerikanski Slovenec, Aug. 26, 1925, p . 4. See Giles Gobetz, "Slovenian Americans in Greater, Cleveland, Ohio" (typescript, Kent, Ohio, 1973), pp. 47-49, copy available at Immigration History Research Center, University of Minnesota (IHRC) . (13) Dziennik Chicagoski, May 27, 1904 ; June 30, 1897, reel 49, CFLPS. (14) Ibid ; Rovnost Ludu, Sept: 1, 1907, p . 1; Jednota, July 22, 1936, p. 9. (15) Hlas (Mar., 1938), p . 2 ; Osadne H/,asy, June 22, 1932 , p . 4. (16) Jednota, Apr. 26, 1939, p . 5. (17) Ibid. , Feb. 17, 1937, p. 10 ; Jan. 25 , 1939, p. 10. (18) Dziennik Zwiazowy, Dec. 11 , 1911 , p. 2; July 2, llm7, CFLPS, reel 49; Amerikanski Slovenec, June 11, 1925, pp. 1-3. (19) Jednota, Jan. 25 , 1939, p . 10 ; American Srbobran, Aug. 26, 1933 , p . 3; Aug. 12, 1933 , p . 3. (20) Wiadomosci Codzienne, July 28, 1937, p. 2; see the organ of the Polish Students Association of America, The New American, VII (June-July , 1939) , 1, for additional evidence that cultural maintenance was valued over "money." Stephen Vesko, ''Value of Higher Catholic Education,'' Jednota Kato/icky Kalendar, 1939. (21) Dziennik Zwiazowy, Aug . 5, 1918, CFLPS, reel 49. �' SLOVAKIA 37 (221 The New American, III (Sept. 19361; p. 4. (231 Ibid., V (Mar., 19391; II (Jan.-Feb.; 19361, p. 3. (24) Stephen Manchur, "Orientation of Ukrainian American Student," Ukrainian Youth, II (Oct., 1935), pp.5-11. (251 Filed Ukrainian Youth League minutes of meetings are in Alex Yarernko Papers, Box 1, IHRC; John Panchuk Papers, Boxes 3-5, IHRC; Sixty Years of the Ukranian Community in Philadelphia (Philadelphia, 1944). (261Minutes of the First Ukrainian Youth Congress, 1933 (typescriptl and Program, Sixth Annual Convention, Ukranian Catholic Youth League of North America, Alex Yaremko Papers, box 1, IHRC. (27) Minutes of Annual Meeting, 1936, (typescriptl, and Ukrainian Weekly Mar. 28, 1936, p. 4 (clipping) in Yarernko Papers, box 1, IHRC. (28) Ukrainian Cultural Center of Philadelphia, Guide to Program, Activities, and Policy, Yaremko Papers, box 1. This collection also contains numerous souvenir programs and describing the Vasile Avramenko folk ballet and the American Ukrainian Folk Festival in 1939. (291 Interviews with Bernard Gorczyca, Pittsburgh, June 20, 1974, Pittsburgh Oral History Project (POHP) reel 4; Frank Horvath, Bethlehem, July 16, 1974, Bethlehem Oral History Project (BOHPI, reel 3. All interviews are on file at the Pennsylvania Historical and Museum Commission, Harrisburg. (301 Interviews with Anton Cindrich, Pittsburgh, June 25, 1974, POHP, reel 17. Similar statements were made by Walter Klis, Pittsburgh, July 2, 1974, POHP, reel 15. (311 Geoffrey H. Steers, "Child-rearing Literature and Modernization Theory," The Family in Historical Perspective, Newsletter (Winter, 1974), pp. 8-9. Benjamin Spock, Baby and Child Care (New York, 1968), p. 12; Philip Slater, The Pursuit of Loneliness (Boston, 1970), pp. 62-64. (32) Interviews with John Smitko, McKeesport, June 22, 1974, POHP, reel 34. (33) Interviews with Joseph Slater, Dravosburg, July 2, 1974, POHP, reel 35. Nick Kiak, Bethlehem, July 11, 1974, BOHP, reel 9. (34) Interviews with Sam Davich, Pittsburgh, June 24, 1974, POHP, reel 17; Michael Komernitski, McKees Rocks, June 17, 1974, POHP, reel 16; Joe Rudiak, Pittsburgh, July 21, 1974, POHP, reel 19; John Wolota, Pittsburgh, June 14, 1974, POHP, reel 14. See John Bodnar, "Socialization and Adaptation: The Immigrant Families of Scranton," Pennsylvania History (forthcoming, Jan., 19761. (351 Interviews with Michael Zahorsky, Aliquippa, June 21, 1974, POHP, reel 7; Frank Horvath, Bethlehem, July 16, 1974, POHP, reel 3. (36) Interviews with Michael Labeka, McKees Rocks, June 18, 1974, POHP, reel 4; Bernard Gorczyca, Pittsburgh June 20, 1974, POHP, reel 15. Joe Rudiak, Pittsburgh, July 21, 1974, POHP, reel 19. (37) Francis Preveden, "Otuorirno Hram Znanja Nasoj Ornladini: Vasoj dieci," Francis Preveden Papers, folder 14, IHRC; "Review of Facts and Documents Concerning the Establishment of a Croatian University Chair in America (typescript), Preveden Papers, folder 14. (381 Preveden, "Otuorimo Hram Znanja Nasoj Omladini: Vasoj dieci," and "Project of a History of the Croatian People in America" (typescriptl, Preveden Papers, folder 14. (39) Zajednicar, Mar. 20, 1940, p. 10. See Preveden, "Napredak Nase Omladine I Buducnost Hrvata U Arnerici," Zajednicar, June 5, 1940, p. 4. (401 Zajednicar, Dec. 20, 1939, p. 12; May 29, 1940, p. 10; May 15, 1940, p. 10; Croatian Fraternal Union of America, Kratki Pregled Povijesti Hrvatske Bratske Zajednice, �38 SLOVAKIA 1894-1949 (Pittsburgh, 1949), pp. 198-99. (41) Zajednicar, May 22, 1940, p. 11; May 29, 1940, p . 12; June 26, 1940, p . 11. (42) Ibid ., July 17, 1940, p . 11; May 29, 1940. (43) Ibid ., Apr. 3, 1940, p . 1, 11-12; June 19, 1940, pp. 1-2, 11-12 ; June 26, 1940, p. 10; July 24, 1940, p . 11; Aug. 7, 1940, p. 11; Aug. 28, 1940, p . 11. (44) Ibid., Sept. 25, 1940, p. 10. (45) F . Majer letter in Dziennik Chicagoski, July 22, 1892, p. 4; Aug. 27, 1892, CFLPS, reel 49. Zgoda, Nov. 14, 1894 , p. 4; Jan. 19, 1899, p. 6. (46) Dziennik Chicagoski, June 6, 1896, Sept. 1, 1908, CFLPS, reel 49. (47) Ibid., Jan. 3, 1938, CFLPS, reel 49. The overtness of anti-Semitism which pervaded the Polish ethnic press often focused on the alleged materialistic aims of the Jews, although Polish anti-Semitism had deep historical roots in Poland which explains Polish-Jewish relations in America; see Narod Polski, Aug . 6, 1919, CFLPS, reel 49. (48) Ivan Kramoris , "The Slovak Immigrant Situation," Jednota, Apr. 19, 1939, p. 3; Jednota, June 10, 1936, p. 9. Jane Adams related the distress of a visiting Czech professor in Chicago over the "materialism " of America including several Bohemian newcomers; see Twenty Years at Hull House (New York, 1910), p . 171. Slovaks expressed attitudes similar to Poles in regard to Jewish sterotypes and the pursuit of wealth. See Jednota, Sept. 8, 1937, p . 3. (49) Osadne Hlasy (September 1929), 8-11; Jednota, April 22, 1936, p . 9; May 8, 1936, pp. 8-9. (50) Jednota, Jan. 29 , 1936, p . 9 , Sept. 29 , 1937, p . 8 . (51) Novi Svijet, Mar. 7, 1931, pp. 1-4. For similar statements see American Srbobran, August 26, 1933 , p. 3. Stephen Ilich, " The Moral Responsibilities of Parents and Children," Jugoslavia, March 3, 1923, pp . 1-7; Americanski Slovenec, July 6, 1929, p . 4. (52) Johann Chmelar, "The Austrian Emigration, 1900-1914, " Perspectives in American History, VII (1973). 275-378. (53) Proletarec, Mar. 27, 1919, pp. 1-4. (54) Novi Svijet, Jan. 30 , 1930, pp. 1-3; Jan. 19, 1927, pp. 2-3; Proletarec, Mar. 27, 1919, p. 4; Apr. 26, 1928; Zanje, Nov. 24, 1919, pp. 1-4; Radnicka Straza, Oct. 1, 1909, pp. 1-2 described free Croatian socialist schools. See Frank Bohn, Katoliska Cerkev in Socializem (Chicago, 1914) . (55) D. Popovich, "Noble Souls ," in Scrapbook of D. Popovich, IHRC . Rovnost Ludu (Slovak socialist paper). Apr. 10, 1912, p . 4; Proletarec, Dec. 11, 1918, pp . 3-5; NOvi Svijet, Nov. 14 , 1931, p. 4, 6; Radnik, Aug. 8, 1925, p. 4. (56) RadnickaStraza, Dec. 19, 1912, p. 1; Jan . 2, 1913, p. 1. By 1924 the membership of the Jugoslav Socialist Federation totaled only 1,500 and over 80 percent of its membership was Slovene. In Pennsylvania, for instance, the active South Slav socialists were almost all in small mining towns and settlements. Few were found in large urban areas and mill towns with sizeable Yugoslav colonies. Two mining communities, Strabane and Forest City, had a quarter of the read~rship of Proletarec between 1915 and 1940, mostly in the 1930s. Pittsburgh, which haa large Croatian and Serbian and Slovene communities, had relatively few socialist organizations, although the first Croatian Socialist Club in America began there in 1903. Chicago, as late as 1937, had less than 300 Slovene socialists. Finns, on the other hand, had over 15,000 socialists, a figure considerably higher than the Yugoslavs. See Jugoslovanska Socialisticna Zveza Papers , Box 176, IHRC for membership lists. See also Majski Glas, XV (1935). p. 50; XVII (May, 1937). pp. 40-49;RadnickaStraza, July 15, 1910, p . 1. (57) Radnicka Straza, Mar. 3, 1911, p. 3; Nov. 18, 1914, p . 3 Slobodna Rec, July 14, �SLOVAKIA 39 1940, p. 6. (58) 61st cong., 3rd sess., serial 5875, The Children of Immigrants (5 vols., Washington, 1911), V, 470, 516. U.S. Bureau of Census, Seventeenth Census of the United States, Census of the Population, 1950, II, 115-120, 159. Andrew Greeley, Ethnicity in the United States (New York, 1971), p. 52 found Slavic Catholics to have less college graduates than Jews, Germans, British and Scandinavians, Protestants and Irish, German and Italian Catholics. (59) U.S. Census, Seventeenth Census of the United States, 1950 Population. (60) The low rate of Slavic mobility and their occupational patterns are described in Joe Barton, Peasants and Strangers and John Bodnar, "Steelton's Immigrants : Social Relationships in a Pennsylvania Mill Town, 1870-1940" (unpublished Ph.D . dissertation, University of Connecticut, 1974). (61) See George Foster, "Peasant Society and the Image of Limited Good," American Anthropologist, 67 (April, 1965), 293-315; Rudolph M. Bell, 'The Transformation of a Rural Village: Istria, 1870-1972,'' Journal of Social History, 7 (Spring, 1974). 251-52. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1976, Vol. 26 Description An account of the resource Vol. 26 (No. 49), 1976. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1976 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 21 Materialism and Morality: Slavic-America'n Immigrants and Education, 1890-1940 BY JOHN BODNAR Prevailing American scholarship has credited immigrants to America with cherishing the idea of free public education and the promise it offered for social success. Scholars studying the attitudes of immigrants toward public education have portrayed immigrants as "true believers" in the potential of the American school. The widely accepted interpretation of Timothy Smith, for instance, argues forcefully that newcomers from southern and eastern Europe displayed a passionate and "intensified concern" for schooling in America. "That indigenous thrust for education," Smith asserted, "explains far better than any contributions of the Americanization movement the remarkable success in this country of Central European Slavs, Magyars, Rumanians, Jews, Greeks, and Italians." Smith argued that these immigrants had a "commitment" to the American dream of personal advancement through schooling. (1) Certainly some immigrant groups, such as Scandinavians, Jews, and Rumanians, displayed strong beliefs in the value of public schooling. (2) But the attempt to generalize about the immigrant experience obscures the variety of cultures and views newcomers brought to America. Studies of occupational mobility, for instance, are beginning to suggest that immigrants revealed divergent patterns of social attainment in America. (3) It remains to be seen, however, whether all newcomers embraced the ethic of success through public schooling. This study hopes to suggest that a consensus did not exist among immigrants in the worshipping of American schools and their potentiality. By focusing on Slavic-Americans, this essay will test the hypothesis that the American experience of southern and eastern Europeans "intensified the concern for learning." (4) Slavic immigrants to America and their children never denied the value of education itself. They did, however, conceive of education as having specific functions which were unrelated to social advancement. Above all else, education for immigrant children was for the purpose of retaining the cultural, linguistic, and religious values of the ethnic group. This message pervaded immigrant literature and was made unmistakably clear to the second generation. Cultural continuity was an overriding concern in America. Language and customs were threatened by Americanization just as Magyarization had threatened Slavic culture in the Austro-Hungarian 22 SLOVAKIA Empire. A Polish editor in Chicago explained that the major reason for the existence of the Polish National Alliance and parochial schools was to inculcate the use of the Polish language in the young. (5) Language preservation acquired a sense of importance before 1918 because of the European heritage of foreign domination, a heritage shared by Poles, Slovaks , Ukrainians, Croats,and Slovenes. Since Polish culture was threatened not only by Americanization but, in Europe, by Germany and Russia , its preservation in America seemed essential. (6) The necessity of this course became even more urgent when immigration was restricted in the 1920s. Osadne Hlasy, a Slovak publication, argued that with immigration restricted little assistance could be expected from ''the outside. ' ' It was now imperative, the newspaper stressed, to send children to Slovak schools where the "Slovak spirit" and language would be cultivated . (7) The efforts .at language maintenance were constantly in conflict with attacks of Americanizers. But immigrants reacted almost defiantly . A Croatian editor criticized Americans for not caring for foreign languages. He labeled the American desire to have all newcomers speak English fanatical and chauvinistic. Jednota, the organ of the First Catholic Slovak Union, concurred and told all Slovaks to disregard Americans who ridiculed their language because bilingualism was something of which to be proud. (8) Immigrants did more than preach language maintenance. In numerous communities such as Milwaukee and New York, Poles initiated movements to teach Polish in public schools. During the 1930s the Polish Felician Sisters in the Buffalo area launched programs to restore the teaching of the Polish language. The Polish National Church replaced Latin with Polish in its religious services after separating from the Roman Catholic Church in 1897. (9) Language schools proliferated in Slavic colonies beginning in the 1920s. In 1925 the Croatian fraternal lodges of Chicago initiated a school for children to learn to read and write Croatian . The Croatian Women 's Clubs of America ("Hrvatska Zena") launched widespread programs in 1929 to promote the preservation of the Croatian language. (10) While cultural preservation was important, however, a new transformative force was encountered in America - modem, urban society . Thus the retention of language was equalled in importance by the maintenance of religious ways. Slavic Catholics continually insisted that early childhood education should be in parochial schools. Invariably all Slavic groups were unanimous in their advocacy of religious over secular schools. '' A Catholic education is the best education in the world,'' Jednota claimed , ' 'because it prepares one for the main business of life: the saving of one's soul." On another occasion, the Slovak journal proclaimed that Catholic schools were the only "real" schools . (11) Slovene periodicals concurred that only Catholic schools could give children the " right kind of education. " (12) Polish SLOVAKIA 23 newcomers were instructed that if children attended public schools and failed to receive instruction in the Polish language and religion, they were a' 'total loss to the Polish people .'' (13) It is important to remember that language-loyalty and religion were inseparable. Slavs felt that one could not exist without the other. '' A Pole who says he is a Catholic but who is ashamed of or neglects the Polish language," a Polish writer insisted, "is not a true Catholic." Conversely, when the National Slovak Society organized a school for young Slovaks in Chicago~in 1904, which stressed Slovak language instructions, it received little support. Slovak Catholics claimed they would not support a school which failed to offer any religious teachings. Indeed, Jednota, in an editorial entitled "Educational Rights of Parents,'' held that parents have the basic right to send their children to schools where love of God and homeland is taught. (14) Slovak schools were viewed as places where children would learn ''to think in Slovak, talk in Slovak,and know the culture of their nation and love for their people." Slovaks were even instructed in how to give graduation speeches to the young since such addresses would offer a final opportunity to admonish the young to conduct themselves as good Slovaks and good Catholics. (15) If early schooling was to center on ''God and country,'' higher education also had its limits. Ivan Kramoris, a Slovak writer, admitted in 1939 that most Slovaks had been adverse to giving their sons higher education unless it involved study for the priesthood . (16) Actually many Slavs were skeptical of the possibilities of "modem education." John Lesko, a Slovak, wrote in Jednota that it was not clearly evident that "modem education" would guarantee progress. "A university education may bring one worldly position and prestige,'' Lesko argued, ''but peace and well-being and genuine progess come only from good will. '' Even Jednota admitted in 1939 that Slovaks in America ''lacked the generosity of the Jews'' in supporting education. (17) To be sure, numerous Slavic groups established plans for colleges and several were actually initiated. Their function, however, was clearly defined. When Alliance College in Pennsylvania was launched by Poles in 1911, it was conceived to be an institution whereby young Poles could become good Polish citizens, something which was thought unattainable in the homeland under foreign rule. On the opening of a Slovene college in Lemont, Illinois, Slovenes rejoiced over the fact that they now had both a college to educate spiritual leaders and priests, and a cultural center to guard "our religious standard" from the "destructive" work of the Yugoslav Socialist Federation. (18) Other Slavic groups echoed the thrust of the Slovenes and Poles. Slovaks planned a Slovak Catholic College in the late 1930s as a home for all Slavic cultures and an "arsenal" in the fight against atheistic communism. The Serbian National Federation created a college scholarship program in 1933 which required Serbian-American youth to 24 SLOVAKIA attend universities in Yugoslavia to study the Serbian language, history, and literature. (19) Wiadomosc Codzienne actually told Polish parents in Cleveland not to have their sons study for professions but rather to become skilled artisans since it would be easier to find a job. (20) Indeed, adjacent to Alliance College, Poles established the Alliance Trade Institute to train youth in mechanical trades. The graduates of the institute would not be professionals, according to Dziennik Zwiazowy, ''but skilled labor is just as useful and necessary as mental labor." A Slovak journal went further by suggesting that since opportunities were limited, young men should learn a skill. (21) While a good deal of effort was invested in instructing the second generation to retain the various ethnic cultures and eschew secular education, some immigrant children differed. Inevitably the relatively few Slavic children who moved through the American school system modified their parents' instructions considerably. Some attacked the views of the first generation, and their criticism revealed much about their parents' minds. A second generation Polish education group, for instance, explained that their parents' preoccupation with Polish nationalism was noble but, as a result, ''it lowered interest in making a place for Poles in this country." The New American argued that the progress of Poles in this country was sacrificed in order to settle a historical debt (free Poland). (22) The young Poles, in another editorial, criticized other Polish-Americans for possessing "an attitude of obliviousness to education and a lack of appreciation for a sense of deferred values.'' The essay concluded: There exists a tendency among a large number of Polish young men and women to be easily satis'fied with a mediocre position, sometimes to a point of servitutle in a routine job with a remote chance for advancement. (23) Other educated immigrant children echoed the critique of young Poles. Stephen Mamchur, in an address to the Ukrainian Youth Congress in 1935, criticized the policy of Ukrainians who foster ethnic isolation by socializing "students in Ukrainian culture." Mamchur felt Ukrainian children should spend less time in studying Ukrainian and pay more attention to secular education if Ukrainians were to rise in the American social structure. If the "isolationist" policy continued, Mamchur predicted that Ukrainians would remain a "caste" and never assume ''that place in the American social order to which our abilities entitle us.'' (24) While a few immigrant children had acquired American middleclass notions of education and mobility and attempted to inculcate their views to the Slavic masses, however, most, thoroughly socialized by their parents, shared their parents' views on cultural maintenance. Consider the activities of American-born Ukrainians. By the early 1930s the second generation had established the Ukrainian Youth League of SLOVAKIA 25 North America, the Ukrainian Catholic Youth of North America and the Ukrainian Orthodox League of North America. A vast network of neighborhood centers, athletic and cultural programs and publications such as the Ukrainian Chronicle and The Ukrainian Weekly appeared. (25) The Ukrainian Youth League of North America was typical. Organized in 1933, it contained four divisions: social, athletic, educational (Ukrainian history and language), and cultural (dramas). Its main objectives were t\) organize Ukrainian-American youth and disseminate among them a knowledge of the Ukrainian people, to promote moral and physical talents, and to support all Ukrainian national and cultural institutions. One delegate to the Ukrainian Catholic League's convention in 1938 contended that young Ukrainians could not deny the existence of their forefathers or their heritage and that it was imperative ''to carry on the work of keeping alive the culture of our predecessors.'' (26) Annual conventions, in fact, often witnessed debate over the extent young Ukrainians should Americanize. A consensus at the 1936 meeting, for instance, agreed that Ukrainian youth should '' live up to their promise'' by keeping the traditions of our ''beloved Ukraine, whether they be religious or otherwise.'' (27) The youth leagues also established a diverse program of plays, dances, history and language instruction, and athletic competition. The First Ukrainian Catholic National Track and Field Championships were held in Philadelphia in 1936 and attracted participants from Bridgeport, Cleveland, Detroit, and Philadelphia. Vasile Avramenko and his Ukrainian Folk Ballet became extremely popular among both Ukrainian generations in America in the early 1930s and were sponsored in numerous localities by local youth leagues. In 1939, over 50,000 people attended the American-Ukrainian Folk Festival at the New York World's Fair which was sponsored by the Ukrainian American Youth League. (28) Immigrant children were also influenced by their parents in subtle ways to value immediate work above a lengthy education. Some viewed their immigrant fathers as, above all else, hard workers. If sons had any image of their fathers it included manual work as an inevitable aspect of life. A Polish-American described his parents as individuals who believed in ''work, work, work, and work.'' A Bethlehem Slovak recalled that his father never talked of changing jobs but only of doing a good day's work for the company. (29) A Serbian son in Pittsburgh remembered his father as a man esteemed by fellow Serbs for his dedication to his job. The Serbian son claimed his father's characteristics were representative of most Serbs. He argued: Those men were tireless. They did hard work. They stuck with their job; they didn't have to be driven. They were tireless and always feared the loss of their jobs since they had nothing to fall back on. (30) 26 SLOVAKIA Slavic parents also held definite ideas concerning work which influenced the educational prospects of their children drastically . The individualistic approach to child rearing was an anathema to Slavs. They viewed their children as part of a collective whose work was necessary for family survival. (31) As a young man, John Smitko wanted to be a Slovak priest. His mother argued that religious training would not provide an adequate income and insisted he work in the mill. Smitko became a pit careman in a Duquesne mill for forty-five years . (32) Joseph Slater, the son of a Polish miner, was taken to work in an Ohio coal mine by his father at age sixteen. Nick Kiak's first job was learning the operation of a crane from his father at the Bethlehem mill. (33) Working-class parents encouraged child labor rather than schooling as necessary for family survival. In the 1920s, in Scranton, Pennsylvania, thirty-five percent of Polish family income was provided by child labor. Before Pennsylvania restricted child labor in the 1920s, Slavic parents routinely falsified working permits so that their children could begin work at fourteen instead of the legal age of sixteen. Sam Davich was required to work at age fourteen in a glass factory in Pittsburgh and turn over his earnings to his mother. Michael Komernitski worked as a teenager when his father's illness reduced family income . In Lyndora, in western Pennsylvania, most Polish children were sent to Detroit in the late 1920s when news of jobs in the expanding automobile industry was received. One Ukrainian-American son explained that it was understood that a child helped his father because the parent " couldn 't make out. " (34) Slavic parents not only influenced their children by the example of hard work and the demands of family survival but imparted definite views concerning education. A typical Slovak father stressed to his son that it was more important to learn a manual skill than attend school. Michael Zahorsky was assured by his father that if he learned a trade he would never go hungry. Zahorsky became a blacksmith. Frank Horvath quit school at age sixteen to work in a Bethlehem furniture factory. His brothers had already started peddling milk to help pay the family milk bill. Horvath's parents questioned whether school helped anyone survive. They argued that an opportl\nity to leave school and make money should never be avoided. (35) When Slavic newcomers did insist on education, religious vocation and ethnic cultures were usually stressed. Michael Labeka's father taught him the role of cantor in the Ukrainian church. A cantor was paid to sing religious responses in many Slavic churches. Labeka later supplemented his income as a mill worker in Monessen with his earnings as a cantor. Bernard Gorcyca's parents sent him to a Polish seminary in Michigan at age fourteen. Other parents admonished their children to study their native tongue and religious instruction. (36) The tension between the ostensible promise of American SLOVAKIA 27 \ education and success, something which divided the immigrant children, and the wishes of the immigrants reached a classic confrontation among Croatians. In 1940, a professor of Croatian extraction at Duquesne University in Pittsburgh, Francis Preveden, presented a comprehensive plan to the Supreme Board of the Croatian Fraternal Union of America (CFU). Preveden asked the fraternal union to institute a monthly assessment of one cent per member to support the creation of Croatian National Alliance for Schooling and Education of Youth at Duquesne. While Preveden was motivated partly by a desire to create an enhanced institutional position for himself, his argument was clearly presented to the Croatian leaders and public. The Croatian center, according to Preveden, would '' open the gates of the temples of knowledge" to Croatian children who had "been denied the advantages of higher education." Preveden stated his goal succinctly: In its full extent this plan aims at the gradual transformation of our immigrants from a class of laborers to a class of intellectuals. This change should come through encouragement of secondary and higher education among our younger ·generation. (37) Preveden attributed a perceived lack of educational attainment and ' 'intellectual stagnation' ' among Croatians to the ''ignorance and criminal neglect" of Croatian leaders who worried more over the internal politics of the ethnic organization and "evil genius" of the last two generations of the Croatian people in America. Preveden equated the status of the Croatian people in America to that of the Negro and placed Croats decidedly behind the Irish whose educational network he admired. And he argued that· the additional assessment required for the center would not lead to deprivation . (38) The reaction of the CFU leaders was to call for a referendum of the union's membership on the issue of initiating a monthly assessment to support the Croatian educational center. (39) By 1940 the CFU was divided into Croatian-speaking lodges, which predominated and consisted of both first and second generation Croats, and English-speaking lodges , which were fewer in number and were composed entirely of American-born Croats. It was from the Croatianspeaking lodges that Preveden encountered his severest opposition . Many immigrant Croats, including those in the supreme board of the CFU , were opposed to increased assessments for education , especially because numerous immigrants were retiring by 1940 and needed financial assistance. Adam Sudetic, a senior CFU member from Detroit, was critical of any plan that represented a drift away from the Croatian language. Sudetic further felt that the stress on "educated Croats " discouraged other young Croats from joining the fraternal union . (40) 28 SLOVAKIA Preveden's strongest support, not unexpectedly, came from the English-speaking lodges. English lodges in Gary, Indiana; Lackawanna, New York; and Pittsburgh sent strong endorsements to Zajednicar, the organ of the CFU. (41) Michael Horvath, the editor for the English section of Zajednicar, argued vigorously for the plan. Horvath insisted that the center: is the one concrete manner in which we can prove to our young that we are willing to do for them what was denied us in the past and that is to extend to them a decent opportunity of educating themselves in the better fields of learning. (42) Horvath and other proponents of the plan initiated a strategically designed series in Zajednicar during the spring and summer of 1940 entitled "Survey of College Educated and Professional Croatians." Croatian Americans who graduated from college were identified and their life histories were published. It was hoped that such examples "of the success of our youth'' in education would spread interest in education and progress throughout all Croatian youth in America. Questionnaires were mailed to every lodge and to over seven hundred colleges in the United States and Canada seeking information on Croatians in college. Weekly lists were published of those in college and in professions. A reference file was started for future students to learn from the experience of other Croats "in the never ceasing struggle to attain success." After nearly four months, the survey was ended on the eve on the referendum to decide the fate of the Preveden plan. What it had demonstrated was the exceedingly low rate of educational attainment and mobility by Croats by 1940. With nearly 400,000 Croats in America only 135 college students were identified and 150 "professionals" including receptionists, stenographers, mail carriers, and one professional boxer. (43) By late September the results of the referendum were clear. Over 10,000 votes were cast out of 58,000 eligible voters in the CFU. The Preveden education plan was defeated by;._ more than a two to one margin. The series on educational attainments was abruptly stopped and the sections devoted to Croatian youth in Zajednicar quickly returned to a "complete focus on sports," something which had been noticeably absent during the summer of 1940. The immigrants and a good representation of their children had spoken. The surrender to American middle-class values would not be that easy. (44) Clearly the Slavic immigrant had misgivings about American schooling and the promise it ostensibly offered. In part, his hostility to education stemmed from the threat public schooling posed to his cultural heritage and language. Certp.inly his working-class status reinforced these educational views. But an examination of immigrant literature revealed a deeper motive for explaining the orientation of SLOVAKIA 29 Slavic newcomers. Ultimately Slavs were troubled by the materialistic, acquisitive thrust of Amarican life. Poles, Slovaks, Croats, and Ukrainians not only resisted Americanization but they also were reluctant to embrace the secular aspect of modern urban industrial society. Ultimately, the Slav would not only resist pressures to Americanize but he would offer a critique of the moral quality of modern industrial America. Throughout the first half century of large scale Slavic settlement in America, a consistent anti-materialistic bias permeated the immigrants' thought. In the early 1890s, Polish newspapers were already mounting a strong assault on the ''Dollar God'' of American culture. A Pole from Priceburg, Pennsylvania, wrote a letter to Dziennik Chicagoski criticizing American society for straining parental-child relationships by stressing "excess and wantonness." The "struggle for the dollar'' facilitated the losing of ''religion and patriotism so dear to us.'' Numerous editorials and articles emphasized the evil effects of the pursuit of material wealth. In an 1894 editorial Zgoda told Poles that a ''reasonable honest drive'' to improve your material being was good, but the "idolistic pursuit' of money at the expense of your soul would bring "hatred and desperation." Zgoda continued, "good character and work are the greatest wealth." (45) It was precisely because of this skepticism of the promise of American life that Poles emphasized Polish over American schools. Dziennik Chicagoski called Polish schools the ''watch-tower'' of the Polish spirit. American schools were felt to be a "horrible example" where children learn little but disrespect for their parents. American schools were not considered ''adequate'' for Polish children not only because they were "irreligious" but because they were thought to be permeated with secularism. (46) Poles, in fact, attacked other areas of American life. The popular literature of America, such as magazines and ''love stories and the like" which were printed for profit, was sharply attacked for lowering moral standards. Again the Polish press articulated the feeling: . . . have we fallen so low that we cannot pursue something better (than Americans). Let us concentrate our thoughts and spirits in a direction that will be worthy of us - toward better spiritual and moral standards which will place us above all others. In order to maintain the purity of the Polish spirit, we must stay clear of the present course of the American generation. (47) Slovaks invariably echoed the Polish sentiments. In a series of essays in Jednota by the Slovak writer, Ivan Kramoris, the Slovak immigrant situation was analyzed. Kramoris posed the question, "But what are we going to do in America?" He explained that such a choice 30 SLOVAKIA should be made in the framework of economic versus moral standards. Kramoris argued that an individual's morality actually influenced his economic life . Little doubt existed in Kramoris' mind that the eventual emphasis should be placed upon morality. Other writers in Jednota concurred: " So many are cursed with the lust of acquiring things they see no further ahead than their own selfish self''; a Slovak editor exclaimed , ''those who measure success by the material things acquired are lost in the fog of life.' ' (48) Characteristically, the anti-materialistic bias influenced Slovak views on education. Osadne Hlasy illustrated the drawbacks of the public schools in 1929. Children were taught but not "reared" in American schools; according to the Slovak journal, "they educate the mind but not the heart." J. T. Porincak, a Slovak, clarified the argument: With a public school education they (children) go forth into the world, lost completely to the Slovaks. Their idea of life is a breezy and snappy novel, a blood curdling movie and lots of money. But our duty to our people commands us to save our youth from the moral catastrophe that is confronting it. (49) Slovaks also revealed a collective self-perception of themselves as moral people. A Jednota article compared Slovaks to Quakers . Unlike the British and Italians who were felt to the militaristic, Slovaks, like Quakers, represented "endurance and strength, not progress and conquest." In a clear display of working-class resignation and futility, the Jednota writer concluded that Slovaks know what ''life is worth and do not strive for the unobtainable." At his retirement as editor of Jednota in 1937, Joseph Rusek made a farewell speech in which he analyzed the contribution of Slovaks to American life. What Slovaks , he concluded, could give America was a "moral legacy." Rusek thought Slovak identity would eventually be lost in America but '' our moral values will contribute to the creation of the American nation.'' (50) Similar currents were found in the res\ of Slavic America. George Mamek told a Chicago Croatian youth club in 1931 that most Americans shared a '' cruel materialistic philosophy'' ahd thought more of their dollars than their souls. Mamek saw immigrants who came to America to improve their material condition especially susceptible to the idolization of material ends. Mamek's address so stirred the young Croatians that they passed resolutions supporting the right of children to be raised " distinctively and different" in America and the beneficial effects of cultural pluralism as the "philosophy best for our children." Arguments on the moral responsibilities of parents were found throughout Croatian and Serbian journals. (51) SLOVAKIA 31 A potential danger in presenting the ' ' Slavic view'' is to suggest that the Slavic immigrant communities were ideologically monolithic. The groups and data examined in this study reflected the prevailing views of Poles, Slovaks, Croatians, Serbs, and Ukrainians who, with the exception of Serbian Orthodox, were primarily Catholic, of peasant background, and composed the vast majority of Slavic newcomers to America. Some Slavs, such as Poles from Germany, Czechs and Slovenes, often encountered a greater degree of industrialization in Europe and brought strong ~raditions of socialism and ''free thought.'' Actually considerable dialogue existed within most Slavic communities between the Catholic majority and the ubiquitous socialist minority. Socialists were more numerous among certain groups, such as the Slovenes and Czechs, than among Poles, Slovaks, Ukrainians, or Croats. Partially this situation existed because of greater incursions of industrialization and socialist thought into Czech and Slovene homelands than in more economically backward areas like southern Poland and eastern Slovakia. (52) The socialists in the old country were in continual contact with the American communities and many joined the immigrant waves. Socialism was never embraced by the peasant Slavs to the extent that it was by groups who brought strong socialists traditions to America, such as the Jews and Finns. The outstanding differences between the Slavic Catholics and socialists were their opposite views concerning the material, secular world. Slavic socialists departed markedly from their fellow countrymen in their assessment of education. Proletarec, a Slovene socialist organ, argued that Slovene workers badly need professional education to develop skills that would facilitate the finding of jobs. Proletarec, echoing the criticism of some Catholic immigrant children, sought to infuse Slavic children with initiative and' 'a new horizon for ambition the modem school, supported by scientists of reputation, is exactly what we want." (53) Education was perceived as necessary for economic progress and as a defense against exploitation of the worker. Organizations such as the J ugoslav Educational Association eventually offered free lectures and literature on topics such as "The Value of Education," "Birth Control," and "Health and Welfare." (54) The Slavic socialists embellished their advocacy of secular education with a simultaneous attack on the religious values and leaders of the Slavic majority. A Serb socialist spokesman complained that Serbians needed more professors and doctors but got only '' soul savers." Slovak socialist organs urged "poor working Slovaks" not to "throw their money" away by giving it to churches. In a similar vein, Proletarec claimed that clergy were using ''pious sentiments'' as a means of extracting money from the workers. When Slavs were asked by their religious leaders to pray for an end to the depression in 1931, Novi Svijet countered with a lengthy assault upon the clergy. The newspaper explained: 32 SLOVAKIA Such comedy with prayer is being prepared to show seemingly sympathy toward workers and to keep believers in the ancient darkness of faith in whose name the worst kind of exploitation is committed . . . The salvation of the working class is not in prayer but in education and organization. (55) Even Slavic socialists, however, despite their secular orientation, were unable to completely surmount ethnic tensions among themselves and achieve a semblance of working-class solidarity. The largest Slavic socialist movement was found among the South Slavs and was institutionalized, in 1910, in the creation of the Yugoslav Socialist Federation. The organization, however, was continually weakened by disputes between Serbs , Croats, and Slovenes . The organization had three newspapers: Proletarec for the Slovenes, Radnicka Straza for the Croats, and Narodni Glas for the Serbs. At the annual meeting in 1912, Frank Petrich, the editor of Proletarec, proposed that all three papers be merged and published in the Latin and Cyrillic alphabets. The plan was soundly defeated then, and on subsequent occasions when it was introduced. (56) At times, Slavic socialists themselves exhibited concerns which were highly non-secular and revealed a lingering ambiguity toward materialism. A Croat socialist spokesman complained that too many newcomers are interested only in "high wages" and forget the extensive suffering and exploitation endured by workers. A number of other comments attacked American societies for fostering divorce and a decline in family relationships. (57) The Slavic-American skepticism toward public school was clearly manifested in various studies of school attendance and progress. In a 1911 study released by the United States Immigration Commission, Poles and Slovaks ranked lowest among ethnic groups in the largest urban centers. The percentage of Slavic children in school beyond the sixth grade was lower than the rate for the progeny of Irish and Jewish newcomers and Negroes. Beyond grade six, the group with the smallest percentage of children in the public schools of Chicago and Cleveland in 1911 were the Slovaks (4 percent). Poles were lowest in Buffalo, New Britain and Scranton and next to the last in Cleveland and Milwaukee. , In computing public high school att~dance in 1910, Slavic children were noticeably absent. In Chicago, while five percent of Black children and six percent of Polish Jewish children were attending the secondary schools, only one percent of the Poles and Slovaks were doing so. In Cleveland only one-half of one percent of Slovak children were in high school in 1910 as compared with eleven percent of Irish immigrant children and seven percent of Polish Jews who arrived in America at the same time . 33 \ SLOVAKIA TABLE 1 * PCBLIC SCHOOL ATTENDANCE OF NATIVE & IMMIGRANT CHILDREN BEYOND GRADE 6, 191 0 New Buffalo Chicago C leve land Milwaukee Britain Scranton Shenandoah 16% 40 <;; 23"/ 26';, 24% 3 1';; 16 17 15 18 NB\V Negro Heb r ew 31 26 -10 German Heb r e w 22 23 20 Polish 39 28 61 24 32 25 19 Iri sh South 2 7 11 10 It :1li:1.n 5 (j 1 4 6 10 7 6 Polis h 5 5 Slovak -I 6 Croat 7 8 Slovene *St ati s ti cs computed from Gl Cong ., :3 rd scss . ; serial 58 75, T he Children of Immig rants in Schools (5 vo ls ., Washington, 1911) , II, 3 78 , 648 , 848; IV, 77, 4 77; V, 4 18 , 50 8 , TABLE 2* HIGH SCHOOL ATTENDANCE: , NAT IVE & IMMIGRANT CHILDREN, 19 10 Buffalo 12 8 19 lG Chicago 9 5 10 6 C level and 12 8 13 7 Milwaukee 10 9 New Britain 19 NBW Negr o Heb r ew Greman 9 Hebrew Polish 3 Hebrew Russian 43 12 11 G 13 Irish 1 1 l 3 South Italian 1 2 1 2 2 Polish 1 .5 Slovak *Statist ics co mputed from 61 Cong. , 3 rd sess .; serial 58 75 (5 vo ls ., Was hington, 1911) , II, 378 , G..J.8 , 8-1 8; I\', 77, -1 77; V, 41 8 , 508 . Where parochial school attendance figures were available, Slavic attendance invariably ranked behind native-born and second generation Irish children. In Milwaukee parochial schools in 1910, fifteen percent of the children of native-born Catholics were in school and ten percent of the second generation Irish. Only two percent of the Poles were attending, however, and no Slovaks. Polish and Slovak SLOVAKIA 34 representation in Cleveland's parochial schools were better but considerably behind the native-born and Irish . New Britain had nineteen percent of its Irish youth in Catholic schools after the sixth grade but none of its Polish youth. In Scranton ninety-nine percent of all Polish immigrant children in parochial schools were in grades one to five only. In Shenandoah, Pennsylvania, thirty-two percent of the children of native-born Catholics were beyond the fourth grade . No Poles had advanced that far despite being in Shenandoah for over thirty years as of 1910. (58) Tab le 3* PAROCHIAL SCHOOL ATTENDANCE BY ETHNIC GROUP BEYOND GRADE G Native -born white Milwaukee New Britain Cleveland Irish Polish 14. 9% 10';{ 22 17 26 1. 6% 0 5 H.) Slovak 0 1¾ 10 *6lst Cong., 3rd sess., serial 5 875, The Children of Immigrants in Schools (5 vols .; Washington, 1911), V, 95,515, 909. As late as 1950, census data revealed the effect of the educational patterns of Slavs. In focusing on Pennsylvania, the state that received the largest influx of Slavs, their median years of completed schooling was the lowest of any ethnic group in the state . The following list ranks the towns in Pennsylvania with the lowest median years of school completed by their citizens and identifies the largest ethnic concentrations in those communities. Clearly, the small industrial towns which covered the state and housed its Slavic concentrations were behind the rest of the Commonwealth in educational progress. (59) Median Years of Schoo ling, 1950 (persons over 25) Gilberton Marshalltown Dupont Shenandoah Dickson City West Washington Swoyersville Edwardsv ille Glen Lyon Throop Pennsylvania (state average) 7.2 7.3 7.4 7. 7 7. 7 7. 8 7. 8 7.9 7.9 7.9 9. 0 \ Ethnic Concentration Lithuanian-Slovak Polish-Lithuanian Slovak-Italian Polish Polish-Slovak Polish-Italian Polish-Slovak Polish-Slovak Polish-Italian Polish-It a Li an SLOVAKIA 35 The evidence on Slavic views towards American schools suggests that no great consensus existed among immigrants. Slavs did not share the preferences of many other immigrant groups and wholeheartedly embrace the expectations of American education. Schools were suspect not only for the threat they posed to Slavic culture but for the material reward they ostensibly promised. Influenced partially by the spiritualistic thrust of their premodem culture, Slavs did not immediately accept the modem notion of the pursuit of upward success. Some immigrant children who were exposed to American higher education attempted to infuse other Slavs with a middle-class faith in public schooling and bitterly criticized the stance of their parents. But they were a definite minority as most of the second generation were socialized in the attitudes of their parents. Slavic socialists who favored public schooling were only a fraction of the Slav Catholic population and were frequently preoccupied with moral and ethnic concerns of their own. To most Slavic Americans before 1940, education was intended for the preservation of culture and morality, not social mobility. The skepticism toward education and success displayed by SlavicAmericans during the first half-century of extensive settlement in America emerged from two sources. Most Slavs were drawn into unskilled, industrial pursuits which offered few opportunities for occupational mobility. (60) Their working class status, as the interviews in this paper suggested, encouraged a preoccupation with steady work. Public education simply did not offer skills that were useful to blast fumances, open hearths, mines, or textile mills. Practical considerations of getting a job and keeping it were not only paramount but essential for survival. Even more importantly, this emerging working-class pragmatism reinforced elements of traditional peasant culture, such as concerns with survival, limited visions of the future and spiritual rather than material ends. (61) Modem notions of acquisitiveness had neither immediate acceptance nor historical antecedents within the immigrant mind. Furthermore, constant attempts by Magyars in Europe and Americanizers in this country to subjugate Slavic cultures made their preservation an important consideration. And within that culture, language, religious values, and spiritual concern were intertwined and deemed worthy of maintenance. When this cultural constellation was fused with working-class realism, Slavic attitudes toward education became inevitable. (Reprinted with the permission of: The Journal of Ethnic Studies, 3:4 (Winter 1976).) NOTES Research for this article was made possible by grants from the American Council of Learned Societies and the Immigration History Research Center, University of Minnesota. 36 SLOVAKIA (1) Timothy Smith , " Immigrant Social Aspirations and American Education , 18801930," American Quarterly, 21 (Fall, 1969) , 522-25 . Smith, " Native Blacks and Foreign Whites : Varying Responses to Educational Opportunity in America, 18801950," in Perspectives in American History, VI (1972), 311-313. (2) David Tyack , The One Best System, A History of American Urban Education (Cambridge, Mass ., 1974) , 241-48; David W . Cohen, "Immigrants and the Schools," Revie ws of Educational Research, 40 (Fall , 1940), 13-28; Michael Olneck and Marvin Lazerson , " The School Achievement of Immigrant Children, 1900-1930," History of Education Quarterly, 15 (Winter, 1975), 453 , 474-77 . (3) Josef Barton, Peasants and Strangers: Italians, Rumanians, and Slovaks in an American City, 1840-1950 (Cambridge, Mass. , 1975), Chapter V; Stephan Thernstrom , The Other Bostonians (Cambridge, Mass ., 1973), pp . 145 ff; Andrew Greeley, Ethnicity in the United States (New York, 1974) , pp . 53-56, 181. (4) Smith, '' Immigrant Social Aspirations and American Education , 1880-1930, '' p. 525. (5) Dzie nnik Zwiazowy, Nov. 27, 1911, Chicago Foreign Language Press Survey (CFLPS), reel 49; Wiadomosci Codzienne, October 11, 1937, p. 2 (6) Dziennik Zwiazowy, Nov. 27, 1911, CFLOS, reel 49; Wiadomosci Codzi,mne, Jan. 25, 1938, p. 2. (7) Osadne Hlasy , June 27 , 1930, pp . 4-5. (8) Zanje, Oct. 2, 1920, p. 4; Jednota, Mar. 18, 1936, p. 9; American Srbobran, Aug. 12, 1933, p . 3. (9) Wiadomosci Codzienne, Apr. 9, 1938, p. 2; Gerd Korman, Industrialization, Immigrants, andAmericanizers (Madison, Wis. , 1967), pp. 167-68; Ellen M . Kuznicki, ' ' An Ethnic School in American Education: A Study of the Origin, Development, and Merits of the Educational System of the Felican Sisters in Polish American Catholic Schools of Western New York" (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Kansas State Univ. , 1973); Stephen Wlodarski , The Origin and Growth of the Polish National Church (Scranton, 1974), p. 225. (10) Novi Svijet, Mar. 19, 1925, p. 1; Memorial Book and Fifth Anniversary, 1929-1934, Hrvatska Zena (Chicago, 1934). (11) Jednota, Sept. 21, 1938, p. 10; Sept. 8, 1937, p. 3. (12) Amerikanski Slovenec, Aug. 26, 1925, p . 4. See Giles Gobetz, "Slovenian Americans in Greater, Cleveland, Ohio" (typescript, Kent, Ohio, 1973), pp. 47-49, copy available at Immigration History Research Center, University of Minnesota (IHRC) . (13) Dziennik Chicagoski, May 27, 1904 ; June 30, 1897, reel 49, CFLPS. (14) Ibid ; Rovnost Ludu, Sept: 1, 1907, p . 1; Jednota, July 22, 1936, p. 9. (15) Hlas (Mar., 1938), p . 2 ; Osadne H/,asy, June 22, 1932 , p . 4. (16) Jednota, Apr. 26, 1939, p . 5. (17) Ibid. , Feb. 17, 1937, p. 10 ; Jan. 25 , 1939, p. 10. (18) Dziennik Zwiazowy, Dec. 11 , 1911 , p. 2; July 2, llm7, CFLPS, reel 49; Amerikanski Slovenec, June 11, 1925, pp. 1-3. (19) Jednota, Jan. 25 , 1939, p . 10 ; American Srbobran, Aug. 26, 1933 , p . 3; Aug. 12, 1933 , p . 3. (20) Wiadomosci Codzienne, July 28, 1937, p. 2; see the organ of the Polish Students Association of America, The New American, VII (June-July , 1939) , 1, for additional evidence that cultural maintenance was valued over "money." Stephen Vesko, ''Value of Higher Catholic Education,'' Jednota Kato/icky Kalendar, 1939. (21) Dziennik Zwiazowy, Aug . 5, 1918, CFLPS, reel 49. ' SLOVAKIA 37 (221 The New American, III (Sept. 19361; p. 4. (231 Ibid., V (Mar., 19391; II (Jan.-Feb.; 19361, p. 3. (24) Stephen Manchur, "Orientation of Ukrainian American Student," Ukrainian Youth, II (Oct., 1935), pp.5-11. (251 Filed Ukrainian Youth League minutes of meetings are in Alex Yarernko Papers, Box 1, IHRC; John Panchuk Papers, Boxes 3-5, IHRC; Sixty Years of the Ukranian Community in Philadelphia (Philadelphia, 1944). (261Minutes of the First Ukrainian Youth Congress, 1933 (typescriptl and Program, Sixth Annual Convention, Ukranian Catholic Youth League of North America, Alex Yaremko Papers, box 1, IHRC. (27) Minutes of Annual Meeting, 1936, (typescriptl, and Ukrainian Weekly Mar. 28, 1936, p. 4 (clipping) in Yarernko Papers, box 1, IHRC. (28) Ukrainian Cultural Center of Philadelphia, Guide to Program, Activities, and Policy, Yaremko Papers, box 1. This collection also contains numerous souvenir programs and describing the Vasile Avramenko folk ballet and the American Ukrainian Folk Festival in 1939. (291 Interviews with Bernard Gorczyca, Pittsburgh, June 20, 1974, Pittsburgh Oral History Project (POHP) reel 4; Frank Horvath, Bethlehem, July 16, 1974, Bethlehem Oral History Project (BOHPI, reel 3. All interviews are on file at the Pennsylvania Historical and Museum Commission, Harrisburg. (301 Interviews with Anton Cindrich, Pittsburgh, June 25, 1974, POHP, reel 17. Similar statements were made by Walter Klis, Pittsburgh, July 2, 1974, POHP, reel 15. (311 Geoffrey H. Steers, "Child-rearing Literature and Modernization Theory," The Family in Historical Perspective, Newsletter (Winter, 1974), pp. 8-9. Benjamin Spock, Baby and Child Care (New York, 1968), p. 12; Philip Slater, The Pursuit of Loneliness (Boston, 1970), pp. 62-64. (32) Interviews with John Smitko, McKeesport, June 22, 1974, POHP, reel 34. (33) Interviews with Joseph Slater, Dravosburg, July 2, 1974, POHP, reel 35. Nick Kiak, Bethlehem, July 11, 1974, BOHP, reel 9. (34) Interviews with Sam Davich, Pittsburgh, June 24, 1974, POHP, reel 17; Michael Komernitski, McKees Rocks, June 17, 1974, POHP, reel 16; Joe Rudiak, Pittsburgh, July 21, 1974, POHP, reel 19; John Wolota, Pittsburgh, June 14, 1974, POHP, reel 14. See John Bodnar, "Socialization and Adaptation: The Immigrant Families of Scranton," Pennsylvania History (forthcoming, Jan., 19761. (351 Interviews with Michael Zahorsky, Aliquippa, June 21, 1974, POHP, reel 7; Frank Horvath, Bethlehem, July 16, 1974, POHP, reel 3. (36) Interviews with Michael Labeka, McKees Rocks, June 18, 1974, POHP, reel 4; Bernard Gorczyca, Pittsburgh June 20, 1974, POHP, reel 15. Joe Rudiak, Pittsburgh, July 21, 1974, POHP, reel 19. (37) Francis Preveden, "Otuorirno Hram Znanja Nasoj Ornladini: Vasoj dieci," Francis Preveden Papers, folder 14, IHRC; "Review of Facts and Documents Concerning the Establishment of a Croatian University Chair in America (typescript), Preveden Papers, folder 14. (381 Preveden, "Otuorimo Hram Znanja Nasoj Omladini: Vasoj dieci," and "Project of a History of the Croatian People in America" (typescriptl, Preveden Papers, folder 14. (39) Zajednicar, Mar. 20, 1940, p. 10. See Preveden, "Napredak Nase Omladine I Buducnost Hrvata U Arnerici," Zajednicar, June 5, 1940, p. 4. (401 Zajednicar, Dec. 20, 1939, p. 12; May 29, 1940, p. 10; May 15, 1940, p. 10; Croatian Fraternal Union of America, Kratki Pregled Povijesti Hrvatske Bratske Zajednice, 38 SLOVAKIA 1894-1949 (Pittsburgh, 1949), pp. 198-99. (41) Zajednicar, May 22, 1940, p. 11; May 29, 1940, p . 12; June 26, 1940, p . 11. (42) Ibid ., July 17, 1940, p . 11; May 29, 1940. (43) Ibid ., Apr. 3, 1940, p . 1, 11-12; June 19, 1940, pp. 1-2, 11-12 ; June 26, 1940, p. 10; July 24, 1940, p . 11; Aug. 7, 1940, p. 11; Aug. 28, 1940, p . 11. (44) Ibid., Sept. 25, 1940, p. 10. (45) F . Majer letter in Dziennik Chicagoski, July 22, 1892, p. 4; Aug. 27, 1892, CFLPS, reel 49. Zgoda, Nov. 14, 1894 , p. 4; Jan. 19, 1899, p. 6. (46) Dziennik Chicagoski, June 6, 1896, Sept. 1, 1908, CFLPS, reel 49. (47) Ibid., Jan. 3, 1938, CFLPS, reel 49. The overtness of anti-Semitism which pervaded the Polish ethnic press often focused on the alleged materialistic aims of the Jews, although Polish anti-Semitism had deep historical roots in Poland which explains Polish-Jewish relations in America; see Narod Polski, Aug . 6, 1919, CFLPS, reel 49. (48) Ivan Kramoris , "The Slovak Immigrant Situation," Jednota, Apr. 19, 1939, p. 3; Jednota, June 10, 1936, p. 9. Jane Adams related the distress of a visiting Czech professor in Chicago over the "materialism " of America including several Bohemian newcomers; see Twenty Years at Hull House (New York, 1910), p . 171. Slovaks expressed attitudes similar to Poles in regard to Jewish sterotypes and the pursuit of wealth. See Jednota, Sept. 8, 1937, p . 3. (49) Osadne Hlasy (September 1929), 8-11; Jednota, April 22, 1936, p . 9; May 8, 1936, pp. 8-9. (50) Jednota, Jan. 29 , 1936, p . 9 , Sept. 29 , 1937, p . 8 . (51) Novi Svijet, Mar. 7, 1931, pp. 1-4. For similar statements see American Srbobran, August 26, 1933 , p. 3. Stephen Ilich, " The Moral Responsibilities of Parents and Children," Jugoslavia, March 3, 1923, pp . 1-7; Americanski Slovenec, July 6, 1929, p . 4. (52) Johann Chmelar, "The Austrian Emigration, 1900-1914, " Perspectives in American History, VII (1973). 275-378. (53) Proletarec, Mar. 27, 1919, pp. 1-4. (54) Novi Svijet, Jan. 30 , 1930, pp. 1-3; Jan. 19, 1927, pp. 2-3; Proletarec, Mar. 27, 1919, p. 4; Apr. 26, 1928; Zanje, Nov. 24, 1919, pp. 1-4; Radnicka Straza, Oct. 1, 1909, pp. 1-2 described free Croatian socialist schools. See Frank Bohn, Katoliska Cerkev in Socializem (Chicago, 1914) . (55) D. Popovich, "Noble Souls ," in Scrapbook of D. Popovich, IHRC . Rovnost Ludu (Slovak socialist paper). Apr. 10, 1912, p . 4; Proletarec, Dec. 11, 1918, pp . 3-5; NOvi Svijet, Nov. 14 , 1931, p. 4, 6; Radnik, Aug. 8, 1925, p. 4. (56) RadnickaStraza, Dec. 19, 1912, p. 1; Jan . 2, 1913, p. 1. By 1924 the membership of the Jugoslav Socialist Federation totaled only 1,500 and over 80 percent of its membership was Slovene. In Pennsylvania, for instance, the active South Slav socialists were almost all in small mining towns and settlements. Few were found in large urban areas and mill towns with sizeable Yugoslav colonies. Two mining communities, Strabane and Forest City, had a quarter of the read~rship of Proletarec between 1915 and 1940, mostly in the 1930s. Pittsburgh, which haa large Croatian and Serbian and Slovene communities, had relatively few socialist organizations, although the first Croatian Socialist Club in America began there in 1903. Chicago, as late as 1937, had less than 300 Slovene socialists. Finns, on the other hand, had over 15,000 socialists, a figure considerably higher than the Yugoslavs. See Jugoslovanska Socialisticna Zveza Papers , Box 176, IHRC for membership lists. See also Majski Glas, XV (1935). p. 50; XVII (May, 1937). pp. 40-49;RadnickaStraza, July 15, 1910, p . 1. (57) Radnicka Straza, Mar. 3, 1911, p. 3; Nov. 18, 1914, p . 3 Slobodna Rec, July 14, SLOVAKIA 39 1940, p. 6. (58) 61st cong., 3rd sess., serial 5875, The Children of Immigrants (5 vols., Washington, 1911), V, 470, 516. U.S. Bureau of Census, Seventeenth Census of the United States, Census of the Population, 1950, II, 115-120, 159. Andrew Greeley, Ethnicity in the United States (New York, 1971), p. 52 found Slavic Catholics to have less college graduates than Jews, Germans, British and Scandinavians, Protestants and Irish, German and Italian Catholics. (59) U.S. Census, Seventeenth Census of the United States, 1950 Population. (60) The low rate of Slavic mobility and their occupational patterns are described in Joe Barton, Peasants and Strangers and John Bodnar, "Steelton's Immigrants : Social Relationships in a Pennsylvania Mill Town, 1870-1940" (unpublished Ph.D . dissertation, University of Connecticut, 1974). (61) See George Foster, "Peasant Society and the Image of Limited Good," American Anthropologist, 67 (April, 1965), 293-315; Rudolph M. Bell, 'The Transformation of a Rural Village: Istria, 1870-1972,'' Journal of Social History, 7 (Spring, 1974). 251-52.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Materialism and Morality: Slavic-American Immigrants and Education, 1890-1940 Description An account of the resource John Bodnar Slovakia, Vol. 26 (No. 49), 1976 pp. 21-39 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Bodnar, John E., 1944- Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1976 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/675915bc9f7c8105845af9639076bf73.pdf 344aedb74161c78ddb173dbcaacff698 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 13 Immigration and Eastern Slovak Nationalism M. MARK STOLARIK The Cleve/,a,nd State University Nineteenth century nationalism affected Slovaks both in Europe and in the United States. In its early stages this movement gripped people in all parts of northern Hungary. Later, the center of gravity shifted to central Slovakia while the east seemed doomed to Magyarization. Many eastern Slovaks who had moved to America, however, rediscovered their ethnic identity here and joined the struggle for national survival. European nationalism, which had its roots in the early Romantic period of the late eighteenth century, received a tremendous, if unexpected, boost from the reforms of Emperor Joseph II of Austria. Joseph, "that Convention in a single man" (1) who ruled the empire from 1780 to 1790, tried to modernize his realm with various reforms, including one that established German as the sole administrative language in his lands . This reform, among others, aroused the Magyar element of the nobility of Hungary, over which Joseph ruled, and set them on the road to national revival. They rejected German as the administrative language of Hungary and, starting in 1791, enacted through their Diet a series of laws which, by 1843, made Magyar the official language of their part of the empire. (2) This ethno-centrism destroyed the "a-national" (3) Hungarian kingdom which had previously employed Latin as the official language and turned it into a Magyar state that began to wage war upon all non-Magyar nationalities. Slovaks resisted attempts to assimilate them from the start. Even before the Magyars started fostering their own language, the Reverend Anton Bernolak codified the Slovak language and urged his countrymen to use it . His codification, which first appeared in print in 1787, utilized the western Slovak dialect and won wide acceptance among Catholics for the next fifty years. (4) Not only did western and central Slovak Catholics adopt Bernolak's codification, but their eastern counterparts accepted it as well. As Imrich Sedlak has recently shown, a group of Bernolak's fellow-priests in 1789 sent out an appeal from the Bratislava seminary to all Slovak nationalists to unite in a " Slovenske ucene tovarysstvo" (Slovak Literary Guild) which would promote Bernolak's reforms . Western, central and eastern Slovaks joined in this movement. Main branches of this learned society, which had its headquarters in the western city of Trnava, sprang up immediately in eastern communities such as Solivar, �14 SLOVAKIA Saris, and in central communities such as Roznava, Gerner, and Jager, now in Hungary. (5) In the 1820s other branches appeared in the eastern cities of Spisske Podhradie, Spis and Kosice, Abauj. (6) In the 1830s, student societies for the promotion of Slovak nationalism appeared also at the gymnasiums of Levoca and Kezmarok, Spis and Presov, and Saris. (7) While Bernolak' s codification did help to promote nationalism among Catholic Slovaks, it did not win wide acceptance among the Lutheran minority, nor among easterners. Lutherans continued using Old Czech, as found in their Bible, throughout the Bernolak era. Eastern Slovaks, when confronted with the choice between the western and central dialects, preferred central because they could better comprehend it. Perceiving this linguistic disunity, I.:udovit Stur, a Lutheran minister and professor at the Bratislava lyceum, decided to re-codify Slovak using the central dialect. He completed his work in 1846 and the students at the Levoca gymnasium immediately accepted it. Other eastern Slovak centers soon followed suit, as did most central and western ones, including those run by Catholics and Lutherans. (8) Therefore, by the middle of the nineteenth century, most Slovak intellectuals, whether from the east, west or center, were united in their support of the central dialect as the literary language of all the people. Slovak nationalism suffered its first setback in the 1848 revolution and continued to lose ground thereafter. As Julius Mesaros has pointed out, the followers of Stur participated in the 1848 revolution by fighting on the side of Vienna against Hungary, but certain rivals of Stur, led by the poet Jan Kollar, managed to win the approval of Vienna for their own cause, which was the use of Czech by the Slovaks. Vienna sanctioned the use of Czech in Slovak districts but only as a second language because the repressive regime of Alexander Bach, which lasted from 1849 to 1859, preferred to use German on all occasions. As a result, all nine gymnasiums in Hungary which had used Slovak as the language of instruction were Germanized by 1857. (9) From 1859 to 1867, while Vienna negotiated with Budapest about a possible accord between the Habsburgs and the Magyars, Slovak leaders took advantage of the relative freedom that prevailed and demanded recognition as a nation. In 1861, over 5,000 nationalists from all parts of the country met in Turciansky Sviity Martin in central Slovakia and drafted a "Memorandum of the Slovak Nation" to the Budapest Parliament. Besides demanding certain civil rights, they asked for home rule in the region called "Upper Hungary" . However, nobles who had promised to present this Memorandum to the Parliament backed down when they realized that its acceptance would mean a loss of their special privileges . The Magyars then merely denounced the Memorandum as "separatism" and ignored it. The only tangible achievement during this period of calm was the founding in �SLOVAKIA 15 1863 of the 'Matica Slovenska', a literary and cultural society with headquarters in Martin. For the next decade, it published hundreds of books and periodicals and became the coordinator and center of national life. (10) \ Slovak leaders next took advantage of a new order which prevailed between 1867 and 1872. In 1867 the Habsburgs and Magyars reached the famous 'Ausgleich' (Compromise) which divided the empire between them and left the Magyars supreme in Hungary. Under the relatively enlightened leadership of Francis Deak and Joseph Eotvos, the Hungarian Parliament in 1868 passed a "Law of Nationalities" which permitted, among other things, that the citizenry in all nonMagyar districts might use their mother tongue. Slovak Catholics immediately built a new gymnasium in Klastor pod Znievom and Lutherans built one in Turciansky Svaty Martin and enlarged one in Revuca. In 1869 Catholic Slovaks also established, after ten years of effort, the Society of St. Vojtech in Trnava, dedicated to publishing Catholic books and periodicals in the national language. (11) In 1873, after a change of leadership, the Magyars began to persecute the Slovaks. Bela Grunwald, vice-governor of the county of Zvolen, helped set up a "Magyar szovetseg" (Magyar Union) to Magyarize the nationalities. In addition, Grunwald petitioned Budapest "on behalfof the Slovak people" to close the three Slovak gymnasiums because they were "bastions of pan-Slavism". Led by Prime Minister Koloman Tisza, who declared in 1875 that ''there is no Slovak nation'', the Hungarian government seized the three new gymnasiums in 18741875 and had the 'Matica Slovenska' sacked in 1874. (12) Using the control of county governments which the 1867 Compromise had guaranteed them, the Magyars next attacked nationalist students and tried to disrupt the unity of the Slovak nation. In the 1880s county governments expelled fifty Slovaks from their gymnasiums, including seven from the Levoca and seven from the Presov institutions. In 1881, the government of Saris decided to test Bela Grunwald's Magyarization plans on the people of that country. And, as Ladislav Tajtak has shown, county officials began publishing books in the Saris dialect in the hope that this act would break eastern Slovaks off from the rest of their nation and make them easier to Magyarize. The plan seemed to be working in the 1880s; western and central Slovaks could find few nationalist leaders, books or newspapers in the eastern counties. (13) While the future of Slovak identity and unity seemed thus in jeopardy in Hungary, nationalist leaders took heart from events in America. In 1886, they learned from an American Magyar publication that Slovaks in Pittsburgh had begun to publish a newspaper. (14) It catered to eastern Slovaks from Saris and Zemplin, who had not one single periodical of their own in the Old Country. (15) Nationalists in Martin were delighted to learn that Slovaks in �16 SLOVAKIA America had begun " to read and like newspapers ." (16) This good news was followed by more. In 1890 a Magyarone priest in the United States indignantly wrote to a Budapest newspaper that American Slovaks were turning into ' 'Pan-Slavs'', and that they were not heeding the call to stay loyal to Hungary which he expounded in his newspaper. (17) Eastern Slovaks in America became nationalists largely through the efforts of one man, Peter V. Rovnianek, a native of Trencin county, central Slovakia, who had studied theology at the Budapest Roman Catholic seminary before being expelled in 1887 for "Pan-Slavism". After having visited with national leaders in Turciansky Svaty Martin, Rovnianek made his way to America in response to a call by the Bishop of Cleveland for a priest for the local Slovak community. (18) Shortly after his acceptance into the Cleveland seminary in September of 1888, Rovnianek began to contribute articles to Nova Vlast' (New Homeland), a weekly publication in the central dialect by Edo Schwarz-Markovic, a former police captain of Levoca, who had become a nationalist in America. (19) Markovic, however, had strong competition from the much larger weekly Amerikansko-Slovenske Noviny (American Slovak News). Rovnianek realized that if he was to convert eastern Slovaks to nationalism, then he would have to do it in the larger and more popular newspaper. (20) The publishers of Amerikansko-Slovenske Noviny, the first Slovak newspaper in America, did not start out as nationalists. Jan Slovensky and Julius Wolf, cousins of mixed German-Slovak parentage from the county of Spis in the eastern region, came to America as loyal citizens of Hungary. They had both studied at the Magyarized teachers' college at Klastor pod Znievom in central Slovakia and, upon graduation in 1879, decided to go lion-hunting in Africa. Unscrupulous immigration agents placed them, instead, on a ship bound for New York and soon both men found themselves working in the coal mines of Pennsylvania. Very shortly thereafter Slovensky took a job as ''information officer'' at the Austro-Hungarian consulate in Pittsburgh while Julius Wolf worked in a grocery store. (21) At the consulate Slovensky came into daily contact with eastern Slovaks seeking news from the Old Country. He tired of answering their many questions and decided to post a weekly Bulletin of all the information that he had from home. So popular did this publication become that he began distributing it in the local saloons in order to keep Slovaks from swamping the consulate every week. Perceiving the possibility of financial rewards, Slovensky then joined Wolf in establishing in the fall of 1886 AmerikanskoSlovenske Noviny . The paper employed the eas'tern Slovak dialect and Magyar orthography because the editors had never studied central Slovak and they were not nationalists . (22) Ladislav Tajtak speculated that had Slovensky and Wolf not met P . V. Rovnianek and come into · financial difficulty in 1889, the newspaper might very well have �SLOVAKIA 17 retained its eastern dialect and its pro-Hungarian stance. (23) Rovnianek converted the publishers of Amerikcinsko-Slovenske Noviny to the Slovak national cause. He began by contributing articles in central Slovak, and, despite some protests in letters to the editor, Slovensky published the~ as submitted. Rovnianek then urged the editors to publish the entire newspaper in the literary language for the sake of national unity. Slovensky and Wolf remained unconvinced until 1889. That year their printery burned down and they needed a large sum of money to rebuild it. Rovnianek then left the seminary, contributed some money to the building fund and entered into partnership with Slovensky and Wolf. Finally, Rovnianek persuaded them to make him editor. From then on all articles in the newspaper appeared in central Slovak and the editorials persistently decried Magyar oppression in the homeland. (24) Hungarian government officials subsequently labeled him a "pernicious and dangerous Pan-Slav agitator". (25) After Rovnianek succeeded in converting Amerikcinsko-Slovenske Noviny to the literary language, most other Slovak newspapers in America followed suit. Leaders in the Old Country proudly observed in 1896 that American Slovaks, who had come from the most Magyarized counties of Hungary (eastern Slovakia), supported thirteen newspapers and not one appeared in the eastern dialect. (26) Certain American Slovak leaders, however, remained unconvinced and tried to foster the use of the outmoded dialect. The Magyarone priest Jozef Kossalko, for instance, published a weekly Zcistava (Flag) in eastern Slovakia in 1889 in order to combat the influence of Rovnianek' s paper. (27) Since he found very few subscribers, his paper folded after nine months. A group of Slovak socialists in Jersey City tried in 1892 to establish a weekly Robotnik (Worker) using the eastern dialect but it survived for only a few months. (28) The weekly Slebodni Orel (Free Eagle) of New York, published with the support of Father Imrich Haitinger of Passaic, a Magyarone colleague of Jozef Kossalko, also utilized the Saris dialect and had a shaky run of four years. It ceased publication in 1904. (29) Even Father Matus Jankola, president in 1900 of the First Catholic Slovak Union, and Albert Mamatey, president in 1918 of the Slovak League of America (both central Slovak nationalists), mistakenly believed that eastern Slovaks would rather read newspapers in their own dialect. (30) P. V. Rovnianek fought all such attempts, believing it would destroy the unity of the Slovak nation to publish in any other but the literary language. Rovnianek also opposed attempts at codifying eastern Slovak. (31) More importantly, eastern Slovak laymen in America also opposed writing in their own dialect . A certain "Malcicky from Zemplin" explained to his intellectual superiors that ''Germans have a large number of dialects and yet use only one literary form to preserve their unity;" therefore, "American editors are wrong in trying to publish in �18 SLOVAKIA eastern Slovak dialects." (32) Another even denounced his former schoolteacher in the village of Budimir, Saris, who had arrogantly written in eastern Slovak to accuse him of being a ''Pan-Slav scoundrel. '' Matik replied in central Slovak that his friends in Budimir would fight the Magyars and Magyarones to the bitter end and he bitingly asked this teacher how he could have forgotten his origins so quickly. (33) Besides affirming their nationalism, many from the eastern counties also acted it out. An immigrant from Liptov, one of the most nationalist of Slovak counties, reported that in 1890, three years after his arrival in America, a group of Saris natives persuaded him to join the National Slovak Society. (34) A little later a group of easterners in Passaic wrote a letter in their native dialect to the nationalists in Turciansky Svaty Martin and asked for central Slovak books and hymnals for their newly-established library. (35) Even more surprisingly, two lodges of Rockland Lake, New York, resolved to foster the literary form and sent money to N<irodne noviny (National News) in Martin to help their brethren do the same. And yet the officers communicated this information in eastern Slovak because they had not learned the dialect which had become the national symbol, but they promised to do so. (36) American-Slovak priests as well as the Hungarian government recognized the triumph of nationalism among eastern Slovaks in the United States. In 1903, at a meeting of the "Society of Slovak Roman Catholic Priests," in Philadelphia, delegates resolved to preach henceforth in the central dialect in order to keep the nation united. Such a resolution, passed in the presence of the Magyarone priest Imrich Haitinger, could never have succeeded had not the overwhelming number of eastern Slovak laymen supported it. (37) The Hungarian government concurred and unwittingly complimented easterners in the United States by declaring that "one stream of PanSlavism comes from Turciansky Svaty Martin and the other from America." (38) Slovak nationalism manifested itself, then, not only in Hungary but also in America; and it affected not only central and western but also eastern Slovaks. In the early stages of-its growth, leaders in all sections of northern Hungary presented a united front. In the second half of the nineteenth century, however, the Magyars concentrated upon splitting off eastern Slovakia from the movement and by the 1880's appeared to be winning .that objective, partly by publishing books in the regional dialect. However, eastern Slovaks who had migrated to America accepted P. V. Rovnianek's urgings to use central Slovak as their literary language. After 1890 they rejected Magyarone and even some misguided central Slovak suggestions to codify the eastern dialect and to publish in it. Therefore, while central Slovaks �SLOVAKIA 19 formed the bulwark against Magyarization in the Old Country, eastern Slovaks did so in America. FOOTNOTES \ (1) A. J . P . Taylor, The Habsburg Mnnarchy, 1809-1918 (New York, 1948), 19. (2) R. W. Seton-Watson, A History of the Czechs and Slovaks (London, 1943), 257-60. (3) George Barany, "Hoping against Hope: The Enlightened Age in Hungary," American Historical Review, 76 (April, 1971), 347. (4) Jan Tibensky, "Fonnovanie sa ideol6gie slovenskej feudalnej narodnosti a burzoazneho naroda " (The Forming of the Ideology of the Slovak Feudal Nation and of the Bougeois Nation), Historicky tasopis, XIX (No. 4, 1971), 585. (5) Imrich Sedlak, Strieborny uek: narodno-kulturny a literarny pohyb na u-jchodnom Slouensku u obdobi ntirodneho obrodenia (The Silver Age : The National Cultural and Literary Movement in Eastern Slovakia During the National Awakening), (2 Vols., Kosice, 1970) I, 33-46. (6) Ibid., 91-104. (7) Ibid., 135-51. (8) Ibid., 177-88 and 224-33; see also Seton-Watson, History of the Czechs and Slovaks, 259-61. (9) Julius Mesaros et. al., Dejiny Slouenska II: od roku 1848 do roku 1900 (A History of Slovakia, II: From 1848 to 1900) , (Bratislava, 1968) 102-112. (10) " Memorandum naroda slovenskeho k vysokemu snemu krajiny uhorskej ... " (Memorandum of the Slovak Nation to the High Parliament of Hungary .. . ), in Dr. Vacovsky (Milan Ivanka), Slouaci a Macfari: politicko-historicka uuaha (The Slovaks and the Magyars: A Politico-Historical Dissertation) , (Pittsburgh, 1914) 113-23; and Mesaros, Dejiny Slouenska II, 179-200. (11) Scotus Viator (R. W . Seton-Watson) , Racial Problems in Hungary (London, 1908), 136-56; Mesaros, Dejiny Slouenska II, 264; and Jan Poestenyi, Dejiny Spolku su. Vojtecha (History of the Society of St. Vojtech) , (Trnava, 1930) 5-17. (12) Scotus Viator, Racial Problems in Hungary, 167; Mesaros, Dejiny Slouenska II, 27281. (13) Narodnie nouiny (Martin), September 30, 1882, p . l; Ladislav Tajtak, "K otazke vydavania ucebnic vo vychodoslovenskom nareci" (Concerning the Question of the Publication of Textbooks in the Eastern Slovak Dialect), Noue Obzory, VI (1964), 4364; and Mesaros, Dejiny Slouenska II, 289-93. (14) Amerikai Nemzetoei, as quoted in Narodnie nouiny, October 26, 1886, p. 3. (15) Ntirodnie nouiny, November 3, 1886, p. 1. (16) Ibid., August 27, 1887, pp. 1-2 . (17) Jozef Kossalko in Budapesti Hirlap as reprinted in Narodnie nouiny, April 19, 1890, pp. 1-2. (18) P. V. Rovnianek, Zapisky za iiua pochouaneho (Notes of One Buried Alive), (Pittsburgh, 1924) 14-51. (19) J . A. Feriencik, "Slovenske prist'ahovalectvo a slovenska spisba v Amerike" (Slovak Immigration and Slovak Literature in America) , Sbornik Narodneho Slouenskeho Spolku, I (1915), 22. (20) Ibid., 22 and 24; and Konstantin Culen, J. Slouensk-j: Ziuotopis zakladatefapru-jch slouensk-jch nouin u Amerike (J. Slovensky: A Biography of the Founder of the First Slovak Newspaper in America), (Winnipeg, 1954) 105, 116-117. �20 SLOVAKIA (21) Culen, J. Slovensky, 16-88; and Feriencik, "Slovenske prist'ahovalectvo," 21-22. (22) Culen, J . Slovensky, 91-96; and Feriencik, ''Slovenske prist'ahovalectvo,'' 22. (23) Ladislav Tajtak , "K zaciatkom Amerik<insko-Slovenskych Navin" (Concerning the Beginnings of Amerik<insko-Slovenske Noviny), in Josef Polisensky, ed . , Zai!iatky i!eskej a slovenskej emigr<icie do USA (The beginnings of Czech and Slovak Emigration to the U.S .A.), (Bratislava, 1970) 189. (24) Ibid., 191; and Culen, J. Slovensky, 123-126. (25) Prime Minister of Hungary to the governor of Spis, August 28, 1902, Slovak State Archives , Levoca, hlavny zupan (governor), 43, 1902. (26) N<irodnie noviny, 1896, No. 25, p . 3. (27) Ibid., April 19, 1890, pp. 1-2. (28) Mesaros, Dejiny Slovenska II, p. 539. (29) Konstantin Culen , Slovenske i!asopisy v Amerike (Slovak Newspapers in America), (Cleveland, 1970) 167. (30) Stefan Furdek to Frantisek Sasinek, December 11, 1900, Literary Archives of the Matica Slovenska in Martin (hereafter LAMS), 37-045; and Obrana (Cleveland), November 27, 1918, pp. 6-7. (31) Obrana, November 27, 1918, p. 7; and Rovnianek, Z<ipisky, 111. (32) Slovak vAmerike (New York), June 14, 1907, p. 3. (33) Jednota (Middletown, Pa.), July 22, 1914, p . 2; and Kritika (Cleveland), May 6, 1914, p. 5. (34) Pavel Svihra, " Nasi pionieri" (Our Pioneers), N<irodny Kalend<ir, 1930, 169. (35) Jan Nemetz to N<irodnie noviny, May 17 and June 20, 1897, LAMS, 37-054 and 37056. (36) Slovaks of Rockland Lake, N.Y. to N<irodnie noviny, May 5, 1898, LAMS, 37-056. (37) Ms. Society of Slovak Roman Catholic Priests Under the Protection of Sts. Cyril and Methodius, Minutes (in Slovak), September 1, 1903, Society of St. Vojtech, Trnava, fasc . 299, C, No . 14 (on microfilm also at the Immigrant Archives of the University of Minnesota). (38) Governor of Abauj County to all his subordinates, notice on Pan-Slavism, Slovak State Archives, Kosice, podfopan (vice-governor), X, 13051, 1905. � SLOVAKIA 13 Immigration and Eastern Slovak Nationalism M. MARK STOLARIK The Cleve/,a,nd State University Nineteenth century nationalism affected Slovaks both in Europe and in the United States. In its early stages this movement gripped people in all parts of northern Hungary. Later, the center of gravity shifted to central Slovakia while the east seemed doomed to Magyarization. Many eastern Slovaks who had moved to America, however, rediscovered their ethnic identity here and joined the struggle for national survival. European nationalism, which had its roots in the early Romantic period of the late eighteenth century, received a tremendous, if unexpected, boost from the reforms of Emperor Joseph II of Austria. Joseph, "that Convention in a single man" (1) who ruled the empire from 1780 to 1790, tried to modernize his realm with various reforms, including one that established German as the sole administrative language in his lands . This reform, among others, aroused the Magyar element of the nobility of Hungary, over which Joseph ruled, and set them on the road to national revival. They rejected German as the administrative language of Hungary and, starting in 1791, enacted through their Diet a series of laws which, by 1843, made Magyar the official language of their part of the empire. (2) This ethno-centrism destroyed the "a-national" (3) Hungarian kingdom which had previously employed Latin as the official language and turned it into a Magyar state that began to wage war upon all non-Magyar nationalities. Slovaks resisted attempts to assimilate them from the start. Even before the Magyars started fostering their own language, the Reverend Anton Bernolak codified the Slovak language and urged his countrymen to use it . His codification, which first appeared in print in 1787, utilized the western Slovak dialect and won wide acceptance among Catholics for the next fifty years. (4) Not only did western and central Slovak Catholics adopt Bernolak's codification, but their eastern counterparts accepted it as well. As Imrich Sedlak has recently shown, a group of Bernolak's fellow-priests in 1789 sent out an appeal from the Bratislava seminary to all Slovak nationalists to unite in a " Slovenske ucene tovarysstvo" (Slovak Literary Guild) which would promote Bernolak's reforms . Western, central and eastern Slovaks joined in this movement. Main branches of this learned society, which had its headquarters in the western city of Trnava, sprang up immediately in eastern communities such as Solivar, �14 SLOVAKIA Saris, and in central communities such as Roznava, Gerner, and Jager, now in Hungary. (5) In the 1820s other branches appeared in the eastern cities of Spisske Podhradie, Spis and Kosice, Abauj. (6) In the 1830s, student societies for the promotion of Slovak nationalism appeared also at the gymnasiums of Levoca and Kezmarok, Spis and Presov, and Saris. (7) While Bernolak' s codification did help to promote nationalism among Catholic Slovaks, it did not win wide acceptance among the Lutheran minority, nor among easterners. Lutherans continued using Old Czech, as found in their Bible, throughout the Bernolak era. Eastern Slovaks, when confronted with the choice between the western and central dialects, preferred central because they could better comprehend it. Perceiving this linguistic disunity, I.:udovit Stur, a Lutheran minister and professor at the Bratislava lyceum, decided to re-codify Slovak using the central dialect. He completed his work in 1846 and the students at the Levoca gymnasium immediately accepted it. Other eastern Slovak centers soon followed suit, as did most central and western ones, including those run by Catholics and Lutherans. (8) Therefore, by the middle of the nineteenth century, most Slovak intellectuals, whether from the east, west or center, were united in their support of the central dialect as the literary language of all the people. Slovak nationalism suffered its first setback in the 1848 revolution and continued to lose ground thereafter. As Julius Mesaros has pointed out, the followers of Stur participated in the 1848 revolution by fighting on the side of Vienna against Hungary, but certain rivals of Stur, led by the poet Jan Kollar, managed to win the approval of Vienna for their own cause, which was the use of Czech by the Slovaks. Vienna sanctioned the use of Czech in Slovak districts but only as a second language because the repressive regime of Alexander Bach, which lasted from 1849 to 1859, preferred to use German on all occasions. As a result, all nine gymnasiums in Hungary which had used Slovak as the language of instruction were Germanized by 1857. (9) From 1859 to 1867, while Vienna negotiated with Budapest about a possible accord between the Habsburgs and the Magyars, Slovak leaders took advantage of the relative freedom that prevailed and demanded recognition as a nation. In 1861, over 5,000 nationalists from all parts of the country met in Turciansky Sviity Martin in central Slovakia and drafted a "Memorandum of the Slovak Nation" to the Budapest Parliament. Besides demanding certain civil rights, they asked for home rule in the region called "Upper Hungary" . However, nobles who had promised to present this Memorandum to the Parliament backed down when they realized that its acceptance would mean a loss of their special privileges . The Magyars then merely denounced the Memorandum as "separatism" and ignored it. The only tangible achievement during this period of calm was the founding in �SLOVAKIA 15 1863 of the 'Matica Slovenska', a literary and cultural society with headquarters in Martin. For the next decade, it published hundreds of books and periodicals and became the coordinator and center of national life. (10) \ Slovak leaders next took advantage of a new order which prevailed between 1867 and 1872. In 1867 the Habsburgs and Magyars reached the famous 'Ausgleich' (Compromise) which divided the empire between them and left the Magyars supreme in Hungary. Under the relatively enlightened leadership of Francis Deak and Joseph Eotvos, the Hungarian Parliament in 1868 passed a "Law of Nationalities" which permitted, among other things, that the citizenry in all nonMagyar districts might use their mother tongue. Slovak Catholics immediately built a new gymnasium in Klastor pod Znievom and Lutherans built one in Turciansky Svaty Martin and enlarged one in Revuca. In 1869 Catholic Slovaks also established, after ten years of effort, the Society of St. Vojtech in Trnava, dedicated to publishing Catholic books and periodicals in the national language. (11) In 1873, after a change of leadership, the Magyars began to persecute the Slovaks. Bela Grunwald, vice-governor of the county of Zvolen, helped set up a "Magyar szovetseg" (Magyar Union) to Magyarize the nationalities. In addition, Grunwald petitioned Budapest "on behalfof the Slovak people" to close the three Slovak gymnasiums because they were "bastions of pan-Slavism". Led by Prime Minister Koloman Tisza, who declared in 1875 that ''there is no Slovak nation'', the Hungarian government seized the three new gymnasiums in 18741875 and had the 'Matica Slovenska' sacked in 1874. (12) Using the control of county governments which the 1867 Compromise had guaranteed them, the Magyars next attacked nationalist students and tried to disrupt the unity of the Slovak nation. In the 1880s county governments expelled fifty Slovaks from their gymnasiums, including seven from the Levoca and seven from the Presov institutions. In 1881, the government of Saris decided to test Bela Grunwald's Magyarization plans on the people of that country. And, as Ladislav Tajtak has shown, county officials began publishing books in the Saris dialect in the hope that this act would break eastern Slovaks off from the rest of their nation and make them easier to Magyarize. The plan seemed to be working in the 1880s; western and central Slovaks could find few nationalist leaders, books or newspapers in the eastern counties. (13) While the future of Slovak identity and unity seemed thus in jeopardy in Hungary, nationalist leaders took heart from events in America. In 1886, they learned from an American Magyar publication that Slovaks in Pittsburgh had begun to publish a newspaper. (14) It catered to eastern Slovaks from Saris and Zemplin, who had not one single periodical of their own in the Old Country. (15) Nationalists in Martin were delighted to learn that Slovaks in �16 SLOVAKIA America had begun " to read and like newspapers ." (16) This good news was followed by more. In 1890 a Magyarone priest in the United States indignantly wrote to a Budapest newspaper that American Slovaks were turning into ' 'Pan-Slavs'', and that they were not heeding the call to stay loyal to Hungary which he expounded in his newspaper. (17) Eastern Slovaks in America became nationalists largely through the efforts of one man, Peter V. Rovnianek, a native of Trencin county, central Slovakia, who had studied theology at the Budapest Roman Catholic seminary before being expelled in 1887 for "Pan-Slavism". After having visited with national leaders in Turciansky Svaty Martin, Rovnianek made his way to America in response to a call by the Bishop of Cleveland for a priest for the local Slovak community. (18) Shortly after his acceptance into the Cleveland seminary in September of 1888, Rovnianek began to contribute articles to Nova Vlast' (New Homeland), a weekly publication in the central dialect by Edo Schwarz-Markovic, a former police captain of Levoca, who had become a nationalist in America. (19) Markovic, however, had strong competition from the much larger weekly Amerikansko-Slovenske Noviny (American Slovak News). Rovnianek realized that if he was to convert eastern Slovaks to nationalism, then he would have to do it in the larger and more popular newspaper. (20) The publishers of Amerikansko-Slovenske Noviny, the first Slovak newspaper in America, did not start out as nationalists. Jan Slovensky and Julius Wolf, cousins of mixed German-Slovak parentage from the county of Spis in the eastern region, came to America as loyal citizens of Hungary. They had both studied at the Magyarized teachers' college at Klastor pod Znievom in central Slovakia and, upon graduation in 1879, decided to go lion-hunting in Africa. Unscrupulous immigration agents placed them, instead, on a ship bound for New York and soon both men found themselves working in the coal mines of Pennsylvania. Very shortly thereafter Slovensky took a job as ''information officer'' at the Austro-Hungarian consulate in Pittsburgh while Julius Wolf worked in a grocery store. (21) At the consulate Slovensky came into daily contact with eastern Slovaks seeking news from the Old Country. He tired of answering their many questions and decided to post a weekly Bulletin of all the information that he had from home. So popular did this publication become that he began distributing it in the local saloons in order to keep Slovaks from swamping the consulate every week. Perceiving the possibility of financial rewards, Slovensky then joined Wolf in establishing in the fall of 1886 AmerikanskoSlovenske Noviny . The paper employed the eas'tern Slovak dialect and Magyar orthography because the editors had never studied central Slovak and they were not nationalists . (22) Ladislav Tajtak speculated that had Slovensky and Wolf not met P . V. Rovnianek and come into · financial difficulty in 1889, the newspaper might very well have �SLOVAKIA 17 retained its eastern dialect and its pro-Hungarian stance. (23) Rovnianek converted the publishers of Amerikcinsko-Slovenske Noviny to the Slovak national cause. He began by contributing articles in central Slovak, and, despite some protests in letters to the editor, Slovensky published the~ as submitted. Rovnianek then urged the editors to publish the entire newspaper in the literary language for the sake of national unity. Slovensky and Wolf remained unconvinced until 1889. That year their printery burned down and they needed a large sum of money to rebuild it. Rovnianek then left the seminary, contributed some money to the building fund and entered into partnership with Slovensky and Wolf. Finally, Rovnianek persuaded them to make him editor. From then on all articles in the newspaper appeared in central Slovak and the editorials persistently decried Magyar oppression in the homeland. (24) Hungarian government officials subsequently labeled him a "pernicious and dangerous Pan-Slav agitator". (25) After Rovnianek succeeded in converting Amerikcinsko-Slovenske Noviny to the literary language, most other Slovak newspapers in America followed suit. Leaders in the Old Country proudly observed in 1896 that American Slovaks, who had come from the most Magyarized counties of Hungary (eastern Slovakia), supported thirteen newspapers and not one appeared in the eastern dialect. (26) Certain American Slovak leaders, however, remained unconvinced and tried to foster the use of the outmoded dialect. The Magyarone priest Jozef Kossalko, for instance, published a weekly Zcistava (Flag) in eastern Slovakia in 1889 in order to combat the influence of Rovnianek' s paper. (27) Since he found very few subscribers, his paper folded after nine months. A group of Slovak socialists in Jersey City tried in 1892 to establish a weekly Robotnik (Worker) using the eastern dialect but it survived for only a few months. (28) The weekly Slebodni Orel (Free Eagle) of New York, published with the support of Father Imrich Haitinger of Passaic, a Magyarone colleague of Jozef Kossalko, also utilized the Saris dialect and had a shaky run of four years. It ceased publication in 1904. (29) Even Father Matus Jankola, president in 1900 of the First Catholic Slovak Union, and Albert Mamatey, president in 1918 of the Slovak League of America (both central Slovak nationalists), mistakenly believed that eastern Slovaks would rather read newspapers in their own dialect. (30) P. V. Rovnianek fought all such attempts, believing it would destroy the unity of the Slovak nation to publish in any other but the literary language. Rovnianek also opposed attempts at codifying eastern Slovak. (31) More importantly, eastern Slovak laymen in America also opposed writing in their own dialect . A certain "Malcicky from Zemplin" explained to his intellectual superiors that ''Germans have a large number of dialects and yet use only one literary form to preserve their unity;" therefore, "American editors are wrong in trying to publish in �18 SLOVAKIA eastern Slovak dialects." (32) Another even denounced his former schoolteacher in the village of Budimir, Saris, who had arrogantly written in eastern Slovak to accuse him of being a ''Pan-Slav scoundrel. '' Matik replied in central Slovak that his friends in Budimir would fight the Magyars and Magyarones to the bitter end and he bitingly asked this teacher how he could have forgotten his origins so quickly. (33) Besides affirming their nationalism, many from the eastern counties also acted it out. An immigrant from Liptov, one of the most nationalist of Slovak counties, reported that in 1890, three years after his arrival in America, a group of Saris natives persuaded him to join the National Slovak Society. (34) A little later a group of easterners in Passaic wrote a letter in their native dialect to the nationalists in Turciansky Svaty Martin and asked for central Slovak books and hymnals for their newly-established library. (35) Even more surprisingly, two lodges of Rockland Lake, New York, resolved to foster the literary form and sent money to N<irodne noviny (National News) in Martin to help their brethren do the same. And yet the officers communicated this information in eastern Slovak because they had not learned the dialect which had become the national symbol, but they promised to do so. (36) American-Slovak priests as well as the Hungarian government recognized the triumph of nationalism among eastern Slovaks in the United States. In 1903, at a meeting of the "Society of Slovak Roman Catholic Priests," in Philadelphia, delegates resolved to preach henceforth in the central dialect in order to keep the nation united. Such a resolution, passed in the presence of the Magyarone priest Imrich Haitinger, could never have succeeded had not the overwhelming number of eastern Slovak laymen supported it. (37) The Hungarian government concurred and unwittingly complimented easterners in the United States by declaring that "one stream of PanSlavism comes from Turciansky Svaty Martin and the other from America." (38) Slovak nationalism manifested itself, then, not only in Hungary but also in America; and it affected not only central and western but also eastern Slovaks. In the early stages of-its growth, leaders in all sections of northern Hungary presented a united front. In the second half of the nineteenth century, however, the Magyars concentrated upon splitting off eastern Slovakia from the movement and by the 1880's appeared to be winning .that objective, partly by publishing books in the regional dialect. However, eastern Slovaks who had migrated to America accepted P. V. Rovnianek's urgings to use central Slovak as their literary language. After 1890 they rejected Magyarone and even some misguided central Slovak suggestions to codify the eastern dialect and to publish in it. Therefore, while central Slovaks �SLOVAKIA 19 formed the bulwark against Magyarization in the Old Country, eastern Slovaks did so in America. FOOTNOTES \ (1) A. J . P . Taylor, The Habsburg Mnnarchy, 1809-1918 (New York, 1948), 19. (2) R. W. Seton-Watson, A History of the Czechs and Slovaks (London, 1943), 257-60. (3) George Barany, "Hoping against Hope: The Enlightened Age in Hungary," American Historical Review, 76 (April, 1971), 347. (4) Jan Tibensky, "Fonnovanie sa ideol6gie slovenskej feudalnej narodnosti a burzoazneho naroda " (The Forming of the Ideology of the Slovak Feudal Nation and of the Bougeois Nation), Historicky tasopis, XIX (No. 4, 1971), 585. (5) Imrich Sedlak, Strieborny uek: narodno-kulturny a literarny pohyb na u-jchodnom Slouensku u obdobi ntirodneho obrodenia (The Silver Age : The National Cultural and Literary Movement in Eastern Slovakia During the National Awakening), (2 Vols., Kosice, 1970) I, 33-46. (6) Ibid., 91-104. (7) Ibid., 135-51. (8) Ibid., 177-88 and 224-33; see also Seton-Watson, History of the Czechs and Slovaks, 259-61. (9) Julius Mesaros et. al., Dejiny Slouenska II: od roku 1848 do roku 1900 (A History of Slovakia, II: From 1848 to 1900) , (Bratislava, 1968) 102-112. (10) " Memorandum naroda slovenskeho k vysokemu snemu krajiny uhorskej ... " (Memorandum of the Slovak Nation to the High Parliament of Hungary .. . ), in Dr. Vacovsky (Milan Ivanka), Slouaci a Macfari: politicko-historicka uuaha (The Slovaks and the Magyars: A Politico-Historical Dissertation) , (Pittsburgh, 1914) 113-23; and Mesaros, Dejiny Slouenska II, 179-200. (11) Scotus Viator (R. W . Seton-Watson) , Racial Problems in Hungary (London, 1908), 136-56; Mesaros, Dejiny Slouenska II, 264; and Jan Poestenyi, Dejiny Spolku su. Vojtecha (History of the Society of St. Vojtech) , (Trnava, 1930) 5-17. (12) Scotus Viator, Racial Problems in Hungary, 167; Mesaros, Dejiny Slouenska II, 27281. (13) Narodnie nouiny (Martin), September 30, 1882, p . l; Ladislav Tajtak, "K otazke vydavania ucebnic vo vychodoslovenskom nareci" (Concerning the Question of the Publication of Textbooks in the Eastern Slovak Dialect), Noue Obzory, VI (1964), 4364; and Mesaros, Dejiny Slouenska II, 289-93. (14) Amerikai Nemzetoei, as quoted in Narodnie nouiny, October 26, 1886, p. 3. (15) Ntirodnie nouiny, November 3, 1886, p. 1. (16) Ibid., August 27, 1887, pp. 1-2 . (17) Jozef Kossalko in Budapesti Hirlap as reprinted in Narodnie nouiny, April 19, 1890, pp. 1-2. (18) P. V. Rovnianek, Zapisky za iiua pochouaneho (Notes of One Buried Alive), (Pittsburgh, 1924) 14-51. (19) J . A. Feriencik, "Slovenske prist'ahovalectvo a slovenska spisba v Amerike" (Slovak Immigration and Slovak Literature in America) , Sbornik Narodneho Slouenskeho Spolku, I (1915), 22. (20) Ibid., 22 and 24; and Konstantin Culen, J. Slouensk-j: Ziuotopis zakladatefapru-jch slouensk-jch nouin u Amerike (J. Slovensky: A Biography of the Founder of the First Slovak Newspaper in America), (Winnipeg, 1954) 105, 116-117. �20 SLOVAKIA (21) Culen, J. Slovensky, 16-88; and Feriencik, "Slovenske prist'ahovalectvo," 21-22. (22) Culen, J . Slovensky, 91-96; and Feriencik, ''Slovenske prist'ahovalectvo,'' 22. (23) Ladislav Tajtak , "K zaciatkom Amerik<insko-Slovenskych Navin" (Concerning the Beginnings of Amerik<insko-Slovenske Noviny), in Josef Polisensky, ed . , Zai!iatky i!eskej a slovenskej emigr<icie do USA (The beginnings of Czech and Slovak Emigration to the U.S .A.), (Bratislava, 1970) 189. (24) Ibid., 191; and Culen, J. Slovensky, 123-126. (25) Prime Minister of Hungary to the governor of Spis, August 28, 1902, Slovak State Archives , Levoca, hlavny zupan (governor), 43, 1902. (26) N<irodnie noviny, 1896, No. 25, p . 3. (27) Ibid., April 19, 1890, pp. 1-2. (28) Mesaros, Dejiny Slovenska II, p. 539. (29) Konstantin Culen , Slovenske i!asopisy v Amerike (Slovak Newspapers in America), (Cleveland, 1970) 167. (30) Stefan Furdek to Frantisek Sasinek, December 11, 1900, Literary Archives of the Matica Slovenska in Martin (hereafter LAMS), 37-045; and Obrana (Cleveland), November 27, 1918, pp. 6-7. (31) Obrana, November 27, 1918, p. 7; and Rovnianek, Z<ipisky, 111. (32) Slovak vAmerike (New York), June 14, 1907, p. 3. (33) Jednota (Middletown, Pa.), July 22, 1914, p . 2; and Kritika (Cleveland), May 6, 1914, p. 5. (34) Pavel Svihra, " Nasi pionieri" (Our Pioneers), N<irodny Kalend<ir, 1930, 169. (35) Jan Nemetz to N<irodnie noviny, May 17 and June 20, 1897, LAMS, 37-054 and 37056. (36) Slovaks of Rockland Lake, N.Y. to N<irodnie noviny, May 5, 1898, LAMS, 37-056. (37) Ms. Society of Slovak Roman Catholic Priests Under the Protection of Sts. Cyril and Methodius, Minutes (in Slovak), September 1, 1903, Society of St. Vojtech, Trnava, fasc . 299, C, No . 14 (on microfilm also at the Immigrant Archives of the University of Minnesota). (38) Governor of Abauj County to all his subordinates, notice on Pan-Slavism, Slovak State Archives, Kosice, podfopan (vice-governor), X, 13051, 1905. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1976, Vol. 26 Description An account of the resource Vol. 26 (No. 49), 1976. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1976 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 13 Immigration and Eastern Slovak Nationalism M. MARK STOLARIK The Cleve/,a,nd State University Nineteenth century nationalism affected Slovaks both in Europe and in the United States. In its early stages this movement gripped people in all parts of northern Hungary. Later, the center of gravity shifted to central Slovakia while the east seemed doomed to Magyarization. Many eastern Slovaks who had moved to America, however, rediscovered their ethnic identity here and joined the struggle for national survival. European nationalism, which had its roots in the early Romantic period of the late eighteenth century, received a tremendous, if unexpected, boost from the reforms of Emperor Joseph II of Austria. Joseph, "that Convention in a single man" (1) who ruled the empire from 1780 to 1790, tried to modernize his realm with various reforms, including one that established German as the sole administrative language in his lands . This reform, among others, aroused the Magyar element of the nobility of Hungary, over which Joseph ruled, and set them on the road to national revival. They rejected German as the administrative language of Hungary and, starting in 1791, enacted through their Diet a series of laws which, by 1843, made Magyar the official language of their part of the empire. (2) This ethno-centrism destroyed the "a-national" (3) Hungarian kingdom which had previously employed Latin as the official language and turned it into a Magyar state that began to wage war upon all non-Magyar nationalities. Slovaks resisted attempts to assimilate them from the start. Even before the Magyars started fostering their own language, the Reverend Anton Bernolak codified the Slovak language and urged his countrymen to use it . His codification, which first appeared in print in 1787, utilized the western Slovak dialect and won wide acceptance among Catholics for the next fifty years. (4) Not only did western and central Slovak Catholics adopt Bernolak's codification, but their eastern counterparts accepted it as well. As Imrich Sedlak has recently shown, a group of Bernolak's fellow-priests in 1789 sent out an appeal from the Bratislava seminary to all Slovak nationalists to unite in a " Slovenske ucene tovarysstvo" (Slovak Literary Guild) which would promote Bernolak's reforms . Western, central and eastern Slovaks joined in this movement. Main branches of this learned society, which had its headquarters in the western city of Trnava, sprang up immediately in eastern communities such as Solivar, 14 SLOVAKIA Saris, and in central communities such as Roznava, Gerner, and Jager, now in Hungary. (5) In the 1820s other branches appeared in the eastern cities of Spisske Podhradie, Spis and Kosice, Abauj. (6) In the 1830s, student societies for the promotion of Slovak nationalism appeared also at the gymnasiums of Levoca and Kezmarok, Spis and Presov, and Saris. (7) While Bernolak' s codification did help to promote nationalism among Catholic Slovaks, it did not win wide acceptance among the Lutheran minority, nor among easterners. Lutherans continued using Old Czech, as found in their Bible, throughout the Bernolak era. Eastern Slovaks, when confronted with the choice between the western and central dialects, preferred central because they could better comprehend it. Perceiving this linguistic disunity, I.:udovit Stur, a Lutheran minister and professor at the Bratislava lyceum, decided to re-codify Slovak using the central dialect. He completed his work in 1846 and the students at the Levoca gymnasium immediately accepted it. Other eastern Slovak centers soon followed suit, as did most central and western ones, including those run by Catholics and Lutherans. (8) Therefore, by the middle of the nineteenth century, most Slovak intellectuals, whether from the east, west or center, were united in their support of the central dialect as the literary language of all the people. Slovak nationalism suffered its first setback in the 1848 revolution and continued to lose ground thereafter. As Julius Mesaros has pointed out, the followers of Stur participated in the 1848 revolution by fighting on the side of Vienna against Hungary, but certain rivals of Stur, led by the poet Jan Kollar, managed to win the approval of Vienna for their own cause, which was the use of Czech by the Slovaks. Vienna sanctioned the use of Czech in Slovak districts but only as a second language because the repressive regime of Alexander Bach, which lasted from 1849 to 1859, preferred to use German on all occasions. As a result, all nine gymnasiums in Hungary which had used Slovak as the language of instruction were Germanized by 1857. (9) From 1859 to 1867, while Vienna negotiated with Budapest about a possible accord between the Habsburgs and the Magyars, Slovak leaders took advantage of the relative freedom that prevailed and demanded recognition as a nation. In 1861, over 5,000 nationalists from all parts of the country met in Turciansky Sviity Martin in central Slovakia and drafted a "Memorandum of the Slovak Nation" to the Budapest Parliament. Besides demanding certain civil rights, they asked for home rule in the region called "Upper Hungary" . However, nobles who had promised to present this Memorandum to the Parliament backed down when they realized that its acceptance would mean a loss of their special privileges . The Magyars then merely denounced the Memorandum as "separatism" and ignored it. The only tangible achievement during this period of calm was the founding in SLOVAKIA 15 1863 of the 'Matica Slovenska', a literary and cultural society with headquarters in Martin. For the next decade, it published hundreds of books and periodicals and became the coordinator and center of national life. (10) \ Slovak leaders next took advantage of a new order which prevailed between 1867 and 1872. In 1867 the Habsburgs and Magyars reached the famous 'Ausgleich' (Compromise) which divided the empire between them and left the Magyars supreme in Hungary. Under the relatively enlightened leadership of Francis Deak and Joseph Eotvos, the Hungarian Parliament in 1868 passed a "Law of Nationalities" which permitted, among other things, that the citizenry in all nonMagyar districts might use their mother tongue. Slovak Catholics immediately built a new gymnasium in Klastor pod Znievom and Lutherans built one in Turciansky Svaty Martin and enlarged one in Revuca. In 1869 Catholic Slovaks also established, after ten years of effort, the Society of St. Vojtech in Trnava, dedicated to publishing Catholic books and periodicals in the national language. (11) In 1873, after a change of leadership, the Magyars began to persecute the Slovaks. Bela Grunwald, vice-governor of the county of Zvolen, helped set up a "Magyar szovetseg" (Magyar Union) to Magyarize the nationalities. In addition, Grunwald petitioned Budapest "on behalfof the Slovak people" to close the three Slovak gymnasiums because they were "bastions of pan-Slavism". Led by Prime Minister Koloman Tisza, who declared in 1875 that ''there is no Slovak nation'', the Hungarian government seized the three new gymnasiums in 18741875 and had the 'Matica Slovenska' sacked in 1874. (12) Using the control of county governments which the 1867 Compromise had guaranteed them, the Magyars next attacked nationalist students and tried to disrupt the unity of the Slovak nation. In the 1880s county governments expelled fifty Slovaks from their gymnasiums, including seven from the Levoca and seven from the Presov institutions. In 1881, the government of Saris decided to test Bela Grunwald's Magyarization plans on the people of that country. And, as Ladislav Tajtak has shown, county officials began publishing books in the Saris dialect in the hope that this act would break eastern Slovaks off from the rest of their nation and make them easier to Magyarize. The plan seemed to be working in the 1880s; western and central Slovaks could find few nationalist leaders, books or newspapers in the eastern counties. (13) While the future of Slovak identity and unity seemed thus in jeopardy in Hungary, nationalist leaders took heart from events in America. In 1886, they learned from an American Magyar publication that Slovaks in Pittsburgh had begun to publish a newspaper. (14) It catered to eastern Slovaks from Saris and Zemplin, who had not one single periodical of their own in the Old Country. (15) Nationalists in Martin were delighted to learn that Slovaks in 16 SLOVAKIA America had begun " to read and like newspapers ." (16) This good news was followed by more. In 1890 a Magyarone priest in the United States indignantly wrote to a Budapest newspaper that American Slovaks were turning into ' 'Pan-Slavs'', and that they were not heeding the call to stay loyal to Hungary which he expounded in his newspaper. (17) Eastern Slovaks in America became nationalists largely through the efforts of one man, Peter V. Rovnianek, a native of Trencin county, central Slovakia, who had studied theology at the Budapest Roman Catholic seminary before being expelled in 1887 for "Pan-Slavism". After having visited with national leaders in Turciansky Svaty Martin, Rovnianek made his way to America in response to a call by the Bishop of Cleveland for a priest for the local Slovak community. (18) Shortly after his acceptance into the Cleveland seminary in September of 1888, Rovnianek began to contribute articles to Nova Vlast' (New Homeland), a weekly publication in the central dialect by Edo Schwarz-Markovic, a former police captain of Levoca, who had become a nationalist in America. (19) Markovic, however, had strong competition from the much larger weekly Amerikansko-Slovenske Noviny (American Slovak News). Rovnianek realized that if he was to convert eastern Slovaks to nationalism, then he would have to do it in the larger and more popular newspaper. (20) The publishers of Amerikansko-Slovenske Noviny, the first Slovak newspaper in America, did not start out as nationalists. Jan Slovensky and Julius Wolf, cousins of mixed German-Slovak parentage from the county of Spis in the eastern region, came to America as loyal citizens of Hungary. They had both studied at the Magyarized teachers' college at Klastor pod Znievom in central Slovakia and, upon graduation in 1879, decided to go lion-hunting in Africa. Unscrupulous immigration agents placed them, instead, on a ship bound for New York and soon both men found themselves working in the coal mines of Pennsylvania. Very shortly thereafter Slovensky took a job as ''information officer'' at the Austro-Hungarian consulate in Pittsburgh while Julius Wolf worked in a grocery store. (21) At the consulate Slovensky came into daily contact with eastern Slovaks seeking news from the Old Country. He tired of answering their many questions and decided to post a weekly Bulletin of all the information that he had from home. So popular did this publication become that he began distributing it in the local saloons in order to keep Slovaks from swamping the consulate every week. Perceiving the possibility of financial rewards, Slovensky then joined Wolf in establishing in the fall of 1886 AmerikanskoSlovenske Noviny . The paper employed the eas'tern Slovak dialect and Magyar orthography because the editors had never studied central Slovak and they were not nationalists . (22) Ladislav Tajtak speculated that had Slovensky and Wolf not met P . V. Rovnianek and come into · financial difficulty in 1889, the newspaper might very well have SLOVAKIA 17 retained its eastern dialect and its pro-Hungarian stance. (23) Rovnianek converted the publishers of Amerikcinsko-Slovenske Noviny to the Slovak national cause. He began by contributing articles in central Slovak, and, despite some protests in letters to the editor, Slovensky published the~ as submitted. Rovnianek then urged the editors to publish the entire newspaper in the literary language for the sake of national unity. Slovensky and Wolf remained unconvinced until 1889. That year their printery burned down and they needed a large sum of money to rebuild it. Rovnianek then left the seminary, contributed some money to the building fund and entered into partnership with Slovensky and Wolf. Finally, Rovnianek persuaded them to make him editor. From then on all articles in the newspaper appeared in central Slovak and the editorials persistently decried Magyar oppression in the homeland. (24) Hungarian government officials subsequently labeled him a "pernicious and dangerous Pan-Slav agitator". (25) After Rovnianek succeeded in converting Amerikcinsko-Slovenske Noviny to the literary language, most other Slovak newspapers in America followed suit. Leaders in the Old Country proudly observed in 1896 that American Slovaks, who had come from the most Magyarized counties of Hungary (eastern Slovakia), supported thirteen newspapers and not one appeared in the eastern dialect. (26) Certain American Slovak leaders, however, remained unconvinced and tried to foster the use of the outmoded dialect. The Magyarone priest Jozef Kossalko, for instance, published a weekly Zcistava (Flag) in eastern Slovakia in 1889 in order to combat the influence of Rovnianek' s paper. (27) Since he found very few subscribers, his paper folded after nine months. A group of Slovak socialists in Jersey City tried in 1892 to establish a weekly Robotnik (Worker) using the eastern dialect but it survived for only a few months. (28) The weekly Slebodni Orel (Free Eagle) of New York, published with the support of Father Imrich Haitinger of Passaic, a Magyarone colleague of Jozef Kossalko, also utilized the Saris dialect and had a shaky run of four years. It ceased publication in 1904. (29) Even Father Matus Jankola, president in 1900 of the First Catholic Slovak Union, and Albert Mamatey, president in 1918 of the Slovak League of America (both central Slovak nationalists), mistakenly believed that eastern Slovaks would rather read newspapers in their own dialect. (30) P. V. Rovnianek fought all such attempts, believing it would destroy the unity of the Slovak nation to publish in any other but the literary language. Rovnianek also opposed attempts at codifying eastern Slovak. (31) More importantly, eastern Slovak laymen in America also opposed writing in their own dialect . A certain "Malcicky from Zemplin" explained to his intellectual superiors that ''Germans have a large number of dialects and yet use only one literary form to preserve their unity;" therefore, "American editors are wrong in trying to publish in 18 SLOVAKIA eastern Slovak dialects." (32) Another even denounced his former schoolteacher in the village of Budimir, Saris, who had arrogantly written in eastern Slovak to accuse him of being a ''Pan-Slav scoundrel. '' Matik replied in central Slovak that his friends in Budimir would fight the Magyars and Magyarones to the bitter end and he bitingly asked this teacher how he could have forgotten his origins so quickly. (33) Besides affirming their nationalism, many from the eastern counties also acted it out. An immigrant from Liptov, one of the most nationalist of Slovak counties, reported that in 1890, three years after his arrival in America, a group of Saris natives persuaded him to join the National Slovak Society. (34) A little later a group of easterners in Passaic wrote a letter in their native dialect to the nationalists in Turciansky Svaty Martin and asked for central Slovak books and hymnals for their newly-established library. (35) Even more surprisingly, two lodges of Rockland Lake, New York, resolved to foster the literary form and sent money to N<irodne noviny (National News) in Martin to help their brethren do the same. And yet the officers communicated this information in eastern Slovak because they had not learned the dialect which had become the national symbol, but they promised to do so. (36) American-Slovak priests as well as the Hungarian government recognized the triumph of nationalism among eastern Slovaks in the United States. In 1903, at a meeting of the "Society of Slovak Roman Catholic Priests," in Philadelphia, delegates resolved to preach henceforth in the central dialect in order to keep the nation united. Such a resolution, passed in the presence of the Magyarone priest Imrich Haitinger, could never have succeeded had not the overwhelming number of eastern Slovak laymen supported it. (37) The Hungarian government concurred and unwittingly complimented easterners in the United States by declaring that "one stream of PanSlavism comes from Turciansky Svaty Martin and the other from America." (38) Slovak nationalism manifested itself, then, not only in Hungary but also in America; and it affected not only central and western but also eastern Slovaks. In the early stages of-its growth, leaders in all sections of northern Hungary presented a united front. In the second half of the nineteenth century, however, the Magyars concentrated upon splitting off eastern Slovakia from the movement and by the 1880's appeared to be winning .that objective, partly by publishing books in the regional dialect. However, eastern Slovaks who had migrated to America accepted P. V. Rovnianek's urgings to use central Slovak as their literary language. After 1890 they rejected Magyarone and even some misguided central Slovak suggestions to codify the eastern dialect and to publish in it. Therefore, while central Slovaks SLOVAKIA 19 formed the bulwark against Magyarization in the Old Country, eastern Slovaks did so in America. FOOTNOTES \ (1) A. J . P . Taylor, The Habsburg Mnnarchy, 1809-1918 (New York, 1948), 19. (2) R. W. Seton-Watson, A History of the Czechs and Slovaks (London, 1943), 257-60. (3) George Barany, "Hoping against Hope: The Enlightened Age in Hungary," American Historical Review, 76 (April, 1971), 347. (4) Jan Tibensky, "Fonnovanie sa ideol6gie slovenskej feudalnej narodnosti a burzoazneho naroda " (The Forming of the Ideology of the Slovak Feudal Nation and of the Bougeois Nation), Historicky tasopis, XIX (No. 4, 1971), 585. (5) Imrich Sedlak, Strieborny uek: narodno-kulturny a literarny pohyb na u-jchodnom Slouensku u obdobi ntirodneho obrodenia (The Silver Age : The National Cultural and Literary Movement in Eastern Slovakia During the National Awakening), (2 Vols., Kosice, 1970) I, 33-46. (6) Ibid., 91-104. (7) Ibid., 135-51. (8) Ibid., 177-88 and 224-33; see also Seton-Watson, History of the Czechs and Slovaks, 259-61. (9) Julius Mesaros et. al., Dejiny Slouenska II: od roku 1848 do roku 1900 (A History of Slovakia, II: From 1848 to 1900) , (Bratislava, 1968) 102-112. (10) " Memorandum naroda slovenskeho k vysokemu snemu krajiny uhorskej ... " (Memorandum of the Slovak Nation to the High Parliament of Hungary .. . ), in Dr. Vacovsky (Milan Ivanka), Slouaci a Macfari: politicko-historicka uuaha (The Slovaks and the Magyars: A Politico-Historical Dissertation) , (Pittsburgh, 1914) 113-23; and Mesaros, Dejiny Slouenska II, 179-200. (11) Scotus Viator (R. W . Seton-Watson) , Racial Problems in Hungary (London, 1908), 136-56; Mesaros, Dejiny Slouenska II, 264; and Jan Poestenyi, Dejiny Spolku su. Vojtecha (History of the Society of St. Vojtech) , (Trnava, 1930) 5-17. (12) Scotus Viator, Racial Problems in Hungary, 167; Mesaros, Dejiny Slouenska II, 27281. (13) Narodnie nouiny (Martin), September 30, 1882, p . l; Ladislav Tajtak, "K otazke vydavania ucebnic vo vychodoslovenskom nareci" (Concerning the Question of the Publication of Textbooks in the Eastern Slovak Dialect), Noue Obzory, VI (1964), 4364; and Mesaros, Dejiny Slouenska II, 289-93. (14) Amerikai Nemzetoei, as quoted in Narodnie nouiny, October 26, 1886, p. 3. (15) Ntirodnie nouiny, November 3, 1886, p. 1. (16) Ibid., August 27, 1887, pp. 1-2 . (17) Jozef Kossalko in Budapesti Hirlap as reprinted in Narodnie nouiny, April 19, 1890, pp. 1-2. (18) P. V. Rovnianek, Zapisky za iiua pochouaneho (Notes of One Buried Alive), (Pittsburgh, 1924) 14-51. (19) J . A. Feriencik, "Slovenske prist'ahovalectvo a slovenska spisba v Amerike" (Slovak Immigration and Slovak Literature in America) , Sbornik Narodneho Slouenskeho Spolku, I (1915), 22. (20) Ibid., 22 and 24; and Konstantin Culen, J. Slouensk-j: Ziuotopis zakladatefapru-jch slouensk-jch nouin u Amerike (J. Slovensky: A Biography of the Founder of the First Slovak Newspaper in America), (Winnipeg, 1954) 105, 116-117. 20 SLOVAKIA (21) Culen, J. Slovensky, 16-88; and Feriencik, "Slovenske prist'ahovalectvo," 21-22. (22) Culen, J . Slovensky, 91-96; and Feriencik, ''Slovenske prist'ahovalectvo,'' 22. (23) Ladislav Tajtak , "K zaciatkom Amerik<insko-Slovenskych Navin" (Concerning the Beginnings of Amerik<insko-Slovenske Noviny), in Josef Polisensky, ed . , Zai!iatky i!eskej a slovenskej emigr<icie do USA (The beginnings of Czech and Slovak Emigration to the U.S .A.), (Bratislava, 1970) 189. (24) Ibid., 191; and Culen, J. Slovensky, 123-126. (25) Prime Minister of Hungary to the governor of Spis, August 28, 1902, Slovak State Archives , Levoca, hlavny zupan (governor), 43, 1902. (26) N<irodnie noviny, 1896, No. 25, p . 3. (27) Ibid., April 19, 1890, pp. 1-2. (28) Mesaros, Dejiny Slovenska II, p. 539. (29) Konstantin Culen , Slovenske i!asopisy v Amerike (Slovak Newspapers in America), (Cleveland, 1970) 167. (30) Stefan Furdek to Frantisek Sasinek, December 11, 1900, Literary Archives of the Matica Slovenska in Martin (hereafter LAMS), 37-045; and Obrana (Cleveland), November 27, 1918, pp. 6-7. (31) Obrana, November 27, 1918, p. 7; and Rovnianek, Z<ipisky, 111. (32) Slovak vAmerike (New York), June 14, 1907, p. 3. (33) Jednota (Middletown, Pa.), July 22, 1914, p . 2; and Kritika (Cleveland), May 6, 1914, p. 5. (34) Pavel Svihra, " Nasi pionieri" (Our Pioneers), N<irodny Kalend<ir, 1930, 169. (35) Jan Nemetz to N<irodnie noviny, May 17 and June 20, 1897, LAMS, 37-054 and 37056. (36) Slovaks of Rockland Lake, N.Y. to N<irodnie noviny, May 5, 1898, LAMS, 37-056. (37) Ms. Society of Slovak Roman Catholic Priests Under the Protection of Sts. Cyril and Methodius, Minutes (in Slovak), September 1, 1903, Society of St. Vojtech, Trnava, fasc . 299, C, No . 14 (on microfilm also at the Immigrant Archives of the University of Minnesota). (38) Governor of Abauj County to all his subordinates, notice on Pan-Slavism, Slovak State Archives, Kosice, podfopan (vice-governor), X, 13051, 1905.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Immigration and Eastern Slovak Nationalism Description An account of the resource M . Mark Stolarik Slovakia, Vol. 26 (No. 49), 1976 pp. 13-20 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Stolarik, M. Mark, 1943- Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1976 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/45659504571e73709d3af12ade8f38d4.pdf aa5bcb2f509bdab5c3ada93a826da2b6 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 1976 �(il( ill! l!E 3E 3E 3E 3E 3E fl" !B IIIIII IIIIII N at io na l 3E 3E 3E 3E 3E 3E 3E 3!B r.h Cz e~ & Sl ov ak . b ra ry M us eu m & Li Ce da r Ra p id s, III III III Io wa Pr es en te d by : ~ fflW IIIIII IIIIII III III III A~A- ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ID ID ID ID D at e: ~ ~ /9 9 ~ LI IIE 3E 3E 3E 3E 3E 3E ~ 3E 3E 3E 3E 3E 3E 31 l~ the nia l Me da l sponsored by vak Am eri ca n Bic en ten lic Slo tho Ca R st VE Fir CO T the ON (FR ission ffJnded by mm Co l nia ten en Bic n Slovak Am eri ca tio n.) Slovak Ladies As so cia �SLOVAKIA VOLUME XXVI 1976 MICHAEL NOVAK Editor DANIEL F. TANZONE Associate Editor EDITORIAL BOARD: Draga Divinska Joseph M. Kirschbaum Joseph C. Krajsa Susan Mikula Joseph A. Mikus Reverend Andrew V. Pier, O.S.B. Mark Stolarik Sister M. Martina Tybor, SS.C.M. A Political Science and Historical Annual Published by THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA Mailing Address: SLOVAKIA 17 Porach Street Yonkers, New York 10701 N0.49 �Printed By JEDNOTA PRINTERY Middletown, Pennsylva11_ia 17057 �SLOVAKIA 3 Table of Contents In Memoriam - Edward J. Behuncik . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 In Memoriam: Dr. Joseph Pauco - F. Vnuk . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 Foreword - Edward J. Behuncik . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 Editor's Note - Dr. Michael Novak . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 Resolution by the Bicentennial Conference of the Slovak League of America . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 Immigration and Eastern Slovak Nationalism M . Mark Stolarik . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 Materialism and Morality: Slavic-American Immigrants and Education, 1890-1940 - John Bodnar ...... .. . . .... .. . 21 Slovak and Ruthenian Easter Eggs - Andrew Cincura . . . . . . . . . . 40 John J. Kubasek, Priest and Patriot - DanielF. Tanzone ... .... . 69 The Ideas of the Hlasist Movement - Anthony X. Sutherland 76 Selections from An Anthology of Slovak Literature Introductory Remarks by Andrew Cincura . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87 Slovakia on My Map - Margaret Matus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 106 Book Reviews Prof. Joseph M. Kirschbaum ............................ Andrew V. Pier, O.S.B . ................................. Andrew Cincura . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Owen V. Johnson . . ....... . ................. . .... . . . . .. 111 117 122 126 Our Contributors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Inside Back Cover ��SLOVAKIA 5 Jn McmPriam .i. (1914-1975) This Bicentennial issue of Slovakia marks the first time since 1964 that its editor is not Dr. Joseph Pauco. Our late dedicated and devoted Secretary-Treasurer of the Slovak League of America, Dr. Pauco took over the editorship of Slovakia upon the death of our former League President, Philip A. Hrobak. Having served his people and his generation with unusual dedication, Dr. Pauco laid down his pen on November 18, 1975 at a time when we thought he was in the full tide of a buoyant, very active life, holding much promise and hope of continued fruitful service. His is a rare example of a life truly lived for God and country - ZA BOHA A NAROD!! Steadfast in his beliefs , he was ever the uncompromising opponent of injustice and tyranny, especially the atheistic tyranny of Communism - with an unusual wrath against those whom he deemed godless invaders and oppressors. An unshrinking patriot, the success of his efforts can, to a large extent, be measured by the slanderous attacks he suffered at times from diverse national and international sources. But always maintaining his hold on the ideal, he continued by his spoken, and more significantly by his written , word to give of his many talents to both his native and adopted countries and to Slovaks everywhere. His many published works relating to Slovak history and particularly Slovak American history have earned him a place of distinction among Slovakia's many gifted writers and authors. The pledge made at his graveside bears reaffirmation: ' ' Dear Doctor, we, whom you left behind, pledge to carry on ... ZA BOHA A NAROD ." EDWARD J. BEHUNCIK President, Slovak League of America �SLOVAKIA 6 ln iMemPriam . V DR. JOZEF PAUCO Editor of Slovakia from 1964 to 1975 After eleven years the masthead of Slovakia no longer bears the name of Dr. Jozef Pauco as its editor. He died on November 18th, 1975 after a short illness. Everybody who knew him - either personally or through his literary, journalistic and editorial work - would agree that the Slovak cause lost in him its most worthy defender. Dr. Jozef Pauco will certainly be remembered as one of the greatest names in the history of Slovak journalism. He selflessly dedicated the great talent of his pen to the services of his nation. From the earliest writing of his student days to the last series of his articles, studies , commentaries and editorials he faithfully followed a firm and unchanging line: to win for his nation those rights and liberties which were its due. During the years of Slovak independence (1939-45) Dr. Pauco was the Editor-in-Chief of the largest Slovak daily, Slovak. With the fall of the Slovak Republic he went into exile in order to fight for the restoration of Slovak independence. His skillful journalistic pen proved to be an effective weapon in this struggle. In 1950 he emigrated to the U.S.A. where he became the Assistant Editor of Jednota, the official organ of the First Catholic Slovak Union of the United States and Canada. But Dr. Pauco's energy and enthusiasm could not be exhausted in one job. Soon he was putting into action new plans and ideas. He was acutely aware that the Slovak cause needed patient explanation and elucidation in the political, academic and opinion-making circles of the Western World, particularly in the U.S. The enemies of the Slovak nation systematically - and regrettably with great measure of success - presented the Slovak struggle for independence as something subversive, dishonest and outr~eous. Dr. Jozef Pauco was one of those Slovak patriots who took upon themselves the task of changing this unsatisfactory state of affairs . They set out to expose falsehood , to defend the truth, to convince people that there was nothing subversive or unnatural in a nation's struggle for its independence . To promote and disseminate these ideas Dr. Pauco and his circle of friends launched a number of journals in the English language in which they tried to represent the political situation of Slovakia in its proper �SLOVAKIA 7 context and in its true light. Dr. Pauco, as the Secretary-General of the Slovak National Council Abroad, was the editor of the monthly, Bulletin of the Slovak National Council (appeared in 1953-58), and at the same time assisted P. A. Hrobak in editing another informative journal in the English language, Slovak Newsletter. The revue Slovakia "<as a far more ambitious and more durable project. It started its existence in 1950 when the Slovak League of America - prompted by its Secretary, Dr. Frantisek Hrusovsky decided to publish an English magazine dealing with Slovak cultural, political, historical and social affairs. The objectives of this magazine were stated thus: ''The chief purpose of Slovakia is to promote a better understanding and appreciation of the Slovak nation and its long struggle for freedom and independence.'' Initially the magazine was published quarterly but in the past 15 years it has been appearing as an annual publication. The first editor of Slovakia was Phillip A. Hrobak. Pauco's collaboration with this magazine started from the beginning. He provided not only editorial help but was also one of the most regular contributors. From 1964 (after the death of P. A. Hrobak) Dr. Jozef Pauco who in the meantime had been elected the Secretary of the Slovak League of America - took over the editorship. In the following eleven years he carried out this function expertly and efficiently. He tried hard and successfully to make Slovakia into a respected and representative revue. He gave Slovakia a new, more contemporary style. Prior to his editorship the content of Slovakia was largely made up of articles published originally in Slovak and intended primarily for the Slovak public. Dr. Pauco gradually changed that. He used to approach Slovak men of letters, Slovak historians and politicians with requests for specially written contributions. In this way there appeared in Slovakia many valuable essays and reviews in which various aspects of Slovak history, culture, politics, emigration, etc. were presented in an informative manner with the emphasis on those essentials in which a non-Slovak reader would be and should be interested. The imprint left by Pauco's dedicated and professional work is indelible and lasting. In compiling each issue of Slovakia Dr. Pauco tried to maintain an even balance. The variety of topics and the wide range of contributors from every corner of the world are an eloquent testimony to these efforts. No aspect of Slovak life, both past and present, was left untouched. From the study of the past issues of Slovakia the reader can obtain an undistorted picture of Slovaks, their country and their aspirations. In presenting this picture Dr. Pauco wanted to show to the free and freedom-loving people in the West the eventful history, the cultural riches and the political maturity of the Slovak nation. And in all this there was an implicit plea not so much for sympathy as for understanding. As an exiled son of a nation forcibly deprived of its in- �8 SLOVAKIA dependence, Dr. Jozef Pauco was valiantly striving to procure justice for his enslaved countrymen. The whole nation will gratefully remember his sacrifice and his devoted service. May he rest in peace! F. VNUK Australia �SLOVAKIA 9 Foreword As part of the Bicentennial programs of the Slovak League of America, we are happy to publish this special issue of our annual publication. After we suffered the loss of our long time editor, Dr. Joseph Pauco, who died on November 18, 1975, we fortunately obtained the services of Michael Novak, Slovak American author and lay theologian, as acting editor-in-chief. Into new hands is now committed the guidance and issuance of our Slovakia with all its heritage of things attained, with all its hopes of things to come. The hands of our current generation of Slovak Americans are new but they are firm and strong. Michael Novak brings to his task an equipment rare in fullness and rich in promise. The elders of our Slovak ethnics are cognizant that we are the passing instruments of a process that transcends our fleeting hour. We know that on each new generation this duty to take over the torch rests afresh. I am confident that the works compiled herein will mark the 1976 issue of Slovakia as an outstanding contribution by youthful Slovak Americans to the ethnic bicentennial and to the growing influence of the Slovak League and our affiliated organizations in the expended ethnic identification in America's pluralistic society. Accordingly, I am delighted, as President of the Slovak League, to express my official as well as personal gratitude to Dr. Novak and to the contributors whose works appear herein. To all to whom these lines appear, I wish you many moments of joyous, serious and rewarding reading and contemplative cogitation. EDWARD J. BEHUNCIK President �10 SLOVAKIA Editor's Note The untimely death of Joseph Pauco left a vacancy, hard to fill , in the editorship of Slovakia. After his arrival in America, Pauco served the aspirations of the Slovak people long and well. We stand in his debt, dedicating this issue to him. Yet, characteristically, life springs from death. In the vacuum he left, while the present editor stood confused and in need of help, younger talents sprang up to offer their assistance. Mark Stolarik and John Bodnar bring to Slovakia a taste of the new scholarship, which is slowly but deeply revising the picture of immigration held by American historians. Other young colleagues of theirs will, we hope, join us in the future and make of Slovakia one of the best outlets of the new scholarship . Andrew Cincura and Owen V. Johnson add depth and balance to this volume. The new anthology by Cincura will be a major event in Slovak life in English-speaking lands, an indispensable and herculean effort; we are pleased to offer the readers of Slovakia a foretaste of his large new book. Professor Johnson ' s cool, objective tone witnesses to a new level of maturity and frank, open disagreement proper to the world of high scholarship. In 1976, the United States is 200 years old. But the great migration from Eastern Slovakia to the U.S. is barely 100 years old. One hundred years! It is time, now, for a new chapter to be opened in SlovakAmerican life - a new level of scholarship, a new tone of voice, a new depth and energy, a new generation to pick up the long struggle of the brave, suffering peoples of the past. Slovaks do not stand alone at the present moment. On all sides , many other ethnic peoples - and all those millions of Americans of mixed ethnic ancestry - are struggling to gain a clearer idea of their own identity and of America's . Scholarship is desperately needed, as are repositories of letters, diaries, legal records, old newspapers, and material of all sorts that scholars might study. And we need writers, novelists, poets, dramatists, moviemakers, song-writers, reporters, journalists of all sorts . And political sophistication and clout. Who were our grandparents? Why did tn(!y come to America - or, for later migrants, why did they stay longer in Slovakia? In order to enter our future intelligently, we need · to understand our special history . This issue, then, having anchored itself in a remembrance of things past , looks toward the future. MICHAEL NOV AK May 28, 1976 �SLOVAKIA 11 RESOLUTION UNANIMOUSLY ADOPTED BYTHE BICENTENNIAL CELEBRATION CONFERENCE OFTHE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA PHILADELPHIA, PENNSYLVANIA MARCH 27, 1976 On the occasion of the annual conference of the Slovak League of America held in the historic City of Philadelphia during this last weekend of March in our nation's bicentennial year, the officers and delegates lawfully assembled in the shadows of Independence Hall solemnly and unanimously reiterate our unswerving, permanent and loyal commitment and dedication to the basic moral and ethical principles herein enumerated: 1. Preservation and expansion of the moral truths enunciated in the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution and the Bill of Rights of the United States and in the Charter of the United Nations. 2. Condemnation of all forms of tyranny and totalitarian political systems , especially the atheistic philosophy of materialistic communism. 3. Conviction that the peaceful cooperation between countries based upon the principles enunciated in the Charter of the United Nations is in harmony with the aspirations and hopes of all peace-loving peoples and the basis of international peace . 4. Conviction that peace in Europe - and thus peace in the world - can never be complete until everywhere in Europe men can choose, in peace and freedom, how their countries will be governed. 5. Reaffirmation of our faith in fundamental human rights , in the dignity and worth of the human person and in the rights of men and women and of nations , large and small, to enjoy free government of the people , by the people and for the people. In accordance with the above as well as with the principles set forth in the Constitution and By-Laws of the Slovak League of America, we declare that: A. We, Slovak Americans of second, third and fourth United States generations , seek and will continue to seek our equitable share in the fruits and advantages which belong to us as much as they belong �12 SLOVAKIA to any other ethnic group making up the great mosaic which is these United States of America. B. We will continue to make our special contributions to these United States of America as our native or adopted country goes forward in its third century of growth and progress. C. We will continue to cherish our eleven hundred year old Christian tradition with our own Slovak language, songs, dances, arts and cultural specialties which set us apart as a special unit of the great Slav family of peoples. D. We will, by exercising our ethnic qualities, emulate our Slovak forbear Major Polerecky who, on behalf of the General of the Armies, George Washington, accepted the sword of surrender from General Cornwallis at Yorktown and our contemporary Slovak American, Captain Eugene Ceman, one of the first humans to land on and explore the moon. E. The eventual liberation of our brethren and kinsfolk in subjugated Slovakia, and, in the ecumenical spirit of the day, all mankind, from the tyranny and yoke of atheistic materialism of godless communism must and will be our continuous goal. NOW, THEREFORE, to give action to our hopes and aspirations, we respectfully submit that to effectuate the above declared ideals, we must, individually and collectively, through our chosen authorities of state and nation, seek assistance in remaking this world in which we live - now - today - this day and this week. We agree to continue to be inspired by our prayers and deliberations here at historic independence Hall being cognizant and especially appreciative of the great rights and privileges we enjoy as citizens of the greatest democracy in the history of mankind. Further, we authorize our League president and executive secretary to take such other action as they believe will be in the best interests and of assistance in bringing the above sentiments to the attention of such authorities and officials as they believe will bring to fruition our aspirations herein set forth. IN WITNESS WHEREOF, these resolutions have been unanimously adopted at our Bicentennial Conference here at Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, this 27th day of March, 1976. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA Edward J. Behuncik, President John A. Holy, Executive Secretary \ � SLOVAKIA 1976 �(il( ill! l!E 3E 3E 3E 3E 3E fl" !B IIIIII IIIIII N at io na l 3E 3E 3E 3E 3E 3E 3E 3!B r.h Cz e~ & Sl ov ak . b ra ry M us eu m & Li Ce da r Ra p id s, III III III Io wa Pr es en te d by : ~ fflW IIIIII IIIIII III III III A~A- ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ID ID ID ID D at e: ~ ~ /9 9 ~ LI IIE 3E 3E 3E 3E 3E 3E ~ 3E 3E 3E 3E 3E 3E 31 l~ the nia l Me da l sponsored by vak Am eri ca n Bic en ten lic Slo tho Ca R st VE Fir CO T the ON (FR ission ffJnded by mm Co l nia ten en Bic n Slovak Am eri ca tio n.) Slovak Ladies As so cia �SLOVAKIA VOLUME XXVI 1976 MICHAEL NOVAK Editor DANIEL F. TANZONE Associate Editor EDITORIAL BOARD: Draga Divinska Joseph M. Kirschbaum Joseph C. Krajsa Susan Mikula Joseph A. Mikus Reverend Andrew V. Pier, O.S.B. Mark Stolarik Sister M. Martina Tybor, SS.C.M. A Political Science and Historical Annual Published by THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA Mailing Address: SLOVAKIA 17 Porach Street Yonkers, New York 10701 N0.49 �Printed By JEDNOTA PRINTERY Middletown, Pennsylva11_ia 17057 �SLOVAKIA 3 Table of Contents In Memoriam - Edward J. Behuncik . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 In Memoriam: Dr. Joseph Pauco - F. Vnuk . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 Foreword - Edward J. Behuncik . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 Editor's Note - Dr. Michael Novak . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 Resolution by the Bicentennial Conference of the Slovak League of America . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 Immigration and Eastern Slovak Nationalism M . Mark Stolarik . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 Materialism and Morality: Slavic-American Immigrants and Education, 1890-1940 - John Bodnar ...... .. . . .... .. . 21 Slovak and Ruthenian Easter Eggs - Andrew Cincura . . . . . . . . . . 40 John J. Kubasek, Priest and Patriot - DanielF. Tanzone ... .... . 69 The Ideas of the Hlasist Movement - Anthony X. Sutherland 76 Selections from An Anthology of Slovak Literature Introductory Remarks by Andrew Cincura . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87 Slovakia on My Map - Margaret Matus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 106 Book Reviews Prof. Joseph M. Kirschbaum ............................ Andrew V. Pier, O.S.B . ................................. Andrew Cincura . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Owen V. Johnson . . ....... . ................. . .... . . . . .. 111 117 122 126 Our Contributors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Inside Back Cover ��SLOVAKIA 5 Jn McmPriam .i. (1914-1975) This Bicentennial issue of Slovakia marks the first time since 1964 that its editor is not Dr. Joseph Pauco. Our late dedicated and devoted Secretary-Treasurer of the Slovak League of America, Dr. Pauco took over the editorship of Slovakia upon the death of our former League President, Philip A. Hrobak. Having served his people and his generation with unusual dedication, Dr. Pauco laid down his pen on November 18, 1975 at a time when we thought he was in the full tide of a buoyant, very active life, holding much promise and hope of continued fruitful service. His is a rare example of a life truly lived for God and country - ZA BOHA A NAROD!! Steadfast in his beliefs , he was ever the uncompromising opponent of injustice and tyranny, especially the atheistic tyranny of Communism - with an unusual wrath against those whom he deemed godless invaders and oppressors. An unshrinking patriot, the success of his efforts can, to a large extent, be measured by the slanderous attacks he suffered at times from diverse national and international sources. But always maintaining his hold on the ideal, he continued by his spoken, and more significantly by his written , word to give of his many talents to both his native and adopted countries and to Slovaks everywhere. His many published works relating to Slovak history and particularly Slovak American history have earned him a place of distinction among Slovakia's many gifted writers and authors. The pledge made at his graveside bears reaffirmation: ' ' Dear Doctor, we, whom you left behind, pledge to carry on ... ZA BOHA A NAROD ." EDWARD J. BEHUNCIK President, Slovak League of America �SLOVAKIA 6 ln iMemPriam . V DR. JOZEF PAUCO Editor of Slovakia from 1964 to 1975 After eleven years the masthead of Slovakia no longer bears the name of Dr. Jozef Pauco as its editor. He died on November 18th, 1975 after a short illness. Everybody who knew him - either personally or through his literary, journalistic and editorial work - would agree that the Slovak cause lost in him its most worthy defender. Dr. Jozef Pauco will certainly be remembered as one of the greatest names in the history of Slovak journalism. He selflessly dedicated the great talent of his pen to the services of his nation. From the earliest writing of his student days to the last series of his articles, studies , commentaries and editorials he faithfully followed a firm and unchanging line: to win for his nation those rights and liberties which were its due. During the years of Slovak independence (1939-45) Dr. Pauco was the Editor-in-Chief of the largest Slovak daily, Slovak. With the fall of the Slovak Republic he went into exile in order to fight for the restoration of Slovak independence. His skillful journalistic pen proved to be an effective weapon in this struggle. In 1950 he emigrated to the U.S.A. where he became the Assistant Editor of Jednota, the official organ of the First Catholic Slovak Union of the United States and Canada. But Dr. Pauco's energy and enthusiasm could not be exhausted in one job. Soon he was putting into action new plans and ideas. He was acutely aware that the Slovak cause needed patient explanation and elucidation in the political, academic and opinion-making circles of the Western World, particularly in the U.S. The enemies of the Slovak nation systematically - and regrettably with great measure of success - presented the Slovak struggle for independence as something subversive, dishonest and outr~eous. Dr. Jozef Pauco was one of those Slovak patriots who took upon themselves the task of changing this unsatisfactory state of affairs . They set out to expose falsehood , to defend the truth, to convince people that there was nothing subversive or unnatural in a nation's struggle for its independence . To promote and disseminate these ideas Dr. Pauco and his circle of friends launched a number of journals in the English language in which they tried to represent the political situation of Slovakia in its proper �SLOVAKIA 7 context and in its true light. Dr. Pauco, as the Secretary-General of the Slovak National Council Abroad, was the editor of the monthly, Bulletin of the Slovak National Council (appeared in 1953-58), and at the same time assisted P. A. Hrobak in editing another informative journal in the English language, Slovak Newsletter. The revue Slovakia "<as a far more ambitious and more durable project. It started its existence in 1950 when the Slovak League of America - prompted by its Secretary, Dr. Frantisek Hrusovsky decided to publish an English magazine dealing with Slovak cultural, political, historical and social affairs. The objectives of this magazine were stated thus: ''The chief purpose of Slovakia is to promote a better understanding and appreciation of the Slovak nation and its long struggle for freedom and independence.'' Initially the magazine was published quarterly but in the past 15 years it has been appearing as an annual publication. The first editor of Slovakia was Phillip A. Hrobak. Pauco's collaboration with this magazine started from the beginning. He provided not only editorial help but was also one of the most regular contributors. From 1964 (after the death of P. A. Hrobak) Dr. Jozef Pauco who in the meantime had been elected the Secretary of the Slovak League of America - took over the editorship. In the following eleven years he carried out this function expertly and efficiently. He tried hard and successfully to make Slovakia into a respected and representative revue. He gave Slovakia a new, more contemporary style. Prior to his editorship the content of Slovakia was largely made up of articles published originally in Slovak and intended primarily for the Slovak public. Dr. Pauco gradually changed that. He used to approach Slovak men of letters, Slovak historians and politicians with requests for specially written contributions. In this way there appeared in Slovakia many valuable essays and reviews in which various aspects of Slovak history, culture, politics, emigration, etc. were presented in an informative manner with the emphasis on those essentials in which a non-Slovak reader would be and should be interested. The imprint left by Pauco's dedicated and professional work is indelible and lasting. In compiling each issue of Slovakia Dr. Pauco tried to maintain an even balance. The variety of topics and the wide range of contributors from every corner of the world are an eloquent testimony to these efforts. No aspect of Slovak life, both past and present, was left untouched. From the study of the past issues of Slovakia the reader can obtain an undistorted picture of Slovaks, their country and their aspirations. In presenting this picture Dr. Pauco wanted to show to the free and freedom-loving people in the West the eventful history, the cultural riches and the political maturity of the Slovak nation. And in all this there was an implicit plea not so much for sympathy as for understanding. As an exiled son of a nation forcibly deprived of its in- �8 SLOVAKIA dependence, Dr. Jozef Pauco was valiantly striving to procure justice for his enslaved countrymen. The whole nation will gratefully remember his sacrifice and his devoted service. May he rest in peace! F. VNUK Australia �SLOVAKIA 9 Foreword As part of the Bicentennial programs of the Slovak League of America, we are happy to publish this special issue of our annual publication. After we suffered the loss of our long time editor, Dr. Joseph Pauco, who died on November 18, 1975, we fortunately obtained the services of Michael Novak, Slovak American author and lay theologian, as acting editor-in-chief. Into new hands is now committed the guidance and issuance of our Slovakia with all its heritage of things attained, with all its hopes of things to come. The hands of our current generation of Slovak Americans are new but they are firm and strong. Michael Novak brings to his task an equipment rare in fullness and rich in promise. The elders of our Slovak ethnics are cognizant that we are the passing instruments of a process that transcends our fleeting hour. We know that on each new generation this duty to take over the torch rests afresh. I am confident that the works compiled herein will mark the 1976 issue of Slovakia as an outstanding contribution by youthful Slovak Americans to the ethnic bicentennial and to the growing influence of the Slovak League and our affiliated organizations in the expended ethnic identification in America's pluralistic society. Accordingly, I am delighted, as President of the Slovak League, to express my official as well as personal gratitude to Dr. Novak and to the contributors whose works appear herein. To all to whom these lines appear, I wish you many moments of joyous, serious and rewarding reading and contemplative cogitation. EDWARD J. BEHUNCIK President �10 SLOVAKIA Editor's Note The untimely death of Joseph Pauco left a vacancy, hard to fill , in the editorship of Slovakia. After his arrival in America, Pauco served the aspirations of the Slovak people long and well. We stand in his debt, dedicating this issue to him. Yet, characteristically, life springs from death. In the vacuum he left, while the present editor stood confused and in need of help, younger talents sprang up to offer their assistance. Mark Stolarik and John Bodnar bring to Slovakia a taste of the new scholarship, which is slowly but deeply revising the picture of immigration held by American historians. Other young colleagues of theirs will, we hope, join us in the future and make of Slovakia one of the best outlets of the new scholarship . Andrew Cincura and Owen V. Johnson add depth and balance to this volume. The new anthology by Cincura will be a major event in Slovak life in English-speaking lands, an indispensable and herculean effort; we are pleased to offer the readers of Slovakia a foretaste of his large new book. Professor Johnson ' s cool, objective tone witnesses to a new level of maturity and frank, open disagreement proper to the world of high scholarship. In 1976, the United States is 200 years old. But the great migration from Eastern Slovakia to the U.S. is barely 100 years old. One hundred years! It is time, now, for a new chapter to be opened in SlovakAmerican life - a new level of scholarship, a new tone of voice, a new depth and energy, a new generation to pick up the long struggle of the brave, suffering peoples of the past. Slovaks do not stand alone at the present moment. On all sides , many other ethnic peoples - and all those millions of Americans of mixed ethnic ancestry - are struggling to gain a clearer idea of their own identity and of America's . Scholarship is desperately needed, as are repositories of letters, diaries, legal records, old newspapers, and material of all sorts that scholars might study. And we need writers, novelists, poets, dramatists, moviemakers, song-writers, reporters, journalists of all sorts . And political sophistication and clout. Who were our grandparents? Why did tn(!y come to America - or, for later migrants, why did they stay longer in Slovakia? In order to enter our future intelligently, we need · to understand our special history . This issue, then, having anchored itself in a remembrance of things past , looks toward the future. MICHAEL NOV AK May 28, 1976 �SLOVAKIA 11 RESOLUTION UNANIMOUSLY ADOPTED BYTHE BICENTENNIAL CELEBRATION CONFERENCE OFTHE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA PHILADELPHIA, PENNSYLVANIA MARCH 27, 1976 On the occasion of the annual conference of the Slovak League of America held in the historic City of Philadelphia during this last weekend of March in our nation's bicentennial year, the officers and delegates lawfully assembled in the shadows of Independence Hall solemnly and unanimously reiterate our unswerving, permanent and loyal commitment and dedication to the basic moral and ethical principles herein enumerated: 1. Preservation and expansion of the moral truths enunciated in the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution and the Bill of Rights of the United States and in the Charter of the United Nations. 2. Condemnation of all forms of tyranny and totalitarian political systems , especially the atheistic philosophy of materialistic communism. 3. Conviction that the peaceful cooperation between countries based upon the principles enunciated in the Charter of the United Nations is in harmony with the aspirations and hopes of all peace-loving peoples and the basis of international peace . 4. Conviction that peace in Europe - and thus peace in the world - can never be complete until everywhere in Europe men can choose, in peace and freedom, how their countries will be governed. 5. Reaffirmation of our faith in fundamental human rights , in the dignity and worth of the human person and in the rights of men and women and of nations , large and small, to enjoy free government of the people , by the people and for the people. In accordance with the above as well as with the principles set forth in the Constitution and By-Laws of the Slovak League of America, we declare that: A. We, Slovak Americans of second, third and fourth United States generations , seek and will continue to seek our equitable share in the fruits and advantages which belong to us as much as they belong �12 SLOVAKIA to any other ethnic group making up the great mosaic which is these United States of America. B. We will continue to make our special contributions to these United States of America as our native or adopted country goes forward in its third century of growth and progress. C. We will continue to cherish our eleven hundred year old Christian tradition with our own Slovak language, songs, dances, arts and cultural specialties which set us apart as a special unit of the great Slav family of peoples. D. We will, by exercising our ethnic qualities, emulate our Slovak forbear Major Polerecky who, on behalf of the General of the Armies, George Washington, accepted the sword of surrender from General Cornwallis at Yorktown and our contemporary Slovak American, Captain Eugene Ceman, one of the first humans to land on and explore the moon. E. The eventual liberation of our brethren and kinsfolk in subjugated Slovakia, and, in the ecumenical spirit of the day, all mankind, from the tyranny and yoke of atheistic materialism of godless communism must and will be our continuous goal. NOW, THEREFORE, to give action to our hopes and aspirations, we respectfully submit that to effectuate the above declared ideals, we must, individually and collectively, through our chosen authorities of state and nation, seek assistance in remaking this world in which we live - now - today - this day and this week. We agree to continue to be inspired by our prayers and deliberations here at historic independence Hall being cognizant and especially appreciative of the great rights and privileges we enjoy as citizens of the greatest democracy in the history of mankind. Further, we authorize our League president and executive secretary to take such other action as they believe will be in the best interests and of assistance in bringing the above sentiments to the attention of such authorities and officials as they believe will bring to fruition our aspirations herein set forth. IN WITNESS WHEREOF, these resolutions have been unanimously adopted at our Bicentennial Conference here at Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, this 27th day of March, 1976. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA Edward J. Behuncik, President John A. Holy, Executive Secretary \ � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1976, Vol. 26 Description An account of the resource Vol. 26 (No. 49), 1976. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1976 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 1976 (il( ill! l!E 3E 3E 3E 3E 3E fl" !B IIIIII IIIIII N at io na l 3E 3E 3E 3E 3E 3E 3E 3!B r.h Cz e~ & Sl ov ak . b ra ry M us eu m & Li Ce da r Ra p id s, III III III Io wa Pr es en te d by : ~ fflW IIIIII IIIIII III III III A~A- ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ID ID ID ID D at e: ~ ~ /9 9 ~ LI IIE 3E 3E 3E 3E 3E 3E ~ 3E 3E 3E 3E 3E 3E 31 l~ the nia l Me da l sponsored by vak Am eri ca n Bic en ten lic Slo tho Ca R st VE Fir CO T the ON (FR ission ffJnded by mm Co l nia ten en Bic n Slovak Am eri ca tio n.) Slovak Ladies As so cia SLOVAKIA VOLUME XXVI 1976 MICHAEL NOVAK Editor DANIEL F. TANZONE Associate Editor EDITORIAL BOARD: Draga Divinska Joseph M. Kirschbaum Joseph C. Krajsa Susan Mikula Joseph A. Mikus Reverend Andrew V. Pier, O.S.B. Mark Stolarik Sister M. Martina Tybor, SS.C.M. A Political Science and Historical Annual Published by THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA Mailing Address: SLOVAKIA 17 Porach Street Yonkers, New York 10701 N0.49 Printed By JEDNOTA PRINTERY Middletown, Pennsylva11_ia 17057 SLOVAKIA 3 Table of Contents In Memoriam - Edward J. Behuncik . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 In Memoriam: Dr. Joseph Pauco - F. Vnuk . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 Foreword - Edward J. Behuncik . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 Editor's Note - Dr. Michael Novak . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 Resolution by the Bicentennial Conference of the Slovak League of America . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 Immigration and Eastern Slovak Nationalism M . Mark Stolarik . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 Materialism and Morality: Slavic-American Immigrants and Education, 1890-1940 - John Bodnar ...... .. . . .... .. . 21 Slovak and Ruthenian Easter Eggs - Andrew Cincura . . . . . . . . . . 40 John J. Kubasek, Priest and Patriot - DanielF. Tanzone ... .... . 69 The Ideas of the Hlasist Movement - Anthony X. Sutherland 76 Selections from An Anthology of Slovak Literature Introductory Remarks by Andrew Cincura . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87 Slovakia on My Map - Margaret Matus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 106 Book Reviews Prof. Joseph M. Kirschbaum ............................ Andrew V. Pier, O.S.B . ................................. Andrew Cincura . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Owen V. Johnson . . ....... . ................. . .... . . . . .. 111 117 122 126 Our Contributors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Inside Back Cover SLOVAKIA 5 Jn McmPriam .i. (1914-1975) This Bicentennial issue of Slovakia marks the first time since 1964 that its editor is not Dr. Joseph Pauco. Our late dedicated and devoted Secretary-Treasurer of the Slovak League of America, Dr. Pauco took over the editorship of Slovakia upon the death of our former League President, Philip A. Hrobak. Having served his people and his generation with unusual dedication, Dr. Pauco laid down his pen on November 18, 1975 at a time when we thought he was in the full tide of a buoyant, very active life, holding much promise and hope of continued fruitful service. His is a rare example of a life truly lived for God and country - ZA BOHA A NAROD!! Steadfast in his beliefs , he was ever the uncompromising opponent of injustice and tyranny, especially the atheistic tyranny of Communism - with an unusual wrath against those whom he deemed godless invaders and oppressors. An unshrinking patriot, the success of his efforts can, to a large extent, be measured by the slanderous attacks he suffered at times from diverse national and international sources. But always maintaining his hold on the ideal, he continued by his spoken, and more significantly by his written , word to give of his many talents to both his native and adopted countries and to Slovaks everywhere. His many published works relating to Slovak history and particularly Slovak American history have earned him a place of distinction among Slovakia's many gifted writers and authors. The pledge made at his graveside bears reaffirmation: ' ' Dear Doctor, we, whom you left behind, pledge to carry on ... ZA BOHA A NAROD ." EDWARD J. BEHUNCIK President, Slovak League of America SLOVAKIA 6 ln iMemPriam . V DR. JOZEF PAUCO Editor of Slovakia from 1964 to 1975 After eleven years the masthead of Slovakia no longer bears the name of Dr. Jozef Pauco as its editor. He died on November 18th, 1975 after a short illness. Everybody who knew him - either personally or through his literary, journalistic and editorial work - would agree that the Slovak cause lost in him its most worthy defender. Dr. Jozef Pauco will certainly be remembered as one of the greatest names in the history of Slovak journalism. He selflessly dedicated the great talent of his pen to the services of his nation. From the earliest writing of his student days to the last series of his articles, studies , commentaries and editorials he faithfully followed a firm and unchanging line: to win for his nation those rights and liberties which were its due. During the years of Slovak independence (1939-45) Dr. Pauco was the Editor-in-Chief of the largest Slovak daily, Slovak. With the fall of the Slovak Republic he went into exile in order to fight for the restoration of Slovak independence. His skillful journalistic pen proved to be an effective weapon in this struggle. In 1950 he emigrated to the U.S.A. where he became the Assistant Editor of Jednota, the official organ of the First Catholic Slovak Union of the United States and Canada. But Dr. Pauco's energy and enthusiasm could not be exhausted in one job. Soon he was putting into action new plans and ideas. He was acutely aware that the Slovak cause needed patient explanation and elucidation in the political, academic and opinion-making circles of the Western World, particularly in the U.S. The enemies of the Slovak nation systematically - and regrettably with great measure of success - presented the Slovak struggle for independence as something subversive, dishonest and outr~eous. Dr. Jozef Pauco was one of those Slovak patriots who took upon themselves the task of changing this unsatisfactory state of affairs . They set out to expose falsehood , to defend the truth, to convince people that there was nothing subversive or unnatural in a nation's struggle for its independence . To promote and disseminate these ideas Dr. Pauco and his circle of friends launched a number of journals in the English language in which they tried to represent the political situation of Slovakia in its proper SLOVAKIA 7 context and in its true light. Dr. Pauco, as the Secretary-General of the Slovak National Council Abroad, was the editor of the monthly, Bulletin of the Slovak National Council (appeared in 1953-58), and at the same time assisted P. A. Hrobak in editing another informative journal in the English language, Slovak Newsletter. The revue Slovakia "<as a far more ambitious and more durable project. It started its existence in 1950 when the Slovak League of America - prompted by its Secretary, Dr. Frantisek Hrusovsky decided to publish an English magazine dealing with Slovak cultural, political, historical and social affairs. The objectives of this magazine were stated thus: ''The chief purpose of Slovakia is to promote a better understanding and appreciation of the Slovak nation and its long struggle for freedom and independence.'' Initially the magazine was published quarterly but in the past 15 years it has been appearing as an annual publication. The first editor of Slovakia was Phillip A. Hrobak. Pauco's collaboration with this magazine started from the beginning. He provided not only editorial help but was also one of the most regular contributors. From 1964 (after the death of P. A. Hrobak) Dr. Jozef Pauco who in the meantime had been elected the Secretary of the Slovak League of America - took over the editorship. In the following eleven years he carried out this function expertly and efficiently. He tried hard and successfully to make Slovakia into a respected and representative revue. He gave Slovakia a new, more contemporary style. Prior to his editorship the content of Slovakia was largely made up of articles published originally in Slovak and intended primarily for the Slovak public. Dr. Pauco gradually changed that. He used to approach Slovak men of letters, Slovak historians and politicians with requests for specially written contributions. In this way there appeared in Slovakia many valuable essays and reviews in which various aspects of Slovak history, culture, politics, emigration, etc. were presented in an informative manner with the emphasis on those essentials in which a non-Slovak reader would be and should be interested. The imprint left by Pauco's dedicated and professional work is indelible and lasting. In compiling each issue of Slovakia Dr. Pauco tried to maintain an even balance. The variety of topics and the wide range of contributors from every corner of the world are an eloquent testimony to these efforts. No aspect of Slovak life, both past and present, was left untouched. From the study of the past issues of Slovakia the reader can obtain an undistorted picture of Slovaks, their country and their aspirations. In presenting this picture Dr. Pauco wanted to show to the free and freedom-loving people in the West the eventful history, the cultural riches and the political maturity of the Slovak nation. And in all this there was an implicit plea not so much for sympathy as for understanding. As an exiled son of a nation forcibly deprived of its in- 8 SLOVAKIA dependence, Dr. Jozef Pauco was valiantly striving to procure justice for his enslaved countrymen. The whole nation will gratefully remember his sacrifice and his devoted service. May he rest in peace! F. VNUK Australia SLOVAKIA 9 Foreword As part of the Bicentennial programs of the Slovak League of America, we are happy to publish this special issue of our annual publication. After we suffered the loss of our long time editor, Dr. Joseph Pauco, who died on November 18, 1975, we fortunately obtained the services of Michael Novak, Slovak American author and lay theologian, as acting editor-in-chief. Into new hands is now committed the guidance and issuance of our Slovakia with all its heritage of things attained, with all its hopes of things to come. The hands of our current generation of Slovak Americans are new but they are firm and strong. Michael Novak brings to his task an equipment rare in fullness and rich in promise. The elders of our Slovak ethnics are cognizant that we are the passing instruments of a process that transcends our fleeting hour. We know that on each new generation this duty to take over the torch rests afresh. I am confident that the works compiled herein will mark the 1976 issue of Slovakia as an outstanding contribution by youthful Slovak Americans to the ethnic bicentennial and to the growing influence of the Slovak League and our affiliated organizations in the expended ethnic identification in America's pluralistic society. Accordingly, I am delighted, as President of the Slovak League, to express my official as well as personal gratitude to Dr. Novak and to the contributors whose works appear herein. To all to whom these lines appear, I wish you many moments of joyous, serious and rewarding reading and contemplative cogitation. EDWARD J. BEHUNCIK President 10 SLOVAKIA Editor's Note The untimely death of Joseph Pauco left a vacancy, hard to fill , in the editorship of Slovakia. After his arrival in America, Pauco served the aspirations of the Slovak people long and well. We stand in his debt, dedicating this issue to him. Yet, characteristically, life springs from death. In the vacuum he left, while the present editor stood confused and in need of help, younger talents sprang up to offer their assistance. Mark Stolarik and John Bodnar bring to Slovakia a taste of the new scholarship, which is slowly but deeply revising the picture of immigration held by American historians. Other young colleagues of theirs will, we hope, join us in the future and make of Slovakia one of the best outlets of the new scholarship . Andrew Cincura and Owen V. Johnson add depth and balance to this volume. The new anthology by Cincura will be a major event in Slovak life in English-speaking lands, an indispensable and herculean effort; we are pleased to offer the readers of Slovakia a foretaste of his large new book. Professor Johnson ' s cool, objective tone witnesses to a new level of maturity and frank, open disagreement proper to the world of high scholarship. In 1976, the United States is 200 years old. But the great migration from Eastern Slovakia to the U.S. is barely 100 years old. One hundred years! It is time, now, for a new chapter to be opened in SlovakAmerican life - a new level of scholarship, a new tone of voice, a new depth and energy, a new generation to pick up the long struggle of the brave, suffering peoples of the past. Slovaks do not stand alone at the present moment. On all sides , many other ethnic peoples - and all those millions of Americans of mixed ethnic ancestry - are struggling to gain a clearer idea of their own identity and of America's . Scholarship is desperately needed, as are repositories of letters, diaries, legal records, old newspapers, and material of all sorts that scholars might study. And we need writers, novelists, poets, dramatists, moviemakers, song-writers, reporters, journalists of all sorts . And political sophistication and clout. Who were our grandparents? Why did tn(!y come to America - or, for later migrants, why did they stay longer in Slovakia? In order to enter our future intelligently, we need · to understand our special history . This issue, then, having anchored itself in a remembrance of things past , looks toward the future. MICHAEL NOV AK May 28, 1976 SLOVAKIA 11 RESOLUTION UNANIMOUSLY ADOPTED BYTHE BICENTENNIAL CELEBRATION CONFERENCE OFTHE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA PHILADELPHIA, PENNSYLVANIA MARCH 27, 1976 On the occasion of the annual conference of the Slovak League of America held in the historic City of Philadelphia during this last weekend of March in our nation's bicentennial year, the officers and delegates lawfully assembled in the shadows of Independence Hall solemnly and unanimously reiterate our unswerving, permanent and loyal commitment and dedication to the basic moral and ethical principles herein enumerated: 1. Preservation and expansion of the moral truths enunciated in the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution and the Bill of Rights of the United States and in the Charter of the United Nations. 2. Condemnation of all forms of tyranny and totalitarian political systems , especially the atheistic philosophy of materialistic communism. 3. Conviction that the peaceful cooperation between countries based upon the principles enunciated in the Charter of the United Nations is in harmony with the aspirations and hopes of all peace-loving peoples and the basis of international peace . 4. Conviction that peace in Europe - and thus peace in the world - can never be complete until everywhere in Europe men can choose, in peace and freedom, how their countries will be governed. 5. Reaffirmation of our faith in fundamental human rights , in the dignity and worth of the human person and in the rights of men and women and of nations , large and small, to enjoy free government of the people , by the people and for the people. In accordance with the above as well as with the principles set forth in the Constitution and By-Laws of the Slovak League of America, we declare that: A. We, Slovak Americans of second, third and fourth United States generations , seek and will continue to seek our equitable share in the fruits and advantages which belong to us as much as they belong 12 SLOVAKIA to any other ethnic group making up the great mosaic which is these United States of America. B. We will continue to make our special contributions to these United States of America as our native or adopted country goes forward in its third century of growth and progress. C. We will continue to cherish our eleven hundred year old Christian tradition with our own Slovak language, songs, dances, arts and cultural specialties which set us apart as a special unit of the great Slav family of peoples. D. We will, by exercising our ethnic qualities, emulate our Slovak forbear Major Polerecky who, on behalf of the General of the Armies, George Washington, accepted the sword of surrender from General Cornwallis at Yorktown and our contemporary Slovak American, Captain Eugene Ceman, one of the first humans to land on and explore the moon. E. The eventual liberation of our brethren and kinsfolk in subjugated Slovakia, and, in the ecumenical spirit of the day, all mankind, from the tyranny and yoke of atheistic materialism of godless communism must and will be our continuous goal. NOW, THEREFORE, to give action to our hopes and aspirations, we respectfully submit that to effectuate the above declared ideals, we must, individually and collectively, through our chosen authorities of state and nation, seek assistance in remaking this world in which we live - now - today - this day and this week. We agree to continue to be inspired by our prayers and deliberations here at historic independence Hall being cognizant and especially appreciative of the great rights and privileges we enjoy as citizens of the greatest democracy in the history of mankind. Further, we authorize our League president and executive secretary to take such other action as they believe will be in the best interests and of assistance in bringing the above sentiments to the attention of such authorities and officials as they believe will bring to fruition our aspirations herein set forth. IN WITNESS WHEREOF, these resolutions have been unanimously adopted at our Bicentennial Conference here at Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, this 27th day of March, 1976. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA Edward J. Behuncik, President John A. Holy, Executive Secretary \  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Front Matter, Slovakia, Vol. 26 (No. 49) Description An account of the resource includes In Memoriam (Edward J. Behuncik); In Memoriam: Dr. Joseph Paučo (F. Vnuk); Foreword (Edward J. Behuncik); Editor's Note (Michael Novak), Resolution by the Bicentennial Conference of the Slovak League of America Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Vnuk, František, 1926- Behuncik, Edward J. Novak, Michael, 1933-2017 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1976 LCNAF+dates name SNK